The Correspondence of Robert Boyle: 1636-1691 2001021813, 9781851961252, 9781003253839

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T HE C ORRESPONDENCE OF R OBERT B OYLE

Principal translators DAVID MONEY TERESA BRIDGEMAN Principal editorial assistants BEN COATES ROSALIND DAVIES SARA PENNELL

THE C ORRESPONDENCE OF R OBERT B OYLE Edited by Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio and Lawrence M. Principe

VOLUME

1

1636–61 Introduction

First published 2001 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © Taylor & Francis 2001 All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. BRITISH LIBRARY CATALOGUING IN PUBLICATION DATA

The correspondence of Robert Boyle, 1636–1691. – (The Pickering masters) 1. Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691 2. Scientists – England I. Hunter, Michael II. Clericuzio, Antonio III. Lawrence M. Principe 509.2 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691. [Correspondence] Correspondence of Robert Boyle, 1636–1691 / edited by Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio and Lawrence M. Principe. p. cm. – (The Pickering masters)

1. Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691 – Correspondence. I. Hunter, Michael Cyril William. II. Title.

2. Scientists – Ireland – Correspondence.

Q143.B77 A4 2001 509.2 —dc21 [B] 2001021813

ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-125-2 (set) DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839 Typeset by P&C

Contents Acknowledgments List of abbreviations

vii ix

INTRODUCTION 1 The Correspondence of Robert Boyle 2 History of the Publication of Boyle’s Correspondence 3 Sources 4 Lost Letters 5 The Boundaries of this Edition 6 Editorial Methods 7 Headers and Footers Principal Events in the Life of Robert Boyle THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ROBERT BOYLE, 1636–61 1636 1638 1640 1641 1642 1644 1645 1646 1647 1648 1649 1650 1651 1652 1653 1654 1655 1656 v

xi xiii xvi xxv xxxi xxxviii xliv l 3 6 7 11 19 25 26 29 45 65 77 88 90 107 139 151 185 194

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1657 1658 1659 1660 1661

1, 1636–61

207 246 319 398 443

Textual notes

477

Biographical guide

506

Glossary

511

vi

Acknowledgments The history of this project is outlined in section 2 of the Introduction. Here, we would like to record our gratitude to the scholars who have allowed us to use their materials – notably the late Dr R. E. W. Maddison and Professor A. R. and Dr M. B. Hall – and to the grant-giving bodies who have supported our work. The Foundation for Intellectual History played a crucial role in the early stages by paying for much of the initial work of translation and supporting Antonio Clericuzio on research visits to England. Subsequently, generous grants have come from the British Academy (who adopted The Correspondence of Boyle as an official research project in 1996) and latterly from the Arts and Humanities Research Board: these have paid for the salaries of the assistants on the project, and for various other expenses. Grants have also come from the Royal Society, the Wellcome Trust and the Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche; these, too, are gratefully acknowledged. In addition, both Michael Hunter and Antonio Clericuzio have been supported by their respective institutions, Birkbeck College, University of London, and the University of Cassino. A major contribution has also been made by Pickering & Chatto, who had Dr Maddison’s and other materials optically scanned at an early stage in the project, and who have been supportive and accommodating at every stage of what has at times proved a rather daunting enterprise. The following have assisted us in various ways. The translation work of David Money, Teresa Bridgeman, Lodewijk Palm and Philip Weller is acknowledged in section 6 of the Introduction. In the case of the French letters, a subordinate contribution was made by Charles Littleton, who also checked their texts against the originals. Roger Fearnside gave us the benefit of his expertise in describing the seals, initially with the assistance of Hubert Chesshire, Chester Herald. The Hartlib Papers Project kindly supplied an electronic version of the Hartlib–Boyle letters published by Birch which we were able to use as the basis of our text. The research assistants on the project have been Janet Barnes, Ben Coates, Rosalind Davies, Kate Fleet, Lien Bich Luu, Wendy McVey, Martha Morris and Sara Pennell. Valuable help has also been given by Harriet Knight, Christine Mason, Sue Rodmell and Lesley Suckling. Various archivists and others have been highly cooperative in answering enquiries and in providing access – either direct or indirect – to items in their vii

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custody: Linda R. Allan, Toby Appel, Lawrence Aspden, Rupert Baker, Ronald Brashear, Joanna Corden, Peter Day, Peter Drummey, Carrie Foley, Nicholas Graham, Frances Harris, Jennifer Jacobsen, Bonnie Linck, Alison McCann, Peter McNiven, Mary Nixon, Adam Perkins, Diana F. Peterson, Anton van der Lem, John Walker, Denis Whiting, John Wing, Nicholas Wyatt and Patrick Zutschi. Iordan Avramov, Joyce Chaplin, Mordechai Feingold and Alastair Hamilton have read and commented on sections of the text. Others who have helped in a variety of ways include Edward B. Davis, Janelle Evans, Roger Gaskell, Jasper Gaunt, Graham Gibbs, Mark Goldie, Sarah Hutton, Laura Keen, Thomas Leng, Patrick Little, John Murrin, Sugiko Nishikawa, David Silverman, Bruce Stark, G. J. Toomer, Carolyn Travers, Klaus van Berkel and John Wilson. Permission to reproduce letters in the edition has been granted by the various repositories in which they survive. We are particularly grateful to the President and Council of the Royal Society, to the Duke of Devonshire and the Chatsworth Settlement Trustees, and to the Massachusetts Historical Society, details of whose holdings are given in section 3 of the Introduction along with other large holdings of letters. Here, it is appropriate to note collections where letters survive piecemeal, including Cambridge University Library; the Cushing/Whitney Medical Library, Yale University; the Charles Robert Autograph Collection, Haverford College, Pennsylvania; the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York; the Dibner Collection, Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C.; the Waller Collection, University of Uppsala. Material from the Portland Papers is included by permission of the Marquess of Bath, Longleat House, Warminster, Wiltshire. MH AC LMP

March 2001

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List of Abbreviations Add. MS Aspiring Adept Birch, Royal Society Birch (ed.), Works BL BP Commons Journal CSPD CSPI DNB F.R.S. Firth and Rait, Acts Frank, Harvey GEC HP Harwood, Essays Hunter, Letters and Papers I Lismore

British Library Additional Manuscript Lawrence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and his Alchemical Quest (Princeton, 1998) Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society of London, 4 vols (London, 1756–7) Thomas Birch (ed.), The Works of Robert Boyle, 5 vols (London, 1744) Royal Society Boyle Letters Royal Society Boyle Papers Journals of the House of Commons, 1547– (London, 1803– present) Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, 1603–70, ed. C. W. Russell et al., 13 vols (London, 1870–1910) Dictionary of National Biography Fellow of the Royal Society C. H. Firth and R. S. Rait (eds), Acts and Ordnances and Ordinances of the Interregnum, 3 vols (London, 1911) R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists: a Study of Scientific Ideas and Social Interaction (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1980) G. A. Cockayne, Complete Peerage, new edition, 14 vols (London, 1910–59) Hartlib Papers, University of Sheffield John T. Harwood (ed.), The Early Essays and Ethics of Robert Boyle (Carbondale and Edwardville, 1980) Michael Hunter, Letters and Papers of Robert Boyle: a Guide to the Manuscripts and Microfilm (Bethesda, Md. 1992) A. B. Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (First Series), viz. Autobiographical Notes, Remembrances and Diaries of Sir Richard Boyle, First and ‘Great’ Earl of Cork, 5 vols (London, 1886) ix

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II Lismore Lords Journal Maddison, Life Maddison, ‘Tentative Index’ NRRS OED Oeuvres complètes Oldenburg Ortus medicinae Phil. Trans. RBHF RCHM RS Stubbs, i Stubbs, ii

Turnbull, HDC Webster, Great Instauration Works

1, 1636–61

A. B. Grosart (ed.), The Lismore Papers (Second Series), viz. Selections from the Private and Public (or State) Correspondence of Sir Richard Boyle, 5 vols (London, 1887–8) Journals of the House of Lords, 1509– (London, 1846–present) R. E. W. Maddison, The Life of the Hon. Robert Boyle (London, 1969) R. E. W. Maddison, ‘A Tentative Index to the Correspondence of the Honourable Robert Boyle’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 13 (1958), 128–201 Notes and Records of the Royal Society Oxford English Dictionary Christiaan Huygens, Oeuvres complètes, 22 vols (Amsterdam and The Hague, 1888–1950) A. R. and M. B. Hall (eds), The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 13 vols (Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1965–86) J. B. van Helmont, Ortus medicinae. Id est initia physicae inaudita, ed. F. M. van Helmont (Amsterdam, 1648; reprinted Brussells, 1966) Philosophical Transactions Michael Hunter (ed.), Robert Boyle by Himself and his Friends (London, 1994) Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts Royal Society Mayling Stubbs, ‘John Beale, Philosophical Gardener of Herefordshire. Part I. Prelude to the Royal Society (1608– 63)’, Annals of Science, 39 (1982), 463–89 Mayling Stubbs, ‘John Beale, Philosophical Gardener of Herefordshire. Part II. The Improvement of Agriculture and Trade in the Royal Society (1663–83)’, Annals of Science, 46 (1989), 323–63 G. H. Turnbull, Hartlib, Dury and Comenius: Gleanings from Hartlib’s Papers (London, 1947) Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform 1626–60 (London, 1975) Michael Hunter and Edward B. Davis (eds), The Works of Robert Boyle, 14 vols (London, 1999–2000)

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Introduction 1. The Correspondence of Robert Boyle Robert Boyle (1627–91) was one of the leading figures in English and European intellectual life for much of the late seventeenth century. Celebrated in his own time as a natural philosopher and as a prolific author on scientific and religious issues, he also played a significant role in various other fields. This is the first complete edition of his correspondence, presenting in chronological order the text of all surviving letters to and from him, together with any enclosures that these contained. We have also included details of letters known once to have existed which are now lost. The correspondence ranges over a number of themes. There are family letters to and from Boyle’s father, the Great Earl of Cork, and various of his illustrious siblings – the second Earl of Cork and first Earl of Burlington; the first Earl of Orrery; Katherine, Lady Ranelagh; and Mary, Countess of Warwick. Other letters are from Boyle’s associates in the pursuit of improved knowledge of nature and its technological spin-offs, perhaps particularly the ‘intelligencers’, Samuel Hartlib and Henry Oldenburg, but also including such savants as Robert Hooke, Daniel Coxe, John Locke and John Beale. Equally revealing are Boyle’s letters with alchemists, most notably the shadowy Georges Pierre in Normandy, but also including obscure English figures whose traces bring to light a lost world of ideas in Boyle’s period in which he participated to a perhaps surprising extent. Also well represented are Boyle’s contacts among clergymen, particularly Thomas Barlow, Bishop of Lincoln, and Narcissus Marsh, Provost of Trinity College, Dublin. The correspondence illustrates Boyle’s active role in the promotion of Protestant Christianity in the mission field. For nearly thirty years Governor of the Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England (the New England Company), his profound interest in the affairs of that body is illustrated by many letters, some of them previously unpublished. Other letters give details of Boyle’s involvement in projects to promulgate a Gaelic translation of the Bible in Ireland and in the Scottish Highlands, while his charity towards those in need is reflected by various letters seeking his assistance, not least from victims of the persecution of Protestants in France under Louis XIV. xi

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Within the correspondence as a whole there are various chronological patterns which may be briefly indicated here. Volume 1 opens with letters from Boyle’s schooldays and from his continental travels, mainly to his father, the Great Earl of Cork. Thereafter, this volume is dominated by a series of lengthy letters from Samuel Hartlib to Boyle (Boyle’s letters to Hartlib are, unfortunately, mainly lost). These are interspersed by a miscellaneous spread of letters between Boyle and such family members as his sister, Lady Ranelagh, and such friends as John Mallet, William Petty (both later knighted), Benjamin Worsley, Frederick Clodius and, later in the 1650s, John Evelyn. A particularly significant episode is represented by the letters to Boyle from George Starkey in 1651–2. Volumes 2 and 3, dealing with the five years 1662–7, are dominated by Boyle’s correspondence with Henry Oldenburg, which had in fact begun in volume 1, overlapping with that with Oldenburg’s mentor, Hartlib. In fact, the correspondence is more Oldenburg’s than Boyle’s since many of Boyle’s letters are unfortunately lost, except for a group dating mainly from 1665. Nevertheless, the Oldenburg–Boyle correspondence is a remarkable one, displaying a degree of intimacy over several years that is unparalleled either in this edition or in Oldenburg’s voluminous correspondence as a whole. The principal other epistolary relationship evidenced in these volumes is that with John Beale, whose profuse attentions from rural Somerset Boyle shared both with Oldenburg and with Evelyn, and to whom he evidently replied regularly, though not one of his responses is extant.a This relationship was terminated only by Beale’s death in 1683. In addition, these volumes contain significant groups of letters from Robert Hooke and Daniel Coxe, while others reflect Boyle’s role as Governor of the New England Company from 1662 onwards. Volume 4 starts with the tail-end of the correspondences represented in the previous volumes, reflecting the relationships arising from Boyle’s continuing residence outside London until 1668. However, Boyle’s move to the metropolis in that year means that the character of the correspondence changes markedly. Letters from Oldenburg and other London informants cease almost overnight, and instead other and more miscellaneous themes come to the fore. Thus family letters recur at intervals, not least when Boyle and his siblings were engaged in litigation. A significant group of letters from Robert Southwell and his son, Sir Robert, reflects Boyle’s concern in the early 1670s to deal justly with the ministers of the Irish benefices whose impropriations he held. Both at this time and later, Boyle was involved with scholars like Thomas Hyde in evangelical publishing initiatives, aimed particularly at the Middle East, such concerns running in parallel with a For Beale’s letters to Oldenburg, see Oldenburg, passim; his extensive letters to Evelyn form a major component of the John Evelyn correspondence in the Evelyn Papers, now at the British Library.

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Boyle’s continued activity in connection with the New England Company (he was only finally to resign the post of Governor in 1689). Then, the latter part of volume 4 and the start of volume 5 are characterised by the profuse and extraordinary series of letters that Boyle received from the alchemist, Georges Pierre, and various French associates. Letters later in the volume and continuing into volume 5 reflect Boyle’s enthusiasm for the edition of the Bible in Irish for which he largely paid, while in volume 6 we have details of the Scottish sequel to this. The last volume also presents an extensive series of letters between Boyle and his principal advisor in the casuistical concerns which we now know were so important to him, Thomas Barlow, while other clerical associates in these years include Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury. These later years also see a proliferation of letters from continental savants to whom Boyle had been made known through the profuse writings that he had by now published in Latin and English, while there are also a number of begging letters, not least from impoverished Huguenot refugees in London. 2. History of the Publication of Boyle’s Correspondence In publishing Boyle’s correspondence, we have various precursors. The most important was the eighteenth-century antiquary and divine, Thomas Birch, who included a significant body of letters to and from Boyle in the fifth volume of his edition of Boyle’s Works published in 1744; he also drew on others for the ‘Life’ of Boyle that was included in the first volume of that edition.a Though Birch’s is the name with which the edition is exclusively associated, Birch was greatly assisted in preparing these parts of the work by the dissenting minister, Henry Miles, about whom more will be said later in this introduction.b It is also worth noting that Birch’s account of Boyle’s life and letters brought to fruition an earlier project by the scholar, William Wotton; this proved abortive, but Wotton’s extensive work on Boyle’s papers in preparation for it is also much in evidence in the archive, including a careful list of selected letters, many of them no longer extant, which is printed as appendix 4 to this edition.c

a In contrast to the 2nd edition of 1772, in which the ‘Life’ has a separate pagination in Roman numerals, in that of 1744 this has an Arabic pagination duplicating that of the textual component of the volume. Here it may be presumed that references in vol. 1 are to the ‘Life’. b See Hunter, Letters and Papers, pp. xiii–v, xvii–xx; RBHF, pp. lviii–ix; R. E. W. Maddison, ‘A Summary of Former Accounts of the Life and Work of Robert Boyle’, Annals of Science, 13 (1957), 90–108; M. B. Hall, ‘Henry Miles, F.R.S. (1698–1763) and Thomas Birch, F.R.S. (1705–66)’, NRRS, 18 (1963), 39–44. c See vol. 6, pp. 397–414. On Wotton’s ‘Life’, its rationale and such fragments of it as survive, see RBHF, esp. pp. xxxviff. See also Hunter, Letters and Papers, pp. xii–iii.

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Birch’s selection of letters for publication was extensive but slightly arbitrary. His coverage is most comprehensive in the case of clerics, scholars and others in whom he and Miles were interested, such as Thomas Barlow, Gilbert Burnet and Joseph Glanvill, though even here his selection was slightly erratic, while his coverage of more minor figures was haphazard. In his edition, the letters in the ‘Life’ appear at the appropriate chronological point in his narrative, while those in the final volume are grouped by author: all the letters from Boyle come first, largely in chronological order, with undated ones first, followed by letters to him grouped by correspondent in a sequence based on the date of the earliest letter from the correspondent in question.a In fact, there are two such sequences, due at least partly to the fact that the Boyle material that Wotton had held onto in connection with his abortive ‘Life’ only reached Henry Miles when the preparations for Birch’s edition were far advanced.b In addition, various appendices to the ‘Life’ collected together documents surviving among the Boyle Letters relating to Boyle’s involvement with New England, including various letters to him from John Eliot, and to the projects for making the Bible available in Irish and Gaelic with which Boyle was associated. It is interesting that, in separating out this material relating to Boyle’s evangelical concerns, Birch was following the mandate of William Wotton, as reflected in his list of letters.c Birch’s edition represents by far the most substantial published collection of Boyle letters prior to the present one, and since then publication has mainly been of piecemeal materials. The later eighteenth century saw the publication of items relating to Boyle’s activity as Governor of the New England Company, which continued into the nineteenth.d In the 1880s further important documents saw the a Extracts from certain of these letters also appear in the ‘Life’; it has not seemed appropriate to note such extracts in the headers to the letters in question. b The second sequence begins, following various undated letters, with Wilkins’s letter to Boyle of 6 Sept. 1653 in Birch (ed.), Works, v, 629. For the complicated negotiations over the Wotton letters, see Maddison, ‘A Summary’ (above, p. xiii), p. 101ff. However, although many of the letters in the second sequence appear in Wotton’s list, at least one-third do not, probably because Miles came across them while doing further work on the archive. In addition, quite a number of letters listed by Wotton appear in the first sequence, implying that not all the items in his list were still in his possession at his death. c See below, pp. xvii–viii. Non-epistolary documents presented in these appendices include Boyle’s will (cf. Maddison, Life, pp. 257–82), the charter of the New England Company, and the preface to the Irish New Testament. d See esp. T. Hutchinson (ed.), A Collection of Papers Relative to the History of the Colony of Massachusets-Bay (Boston, 1769), pp. 374–7, 388–9, 450–1; E. Hazard (ed.), Historical Collections: consisting of State Papers and other authentic documents; intended as materials for an History of the United States of America, 2 vols (Philadelphia, 1792), ii, 453–5, 455–60, 470–6, 491–6, 528–31; Daniel Gookin, ‘Historical Collections of the Indians in New England’, in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1 (1792), 141–227 (on pp. 214–18); David Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England, 12 vols (Boston, 1855–61), esp. vol. 10; J. W. Ford (ed.), Some Correspondence between the Governors and Treasurers of the New England Company in London and the Commissioners of the United Colonies in America (London, 1897, following original private publication in 1896).

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light of day through the editorial work on the epistolary remains of the Boyle family of the Rev. A. B. Grosart in his Lismore Papers, while the 1890s saw the publication of various Boyle letters in the early volumes of the edition of the Oeuvres complètes of Christiaan Huygens published by the Societé Hollandaise des Sciences, commenced in 1888. Otherwise, little was done till the late twentieth century, when sections of Boyle’s correspondence received attention as part of complete editions of the letters of various figures with whom he exchanged letters, notably Antoni van Leeuwenhoek, Isaac Newton, Henry Oldenburg, and John Locke.a Here, it is appropriate to single out A. R. and M. B. Hall’s edition of The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 13 vols (1965–86), since the editors have generously allowed us to use their text and annotations as the basis of our edition of the letters between Boyle and Oldenburg – the most substantial single section of the correspondence – though we have freshly collated the texts with the originals to bring them in line with our preferred house-style, and have also made a number of additions and alterations to the apparatus. Even more important in the present connection was the work of Dr R. E. W. Maddison. In 1958, Maddison published what he described as ‘A Tentative Index of the Correspondence of the Honourable Robert Boyle, F.R.S.’ – a complete listing of letters to and from Boyle and ancillary items in chronological order; this appeared in Notes and Records of the Royal Society in 1958, and it bears a recognisable similarity to the corpus presented here, though a number of additions have since been made.b Then, with the help of a grant from the Leverhulme Trust in 1962– 4, Dr Maddison transcribed a large number of letters that had not hitherto been published with a view to producing an edition like the present one, though this never materialised. In 1990, he very kindly made this body of material available so that it could be optically scanned for inclusion in the present edition. These materials were returned to him prior to his death in 1993, and they now form part of the collection of his papers at the University of Kent at Canterbury, along with such items as his chronological series of notes on Boyle, which comprises materials both for his Life of the Hon. Robert Boyle (1965) and for annotations to the correspondence. The current project originated in 1989 in parallel with the new edition of Boyle’s Works in the ‘Pickering Masters’ series, edited by Michael Hunter and Edward B. Davis and published in fourteen volumes in 1999–2000. The edition a

For bibliographical details, see vol. 5, pp. 109, 141; vol. 6, p. vii. It may be helpful to record here the handful of ‘ghost’ letters in Maddison’s ‘Tentative Index’, deleted as a result either of Dr Maddison’s or our own further researches: Oldenburg to Boyle, early Oct/ 2 Oct. 1657 [these are the same letter]; Oldenburg to Boyle, 21 Apr. 1658; Boyle to Mallet, 27 Apr. 1658 [same letter as 17 Apr.]; Sydenham to Boyle, 2 Apr. 1666; Hooke to Boyle, 9 Sept. 1667 [same letter as 5 Sept.]; Beale to Boyle, 8 Oct. 1670 [same letter as 12 Oct.]; Barlow to Boyle, letters of Jan. 1685 [should be June 1684]; Boyle to Burnet, after 14 June 1686. b

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was originally conceived and planned by Michael Hunter and Antonio Clericuzio, and while Michael Hunter has throughout been chiefly responsible for locating and checking the texts used and for preparing the introductory material and appendices, Antonio Clericuzio initially took responsibility for the annotations. However, from the outset an important contribution was made by Lawrence M. Principe, who agreed to deal with the letters between Boyle and Georges Pierre and other shadowy French alchemists which form a significant component of the corpus, having dealt with this episode at length in his The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and his Alchemical Quest (1998). He also provided texts and translations of the letters between Boyle and George Starkey which he and William R. Newman are about to publish in a separate study, crucially supplementing the text surviving in the Boyle Letters with other, hitherto unknown, versions.a In the latter stages of preparing the edition, Lawrence Principe has played a major role in bringing it to fruition, dealing particularly with the emendation of translations of non-English material and with many of the technical issues arising in letters on alchemical and other topics; he has therefore agreed to become a full member of the editorial team. As recorded in the Acknowledgments, a major role in getting the project off the ground in the first place was played by the Foundation for Intellectual History, which, through the generosity of Constance Blackwell, paid for the initial translation of all letters written in Latin and French into English. The latter task was executed by Teresa Bridgeman, and the former by David Money, who has also assisted in preparing an accurate text of the Latin letters and in elucidating classical allusions throughout the edition as a whole. A further important landmark was the adoption of the project as a British Academy Research Project in 1996; latterly, it has been supported by the Arts and Humanities Research Board. With the support of these bodies and assisted by the various individuals who are recorded in full in the Acknowledgments, it has now been possible to bring the project to a successful conclusion. 3. Sources A correspondence is an artificial construct, reproducing an exchange of letters between an individual and various of his or her peers which by definition will bear no direct relationship to any particular archive. On the other hand, since the letters that it comprises are extant in distinct archives, it is necessary to do justice to the various deposits in which these elements survive, which need to be understood in a

See W. R. Newman and L. M. Principe’s study, Tried in the Fire: Starkey, Boyle and the Fate of Helmontian Chymistry and their edition of The Laboratory Notebooks and Correspondence of George Starkey, both forthcoming from the University of Chicago Press. These letters date from 1651–2, and to be found on pp. 90–103 and 107–31, below.

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order to understand the correspondence as a whole.a Hence a little will be said here about each of the major collections of manuscript letters to or from Boyle. a. The Boyle Letters and other holdings of the Royal Society. By far the largest deposit of material that is drawn on in the present edition is the collection known as the Boyle Letters at the Royal Society, comprising seven guardbooks of letters to and from Boyle. An ancillary item is the volume in the Society’s collection of Early Letters devoted to the correspondence of Boyle, Oldenburg and John Beale (Early Letters OB), which has an overlapping history.b These letters all appear to derive from Boyle’s own papers, in contrast to the more limited range of relevant items which have formed part of the Society’s own archive since Boyle’s own time, namely the letters from him to Oldenburg now preserved in Early Letters B 1, and a few other items evidently deposited with the Society at a similar date.c Another important source on which we have drawn for various letters is Oldenburg’s letterbook, Royal Society MS 1. As far as the Boyle collection of letters is concerned, its history is as follows. It comprises a mixture of letters addressed to Boyle from others and his own retained drafts and copies, together with a handful of letters from him that were evidently dispatched but later returned to him.d During Boyle’s lifetime, it seems likely that his correspondence was stored as an integral part of his collection of papers, from which it was only partially differentiated: inventories of his manuscripts during his lifetime refer to letters, but in a way that suggests that bundles of letters were interspersed with other types of material in the house in Pall Mall that he shared with his sister, Lady Ranelagh.e It seems that the process of separating the letters into a separate category was begun by William Wotton in the course of preparing materials for his abortive ‘Life of Boyle’. It is apparent from his list of Boyle letters which survives among the Boyle Papers and is published in volume 6, that Wotton divided the letters up into a For further remarks on this subject, see Michael Hunter, ‘Introduction’, in id. (ed.), Archives of the Scientific Revolution (Woodbridge, 1998), esp. pp. 16–17. b A microfilm of this volume is available as part of Collections from the Royal Society, project editor Paul Kesaris (Bethesda, Md., 1992): it comprises reel 10, frames 0689–1142, of The Early Letters and Classified Papers 1660–1740. Collections from the Royal Society also includes a parallel microfilm of Letters and Papers of Robert Boyle, issued in the same year: a complete catalogue of this appears in Hunter, Letters and Papers. c E.g., the letter from David Thomas of 30 Jan. 1665 in EL T 7, that of 25 Apr. 1666 from John Wallis in EL W 1 18, or that from Israel Conradt of 28 Apr. 1672 in EL C 1 105 (see vol. 2, pp. 451– 2; vol. 3, pp. 141–56; vol. 4, pp. 247–62). Many of these items were copied into the Society’s letterbooks and copy letterbooks in the 18th century: though endorsements to this effect have generally been noted, we have not attempted to tabulate all such copies systematically here. d E.g., the letters from Boyle to Mallet in BL 1, fols 116–17, 143–4, below, pp. 139–42, 145–7. e See Hunter, Letters and Papers, p. xvii, and p. xiff., passim. See also Works, vol. 14, esp. p. 354.

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chronological bundles, with separate categories for undated letters, letters concerning Biblical translations, and family letters.a In addition, Wotton’s scrutiny of many of the extant items in the Boyle Letters is indicated in his endorsements to them, which are itemised piecemeal in the apparatus to each letter. Wotton was followed by Henry Miles, who assisted Birch in preparing the selection of letters that appeared in Birch’s edition.b Again, Miles’s annotations on the letters, and especially his red crayon numbers, are much in evidence on the extant manuscripts, as are comparable markings by Thomas Birch.c Moreover, both Boyle Letters vol. 7 and Early Letters OB are actual guardbooks prepared by Miles, which retain his numeration/pagination and his introductory notes. Early Letters OB was the first section of the correspondence to reach the Royal Society, as is illustrated both by Miles’s dated note to it, and by his letter to the President of the Society, Martin Folkes, dated 24 October 1745.d This volume falls into two parts. First, there is a general title-page to the volume as a whole – ‘Original Letters of Henry Oldenburg Esquire S.R.S. Dr John Beale F.R.S. &c. to the honourable Robert Boyle &c.’ – followed by a note and an inventory (described as an ‘Index’) of the Oldenburg letters in Miles’s hand; this tallies with the final numeration to the letters that follow, though the letters themselves often also bear different numbers bearing witness to earlier stages in the process of sorting. The note, signed by Miles and dated ‘Tooting August 20th 1745’, reads as follows: The following Original Letters of Mr Oldenburg containing various particulars, which relate to the state and affairs of the Royal Society, both for some time before, and many years after its incorporation by Charter, are here collected together; with a view, more especially, to their affording some assistance in compiling a more extensive history of that Illustrious Body, than that we have; if such a design should hereafter be undertaken. And in order to facilitate the consulting these letters, on that, or any other occasion, they are plac’d in this Chart Book, according to the order of the time of their dates, with an Index of their contents: in which some things, which may, perhaps, appear too minute to take notice of, consider’d in themselves, are inserted, because, as they serve to ascertain circumstances of time and place &c. they may be found useful; and for the same reason, some few letters are put into this collection, which do not contain matters, in other respects, very material.

a BP 36, fols 180–9; see vol. 6, pp. 397–414. Certain of Wotton’s endorsements on individual letters tally with the groupings in his list; see Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 12 Oct. [1655]; Povey to Boyle, 8 May 1661; and Hyde to Boyle, 20 May 1671 (see below, pp. 193, 420; vol. 4, p. 208). b See above, p. xiv. For Miles’s work on the archive, see Hunter, Letters and Papers, pp. xiii–v, xvii– xx, xxv–vi. c Miles hardly ever endorsed letters in French or Latin; Wotton, too, has left more traces of attention to English letters than to those in other languages, though his list of letters contains many evidently from continental savants which have not survived. A more surprising group lacking any marking by either man are the letters from Daniel Coxe; see vols 2–3 passim. d Royal Society L & P, I. 415; this also refers to Miles’s work on what is now BL 7, but no comparable presentation letter survives, so it is unclear exactly when it reached the Society.

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The Beale letters which commence with OB 97 are introduced by a separate inventory and title-page – ‘ORIGINAL LETTERS of Dr John Beale to Mr Boyle &c with An Index of Contents’. In contrast to the Oldenburg letters, each of which is denoted by a number regardless of how many leaves it comprised, these are paginated, and this contrasting form of reference has been followed here. BL 7 similarly has an inventory of its contents by Miles, together with a further introductory note signed and dated ‘Tooting April 23d 1747’, as follows:a Original Letters and some Extracts from letters on Philosophical Subjects, written by Mr Hartlib, Dr Beale, Sir Robert Southwell, Dr Wallis, Dr Cole &c. found among the papers of the Honourable Mr Boyle; which not being sent to him (a very few excepted) were not inserted in the late collection of his works: and none of them, so far as it appears to me, have been printed in the Philosophical Transactions, or in any other tracts. These Letters &c. I humbly apprehend are not altogether unworthy of being preserved, either on account of the matters contained in them, or as they may afford a knowledge of some circumstances, which may be useful in compiling a History of the Royal Society, shoud such a design be undertaken. As they have little or no dependance upon one another; They are placed according to the order of the time of their dates, from the year 1649. to 1689. and the small number without date, are placed after them. with a paper or two, that may subserve the same design. General heads of Contents are prefixed.

This item may have been presented to the Royal Society shortly after the date of this note, or it may have reached the Society in 1769, when the Boyle Papers and Letters as a whole were presented to the Society by Miles’s widow.b As Miles’s note shows, it forms a supplement to the main series of Boyle Letters, now BL 1–6, mainly comprising letters not to Boyle, whereas they predominantly contain his actual correspondence. Exactly how the current content of BL 1–6 was arranged by Miles is unclear and this matter is not clarified by the extensive notes on Boyle letters by Miles which survive and are discussed in section 4 below. He probably grouped letters by correspondent, as in Birch’s edition of the Works, though whether in the same sequence as that is unclear. However, whatever ordering he adopted, this has been obliterated by a further reorganisation, evidently in conjunction with the sorting and binding of the Boyle Papers in their current form in the 1850s. This formed part of a sustained campaign of archival reorganisation by the Royal Society, which presumably resulted in the discovery of extra letters.c At this point, if not earlier, Boyle Letters 1–6 were reordered in a single alphabetical sequence, and this exercise was accompanied by the compilation of two sets of manuscript lists, one on blue paper and the other on lined sheets of white, the latter in the hand of the assistant librarian at that time, a

The volume lacks a title, but in pencil on the first leaf of the volume is the following inscription: ‘Miles Collection. 57 Letters from R. Boyle’s Papers as per Table following’. b See Hunter, Letters and Papers, p. xv. c Ibid., pp. xv–vi.

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Walter White. Whereas White’s list records an order that is identical with the present one, the lists on blue paper evidently record an intermediate stage in the arrangement of the letters, in that the items by Boyle himself come first, before A, rather than under B as at present, while there is a ‘Supplement’ at the end of items now redistributed in the main sequence; in addition, some items there listed as being in volume 6 are now to be found in earlier volumes in the series. A further, typed inventory of the contents of each volume was provided when they were bound in their current form in the mid-twentieth century. A complete inventory of the Boyle Letters will be found in Hunter, Letters and Papers, pp. 2–16; in addition to letters to and from Boyle that are included in this edition, there are also (especially in BL 7) more miscellaneous epistolary items which he owned for one reason or another, and which do not form part of his correspondence. These are discussed in section 5 of this introduction, and are itemised in appendix 5, while some are printed in appendix 6.a b. The Boyle archives at Chatsworth, Dublin and Petworth After the Royal Society, perhaps the largest body of material is to be found in the archives of the Boyle family and their descendants. Of these, the most substantial is at Chatsworth, Derbyshire, where a significant archive survives associated with Boyle’s father, the first Earl of Cork, and his heir, the second Earl of Cork and first Earl of Burlington. This deposit is at Chatsworth because the direct Boyle family line died out in the mid-eighteenth century: at that point, Lady Charlotte Boyle (1731–54), only surviving daughter and heiress of Richard Boyle (1695–1753), fourth Earl of Cork and third Earl of Burlington, married William Cavendish (1720–64), Marquis of Hartington, later fourth Duke of Devonshire, and the Boyle family heirlooms therefore passed by descent to the Cavendish family. According to the Victorian publisher of a substantial amount of this material, A. B. Grosart, the current, approximately chronological, arrangement into thirty unbound bundles and three bound volumes date from the point at which the papers came into the hands of the Devonshire family.b When Grosart wrote, the manuscripts were still housed at Lismore Castle, County Cork, but thereafter this material was moved to Hardwick, Derbyshire, where the Devonshire family archive as a whole was kept. When Hardwick was taken over by the National Trust in 1956, the archives were all removed to Chatsworth. As will be seen, many of Boyle’s early letters survive there. After this, occasional letters survive in Lismore MSS 31–3, the chronological series of papers of the first Earl of Burlington, while Lismore 33 contains a number of documents relating to Boyle’s Irish estates, a

See vol. 6, pp. 415–25 and pp. 426–56. I Lismore, i, xi. Grosart there also refers to the extensive catalogue made in the late 19th century, which is now at Chatsworth. The letters are still preserved as loose items in bundles/boxes, numbered in red crayon. b

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including letters from the Earl of Burlington to his agent at Lismore, Garrett Roche. One of these even enclosed a set of instructions concerning the management of Boyle’s lands in a scribal hand, to which he has affixed his signature, which also appears in two documents granting powers of attorney.a Though such items are obviously of strong biographical interest, it has not seemed appropriate to include them here. The principal other family holding is of the papers of the Earls of Orrery. The largest group of these is at the National Library of Ireland in Dublin; these were calendared by Edward McLysacht in 1941.b Puzzlingly, a handful of relevant items do not survive there but among the Orrery Papers at Petworth House, Sussex, including all the undated letters; hence it is there that the two undated letters from Boyle survive. The letters from Boyle in such deposits occur somewhat sporadically, usually relating to the assertion of legal rights on the part of Boyle and other family members. What must once have been a further significant group of letters from Boyle to his brother, the Earl of Burlington, in 1665–7, appears to have been scattered sometime earlier this century. Items from this collection survive in the British Library; in the Cushing/Whitney Medical Library, Yale University; in the Charles Roberts Autograph Letters Collection of the Haverford College Library, Haverford, Pennsylvania; in the Burndy Library, now at the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.; and in the collection of Erik Waller, bequeathed to the University of Uppsala, Sweden, in 1950.c Another was exported to the United States by the autograph dealers, Rendell Associates, in 1979 and its current whereabouts is unknown, while the same is the case with one sold at Bloomsbury Book Auctions in 1991.d It is likely that others will turn up in due course. c. The Hartlib Papers, Sheffield University Library The profuse letters from Samuel Hartlib to Boyle survive only in Birch’s printed edition, as do most of the much rarer letters from Boyle to Hartlib; hence by far the bulk of the material relating to Hartlib that is included here comes from that source. However, we have carefully examined the Hartlib Papers now in the University Library at Sheffield and available in transcribed form in the CDRom publication of The Hartlib Papers (Ann Arbor, 1992), and have included such letters or extracts from letters to or from Boyle as we have been able to identify. On the other hand, it should be pointed out that we have been strict in limiting ourselves a

Lismore MS 33, fols 107–8, 110, 133; see also below, p. xlviii. Edward MacLysaght (ed.), Calendar of the Orrery Papers (Dublin, 1941). c For a summary account see Marco Beretta, A History of Non-Printed Science. A Select Catalogue of the Waller Collection (Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, vol. 31, Stockholm, 1993). d For these letters, see below, s.v. various dates in 1665–7, vol. 2, pp. 590–2, and vol. 3, passim. b

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to items that were clearly letters, in contrast to information orally transmitted from Boyle to Hartlib, to which Hartlib makes repeated reference in his Ephemerides; this diary-like compilation is a further section of the Hartlib Papers which it is hoped will soon be issued in edited, annotated form.a It should be added that, although the number of texts that we have included from the Hartlib Papers is relatively small, we have drawn extensively on that deposit in our annotations. d. The Winthrop Papers and other MSS at the Massachusetts Historical Society If anything, more letters actually survive in a less well-known but hardly less remarkable deposit, the Winthrop Papers now at the Massachusetts Historical Society at Boston, Massachusetts. This has a number of original letters from Boyle to Winthrop, together with various drafts kept by Winthrop of his letters to Boyle. These are now preserved in card folders in boxes in a single chronological sequence; all items formerly preserved as numbered items in bound volumes have been merged into this series.b In addition, a further retained draft of a letter of Winthrop’s survives as part of the Trumbull Papers, now in the Connecticut State Archive at Hartford, Connecticut.c Also at the Massachusetts Historical Society is a further relevant deposit which forms part of the Jeremy Belknap Papers, accumulated by Belknap, one of the founders of the Massachusetts Historical Society, namely an interesting group of letters between Boyle and the Boston physician, William Avery, dating from 1679 to 1685. e. Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Leiden Another seventeenth-century archive on which we have drawn is that of Christiaan Huygens at the University of Leiden. This includes various Boyle letters and ancillary items as part of the sequence of correspondence arranged in chronological order which comprises HUG 45; these are now preserved in boxes in a series of folders.d It should perhaps be pointed out here that, whereas the editors of the authoritative edition of Huygens’s Oeuvres complètes were inclined to publish everything in HUG 45 as a ‘letter’, in our view certain such items are to be seen as copies and extracts which Huygens obtained to which this status is inappropriate, and

a

See Mark Greengrass, ‘Archive Refractions: Hartlib’s Papers and the Workings of an Intelligencer’, in Hunter, Archives of the Scientific Revolution (above, p. xvii), pp. 35–47. b In the case both of the Winthrop and Jeremy Belknap Papers at the Massachusetts Historical Society, a microfilm version is available. c See vol. 2, pp. 57–8. d For a helpful account, see Joella G. Yoder, ‘The Archives of Christiaan Huygens and his Editors’, in Hunter, Archives of the Scientific Revolution, pp. 91–107, on p. 102.

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INTRODUCTION

two items that are included there as ‘letters’ to or from Boyle have not been included here.a f. The New England Company Boyle’s role as Governor of the New England Company is evidenced by various archival deposits. Most significant are the manuscripts at the Guildhall Library, London, MSS 7936 and 7955, which form part of the Company’s archive, including file copies of letters sent out as well as letters received. MS 7936, the one mainly relevant to Boyle, is an elaborately prepared volume of late nineteenth-century date, in which the manuscripts are mounted in juxtaposition with printed texts from the edition of New England Company correspondence published in 1896–7. MS 7955 comprises two further files. These are supplemented by a further letterbook now in the Alderman Library at the University of Virginia, Charlottesville, which contains one Boyle letter.b The originals of the Company’s outgoing letters to the Commissioners for the United Colonies in New England are now mostly lost, with one exception which for some reason survives in a volume of miscellaneous original documents from the colonial period in the Connecticut State Archive at Hartford, Connecticut; the others are presumed to have been burned in a fire at Boston, Mass., in 1747.c Fortunately, however, two copies of the letters for the years 1662–4 and the Commissioners’ responses survive in records of the Acts of the Commissioners, one kept at Hartford, the other at Plymouth, Mass. The latter were published in full by David Pulsifer in the 1850s, having been drawn on by various antiquarians over the previous hundred years.d However, we have preferred to use the Hartford copy, a These are (1) ‘A short Information of the VII Sun’s, which were observed at Dantzigk by Alderman Hevelius’, Oeuvres complètes, iii, 288–9 (no. 871): this was indeed sent via Boyle (see pp. 287, 305) but is not a letter addressed to or from him; and (2) the untitled text printed as ‘[R.Boyle] à Christiaan Huygens [1661]’ in ibid., iii, 328–31 (no. 890), an interesting text on hydrostatics in a scribal hand, but certainly not a letter from Boyle. In addition, one other item published in Oeuvres complètes (iv, 495–8) is not included here, Boyle’s letter to Moray concerning Mr Clayton’s diamond, which was published in 1664 as an appendage to Boyle’s Colours, and is therefore printed in Works, vol. 4, p. 185ff. (see also ibid., p. xiii). It is perhaps worth noting here that two items appear in the computer catalogue and its hard-copy print-out denoted ‘niet aangetroffen 30–11–84’, Boyle to Hevelius, 1661, and Boyle to Hooke, [1662]; these are apparently ghosts which originated by the accidental replication of extant letters by reciprocal letters from the recipient to the sender when the computer catalogue was generated. More trivially, there is some confusion between Boyle and his father in the catalogue. b For details of these items and of the remainder of the Company’s MSS at the Guildhall Library and elsewhere, see William Kellaway, The New England Company 1649–1776 (London, 1961), pp. 284–6. c See G. P. Winship (ed.), The New England Company of 1649 and John Eliot (Boston, 1920), p. xx. The extant letter is that of 7 Mar. 1664; see vol. 2, pp. 251–3. d See above, p. xivn.

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which is similar but not identical, noting significant differences between the two, though ignoring the much more archaic orthography of the scribe responsible for the Plymouth copy. After 1664, communication seems to have been more haphazard and is evidenced only by the Guildhall volumes. g. Marsh Letters Boyle’s interest in the project for printing the Bible in Irish is documented especially by a series of letters that he wrote to the divine, Narcissus Marsh. Marsh evidently preserved these as a group, and they came to light in the early nineteenth century in the lumber-room of an old house at Drumcrondra which he formerly inhabited, then tenanted by Sir Robert Langrishe. At that point the letters passed to Langrishe’s son-in-law, Henry Monck Mason, who gives details of the ‘extraordinary casualty’ by which these letters had come into his hands about fifteen years previously in a lengthy footnote to his Life of William Bedell (London, 1843), pp. 299–300n. He evidently had them bound up into a quarto volume, and deposited them with the Bible Society of Ireland, of which he was Librarian. Thereafter, however, the whereabouts of the originals of the letters was forgotten, and they were long known only through a transcript of them made under the auspices of Dr C. E. H. Orpen in 1831, which survives in Archbishop Marsh’s Library at Dublin (Z4.4.8); a further transcript, made by D. H. Kelly in 1864, survives in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, English MS 502 (Crawford Irish MS 96). In 1987, however, the originals came to light in the possession of the Hibernian Bible Society; they were auctioned at Christies on 21 June 1989 and then again on 26 June 1991. The text in the present edition is based on a transcript made by Dr R. E. W. Maddison after the rediscovery of the volume, which was collated with the originals while they were at Christies. The letters were at that point still in Monck Mason’s binding, with each letter denoted by a number; their current whereabouts is unknown. The letters bear various pencil endorsements and notes, evidently connected with the preparation of the mid-nineteenth century transcripts, of which it has not seemed appropriate to include details. It is also worth noting that Boyle’s signature to the letter to Marsh dated 7 October 1682 has been cut away, and was preserved separately when the MS was auctioned. h. British Library The Birch collection, now forming part of the Additional MSS in the British Library, contains a number of original letters to Boyle which evidently passed into Birch’s hands in connection with his work on his edition, especially various letters from John Evelyn to Boyle; it also has an incomplete draft of Boyle’s response to Henry Stubbe’s commentary on the affair of the Irish stroker, Valentine Greatxxiv

INTRODUCTION

rakes, in his notorious pamphlet, The Miraculous Conformist (1666), which was dedicated to Boyle.a A significant group of letters from Boyle to Robert Southwell survive among the papers of the Perceval family (created Earls of Egmont in the eighteenth century), which were acquired by the British Library in 1950.b Another collection is that of the Mallet family: volume 3 of this contains the principal letters from Boyle to his friend, John Mallet (Add. MS 32093). Other letters survive piecemeal, while other letters to Boyle survive in the commonplace books or letterbooks of their authors, including Nathaniel Highmore, Henry Power and John Evelyn. In the latter case, these form part of the important collection of Evelyn Papers acquired by the British Library in 1994. i. Bodleian Library, Oxford A similar range of holdings is to be found at the Bodleian Library, Oxford. Some letters are to be found in the extant archives of Boyle’s correspondents: thus one letter to John Locke survives in the Locke MSS, while others form part of the collection of Thomas Smith. Further letters occur in larger collections, such as the Rawlinson MSS, while yet more survive in letterbooks, in these cases of John Wallis and Robert Huntington, and are referred to piecemeal below. j. Other repositories Beyond this, letters are widely scattered, and we have attempted to locate them wherever appropriate. Though we have done our best to seek out letters to or from Boyle wherever possible, we are under no illusions that we have located all that survive, and intend to publish a supplement to this edition in due course. We therefore hope that users of this edition will draw the editors’ attention to any new finds that they make. 4. Lost Letters Although the survival of original letters to and from Boyle is profuse, as the previous section shows, we are aware that many other letters that once existed are now lost. These fall into two categories. First, there are letters of which the original manuscript is lost, but of which we have an eighteenth-century printed text. Second, there are letters that are not now extant at all, but of the former existence of which we know either because they are referred to in other letters or because they are listed in early eighteenth-century inventories. These inventories will be a See below, passim; vol. 3, pp. 93–107. For references on the Greatrakes affair, see ibid., pp. 82n., 94n. For the Birch collection, see British Library, Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts 1756–82 (Add. MS 4101–5017) (London, 1977), pp. 1–181. b See especially Add. MSS 46949–50. See below, vol. 4, passim.

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described at length in this section, since they represent an unusual and littleknown source for an edition of this kind. First, let us deal with the less serious, if regrettable, loss of the original manuscripts of letters which were clearly extant in the eighteenth century, when they passed through the hands of printers, but are now known only through their printed exemplars. The bulk of the letters that fall into this category comprise those printed in Birch’s edition of Boyle’s Works. Our text of them is therefore taken from Birch’s 1744 edition as the earliest extant witness to the text.a This includes all letters to Boyle from Hartlib, Locke and other figures, and all but one of those from Hooke,b though it applies to by no means all of the items which Birch printed, since in other cases the manuscript is extant. The eminence of some of those whose letters are missing in this way might suggest that their absence could be due to the activity of autograph collectors; but the randomness of other losses suggests that they may have been accidental. It is possible that the printers were responsible, presuming that, once printed, the original letters were dispensable. On the other hand, in a letter of 17 November 1742 Miles had said to Birch; ‘you will be pleasd to give the printer a strict charge to preserve the Letters because they are most of them to be sent to the Royal Society’, and it is equally possible that they disappeared at a later date.c Where an eighteenth-century or earlier copy exists of these texts, we have preferred this to the printed version. Thus certain letters were transcribed by John Ward in his collections for a history of Gresham College from 1726 onwards; since these appear to predate the Birch printed text, and to be nearer to their manuscript source in orthography and the like, we have used these as the basis of our text where available.d In at least two cases, contemporary retained copies of letters otherwise known only from Birch’s printed text survive among the papers of their originators, John Winthrop and Sir Paul Rycaut, which seem to have been identical to the version sent.e In these cases, we have therefore preferred the manuscript version, but in cases where the retained version differs significantly from that sent, we have used the printed text (see further below, section 6). Much more serious is the case of letters that are not extant at all. Some of these are known only from references to them in other letters: we have provided piecemeal annotations to the effect that these letters are no longer extant, and have also drawn attention to all letters falling into this category at the start of the section dealing with each year.f A somewhat similar subsidiary group of lost letters, which a The other example of a letter known only from an 18th-century edition is that from Bathurst to Boyle of 14 Apr. 1656; see below, pp. 203–4. b For the sole surviving Hooke letter, see vol. 3, pp. 119–24. c Add. MS 4314, fol. 74, quoted in Hunter, Letters and Papers, p. xviii. d See ‘Miscellaneous Collections relating to Gresham College’, Add. MSS 6193–4. e See vol. 4, pp. 183–5 and vol. 6, pp. 335–6.. f However, lost letters to or from people other than Boyle have been ignored.

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we have also recorded, comprises letters to Boyle noted by the second Earl of Cork in his diary, now at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 29 continuing to 1672 in three unnumbered vellum-bound volumes preserved among the Chatsworth MSS. Other letters are known because they survived and were described within fifty years or so of Boyle’s death but are no longer extant. One such minor group are the letters, mainly between Boyle and Edward Pococke, described by Leonard Twells in the ‘Life of Pocock’ prefixed to his edition of Pococke’s Works (1740).a Much more extensive evidence comes from inventories of letters left by Boyle’s principal early students, William Wotton and Henry Miles, whose records survive largely within the Boyle archive, and Thomas Birch, mostly preserved among his papers at the British Library. All of these lists include letters which are no longer extant; in addition, Birch included notes of a number of such letters in his published ‘Life’ of Boyle, particularly in the section dealing with the late 1640s. Wotton’s list has already been referred to. This list, now in BP 36, fols 180–9, comprises 385 letters, each entry giving name of correspondent, year and number; it is accompanied by an alphabetical index, overall comprising a characteristically painstaking piece of work on Wotton’s part. It is divided up into the following categories: ‘Letters from 1647 to 1660 inclusive’, followed by comparable sections devoted to each subsequent decade of Boyle’s life; ‘Letters, ‹&c› concerning Translations of the Bible in several Languages’; ‘Letters from Relations from 1652 to 1682 many without Date’; and ‘Without Dates’. In most cases, this list merely gives the name of the correspondent and the year of his or her letter to Boyle, though a few entries are slightly more explicit; yet even the name and year is usually enough to make it clear whether or not the letter in question is extant, and it turns out that over half of the letters that were in Wotton’s hands are now missing. What is less clear is how Wotton selected the letters for his list, since he included only a minority of those that still survive. In view of its self-contained and systematic nature, the text of this list is printed as appendix 4 of this edition, as a tribute to Wotton’s editorial work and so that those interested in it can study it more fully for themselves.b By contrast, although overall they include more letters, Miles’s and Birch’s lists are scrappier and more miscellaneous, and with one exception it has not seemed appropriate to try to reproduce them in full, as against describing them and quoting piecemeal references to the significant percentage of the letters listed in them which are now missing.c Both Miles and Birch frequently give brief details of content as well as the day and month as well as the year of the letter involved. Miles’s lists also provide clues as to why the letters which are no longer extant have a

2 vols, London, 1740, i, 57, 64–5. See vol. 6, pp. 397–414. c For the one exception see pp. xxviii–ixn. For annotated texts of two more systematic lists by Miles of non-epistolary material in the Boyle archive, see Michael Hunter and Lawrence M. Principe, ‘The Lost Papers of Robert Boyle’ (forthcoming). b

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disappeared, since certain items that are no longer extant are marked ‘N. W.’ or ‘No Worth’, or endorsed with deprecating remarks such as ‘unintelligible’, ‘useless’ or ‘nothing very material’: there is thus reason to believe that at least some of the losses may have been associated with Miles himself. Miles’s comments on certain of the missing letters clearly reflect the fact that the letters seemed to him trivial – items concerned with the management of Boyle’s estates, for instance, or begging letters. On the other hand, in other cases a slightly more sinister motivation is in evidence. We know that these early eighteenth-century admirers of Boyle were concerned about his reputation, and particularly the extent to which his alchemical concerns made him look credulous to an Enlightenment audience, and it seems likely that at least some of these losses were due to conscious censorship on their part.a In yet other instances, the losses may have been accidental, since certain items have disappeared which would have been of great interest for understanding Boyle’s career, as Miles and Birch would surely have agreed. Of these, the most significant group is of letters from the years 1645–8, in this case apparently not letters to Boyle, as is the case with all the other items in this category, but letters from him. These appear in a list which is now BP 36, fol. 129. Indeed, there is reason to think that the items in it were preserved in a letterbook of Boyle’s, from which Miles jotted down the place given on each letter, presumably with a view to assisting Birch’s researches for his ‘Life’ by illustrating Boyle’s whereabouts at various points.b That this is the case is suggested by the following comment of Miles’s, a See Michael Hunter, ‘Robert Boyle and the Dilemma of Biography in the Age of the Scientific Revolution’, in Michael Shortland and Richard Yeo (eds), Telling Lives in Science (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 115–37, on p. 131ff., reprinted in Michael Hunter, Robert Boyle (1627–91): Scrupulosity and Science (Woodbridge, 2000), p. 263ff. b The full text of the list is as follows. Letters in it that survive are identified. In addition, the letter here given as of 1 Dec. 1645, or one of the other letters in the list, could conceivably be the undated letter to Lady Barrymore partly printed by Boyle in his ‘Life’: see below, p. 27. Birch states that it was written ‘when he was very young’.

Mr Boyle

London 5th August 1647

At Cambridge 1 December 1645for a little while perhaps a month London Feb.20 1646– was then about going to Stalbridge London Feb ult 1646 Stalbridge March

London

Apr.

25 1646 30 1646 [to Lady Ranelagh: below, pp. 31–4] 14 1646

June July August October

9 1646 22 1646 25 1646 19 [altered from ‘29’] 1646

Stalbridge December18 1646 In London at short time at Christmas see Letter March 8th following to Mr Strowd

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evidently relating to the document in question, which may also give an ambiguous clue as to the reason for its failure to survive. In a letter to Birch of 17 November 1742, Miles speaks of his work on Boyle’s letters and continues: Since I finishd them, I have ben transcribing some things from a bound book, which I was oblig’d to do, because otherwise the book must have been destroyd, by which means other things worthy preserving ‹in› it woud have perishd [?].a

London Jan Stalbridge Feb.

22 1646 5 1646 27 1646 [to Lady Ranelagh: below, pp. 49–50] March 6 1646/7 then his earthen furnace was broke in coming therefore he begun Chemistry at Stalbridge [to Lady Ranelagh: below, p. 50] 8 1646/7 15 19 1646 to Mr Hartlib [below, pp. 52–3] 22 April 2 7 20 22 24 to Mr Worsley [in left hand margin opposite the entries for 22 and 24 Apr. is the note: ‘Q. concerning Col. Stroude’] ult May 3 says he had spent 2 or 3 & 40 months at Geneva [to Dury: below, pp. 57–8] May 8 [to Hartlib: below, pp. 58–61] May 17 [altered in composition] 15 18, 19 1647 London June 1 1647 8 22 July 6 1647 about this time had a fit of the Stone see a drolling Letter to his Brother — without any Superscription [‘drolling’ was subsequently heavily deleted] 14 15 21 [in right hand column, opposite the entries for 15 and 21 July, is the note: ‘NB Mr Hartlib wrote to him at Stalbridge May 9. 1648’; see below, pp. 65–7] 24 25 Material transliterated from shorthand has been denoted by italic. At the top of the sheet is a sum multiplying 43 by 12 to give 516; at the bottom left-hand corner is a squiggle. a Add. MS 4314, fol. 73. See also the transcript of Miles’s list of ‘bound volumes’ in Lawrence M. Principe, ‘Newly Discovered Boyle Documents in the Royal Society Archive’, NRRS, 49 (1995), 57– 70, on pp. 64–5, which has as item XXIII ‘Copies of Severall Letters of Mr B. to friends 1645 & 46 in Leather Covers’. Principe speculates that this could have been a letterbook of the kind postulated here, or it might have comprised literary compositions linked to those published in Works, vol. 13, p. 43ff.: see further below, pp. xxxiii–iv.

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In his ‘Life’, Birch made use of certain dates provided by Miles’s extant list, while he refers to similarly precise dates before and after the period covered by it, presumably because other, comparable documents formerly existed which no longer survive.a The other lists by Miles that survive are as follows, falling into the following categories (it seems worth itemising all his inventories of Boyle letters rather than simply those which include lost ones).b We thus have various documents closely linked to the Birch edition, in which Miles totalled the letters from different correspondents, tried to estimate their length and to calculate numbers of letters by year, and listed letters sent to press.c Then, there are lists of some of the larger groups of letters. BP 36, fols 133–4, is a list of Hooke letters, in which Miles’s dating of undated examples is seen in progress, while BP 36, fol. 150, is a list of Beale letters, with a list of Oldenburg ones in BP 36, fols 151–2 and 172 (this leaf is misplaced, and belongs between fols 151 and 152); a further, evidently earlier, listing of Oldenburg letters is in BP 36, fol. 197. The lists in BP 36, fols 150–2 clearly relate to the compilation of Early Letters OB, and the letters listed are given Roman numerals as in the extant MS.d Then, BP 35, fols 134–5, and BP 36, fols 153–4, are lists relating to the compilation of BL 7 (see above). BP 19, fol. 137 may also relate to this (it is endorsed ‘many taken away from them for Chart book August 29 1745’).e BP 36, fols 144–5 and 161–2, on the other hand, are more miscellaneous lists with no clear relationship to the edition; these evidently bear witness to Miles’s sorting of the mass of letters from a wide range of correspondents, and they contain the highest percentage of letters now lost. One list in the hand of Birch survives in BP 35, fol. 158, a scrap of paper listing Eliot letters linked to the edition, but the other lists associated with him are in British Library Add. MS 4229. Of these, the most significant is fols 71–3, a miscellaneous listing in alphabetical order but only up to the letter ‘M’; the contents show a substantial overlap with items in Wotton’s list, including many that survive and a number that were printed, as well as items now missing (in these cases, Birch gives more information about the letter in question than Wotton, which we have included below). Add. MS 4229, fols 77–8, is a further list, in an unknown hand, of ‘Principal Correspondents of Mr Boyle’, together with biographical notes on a

See below, pp. 26, 65, 75, 83. See also Birch (ed.), Works, i, 27, which notes that Boyle went to Bristol and Salisbury in Sept. 1647, probably on the basis of similar evidence, though this has not seemed definite enough to postulate ‘letters’ in this case. b For further related material in BP 36 see above, p. xviiin.; see also Works, vol. 12, pp. l, lxi; vol. 14, pp. xlvii–viii, 356–8. c BP 35, fol. 133; BP 36, fols 131–2, 135, 156, 191–2, 198; Add. MS 4229, fols 74–5. d BP 36, fol. 150, suggests that Miles intended to give the Beale letters numbers comparable to those on the Oldenburg ones, but in fact this was not implemented; see above, p. xix. e The briefer lists in BP 36, fols 178 (item 1) and 189, also partially overlap with the content of BL 7. BP 37, fol. 128, gives a series of sentences/phrases from letters, as if for purposes of identification.

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some of the most significant of them; fols 88–9 comprise a copy of this by Henry Miles.a This list includes a handful of names not otherwise known in connection with the correspondence which we have not included in our itemisation of lost letters below, since in at least some cases these could be explained in terms of error.b In this edition, all letters known only from the record of them in these lists have been included. In cases where the exact date of such lost letters is given, details of them have been noted at the point in the chronological sequence where they belong, annotated with such information as we have been able to acquire about their authors and likely content. In the case of letters of which we only know the year – particularly from Wotton’s list – they have been grouped together at the beginning of the year, adjacent to the collected references to letters that are mentioned in existing letters from the year in question but are not extant. It may be presumed that letters listed at the start of the year are specified as belonging to that year unless otherwise stated. Letters without date have been placed at an appropriate place in the Correspondence in the rare cases where there are sufficient clues to make this possible, but where the information given is insufficient for any such guess to be made, they are listed in appendix 3 in volume 6. This section therefore documents a rather tantalising aspect of the correspondence, all the more so since the letters that fall into this category illustrate Boyle’s links with such significant figures as the Quaker, Benjamin Furly, no letters between whom and Boyle now survive at all. In other cases, they provide further evidence of the extent of Boyle’s alchemical concerns, for instance the extensive series of letters that Boyle exchanged with John Matson of Dover, since the one such letter that does survive, evidently because it was among the Boyle Papers in Miles’s time and only brought into the Boyle Letters at a later date, is fully alchemical in content.c A comparable series is that of the intriguing Christopher Kirkby, whose letters to Boyle, virtually all now lost, span two decades. By including such information as is available at the appropriate point about these letters which have succumbed to the depredations of time and censorship, we hope that we have provided a more balanced view of Boyle’s correspondence than would otherwise be the case. 5. The Boundaries of this Edition In principle, it may seem obvious what the edition of an individual’s ‘correspondence’ should comprise, namely the complete text of all letters sent or received by a It was perhaps a copy of this list that was sent by Miles to John Ward on 10 Feb. 1742: Add. MS 6210, fol. 248. b The names in question are: Dr Croone; Increase Mather of New England [for a letter from him surviving only in a retained copy see vol. 5, p. 163]; Dr Needham; and Dr Thomas Willis. c See Matson to Boyle, 18 May 1676, vol. 4, pp. 409–10. See also Aspiring Adept, pp. 151–2.

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him. In fact, however, the concept of ‘correspondence’ and of its component parts in the form of ‘letters’ are both somewhat flexible; this has implications for the conception of an edition like this one which need to be explored here by way of elucidation of exactly what we have decided to include and what to exclude, and why. The core of this edition is represented by the sequence in chronological order of letters either from Boyle to a specific individual or from such an individual to him, usually signed, sealed and showing evidence of delivery through seals, postmarks and the like (all of which we have recorded). On the other hand, there are a whole series of complications concerning the exact boundaries of the material included, due partly to issues of survival and archival classification, and partly to the use of an epistolary format for purposes other than such communication. These issues will therefore be dealt with here. First, there is a problem with letters that survive, not among the papers of their recipient, but among those of their sender. In Boyle’s case, there are various letters of which he retained drafts, particularly in volume 1 of the Boyle Letters – in fact, almost all the early letters from him to members of his family of which manuscripts are extant survive in this form – while in the case of letters to him, the only texts sometimes survive in the letterbooks of their sender. A puzzling instance of this is provided by one of John Evelyn’s letters to Boyle, that of 1 December 1659, which survives only in Evelyn’s letterbook,a whereas most of his letters to Boyle are also extant either in manuscript texts received by Boyle or in the version printed by Birch from similar exemplars now lost. In such a case, it is impossible to know whether the letter was ever sent. Hence, in describing letters below, we have always indicated the source of our text, and readers must bear this in mind when interpreting them. A more serious complication arises from the use of the letter form for purposes other than the kind of communication between individuals indicated at the start of this section. Many of Boyle’s books and essays are presented in epistolary form; in addition, many such compositions by others were so addressed to him. A further complication is the fact that certain items that originated as letters to or from him were subsequently published as articles in Philosophical Transactions, a novel method of publication in Boyle’s period which was clearly closely linked to with the correspondence network of its first editor, Henry Oldenburg. In deciding what material of this kind properly does belong to this edition, our approach reflects a mixture of theoretical and more pragmatic considerations. Taking compositions by Boyle himself first, it should be noted that various of his published books take an epistolary form. This includes perhaps his most famous work, New Experiments Physico-Mechanical, touching the Spring of the Air and its Effects (1660), along with his earlier Seraphic Love (1659) and a whole series of a See below, pp. 394–6. For issues arising where both a sent and a retained text survive, see below, pp. xxxviii–ix.

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his later books, all of which are included in R. E. W. Maddison’s ‘Tentative Index’ to Boyle’s correspondence. In addition, certain components of other works, such as his ‘Observations about Mr Clayton’s Diamond’ in Experiments and Considerations touching Colours (1664), are presented as letters, while other books have dedicatory epistles, such as Some Considerations touching the Style of the Scriptures (1661), which are again included by Maddison in his ‘Tentative Index’. It seems to us to stretch the concept of ‘correspondence’ to breaking point to include such materials within it. In any case, since all these works or parts of works have already been published in The Works of Robert Boyle, it would be superfluous to include them here. For the same reason, we have excluded all Boyle’s published contributions to Philosophical Transactions from this edition, regardless of whether they may have originated as letters to Oldenburg, and it has also seemed superfluous to reprint here entire letters from others which survive through being reprinted in one of Boyle’s books: instead, readers are simply directed at the appropriate point to the relevant passage in Works.a A similar state of affairs occurs with a series of writings in epistolary form that Boyle composed in his ‘literary’ phase in the 1640s.b These are really moral essays, with titles such as ‘Against Confidence’, or ‘The Duty of a Mother’s Being a Nurse, asserted’. Some are addressed to ‘Madam’, while others are more specifically to individuals, often fictional ones such as ‘Fidelia’ or ‘My Mistris (when I have one, for I now meane nobody in particular and writ this but to please a Person of my owne sexe that desir’d it)’. On the other hand, certain of these items are directed to real people, in one case Mrs John Dury and in another one of Boyle’s brothers – probably Lord Broghill – in the guise of ‘Prince of the Round Table’. Again Maddison included these in his ‘Tentative Index’ of Boyle’s correspondence. On the other hand, it is instructive to contrast the tone of these rather formal, literary compositions with extant ‘real’ letters sent at the same time, in one case, that of Broghill, probably to the same individual.c Their artificial character is also underlined by Boyle’s use in them of words duplicated so that a choice could be made between these for literary effect, which is paralleled in his literary compositions of his early years, such as his autobiographical ‘Account of Philaretus’, but not in a See e.g., vol. 2, p. 235; vol. 3, p. 2; vol. 6, pp. 96, 323–4. The problem of treating some of Boyle’s longer contributions to Phil. Trans. as ‘letters’ is well-illustrated by some instances in The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, where merely the first and last paragraphs are abstracted for inclusion in the edition; see e.g., Oldenburg, iii, 547–8, 629–30. b See Works, vol. 13, pp. xxivff., 43ff. c See below, pp. 84–5; Works, vol. 13, pp. 61–4. See also Lawrence Principe, ‘Style and Thought of the Early Boyle: Discovery of the 1648 Manuscript of Seraphic Love’, Isis, 85 (1994), 247–60, on p. 251n.; id., ‘Virtuous Romance and Romantic Virtuoso: the Shaping of Robert Boyle’s Literary Style’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 56 (1995), 377–97, on p. 385. For use of them as if they were actual letters, see Malcolm Oster, ‘Biography, Culture and Science: the Formative Years of Robert Boyle’, History of Science, 31 (1993), 177–226.

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letters that appear actually to have been sent to real correspondents. Hence it has seemed inappropriate to treat these items as ‘correspondence’, and they have been omitted from this edition; on the other hand, they have all been included along with other juvenilia in the parallel edition of Boyle’s Works, so the reader can seek them out there.a Turning from material composed by Boyle to material addressed to him, one category of this comprises dedications of books to Boyle. These were included by Maddison in his ‘Tentative Index’ of the correspondence. They are also listed by J. F. Fulton in his Bibliography of Boyle, where a number of them are quoted in full.b They do not seem to us to constitute letters in a conventional sense, and we have not considered it appropriate to include them here. In any case, as with Boyle’s own dedicatory epistles, it is not clear in what sense they have a status independent from their role as introductions to the treatise of which they form part, and it seems to us that it would be wholly artificial to present them as separate ‘letters’. For similar reasons, it has seemed inappropriate for both practical and theoretical reasons to treat as part of Boyle’s correspondence whole treatises in published form which are presented as ‘letters’ to him. Perhaps the most notable example of this is a work published at Rotterdam early in 1687, entitled Some Letters; containing an account of what seemed most remarkable in Switzerland, Italy &c written by G. Burnet to T. H. R. B. This comprises Gilbert Burnet’s memoirs of his travels while in exile during the reign of James II, and it is indeed presented as a series of letters which, as the title states, were addressed to the Honourable Robert Boyle. However, they were not sent to Boyle as individual letters at the time when Burnet wrote them, but were clearly written for circulation and publication as a group. The first that Boyle learned of them was in a letter from Burnet dated 14 June 1686, in which he explained that ‘a bundle of papers’ was en route which he hoped would entertain Boyle and Lady Ranelagh, in which case ‘I will attain one of my main ends in writing them’. Even then, however, they did not come straight to Boyle but instead went first to Edward Stillingfleet, Dean of St Paul’s, ‘who I know will very soon dispatch them’. Hence, although Burnet assured Boyle that ‘I had you alwaies in my thoughts’ in writing these essays, it does not seem that they should be seen as part of Boyle’s correspondence, and they have not been included here.c The same is true of treatises that take an epistolary form and are addressed to Boyle. For instance, Henry Stubbe’s pamphlet on the Greatakes affair, The Miraculous Conformist (1666) is so addressed, as is Greatrakes’s own Brief Account of a

See Works, vol. 13, p. 43ff; for a commentary on them, see ibid., pp. xxiv–ix. Fulton, A Bibliography of the Hon. Robert Boyle (2nd edn, Oxford, 1961), p. 155ff. A new edition of this work is currently being prepared by Roger Gaskell, which will update this component of it along with the others. c See vol. 6, p. 181. b

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himself, published later in the same year.a Another example of this is Thomas Barlow’s ‘The Case of Conscience’, published in his posthumous Several Miscellaneous and Weighty Cases of Conscience (1692). The same applies to complete treatises presented in epistolary form that have never been published, such as the essays on casuistical topics that Barlow prepared for Boyle, one of them running to over 100 pages,b or to such tracts in the Boyle Papers as John Clayton’s lengthy account of Virginia, though this too opens with the words ‘Worthy Sir’.c It has seemed inappropriate to include these here, since, for all their epistolary mode of presentation, these are clearly not part of Boyle’s ‘correspondence’ in any meaningful sense. On the other hand, we have included various articles published in Philosophical Transactions that seem to have originated as letters to Boyle, including William Cole’s Latin account of a prodigy at Worcester and John Wallis’s essays on his experiments with teaching a deaf man to speak and his hypothesis concerning the movement of the tides, in the last case restoring from the MS version surviving at the Royal Society the original address, concluding paragraph addressed to Boyle and subscription that were omitted from the published text.d A related issue is that of material enclosed with letters to Boyle: again, in deciding whether to print such material as an annexe to the letter which it accompanied or merely to refer to it, we have been swayed by a combination of theoretical and practical considerations. Thus it would clearly be both inappropriate and impractical to include the text of a published book enclosed by its author to Boyle with a covering letter that we have included. We have similarly taken the view that to include a whole bundle of miscellaneous material that may have been enclosed with a letter would have a distorting effect on the edition, and have therefore simply referred to it: a case in point is provided by the texts that evidently once accompanied John Matson’s sole extant letter to Boyle, which are now to be found in the Boyle Papers.e On the other hand, when an enclosure is clearly integral to a letter, being presented as a separate annexe largely as a matter of convenience but being referred to in the text of the letter itself (which often does not make sense without it), we have appended it to the letter in question. The fact that they originated as enclosures in this way explains the presence among the Boyle Letters at the Royal Society of a number of letters neither to nor from Boyle which, though now filed alphabetically by author’s name in the order imposed by Victorian archivists, clearly belong with the letters with which they a Henry Stubbe, The Miraculous Conformist (London, 1666), dated 18 February 1666; A Brief Account of Mr Valentine Greatrakes (London, 1666) (for one Boyle letter that we have abstracted from this work, see vol. 3, pp. 160–1). On this entire episode, see ibid., p. 82ff. b Queen’s College, Oxford, MS 275, item 6; 285, item 5; and 294. For a brief account of this material, see Hunter, Robert Boyle: Scrupulosity and Science (above, p. xxviii), pp. 78–9. c This treatise is now scattered between BP 39 and 44; see Hunter, Letters and Papers, pp. 64, 71. d See vol. 2, pp. 11–18; vol. 3, pp. 141–56; vol. 4, pp. 199–203. e BP 29, fols 110–46; see vol. 4, pp. 409–10, and above, p. xxxin.

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were enclosed and within which they are referred to. Indeed, we have scrutinised both the Boyle Letters and the Boyle Papers for items which may have originated thus, although separated from the letters which they once accompanied by accidents of archival reorganisation, and have included a number of them here, including Latin poems sent to Boyle, various documents associated with the Georges Pierre affair and others connected with the project which Boyle sponsored for publishing the Bible in Irish.a On the other hand, even after this, we are still left with quite a substantial residue of material in the form of letters to be found among the Boyle Letters which are neither to nor from Boyle and which cannot be connected with any extant letter either to or from him. All of these items were included by Dr Maddison in his ‘Tentative Index’ of Boyle’s correspondence, and according to one definition of Boyle’s ‘correspondence’ it might have seemed appropriate to include all such items from the Boyle Letters in this edition. However, notwithstanding their presence there, we have not felt it appropriate to include these items in this edition: both the reasons for their presence among the Boyle Letters and our reasons for excluding them therefore need to be discussed here. In some cases, these letters survive in the Boyle archive because their senders evidently simply used Boyle as a forwarding address, with no intention that the letters in question should remain in his hands. A case in point is the letter from Antoni van Leeuwenhoek to the Royal Society dated 12 January 1689, which survives among the Boyle Letters along with a letter addressed to Boyle personally with which it was sent, which we are including; but it has not seemed appropriate to include the Royal Society letter because it would be completely anomalous here, forming as it does an integral part of the longer series of letters on related topics that van Leeuwenhoek addressed to the Royal Society at this time (and also published), the archival survival of which here is almost entirely fortuitous.b A further case of a group of material surviving among the Boyle Letters although they were intended to be forwarded via him to another party is the group of letters from the Italian naturalist, Silvius Boccone, in BL 1, fols 76–87, which were actually intended for John Ray. In other cases, letters neither to nor from Boyle which survive among the Boyle Letters seem to have come into his hands in much the same way as did other miscellaneous manuscripts composed by others, namely because he was interested in a

BL 1, fol. 102; BL 4, fols 14, 61–2; BL 6, fols 74–5; BP 35, fols 210–12; BP 36, fols 42v–4. See below, pp. 415–26; vol. 5, pp. 13–14, 125–6, 265–71. b At one point, a further such item evidently existed in the archive, accompanying the original of the letter from van Leeuwenhoek to Boyle of 6 August 1687 which is now known only from Birch’s published text of it. In Birch’s edition, this is accompanied by a truncated version of an English translation of another of van Leeuwenhoek’s Royal Society letters, which it has not seemed appropriate to include here for the same reason; see vol. 6, p. 229n.

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the information that they contained (or because whoever forwarded them to him thought he might be). Again, it has not seemed appropriate to include these in the Correspondence. In some cases, Boyle is a third party referred to in the letter or document in question: this evidently explains why certain Oldenburg letters, or letters between Sir Robert Moray and Christiaan Huygens are to be found here.a Others deal with topics such as natural historical and ethnographic enquiries, theological controversy, missionary work, the exploitation of mineral sources, and cases of witchcraft and visions. Their presence in the Boyle Letters as against the Boyle Papers is in many cases due simply to the zeal of Wotton, Miles and their Victorian successors in creating a category of letters separate from Boyle’s other literary remains, since it seems clear that many of them were originally filed with papers on the topics to which they relate. Indeed, in some cases ancillary items are still to be found in such locations among the Boyle Papers. A particularly clear case of this is the copy in the hand of Boyle’s amanuensis, Robin Bacon, of a letter from Virginia addressed ‘Dear Friend’ and signed ‘P.S.’, now Boyle Letters 6, fol. 53: for, although placed among the Boyle Letters because of its epistolary format, this clearly belongs with a series of extracts of letters dating from between March 1686 and June 1687 from the figure in question, there identified as P. Smith, which now survive in Boyle Papers 39, fols 182–6.b A complete list of the items among the Boyle Letters that we have excluded from this edition is to be found in appendix 5, along with items in epistolary form in the Boyle Papers; in each case, sufficient has been said about the content of the document in question to give some indication as to why Boyle might have wanted to keep it. Though we have attempted to be reasonably consistent in our policy of excluding material that properly does not belong to the Correspondence, we have tried not to be unduly rigorous, and both in the text itself and in appendix 6 we have occasionally included either in full or in extended summary certain items which it seemed helpful for the reader to know about. Thus there are a few letters which are ambiguous in their destination, for instance being addressed to Boyle on the cover but to the Royal Society within; it has seemed worth including these in the edition for the sake of completeness.c In addition, four letters included by Birch in his edition although neither to nor from Boyle have been included, while, for the same reason, we have also included various documents that survive among the Boyle Letters relating to the schemes for translating the Bible into Gaelic with

a

See vol. 6, p. 415ff. For other examples of material in the hands of Boyle’s amanuenses which must have been commissioned by him, see, e.g., BL 2, fols 90–1 (Warr), 98–9 (Bacon), 130–1 (Bacon); BL 4, fol. 56 (hand C). c See especially that from Schröder, 27 Sept/7 Oct. 1674, vol. 4, pp. 390–3. Cf. Aspiring Adept, p. 296n. b

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which Boyle was associated, although they are not letters either to or from Boyle and are not referred to as enclosures to any extant letter to him.a A similar anxiety to ensure completeness has led us to include two items printed as letters from Boyle in The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, although in our view they are more in the nature of prefatory epistles than letters – in one case comparable to some of the apologetic notices by Boyle published by Birch in his ‘Life’ of Boyle and reprinted in volume 12 of The Works of Robert Boyle, while in the other the text in question may not even date from Oldenburg’s lifetime. For the sake of completeness, we have placed these in appendix 2, in which we have also included a third, comparable text which survives in BL 6, fol. 95.b Lastly, it is worth recording here that we have ignored certain forged letters purporting to be to or from Boyle. These stemmed from the notorious Vrain-Lucas affair in the late nineteenth century, when the collector Michel Chasles purchased some 27,000 forgeries from Denis Vrain-Lucas, including three letters purporting to be by Boyle, two from Huygens to Boyle and a whole series supposedly from Pascal to Boyle.c

6. Editorial Methods a. Choice of copy text The text of each letter is taken from the best extant copy, a holograph manuscript, if this survives, or an early manuscript version, or, if no manuscript is extant, from the earliest extant witness to the text, for instance the printed version in Birch’s edition of Boyle’s Works (obviously we have used the 1744 edition, as closest to the original MSS on which it was based, rather than the reprint of 1772). Complications arise in cases where more than one version of a letter is extant, and we have dealt with these as follows. Our presumption has been that the ‘primary’ version of the letter is that received by the person to whom it was addressed; in cases where a further copy was retained by the sender, we have regarded this as a secondary witness, though, insofar as it may differ from the copy as sent, we have recorded any such variants in endnotes. This particularly applies in the case of John a In fact, they are referred to in the letter from James Kirkwood to William Wotton of 22 June 1702, published in RBHF, pp. 107–10, with which they were evidently enclosed: however, because of their relevance to the letters between Boyle and Kirkwood included here, it seemed more appropriate for them to be published here than there. For the other non-Boyle letters published by Birch, see vol. 2, pp. 423–9; vol. 6, pp. 426–9, 447–9. b See vol. 6, pp. 356–61. c See Maddison, ‘Tentative Index’, p. 185, where the key references are given. See also Hunter, Archives of the Scientific Revolution (above, p. xvii), p. 57n.

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Evelyn – not only with his letters to Boyle but more generally.a Evelyn frequently retained copies of letters in his extant letterbook, and he often embellished these after dispatching the ‘original’. Such variants are noted here, but our text is derived from the copy received by Boyle. This even includes cases where the ‘received’ letter survives only in Birch’s printed text, whereas Evelyn’s retained copy is still extant in seventeenth-century manuscript, since there are significant differences in wording between the two: for instance, in the letter to Boyle of 9 August 1659, Evelyn’s retained copy lacks the word ‘capricious’ in the phrase describing the artisans with whom he was forced to work in writing the history of trades – ‘mechanical capricious persons’ – that has become well-known, yet there is no reason to think that that was lacking in the MS version from which Birch’s text was derived.b A comparable case is presented by the lengthy letter from Lorenzo Magalotti to Boyle of spring/summer 1672, where we have two almost identical texts, one among the Boyle Papers and the other among Magalotti’s manuscripts in the Archivio di Stato in Florence. Both are scribal copies, and we presume that both are based on a holograph original now lost.c At first, since the Boyle Papers version is incomplete, it might have seemed best to follow the Archivio di Stato version, which also includes various marginal glosses lacking in the Boyle Papers version. On the other hand, the Boyle Papers version was undoubtedly that received by Boyle, and the marginal references with which the Archivio di Stato copy was embellished were evidently added to that for the benefit of an Italian audience: most of the notes comprise references to Boyle’s writings which Magalotti evidently presumed that Boyle did not require, while their status is confirmed by the fact that one of them provides a gloss on the word ‘Beefeater’ for the benefit of an non-English audience.d Hence we have followed the Boyle Papers text as far as it goes, relegating the embellishments to the Archivio di Stato text to footnotes.e An analogous state of affairs applies in the case of certain letters from John Winthrop to Boyle. Here, matters are complicated by the uncertainties of Atlantic communication in the seventeenth century, when letters were often lost, as recorded in Winthrop’s letter of 29 October 1666, where he reports a ship being taken by the Dutch and all the letters being thrown into the sea. ‘The casualties a For a discussion see Guy de la Bédoyère, Particular Friends: the Correspondence of Samuel Pepys and John Evelyn (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 18–21. See also RBHF, p. 84ff. b See below, pp. 336–7. For background, see Michael Hunter, ‘John Evelyn in the 1650s: a Virtuoso in Quest of a Role’, in Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 67–98, esp. pp. 79–80. c See vol. 4, pp. 262–314. d Ibid., p. 295n. e The absence of the last section of the letter may well be purely accidental – as with other losses in the Boyle Papers, and as is suggested in this case by the fact that an entire gathering is missing – but it is possible that it was consciously destroyed by someone (Boyle, Wotton, or conceivably Miles) who disapproved of Magalotti’s view of Boyle’s religiosity.

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of the sea who can prevent’, he reflected, and clearly such mishaps made duplication prudent.a An example is provided by a letter that Winthrop sent to Boyle on 27 September 1670, which must have arrived, since it was printed by Birch. In addition, however, Winthrop retained a version dated 28 October which gives the same information but is slightly differently worded throughout; in this case, it has seemed best to include the second version in full after the version that Boyle actually received.b A similar duplication occurs with a letter from the New England Company to the Commissioners in New England in 1669.c More puzzling is the case of a letter from William Avery to Boyle dated 2 August 1683, which survives in the Massachusetts Historical Society and is marked: ‘a letter to Mr Boyle august 83 that was not delivered but came back againe’. Again, we have included this, although Boyle clearly never received it.d This case raises similar issues to those discussed at the start of the previous section, accentuating the need to take the nature of the survival of the text of a letter into account in interpreting it. b. Dating of letters Letters are arranged in chronological order. In general, this is a straightforward matter since most letters bear an exact date. However, two complications arise. One relates to letters sent to Boyle from the Continent and concerns the difference between the English and Continental calendar. As is well-known, the calendar introduced by Julius Caesar in 45 BC reckoned each year as comprising 365 and a quarter days, which was a slight over-estimate; by the sixteenth century, this had led to a discrepancy of ten days between the calendar year and the solar year, and in 1582, Pope Gregory XIII reformed the calendar by removing ten days. However, this was not accepted in Protestant countries like England until after Boyle’s lifetime, and hence throughout our period there is a discrepancy of ten days between English dates and those given in much of continental Europe. In such cases, we have denoted the date in the form ‘3/13 January’ or ‘24 September/2 October’, and have placed the letter at the point in which it would appear according to its date in the English calendar. A more minor calendrical matter which may be noted here is that we have throughout reckoned the year as starting on 1 January, despite the common practice in Boyle’s period of beginning the year on 25 March, the feast of the Annunciation. Secondly, a number of letters bear an incomplete date or no date at all.e We have used internal clues in such letters to date them as precisely as possible and have a

See vol. 3, p. 259. See vol. 4, pp. 183–7. For our preference for Winthrop’s retained MS of the first version of the letter to that printed by Birch, see above. c See vol. 4, pp. 132–5. See also vol. 2, p. 354 and n. d See vol. 5, pp. 419–21. e For a list of these see Maddison, ‘Tentative Index’, pp. 180–4. b

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placed them in the chronological sequence accordingly. When the date of a letter is conjectural, it has been enclosed in square brackets. The rationale of our decisions on such matters are explained piecemeal in the apparatus to each such letter. A residue of letters that we have not been able to date at all – comprising only some eleven extant letters, though many more brief descriptions of lost letters, where the available clues are obviously much more restricted – appears as appendix 3.a c. Transcription method Manuscript material is presented according to principles used in The Works of Robert Boyle, which itself followed the method established in Robert Boyle by Himself and his Friends.b Briefly, texts are transcribed literally, retaining original capitalisation, punctuation and spelling, even when this was eccentric, as was the case with women and others who did not receive a formal education at the time. We have been sparing with the use of ‘sic’, but have deployed this where the reader might have been puzzled. The ampersand has been retained. Underlining in the original has been shown by the use of italic. Words or phrases inserted above the line in the original have been denoted ‹thus›. Words or passages deleted or altered in the original are recorded in endnotes (see below). Editorial additions are indicated in square brackets: these include punctuation added to assist the reader, and words or letters obscured by damage to the manuscript. Where symbols are used for chemical substances, quantities and astrological signs, we have reproduced them as they appear in the original but have added transliterations in square brackets for the convenience of the reader. Any square brackets that appear in the original are specifically noted as such. Standard abbreviations have been silently expanded, with square brackets being used in doubtful cases; the thorn has throughout been expanded to ‘th’, and u/v and i/j have been modernised, with ‘u’ and ‘i’ being used for vowels and ‘v’ and ‘j’ for consonants. Catchwords in the original have been ignored unless they fail to tally with the text that follows. In general, paragraphing reflects the original, but additional spacing has occasionally been added for clarity (where this occurs, it is indicated in an accompanying note). Marginal references in the original (e.g., to the Bible) have been shown as footnotes (see below), but insertions which appear in the margin with the intention that they should be incorporated in the text have been placed there (with an accompanying editorial note stating this). The foliation of the original document has been indicated by the insertion of ‘fol. 2’ between soliduses at the point where each recto or verso of the manuscript text begins. a

See vol. 6, pp. 362–96 For an exposition of its rationale, see Michael Hunter, ‘How to Edit a Seventeenth-century Manuscript: Principles and Practice’, The Seventeenth Century, 10 (1995), 277–310. b

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(Verso has been denoted ‘v’, but we have not used ‘r’ for recto, presuming that it can be understood if the verso is not specified). Where a letter is not foliated but is denoted by a single archival entry covering two or more leaves (as is the case, e.g., with the Oldenburg letters in Early Letters OB), we have used the form ‘46 (1)v’, i.e., the verso of the first leaf in item 46. In the case of texts in Latin, we have reproduced accents that appear in the original, particularly the use of the circumflex to signal the ablative case, especially in first declension nouns, and the grave to denote adverbs; on the other hand, we have omitted the tilde placed by many German-speaking writers over the letter ‘u’, reflecting a vernacular usage which they accidentally carried over into Latin. We have also decided not to reproduce the archaic dotting of the letter ‘y’. The usage of u/v and i/j has been modernised as in English texts. with ‘u’ and ‘i’ for vowel sounds and ‘v’ and ‘j’ for consonantal sounds. Though we have generally expanded contractions in Latin as well as English, in the case of prescriptions we have sometimes left contractions unexpanded, as this is how they were habitually used at the time, and it is not clear that those deploying them would have understood them in expanded form. In the case of French texts, we have regularised the use of accents: in the original MSS it is often hard to tell which letter an accent is supposed to apply to. If in doubt, we have followed modern usage. As in Latin, ‘u’/‘v’ and ‘i’/ ‘j’ have been regularised and the archaic dotting of ‘y’ suppressed. In addition, words written together that are normally separate have been separated: thus ‘ilya’ has been transcribed as ‘il y a’. d. Translations In the case of letters or parts of letters in languages other than English, a translation is printed in smaller type on the same page as the text in the original language. Unless otherwise stated, Latin texts of a literary or non-technical nature may be presumed to be the work of David Money and French ones of Teresa Bridgeman, and in these cases only minor editorial intervention has occurred. On the other hand, Latin and French material of a technical nature, especially when chemical or alchemical, has been extensively revised by Lawrence Principe on the basis of their original drafts. Letters in other languages have been dealt with respectively by Lodewijk Palm (Dutch), Philip Weller (German), and Lawrence Principe (Italian and Spanish).a In all cases, the objective has been to give a fluent a See vol. 5, pp. 118–20 (Werner), 150–2 (Wilson); vol. 4, pp. 262–314 (Magalotti); vol. 6, pp. 302–4 (Canzano), 429–33 (Settala). In the case of van Leeuwenhoek’s letters (vol. 4, pp. 416–25; vol. 6, pp. 282–3) we have followed the translation given in the modern edition of his correspondence in the first two cases, and a contemporary English translation preserved as BL 3, fol. 136, for the third. The translation of Viviani’s letter to Southwell (below, pp. 431–4) is adapted from that by W. E. K. Middleton.

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text retaining something of the structure and flavour of the original. Technical terms have generally been rendered in their seventeenth-century form to avoid anachronism and recourse may be had to the glossary for their elucidation, though where alternatives exist, the form familiar to the modern reader has been preferred (e.g., ‘red lead’ rather than ‘minium’). e. Annotations Annotations take the following form. Textual notes on the letters have been placed at the end of the volume: these record deletions, alterations, and significant differences between texts where more than one version survives. Substantive notes appear at the bottom of the page. These are divided into two groups: (a) Authorial footnotes, marked with asterisks, daggers, etc. These are biblical references or such other shoulder-notes in the originals, provided particularly by correspondents like Thomas Barlow when giving Boyle learned disquisitions on topics of mutual interest. They are printed verbatim but, if appropriate, annotated in square brackets. (b) Editorial footnotes, marked with lower case letters. These give identifications of individuals mentioned in the text and full references to books and events referred to. They also clarify any other aspect of the text that merits comment. For instance, we have often identified biblical references and quotations for which the author does not himself give a specific citation. We have also sought to identify and translate all allusions to classical texts. The aim has been to provide information that is necessary for the text to be fully understood, although we have tried to refrain from gratuitously commenting on the information that the text itself provides. It is worth noting here that we have used our discretion in deciding which allusions on Boyle’s part are precise enough to be worth attempting to elucidate (and our record of nescience should be taken as a signal that we have attempted such identification and failed). We have also been sparing in elucidating Boyle’s topographical references unless they are particularly liable to confuse the reader. We have given bibliographical citations where appropriate, but have not bothered to make repeated reference to standard works such as the Dictionary of National Biography and the Dictionary of Scientific Biography (though we have occasionally referred to specialised discussions in the latter). In citing writings by Boyle, we have used the standard short-titles deployed in Works. f. Identification of correspondents and biographical guide Most letters are clearly signed by identifiable individuals, whom we have briefly commented on in footnotes. In general, we have followed the spelling of the correspondent’s name that they themselves used, though we have altered this in a xliii

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handful of cases (e.g., where a Latinised form was used of a name that is more familiar in the vernacular). In cases where a letter is unsigned or unaddressed and the identity of either its author or recipient has been conjectured from internal clues, the relevant names are enclosed in square brackets. Whereas most correspondents and figures mentioned in the text are identified piecemeal or by cross-reference at the point at which they appear, we have in each volume given biographical notes on the handful of people whose names recur so frequently that it would be irritating to the reader if a cross-reference appeared on every occasion where they are mentioned. This applies to between three and ten figures per volume. Our notes are fairly spare, but we have attempted to give bibliographical citations so that the reader can locate further accounts of the person in question for him or herself. g. Glossary The glossary provides a list of technical terms and obsolete words used in the correspondence; for the convenience of the reader, this is reproduced at the end of every volume. Our policy in compiling this has been as follows. We have generally excluded words that appear in the Concise Oxford English Dictionary (9th edition (1995) and subsequent editions) unless they are highly unfamiliar or are used to mean something not indicated there. Neither have we included words that the author himself indicates that he perceived as unusual and which he elucidates in the text, usually terms specific to a particular country or craft. Readers should also make some allowance for unfamiliar spellings of familiar words, which are not included here. A further complication is provided by the use of Latin words as a substitute for English ones; in cases where these are simply Latin equivalents of non-technical English words, we have provided translations of them in footnotes at the relevant point in the text. On the other hand, where they are clearly to be seen as technical terms, they are included in the glossary alongside English ones. As will be seen, the glossary includes numerous Latin and English technical terms which frequently recur, such as ‘lapis calaminaris’ or ‘sugar of Saturn’. In elucidating them, we have used a range of contemporary and modern sources but we have not noted these except in the case of words given a specific meaning by a particular individual. 7. Headers and Footers Various matters are dealt with in the notes at the head of each letter, and at its foot. Much of this information is fairly self-evident, namely details of the source of the text used for each letter, of any other MS versions, and of the places, if any, where it has previously been published. However, the following matters seem worthy of xliv

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comment, some of them relating to the header and others to the ancillary notes on seals, postmarks and endorsements which appear in a matching position at the end of each letter. a. Handwriting Where we are confident that a letter is written in the hand of the person who signed it, we have described it as ‘holograph’. Problems arise with letters from little-known figures of whose handwriting it would not be easy to find specimens for comparison, and when in any doubt we have refrained from making so precise a claim, instead more neutrally describing the letter as ‘original’. In the case of letters from Boyle, matters are complicated by the fact that, from the early 1650s onwards Boyle rarely wrote more than brief passages in his own hand, instead being dependent on amanuenses to put down his ideas in written form.a Over the remainder of his career, there was a significant turnover in the amanuenses he employed, and a number of them can be identified. In Boyle’s later years, a name can be given to many of his amanuenses; earlier, it is necessary to label them in more anonymous ways, by using alphabetic labels. Perhaps the commonest hand from the 1660s is hand E, a flowing, easily legible hand, while the other hand that occasionally appears in the correspondence is hand F, which is more angular in form. A further distinctive group, also denoted by letter, is of hands of amanuenses who worked for Boyle in the years around 1680: hands A, B, C and Z.b However, most of those whose handwriting is used in items dateable to Boyle’s later years can be identified by name. Most notably, there is Robin Bacon, whose neat hand is perhaps commoner than any other in the Boyle archive as a whole, whose activity is in evidence from the 1670s to the end of Boyle’s life. Two other amanuenses who worked for Boyle over a comparable period were Thomas Smith and John Warr, Boyle’s servant, ‘publisher’ and executor. A further figure whose hand can be identified is Hugh Greg, who evidently started working for Boyle c. 1680.c In cases, particularly in Boyle’s early years, where the copy is clearly by an amanuensis but one whom we have not been able to identify, we have used the term ‘scribal hand’, and the same is also true of letters from others which are in a different hand from the signature and which seem to have been written by a scribe. a

He had already sometimes used amanuenses before this, one of them called John Jay; see Hunter, Letters and Papers, p. xxi. b In the case of hand C, this represents a revision of Hunter, Letters and Papers, where ‘C’ was used to describe a rare hand of which no unproblematic specimens survive, and the hand here identified C was not differentiated from Boyle’s own. See Michael Hunter and Edward B. Davis, ‘The Making of Robert Boyle’s Free Enquiry into the Vulgarly Receiv’d Notion of Nature (1686)’, Early Science and Medicine, 1 (1996), 204–71, on pp. 212–13n., and Aspiring Adept, pp. 225n., 233n., where hand Z (not identified in Hunter, Letters and Papers) is also commented on. c For further details see Hunter, Letters and Papers, p. xxxff.

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b. Paper and Format Letters were written on folded sheets of paper, in a fairly standard range of formats. The original sheet was usually of pot or foolscap size, the former approximately 30 cm. by 40 cm., the latter about three centimetres larger in each dimension, though there was a significant amount of variation in such sizes, which it has not seemed appropriate to tabulate in detail.a The sheet might be folded once prior to writing so as to give two folio leaves, each of half the size of the original sheet, or it might be cut in half prior to being folded, thus giving a pair of leaves of approximately a quarter of the size of the original. It was also possible to repeat this process, thus giving rise to an ‘octavo’ format. (Note that in the text below, ‘leaf’ always refers to the end-product of such cutting and folding, not to the original sheets of paper.) In the headnotes, these standard formats have been differentiated by the terms ‘Fol’ (for ‘folio’), ‘4o’ (for ‘quarto’) and ‘8o’ (for ‘octavo’). The number that follows after the solidus is the number of leaves. ‘2’ implies that they are conjugate; if there are two separate leaves, this is denoted ‘1+1’. In cases where two pairs of leaves are folded one within the another, this is explicitly stated. Generally, the letter was started on the recto of the first of the leaves thus formed, continuing onto the verso and/or the recto of the second leaf as required. We have not bothered to state that the address is on the original outside leaf, most commonly the second verso (though there were exceptions to this: for instance, Thomas Barlow habitually used the recto). It is often possible to tell how a letter was folded up for sealing and dispatch, and this was most commonly done by folding it in three and then in three again, though there are variants on this. It has not seemed appropriate to attempt to systematically record such information here. On the other hand, the lack of any address or postmarks should be noted, as the lack of such signs of dispatch may imply that a letter was a retained copy. We have not attempted to provide a record of watermarks. On the other hand, what we have recorded are any abnormal features of a letter’s presentation, particularly ones indicating an abnormal degree of formality. Thus sometimes gilt-edged paper was used, which we have noted. In addition, certain letters use ‘significant space’, in other words extra space either between the text of the letter and the ‘salutation’ (i.e., the address at its head), or between the end of the text and the ‘subscription’ (i.e., the entire formula for signing the letter off, ending with the signature).b In a handful of cases, the subscription is itself spaced out so that the signature appears right at the bottom of the page. These practices are commonest a For a catalogue indicating the slight variations of size within each category in Boyle’s period, see R. W. Chapman, ‘An Inventory of Paper, 1674’, The Library, 4th series 7 (1927), 403–8. The sizes given are evidently of folded sheets. For a slightly wider sample of paper sizes, see Philip Gaskell, A New Introduction to Bibliography (Oxford, 1972), pp. 72–5. b For fuller information on such practices see Jonathan Gibson, ‘Significant Space in Manuscript Letters’, The Seventeenth Century, 12 (1997), 1–10.

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in letters addressed to Boyle from Continental savants who were not personally known to him, though they occasionally appear in letters from English correspondents. They are not very frequent: evidently, by this period such formal procedures were becoming less common than had been the case earlier in the century.a c. Seals Appended to each letter are notes indicating whether a seal either survives or once did, together with concise information about the designs on seals that are extant, most of it by Roger Fearnside. Hitherto, seals have generally been ignored by the editors of seventeenth-century correspondence, yet clearly they give significant information which ought to be recorded – in terms of claims to pedigree, or the choice of symbolism in non-heraldic seals – while in the case of anonymous or pseudonymous letters they may give clues to identification.b Certain items of terminology require explanation. ‘Seal missing’ implies that there is evidence that a seal was once present which is now lacking. We have very occasionally used the formula ‘no seal’ to imply that there is no reason to believe that a seal ever existed (mainly in juxtaposition with notes on impressions of other seals that are present due to the letters being pressed together during more recent storage); if nothing is said, it can be presumed that no seal is present. ‘Impression’ means an impression in the paper of the letter. To avoid confusion, we have avoided using this term in describing the seal itself. It may be presumed that the seals are of red wax unless otherwise stated. Our aim has been to give as definitive an account of the design on each seal as possible. Italic has been used to describe the heraldic elements, i.e., the blazons of arms and coats, though in many cases the seal is too incomplete for proper technical precision to be used. We have tried to give a full description at the first appearance of the seal; however, this is sometimes based on study of better-preserved specimens on subsequent letters, and, where a particularly good example survives, we have sometimes specifically drawn attention to it. In cases where the design is indistinct, it should be noted that ‘perhaps’ generally implies uncertainty concerning the whole device, whereas ‘[?]’ has been used for uncertainty about a specific element within it. a Cf. the remarks of Susan Whyman, ‘“Paper Visits”: The Post-Restoration Letter as seen through the Verney Family Archive’, in Rebecca Earle (ed.), Epistolary Selves: Letters and Letter-writers, 1600– 1945 (Aldershot, 1999), pp. 15–36, on p. 24 and n. 114. b For some pioneering comments on the significance of seals, see David Stevenson, ‘Masonry, Symbolism and Ethics in the Life of Sir Robert Moray, FRS’, Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 114 (1984), 405–31, on pp. 412–13. One edition in which seals are often reproduced in juxtaposition with the letters on which they appear is Oeuvres complètes.

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In order to describe the seals as succinctly as possible, we have made extensive use of fairly technical heraldic terms, which we have not attempted to explain in full. Many of them appear in the Concise Oxford English Dictionary; for others, we recommend perusal of Stephen Friar (ed.), A New Dictionary of Heraldry (Sherborne, 1987), which also includes a good bibliography on the subject. By no means all the seals are heraldic, and we have tried to differentiate nonheraldic from heraldic designs. The former turn out to be perhaps surprisingly common, including various antique heads and other devices; often, the same person used one or more such device in addition to a heraldic seal.a A good example of this is provided by Boyle himself, whose usage may be briefly summarised here. Boyle’s proper heraldic seal, found (for instance) on two documents granting power of attorney dated 10 March 1683 and 30 July 1684 that survive as Chatsworth MS Lismore 33, fols 110 and 133, comprises a shield with a variant on his family arms: per bend embattled, a martlet for difference. However, his letters are sometimes sealed with what is evidently the seal of his amanuensis, John Warr.b In addition, various of his letters to Narcissus Marsh and others in the 1680s have a seal with a monogram ‘TDR’, probably another seal that he ‘borrowed’ from someone else. The same is evidently the case with an earlier seal with the initials ‘IM’, perhaps for John Mayow,c while such earlier letters as those to John Mallet of 23 September 1653, those to the second Earl of Cork of various dates in 1659 and those to John Winthrop of 19 and 28 December 1661 bear what are evidently also borrowed seals, in these cases heraldic ones.d On the other hand, his surviving letters from the 1660s more commonly have non-heraldic devices, including an antique head, evidently of a Roman emperor; a classical figure apparently holding a bow; and a motif with a skeleton between a rosebush and branch holding an hourglass, perhaps to denote mortality.e

a

See, for instance, the ‘set’ of seals of Peter Venables, Baron of Kindarton, which appear among Elias Ashmole’s collection of seal impressions in Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Ashmole 1138, fol. 91: Venables had five seals, one of them non-heraldic. In addition, Ashmole’s collection contains many examples of impressions of antique gems showing classical busts, etc. b See, for instance, the seal on various of his letters to his brother and sister-in-law, the Earl and Countess of Orrery (vol. 4, passim); this is also used to seal his bond for his subscription to the Royal Society in 1674, which is countersigned by John Warr (Royal Society MS 390, fol. 21, dated 25 Nov. 1674). It comprises a shield with three roses only; that this is Warr’s seal is suggested by the fact that the same seal is used on John Warr senior’s undated letter to Boyle, BL 5, fol. 176; see vol. 5, pp. 136–7. c 12 Aug. 1665, EL B.1.88; see, vol. 2, p. 512. d Respectively a lion’s head erased; an achievement of arms comprising three lozenges, with, as crest, an arm embowed; and two lions passant; see below, pp. 145–7, 320–1, 323–4, 359–60, 471–3. e A further seal used by Boyle, this time on his letter to Winthrop of 21 June 1670, shows a lily flower: this may be a further non-heraldic motif of Boyle’s. See vol. 4, p. 181.

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d. Postmarks We have also provided a full record of all postal markings on letters. In some cases these take the form of manuscript notes stating the amount charged for transmitting the letter. In addition, letters from the 1660s onwards often bear the so-called ‘Bishop’ marks, which are so common that they are here simply referred to as ‘postmarks’: they comprise a circle divided horizontally, with the month in one of the semi-circles so formed and the day in the other. We have recorded the data with the content of the upper part of the mark separated by that of the lower part by a solidus: viz, ‘AP / 1’, ‘SE / 23’, ’26 / DE’ or ’23 / AP’.a Rather fewer letters bear the marks of the famous London Penny Post set up by William Dockwra and associates in 1680, which was superseded in 1682 by the government Penny Post. Both have triangular marks inscribed ‘Penny Post Paid’ in their border and with the sorting office from which the letter was dispatched in the centre. These were accompanied by a separate stamp giving the time when the letter was marked for delivery, a heart-shaped one under the Dockwra scheme, which was replaced by a circular one under the government scheme.b The information on these has been conveyed in the form: ‘Triangular Penny Post stamp, with “W” in the centre, accompanied by heart-shaped [or circular] time stamp with the legend “Af / 3” [or “W / Af/8”].’ In a handful of cases, these provide crucial dating evidence which has been referred to in relation to the letter in question.c d. Notes on endorsements These follow the notes on seals and postmarks on a separate line. We have not only quoted all endorsements, but tried to indicate who made them, differentiating notes that are contemporary with the letters from those made by later students of them. Here, readers will encounter repeated reference to the handwriting of the scholars who worked on the Boyle archive in the generation after Boyle’s death, William Wotton, whose extensive preparations for his abortive biography of Boyle are much in evidence in his notes on the Boyle Letters, and Henry Miles and Thomas Birch, who were jointly responsible for the edition of Boyle’s letters that formed part of Birch’s edition of his Works. In particular, Miles is responsible for a series of red crayon numbers of letters by correspondent that evidently relate to the preparations for that edition.d As with seals, it can be presumed that where none is recorded, none exists. a See Howard Robinson, The British Post Office: a History (Princeton, 1948), p. 58, where specimens of the marks are reproduced. We have reproduced the notes literally, so that ‘IV’, for instance means ‘June’. b Robinson, op.cit., p. 70ff. Specimens of the various marks are reproduced in ibid., pp. 73, 75. c E.g., vol. 3, pp. 262–3, 282–5, vol. 5, pp. 231, 375, 408. d See Hunter, Letters and Papers, pp. xii–v, xvii–xx, xxii–vi; RBHF, pp. xxxviff., 111ff.

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Principal Events in the Life of Robert Boyle 1627 25 Jan. Born at Lismore, Ireland, seventh son of Richard Boyle, first Earl of Cork, by his second wife, Catherine. 1635 2 Oct. Enters Eton College with his brother, Francis, later Viscount Shannon. 1638 23 Nov. Leaves Eton College. 1639 Travels to France and Switzerland with Francis, under the tutelage of Isaac Marcombes; spends several months in Geneva 1641 Travels to Italy 1642 Stranded at Marseilles; returns to Geneva 1644 Returns to England 1645 Settles at Stalbridge, Dorset, where he spends much of the next decade; possibly briefly visits France in this year 1648 Feb.–Apr. Visits Netherlands 1649 Laboratory established at Stalbridge July. Quotidian ague 1652 June. Travels to Ireland 1653 June–Sept. Returns to England 1654 Anasarka and ancillary ailments; leaves Ireland 1655 Invitation to Free Communication published in Addresses made to Samuel Hartlib. Late 1655 or early 1656. Settles at Oxford 1659 Seraphic Love published Temporarily resident in Chelsea 1660 New Experiments Physico-Mechanical, Touching the Spring of the Air and its Effects published 28 Nov. Attends inaugural meeting of Royal Society 1 Dec. Appointed to Council for Foreign Plantations 1661 Certain Physiological Essays, The Sceptical Chymist and Some Considerations touching the Style of the Scriptures published 1662 7 Feb. Appointed first Governor of the Corporation for Propagation of the Gospel in New England l

PRINCIPAL EVENTS IN THE LIFE OF ROBERT BOYLE

Defence of the Doctrine Touching the Spring and Weight of the Air published 1663 First volume of The Usefulness of Experimental Natural Philosophy published 1664 Experiments and Considerations touching Colours published 1665 Occasional Reflections and New Experiments and Observations touching Cold published 8 Sept. Created Doctor of Physick at Oxford 1666 Hydrostatical Paradoxes and The Origin of Forms and Qualities published 1668 Settles in London, living for the rest of his life with Lady Ranelagh in Pall Mall 1670 Suffers severe stroke. Cosmical Qualities and other tracts published 1671 Second volume of The Usefulness of Experimental Natural Philosophy published. 1672 An Essay about the Origin and Virues of Gems and other tracts published. 1673 Essay of Effluviums and tracts on Saltness of the Sea, etc., published 1674 The Excellency of Theology, Compar’d with Natural Philosophy published 1675 Some Considerations about the Reconcileableness of Reason and Religion and Experiments, Notes, &c. about the Mechanical Origin or Production of Divers Particular Qualities published. 1678 Historical Account of a Degradation of Gold published 1680 The Aerial Noctiluca published. 18 Dec. Declines presidency of the Royal Society 1681 A Discourse of Things above Reason published 1682 The Icy Noctiluca published 1684 Memoirs for the Natural History Of Humane Blood and Experiments and Considerations about the Porosity of Bodies published 1685 Of the High Veneration Man’s Intellect owes to God, An Essay Of the Great Effects of Even Languid and Unheeded Motion, Of the Reconcileableness of Specifick Medicines to the Corpuscular Philosophy and Memoirs for the Natural Experimental History of Mineral Waters published 1686 Free Enquiry into the Vulgarly Receiv’d Notion of Nature published 1687 The Martyrdom of Theodora and Didymus published 1688 A Disquisition about the Final Causes of Natural Things published; recipe collection printed for private circulation 1689 22 Aug. Resigns Governorship of Corporation for Propagation of the Gospel in New England 1690 Medicina Hydrostatica and The Christian Virtuoso published. 1691 Experimenta & Observationes Physicae published 18 July. Will signed and sealed 23 Dec. Lady Ranelagh dies. 31 Dec. Boyle dies li

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1692 7 Jan. Buried at St Martin’s in the Fields. Burnet’s funeral sermon delivered First volume of Medicinal Experiments and The General History of the Air published 1695 Free Discourse against Customary Swearing published

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THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ROBERT BOYLE VOLUME 1 1636–61

— 1636 — The two letters that open the correspondence are the earliest surviving letters from Robert Boyle, written from Eton where his father, the first Earl of Cork, had sent Robert and his brother Francis (1623–69), in October 1635. The brothers remained there until 11 October 1638. Concerning Boyle’s schooldays see Boyle’s autobiographical An Account of Philaretus in Maddison, Life, pp. 2–56. In addition, we know of another letter that Boyle sent his father in this year, and one that his father sent to him. Receipt of a letter from Robert is recorded in Cork’s diary under 13 February 1636, which also records the dispatch of a letter from Cork to Robert on 15 December that year (I Lismore, iv, 158, 214). In addition, a letter to Cork from Sir Henry Wotton (1568–1639), diplomat and Provost of Eton, dated 4 June 1636, refers to letters from Cork to ‘your two Etonians at Lewis, and for there sweete Sister’, which had been lost by Cork’s servant, Robert Carew, who was in attendance on the two boys; see II Lismore, iii, 262. For a commentary on the passage, and for information on Boyle’s visit to his sister, Lettice, Lady Goring, at Lewes in the summer of 1636, see Maddison, Life, p. 13n.

BOYLE to RICHARD BOYLE, FIRST EARL OF CORK

18 February 1636

From the holograph original at Chatsworth.a 4o/2. Not previously printed.

Deare Father My most humble duty presented unto your Honorable Lordship I prostrate my selfe as being personally present to begg your blessings, and prayer for being such a nigard in writing unto you who is so carefull in nourishing of me, and trayning of me in those faculties appertaining to your child, it was not want of duty or true a This and the next letter, both uncalendared, are stored with the Lismore Papers. The packet containing them is endorsed ‘found at Hardwick 1948’. They are written in childish hand on a page with left-hand margin and lines marked in pencil.

3

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-1

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

naturall love, that hinder the cogitations of my heart, from their1 ‹center› but my continuall emploiment in those exercices wherewith by your Lordships appointment I am charged, and will in time if a carefull endevour will inable me be a joy to your Lordships aged yeares and untill ‹God› will plesse me to attaine to my much wished for desire I remaine your Lordships most obedient sonne Robert Boyle.

february the eight-teenth.

for the Right honorable Richard Earle of Cork Lord high Treasurer of Ireland my very good Lord father. these. Seal: Fragment, details indistinct, apparently showing a wreath. Endorsed by Cork ‘12 Martii 1635 / From my son2 Robert.’

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

29 April 1636

From the holograph original at Chatsworth. 4o/2. Not previously printed.

Deare Father With my most humble duty presented unto your good Lordship, I doe most earnestly pray for the increase of Gods favour unto your honour in health, and happines, I have at this instant nothing to present you withall but that I am in good health praysed be God, and that nothing is wanting to be in the hight of my felicitie but the much wished for newes of your Lordships welbeing, for never since our brothers came over could I heare1 any thing that would incourage me that way,a although I did much desire that hapines, I am now Right honorable fraught2 with my schoole exercice, and destitute of any newes worthy your honorable intelli-

a Robert’s elder brothers, Lewis (1619–42) and Roger stopped at Eton on 1 Mar. 1636 on their way from Dublin to London at the beginning of their European grand tour (Maddison, Life, p. 13).

4

BOYLE

to FIRST EARL OF CORK, 29 Apr. 1636

gence, wherefore I omitt to write any more but leave all to our mans relation,a and humbly crave your Lordships blessings Yours honours most obedient Sonne and servant Robert Boyle.

From Eaton 29no Aprilis 1636

To the Right honorable and my dearely beloved Lord Father Richard / Earl of corke Lord / high Treasurer / of Ireland These humbly present Endorsed by Cork ‘4 Junii 1636 / From my son Robert.’ Also a crayon number ‘C5’ [?].

— 1637 — Lost letters dating from 1637 are as follows: Two lost letters to Boyle are recorded in the first Earl of Cork’s diary, one dated 4 February, the other 4 November (I Lismore, iv, 220; ibid., v, 34).

a Presumably Robert Carew, servant to Cork and in attendance on the two boys; see Maddison, Life, p. 8n.

5

— 1638 —

14 March [1638]a

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

From the printed version in William Oldys and Joseph Towers (eds), Biographia Britannica, 6 vols (London, 1747–66), ii, 914.b

My most honoured Lord Father, HEARTILY praying for the continuance of God’s favour to your Lordship still in soul and body, I humbly prostrate myself unto your honourable feet, to crave your blessing and pardon for my remissness, in presenting my illiterate lines unto your honourable, kind acceptance. Whereas I have been heretofore cloy’d with our colledge exercise, I could not so often visit your Honour in writing; but now being by the ardent desire of our Brother, and the licence of Sir Harry Wotton, and our school-master, come to London, where we make four days residence,c have found opportunity to offer unto your Honour that oblation due unto so good and so noble a Father, that is most humble duty, desiring your Honour to pardon him for his brevity, who strives to live after your Lordship’s will and commandments. Truely and obediently, ROBERT BOYLE.

London, decimo 4to Martii.

For my dear Lord Father, the Earl of Cork. a The letter is assigned to 1638 on the strength of Boyle’s autobiography, in which he writes, ‘Philaretus having now for some two years been a constant resident at Eton … when about Easter he was sent for up to London to see his eldest brother the lord Dungarvan’ (Maddison, Life, p. 17). Easter Day in 1638 was on 25 Mar., and nearer to the date of this letter than in 1636 or 1637, which are the only other possible years. b Dr John Campbell (1708–75), who wrote the biographical account of Robert Boyle in the Biographia Britannica, says he had the original of the letter before him. c Evidently Robert’s eldest surviving brother Richard Boyle (for whom see below, pp. 506–7). For Sir Henry Wotton, see above, p. 3. The master referred to is probably William Norris, headmaster at the college 1631–6.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-2

6

— 1639 — Lost letters dating from 1639 are as follows: A letter from Boyle to the first Earl of Cork dated 31 October 1639 is recorded both in Cork’s diary and in a letter from Marcombes to Cork of 10 November that year (I Lismore, v, 115; II Lismore, iv, 95). In addition, a letter from Cork to Boyle is recorded in Cork’s diary for 22 December, while Isaac Marcombes’s letter to Cork of 12 February 1640 refers to letters from them to him, probably dispatched before the end of the previous year (I Lismore, v, 122; II Lismore, iv, 99).

— 1640 — Lost letters dating from 1640 are as follows: A letter from Boyle to Cork dated 20 May is referred to in a letter from Marcombes to Cork of 23 June 1640 (II Lismore, iv, 115). A letter from Cork to Boyle dated 5 September is referred to in Marcombes’s letter to Cork of 16 November 1640 (II Lismore, iv, 160).

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DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-3

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

1, 1636–61

7 October 1640

From the badly damaged holograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 21, no. 56.a 4o/2/ Not previously printed in full: see II Lismore, iv, 112.

me. we go forward […] in I take a great […] the Arithmetique and […] already began, when […] we strive to render […] esse of the [?] Kin[…] the […] For the […] my […]

Seal: incomplete specimen of seal as on 16 November 1640 (below, p. 9). Black wax. Endorsed by the first Earl of Cork ‘Geneva 7o Octobris 1640b / From my sonn Robert / Rec: at the War[drobe] ultimo Oct.’

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

16 November 1640

From the holograph original at Chatsworth.c Fol/2. Not previously printed.

My most honored Lord and Father. The expectation of your Lordship’s letters hath hitherto hindred me from presenting my duty unto your Lordship in mine. But seing they came not, I tooke this present opportunity to assure your Lordship of the continuation of my duty, and that I desire nothing so much in the world as to heare some newes of your Lorda Most of this letter is missing, and it is impossible to reconstruct it. The legible fragment, which is in the middle of the page towards the left-hand margin, is printed here. A parallel letter of the same date from Boyle’s brother, Francis, reporting their mathematical studies and seeking his father’s approbation, survives as Lismore MS 21, no. 55. b Robert and Francis left England for a European tour in Oct. 1638 and travelled through France, arriving in Geneva at the end of Nov. 1639 (Maddison, Life, p. 28). c A further uncalendared item stored with the Lismore Papers. See above, p. 3n.

8

BOYLE

to FIRST EARL OF CORK, 16 Nov. 1640

ships health (for which I dayly pray Almighty God.) My health continues (thankes be to God) as wel as Mr Marcombes good usage towards me, to whom I have so many obligations for the care he hath of me that I shal never be able to acquit the least part of them. They say here that the pretended peace of Germany is broken, because the Duke of Baviere refuseth to render the Electorat to the Prince Palatin.a They say also that the King of France maketh mighty preparations for the warres and raiseth 100000 Foot, and 30000 Horse.b We continue our Study in the Mathematickes which is (as I thinke) the bravest Science in the world (after Divinity,) and I hope to become a good proficient therein, having for scope therein as wel as in all other study’es the desire to serve God, to please your Lordship, and to render my selfe in some sort worthy to be esteemedc My Lord Your most obedient Sonne and humble Servant Robert Boyle

From Geneva the 16 of November 1640.

For the Earle of Corke my most honored Lord and Father. At London. Seal: Oval. Achievement of arms: a cross; crest: a Turk’s head. Black wax.d Endorsed by Cork ‘Dublin, [… 1]6401 / From my sonne Robin/ Rec at Court by the poste / 15o Decem. 1640.’

a

In 1623 the Electorate of the Upper Palatinate had been transferred to Maximilian I (1573– 1651), Duke of Bavaria, for life by Frederick V (1596–1632), Elector Palatine and deposed King of Bohemia. The son of Frederick V, Charles Lewis (1617–80), assumed the title of Prince Elector of Palatine when he reached the legal age of 18 years. Boyle may be referring to the negotiations at the Imperial Diet at Regensburg in Sept. 1640, although most German princes had accepted the transfer of the electoral title to Bavaria at the Peace of Prague in 1635. The Duke of Bavaria offered to make a separate peace with France in Jan. 1640, on condition that the King of France accept the transfer of the title, along with other conditions, but this was rejected. See G. Parker, The Thirty Years’ War (London, 1987), pp. 142, 167, 170. b Louis XIII (1601–43), King of France from 1610. France was at war with Spain between 1635 and 1659. c On Boyle’s early studies of mathematics see RBHF, pp. 14–15; Usefulness II, part 2, in Works, vol. 6, p. 440. See also Lawrence Principe, ‘Newly-Discovered Boyle Documents in the Royal Society Archive: Alchemical Tracts and His Student Notebook’, NRRS, 49 (1995), 57–70. d The seal is evidently that of Marcombes.

9

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

23 December 1640

From the damaged holograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 21, no. 77.a Fol/2. Not previously printed in full; see II Lismore, iv, 162–3.b

My most honored Lord Father. I received your Lordship’s letter the 15 of thi[…] it assured me both of your Lordship’s health (w[…] ther expect or receive) and also of the prosperous […] We continue our studies in the Mathematickes […] very good. Mr [Marcombes] besides a long pr[…] quicly follow […] the fruits of perfo[…] the Commu[…] …t I shall be (with […] say that t[…] Thomas having […] rendred all […] he held on […] Fleet is arrive […] Million […] not heare tal[…] seldome, my o[…] ing to […] my selfe est[…] December 23 […]ather […] at this […]ry / at London Seal: incomplete but same as that on Boyle to Cork, 16 November 1640. Endorsed by Cork ‘Geneva 23 December 1640 / From my Son Robert / Rec. at Court 6 January 1640’.

a Much of the letter is missing and is impossible to reconstruct. Surviving words are mostly printed in II Lismore, iv, 163. The legible portion, which comprises the entire left-hand side of the letters and fragments of the remainder, is printed here. Approximately four to five words are missing from the right-hand end of the first few lines, and more thereafter, both at that end and in the middle. b As with Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 7 Oct. 1640, a parallel letter of the previous day from Boyle’s brother, Francis, survives as Lismore MS 21, no. 76. This also reports on the boys’ progress in mathematics and on Marcombes’s care for his charges, and expresses enthusiasm for the planned journey to Italy. For a letter from Marcombes of the same date see Lismore MS 21, no. 78.

10

— 1641 — Lost letters dating from 1641 are as follows: Two letters from Boyle to Cork dated 2 and 20 November 1641 are referred to in Marcombes’s letter to Cork of 9 March 1642 (II Lismore, v, 19). Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: First Earl of Cork to Boyle, 25 June 1641 (below, p. 17). First Earl of Cork to Boyle, before 20 July 1641 (below, p. 17). For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, p. 18.

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

20 January 1641

From the holograph original at Chatsworth. Lismore MS 21, no. 85. Fol/2. Previously printed in II Lismore, iv, 163.

My most honored Lord and Father, Having so lately presented my Duty to your Lordship in my Answer to your Lordship’s last Letters, I have nothing now to acquaint your Lordship withall but onely that I am (God be thanked) in good health, and that Mr Marcombes hath so great a care both of my Body and Minde, that I owe him the Obligation (next God) not onely of my health, but also of all that I have learned since I left your Lordship. He did me the favour to shew me the last letter your Lordship wrote unto him, dated the 22eth of December, wherein I read your Lordship’s will, which I am very ready in all points to obey.a We continue our studyes in the Mathematickes, and are already somewhat advanced in the Fortification, wherein I hope and strive to render my selfe a good proficient.b The barrennesse of newes maketh me conclude a b

This letter from Cork to Marcombes does not survive. See Principe, ‘Newly-Discovered Boyle Documents’, esp. p. 63.

11

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-4

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

this Letter, assuring your Lordship that I shall thinke my Paines wel recompensed if by them I may in some sort deserve the Title.

From Geneva the 20eth of January 1641.

My Lord Of your most Obedient Sonne and most humble Servant. Robert Boyle.

To the right Honorable / and my most honored father the Earle / of Corke. / London.

Seal: Remains of seal; design indecipherable. Endorsed by Cork ‘Geneva 20o Januarii 1640 / From my sonne Robert / Rec. at Court 3o. Febr. 1640 / by the poste’.

BOYLE and FRANCIS BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

9 February 1641

From the original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 21, no. 89. 4o/2. Not previously printed.

My Lord we are in good health, & your Lordships most humble, and most dutyfull servant, & sonne [sic],a Francis Boyle Robert Boyle

To the right honourable / the Earle of Corke, London

Seal: as on Boyle to Cork, 28 March 1641 (below, p. 14). Endorsed by Cork ‘Geneva, 9 February 1640 / From Mr Marcombes / Rec. at Court 26 Feb. 1640’. a

These lines are appended in the hand of Francis Boyle, and signed by both brothers, to a letter from Marcombes to the Earl of Cork of this date in which he explains that the two boys were not writing as they were busy trying to finish their mathematical studies prior to their departure for Italy, then planned for 1 Mar. See above, p. 10n.

12

BOYLE

to FIRST EARL OF CORK, 28 Mar. 1641

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

28 March 1641

From the holograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 22, no. 4. Fol/2. Previously printed in II Lismore, iv, 189–90.

My most honored Lord and Father. Having long waited for your Lordship’s letters, at last we received one from your Lordship about 13 or 14 dayes since, wherein your Lordship commanded us not to stirre from Geneva till we had received some other of your Lordship’s letters, which we have done. But seeing that your letters do not come, and that it is almost too late to go into Italy, being very weary with staying so long at Geneva (from whence we have not stirred these 16 Moneths) we have bought horses and are ready to make a Journey to see the neighbouring Countrey, and to recreate our selves for about 3 weekes after so long a study, at the end of which time (if it please God) we will returne to Geneva, and there continue our Studyes and Exercices as before.a We are (thankes be to God) in very good health, and Mr Marcombes continueth the great care and affection he hath showne us ever since we left your Lordship’s house. They say that Banier hath bene beaten in Germany by the Emperour’s Troupes, to the great astonishment of all the world, who thought that it was1 almost impossible that the house of Austria after so many losses could make such a powerfull effort.b I heare no other newes in this Countrey worthy the writing, wherefore I make an end of this letter with my dayly prayers to God for your Lordship’s long life, health and happinesse, and with the desire to be esteemed all my life. My Lord Your most dutifull and obedient Son and humblest Servant. Robert Boyle.

From Geneva the 28 of March. 1641.

For my most honoured Lord and Father the Earle of Corke at the Savoye at / London. a This excursion is probably the one made in Apr. 1641, along a route through Cruseilles, Annecy, Grenoble, Lyons and thence back to Geneva; see Maddison, Life, p. 34. b Boyle refers to developments in the Thirty Years War. Johan Gustafson Baner (Banier) (1596– 1641) was the commander of the Swedish army fighting in Germany. On 17 Mar. 1641 his army was attacked by Austrian Habsburg forces under Archduke Leopold Wilhelm near Cham in the Upper Palatinate and he was forced to retreat. Zdenek Hojda, ‘The Battle of Prague in 1648 and the End of the Thirty Years War’, in Klaus Bussman and Heinz Schilling (eds), 1648, War and Peace in Europe, 3 vols (Munster, 1998), i, 403–11, on p. 404.

ˆ

13

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Seal: Circular. Figure sitting under overhanging tree, with motto: Culne si frote [?]. Endorsed by Cork ‘Geneva 28o Martii 1641 / From my sonn Robert / Rec at Court 21o Aprilis 1641.’

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

5 May 1641

From the holograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 22, no. 12. Fol/2. Previously printed in II Lismore iv, 190–1.

My most honored Lord and Father, We are newly returned from our Journey mentioned unto your Lordship in our last Letters of the 28 of March, wherein we have had some pleasure mingled with some paines.a At our comming backe we saw the 2 Letters that your Lordship hath written to Mr Marcombes of the 14 and of the 25 of March, by which you give us leave to goe into Italy, and by which your Lordship seemes to be angry with my Brother and I because that lately we have not written to your Lordship so fully as we should.b As for the licence your Lordship gives us to goe into Italy, (most humbly thanking your Lordship for it) we beseech your Lordship to consider that being come too late to our knowledge, and the heat being already very great in Italy, it would be very dangerous for us to go thither now, wherefore we have resolved (with your Lordship’s leave) to stay this Summer at Geneva, there to continue our Studyes and Exercices with more eagernesse than before, striving thereby in some sort to efface my negligence, which I will not excuse, and for which I most humbly beg your Lordship’s pardon, assuring your Lordship that I will never fall into such a fault againe. We are very wel at Mr Marcombe’s house, who hath a very great care both of our health and instruction, letting us want nothing that is necessary either for our bodyes or mindes. We have each of us a Man to wait on us, and a Horse to Ride abroad those houres which we give not to our Studyes. I heare no newes here worthy the sending over, wherefore I finish this Letter with protestation ever to remaine. My Lord. Your Lordship’s most affectionate a

See above, p. 13. These two letters from the 1st Earl of Cork to Marcombes are not extant. The intention had been to begin the journey into Italy in Mar. 1641 but because the Earl’s consent was so delayed, Marcombes postponed the visit until Sept. The Earl’s reluctance to give permission for the journey was the result of fears of reprisals when travelling in Catholic territory, following the severe antiCatholic agitation in England at this time (Maddison, Life, p. 36). b

14

BOYLE

to FIRST EARL OF CORK, 30 May 1641

From Geneva the 5 of May. 1641.

and obedient Sonne, and humble Servant. Robert Boyle. For my most honored Lord and Father the Earle of Corke, at his house at London.

Seal: Same as that on Boyle to Cork, 16 November 1640. Endorsed by Cork ‘Geneva 5o [Maii]1 1641 / From my sonn Robert / Rec. 20o Maii 1641.’

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

30 May 1641

From the holograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 22, no. 27. Fol/1. Previously printed in II Lismore, iv, 192.

My most honored Lord and Father: I am too sensible of the Anger which your Lordship shewed against us in your Lordship’s last Letter to Mr Marcombes, because of our passed negligence for to continue in the same Error, and therefore my Brother and Mr Marcombes writing by the Duke of Lenoxes Brothers Governora I thought fit to accompany their Letters with these few words to beseech your Lordship to pardon me my passed faults, to assure your Lordship that we lose not our time, and to beg that favor of your Lordship to beeleve that I shall alwayes remaine, My Lord Your most obedient Sonne and humblest Servant. Robert Boyle.

From Geneva the 30th of May 1641.

a Boyle refers to James Stuart (1612–55), 4th Duke of Lennox, whose youngest three brothers were Ludovic (1619–65), John (1621–44) and Bernard (c. 1623–45). Their ‘Governor’ or tutor was George Buchanan (dates unknown). Marcombes in his letter of this same date written to the Earl of Cork refers to ‘Mr Buchanan of my old accointance and Gouvernour to the yonger Brothers of the Duke of Lenox which we have seene here att their returne from Italy’ (Lismore MS 22, no. 25). For Francis’s letter, see no. 26.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

For my most honoured / Lord and Father the Earle of / Corke. / at London.

Seal: Same as that on Boyle to Cork, 16 November 1640. Endorsed by Cork ‘Geneva 30o Maii / 1641. From my sonn Robert / Rec at Court 25o Junii 1641.’

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

6 July 1641

From the holograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 22, no. 34. Fol/2. Previously printed in II Lismore, iv, 192.

My most honored Lord and Father. I desire with passion and without any question to goe into Italy, but I protest unto your Lordship that I doe not desire it halfe so much as to heare from your Lordship, for the three Moneths (or thereabouts) that we have ‹beene› deprived of that sweete communication seeme to me 3 long Ages, and would to God that the interruption of that pleasing commerce may proceede from your private and publique employments.a I hope that by your first your Lordship wil give us leave to goe into Italy in September next, and Mr Marcombes (who presenteth his most humble service to your Lordship and who cannot write now by reason of his sore hand) thinkes that any other besides the former order is needlesse and expecteth but the confirmation thereof to undertake our soe much desired Journey, which I hope will be prosperous and without any danger, as Mr Marcombes who knoweth the Countrey and as many other Gentlemen who come lately from thence assure us. Heere we are in perfect health (thankes be to God) and when we have performed our Exercises we go take the Ayre and see our Friends, having each of us a Man and a Horse, and among other good company we have here my Lord of Hertford’s two Sonnes, and for our perfect contentement we want nothing but your Lordship’s gratious Letters, which shall never come so soone as doth desireb My Lord Your Lordship’s most obedient Sonne and humblest Servant. Robert Boyle.

From Geneva the 6th of July 1641. a

For the visit to Italy see above, p. 14n. This is a reference to William Seymour (c. 1620–42) and Robert Seymour (c. 1624–46), sons of William Seymour (1588–1660), Marquis of Hertford. b

16

BOYLE

to FIRST EARL OF CORK, 20 July [1641]

For my most honored Lord and Father the Earle of Corke. at London.

Seal: Same as that on Boyle to Cork, 16 November 1640. Endorsed by Cork ‘Geneva 6o Julii 1641 / From my sonn Robert / Rec. at Court by Mr Castella / 21o of the same.’ Also endorsed in a possibly eighteenth-century hand ‘Robt. Boyle’.

20 July [1641]b

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

From the printed version in W. Oldys and J. Towers (eds), Biographia Britannica (above, p. 6), ii, 915.

My most honoured Lord and Father, AS your Lordship’s long silence hath extremely afflicted us, so the receipt of your Lordship’s letters, dated the 25th of June, hath infinitely rejoyced us;c for by them we are not only assured of your Lordship’s health, (for the continuation whereof I pray God day and night) but also of the leave which we have so much desired to go into Italy the first of September. I wonder that Mr Killigrew should tell your Lordship, that we wore our old cloaths, and had no money in our pockets when he was here;d for I assure your Lordship, that since we came to Geneva, we have been very far from wanting either the first or the last, and that Mr Marcombes hath too great a care of us to let us want the least thing that is necessary, either for our bodies or minds: we are in his house in perfect health, (thanked be God) and grow great proficients in the Mathematicks, which is a study so pleasing and profitable, that when one hath once tasted the sweetness of it, it is almost impossible not to take delight therein, and by consequence not to ply it hard. The news here are, that the Count de Soissons forces, and one of the King of France’s armies having met near Sedan, the King’s army was beaten, and the Count de a

Michael Castell was an agent of the Earl of Cork. See Maddison, Life, pp. 45, 47. The date given in Biographia Britannica is obviously incorrect. We have deduced the year from the subject matter of the letter, including the trip to Italy which was originally anticipated in 1641 but then delayed. c This letter is not extant. d Thomas Killigrew, the elder (1612–83), the brother-in-law of Francis Boyle, who set out for Geneva shortly after his marriage, reported, probably mischievously, that the Boyle brothers were not being properly maintained. See also Lismore MS 22, no. 39 and II Lismore, iv, 235. b

17

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Soissons killed.a They say also, that Picolomini hath been shrewdly beaten in Germany, and that the King of France’s affairs go very well in Catalonia, the Archbishop of Bordeaux having beaten the Spanish fleet, and Tarragone being taken by one of the King’s generals.b Having no other news worthy the writing to your Lordship, I end my letter with them, beseeching you to believe that I lose no time here, and that in plying hard my studies and exercises, I will shew the ardent desire I have to be justly esteemed, My Lord, Your most dutiful and the obedient Son, and humble servant, ROBERT BOYLE

From Geneva, the 20th July, 1746. [sic]

For my most honoured Father, the Earl of Cork, at his lodgings at Court.

a Louis de Bourbon (1604–41), comte de Soissons, French royal prince. He led a rebellion in 1641, in alliance with Frédéric Maurice de la Tour-d’Auvergne (1605–52), duc de Bouillon. They assembled an army in Bouillon’s principality of Sedan and routed a French army at the battle of La Marfé on 6 July 1641, but Soisson died at the end of the battle and Boullion subsequently submitted to Louis XIII; see Victor-L. Tapie, France in the Age of Louis XII and Richelieu, trans. D. McN. Lockie (London, 1974), p. 415. b Ottavio Piccolomini (1599–1656), originally from Italy, was Imperial General in the Thirty Years War. In Feb. 1641 Philippe, comte de la Mothe-Houdancourt (1605–57), marshal, was sent into Catalonia. He laid siege to Tarragona, which was also blockaded by sea by Henri d’Escoubleau de Sourdis (1593–1645), archbishop-admiral. However, the Spanish fleet surprised the latter, and forced him to flee on 20 Aug. 1641.

18

— 1642 — Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Cork to Boyle and/or Marcombes, prior to 20 September 1642 (see below, pp. 22–3).

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

25 May 1642

From the autograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 23, no. 52. Fol/2. Some words are missing due to damage to the right-hand side of the letter. The loss is of about four words in each of the worst affected lines. Previously printed in II Lismore, v, 71–3.

My most honored Lord and Father, Having according to your Lordship’s order and directions seriously pondered and considered the present estate of our affaires, we have not thought expedient for divers reasons that my Brother will tell your Lordship by word of mouth, that I should goe into Holland;a for besides that I am already weary and broken with a long Journey of above eight hundred miles, I am as yet too weake to undertake so long a Voyage in a strange country, where when I should arrive I know no body, and have little hope by reason of my youth to be receaved among the troopes, and withall Mr Perkins having not sent us the 250 pound starling that your Lordship had ordained for our present Journey, I could not part from hence in any good equipage:b wherefore Mr Marcombes having offered me to bring me to Geneva, a The Irish Rebellion had broken out on 23 Oct. 1641, greatly effecting the Earl of Cork’s personal fortunes. He wrote on 9 Mar. 1642 to Marcombes describing his necessitous condition and instructing him to send Francis and Robert back to Ireland, or to enter them in the wars in Holland. See Lismore MS 22, no. 165 and II Lismore, v, 19. b William Perkins was the Earl of Cork’s tailor in London, who acted as intermediary in many of the latter’s financial transactions. The Earl had scraped together £250, which sum should have been remitted to Marcombes to cover the expenses connected with the return of Francis and Robert. Perkins used the money for his own immediate necessities; see Lismore MS 23, no. 13. The Earl replied angrily on 5 Nov. 1642; see Lismore MS 23, no. 150, II Lismore, v, 117 and Maddison, Life, pp. 46–9.

19

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-5

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

where I shall want no necessary thing, and stay there untill it please your Lordship to give me some more particular order and directions or till it please God to change the face of the affaires, I have accepted his offer, hoping that one day God will give me the meanes not onely to render him what he ‹shall› have1 layed out for me, but also to requite him for his greate friendship and courtesy:a I […] then to Geneva (with God’s blessing) to repose my selfe after so long a J[…] […] to gather some force and vigour, to serve and defend my Relig[…] my King and my Countrey according to my little power; […] employ my time so well, that I shall render my2 selfe ca[…][…]ploy whereunto your Lordship may put me: I beseech […] betweene this and the end of August to thinke upon s[…] I may honorably gaine my living, assuring you that I […] […]bour and good endeavour to render my selfe capable thereof […] if your Lordship hath need of me in Ireland I beseech your Lordship to acquaint me therewith, and to beleeve that I have never beene taught to abandon my parents in adversity but that there and in all other places I will alwayes strive to show my selfe an obedient Sonne: as for my Brother Francis, find himselfe in Age and equipage fit to obey your Lordship, he is now ready to take horse to goe towards Ireland to secoure your Lordship according to his power; wherefore being confident that he will informe you more largely of all our affaires; I most humbly take my leave, commending your Lordship, and him, and us all unto the protection of Almighty God, beseeching your Lordship to beleeve, that whatsoever misery or affliction it pleaseth God to send me, I will ‹never› doe the least action unworthy of all the honor that I have to be My Lord, Your Lordship’s most dutifull […] […]ient […] and […]

from Lions the 25th of May 1642

For the right honorable and my most honored Lord and Father / the Earle of Corke at Youghal / or elsewhere.

Seal: Circular. Shield only of impales arms: a fess chequy, a bird in chief impaling Ermine [?] on a chief three griffins [?] sergeant. Endorsed by Cork ‘Lyons 15o Maii 1642 / From my sonn Robert / Rec. 6o Augusti’. Also ‘Robt. Boyle’ in a possibly eighteenth-century hand. a It was at Marseilles that Robert and Francis first became aware of the consequences to the Earl of the Rebellion. As is indicated some lines later, at Lyons Francis left the party to return to Ireland and Robert continued the return leg to Geneva under the care of Marcombes.

20

BOYLE

to VISCOUNT KINALMEAKY, 1 Aug. 1642

BOYLE to LEWIS BOYLE, VISCOUNT KINALMEAKYa

1 August 1642

From the holograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 23, no. 100. 4o/2. The original letter is mutilated with loss of up to four words in the worst affected lines. Previously printed in II Lismore, v, 96–8.

Deare Brother. Our common misfortune, and mine in particular had […] so deepe a melancholy, that it made me almost forget, bot[…] that which I owe unto you (Dearest Brother): and I shou[ld] […] perpetually sylent (I thinke) if the good newes that my D[…] Francis sent me of the prosperous event of your couragious ac[…] (as it were) awaked me from that long1 sleepe, wherein my w[…] […]ly had plunged me, and shewed me the greate fault that my further sylence would have made me commit. Wherefore I now take the pen in hand to beseech you to excuse it, which (I beleeve) you will easyly doe, if you take the paines to consider, that it is not an effect either of my forgetfulnesse or of my ingratitude, but onely of the opinion I have that you are fully persuaded of the greatenesse and firmenesse of my affection (and respect) towards you, that it can neither be declined by sylence or absence, nor augmented by letters. I beleeve that by this time you have seene my Brother Francis, who hath (as I esteeme) acquainted you with the reasons that caused our separation; wherefore I’le content my selfe to assure you now, that I am at Geneva in very good health at Mr Marcombe’s lodging, where I want nothing but some confortable letters out of England or Ireland, and where I dayly expect fresh orders and money from my Father.b I lately receaved with a greate deale of contentment and pleasure the glad newes of your generous and fortunate Combats against the Irish Rebels,c but I have not beene alone glad of them, for although my joy were very greate, yet I assure you that it was (very neare) equalled by Mr Marcombe’s, for he takes almost as greate a part in your interests a[s if] they were his owne, and hee affectuously beseeches you (by me) to continue […] honour of your friendship as he on his part vowes to continue you his o[…] […] and desire to doe you service. As for me he hath so much obliged me, the […] despaire of 2 ever being able to desengage my selfe of so many and so great […] that I have unto him I should esteeme it a greate happinesse for me […] of your letters, but I dare not aske that favour for feare of im[…] for I beleve that your more serious occupations give you a Lewis Boyle (1619–42), Viscount Boyle of Kinalmeaky, 4th son and 10th child of the 1st Earl of Cork; created Baron of Bandon Bridge and Viscount Boyle of Kinalmeaky, 1628. He was killed shortly after the date of this letter, whilst in command of a troop of horse at the battle of Liscarrol, 3 Sept. 1642. b For the delay in the arrival of the money Robert needed to return home see above, p. 19n. c Probably a reference to Kinalmeaky’s spirited defence of Bandon, and his successes against the rebels. See II Lismore, v, 79.

21

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

not s[…] write as I have now: wherefore I’le very willingly conten[…] and then the object of your thoughts, assuring you on the ot[…] […] are almost continually that of mine, and that in the midst […] […]flictions I ressent a great deale of Joy, when I thinke u[…] be in your good graces and esteeme, and upon the honour I have to […] Deare Brothe[r] Your most affectionate Bro[…] faithfull and humble Servant Robert Boyle.

From Geneva the 1 of August 1642. 3

These lines (Deare Brother) are not able to expresse the least part of my inviolable affection, wherefore I beseech you not to4 mesure it by my expressions, but to suspend your judgment, till I have the happinesse to enjoy a little your company, or to assure you by effects that my affection passeth very much my expression. Adieu Dearest Lewis, idle bofin, Bon Anné, Bon Solé, bon Véspré. Adiciuo a Di vous commandea ˆ

For my Deare Brother the / Lord of Kynalmekaye / at Bandonbridge. These Seal: a poor impression of that on Boyle to first Earl of Cork, 28 March 1641. Endorsed by Cork: ‘Geneva 1o Aug. 1642. / From my sonn Robert / to his / Brother Kynal. / Rec. 13 October.’

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF CORK

30 September 1642

From the autograph original at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 23, no. 135. 4o/2. Previously printed in II Lismore, v, 114–15.

My Lord As your Lordships long sylence had extreamely afflicted me, so the receate of your Lordship’s favorable Letters (which fell into my hands the 20th of this Month) hath extreamely rejoyced me; by the assurance that your Lordship and my Brothers are (thankes be to God) in very good health and victorious over all your a The significance of certain words used in Boyle’s whimsical valedictory is unclear: ‘bofin’ is possibly a pet name for his brother, while the spelling of some of the French phrases that follow is odd.

22

BOYLE

to FIRST EARL OF CORK, 30 Sept. 1642

enemies.a I receaved therein a Commandement from your Lo: to stay heere with Mr Marcombes till the Spring-time;b which order (although the long privation that it prescribes me of the honor to be neere your Lordship renders it difficult) I am resolved to obey, and to employ my selfe so diligently to my Studyes and Exercises, that at my comming home I may render my selfe capable of some employment in the affaires of Ireland. I am no lesse astonished then your Lordship at the basenesse and infidelity of Perkins, nor no lesse sensible to the obligations of Mr Marcombes, whom I should altogether despaire ever to requite if your Lo: in your Letter had not promised to take your selfe that matter in hand:c he alwayes continues his care of me, and lets me want nothing that is necessary either for the body or for the mind; so that I am now (God be thanked) in as perfect health as ever I have beene, and am ready (with his helpe[)]1 to spend my time as well as ever I did in my life. The death of my Brother Brohill’s little Son has made me very sorry; but his Lady’s greate belly makes me hope that the delivery of a Second lusty boy will recompence the losse of the First:d besides that the happy arrivall of my Brothers Dungarvan and Francis in Ireland, and the hope that your Lo: gives me to procure me some office at my comming over hath almost blotted that ill newes out of my memory.e I have receaved a greate deale of contentment and satisfaction by the lecture of those particularitys of my Brothers generous combats and victoryes which your Lordship hath beene pleased to send me (for the which I most humbly thanke your Lo:) for not onely they have very much rejoyced me by the knowledge of their health, reputation, and prosperous successes; but also they have filled me with an ardent desire to follow their noble steps, and to show some generous effect of the honor that I have to be My Lord Your Lordship’s most obedient Son and humble Servant Robert Boyle.

From Geneva the 30th September 1642.

a Presumably Boyle was unaware of his brother Viscount Kinalmeaky’s death on 3 Sept., and so he must be referring to the efforts of Kinalmeaky and Francis Boyle (1623–99) against the Irish. His elder brother Roger also helped to suppress the Irish rebellion between 1641 and 1643. The letter(s) from Cork referred to here are not extant. b For Boyle’s departure from Geneva see below, Boyle to Steward of Stalbridge, last quarter 1644. c For William Perkins, see above, p. 19n. d Broghill married Margaret Howard (1623–89) in 1641. This statement, if correct, gives evidence of an otherwise unrecorded infant of Roger Boyle. e Boyle refers here to his elder brother Richard, who inherited the title Viscount Dungarvan, and to his younger brother Francis, recently returned from Geneva.

23

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

For my most honored / Lord and Father the Earle of Corke. At Youghall / or elsewhere. Seal: Same as that on Boyle to first Earl of Cork, 16 November 1640. Endorsed by Cork: ‘Geneva 30o Sept. 1642. / From my sonn Robert / Rec. 5o Novem.’

24

— 1644 —

BOYLE to STEWARD OF STALBRIDGEa

Last quarter 1644

From the fragment printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 15, described as ‘Letter to the steward of his manor of Stalbridge in Dorsetshire’. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxvii.

… At length, though I could not receive any supply at all from my friends, yet being unable to subsist any longer, I was forced to remove thence; and having upon his [Mr Marcombes’s] credit made shift to take up some slight jewels at a reasonable rate, we made sale of them from place to place, and by their help, at last, by God’s assistance, we got safe into England towards the middle of the year 1644, where we found things in such confusion,b that although the manor of Stalbridge were, by my father’s decease, descended unto me, yet it was near four months before I could get thither.c

a

Possibly John Nicholls. See Maddison, Life, p. 259, and below, p. 234n. At this point, the 1st Civil War was still at its height, with the battle of Marston Moor taking place in July. c The 1st Earl of Cork died on 15 Sept. 1643. The estate of Stalbridge Manor in Dorset had been purchased by the Earl in 1636 especially for his son Robert. See Maddison, Life, pp. 57–61. It is unlikely that Robert Boyle was at Stalbridge on 8 Oct. 1644, when Charles I dined and stayed the night there. See Richard Symons, Diary of the Marches of the Royal Army during the Great Civil War, Camden Society, 1st series, 74 (1859). b

25

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-6

— 1645 — For lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, p. 28.

BOYLE to BROGHILL

25 August 1645

From the fragment printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 15. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxvii.a

The necessities of my affairs calling me away (according to the leave the parliament has given me) into France …b

KATHERINE JONES, LADY RANELAGH, to BOYLE

[late 1645]c

From the original in BL 5, fols 29–30. 4o/2. Letter begins on fol. 30. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 565, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 534.

This is onely my Brother to tel you that it pleased god to carry me thorough my Jorney much better than I could reasonablely have expected I1 could have passed it Considering my preperation for it was a night ful of smart paines & almost without sleepe & that when I went into the Coach I was Ill enough to have binn more properly2 put to bed, here we have a right prospect of what the world cals greatnes Croud, Noyse, heapes of meate & drink in proportion contrivance & paines to please the sence vexsation & feare & in Conclusion emptynes & disapoyntment. a

Birch states that the letter is dated from London. Boyle may have gone abroad to settle his indebtedness to Marcombes; see Maddison, Life, p. 65. c This letter has been dated on the basis of the evident reference to the marriage of Anne and Charles Howard, which took place in late 1645; see Maddison, Life, pp. 65–6. b

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-7

26

BOYLE

to COUNTESS BARRYMORE, [1645]

You are now very neere the houer3 wherein your mistris is by giveing her selfe to another to set you at libertie from al the apearances you have put on of being a lover which tho they Cost you some paines & use of art were easyer because they were but apearancesa Its wel if she put not her selfe by that act of bounty into more slaverie than she gives you libertie, but now she must perfect makeing the venture she has soe farr proceeded in, I must before I free you too recommend that health to your Care as the onely obligation to be put by you upon me greater than those that you have already heaped upon Yours affectionately K R 4

For my Brother

Seal: Remnant only, obscured by paper.

BOYLE to SUSAN BARRY, COUNTESS BARRYMOREb

[1645]

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 86. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, cxxxvii–cxxxviii.

* * * It is high time for me to hasten the payment of the thanks I owe your ladyship for the joy you are pleased to wish me, and of which that wish possibly gives me more than the occasion of it would. You have certainly reason, madam, to suspend your belief of a marriage celebrated by no priest but fame, and made unknown to the supposed bridegroom. I may possibly e’re long give you a fit of the spleen upon this theme; but at present it were incongruous to blend such pure raillery, as I ever prate of matrimony and amours with, among things I am so serious in as those this scribble presents you. I shall therefore only tell you, that the a Before his death the 1st Earl of Cork had designed a marriage between Robert Boyle and Anne Howard, only daughter of Edward, Lord Howard of Escrick. The lady, however, did not marry Boyle, but her cousin Charles Howard, who in 1661 was created Earl of Carlisle. The Earl’s diary records lengthy details of the proposed marriage settlement; see Maddison, Life, pp. 55–6. This letter to Robert Boyle from his sister Katherine probably relates to the marriage of Anne and Charles, the exact date of which is not known, but which was certainly in 1645. b Susan Barry (b. 1629), wife of Boyle’s nephew Richard Barry (1630–94), 2nd Earl of Barrymore, and daughter of Sir William Killigrew. This undated letter was included by Birch at the end of his ‘Life’ of Boyle in connection with Boyle’s marital affairs. Birch notes that Boyle wrote it ‘when he was very young’. It is placed here for its similarity to the adjacent letter from Lady Ranelagh.

27

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

little gentleman and I are still at the old defiance. You have carried away too many of the perfections of your sex, to leave enough in this country for the reducing so stubborn a heart as mine, whose conquest were a task of so much difficulty, and is so little worth it, that the latter property is always likely to deter any, that hath beauty and merit enough to overcome the former. But though this untamed heart be thus insensible to the thing itself called love, it is yet very accessible to things very near of kin to that passion; and esteem, friendship, respect, and even admiration, are things, that their proper objects fail not proportionately to exact of me, and consequently are qualities, which in their highest degrees are really and constantly paid my lady Barrimore by her Most obliged humble servant, and affectionate uncle, ROBERT BOYLE.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 1 December 1645 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘At Cambridge 1 December 1645 for a little while perhaps a month’. (italicised words in shorthand)’. This could relate to the undated letter to Lady Barrymore; see previous entry.

28

— 1646 — For a lost letter referred to in a surviving letter, see the letter from Lady Ranelagh to Boyle referred to in Boyle to Worsley [after 21 November 1646] (below, p. 42). For lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, pp. 30, 34, 36, 44.

20 February 1646a BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘London Feb. 20 1646 – was then about going to Stalbridge’.

BOYLE to ARTHUR ANNESLEYb

28 February 1646

From the original in the Bodleian Library, MS Clarendon 27, fol. 67; item 2132. Not previously printed.

Sir. I am very sorry that I am forc’d to make my first addresses to you by my Petitions & not by my Services. But since your owne Goodness (by your courteus promises) has assured me that you wud not be unwilling to oblige me; I will venture to trouble you with this request, That the Abbey of Rossacke, (& ’tis likely a Miles also has an entry ‘London Feb. ult 1646’, which is presumably Boyle’s letter to Annesley; see next entry. b Arthur Annesley (1614–86), afterwards Viscount Valentia and Earl of Anglesey, was sent to Ulster by authority of Parliament in 1645 as a commissioner to defeat Ormonde’s negotiations with the Scots, and at this time he was entrusted with the management of Boyle’s estates in Connaught. In 1645 Parliament sent Sir Charles Coote (d. 1661), to Ireland as Lord President of Connaught. Coote assembled an army in Ulster and brought a substantial part of Connaught under Parliament’s control; see D. Stevenson, Scottish Covenanters and Irish Confederates (Belfast, 1981), pp. 221–2.

29

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-8

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

som other things) being lately taken in by your Forces there; you wud be pleas’d, both in that, & in any other Place belonging to me in the North of Ireland, if any such chance to be hereafter reduc’t, (a Rentall of all which I send you heerewithall) to commit them to the Custody of any whomsoever you shall thinke fit, that they may Preserve at least my Interest there:a & if there be any little thing to be made of it for the present; that it may be return’d for me to my sister Ranalaugh. To this End I heereby authorize you to receave to my use all Rents or Arreares, to compound & give acquittances for them; & (in short) to dispose of my estate in Connaught as you shal thinke most fitting for my advantage;1 & I do heereby ratify & confirm whatsoever you shal be pleas’d to do therein in my Behalfe. Sir, I should /fol. 67v/ not presume to be so trublesom to you2 at this present, if the confidence I have of your obligingness, &3 your civil profers (the last time I had the happiness to see you) had not invited me thereunto; & truly I am the less unwilling to importunate you, upon the consciousness of my owne vehement desire, to answer your favors with the utmost services of Sir Your most faithfull & obliged Servant Robert Boyle.

London, this last of February 1646.

For Mr Arthur / Annesley these / with my service Endorsed in an unknown hand: ‘From Mr Robert Boyle / Febr. last. 1645/6 / with some papers concerning / his estate in Connaght. / &c 3 in number.’ Then in a different hand: ‘To Mr Annesley, desiring to / take care of his Affairs in / Ireland.’ And, in the same hand as the first endorsement: ‘Received Aprill. 12. / 1646. by Jeremy / Tomlins’, then in same hand, ‘Answered the 14th inclosed / to the Lady Ranalaugh’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 25 March 1646 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘Stalbridge March 25 1646’. a These were impropriations of church lands in Rossacke, County Mayo, bequeathed to Boyle by his father, the Earl of Cork; see Dorothea Townshend, The Life and Letters of the Great Earl of Cork (London, 1904), p. 479ff.

30

BOYLE

to LADY RANELAGH, 30 Mar. 1646

30 March 1646a

BOYLE to LADY RANELAGH

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 15–17. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxvii–xxx.

SISTER, If the busy idleness of receiving senseless visits (whose continuance, if otherwise unavoidable, were capable, in my opinion, to justify the retiredness of an hermit) had not so totally taken up my leisure, you should not so long have had a reprieve from the importunity of my letters. But now at last, to make you amends for my fault (if at least /p. 16/ the amends itself be not a fault) I will present you with a piece of a real romance in the story of my peregrination hither. The morning I had the unhappiness to take my leave of you and my lady Molkin,b I bid farewel to the city, and began my journey upon a courser. Him I rid to dinner to Egham; and at the end of the town, there it was my good fortune (as we are pleased to miscall it) to overtake an express sent from the parliament to the general, making ceremonies with his horse, whether of them two should lead the way.c I quickly put an end to their difference, by making Roger take the honour upon him;d and we had not rid far, before we met with some carriers, that had lately left Andover, who assured us, that the way was very secure; though presently after we came to discover, that those youngsters would not have been very sorry, that we had been snapped by some of their party, and been made to take Oxford in our way to Stalbridge; for we were no sooner come to Bagshot, but we met a carrier coming the way we were going, who assured us, that the cavaliers had eased them at Basingstoke of all their superfluous moveables, and were advanced as far as Hartley-row, the very village, that I had designed for that night’s lodging.e So believing, that our quarters would be already taken up, we called a council of war to advise and resolve what to do. It was Roger’s opinion, to stay where we were, till the passage were made secure (strange, that so well-armed an head should be fearful!) but the messenger easily persuaded us to go to Farnham (though both that and all the country in the way were smartly alarmed) assuring Roger, that in case of danger he could strike into a a

This letter appears in Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129). Doubtless a pet name for Boyle’s sister Mary (1624–73), who was married to Charles Rich (1616–73), afterwards 4th Earl of Warwick. c This was presumably the messenger taking the letter of thanks sent by Parliament to Sir Thomas Fairfax, the commander of the New Model Army, after the surrender of the royalist army in Cornwall on 12 Mar. 1646; see Lords Journal, viii, 231. d i.e., Broghill. e Hartley Row is a village on the main road from Bagshot to Basingstoke in the parish of Hartley Wintney, Odiham Hundred, Hampshire. See W. Paige (ed.), Victoria County History of Hampshire and the Isle of Wight. Volume Four (London, 1911), p. 79. The last main royalist army surrendered at Stow on the Wold on 21 Mar., but as this letter indicates travelling was still dangerous even at this late stage in the Civil War. b

31

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

way, out of the way, to bring us to the place we went to. As we went along, we met divers little parties, with whom we exchanged fears, and found, that the malignant humours, that were then abroad, had frighted the country into a shaking ague, till we came to Farnham, which we found empty and unguarded, all the townsmen being gone out to oppose the king’s party, and chusing rather to have their houses empty, than replenished with such guests, as otherwise they were necessarily to expect. There invited by the coolness of the evening, and the freshess of the garden I was walking in, I almost lost myself in meditating, how foolishly rash were our controlments of, and repinings at the wise contrivances of that all-swaying providence, whose proceedings should be as far above our censures, as they are above our reach. How apt are we, upon the least thwarting of our designs, to murmur against providence, and in a pettish humour throw the helve after the hatchet, le manche apres la coignée,a and give ourselves for gone, when, had we had our will in the means, we should have been frustrate in our expectation of the end! Whereas that superlative wisdom, that we grumble at for thwarting us in the means, by crossing us in the way, brings us the sooner to our journey’s end. With divers contemplations upon this subject, I went to supper, and thence to bed, not without some little fear of having our quarters beaten up by the cavaliers that night; when lo! to second my apprehensions, about the dead of my sleep, and that night, I heard a thundering at the door, as if they meant to fright it out of the hinges, and us out of our wits. I presently leaped out of my bed, in my stockings and clothes (my usual night-posture, when I travel;) and while Roger was lighting a candle, got my bilboa and other instruments from under my pillow: whereupon Roger opening the door, saw it beset with musketeers, who no sooner saw us, but said aloud, that we were not the men they looked for; and being intreated to come into the chamber, refused it, and he, that brought them thither, excused their troubling us, with as transcendent complements as the brown bill could afford.b I wondered at their courtesy, till I knew, that it was the town-constable, that, making a search for some suspicious persons, and coming by my chamber, that wanted a lock, either had a mind to make us take notice of so considerable an officer, or no mind that we should sleep, whilst our betters watched; and for his not coming in, some accents of fear, that fell from him, made me suspect I was obliged for that to myself; and I remember, that just at the opening of the door, he peeping in, espied me drawing a pistol out of one of my holsters, which, I believe, made him so niggardly of his company. Well, away went my gentleman in prosecution of his search, and I e’en took my bows and arrows, and went to sleep. The next day we dined at Winchester, and ever and anon, by the trembling passengers we met, were as nicely a

‘the handle after the axe’. Both the English and the French suggest the same meaning, i.e., to give up in despair. b Boyle refers to a halberd painted brown, known as a ‘brown bill’, used by foot soldiers and watchmen.

32

BOYLE

to LADY RANELAGH, 30 Mar. 1646

catechized concerning our ways, as if we were to be elected in the number of the new lay elders. From thence we reached Salisbury that night, though before we came thither, we were fain to pass in the dark through a wood, where we had warning given us, that about an hundred woodmen (we have got wild English too now) lay leiger, where these night-birds used to exercise their charity in easing weary travellers of such burthensom things as money and portmanteaus. There was nothing in all my journey vext me so much as the gravity of my steed; for though he were none of the freest of his legs, yet he kept my body in a restless agitation, which was none of the pleasantest in the world neither; and if now and then I did solicit his sides, to persuade him to gallop (a dialect, that his feet were utterly unacquainted with) it should be short itself, and both ushered in and epilogized with so long and so jolting a trot, that the trouble of it was far greater than the ease. At Salisbury I overtook my trunks I had sent thither before; and the next morning took them along with me over the plain; where when we had gone about half the way, we were suddenly environed with a party of horse (beyond whom we might discover a body of foot) who came pouderinga so furiously upon us, that they scarce gave us leisure to draw; but coming nearer, and knowing the state’s messenger (as he called himself) they durst not /p. 17/ meddle, neither with us, nor with my trunks, which they eyed though very lovingly; and had not we been there, would, I believe, have opened to search for malignant letters, such as use to be about the King’s picture in a yellow boy.b The foot we saw were poor pressed countrymen, whom this party of horse were sent, not to convey, but to guard. Amongst them I saw one poor rogue, lacqueyed by his wife, and carrying a child upon his shoulders. A pretty device, methinks, to make those, who have no goods, to fight for their wives and children! Good God! that reasonable creatures, that call themselves Christians too, should delight in such an unnatural thing as war, where cruelty at least becomes necessity, and unprocured poverty becomes a crime; and a man with his whole family must be subject to be unavoidably undone, because the violence perhaps of those very soldiers, that press him, had made him poor. At last on Saturday night I arrived, God be praised, at Stalbridge, and found by experience the truth of that senseless proverb, the longest way about is the nearest way home.c And here the fair weather, that had been my constant companion from London hither, as soon as it saw me housed, took leave of me; in whose absence winter weather has always so fully and uninterruptedly domineered, that we all suspect the almanack-maker of a mistake, in setting down March instead of January. It confines me to my chamber, and is so drooping, that it dulls me to all kinds of useful study, and (which is worst of all) it renders me obnoxious to these country visits (or visitations rather) which, you know, use to supply with their length what they a b c

i.e., powdering, falling violently or hastily upon. A ‘yellow boy’ was a gold coin. This proverb first appeared in Francis Quarles, Emblemes (London, 1635), iv, emblem 2.

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want in their goodness. As soon as the weather will give me leave, I entend to take Marston Bigot in my way to Bristol, to put some end or other to the businessa – I am loaded with civil language and fair promises;b but I have always observed, that in the troopers dictionary the pages are so close and thick written with promises, that there is no room left for such a word as performance.c My Ethics go very slowly on;d neither have I been possibly able to do any other business, save to make my brother’s sixty trees bear him some golden fruit, of which, (though I did my uttermost endeavour to ripen it) I must gather but one third at May-day next, the other at &c.e My stay here, God willing, shall not be long, this country being generally infected with three epidemical diseases (besides that old leiger sickness, the troopflux) namely the plague, which now begins to revive again at Bristol and Yeovil six miles off, fits of the committee, and consumption of the purse;f to which so violent expulsives, if so potent an attractive, as a letter from you, were but added, it would both extremely sweeten the stay, and accelerate the departure of, My dearest sister, your most affectionate brother, and humble servant, ROBERT BOYLE.

Stalbridge, March 30, 1646.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 14 April 1646 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘Stalbridge Apr. 14 1646’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 9 June 1646 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘London June 9 1646’. a

There is a lacuna in the printed version at this point. Marston Bigot, Somerset, was the seat of the Lord Broghill. c An evident colloquialism alluding to the unreliability of the army. d Boyle refers to his Aretology. See Harwood, Essays and Ethics, pp. 3–134. e Presumably Boyle is here referring to his brother Roger, Baron Broghill. f Boyle is here using a medical metaphor to refer to two of the most unpopular aspects of wartime parliamentary administration, the county committees and high taxation, as well as the fact that the movement of the armies spread diseases such as the plague. b

34

BOYLE

to SECOND EARL OF CORK, 14 Jul. 1646

BOYLE to RICHARD BOYLE, SECOND EARL OF CORK

14 July 1646

From the retained copy in Boyle’s early hand in BL 1, fol. 135. 4o/2 on gilt-edged paper. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 235. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 44.

My dearest Brother.1 I thouht I had a very just reason to quarrel with my Sicness, for debarring me the happiness of wayting upon my Sister:a but now I am willing to consent to a Reconciliation, since the Enjoyment of her Company must have had so short a Date, as wud have serv’d but to have tauht me the greatness of my Losse. For a late Ordnance of Parliament, (which it seems is very ambitius of the honor of your Companys) depriving all those of the Benefit of the Articles of Oxford, & ranking them with the greatest Enemys of the State; that shal not com hither to prosecute their Compositions by the first of August next;b dos seem to exact your very speedy Repaire to London where your presence wil be very longingly expected by, & extreamely welcome to, Dearest Brother, Your most faithfull & humble Servant Robert Boyle.

London, this 14th of July 1646.2

For the Earle of Corke at Yorke / these with my service3 Endorsed by Miles on fol. 136 ‘To the E of Corke London July 14 1646.’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘2’. a

i.e., Lady Ranelagh. The ‘Ordinance’ to which Boyle refers was in fact an order of the House of Commons; see M. A. E. Green (ed.), Calendar of the Committee for Compounding with Delinquents, 1643–1660, 5 vols (London, 1889–92), i, 41 and ii, 1474. Parliament sequestered the estates of all royalists during the Civil War but most supporters of the King could redeem their possessions on payment of a fine, known as composition. Under the articles by which Oxford capitulated in June 1646, all royalists in the garrison were allowed six months to compound but the order of the House of Commons stated that royalists who had initiated composition proceedings had to come to come to terms with the committee by 1 Aug. or else be debarred from composition altogether, and presumably forfeit their estates. Boyle’s fears appear to have been unfounded, as the 2nd Earl of Cork was allowed to compound in accordance with the Oxford articles on 28 Nov. 1646. b

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BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 22 July 1646 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘London July 22 1646’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 25 August 1646 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘London August 25 1646’.

19 October 1646 BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘London October 191 1646’.

22 October 1646a

BOYLE to ISAAC MARCOMBES

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 17–20. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxx–xxxiv. Two passages omitted from the published versions are marked by asterisks.

MONSIEUR , SINCE discountenance of the practice of your language has robbed me of that little readiness your converse had taught me in it, I shall take the liberty to make use of mine, which I know you understand equally with your own. IN my last I promised you a more full account of sundry particulars, I had then the leisure but to touch at;b and for my disengagement I shall tell you, that we are in a very doubtful condition for the present, though in all probability a few days will determine either our hopes or our fears. In England the great and uninterrupted successes have transcended as well their own hopes, as their opposers fears. In England there is not one malignant garison untaken, and in Wales but two or three rocky places hold out for the King, and these too so inconsiderable, that they more advantage their enemies forces, by keeping them /p. 18/ from idleness, than a b

Birch gives this letter as written in London. This letter is not extant.

36

BOYLE

to MARCOMBES, 22 Oct. 1646

they are able to prejudice them by their opposition.a The Scots being now to quit the kingdom, the parliament had compounded with them for all their arrears, upon whose payment they are to deliver up their garisons, and retire into their own country. The sum total, being in all 300,000l. is already agreed upon; but the first payment is yet in debate. His majesty is still at Newcastle, both discontenting and discontented; and the Scots will now, upon their departure out of England, be forced some way or other to dispose of his person, which the houses have here voted to remain at the disposition of both houses of parliament.b The greater part of men in these parts are pleased to flatter themselves with the hopes of a speedy settlement of things; but for my part, that have always looked upon sin as the chief incendiary of the war, and yet have by careful experience observed the war to multiply and heighten those sins, to which it owes its being, as water and ice, which by a reciprocal generation beget one another, I cannot without presumption expect a recovery in that body, where the physic, that should cure, but augments the disease. And this opinion of mine is over and above grounded upon such politic considerations, (though known to very few besides my self) that in this I must even wish to have less reason on my side. Those, that appear for the King in Scotland, are bodied in an army of above 8000 men; a power so formidable in that country, that certainly, if by the Scots ill usage to his Majesty it be provoked, it will be able, if not to conquer, at least to ruin that beggared kingdom.c AS for Ireland, the news of my lord of Ormonde’s peace with the Irish, together with the articles, upon which it was concluded, have, I am confident, reached Geneva long ere this.d But our latest intelligence out of those parts informs us, that peace is very likely to produce its contrary amongst them that made it, not only by dividing betwixt the Irish and themselves, for not only the Irish attempted, a Denbigh, Holt, Conway, Chirk and Harlech castles in Wales were still held by the royalists at this date. Harlech, the last to hold out, surrendered in Mar. 1647. See S. R. Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, 3 vols (London, 1886), iii, 139–40. b Charles I surrendered to their forces on 5 May 1646 outside Newark. On withdrawing from Newark to Newcastle-upon-Tyne the Scots took the King with them. On 22 Sept. 1646 the English Parliament voted that the disposal of the King was a matter solely for themselves. Boyle seems to be misinformed as in Sept. the English Parliament agreed to pay the Scots £400,000 in settlement of their arrears, at which point the Scots promised to depart England, leaving the King behind, on receipt of the first half. Accordingly Charles I was handed over on 30 Jan. 1647. See D. Stevenson, Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Scotland, 1644–51 (London, 1977), pp. 73, 78–80. c Boyle is probably referring to an attempt by Sir Alaster MacDonald and the Earl of Antrim to raise an army from the anti-Campbell Highland clans to march into England and free the King; they were defeated by the covenanter army under David Leslie in the course of 1647. See E. Furgol, ‘The Civil Wars in Scotland’ in J. P. Kenyon, J. H. Ohlmeyer and J. S. Morrill (eds), The Civil Wars: A Military History of England, Scotland and Ireland, 1638–1660 (Oxford, 1998), pp. 41–72, on p. 62. d A reference to James Butler (1610–88), 1st Marquis of Ormonde, who commanded royalist forces against Irish rebels during the rebellion. Ormonde’s peace treaty with the Irish Confederates was proclaimed in Dublin on 30 July 1646. See J. C. Beckett, The Cavalier Duke: A Life of James Butler, 1st Duke of Ormonde, 1610–1688 (Belfast, 1990), p. 37. Marcombes was domiciled in Geneva.

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though vainly, to surprise my lord of Ormonde, and cut off his party, whilst they were in their quarters; but the best general, and most numerous army, together with divers of their greatest towns, have positively declared against the peace; to which the old English or catholic lords of the English pale, (so we call the counties about Dublin) with many others, have submitted; so that these two flints are striking such sparks, as are like to kindle a fine bonefire for the English, if they have the wit but to lay hold on the opportunity, and blow these private discontents into a civil war. Now this relation, however it seem not to carry with it any great probability, I am the more apt to believe, because it is credited by the knowledge of the Irish interests; for the lords of the pale, though by manners and inclination Irish, yet being English by descent, do with reason suspect, that if they give way to a total expulsion or extirpation of the English, their turn will come next to drink out of the same cup; and therefore are very willing, by assenting to this peace, to secure themselves from that fear, and from the manifest danger, that threatned them from their nearness to Dublin, in the protestants hands, and the most considerable place of the kingdom.a On the other side, the mere natives promised themselves for the general, by this rebellion, to exchange the throne of England for St. Peter’s chair; or at least to shake off the English yoke for that of some foreign prince of their own religion; and in particular the nobility had already devoured in their greedy hopes all the protestants estates; upon whose presumed accession they built strange and imaginary castles in the air. And the clergy, the main firebrand of this rebellion, expected no less than to be reinstated into their ancient possessions; so that both these latter parties being thus frustrated of their hopes, endeavour to foment among the people (very fit tinder to catch at such a fire) a dislike of the present peace, which the former oppose by their authority, and the latter by thundering out excommunications against all those, that do act; a course, that has a strange influence upon that kind of people, whose superstition makes them believe a reality of force in those scare-crow-thunder-bolts, that derive all their power only from the people’s weakness, and are terrible for nothing, but because they are pleased to fear them. THIS day with kingly state was buried the great earl of Essex, having 400 officers, not one so low as a captain, the house of peers, the house of commons, the city, and the assembly of divines, for his mourners, and all the other parting compliments of honour, that ever subject could aspire unto.b His sickness was an a

Boyle refers to Owen Roe O’Neill (c. 1590–1649), commander of the confederate army in Ulster, who won an overwhelming victory over the Scots at Benburb and supported the Papal Nuncio Giovanni Battista Rinuccini (1592–1653) in condemning the treaty with Ormonde for failing to guarantee Catholic freedom of worship. O’Neill marched south and overthrew the confederate leaders who had negotiated the treaty in Sept. 1646. See J. H. Ohlmeyer, ‘The Civil Wars in Ireland’ in Kenyon, Ohlmeyer, and Morrill (eds), The Civil Wars (above, p. 37), pp. 73–102, on pp. 90–1. b Robert Devereux (1591–1646), 3rd Earl of Essex, parliamentary general, died on 14 Sept. 1646. He received a public funeral by order of Parliament on 22 Oct. in Westminster Abbey, which Boyle appears to have witnessed.

38

BOYLE

to MARCOMBES, 22 Oct. 1646

apoplexy, which did not long make him linger; and thus he, that had escaped so many mutinies, as last perished by a mutiny of the humours. But I have usually observed, that in these great funeral solemnities, the pageantry of sorrow has eaten up the reality; and the care of the blaze diverted men from mourning. Besides these costly flatteries of the dead (with neglect of the poor, whom that charge might keep alive) seem to endeavour to make them guilty of prodigality in their very graves, whilst it wastes that upon a senseless carkass, that is to it as useless, as it is needless; whereas it were much better for them to procure the prayers of the living, than their admiration. MY lord of Inchiquin’s absence from Munster, the greater part of this summer, by leaving my brother Broghill the sole command of his army, gave him an opportunity to manifest to the world his gallantry, which he did with an unwonted success; and that no less constant than it was great.a But his own wants at home at last reduced him to that starving condition, that when he prayed for his daily bread, his request reached at least as far as his expectation. He is now there soliciting for supplies for distressed Munster, which, though /p. 19/ very liberally voted, are so slow in their dispatch, that many think they have just cause to apprehend, that the physic will not get thither, before the patient be dead. His actions have hereby gained him a general esteem; and he has (if he were not my brother, I durst say deservedly) acquired the repute of none of the least wits of the time. He and I within these ten days intend, God willing, for the West, in order to his journey to Munster, whither he is now to carry over, under his own command, a gallant brigade of 4000 effective foot and 1500 horse, for the parliament, in that province, till the ensuing spring enable them to transport thither a more considerable power.b THE presbyterian government is at last settled (though I scarce think it will prove long lived) after the great opposition of many, and to their no less dislike;c though it seemed very high time unto others, that some established and strict discipline should put a restraint upon the spreading impostures of the sectaries, which have made this distracted city their general rendezvous, which entertains at this present no less than 200 several opinions in point of religion, some digged out of a

This is a reference to Murrough O’Brien (1614–74), Baron Inchiquin, who became President of Munster in 1645. b Broghill went to England in July 1646 where he was proposed as the commander of an advance party of the force intended to be sent to Munster under the command of Viscount Lisle. However the scheme fell through and his commission was suspended on 8 Oct. 1646. Boyle may be trying to hide this fact from Marcombes, who was Broghill’s former tutor. Broghill returned to Ireland in Jan. 1647. See Patrick Little, ‘The Political Career of Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill, 1636–1660’, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of London (2000), pp. 82–94. c Parliament had agreed to establish a presbyterian system of church government in 1645 but Boyle is probably here referring to the ordinance abolishing episcopacy passed on 9 Oct. 1646. See Firth and Rait, Acts and Ordinances, i, 879–83. For Boyle’s concern for the proliferation of religious sects which he goes on to speak of, see below, p. 47.

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those graves, where the condemning decrees of primitive councils had long since buried them; others newly fashioned in the forge of their own brains; but the most being new editions of old errors, vented with some honourable title and modern disguisements; so that certainly if the truth be any where to be found, it is here sought so many several ways, that one or other must needs light upon it. But others, that justly pretend to a greater moderation, suspect, that our dotage upon our own opinions makes us mistake many for impostures, that are but glimpses and manifestations of obscure or formerly concealed truths, or at least our own pride and self-love make us aggravate very venial errors into dangerous and damnable heresies. The parliament is now upon an ordinance for the punishment of many of these supposed errors; but since their belief of their contrary truths is confessedly a work of divine revelation, why a man should be hanged, because it has not yet pleased God to give him his spirit, I confess, I am yet to understand.a Certainly to think by a halter to let new light into the understanding, or by the tortures of the body to heal the errors of the mind, seems to me like the applying a plaister to the heel, to cure a wound in the head; which doth not work upon the seat of the disease. MY brother Broghill continues very much your friend, and, I am confident, will be very ready upon occasion to realize his professions; and the like I dare boldly affirm of my sister Ranelagh. An employment fit for you we cannot yet procure, because all our nobility stands at a gaze, to see whether the issue of the treaties now in debate will be either peace or war; in either of which cases it is probable, that a good many of them will make visits to foreign climates. THE sadness of your condition I very much resent, and would offer you my assistance to sweeten it, if I did not think the proffer superfluous;b but truly I believe it would less afflict you, if you were a spectator of our miseries here, where every day presents us with much more unusual dispensations of providence, where I myself have been fain to borrow money of servants, to lend it to men of above 10000l. a year. I WAS yesterday in company with our Irish St. Austin, the archbishop of Armagh; and having told him, that you unfolded his mystery of the Incarnation in French, he seemed very willing, that you should publish it, upon the assurance I gave him of the fidelity of its translation.c * * * * * *

a

This ordinance was passed on 2 May 1648. It made heresy a felony punishable by death. See Firth and Rait, Acts and Ordinances, i, 1133–6. b Nothing is known of Marcombes’s condition: it has been suggested that Boyle’s visit to France in 1645 was in order to settle his indebtedness to him. See above, pp. 20, 26n. c Boyle refers to James Ussher (1581–1656), biblical scholar, bishop of Meath and archbishop of Armagh. Ussher was the author of Immanuel, or The Mystery of the Incarnation of the Son of God (1638). There is no evidence of any contemporary translation.

40

BOYLE

to MARCOMBES, 22 Oct. 1646

AND now it is high time I should give you some account both of myself and of my condition; which truly hath been chequered with a great deal of variety of fortune, and a great many vicissitudes of plenty and want, danger and safety, sickness and health, trouble and ease; wherein I were guilty of an ingratitude great as the favour I have received, if I did not acknowledge a great deal of mercy in God’s dispensation towards me; which truly hath been so kind, as oftentimes to work my good out of those things I most feared the consequences of, and changed those very dangers, which were the object of my apprehension, into the motives of my joy. I was once a prisoner here upon some groundless suspicions, but quickly got off with advantage.a The roguery of Tom Murray gave me a great deal of trouble to discover and prevent;b but I thence reaped the benefit of making further discoveries into oeconomical knowledge, than ever otherwise I should have done. I turned him away last year, to let him know, that I could do my business very well without him; but now, having attained to a knowledge of my own small fortune beyond the possibility of being cheated, I am likely to make use of him again, to shew my father’s servants, that I wish no hurt to the man, but to the knave. I HAVE been forced to observe a very great caution, and exact evenness in my carriage, since I saw you last, it being absolutely necessary for the preservation of a person, whom the unfortunate situation of his fortune made obnoxious to the injuries of both parties, and the protection of neither. Besides I have been forced to live at a very high rate, (considering the inconsiderableness of my incomes) and, to furnish out these expences, part with a good share of my land, partly to live here like a gentleman, and partly to perform all that I thought expedient in order to my Irish estate, out of which I never yet received the worth of a farthing. * * * AS for my studies, I have had the opportunity to prosecute them but by fits and snatches, as my leisure and my occasions would give me leave. Divers little essays, both in verse and /p. 20/ prose, I have taken the pains to scribble upon several subjects; some of the least bad of which I shall venture to send you over, as soon as my next vacation spares me time to lick them into some less imperfect shape.c THE Ethics hath been a study, wherein I have of late been very conversant, and desirous to call them from the brain down into the breast, and from the school to the house.d I have endeavoured to make it not only a lanthorn, but a guide, in a just, though a brief treatise, that I am writing of it; having already with much trouble in some sixteen chapters travelled through the most difficult part of it, and

a

No information has come to light concerning this event. Tom Murray or Murrey was a servant at Stalbridge Manor. See II Lismore, v, 180. The nature of his ‘roguery’ is unclear. c Boyle spent the 1640s writing a broad range of texts. See Harwood, Essays and Ethics, p. xx. d Boyle refers to his Aretology, begun in 1645, for which see Harwood, Essays and Ethics, pp. 3– 134. b

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that wherein I saw others deficient, I believe I shall leave the rest to be compleated by those, who enjoy more leisure. THE other humane studies I apply myself to, are natural philosophy, the mechanics, and husbandry, according to the principles of our new philosophical college, that values no knowledge, but as it hath a tendency to use.a And therefore I shall make it one of my suits to you, that you would take the pains to enquire a little more thoroughly into the ways of husbandry, &c. practised in your parts; and when you intend for England, to bring along with you what good receipts or choice books of any of these subjects you can procure; which will make you extremely welcome to our invisible college, which I had now designed to give you a description of, but a gentleman, whom I have been forced to keep talk with all the while I was writing this, together with the fear of having too much already trespassed upon your patience, call upon me to end your trouble and this letter together.b

[after 21 November 1646]c

BOYLE to BENJAMIN WORSLEY

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 232–3. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 40–1.

Dear Mr. WORSELEY, YOUR silence would extremely trouble me, if, as it denied me the happiness to hear from you, I had also missed the contentment of hearing of you. But this last I received in a letter of my sister Ranelagh, together with the welcome news, that your propositions had already passed the house of lords (who it seems are at leisure to hear petitions, now they have little or nothing else left them to do) and is retarded only by the universal remora of handsom designs, the want of a little dung-coloured earth.d Truly I never found in myself such strong desires for that a This is the first mention in Boyle’s correspondence of the group of experimental philosophers identified as the Invisible College. See Charles Webster, ‘New Light on the Invisible College: The Social Relations of English Science in the Mid-Seventeenth Century’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th Series, 24 (1974); Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 57–67; and Michael Hunter, ‘How Boyle Became a Scientist’, History of Science, 33 (1995), 59–103. b This gentleman has not been identified. c Evidence for this date is provided by Worsley’s petition, see note below. The letter is undoubtedly from Stalbridge. d Worsley’s petition for letters patent for making saltpetre without all the inconveniences to persons and property described by Boyle was read in the House of Lords on 21 Nov. 1646. Worsley petitioned again in Dec. because, although the House had directed an ordinance to be prepared to grant his petition, the ordinance had never been read. The letter of Lady Ranelagh referred to is not extant.

42

BOYLE

to WORSLEY, [after 21 Nov. 1646]

adored muck, as now, that I see what gallant projects its affluence may promote. And I am apt to believe that a very justifiable avarice, that wishes not the possession of riches, but the employment; and not so much for the pleasure they may reap by it, as for the good they may do with it. But I must confess to you, that, in my wishes for the prosperity of your pious powder-plot, my private interests would needs mingle with more publick considerations, I having been lately so vexed by those undermining two-legged moles, we call saltpeter-men, that my purse, as well as my affection, makes vows for your success. My pigeon-house they are already digging up, (an emblem of the practice of the times, in the ruin of unarmed innocence) and would have done the like to my cellar and stables, if I had not ransomed them with a richer mineral than that they contain. I hoped my retreat to this solitude would have made me master of leisure enough to entertain my own banished thoughts, and perfect some lame discourses I brought hither with me, to that purpose:a but the necessary care of ordering my own small mangled fortune, the unruliness of the troopers, my frequent journies, the allowed incendiaries (the saltpeter-men)b and (to complete my disasters) the tedious, senseless visits of our country gentlemen, have so shared my hours amongst them, that I find here as great a dearth of time, as there is of corn; and have now less of it at my own disposal, than when I was fain to trifle it away with the ladies: and the plain truth of it is, that (betwixt the injustice of those, that hold the civil sword, and the unruliness of those, that draw the martial) things are carried in so strange a way in the West, that these parts can afford little content or safety to any man, that is not either a soldier, a sequestrator, or a committee-man. My grand employment, in my spare hours, is, to catechise my gardner and our ploughmen, concerning the fundamentals of their profession; where I have fortuned upon some observations, that have persuaded me into a paradox in husbandry, as new as any of the religions minted in your heretical [Coleman] street.c The opinion itself, together with the reasons that led me to it, you shall hear of, God willing, by the next opportunity; I being extremely mindful of my promise, to transmit to you any thoughts or experiments of mine, that I shall judge conducible to the furtherance of your great design, and the enabling you to /p. 233/ do for the great world, what the chairmen of the physicians has done for the little, publish a discourse de usu partium.d But lest a Boyle had been at Stalbridge earlier in the year (see above, pp. 31–4) and had evidently now returned there. For the writings Boyle produced in the 1640s see Harwood, Essays and Ethics, p. xx. b There were numerous ordinances relating to the provision of saltpetre, which gave wide powers to the saltpetre-men. See Firth and Rait (eds), Acts and Ordinances, i, 320 (23 Oct. 1643), 418 (3 Apr. 1644), 578 (7 Dec. 1644), and others of later date. c ‘[Coleman]’ is an editorial interpolation in the Birch edition of Boyle’s Works, and refers to a conventicle in Coleman Street, London, which was notorious for the preaching of Anabaptists. This group was well established in London at this time and gave considerable help to the parliamentary party during the Civil War. d A reference to De usu partium corporis humani by the medical writer Galen (AD 129–99).

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

the tediousness of this letter should fright you from the lecture of those others, that are destined to attend it, I will hasten to a conclusion; which though custom enjoin me to make with a compliment, yet I am resolved to continue so obsequious to our late decrees against that useless ceremony, that, to be sure to keep far enough, not only from the guilt, but from the very suspicion, of that crime, I will content myself with as naked, as true a profession of my being very really, SIR, &c.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 18 December 1646 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘Stalbr December 18 1646 In London at short time at Christmas see Letter March 8th following to Mr Strowd’.a

a

For ‘Mr Strowd’ see below, p. 52n.

44

— 1647 — Lost letters from 1647 referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Hartlib to Boyle, before 19 March 1647 (below, p. 52). Boyle to Hall, 8 May 1647. Presumably this is Boyle’s reply to John Hall’s lost letter of 26 April (below, p. 57).a Boyle to Dury, 8 May 1647 (below, p. 60). For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below and pp. 52–4, 56– 7, 61–2.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 22 January 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘London Jan 22 1646[/7?]’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 5 February 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘Stalb Feb. 5 1646’.

BOYLE to FRANCIS TALLENTSb

20 February 1647

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 20–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxxiv–xxxv. a

For John Hall see below, p. 54n. Francis Tallents (1619–1708), Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge, D.D. 1648, and writer of religious works. See H. Owen and J. B. Blakeway, A History of Shrewsbury, 2 vols (London, 1825), ii, 379–83. According to Birch, this letter was written by Boyle in London to Tallents in Cambridge. b

45

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-9

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

SIR, I SHOULD venture to apologize for my silence, if I thought it not less guilty than meritorious; since to reprieve you from the importunity of my letter, I have hitherto denied myself that happiness, that your civility makes me confident I might have enjoyed by the receiving of yours. I have been every day these two months upon visiting my own ruined cottage in the country; but it is such a labyrinth this London, that all my diligence could never yet find the way out on’t, and hath but just now put me in a probability of leaving it within these two days or three days.a The best on’t is, that the corner-stones of the invisible, or (as they term themselves) the philosophical college, do now and then honour me with their company,b which makes me as sorry for those pressing occasions, that urge my departure, as I am at other times angry with that solicitous idleness, that I am necessitated to during my stay; men of so capacious and searching spirits, that school-philosophy is but the lowest region of their knowledge; and yet, though ambitious to lead the way to any generous design, of so humble and teachable a genius, as they disdain not to be directed to the meanest, so he can but plead reason for his opinion; persons, that endeavour to put narrow-mindedness out of countenance, by the practice of so extensive a charity, that it reaches unto every thing called man, and nothing less than an universal good-will can content it. And indeed they are so apprehensive of the want of good employment, that they take the whole body of mankind for their care. BUT lest my seeming hyperbolical expressions should more prejudice my reputation than it is able any ways to advantage theirs, and I be thought a liar for telling so much truth, I will conclude their praises with the recital of their chiefest fault, which is very incident to almost all good things; and that is, that there is not enough of them. FOR news, I believe you do not ignore, what a stream of success the parliament, since I had the honour to see you, has had.c I will only now take the freedom to tell you, that I am greatly afraid, most men flatter themselves in their prognostications of peace, which are calculated rather to the meridian of their desires, than to that of their reason. And though I must confess, the traveller seems to be very near the inn, yet I know not why the horse may not stumble at the threshold; for I am somewhat unapt to persuade myself, that the judgement will cease, while the cause continues; but am rather very ready to apprehend, that while adversity makes some obstinate, and others wanton, though the war perhaps may die, the judgment will be kept alive. The pulpits were never more adorned with excellent a Presumably Boyle refers to his estate at Stalbridge in Dorset. The county was repeatedly fought over during the Civil War. b For the Invisible College see above, p. 42n. c By this date the Scots had left England and handed Charles I over to Parliament. Only Chirk and Harlech castles were still held by the royalists in Wales. See above, pp. 36–7.

46

[BOYLE] to [?WORSLEY], [late Feb. 1647]

divines, than they now are here, but with so unsuitable a success in many of the people, that I can sometimes think it no breach of charity to believe, that the small-pox has stricken inward, and many of them have but banished their vices from the body into the heart. For my part, the excellency of the ministry, since waited on by such an improficiency, increases my presaging fears of the approaching misery of the people; for I shall easily be drawn to suspect that horse to be very sick, that thrives not in so plentiful a pasture. And truly, methinks, it is but a very sad symptom, when the physic augments the disease. For matter of sects, it seems, that most of those at Amsterdam have been returned us over by bill of exchange, which our English searchers have been so industrious to improve, that there are few days pass here, that may not justly be accused of the brewing or broaching of some new opinion. Nay, some are so studiously changling in that particular, they esteem an opinion as a diurnal, after a day or two scarce worth /p. 21/ the keeping. If any man have lost his religion, let him repair to London, and I’ll warrant him, he shall find it: I had almost said too, and if any man has a religion, let him but come hither now, and he shall go near to lose it. Pray God, it fare not with religion amongst those novelties, as it does sometimes with a great commander, when he is taken prisoner by a company of common soldiers, who every one tugging to have him for himself, at last pull him to pieces, and so each get a limb, but none enjoys him whole. For my part, I shall always pray to God to give us the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace,a and desire you to believe, that, amongst all the apostasies of the time, I shall be the least capable of being seduced by that, that may oppose my being and continuing so, Your most affectionate friend and faithful servant, ROBERT BOYLE.

[late February 1647]b

[BOYLE] to [?WORSLEY]

From the retained copy in Boyle’s early hand in BL 1, fols 162–3. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 231–2, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 39–40.

a

Boyle cites Ephesians 4, 3. In view of its tone and Boyle’s known circle of acquaintance about this time, this letter was probably written to Benjamin Worsley. The date is assumed from the fact that Boyle was in London on 20 Feb. (see above, p. 45n.) and at Stalbridge on 27 Feb. and 6 Mar. (see below, p. 47n.); by the latter date some of the chemical apparatus that he ordered had arrived. b

47

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

The Permission You were pleas’d to vouchsafe me of begging in Your Letters, some part of that Satisfaction I am necessitated to relinquish with Your Company; ‹is that which› gives You the Trouble of this Letter, & me the Confidence of giving You this Trouble. which I do with the lesse Scruple, because Your Conversation hath ascertaind me; that what I ‹most doe›1 want, You can as easily spare. For I desire not to put You to the Trouble of gadding to Whitehall or Westminster, to send me the Intelligence of what Resolv’d or Voted there. ‹No;› without stirring out of Your Laboratory, You may give me all the Information I sue for; since I begge no Account ‹of any thing› but of what’s done there; & shall desire no Mercurius to march on any other then on Vulcan’s Errands. And I know Your Letters (aswel as Your Discourses) are as Naturally more fertile in Philosophy then Newes, as Oysters are in Pearles then in ‹Rattles›.2a I need not mind You of the Observation that Chymist’s Acquaintance is of age at a Day-old. (‹As› The Needle & the Loadstone at their first meeting Cloze, as if they did so upon an Ages Friendship.) ‹For You know that› Vulcan is a quicquer Mediator of Amitys then even Virtue hir selfe: & those Mettals that grew in (never so) distant Mines, he ‹can›3 in a few minits, perfectly & exactly associate & unite.b Nor4 should I regret the Time & Paines I have spent in Chimistry, tho I had never deriv’d from them any other Benefit, then their having ‹thus›5 early ‹radicated› my Acquaintance with You. From whom I must now earnestly begge the Favor of that Correspondence, with whose Promise You6 /fol. 162v/ had the Charity to sweeten my ‹unwelcome› Separation from You. But I shall not only Consent but ‹article›,7 that not alone all Ceremony & Complement, but ev’n all Rhetoricke & Care of Language, may be ‹severely› banisht from our Commerce: as things yet ‹lesse›8 consistent with Chymistry & Employ’dnesse then with ‹Freedome or with› Truth: & for my Part; so Your ‹Letters› be but as9 fraught as Your Discourses with Gold of Ophir I shall very willingly bate You the Apes & the Peacockes:c which I know too ‹that one so rich in all but ‹Trifles as›10› You would find as much a more ‹unobvious› as a lesse Valu’d fraight. That which would most trouble me in this Philosophicall Trafficke would be; that11 it’s Advantages will be too entirely mine; (since I feare my Retributions will be so trifling as to amount but to Acknowledgments not ‹Exhanges›)12 but that I consider that in Knowledge ’tis as much more Glorious as more Blessed to Give then to Receive; since where13 our Returnes cannot encrease Your Knowledge, they argue it; ‹&› in as celebrating a Way as the Starres do the Sunne’s transcendent Brightnesse; by their Disability to highten it by all their’s. And since the Minde’s Intellectuall Splendor, Knowledge, both as a Good & as a Light,14 must doubly Joy in that kind Property Diffusion, I shall not despaire of making You ‹at least such an›15 a

Worsley’s discourses have not been further identified. On these chemical metaphors see W. R. Newman, Gehennical Fire: The Lives of George Starkey, an American Alchemist in the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge, MA, 1994), pp. 138, 230–2. c An allusion to 1 Kings 10, 11 and 22. b

48

BOYLE

to LADY RANELAGH, 27 Feb. 1647

Acknowledgement as the Moone ‹makes› the Sunne by her Reflections encreasing Light tho she encrease not His. For I intend to court Nature as eagerly as ‹such a›16 disaccomodated Solitude will permit me; & give You a Faythfull Account of my Proficiency ‹in hir Favor by Your Mediation &›17 Influence; but at Present the unluckly ‹& unexpected›18 lingring of the Waggon which is to bring me all my ‹Vulcanian› Implements; ‹& my necessitated Idlenesse till they come,›19 makes me wish it drawne by Pegasuses & thinke it drawne by Snayles; & makes me ‹sadly› walke up & downe in my Laboratory20 like an impatient Lutanist who has his songbooke & his Instrument21 ready; but ‹is altogether disprovided of› strings. This unseasonable Disaster, by22 enforcing an ‹unlook’t for› Backwardwardnesse [sic] in my Preparations, dos also constraine me to mind You of those Remedyes You were pleas’d to promise me the23 Mayden-head of, (&24 pricipally [sic] those against the Stone & the small Pox the Former of which dos now disquiet me, & ‹of which› the Latter is very rife in these Parts) & to begge that as soone as You have made them; a Proportion of them may be conveight to him, who will not fayle at his ‹next›25 Remove to London to make Your Favors all the acknowledgments & the Returnes, that may26 become the Gratitude & manifest the Friendship of Sir Endorsed on fol. 163v by Miles: ‘This Letter must be written not late in life by the hand, when or near what time I can’t Conjecture H.M.’ Also ‘6’ (in whose hand it is not clear).

27 February 1647a

BOYLE to LADY RANELAGH

From the fragment printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 21. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxxvi.

* * * As to my Dublin business, I must expect from your speedy information (I now beg of you) of their names, to whom the parliament has given power to oblige me there, directions both how to frame, and to whom to address my request.b I must acknowledge to you, amongst God’s mercies of the first magnitude, both my lord of Ormonde’s unexpected coming in, and the parliament’s less expected dispatch;c a

Birch gives this letter as being written from Stalbridge. Possibly linked to matters mentioned in Boyle to Annesley, 28 Feb. 1646, above, pp. 29–30. For James Butler, 1st Marquis of Ormonde, see above, p. 37n. In Feb. 1647 Ormonde made a formal offer to Parliament to surrender Dublin and the other garrisons under his command to their forces. The first parliamentarian soldiers arrived in Dublin at the end of Mar. and Ormonde formally handed over his command in June. See J. C. Beckett, The Cavalier Duke (above, p. 37), pp. 41–2. b c

49

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

though both very consonant to the wonted method of that gracious providence, that we find then oftentimes the nearest for our rescue, when that is furthest from our expectations. For my part, I am bold to believe, had we no other arguments to prove a providence, yet the strange revolutions, of which in so short a time our ruined country has been the unhappy scene, were more than sufficient to demonstrate that truth, to which alone I shall allow a greater infallibility, than to that other most certain one of my being, Sister, your most truly affectionate brother and humblest servant, ROBERT BOYLE.

6 March 1647a

BOYLE to LADY RANELAGH

From the fragment printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 21. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxxvi–xxxvii.

* * * THAT great earthen furnace, whose conveying hither has taken up so much of my care, and concerning which I made bold very lately to trouble you, since I last did so, has been brought to my hands crumbled into as many pieces, as we into sects; and all the fine experiments, and castles in the air, I had built upon its safe arrival, have felt the fate of their foundation.b Well, I see I am not designed to the finding out the philosophers stone, I have been so unlucky in my first attempts in chemistry. My limbecks,c recipients, and other glasses have escaped indeed the misfortune of their incendiary, but are now, through the miscarriage of that grand implement of Vulcan, as useless to me, as good parts to salvation without the fire of zeal. Seriously, madam, after all the pains I have taken, and the precautions I have used, to prevent this furnace the disaster of its predecessors, to have it transported a thousand miles by land, that I may after all this receive it broken, is a defeat, that nothing could recompence but that rare lesson it teaches me, how brittle that happiness is, that we build upon earth.

a According to Birch this letter is dated from Stalbridge. This letter appears in Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129), where Miles records ‘March 6 1646/7 then his earthen furnace was broke in coming therefore he begun Chemistry at Stalbridge’. b Boyle talks of waiting for this item in [Boyle] to [?Worsley], [late Feb. 1647], above, p. 49. c i.e., alembics.

50

BOYLE

to HARTLIB, [early 1647]

BOYLE to SAMUEL HARTLIBa

[early 1647]

From the printed version Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 28. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xlvi–xlvii.

Dear Mr. Hartlib, I AM sure, that you have too much charity to want justice; and therefore on the score of your serious promise I am bold, not only to desire, but to expect at your hands a Mercurius Philosophicus, in an account of the projects and successes of that college, whereof God has made you hitherto the midwife and nurse.b I shall not beg any information from you of that diurnal news, of which a whole sheet may be had for a peny, and yet be over-bought. No, I will stint my requests to your Utopian intelligence, as the only way to keep me in charity with men, by letting me see, that the degenerate world yet harbours some, that do not undeserve the name. As for me, knowing, that my letters will be guilty of faults enough in rhetoric, without loading themselves with any needless crimes in morality, I here openly disclaim all compliments, and solemnly engage myself (as to me) to give them a perfect banishment from our converse, wherein I am confident I shall have but a very easy office to surmount; since for my part I ever esteemed them at best but the froth (not to say the scum) of civility; and for yours, I know the gallantry of your principles leads you to the noblest way of putting them out of countenance, by carrying you to doing men really more good than they dare promise. And since you do not disdain the meanest workman, that is but willing to lay some few stones towards the building of your college, I shall in my following epistles (if this procure them a pass) take the liberty to acquaint you with what thoughts and observations of mine I shall judge useful in reference to so glorious a design; to which I shall think it very much my happiness, if any endeavours of mine can have the honour in the least measure to contribute, not only as they owe a duty to the public (though, I must confess, that of itself a very prevalent motive) but because I know you so vastly affectionate to that public, that my invention will furnish me with no fitter way, than that of my services to it, to give you real and accepted testimonies of my being, &c.

a This letter has been assigned to Apr. 1647 by R. H. Syfret (NRRS, 5 (1947), 120), and to some date after 1647 by G. H. Turnbull (NRRS, 10 (1953), 103). The editors are inclined to follow Syfret. b Mercurius Philosophicus, ‘philosophical Mercury’, i.e., Boyle evidently hoped that Hartlib would provide him with philosophical news. In particular, Boyle refers to Hartlib’s plans for an ‘Office of Address’, and institution for the advancement of learning. It was common for the ‘Office’ to be called a ‘College’. On the ‘Office of Address’ see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 67–77.

51

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

BOYLE to MR STROWDa 8 March 1646 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘8 [March] 1646/7’. An earlier entry in the list refers to a letter of 8 March 1647 as ‘to Mr Strowd’, and this is almost certainly the same letter.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 15 March 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘15 [March] 1646/7’.

19 March 1647b

BOYLE to HARTLIB

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744) i, 22. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxxvii–xxxviii.

Dear Mr. Hartlib, I NEED a great deal of rhetoric to express to you, how great a satisfaction I received in the favour of your letter, both for the sake of the theme, and more for that of the author.c But my contentment was greatly qualified by the miscarriage of the general writing (which should be stiled the Universal Truchman, or General Interpreter, if I were to be godfather) you were pleased to send me; for the commendations you give it are too great not to make me very sensible of its loss. If the design of the Real Character take effect, it will in good part make amends to mankind for what their pride lost them at the tower of Babel.d And truly, since our arithmetical characters are understood by all the nations of Europe the same way, though every several people express that comprehension with its own particular language, I conceive no impossibility, that opposes the doing that in words, that a If this is the ‘Col. Stroude’ referred to later in the list (below, p. 56), then it is probably William Strode (c. 1589–1666) of Barrington in Somerset, a colonel in Parliament’s forces. b This letter appears in Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129), where Miles records: ‘19 1646 to Mr Hartlib’. Birch gives this letter as being written from Stalbridge. c This letter is not extant. d A reference to the work of Francis Lodowick, merchant and member of the Protestant refugee community in London, entitled A Common Writing (1647). See M. M. Slaughter, Universal Languages and Scientific Taxonomy in the Seventeenth-Century (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 116-19. Boyle contrasts the division of one language into many at the building of the Tower of Babel in Genesis 11 with the plan for communication between different languages based on the ‘Radical character’ of verbs and nouns in A Common Writing.

52

BOYLE

to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT, 22 Mar. 1647

we see already done in numbers. As for the pneumatical engine, that I use to call a wind-gun, which you mention in your letter as presented to the king, and forbidden by him to have any companions, sure the artist, that received the command, was more ingenious than obedient;a for I remember very well to have seen one of them not exceeding in bigness, nor differing much in shape from an ordinary carabine, which being charged by the sole impression of the air, would, by violence of the contracted Boreas, send forth a leaden bullet, just the caliber, with force to kill a man at twenty five or thirty paces distance from him.b This wind-gun I saw both charged and discharged; and now it comes into my mind, I read, not long since, in a late mechanical treatise of the excellent Mersennus, both the construction and the use of this engine;c and amongst the uses one, whose stratagem obliged me to take of it particular notice; and it was, how by the help of this instrument to discover the weight of the air; which, for all the prattling of our book-philosophers, we must believe to be both heavy and ponderable, if we will not refuse belief to our senses. Your Imago Societatis, and your Dextera Amoris, I have great longings to peruse;d and though with a deep sense of my insufficiency, I shall very freely express my obedience in delivering the opinion of Your humble servant, ROBERT BOYLE.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 22 March 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[March] 22’.

a

For a description of the wind-gun see Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660), in Works, vol. 1, pp. 167– 9. A wind-gun was presented to the Royal Society on 4 Nov. 1663; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 324. Hartlib’s letter to Boyle is not extant. b An allusion to Boreas, the north wind. c Boyle refers to Marin Mersenne (1588–1648), natural philosopher, Hydraulica, pneumatica, arsque navigandi. Harmonica, theorica, practica, et mechanica phaenomena, published as part of Cogitata physicomathematica (1644), p. 149. d The full titles of these works, by the Lutheran theologian Johann Valentin Andreae (1586–1654), are Christianae societatis imago and Christiani amoris dextera porrecta (1620); see J. W. Montgomery, Cross and Crucible: Johann Valentin Andreae, 2 vols (The Hague, 1973), ii, 497–8. Hartlib sent these texts to John Hall at Cambridge for translation; see below, p. 54. The Latin original and John Hall’s English translation circulated in the Hartlib circle.

53

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 2 April 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘April 2’.

7 April 1647 BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[April] 7’.

BOYLE to HARTLIB

8 April 1647

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 22–3. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xviii–xix.

Dear Mr Hartlib, I HOPE I shall need none other apologies for my last week’s silence, than my absence hence, when your letters arrived here. Your Imago Societatis with a great deal of delight I have perused, but must beg some leisure to acquaint you with my opinion of it, which now were almost impossible for me to do, I having already presented it to a person of quality,a with whom if it take suitably to my wishes, it may thence have no obscure influence upon the public good, concerning which I have lately traced a little dialogue in my thoughts, which my unceasing domestic distractions will by no means as yet permit me to blot paper with.b The epistle prefixed to the Imago is both pithy and to the purpose.c And truly I am extremely glad to see a person of Mr Hall’s years employ, in attempts of this nature, that /p. 23/ youth, which the most of those, that are as little indebted to time as he, think too good for their Maker, though they think it not too good to be squandered away. Campanella’s Civitas Solis, and that same Respublica Christianopolitana, which he mentions, will both of them deserve to be taught in our language.d Of the Utopia a

For this text see above, p. 53n. The person Boyle presented the work to has not been identified. i.e., Boyle’s Free Invitation, published by Hartlib in 1655; see Works, vol. 1, pp. 1–12. c Possibly the ‘Epistle to the Reader’, written by John Hall for his translation of Imago societatis, entitled A Modell of a Christian Society (1647). See also above, p. 53n. For John Hall (1627–56), poet and pamphleteer, see G. H. Turnbull, ‘John Hall’s Letters to Samuel Hartlib’, Review of English Studies, n.s., 4 (1953), 221–33, on p. 221. d This is a reference to Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639), natural philosopher, author of La città del Sole, written in Italian in 1602 and published in Latin as part of Thomae Campanellae Calabri realis philosophiae epilogisticae partes quatuor (1623). John Hall had persuaded Collier, possibly Jeremy Collier, Fellow of St John’s College, Cambridge, to translate this work. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 226. The second text mentioned is another by Johann Valentin Andreae, Reipublicae christianopolitanae descriptio (1619). For Andreae see above, p. 53n. The translation seems not to have been made. b

54

BOYLE

to HARTLIB, 8 Apr. 1647

he is modelling, though I cannot judge, before it sees the light, yet my expectations will be none of the smallest, if I proportion them to the ingenuity of the author. a And for the Divine Emblems, that he makes us hope for, I must reserve my sense of them for their perusal, since the opinions I embrace, both about the nature and the teaching of virtue, will doubtless appear as paradoxical to others, as they seem probable to me.b For those designs of Mr Hall’s Tutor, which you have so appropriatingly christened, I believe the requests of the excommunicated petition, now on foot in the army will scarce receive a slower satisfaction;c for the particulars, in which he requires it, do not only ask a profound knowledge and solid judgment (qualities of themselves not very epidemical) but likewise a leisured and a great multiplicity of reading, and so an intimacy as well with authors as with things; qualities, that in this stirring and necessitous age (where men are forced to court don Plutus and my lady Fortune with more assiduity than the Muses) make very unfrequent matches in the self-same person:d besides that the dissenting opinions of the Ptolemeans, the Tychonians, the Copernicans, (to which I was once very much inclined,) and the other novelists, are both so irreconcilable among themselves, and leave a man so little latitude of neutrality, that it will be perhaps but one remove from impossible, precisely to declare, what has been hitherto both perfectly demonstrated and confessedly on all sides; the one taking that (as I have known by experience, when I studied that problem of the earth’s peregrination) for an undeniable demonstration, which the other will either absolutely reject as a paralogism, or at least call in question, as no more than a bare probability.e Your Common Writing (for which you have my humble thanks) is at last come safe to my hands;f but my occasions have not yet allowed the leisure to fix my thoughts upon it: only if the dictionary (whose edition, had my wishes the power to swiften it, should be very sudden)g do not over-swell and disease it of a tympany, methinks the bulk of the grammar is very reasonable in reference to what the title promises, which I was well pleased to see so, apprehending (nor are my fears yet entirely suppressed) lest that this way of saving the labour of learning a language should prove like a new device, I have lately seen, to perform all the operations of arithmetic by a

Hall’s Utopia seems not to have been finished; see Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 224. Boyle refers to John Hall’s Emblems with Elegant Figures (1648). Hall wanted to dedicate this work to Boyle, who, as this letter shows, was cautious of giving his approval. The ‘opinions’ Boyle alludes to are possibly those contained in his tract Aretology. See Harwood, Essays and Ethics, pp. 3–134. c Hall’s tutor was John Pawson (c. 1620–c. 1654), Fellow of St John’s College, Cambridge. Boyle also alludes to the soldiers’ petition of Mar. 1647 and Parliament’s reaction to it. d Plutus was the ancient god of riches, whose fickleness (like that of Fortuna) was notorious. e Boyle comments on the main astronomical systems, citing the astronomers Ptolemy (c. AD 100–70), Tycho Brahe (1546–1601) and Nicholas Copernicus (1473–1543). f For A Common Writing see above, p. 52n. g Presumably an allusion to Hartlib’s The true and readie way to learne the Latin tongue, which appeared in 1654. b

55

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1, 1636–61

the help of an instrument, where I found it much more difficult to learn the uses of the instrument, than the rules of the art. THAT in my last I took no notice of Mr Dury’s excellent discourse of teaching logic, was not at all my neglect, but the treacherousness of my memory;a for which meaning to apologise to the author himself, I shall for this time add no more to your trouble, but an humble request to assure him, that I am his, and yourself, that I am Your most really affectionate friend and humble servant, ROBERT BOYLE.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 20 April 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[April] 20’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 22 April 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7, (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[April] 22’.

BOYLE to WORSLEY 24 April 1647 Miles’s list of letters 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: [April] ‘24 to Mr Worsley’. In left-hand margin beside this and the previous entry: ‘Q. concerning Col. Stroude’.b

a Boyle refers to John Dury (1596–1680), Protestant divine. Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 300–1, mentions three manuscripts by Dury dealing with logic, and there are other writings on this subject. Turnbull suggests that the work in question is ‘Of Teaching Logic’, published by Hartlib as an addendum to Dury’s The Reformed School (Turnbull, ‘John Hall’s Letters’ (above, p. 54), p. 225, n. 6). b For Strode, see above, p. 52n.

56

BOYLE

to DURY, 3 May 1647

JOHN HALL to BOYLE 26 April 1647 This is referred to in a letter Hall wrote to Hartlib on the same day. The letter to Boyle was probably enclosed with Hartlib’s; see Turnbull, ‘John Hall’s Letters’ (above, p. 54), p. 225.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 30 April 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[April] ult’.

3 May 1647a

BOYLE to JOHN DURY

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 23. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xxxix–xl.b

IT has been long, as well my wonder, as my grief, to see such comparatively petty differences in judgment make such wide breaches and vast divisions in affection. It is strange, that men should rather be quarrelling for a few trifling opinions, wherein they dissent, than to embrace one another for those many fundamental truths, wherein they agree. For my own part, in some two or three and forty months, that I spent in the very town of Geneva,c as I never found that people discontented with their own church-government, (the gallingness of whose yoke is the grand scare-crow, that frights us here;) so could I never observe in it any such transcendent excellency, as could oblige me either to bolt heaven against, or open Newgate for all those, that believe they may be saved under another. Wherefore I must confess, it would be extremely my satisfaction, if I could see, by God’s blessing, your pious endeavours of twisting our froward parties into a moderate and satisfactory reconcilement, as successful, as I am confident they will be prudent and unwearied. As for our upstart sectaries (mushrooms of the last night’s springing up) the worst part of them, if not exasperated by, instead of lighting them into a

This letter appears in Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129), where Miles records ‘May 3 says he had seen 2 or 3 & 40 months at Geneva’. b This letter was quoted by Birch to show Boyle’s moderation in matters concerning religious differences. This letter is undoubtedly incomplete. c Boyle was in Geneva as part of his European tour from 28 Nov. 1639 to the middle of Sept. 1641, and from Aug. 1642 to the summer of 1644. See above, Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 16 Nov. 1640.

57

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

the right way with the candle, flinging the candlestick at their heads, like Jonah’s gourd, smitten at the root with the worm of their irrationality, will be as sudden in their decay, as they were hasty in their growth;a and indeed perhaps the safest way to destroy them is rather to let them die, than attempt to kill them.

8 May 1647b

BOYLE to HARTLIB

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 24–5. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xl–xlii.

Dear Mr. Hartlib, IT was very needless in your last to make apologies for the glad parliamentary news you began your letter with;c for besides that its goodness authorises its nature, and were able to prefer so pleasing a disobedience to the most exact compliance with my desires; besides this, I say, you interest yourself so much in the Invisible College, and that whole society is so highly concerned in all the accidents of your life, that you can send me no intelligence of your own affairs, that does not (at least relationally) assume the nature of Utopian.d And truly, Sir, for my particular, had you been to coin and shape news, not so much to inform, as to delight me, you could scarce have made choice of any, that were more welcome, either to my wishes for their own particular satisfaction, or for those, that I dedicate to the good of the public, which can acknowledge your merits with no advantage, that has not a direct tendency to its own, and which, by the highest expressions of gratitude for your service to it, does but enable your zeal to multiply and continue them. The phrases of the ordinances (which these alone of yours have brought me into charity with again) were indeed extremely civil in respect of those, that framed them; and yet but barely just in regard of him, for whom they were designed.e Certainly the taking notice of, and countenancing men of rare industry and publick spirit, is a piece of policy as vastly advantageous to all states, as it is ruinously neglected by the most. And therefore we may evidently observe those commonwealths (as the Hollanders and the Venetian) to be the most happy and the most a

A reference to Jonah 4, 6–10. This letter appears in Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129), recorded as ‘May 8’. c Hartlib’s letter to Boyle is not extant. A reference to the vote by Parliament (31 Mar. 1647) of £300 to Hartlib ‘in consideration of his good deserts and great services to the Parliament’. The Committee for the University of Oxford was ordered to consider him ‘to some Place of Benefit in the University of Oxon’. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 73–4. d On the Invisible College see above, p. 42n. e For the ‘ordinances’, or orders of the House of Commons, see above, p. 35n. b

58

BOYLE

to HARTLIB, 8 May 1647

flourishing, where ingenuity is courted with the greatest encouragements. Mr Hall’s unmerited elogium of me I must in justice ascribe rather to his civility, than to his opinion; to the former of which I am also redevable for a very handsom complimental letter, he was lately pleased to honour me with, to which I shall request a speedy conveyance of the inclosed (though unsuitable) answer,a and a belief, that I list it not amongst the least of your favours, to procure me the acquaintance of a person, that treading antipodes to the strain of his contemporaries, has September in his judgement, whilst we can scarce find April upon his chin.b MY sense of his propositions concerning the College I must necessarily suspend, till a more exquisite information of the particulars of his whole design.c Only by the by I shall take the freedom to tell you, that though I esteem Mr. Hall very moderate in the point of pecuniary duties, you can scarce be too tender in tasking young collegiates as to the duties of the brain, since they being all of them to be persons of quality and voluntiers, will hardly support with alacrity any thing, that savours of constraint; besides that the gallantry and nobleness of their own principles will carry them on unimposedly to do much more, than your strictest constitutions can reasonably enjoin them. The expedients you propose to Mr. Hall’s tutor are not at all likely to take;d and the applications you counsel him to make to those three famous mathematicians, can promise a great deal of probability for their success: especially Gassendus, a great favourite of mine, I take to be a very profound mathematican, as well as an excellent astronomer, and one, that has collected a very ample treasury of numerous and accurate observations of all, that belongs to the abstruse science of those sublimer bodies.e I find you very happy, or rather very judicious, in the nominating of the persons, Mr. Hall’s Tutor is by you addressed to; and am confident, as well as you, that those elevated spirits will not prove half so costive and so pedantical, as the great scholarians of our colleges, whom yet I am apt enough to pardon, in consideration of the usefulness (for the most part) of the knowledge they conceal, which perhaps being admired but as long as kept in a mystery, an imparting discovery would depreciate. THE rise you have now to resume your former correspondencies with the great Mersennus, I hope you will greedily embrace, he being a man truly incomparable in his own way, and the mechanics he transcends in as greatly beneficial as little a

This letter does not survive; see above, p. 57. For Boyle’s reluctance to appear as the dedicatee of a work by John Hall see above, p. 55n. The months of the calendar were a popular device for alluding to maturity and immaturity. c This is not the Invisible College, but a proposal of John Hall, concerning which see Turnbull, ‘John Hall’s Letters’ (above, p. 54n.), p. 230. d Hall’s tutor was John Pawson, for whom see above, p. 55n. Pawson seems to have asked Hartlib’s advice on some mathematical problem, and the latter seems to have referred it to Boyle. See Turnbull, ‘John Hall’s Letters’, pp. 225–6. e A reference to Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655), astronomer and philosopher. b

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1, 1636–61

understood.a The Englishing of, and additions to Oughtred’s Clavis Mathematica does much content me, I having formerly spent much study on the original of that algebra, which I have long since esteemed a much more instructive way of logic, than that of Aristotle.b No body has yet been charitable enough to send me either the long desired Office of Address, or Mr. Dury’s wished for discourse concerning Accommodation, though my longings for their sight have been very suitable to the contentments I expect from their perusal.c I have written a long letter to Mr. Dury, by the same post, that is to deliver you this;d and it shall not be the neglect of my improving my rhetoric to the uttermost, that shall impede my prevailing with him, by exemplifying his rules, to clothe with flesh and skin his excellent sceleton of the Art of Reasoning.e FOR your bedfellow’s receipt for the stone (which certainly wants a parallel, if it be not more easy than effectual) I beseech to return her (together with the present of my humble service) most humble thanks, which I mean very shortly, God willing, to pay you in an epistle I have drawn up to persuade men to communicate all those successful receipts, that relate either to the preservation or recovery of our health;f to which (if you will pardon me a clinch) I shall add, as to the disease last named (so cruel in its tortures, and so fatal in its catastrophe) that they must have their hearts more hard than a very stone, that can refuse a sanative remedy for the stone. /p. 25/ AS for me, during my confinement to this melancholy solitude, I often divert myself at leisure moments in trying such experiments, as the unfurnishedness of the place, and the present distractedness of my mind, will permit me;g which when once my vacant intervals of time will give me leave to blot paper with, and make

a For Marin Mersenne see above, p. 53n. Mersenne corresponded with Theodore Haak and other members of the Hartlib circle in the 1640s. See Pamela R. Barnett, Theodore Haak, F.R.S. (1605–1690) (The Hague, 1962), pp. 34–5. b William Oughtred (c. 1574–1660), Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge, mathematician. His Arithmeticae in numeris et speciebus institutio: quae quasi clavis mathematicae est (1631), was one of the best and most influential mathematics textbooks of the first half of the 17th century. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 119, 415–16. c The first work mentioned here is doubtless Hartlib’s ‘Office of Address’. Boyle also refers to John Dury’s unpublished ‘A brief discourse concerning the accomplishment of our Reformation, shewing that by an Office of Addresse in spirituall and temporall matters the glory of God and the happines of this nation may bee highly advanced’, possibly written in 1646. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 311. d This letter is not extant. e The ‘Art of Reasoning’ is undoubtedly the same as the ‘excellent discourse of teaching logic’ mentioned above, p. 56n. f Boyle refers to Hartlib’s wife Mary Burningham, whom Hartlib had married in 1629. Boyle’s epistle was published as Free Invitation (1655). See Works, vol. 1, pp. 1–12. g At this point Boyle was at Stalbridge.

60

BOYLE

to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT, 8 June 1647

some short discourses and reflections upon, you may (with all the services you shall be pleased to command their author) confidently expect from, Sir, your most affectionate friend and humble servant, ROBERT BOYLE.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 15 May 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[May] 15’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 17 May 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘May 17’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 18 and 19 May 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[May] 18, 19 1647’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 1 June 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘London June 1 1647’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 8 June 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[June] 8’.

61

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1, 1636–61

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 22 June 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol.129) records the following: ‘[June] 22’.

BOYLE to HIS BROTHER 6 July 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘July 6 1647 about this time had a fit of the Stone see a drolling1 L[ette]r to his Brother – without any Superscription’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 14 July 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[July] 14’.

HARTLIB to BOYLE 15 July 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘15 NB Mr Hartlib wrote to him at Stalbr May 9 1648’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENTt 24 July 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following: ‘[July] 24’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 25 July 1647 Miles’s list of letters of 1645–7 (BP 36, fol. 129) records the following:‘ [July] 25’.

62

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 16 Nov. 1647

HARTLIB to BOYLE

16 November 1647

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 256. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 76–7.

Most honoured SIR, I WENT yesterday to wait upon my excellent lady, who was pleased to shew me a certain letter making mention of me, which I had no sooner perused, but the expressions of your very great love were delivered into my hands.a Sir, this gave such an alarm (for we are nothing almost but alarms) to my affections, that I must needs convey the sound of it to your ears by those paper-wings, which carry also along with them a further discovery of the office of publick address for accommodations.b The office of communications is to follow very shortly, God willing, especially in reference to universal learning.c And if then the trustees of the kingdom shall vouchsafe to look after such small and trivial by-matters, I shall assuredly be mindful of your kindnesses, and be perhaps as well in an offering, as in a receiving condition. If they do not, I fear, that my lord Cottington, who, as I am certainly informed, was, with a French doctor in London, before those troubles began, fully resolved to have erected such an office, [will] rise once in judgment against them.d However, I am more than resolved to continue in this kind of folly to serve the good of many; and worthy Sir Cheny professes himself to be one, that will join with me in running this race.e For in his last he used these very words unto me. – ‘I offer, if others of our acquaintance will come in, and according as my condition in these tottering times shall prove, to allow towards the maintaining of one clerk, the sum of 20l. per ann. and shall (as God shall bless me) be ready to encrease it, till we can invite the publick to take notice of its own interest in the business.’f Thus far Sir Cheny, which I mention the rather, that it may be some incentive to others by your means in your quarters, if any burn with such inflammations. And that you may have the more fuel to put into the fire, I cannot but tender to your favourable hands the other writings here adjoined, especially the design of the Hisa This is undoubtedly a reference to Boyle’s sister, Lady Ranelagh. The letter referred to has not been found. b A reference to Hartlib’s A Further Discoverie of the Office of Publick Addresse for Accommodations (1648). c Two copies of this document dealing with the ‘Office of Address’ survive. One is among the Hartlib Papers, printed in Webster, Great Instauration, appendix viii, pp. 551–3. The other is among the Worthington papers, British Library, Add. MS 6269, fols 23–5. d Hartlib refers to Francis Cottington (c. 1578–1652), 1st Baron Cottington, courtier and statesman. The square brackets appear in Birch’s text. e Hartlib refers to Sir Cheney Culpeper (1601–63), friend and correspondent of Hartlib’s. See Stephen Clucas, ‘The Correspondence of a XVII-Century “Chymical Gentleman”: Sir Cheney Culpeper and the Chemical Interests of the Hartlib Circle’, Ambix, 40 (1993), 147–70. f This letter is not extant.

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1, 1636–61

tory of Trades. The author of them is one Petty, of twenty four years of age, not altogether a very dear Worsley, but a perfect Frenchman, and good linguist in other vulgar languages besides Latin and Greek, a most rare and exact anatomist, and excelling in all mathematical and mechanical learning; of a sweet natural disposition and moral comportment. As for solid judgment and industry altogether masculine.a This is the meat or banquet, to which I desire to invite mainly all ingenious spirits and discerning palates at this time. I know not how the sauce of it, (which must be at least a hundred and twenty pound per ann.) will be relished; but when he hath perfected the specimen, which I have required of him, in one trade, (which also is near done) and set down all the terms and conditions, upon which he desires that annual assistance, I suppose no right taste will nauseate it; nay, I am confident to your sense it will be delicacy, and the best venison, that ever I could have hunted out for you in this populous wilderness. Sir, may I be so happy as to see again some lines from your hands, to continue or rather begin a correspondence, as to the cosmetical (but to my aims truly vital) parts of it; and I shall study to approve myself in all those, and all other profitable and real respects and observances, Most honoured Sir, your entirely affectionate, and most willing, and obliged friend to serve you, S. HARTLIB.

Lond. Duke’s-place, Nov. 16, 1647.

SIR, I BEG the sending of Mr. Dury’s Exercitation how to travel profitably in the law.b You shall have back this money with interest, if you dare give me credit for so much. Farewel, dear Sir.

a This is a reference to William Petty (1623–87), political economist and inventor. Plans for his ‘History of Trades’ survive in The Petty Papers, ed. the Marquis of Lansdowne, 2 vols, (London, 1927), i, 205–7. Hartlib’s comparison of Petty with Worsley foreshadows the later rivalry between the two men; see below, p. 240n. b Perhaps item no. 39 in the list of Dury’s writings given by Turnbull, H. D & C., p. 303.

64

— 1648 — Lost letters dating from 1648 referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, prior to 13 May 1648 (below, p. 67). Lady Elizabeth Hussey to Boyle, before 6 June 1648 (below, p. 69). For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below and p. 75.

BOYLE to MARCOMBES

22 February 1648

Birch in his ‘Life’ of Boyle (Works, i, p. 26n.), refers to ‘Mr. Boyle’s letter to Mr Marcombes, dated from London, February 22, 1647–8, in which he mentions his intentions of set‑ ting out for Holland the next day’. This letter no longer survives. BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT

15 April 1648

Birch in his ‘Life’ of Boyle (Works, i, p. 26), notes that ‘on 15th of April 1648, he was at London’. This is probably because a letter of this date survived at that point, though it is no longer extant; see above, p. xxx. HARTLIB to BOYLE

9 May 1648

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 256–7. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 77–8.

Right worthy Sir and truly honoured, THE enclosed from Mr. Worsley I received on Saturday last.1 The extracts he wrote confdingly to myself, but I thought it my duty not to conceal them from your eyes in the very formalia of his words. If I were not very confdent, that you would 1

This enclosure is not extant.

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DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-10

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1, 1636–61

take all in good part, I would never have made over those adventures of my freedom unto you; but owing so much to the nobleness of your disposition, /p. 257/ your spe‑ cial services, and to the most faithful friendships both of Mr. Morian and Mr. Worsley, I could truly do no less.2 Sir, I could enlarge myself upon many other particulars full of variety, and of a spring of pleasure; but I suppose Mr. Worsley hath presented to your curiosity a large feld to walk in at this time: yet give me leave to present you with a posy of additional lines in the following words. I thank you for your new discoveries in anatomy, and enquiries of other useful and ingenious knowledges.3 I shewed Mr. Hobbes your letter, who liked it so well, that he desired me to lend it him, which I did.4 Your worthy friend and mine Mr. Gassend is reasonable well, and hath printed a book of the life and manners of Epicurus since your going from hence. He hath now in the press at Lyons the philosophy of Epicurus, in which I believe we shall have much of his own philosophy, which doubtless will be an excellent work.5 There is an experiment how to shew, as they suppose, that there is or may be vacuum.6 It were too long to write all the particulars, but in brief thus. They prepare a long tube like a weather‑glass, which is flled with quicksilver; and being stopped as close as may be with one’s fnger, the tube is inverted and plunged in a vessel half, or more, full of quicksilver. The quicksilver in the tube will force the quicksilver in the vessel to rise, by adding more quicksilver to it, and so leaves a space in the top of the tube vacuum, as is supposed. But a bladder being hung in that vacuum was as perfectly seen as could be, so that there must be somebody there to convey the action of sight to the eye, as I suppose and divers others here. That bladder was made as fat as they could, when they put it in; and when the quicksilver left it, it swelled in that supposed vacuum like a little foot‑ball. Thus far Sir Charles Cavendish to Mr. Petty, who honours and loves you, but not in those dimensions, as he, who subscribes himself always, Right worthy Sir and truly honoured, Lond. Duke’s-place, in the great open Court, May 9, 1648.

your most entirely respective and faithfully devoted, SAM. HARTLIB.

This is a reference to Johannes Moriaen (c.1591–c.1668), German natural philosopher. For Moriaen see J. T. Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy. Johann Moriaen, Reformed Intelligencer, and the Hartlib Circle (Aldershot, 1998). Moriaen is the author of a large collection of let‑ ters in the Hartlib Papers. 3 This extract, beginning at ‘I thank you’, is from a letter from Charles Cavendish (1591– 1654), mathematician, to William Petty from Paris. See R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1980), p. 92. For Petty’s anatomical studies see above, p. 64. 4 The Cavendishes patronised the philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679). 5 Hartlib’s reference is to Pierre Gassendi, for whom see above, p. 59n. Gassendi’s De vita et moribus Epicuri libri octo (1647) and Philosophiae Epicuri syntagma, published as an appendix to Animadversiones in decimum librum Diogenis Laërtii, 3 parts (Lyons, 1649). 6 The description of this experiment is in ibid., appendix 1, pp. iii–x. 2

66

BOYLE TO LADY RANELAGH,

BOYLE to LADY RANELAGH

13 May 1648

13 May 1648

From the scribal copy in BL 1, fols 124–5. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 235 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 45.

My Dearest Sister I received your letter with a huge deale of satisfaction, not only as an Effect of your kindnes, but an Evidence of your Recoverie.7 which latter propertie more endear’d your ‹neat›1 lines to mee then the former did; since the one relates to you; the other refects only on my selfe; who must ever as much preferre the blessinge of your Happines, before the Happines of your Affection, as I value this latter above all other goods. I perceive by your Intelligence, that wee owe our Condiscentions to our Brethren, rather to our feare then hatred of a warre;8 & am very sorry to fnde by the story, that the faculties of our minds stand in soe inverted a Relation, that ’tis our Passions that brings us to Reason, rather then wee them. ’Tis not alone upon the score of it’s beinge soe lately hapned, that I esteeme that ‹to be› newes, you are pleased to informe mee, concerninge the Lords Rejected Motion to the Commons, to have the Lieutenancy of the Tower confrm’d to the Generall, & the trust of the Kingdomes Militia confer’d upon him: for I imagine that desire of the Lords, to bee a peece of Greate (to which Epithete you will perhapps thinke itt needles to add that of unusuall) discretion; for if (by Miracle) the motion past, they had gott the thankes of itt; & theire dessein beinge to have itt throwne out, they could not devise a like‑ lyer2 way in order to ‹that› end, then to make itt theire Motion: soe that deriveinge a dubble advantage from a single act; they gain’d Sir Tho[mas] Fairefaxe’s Affection, by ruining his busines.9 The ordinance you mention against Heresies and Blasphemies, appeares to mee a greater argument of your fright att London, then the buildinge of that new offcious house soe ominously & foreseeingly erected by the members att Westminster.10 Butt concerninge this pointe of Tolleration I may possibly ere longe

This letter is a reply to the lost letter from Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, prior to 13 May.. ‘Brethren’ here means the Scots, whose parliament on 4 May 1648 voted to raise an army to support the King. This prompted the English parliament on 6 May to promise not to alter the fun‑ damental government of the kingdom, to uphold their previous agreements with the Scots and to join with the Scots in jointly re‑offering the King the terms which had previously been put to him at Hampton Court in Sept. 1647. These were presumably the ‘Condiscentions’ to which Boyle refers. See Stevenson, Revolution and Counter-Revolution (above, p. 37), pp. 105, 109. 9 On 9 May 1648 the House of Commons invited the City to nominate a new commander of the Tower although the Lords had proposed confrming Sir Thomas Fairfax (1612–71), supreme com‑ mander of Parliament’s armies, in the offce indefnitely. He had been appointed Constable of the Tower for one year from 6 Aug. 1647. See Lords Journal, ix, 379. 10 For this ordinance, see above, p. 58n. The ‘new offcious house’ is presumably a reference to the Presbyterian church system approved by Parliament. 7

8

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give you the trouble of perusinge my thoughts in an Essay, entitled, of Divinitie.11 It seemes by what you relate of the underhand Treaty att Chelsy, that Jugline is still as much in fassion with you amongst the men, as paintinge is amongst the women: & I am confdent that if the statute against Juglers, & Hocus pocus blades, were extended to state‑affaires, & strictly putt in execution, att this instante; some (namelesse) places of very great resorte, wud bee as perfect Hermitages, as that your servant lives in.12 What all these confusions will resolve into att last, God only that disposes of Events, (I thinke) do’s know: & from3 our knowledge that hee disposes of them, wee ought to4 derive our consolation.5 /fol. 124v/ Now for my owne particular, I have been in perpetuall motion ever since I last saw you; partly to comply with the necessitie of my little Domesticke affaires, which exacte my beinge active; & partly, by lawfull recreations, to divert as much as may bee, that drowsie Melancholy, which (besides other crosses) the fcklenes of my health does dayly endeavour to encrease. But beleeve not my Melancholy shall drive mee to any diversion,6 that may make mee deserve itt: & for the Knights companie you soe feircely disadvise, I must assure you that for this somer I am very unlike to have itt;13 & att all times thinke my selfe very much above the beinge perverted by itt. But my present irresolution7 what course to take, makes mee spare the now giveinge you any further trouble; then that of desiringe you if you can, to gett the disposinge of those chambers att St. Jameses respited, till you here from mee next post:14 by which I hope to give you a full accompte of his intentions, who by this day fortenighte expects (God willinge) the happines of assuring you by word of mouth how really hee is My Sister Your most faithfull & humble Servante

Stalbridge 13th May 1648

Endorsed on fol. 125v by Miles ‘Stalbridge 13 May 1648 / To his sister Lady R’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘no.3’.

11 This essay Of Divinity is not mentioned in Boyle’s list of works dated 1 Jan. 1649/50. It may never have been written. See Works, vol. 14, p. 329. 12 Boyle may be referring to some of the behind‑the‑scenes contacts between prominent par‑ liamentarians and the royalists in late Mar. and Apr. intended to restart negotiations for a politi‑ cal settlement and avert war with the Scots; see D. Underdown, Pride’s Purge: Politics in the Puritan Revolution (Oxford, 1971), pp. 95–7. Boyle’s views on women and painting were contained in one of his moral epistles; see Works, vol. 13, p. 49ff. Boyle’s word ‘juglers’ presents the politics of the day in terms of the fraudulent activities of magicians and tricksters. He may possibly allude to ‘An Ordinance for utter suppression and abolishing of Stage‑Plays and Interludes’, 11 Feb. 1648 (Firth and Raitt, Acts and Ordinances, i, 1070–2). The ‘Hermitage’ referred to is Boyle’s estate at Stalbridge. 13 Conceivably a reference to Sir John Clotworthy (d. 1665), Lady Ranelagh’s brother‑in‑law; see Works, vol. 13, pp. xxxii–xxxiii. 14 This is probably a reference to the laboratory at St James’s Palace. See Maddison, Life, pp. 78–9.

68

BOYLE TO LADY ELIZABETH HUSSEY,

BOYLE to LADY ELIZABETH HUSSEY15

6 June 1648

6 June 1648

From the copy in John Jay’s hand in BL 6, fols 1–2. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 236–7. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 46–7.

Madam When I1 found a Transcripte of my letter enclozed in your Ladyships: the Disparitie2 both of theire stiles & contents obliged mee to resemble the whole Pacquett to most of our young Gallants, & theire clothes; where the coveringe is soe much bet‑ ter then that which itt enfolds.16 For seriously Madam I was extreamely ashamed to fnde that I had putt your Ladyship to the trouble of a coppie, of my last dull scrible; since I desired the retourne of the Originall not more to satisfe (or rather disabuse) the younge gents Curiositie;17 then to abolishe soe tedious an Instance of my bad sec‑ retaryship; The Intelligence here is both lesse, & worse, then possibly your Ladyship’s Expectation presumes, the Kentishe3 busines has hurt us noe otherwise, then by mak‑ inge us feare, that itt might doe soe: Victorie is as obediente, as the very Parliament to the Armie: my last weekes Astrologie has not att all deceived mee; & though since that time divers successes of the Kentishe men have extreamely frown’d upon my predic‑ tions; yet the Event has very much conformed, to my conjectures; the Kentish being almost wholly reduc’d to the Discretion of the Parliament: who itt is thought will in this nice particular, much consult the lawes of Politie then those of Charitie.18 The Essex men had yesternight granted them an Act of Indemnitie; which is like to attempt Bow bridge with much better successe then they say our forces have had there.19 The Surrey men seeme by the fate of theire Companions, deterr’d from enter‑ prisinge any noveltie & after all theire threatonings and complaints: seem content with puttinge this complement upon theire patience to lett the world know, that they Ignore nott the Extent, and the Dimensions of the wrongs that they forgive. My Lord of Warwicke was pleased to give mee a very full accompte with his owne mouthe, of his whole negotiation with the feet: but the printed paper will bee soe sure to relate at

Elizabeth Hussey (1591–1658), daughter of George Anton, married Edward Hussey (1585– 1648), 1st Baronet, not later than 1610. 16 This letter is not extant. 17 This fgure has not been identifed. 18 Boyle refers to the royalist rising in Kent which began on 21 May 1648 and was defeated by the New Model Army at Maidstone on 1 June. See I. Gentles, The New Model Army in England, Ireland and Scotland, 1645–1653 (Oxford, 1992), pp. 247–8. 19 Boyle refers to the rising in Essex where the militiamen mustered at Bow. Kentish royalists fee‑ ing from Fairfax crossed the Thames and came to Bow where the Essex militiamen fred on their pur‑ suers. In response Parliament offered an indemnity to all Essex men who were willing to disband and go home. See B. Lyndon, ‘Essex and the King’s Cause in 1648’, Historical Journal, 29 (1986), 17–39, on pp. 25–6. 15

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least as much as is true of that Transaction, that I shall purposly decline itt.20 hee is now gone to Portsmouth, with the shipping hee fnds there, to endeavour the reducing of those 6 shipps that show themselves refractory; of which hee assured mee secretly att his departure that the Offcers of fower were att his devotion. I sup’t last night att Warwicke house, with my Ladies daughters only; & fnde by the story that Charles Rich is the Grand Agitator in this Essex busines.21 One of our Masters tould mee this afternoone att Westminster, that they had voted the propositions to bee treated one with the Kinge, the same that were presented to him att Hamton courte;22 to bee sent away immediately to the Scotts for theire concurrence with a desire, that they send such further particular addresses to his Majestie, as they have resolved on in Order to theire owne Nations peculiar Interests. Our brethren are not like to visitt us soe soone as wee /fol. 1v/ expected: but our divertion in these parts of the Kingdome have as tis boasted given the Royalists the libertie of a quiet, and almost undisturbed encrease in the North. The disobeidient shipps have chosen for their Admirall one Major Kemb, a Minister, & a mad wittie fellow, whom I have sometimes beene very merry with; his wife being sister that honest red nosed blade that waits now upon mee.23 But a person of Qualitie,4 and one that pretends to be noe petty Cabalist gave mee the honour of a visitt this morneinge, & assured mee that hee knew from both parties, the5 proba‑ bilitie of a speedie peace to bee soe greate, that itt is expected even by those persons by whom itt is not wished for.24 But Madam since I began to write this letter, I had unexpectedly the happines of a longe conversation with the faire Lady that people are pleased to thinke my Mistress:25 & truly Madam tho I am as farre from being in Love,

Boyle refers to the mutiny in Parliament’s feet on the Downs which began on 27 May 1648. Two days later Robert Rich (1587–1658), 2nd Earl of Warwick, was re‑appointed Lord Admiral, a post he had previ‑ ously held from 1643 to 1645; Rich unsuccessfully tried to persuade the sailors to return to Parliament’s service. See B. Capp, Cromwell’s Navy: The Fleet and the English Revolution, 1648–1660 (Oxford, 1989), pp. 21–2. For the printed account of Warwick’s negotiations see ‘A Representation of the Proceedings of the Earl of Warwick’, in The Parliamentary or Constitutional History of England from the Earliest Times, to the Restoration of King Charles II (2nd edn, 24 vols, London, 1763), xvii, 199–208. 21 Presumably these are the daughters of Eleanor, Countess of Warwick, by her frst husband Sir Henry Lee. There was also one surviving daughter from the Earl’s frst marriage. For Charles Rich, who married Boyle’s sister Mary in 1641, see above, p. 31n. Charles Rich supported Parliament during the Civil War and was elected MP for Sandwich in 1645. He was a member of the committee of the House of Commons appointed to draft the indemnity offered to the Essex rebels. See Commons Journal, v, 585. 22 The Hampton Court Propositions were proposals drawn up by Parliament for a constitutional settlement with the King, originally presented to Charles I in Sept. 1647. 23 ‘Major Kemb’ is probably Samuel Kem (1604–70), Puritan divine and active for Parliament in the Civil War. He was said to have been ‘chaplain at sea’ to the Lord Admiral, the Earl of Warwick. Kem was married four times. His frst wife was an only daughter so this must be a reference either to Jemima, eldest daughter of Herbert Pelham of Lincolnshire; to Mary, 2nd daughter of Samuel Bridger of Dursley in Gloucestershire; or to Kem’s eventual widow, Elizabeth. 24 Conceivably a reference to Broghill. 25 The lady Boyle refers to is possibly Elizabeth Carey (1631–76), daughter of the 2nd Earl of Monmouth. See Maddison, Life, p. 73. 20

70

WILLIAM PETTY TO BOYLE

21 June 1648

as most that are soe are from beinge wise, yett my hast makes mee gladly imbrace the old excuse of Then to speake sence were an offence

to extenuate my haveing hitherto written soe dully & my now concludinge so abruptly: for whilst this amorous rapture does possesse, I neither could write sence without being injurious to my passion, nor can any longer continue to write non‑ sence, without some violation of that profound respect which is both due to you from & vow’d you by Madam London 6 June 1648Your Ladyship[s] most faithfull & most humble servant Endorsed on fol. 1v by John Jay ‘A Coppie of a letter sent to Mrs Elizabeth Hussy’. Endorsed on fol. 2v by Miles: ‘6 June 1648 To Mrs Hussey of public affairs’ and with Miles’s red crayon number ‘4’. The manuscript has printers’ marks

WILLIAM PETTY26 to BOYLE

21 June 1648

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 296–7. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 136–7.

SIR, MEN dedicate their books to the patrons of the subjects, whereof they write, and I dedicate an useful and new invention to you, who (scorning the airy vanities, wherewith the greater part of men are as yet delighted) do not only profess yourself a Mæcenas of such things, but can descend (or rather ascend) to the practice of them yourself.27 IT is not to tickle your fancy with a fne, curious, or intricate conceit or notion, nor to puzzle you with the sight of a complexure of almost an infnite number of various mechaniments cunningly set together, that I have presented you this dis‑ covery; for I have always professed to the whole world, that I feared, that only the meanness of the means, whereby I performed this unheard of effect, would make it contemptible. NEITHER is it, that I think hereby to have given you a present of great value (as to yourself) for had you paid me but 5s. you might (as well as others) within some few months have been partaker of the beneft; nor do I believe, that you use For Petty see above, p. 64. Petty dedicated to Boyle the invention of his double writing instrument, described in the pamphlet The Advice of W. P. to Mr Samuel Hartlib. For the Advancement of some particular Parts of Learning (1648). Petty was granted a patent by Parliament for his invention on 8 Mar. 1648. 26

27

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copying so much, as that in those few months of concealment, it should be worth you ten shillings more; only, if in matters of privacy it may save some hours of your own time, I shall think the world obliged to the invention. IT is not to give you the means of ingratiating yourself with other great per‑ sonages by the communication of this rarity unto them, before it come to vulgar hands; for /p. 297/ you are pleased to promise upon your honour a deep and abso‑ lute silence to all enquiries after it. NEITHER is it to engage you to be earnest in stirring up men to contribute towards my reward; for I consider, that your fortune and dignity have placed you above the condition of soliciting merchants, scriveners, lawyers clerks, and such other your inferiors, from whom I must expect my recompence. LASTLY, I do not reveal this secret, because I know not what else to do with it, nor (like those, who give away their meat not before it stinks) employ it to buy your favour, when it will serve for nothing else: for now it is, that men begin to put off the apprehension of a cheat, and to hear generally of it, and consequently, that the impos‑ sibility of raising some considerable beneft by it begins to disappear. BUT why then, since it is not in your way to do me much good in promoting the design of raising a reward, do I discover unto you the art itself, thereby giving you power to do me much more harm? It is only, because I hope hereby to oblige your noble and ingenuous spirit so much the faster to continue your love and assistance to inventions, and other real fruits of learning and arts. For if the world embrace the use of this invention, you may, by God’s ordinary providence, live to see a thing, whereof you have the very maidenhead and patronage, to be of daily and almost hourly use to most men in most countries of the whole earth, and that to perpetu‑ ity; and consequently your own name made equally universal and known, although bright and glorious by your own better deserving actions. AND this is the reason, why I both dedicate and intrust the invention unto you, a mere dedication unto real men (as yourself) being little better than a mere and that a begging compliment. There is yet another, why I have entrusted you with it, which is, because I, having concredited unto you all my treasure of this nature, may hope for some of your experiments to be entrusted unto me. For my study and ends being enquiries into nature, and useful arts, and fnding how ill my abilities to make experiments answer my inclinations thereto, I knew no readier way to become fat in that kind of knowledge, than by being fed with the crumbs, that fall from your table: which happiness and honour if I may obtain, I shall labour to merit them, by the most serious and hearty endeavours within the power of me, SIR, your most humble, and affectionate servant, Lond. June 21, 1648.

WILLIAM PETTY. 72

BOYLE TO MARTHA CAREY, COUNTESS OF MONMOUTH

7 July 1648

BOYLE to MARTHA CAREY, COUNTESS OF MONMOUTH28 7 July 1648 From the retained copy in Boyle’s early hand in BL 1, fols 118–19. Fol/2. Spaced so that signature appears at bottom of page. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 237 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 47.

Madam, In your Ladyship’s, (imparted to me by my Sister Ranalo,)29 I fnd my selfe so confounded with Civilitys, that if she that blesst me with the Sight of Your Letter, had not (for her owne Discharge,) exacted of me this Acknowledgement of my having seene it; I must confesse I shud scarce have ventur’d to returne a verball answer: deterr’d by the Impossibility of Writing without Wronging a Resentment; which I can expresse, as little as I deserv’d, the Prayses & the Favors that have produc’t it. To be commended by Y[our] L[adyship] & that for such a Quality as that, which You are pleas’d to thinke my Desires give me a Title to; would possibly both Create Pride in me, & (in some Sort) excuse it: if I did not consider my selfe extoll’d for an Attribute which owes more of it’s Price to it’s Rarenesse then it’s Value; & argues much more the Degeneratenesse of those Young men that Want it; then any greate Vertue in them that do Possesse it: that Earlynesse of Piety which is made my Meritt, being so much my Duty, that ’tis the Faults of others that must make it my Commendation. As for my Pamphlet, Madam, had it expected the Glory of entertaining You, it shud certainely have appear’d in a lesse Carelesse Dresse;30 but Madam, tho after Your Ladyship’s Approbation, to doubt a Generall one, were to beleeve the latter not worth the Caring for; yet my just Sence of the Smallnesse of the Accession the Presse can be to the Honor of Your Ladyship’s Perusall, makes me decline it’s Publication. And as that Paper cannot have either a higher Applause or nobler End then the being Lik’d & Practis’d at Moore‑parke;31 so if it have either any way diverted Y[our] L[adyship] or had the least Infuence upon my Lord; I have reach’t my Desires, & gon beyond my Hopes. However, Madam, I am richly rewarded for writing such a booke, by being enjoyn’d to fetch it where You are: So welcom a Command is very unlikely to be1 disobey’d: but, my Obedience (Madam) must be pay’d to the Order, not the Motive: the fetching of my booke may be one Effect of my /fol. 118v/ Remove, but not the Errand of it: for Martha Carey (1601–77), eldest daughter of Lionel Cranfeld, 1st Earl of Middlesex. She married Henry Carey, 2nd Earl of Monmouth, in 1620. 29 i.e., Lady Ranelagh. The Countess’s letter to Boyle is not extant. 30 From Boyle’s comments it seems likely that the work in question was one of the moral or devo‑ tional treatises that he composed at this time; see Works, vol. 13. 31 Moor Park, near Rickmansworth in Hertfordshire. The gardens had been laid out by the Countess of Bedford early in the 17th century. At the time of this letter, the house was occupied by the Countess of Monmouth. 28

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sure, Madam, Your Modesty cannot be so injurious both to Your selfe & me, as to persuade You, that any inferior, (that is, other) Motive, can be look’t upon by me as an Invitation to a Journey, which will blesse me with so greate a Happynesse, as that of Your Ladyship’s Conversation; & give me the Opportunitys of assuring You better then my present hast & my Disorder will ‹now› permit me, in how tran‑ scendent a Degree I am, Madam, Your Ladyships humble & obliged London, this Seaventh Servant of July 48 Robert Boyle. 2

To the Countesse of Monmouth at Moore‑parke

Seal: paper impression of seal from another letter. Endorsed on fol. 119v by Miles: ‘a Polite Letter July 7 1648 / To the Countess of Monmouth on her Commending his Piety & one of his books’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘5’.

BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT 9 September 1648 Birch in his ‘Life’ of Boyle (Works, i, 26), notes that ‘he was returned to Stal-

bridge on the 9th of September following’. This is probably because a let‑ ter of this date survived at that point, though it is no longer extant; see above, p. xxx. BOYLE to [LADY RANELAGH]

13 November [1648?]32

From the scribal version in BL 1, fols 103–4. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.) Works (1744), v, 234–5, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 43–4.

My deare Sister If I were of those Scribler’s humor, who love to put themselves to one Trouble to put their Freinds to another; & who weekely breake their Silence only to acquaint us with their unwillingnesse to keepe it; I must confesse I had much oftner written The year of this letter has been postulated on the basis of its similarity to other letters from Boyle to Lady Ranelagh in 1648–9. 32

74

BOYLE TO LADY RANELAGH

13 Nov 1648

You, Letters not worth the Reading. But having ever look’t upon Silence & Respect as things as neere of Kinne as Importunity & Affection, I elected rather to trust Your Good Opinion to Your Good‑nature, then Your Patience with my Letters: for which to suppose a Welcome must have Presum’d a greater Kindnesse then they could have Express’t. For I am growne soe ‹perfect›1 a Villager, & live soe remov’d, not onely from the Roades, but from the very By‑pathes of Intelligence; that to entertaine You with our Countrey‑Discourse would have extreamely puzzled mee, since Your Children have not the Ricketts nor the Measles;33 & as for Newes, I could not have sent You so much as that of my being Well. To beseich You not to Forgett me, were ‹but a Bad›2 Complement to your Constancy; & to tell You I remember You were a worse to my owne Judgement: & Complements of the other Nature, ’twere not easy for me to write From Stalbridge, & lesse easy to write To You. So that wanting all Theames & Straines that might enable me to fll my Letters with any thing that might pay the Patience of reading them; I thought it pardonabler to say Nothing by a respectuous Silence then by Idle Words. But the Causes being just so many3 Excuses of that Silence, I should have more need to apologize for my Letters, if these seem’d not necessary to prevent the Misconstruction of their Unfrequency; & if I did not send4 up the Antidote, with them; in the Company of my Brother Franke;34 by whome it were equally incongruous & unseasonable to send You No Epistle & to send You a Long one: which (latter) that this may not prove, I must hasten to assure You, that tho I have not very lately written You any common Letters, ’tis not long since I was writing You a Dedicatorie one, which may (possibly) have the Happynesse5 to conveigh Your Name to Posterity;35 & having told You this, I shall next take post to beseeich You to beleive, that whensoever You shall please to Vouchsafe me the Honour of Your Commands, my glad & exact Obedience shall convince You, that tho many others may oftner renew their Bonds, I can esteeme my selfe by a single Note under my Hand, equally engag’d to You for all the Services that may become6 the Relation & ‹justify›7 the Professions that Stile me My deare Sister Your most affectionate Brother Stalbridge this & faythfull humble Servant 13th of November. R.B. Seal: Faint paper impression of seal from another letter. Endorsed on fol. 104v by Miles ‘To Lady Ranelaugh 13 Novr. no year refers to his Treatise which he intended to dedicate to her’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘I’.

Lady Ranelagh had three daughters: Catherine (1633–75); Elizabeth (dates unknown); and Frances (1639–72); and a son, Richard (1641–1712). 34 For Francis Boyle see above, p. 23n. 35 Perhaps one of the moral epistles composed at this time, for which see Works, vol. 13, p. 43ff. 33

75

— 1649 — Lost letters dating from 1649, referred to in surviving letters, are as follows: Hartlib to Boyle, 26 June 1649 (below, p. 78). Boyle to Lady Ranelagh, after 13 May 1648 but before 2 August 1649 (below, p. 80). The same letter also contains reference to a lost letter from Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, dating from before 2 August 1649. For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, p. 83. BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT

26 March 164936

From the holograph version, now in the Cushing/Whitney Medical Library, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, USA. Fol/1. The subscription is signifcantly spaced with the signature at the bottom of a largely blank page. Not previously printed.37

Madam, I shud be extreamely both troubled & asham’d to make my frst addresses of this Nature not ‹upon the score of›1 my services but my Requests; if my Barrennesse in the former were not due to my want of opportunitys to serve You, not of Desire to embrace them; & if the latter were not prostrated2 to a Person whose Supreame Merit & Obligeingnesse ‹equally› forbids me, either to Doubt the Grant of my Petition or3 blush ‹to› Exhibit ‹it›. For as I know that to be oblig’d by Your Charity is ‹no more›4 a Disparagement ‹then› tis to need it; & that Your Civility affects in our Gratitudes an equall5 Interest to that which Your ‹Prerogatives› give You in our Wonder; so I must 36 This text has been heavily altered by Boyle after its original composition, and it is unlikely that this version was the one sent to its intended recipient, who has not been identifed. 37 This letter came from the sale of Lord Wantage’s historical documents. It appeared in catalogue no. 8 of the London dealer, E. Weil, (item 42, priced £52. 10. 0) and was bought by D. I. Duveen; he gave it to the late Dr J. F. Fulton, who deposited it in its present location. (Private communications from E. Weil, 23 July 1955, and D. I. Duveen, 6 Feb. 1956, to Dr R. E. W. Maddison). The leaf on which the letter is written has a mount at its inner margin and is foliated ‘430’ in red crayon at the right‑hand top corner of the recto.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-11

76

HARTLIB TO BOYLE

24 July 1649

(as my Duty & Happinesse) acknowledge, that Your Goodnesse has so well acquainted me with the Greatnesse of it ‹selfe›, that it assures me that it makes You consider as a ‹service›6 the Opportunity of doing ‹a Curtesy›. This Confdence, Madam, gives me that of beseeching You to ‹be pleas’d to› procure from the French Embassador38 (who I know ‹can›7 not refuse so just a Desire to so powerfull an Intercessor) a Passe for ‹Lindamor & a Leashe of›8 servants to travell into France & To & Fro there, as long as they ‹neither› Doe nor Carry ‹any thing that may forfeit the Protection›9 they shall Live under.39 I will not so much suspect a Goodnesse I have had ‹such happy› proofes of, as to represent to Y[our] L[adyship] that You may possibly do somebody no unacceptable service, to helpe into France a Person, who ‹elswhere› might (perchance) crosse10 (or at Least retard the Progresse ‹of Desseins›) & who is now dispos’d to this Retirement by Considerations that it is farre more easy for Y[our] L[adyship] to guesse then safe for me to write. No, Madam, I will /verso/ not render my selfe so unworthy of Your Goodnesse as to ‹mistrust›11 it; nor strive to Lessen ‹it’s› Meritt or ‹that› of Your ‹Perfections› by proposing for12 Returne of the Favor I begge, a hart that higher motives then any that relate unto my selfe, have ‹long since›13 præacquir’d You, & whose præpossession has already made me Madam Your Ladyship’s most humble From Marston40 & ‹obliged›14 servant 15 This 26th of March 1649 Robert Boyle. HARTLIB to BOYLE

24 July 1649

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 257. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 78.

Right honoured Sir, I HOPE you have received my last of the 26th of June, with many extracts of let‑ ters of great importance, which I would not have fall into other hands but your own.41 The letter was directed as this by the favour of Sherburn.42 Here are the continuation of the respects from Amsterdam and Duke’s-place, which contain some particulars in them 38 The acting French ambassador was Pierre de Bellièvre (1611–83), comte de Grignon. See P. A. Knachel, England and the Frond (New York, 1967), pp. 117–20. 39 This is a reference to Boyle’s brother Roger, Lord Broghill, who is here disguised as Lindamor. At this time Broghill was making plans to go overseas and join Charles II in exile. See T. Morrice, A Collection of the State Letters of … Roger Boyle (London, 1742), p. 9. The present letter is evidence of Robert’s assistance in a scheme, which was not accomplished; see ibid., p. 10. 40 For Marston Bigot, see above, p. 34n. 41 This letter has not been found. 42 Evidently a reference to Sir Edward Sherburne (1618–1702), ordnance offcer and translator.

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worth your trial and animadversions.43 One Evans in Fetter-Lane used to sell antimony cups for 40 shillings apiece, if not more, which perhaps cost him no more than ten shillings.44 I am told they can no more be had, for which I am not much troubled. For I suppose the antimony cup is no other than a pure ordinary regulus antimonii cast into the form of a cup, which cup hath no other virtues nor effects than the foresaid regulus; for this regulus lying in any liquor doth the same, which the cup‑holding liquor in all respects. As for Vaux-hall, there is a proviso put into the act, that it shall not be sold.45 My endeavours are now, how Mr. Petty may be set apart or encouraged for the advancement of experimental and mechanical knowledge in Gresham college at London, of which you shall have a true account also,46 Right honoured Sir, from your entirely faithful, and most humble servant, S. HARTLIB.

Duke’s-place, July 24, 1649 BOYLE to LADY RANELAGH

2 August 1649

From the scribal version in BL 1, fols 128–9. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1774), v, 237–8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 48–9.

My Sister [I have ever counted it amongst]1 the highest Infelicitys of Freindshipp that it encreasingly refects upon us our imparted Greefes. For if our Freinds appeare unconcern’d in them that Indifference offends us, & if they resent them, Sympathy afficts us. This Consideration concurring with my native Disposition has made mee [Shy of Disclozing my aff]lictions where I [could not] expect their Redresse: being too proud to seeke a Releese on the beeing thought to [need] it: & to good a Hartlib appears to refer to himself and a correspondent in Amsterdam who present their respects to Boyle. Hartlib’s Amsterdam correspondent is likely to be Moriaen, for whom see above, p. 66n., or Worsley, who was there with Moriaen at this time. 44 Cups of antimony were used in the 16th and 17th centuries to prepare an emetic drink by allow‑ ing wine to stand therein. 45 Vauxhall was one of the royal properties, used as a royal ordnance factory. During the reign of Charles I, it was the base of the activities of Edward Somerset (1601–67), 6th Earl and Marquis of Worcester, and a group of technicians. After the execution of Charles I, Vauxhall House and its grounds were excluded from the Act for sale of crown properties (4 July 1649). The Hartlib circle’s plans to reserve Vauxhall for the advancement of mechanical sciences were expressed by John Dury in a ‘Memorandum for setting Faux‑hall apart for Publick uses’. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 347–8. 46 For William Petty see above, p. 64n. Hartlib refers to Petty’s project for the reorganisation of Gresham College, which was founded in 1597 in accordance with the will of Sir Thomas Gresham (1519–79). For Petty’s plans see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 548–51. 43

78

BOYLE TO LADY RANELAGH

2 August 1649

Friend to fnd a Satisf[action] in their Greefes I love, or to admitt of the Ill natur’d Consolation of seeing others wretched as well as I. This humor may in part informe you of [the] Cause of my silence; & I hope, in part, excuse it. But I am not now at leasure to make Apologyes, tho I’ll assure you I decline the Employment for want of Time, not Justice. Since I wrote to you last I was unlikely enuf2 ever to be in a Condition to Write to You againe;47 & my Danger was soe suddaine & unexpected, that nothing could transcend it except theirs, whose dilatory Conversion makes them trust Eternity to the incertaine improvement of a future contingent Minute of a Life obnoxious to numerous Casualtys, as impossible (allmost) to be numbred as avoyded. What [God] has decreed of mee Himselfe best knowes, for my part, I shall still pray for a perfect resignation to his [blessed] Will, & a resembling Acquiescence in it. & I hope [his] Spirit will soe conforme mee to his dispensations. that I may cheerefully by his assignement, either continue my worke, or ascend to receive my wages. And in this I must implore the Assistance of Your fervent Prayers (Deare Sister) which I am confdent will both fnd a shorter way to Heaven, & be better wellcom’d there. These 3 or 4 weekes, I have been troubled with the Visits of a Quotidian Ague, which yet had not the power to hinder mee from 3 or 4 Journeys to serve Franke & wayte & wayte [sic] upon my deare Broghill;48 nor from continuing my Vulcanian Feat;49 & in the Intervalls of my Fitts I both began & made some Progresse in the promised Discourse of Publicke‑Spiritednesse:50 but now truly Weakenesse & the Doctor’s Prescriptions have cast my Pen into the Fire: tho in spite of their Menaces, I sometimes presume to snatch it out a while, & blot some Paper3 with it. My present employment is the reveiwing some Consolatory Thoughts in the Losse of Freinds, which my poore Lady Susan’s Death oblig’d me to entertaine my selfe with; & which I am now recruiting.51 If ever I fnish them I shall trouble you to reade them, & if I [doe not, beseich] you to /fol. 128v/ make use of them. The Melancholy which some have bin pleas’d to misrepresent to You as the Cause of my Distempers is certainly much more the effect of them: neither is it either of that Quality, or that Degree You apprehend, but much more Just then Dangerous. Yet to obey You I shall endeavour a Divorce; & as the proper‑ est Meanes endeavor to waite upon You: in order to which I came this Night in a Litter to this Towne, whence I intend not to dislodge, till God’s blessing upon the 47 Boyle’s last letter to Katherine is not likely to be that of 13 May 1648, so we must assume that the letter to which he refers is lost. As is evident from the address and superscription, this letter was written at Bath where Boyle had been staying since July, and where he had had an attack of the ague. A folio endorsed ‘Doctor Davies directions for my Master 30th Julii 1649’, containing instructions for regimen and medicines, must refer to this illness; see BP 18, fols 101–2. 48 Boyle refers to his brothers Francis (for whom see above, p. 23n.) and Roger, Lord Broghill. 49 Boyle alludes to the establishment of his laboratory. 50 For this discourse, Free Invitation (1655), see Works, vol. 1, pp. 1–12. 51 Lady Susan has not been identifed. She was possibly the infant daughter of the Earl of Barrymore; see J. Lodge, The Peerage in Ireland, 7 vols (London, 1789), i, 300. Evidently Boyle penned a discourse on the ‘Losse of Freinds’, but it does not survive.

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Remedies enable mee to doe it on horse‑backe. The Kindnesse You expresse in the Letter I receiv’d this morning, has brought4 mee soe high a Consolation that I shud thinke it cheapely purchas’d by the occasion of it, if I had ignor’d, that the sole want of suiteable opportunityes restrain’d the frequency of resembling straines;52 & if I were not too well acquainted with the Greatnesse of Your Goodnesse not to derive a higher Joy from Your Obliging Proffers, as they are Effects of Your Freindshipp then Testimony’s of it. But tho I value the blessing of Your Company at the rate of having the happinesse [of] more then an indifferent acquaintance with you; I cannot consent to purchase my Felicitye (if such a thing could be done) by your Disquiett: for Your Remove will not more certainly discompose Your Family, then twill be [useless] or unnecessary to me; the Nature of my Disease being such, that ’twill either frustrate Your Visitt, or allow mee to doe soe. For if in a very short time it destroy not, ’twill leave mee strength enuf to fetch a perftter Cure of it at London, whither in spite of my present Distempers which are not small, nor (I feare) very fugitive; the Physitions would perswade mee, that by God’s assistance I may bee able to crawle in a short time. I shall beseich You therefore not to stirre ’till You heare further either from mee, or of mee; & to beleive that tho Your Visitts are Favors of too prectious a Quality to be fully receivable from Your Intention onely, yet my Concerne in Your Quiett will make mee (in the purpos’d Journey) more wellcomely resent your Dessein then your Presence. I hope you will pardon the Disorder of this scribble to that of the Writer, who is not onely weary of his Journey, but is at present troubled with the ft of his Ague; which yet being but a sicknesse cannot impaire a [sic] Affection, which will be sure to keepe5 mee really & unalterably till Death My dearest, dearest dearest Sister Your most affectionate brother & humble servant R. B.

Bath, August the second 1649 late at night.

Endorsed on fol. 129v by Wotton: ‘Augt 2. 1549 / a very prosy Letter from Bath to his sister (I suppose Ranelaugh) when he was ill, mentions Intention of pub‑ lishing a discourse of public Spriritednes. &c’. Also endorsed with Miles’s crayon number ‘6’. BOYLE to [LADY RANELAGH]

31 August 1649

From the scribal version in BL 1, fols 120–1. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 238–9. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 49–50. 52

This letter is not extant.

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BOYLE TO LADY RANELAGH

31 August 1649

My sister I must confesse that I shud be as much in your debt for Letters, tho I had answer’d every one of Yours; as he is in his Creditor’s who for two Angells has payd backe but two Shillings. For certainly, if any where, ’tis in the Productions of the Mind, that the Quality ought to measure extent and assigne number: and Equity1 to multiply excellency, where Wit has contracted it. I cud easily evince this truth, & the justnesse of the Application too, did I not apprehend, that your Modesty would make You mind mee, that the Nature of my Disease forbids all Straynes. I am heere, God be prays’d, upon the mending hand: tho not yet exempted either from Payne or Feares; the latter of which I could wish (but beleeve not) as much Enemyes to my Reason, as I fnd the former to my Quiett. I intend notwithstanding, by God’s blessing, as soone as I have heere recruited & refresh’t my Purse and selfe, to accom‑ plish my Dessein’d Remove to London, my hop’t arrivall at which, I looke on with more Joy, as a Fruite of my Recovery then a Testimony of it. Sir William & his Son went hence this Morning, having by the favor (or rather Charity) of a Visit, made mee some compensation for the many I have lately receiv’d from Persons, whose Visitations (I thinke I may call them) in spite of my2 Aversenesse to Physicke, make mee fnd a greater Trouble in the Congratulations then the Instruments of my Recovery.53 You’l pardon, perhaps, the bitternesse of this Expression, when I have told You, that having spent most of this Weeke in drawing (for my particular use) a quintessence of Wormewood, those Disturbers of my Worke, might easily shake some few drops into my Inke. I will not now presume to entertaine You with those Morall speculations, with which my Chymicall Practises have entertained mee;54 but if this last Sicknesse had not diverted mee I had ere this presented You with a Discourse (3which my Vanity made me hope would not have displeas’d You) of the Theologicall Use4 of Naturall Filosophy; endeavouring to make the Contemplation of the Creatures contributory to the Instruction of the Prince, & to the Glory of the Author of them.55 But my Bloud has soe thickn’d my Inke, that I cannot yet make it runne, & my thoughts of Improving the Creatures, have bin very much displac’t by those of Leaving them. Nor has my Disease bin more guilty of my Oblivion then my Employment since it has5 begun to release mee. for Vulcan has so transported and bewitch’d mee, that as the Delights I tast in it, make me fancy my Laboratory a kind of Elizium; so as if the Threshold of it possest the quality the Poets ascrib’d to that Lethe their Fictions made men taste of before their Entrance into those seates

53 This is possibly a reference to Sir William Parsons (c. 1570–1650), whose cousin, Catherine Fenton, was Boyle’s mother. His son was Richard Parsons, MP. 54 This work does not appear to survive. 55 Boyle’s reference is to the treatise ‘Of the Study of the Book of Nature’; see Works, vol. 13, p. 145ff.

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of Blisse; I there forget my Standish and my Bookes and allmost all things, but the unchangeable Resolution I have made of ‹continuing›6 till Death56 Sister Your R.B.

Stalbr: August the last 49 Seal: faint paper impression of seal from another letter. Endorsed by Miles: ‘Aug[us]t 31. 1649 / In this some acc[oun]t of his Chemical operations – may be inserted in life’ and with Miles’s

crayon number ‘7’. BOYLE to UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT(S) 15 November 1649, 20 November 1649, 21 December 1649 and January 1650 Birch in his ‘Life’ of Boyle (Works, i, 26), notes: ‘He was at London on the 15th of November, 1649; on the 20th of the same month at Marston; on the 21st of December, and in the month of January following, again at London’. This must be based on evidence from letters, but the only extant letter with a date def‑ nitely matching those given is that from Boyle to the Countess of Barrymore of 21 December 1649 (though it is possible that Birch misread 20 December in Boyle’s letter to Broghill of that date for ‘20 November’). Hence these other references must be to letters now lost. See above, p. xxx. BOYLE to [BROGHILL]

20 December 1649

From the scribal version in BL 1, fols 122–3. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 239. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 50–1.

My dearest Governor,57 I receave in our Separation as much of happinesse as is consistent with it, in hear‑ ing of You in so Glorious & from You in so obliging a way; & in beeing assur’d by Your letters & Your Actions, how true You are to Your Freindshipp & Your Gallantry. I am not a little satisfyd to fnd, that since you were reduc’t to leave Your Parthenissa Your Boyle’s employment is the establishment of his laboratory, also referred to above in Boyle to Lady Ranelagh, 2 Aug. 1649, where Vulcan is similarly described as his inspiration. Boyle uses classi‑ cal mythology to describe himself as possessed. 57 ‘Governor’ was Boyle’s pet name for his brother. 56

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BOYLE TO BROGHILL

20 Dec 1649

successes have soe happily emulated or continu’d the story of Artabbanes; & that You have now given Romances as well Creditt as Reputation.58 Nor am I moderately pleas’d to see You as good at reducing Townes in Munster as Assyria, & to fnd Your Eloquence as prevalent with Masters of Garrisons as Mistresses of harts; for I esteeme the former both much the diffculter Conquest, & more the usefuller. Another may lawfully exalt Your bold Attempts & fortunate Enterprizes; but for my part, I thinke that such a Celebration would extreamely misbecome a Freindshipp, to which Your Goodnesse & my Affection, fatter mee into a Beleife that our Relation has rather given the Occasion then Degree. Besides that I have soe great a Concerne in all things wherein You have any, that the Presumption of my owne Modesty dos as well as the Greatnesse of Yours, silence my Prayses. And truely that which most endeares Your Acquisitions to mee is that they have cost1 you so little Bloud. For besides that the Glory is much ‹more› Your owne to reduce Places by Your owne single Virtue, & the Interest it has acquir’d You then if you had I know not how many thousand men to helpe you; & share as much the honour of Your successes as they contribute to them; besides2 this Consideration, I say, certainly tho a Lawrell Crowne were more glorious amongst the Romans; the Myrtle Coronet, (that Crown’d bloodless Victoryes) ought to be acceptabler to a Christian, who is ty’d by the bindingst Principles of his /fol. 122v/ Religion, to a peculiar Charity towards those that professe it; to use towards Delinquents as much Gentlenesse as infringes not the just Rights of the Innocent; & to be very tender of spilling their Bloud, for whom Christ shedd his. But I am lesse delighted to learne Your Successes in the World, then to fnd (by your Letter to my sister Ranalo)59 that You meane not they shall tye You to it: & are resolv’d as soone as Your Affaires and Reputation will permitt You, to divest Your Publicke Employment, & retire to a quiet Privacy, where You may enjoy Your selfe, & have leasure to consider the Vanity of that Posthume Glory, which has nothing in it of certaine, but the uselesnesse. That in that hurry of businesses that distract You, You could fnd leisure to blesse me with Your Letters, is a Favour, which tho it amaze me not, dos highly satisfy mee. The kindnesse they expresse is wellcomer to mee for what it argues then for what it promises; & I am much more pleas’d to see You in a Condition of making Promises, then I should be with their Accomplishment. I shall onely in generall desire Your Countenance for those that manage my fortune in Your Province, whither I shud wait upon my dearest Lady M; if black Betty did not:60 & seariously the Jade arriv’d very seasonably to save me a Journey for which I was but slenderly provided; for having not yet bin able to put off my L. Gorings Statute I am kept in this Towne to doe Penance for my Transgressions of that Precept, My son, put

58 Boyle refers to Broghill’s Parthenissa, written in the style of the French chivalric romances, which was published in several editions between 1651 and 1676. Artabanes is the hero in Parthenissa. 59 i.e., Lady Ranelagh. 60 Boyle alludes to his sisters‑in‑law, Lady Margaret Broghill (for whom see above, p. 23n.) and Lady Elizabeth Kinalmeaky (1622–81), the widow of his younger brother Lewis.

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money in thy Purse.61 But the Terme assign’d my expiation is, I hope, neere expir’d; & I despaire not to see my selfe shortly in a Condition to make You a Visitt, that shall prevent the Springs. I shall implore /fol. 123/ for my Lady Pegg62 the selfe same Passage I shall wish for my selfe, & solemnize the frst Easterly Gale with a Farewell faire Saint, may not the Seas & Wind &c:63

But I am so entirely taken up with the Contemplation of Her & You, that I had forgott that I have to write this night more leters then the 4 & 20 of the Alphabet;64 My next shall give You an account of my Transactions, my Studyes & my Amours: of the latter of which Blacke3 Betty will tell You as many Lyes as Circumstances; but hope You know too well what shee is & whence shee comes, not to take all hir Storys, for Fictions allmost as greate as is the truth that styles mee My dearest Brother Your most affectionate Brother & humble servant Robert Boyle.

London this 20th of Dec: 1649

Endorsed on fol. 123v by Miles: ‘Decr. 20 1649 / to Lord Broghil pt of this deserves to be made public’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘8’.

BOYLE to [ALICE BARRY, DOWAGER COUNTESS OF BARRYMORE]65 21 December 1649

From the scribal version in BL 1, fols 141–2. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 239–40, and in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 51–2.

Boyle refers to George Goring (1608–57), 2nd Earl of Norwich, who married Boyle’s sister Lettice in 1629. ‘Lord Goring’s Statute Staple for £8,600’, a type of bond, is listed in the ‘Catalogue of the Writings left in the wooden box with Mrs Dury’ drawn up by Boyle: see BP 36, fols 20–1. Boyle uses the advice of Iago in Shakespeare’s Othello (I. iii. 346), ‘put money in thy purse’, to evince his situ‑ ation under Goring’s bond. 62 Evidently, Lady Margaret Broghill. 63 Boyle quotes the frst line of Thomas Cary’s poem, ‘On his mistresse going to sea’, printed in Richard Fanshawe’s Il pastor fdo (1648). Boyle was clearly planning a visit to Ireland, which was abortive, as is apparent from his letter to the Dowager Countess of Barrymore, 21 Dec. 1649, below. 64 As was normal practice, Boyle attributes 24 letters to the alphabet, in which ‘i’ and ‘j’, as well as ‘u’ and ‘v’, were counted as one letter. 65 Alice Boyle (1607–66), 2nd child of Richard, 1st Earl of Cork. She married her 1st husband, David Barry (1605–42), 1st Earl of Barrymore in 1621. Her 2nd husband was John Barry of Liscarrol (dates unknown). 61

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BOYLE TO ALICE BARRY, DOWAGER COUNTESS OF BARRYMORE

21 Dec 1649

Tho I count it no small happinesse to enjoy the long‑forbidden liberty of writing to You; yet after almost ten yeares of separation, & more then almost as long a Sorrow for it, to fnd my selfe still withheld from a more satisfying & immediate Conversation with You, then that of Letters (by a Detention here, as tedious as nec‑ essary;) is an Affiction, that tis not easy, moderately to resent. For being as confdent as desirous to be able to waite upon You in my Lady Broghill’s Company, as soone as our Residences shud loose their Antipathy, I am both contrary to my Expectation, & Interest, by unforeseen & dilatory Accidents, unhappily kept heere, & condemn’d to renounce soe fayre an opportunity, as that which my Sister Broghill’s Remove, & Invitations to attend her in it, present me; by a Confnement, so unwelcome, that Nothing more troubles mee in my Stay here, then that it hinders me from stirring hence.66 But I despaire not, by the Dispatch of those Affayres that by an indis pensable Necessity imprison me in this Place, to procure a sudden Release, which yet, tho it shud prevent my hopes, will appeare slow to my Desires; which cannot but be more then moderately eager, to reveiw my Native Country, endeard by Your Presence, & my (1fourteene yeares Absence. I know Franke will endeavour to perswade You, that tis the Thing call’d Love that keepes me heere;67 but truely I have ever kept that Passion obsequious, not onely to my Reason but my Interest; besides that I should very willingly doe You the Injury of being kept from You by any of Your Sexe. The Occasionall Mention I have made of Mistresses, brings into my Memory, that I have been desir’d to say something to You concerning /fol. 141v/ my L[ord] of Barrimore’s late Marriage.68 That I neither contributed to it, nor so much as knew of it, I think You cannot ignore: & that if I had knowne of it, I should not have contributed to it, my Humor will, perhaps, encline You to beleive. I ever payd too Religious an Obedience to my owne Parents, to perswade or justifye the contrary Practise. And therefore without pretending to Excuse or Extenuate what is past, having minded You that there is a Difference betwixt Seasonable & Just, I shall venture onely to represent to You, that t[he]2 Question is not now, whither or no the Marriage be a thing ftt to be done, but how it is to be suffer’d: & that as the b[est] Gamesters have not the Priviledge of chusing their owne Car[ds,] but their skill consists in well playing the Game that is de[alt] them: so the discreetest Persons are not allow’d the choice of Conditions & events, but their Wisdome consists in making the best of those Accidents that Providence is pleas’d to dispen[se] them. This being presuppos’d, I shall begg You to consider, whither after so powerfull a Mediation as that of a Crown’d Intercessor very passionate & lasting, (tho never so just) Resentments, may not prejudice You, with that Party for which You have openly See above, p. 85n., for Boyle’s proposed visit to Ireland. For Lady Margaret Broghill see above, p. 23n. 67 For Boyle’s brother Francis see above, p. 23n. 68 Boyle refers to the Dowager Countess’s son, Richard Barry, 2nd Earl of Barrymore (see above, p. 27n.). Lord Barrymore had married Susan Killigrew, a sister of Elizabeth, the wife of Francis Boyle, some time before. Clearly the marriage was an unwelcome one as far as Boyle was concerned. 66

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declard, & which alone You can have unfattering Expectations3 from:69 and whither or no, in things past Remedy it be not better, rather by a winning Gentlenesse to improve what You dislike to its best uses, & forgive a fault You have already showne Your selfe & made him sensible of; then persist in testifying an implacable Indignation, that cannot redresse a Displeasure & may provoke one. I know You are wise enuf to be Your owne Counsellor & that You want neither those Abilitys, that ft us to discerne Reason nor those Inclinations to dispose us to acquiesce in it. Nor is it to advise You that I have assum’d this Freedome but onely to satisfy the Desires of some of Your neerest Freinds: who tho they thinke the Match very unhappy, thinke it unftt the marryed Paire4 shud be so. I hope by the End of February to justify these Considerations, or beg your Pardon for them at Castle‑Lyons.70 And if in the meane Time, You will vouchsafe, to let me know /fol. 142/ in what my Stay heere may not be uselesse to You, I shall thinke my selfe happy in the Opportunitys of letting You see, that I am as much more willing as more ftt to serve You then to counsell You: & that tis by my Obedience that I am cheefy ambitious to evince my selfe My deare Sister Your most affectionate, most faithfull & most humble servant Robert Boyle.

London this 21th of Decemb: 49.

Endorsed by Miles: ‘Decr. 21 1649 / To his sister of the Marriage of Lord Barry – more. Q whether printed as it is?’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘9’.

69 Susan Killigrew was maid of honour to Queen Henrietta Maria, who presumably supported the match. See Townshend, Life and Letters (above, p. 30), p. 450. 70 Castlelyons, Co. Cork, Ireland, was the residence of the Dowager Countess of Barrymore.

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— 1650 — For lost letters which have been placed by date, see below, p. 89. BOYLE AND OTHERS to CRESSY DYMOCK71

15 March 1650

From the copy in the hand of Hartlib in HP 62/2A–2B. 4o/1. Previously printed in Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 268.

Good Mr Dymock Wee earnestly entreate you to goe on in making Experiments of those particulars which wee desire and expect from you, both in your Manure and Engines of Motion.72 And wee desire you not to bee mooved with the words of any that shal labour to draw you from us, before you have perfected the works wee daily expect from you And if any accident should happen to disturb you in these process, wee intreate you not to bee discouraged1 at it: for although wee are very far from being Omnipotent, yet wee hope to approve ourselves on all occasions to bee Your faithful friends to serve you. Ro. Boyle J. Sadler. John Durye Sam. Hartlib Ben Worsley Henry Robinson.73

March. 15. 1650/49.

Cressy Dymock (dates unknown), agriculturalist and inventor, one of Hartlib’s protégés. This presumably relates to the plan to set up Dymock at Vauxhall College, seen as a centre for technological innovation. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 365–6. A further document, dated 22 May 1649 and soliciting ‘Contributions for advancing of agriculture’, to which Boyle contributed £10, survives as HP 62/48/1A, 1B, 2B. 72 Two letters from Dymock to Hartlib were published by Hartlib as An Invention of Engines of Motion (1651). 73 John Sadler (1615–74), master of Magdalen College, Cambridge, and one of the trustees of Hartlib’s Advancement of Learning project. For John Dury see above, p. 56n. Henry Robinson (1605– c. 1673), merchant and economic reformer. 71

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For our much respected / friend / Mr Cressy Dymock at his house in / London and / Chelsey Endorsed in an eighteenth‑century hand: ‘Letter to Dymock from the honourable Mr Boyle &c.’

BOYLE to HARTLIB

1 May 1650

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 27. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, xlvi–xlvii.

SIR,

I HAVE here so little time to dispatch a great deal of indispensable business in, that my knowledge of your goodness, and yours of my hurry, promises me your pardon for the necessitated fault of returning to so long and so excellent a letter so short and so hasty an answer, which ought to be wholly employed in acknowledg‑ ments and thanks for the exact intelligence you are pleased to oblige me with from Utopia and Breda;74 my inclination as much concerning me in Republicâ Literariâ, as my fortune can do in Republicâ Anglicanâ.75 Nor am I here altogether idle, though my thoughts only are not at present useless to the advancement of learning; for I can sometimes make a shift to snatch from the importunity of my affairs leisure to trace such plans, and frame such models, as, if my Irish fortune will afford me quarries and woods to draw competent materials from, to construct after them, will ft me to build a pretty house in Athens, where I may live to philosophy, and Mr. Hartlib, Stalbridge, A cordial friend, and not wholly useless servant, May‑day,1650. R.B. In great haste, which I beseech you pardon. BOYLE to HARTLIB

15 July 1650

This letter is mentioned in a letter of William Hamilton76 to Hartlib, 29 July 1650 (HP 9/11/23A–24B).

74 Boyle’s meaning here is not entirely clear, although John Dury had taught at Breda. ‘Utopian’ presumably refers to the Hartlib circle; see above, p. 51. 75 Lit., ‘in the republic of letters … in the English republic’. 76 William Hamilton was a Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, and was interested in promoting mines in Scotland; see Webster, Great Instauration, p. 394.

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— 1651 — Lost letters dating from 1651 referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Two letters from Boyle to Starkey, dated 29 March and 19 April 1651 (below, p. 90). A letter from Boyle to Mallet, and one from Mallet to Boyle, both about October 1651 (below, p. 103). GEORGE STARKEY77 to BOYLE

after 19 April 1651

From the original in BL 6, fols 99–100v. Fol/2. A partial transcription in an unknown hand exists at BP 30, pp. 499–506. Bodleian Library, MS Locke c. 44, pp. 142–53, is a complete transcription of the origi‑ nal made c. 1692. Previously printed almost in full in German translation in Dr Georg Starkeys Chymie (Nuremberg, 1722), pp. 416–58.

Right Honourable And my worthily Honored Friend, I received yours bearing date the 29th of March, & againe another the 19th of April, a frme obligation of your formerly obliged servant ‹to›1 future observance, & after humble thankes, (the utmost of my posse) for the Condescendance herein I shal give you an account of my so long pro‑ tracted silence[.]78 Without Complement (Worthy Sir) it was no neglect, but an over zealous ’oργη`79 of having somewhat material that might be couched in my otherwise undesirable lines, that might counterpoise the trouble of your perusal. I would in good Earnest if possible have made you a Large answer in a Laconical

77 George Starkey (1628–65), American‑born chemist, whose early liaison with Boyle is docu‑ mented by this and subsequent letters. This letter is discussed in William Newman, ‘Newton’s Clavis as Starkey’s Key’, Isis, 78 (1987), 564–74. See also Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48), p. 295, n. 26; Aspiring Adept, p. 160, n. 88, and Newman and Principe, Notebooks and Correspondence of Starkey (above, p. xvi). 78 Neither of these letters is extant. 79 ‘vehement desire’.

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Paragraph, ‘έυρηκα, ‘έυρηκα, ’έλθoν και` βλεπoυˆ80 but must at present be forced to give you a leaner account (plurium leviusculorum) ut si non prosint singula, multa juvent.a And frst of my process in [antimony], I tooke of it a pound, & of Nitre pound ½ of Tartar Calcined [one] pound[.] I mixed them &2 Melted them & had of Regulus about 5 [ounce] & ½ which I have by me. I had a very fne Slact, I melted it without any Coales falling into the Crucible, I melted the Slact in Water, & having neere a dozen glasse Basins a purpose, I decanted my Solution (for Sir fltration is not proper) but a glasse being set into a place where no dust wil fal on it, it separates exquisitely, a skin wil swim at top which is not amisse, & a ring of red about the glasse in which it stands to decant, & if the infusion stand long in bottles which are open, the aire wil precipitate the Sulphur Auratum which I matter not so it be once wel decanted from its faeculency, Then Sir I tooke of Oyle distilled (not of so many ingredients3 as I told you of) for I was hasty, but from Bees waxe alone & made a Sapob with it & ordinary Lixivium Tartari per deliquium, & when it was made a Sapo, I added to it of my Lixivium of the Slacts frst Boyled to a Cuticle, as I guesse about a 4th part in respect of my Lixivium of Tartar alone, & of that 2 parts to three of the Oyle[.] The Sapo being made I added of Amber greecec a dragme for I made at least a pound & halfe of my medicine[.] but frst when it was made a Sapo, I added of water to it Cleare taken by little & little & boyled it so long til the Empyreuma both of oyle & Lixivium & the Mineral Sulphur were boyled away & the Compound of it selfe smelt sweet[.] Then I added the Amber, & it incorporated so wel that I thinke a pleasanter medicine Could not be made, for smel; as red as Vermilion* Now to show your Honor that I am an English man I shal adde a disas‑ ter. I conceived that a few fores of Sulphur Vive which I Carefully prepared would doe Wel, which I added & intended to boyle it softly, I left it in a furnace with a gentle fre & gave order to have a fre put under when that went out, which was made a degree or two too hot, which sent away most of my Confections in the forme of a vapour which never returned to make report of their virtue & left me an incon‑ siderable foetid faex almost of no pondus which smelt sulphurous[.] This experi‑ ment what it lost me, your Honor may easily calculate, but how it payd me with skil & what improvement I have since made, I shal somewhat Cheere you to relate. This set me upon a more Eager search after Tartarus Volatilis in this operation then in any other way[.]d Therefore Honorable Sir, I tooke of Tartar Calcined & not Extracted a pound in weight, of Oyle of Waxe as much, I mixed them in an Iron kettle til they came to a Sapo or to such a Consistence, then I let it Coole & made balls of it & put it into a Retort, & drove it of in a Retort in a fre of Sand & I had halfe a white water, then a thin Oyle, & after a little thick oyle[.] I melted out my faeces, & extracted my Salt & I added my oyle againe, & drove it againe over, so in 80 The Greek here may be translated thus: ‘I have found it! I have found it! I have come and I see!’ The frst half of this passage is, of course, the exclamation of Archimedes upon his discovery of the hydrostatic balance; see Vitruvius, De architectura, ix, preface x.

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processe of time I had most of my oyle made into a White Menstruum of a Gallant virtue, The thin Oyle that I had left I set by it selfe & in a short time it did Coagulate into Speares whereby I perceived that it had in it a /fol. 99v/ Volatile Salt. I fnd it a noble outward application against the Kings Evil, &c. This worke I did not prosecute with many Cohobations, because I was upon a higher discovery Having this of Helmont stil sounding in mine Eares 2d Alcalia Volatilia instar Saponis essent abstersiva,81 I then intended to blunder in Simplicity, & tooke of Oyle Olive 5 pints of Tartar wel Calcined a pound & halfe[.] I distilled them put‑ ting them into a Retort together But for want of prævious uniting mixture they did so swel in the Retort that they made a flthy Cacatura with an odious stench. This disaster the scourge of over hasty experiments, no whit discouraged mee but rather whipt me into a more Considerate posture. Wherfore I tooke the same quantity of Calcined Tartar & of Oyle the like measure & resolved to make a lawful marriage betweene them before I put them into my Retort, my Tartar was only Calcined, & my oyle Crude[.] They Easily became a Saponary Consistence & you might thinke that I in this Cookery were dressing pottage for the Devils breakefast, I boyled them til in the Cooling they grew as hard as hard sope, then I put them into the Retort offatim,82 (in good sooth a slovenly worke not beftting any but a Chemist, that is one who wil purchase skil with paines) I distilled it by degrees, an indifferent fre of Sand wil serve turne, & I drew of al that would Come & I had a Lovely liquor of a milky Colour & a greene oyle very subtle mixed, I Cohobated it twise but I found the Remaining faeces of the Oyle together with the unseparated faeces of the Calcined Tartar did hinder my second & third union of matters in my redistilla‑ tions, which yet whip me into a more serious posture to wit of extracting my salt & distilling my oyle, frst before mixture, which my lazy hasty temper found at frst arguments to excuse to my selfe, to save time & paines, but now experience telleth me that it is an inexcusable fault. But to return to my white liquor, I fnd it to be ponderous, & nobly answering the Expectations from Tartarus Volatilis (it is not wholly without Empyreume though but little)[.] I am now in the prosecution of it, & shal give you a further account of it by the next: Only so much I see that though I know noble things are in Sal Tartari prepared with Spirit, both of Vinegre and wine, yet the secret of Tartar I shal seeke totally in Oyles mixed with it in forme of a Sapo, the oyle being frst distilled & the Salt extracted from its faeces per del‑ iquium, or by water, & after boyled ad Cuticulam83 (which is high Enough to boyle before the oyle be put in it)[.] this I shal Cohobate making an intimate union each Cohobation which about too houres boyling in a simpering heat with the Retort set with the nose up wil effect without taking the Matter out & doubt not by what I ‘Volatile alkalis should be cleansing in the manner of soap’. ♁℥ 82 i.e., in pieces. 83 ‘to a cuticle’, i.e., evaporated until the crystallising solute forms a skin over the concentrated solution. 81

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see already but to make my Salt totally Volatile in 4 Cohobations the highest degree in each Cohobation in the End being not above a fusca ignitio arenæ84 My present experiments have discovered Enough to make any searcher in Nature to be glad[:] one weekes experience wil show your Honor an ocular experiment of what I write without interfeering other operations, & then you will see that I have not beene Idle hardly an hour,4 yea scarce allowed myselfe Natures due for time of sleepe. Now as Concerning the Alkahest I have beene Extraordinarily imployed about the search of it & hope to give you a further account by the next[.] I have already made a Wonderful spirit that acts sine repassione,85 I tryed it with Oyle olive which it in the Twinkling of an eye turned into a pure milke5 on which in a smal digestion there did swim an Essential oyle which was very pure, In distillation of it I found an unhappy accident which was this[.] The oyle I did perceive hindred the distil‑ lation swimming at the Top of the Milky Substance which sometimes would burst out, & spurtle into the Receiver, I to save the Retort tooke it up & turned the nose upward[,] the Retort being neere full the liquor fel downe & Even stopt the Mouth of the Retort & so the fume within wanting Vent blew forth almost al in the Retort on my hat & Clothes that I stunke for a wager, & this was the fate of my long prepa‑ ration[.] some that was left I keepe by me & am Reiterating my Experiments herein & ripening them what I may, Yet I found that al the oyle which by this mishap few on me (so much that for the present it made me dung wet,) the same dryed out without spot or odour, by which I fnd plainly that my Menstruum doth separate Elements. As for my progresse in [antimony] I made a quantity of [mercury] & in /fol. 100/ it see operations not to be Committed to pen & paper,86 Some Gentlemen sollicite me to follow extractions of ù [gold] & Ç [silver] out of [antimony] & [iron], among whom Mr Worsley an ingenious Gentleman did much perswade, To this an argument did move not a little respecting the suddaine proft that might accrue by it, to which the ill dealing of some with whom I had dealing betweene England & New England seemed inforcingly to invite (al the bills that I brought to the Value of 150 li. being protested)[.] yet I Considering that frst my way of extraction of ù [gold] & Ç [silver] being not done by violent heats fuxes waters or the like, but in a more philosophick way, viz of volatilizing the body & after Congealing it, required no Charge to speake of much lesse partners, & in a thing which I Could Command as a Master, I would I not work as an Amanuensis, Nor yet would in such a way of lucre prostrate so great a secret as I judged the [mercury] of [anti‑ mony] to be, I hereupon waved the motion, not willing to imbrace a life (in ‘dark fring of the sand’, i.e., when the sand begins to incandesce a dark red from heating. ‘without being acted upon’. This is a characteristic of the alkahest. 86 For the concept of different metallic ‘mercuries’, see Betty Jo Teeter Dobbs, Foundations of Newton’s Alchemy (Cambridge, 1975), pp. 128–9, 134–46. ♁☿ 84 85

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Exchange of a studious search of Natures mysteryes) which might be Compared with that of a Milhorse running round in a wheele to day, that I may doe the same tomorrow & yet (having so faire an opportunity to effect in deed, what I have sometimes spoken of to some Gentlemen in words) I made extraction (in about halfe a dayes time) of 12 graines of pure ù [gold] & 4 [ounces] & ½ of pure Ç [silver], the Sol & Luna in al assayes very pure only the Ç [silver] farre Heavyer than ordinary which did distract the Cockscombes of almost 20 refners & Goldsmiths to whom I shewed the Ç [silver], who al liked it6 but stood amazed at the weight, & so desired an assay of it, at the publique hal, which I was unwilling to, because of publiquenes, for every one (not one in at least 16 missing) did say it was Philosophick Ç [silver], insomuch that I Could have wished it in the Sea; for some of my friends advised me that it was dangerous to have it bruted abroad, that any one Could extract ù [gold] & Ç [silver] out of inferior Mettals, Farrar in two or 3 days after Came Gaping, & he would give so much viz. 30 s. per [ounce] for the Ç [silver] or 5000 li. for the secret, this he urged to me before Mr Web,87 I told him I had had tryal of some of the world & in that point I had foun[d] no smal basenes, that unlesse a man wil stoope to some mens humors in some things which they who Court Nature not Sophistry, Count sordid, they will speak of them what not, & one of that farina I had found him & therefore for his mony I advised him to keepe it, for I Resolved to be a Stoick so farre as Civility breached if I met him in the Street I would shew it but for any other the least familiarity I would have none with him nor any in whom he had infuence & so tooke leave & would not heare nor speake one word more.7 Now Sir as touching your desire of a Key into [antimony] I shal in briefe adumbrate to you,8 That [antimony] is a crude unripe mineral which in it hath metalline principles al touching the matter, but as touch‑ ing the forme it is raw, & undigested & Mineral. It is digested truly by Sulphur which lyeth, in [iron] & no where Else, [iron] & [antimony] being melted together two of [antimony] to one of [iron] give a [regulus] & this at the 4th fusion gives a signate starre,88 by which signe you shal know that the soule of [iron] is by the Virtue of the [antimony] made totally Volatile, if this Regulus Stellate be melted with ù [gold] or Ç [silver] it Evaporates totally on the test which is indeed a mys‑ tery. This [regulus] if it be amalgamated with [mercury] vulgar & digested with it a smal time viz 2 or 3 houres in a Close pot with a Cover or a glasse stopped in 87 Starkey refers to Dr Richard Farrer, a friend of Sir Kenelm Digby, with whom Farrer is later paired in this letter. ‘Mr Web’ is Francis Webb, with whom Starkey was living at the time. See R. S. Wilkinson, ‘The Hartlib Papers and Seventeenth‑Century Chemistry, Part ii’, Ambix, 17 (1970), 85–110, esp. p. 88. See also Newman and Principe, Tried in the Fire (above, p. xvi). ♁♂☿♁℥℥ 88 For the ‘stare regulus’ of antimony see Dobbs, Foundations (above, p. 93), pp. 146–53. ♁♁♂♂♁♁♂

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such a heat that the [mercury] may begin to arise like a dew & no more, & then ground a convenient time in sicco89 viz about halfe a quarter of an houre, (if in a hot mortar the better, ‹yet› not over hot) til it spew out a blacknes, & then washed til the blacknes doe come in smal quantity which wil be discerned by the light fouling of the water for at frst it wil make the water very black, which must be poured of & fresh water poured on til the blacknes decrease, the amalgam then dryed is to be set to the fre and kept about 3 houres more in the former heat then ground in a hot mortar in sicco as before it yeeldeth fresh blackness which must be washed as before, & this reiterated til the amalgam become as bright as burnished Ç [silver] (for at frst it looketh but basely) Then distil the [mercury] & amalgamate it againe even to the 9th time or 7th which wil be suffcient, & in al your amalgamations observe the heating, grinding, & washing, at the 7th time you shal have a [mercury] that dis‑ solves /fol. 100v/ al mettals ù [gold] especially sciens scribo,90 for I have now in fre several glasses of ù [gold] with that mercury which grow in the forme of trees, & by Continual Circulation resolve the trees with the Body into one [mercury] of which sort I have now one glasse in which ù [gold] is dissolved not to sight by Corrosion into atomes, but really inwardly & outwardly into [mercury] as quick as any [mercury] in the world. It also makes ù [gold] to puffe up to swel to putrefy, to grow with sprigs & branches to Change Colours dayly which sights doe dayly salute me, & truly it is the only great thing which I thinke is in al Alchemy, not sought for, nor found, I meane, not sought in a right way by Artists whose subtle wits are too high to esteeme the purgation of [mercury] Vulgar by Cohobation reiterate from Regulus [Martis] which is the only familiar body to [mercury] for it is next a kin to it in al the Mineral Kingdome & next to it ù [gold], which is the true Philosophy to mend nature in Nature Consanguinity to Consanguinity. Concerning this operation if you please to peruse Bernard Trevisan his Epistle in answer to Thomas of Bononia you Wil fnd this question fully resolved.91 Now one secret more you must know before I passe this point, that you must have the mediation of Virgine Diana that is pure Ç [silver] or else [mercury] & Regulus [iron] wil not unite. Therefore make the Regulus thus. Of [mercury] 9 [ounces], & [iron] 4 [ounces] (which is the true proportion) the odde number of [antimony] more than twise as much as is of [iron] is not to be slighted, for if you misse here you are gone) make a Regulus by gradual Casting in Saltpeeter (lest the matter fow over)[.] cast in of Saltpeeter to such a i.e., dry. ♂♁ ☿☿ 90 ‘I write as one who knows’. ☿☿ 91 Starkey’s reference is to Bernardi Trevirensis responsio ad Thomas de Bononia (1564). Bernard of Trier was a 14th‑century fgure, to whom an alchemical corpus, mostly of later date, was attributed. ☿☿☿☿♂☿ 89

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proportion of the Matter about 4 [ounces] or 3 at least, & a greater proportion of matter wil be found not so good in one Crucible, beat the [antimony] smal & put in it & the [iron] together (trust me this is best what Ever any may write)[.] you may use any smal nailes, but old stub nailes of Horses are best, let the fre be so strong as to Cause the Matter to fow which is not very diffculty [sic], when it fowes in some measure Cast in about a spoonful of Saltpeeter, when it hath left thundering & fashing Cast in againe another spoonful & so doe until you have Cast in 3 or 4 [ounce][.] then heape Coales about the Crucible (let none fall in if you Can avoyd it) & give a pretty quick fre (as to the fusion of Ç [silver] vulgar) & so let it stand neere halfe a quarter of an houre. The matter will be thin if you work dextrously, poure it out into a horne, & in the bottom wil be the Regulus, & a shining slackt above it[.] Separate them when they are Cold & keepe the slackt in a dry pot[.] there is a mystery Couched in it which it wil be suffcient for me to hint only in this place. The signe of Good fusion is if the Iron be totally melted, the slackt wil of its owne accord fal to fne powder, The Regulus take & grind it to powder & adde to it 2 [ounce] of Saltpeeter at most or 1 [ounce] & ½. let them be wel ground together & then melt them againe & Cast away the slackt which is unuseful & Arsenical. The 3 & 4 time grind an [ounce] only or not quite so much of Saltpeeter with the Regulus & melt them againe (in a Clean Crucible at the 4th time, & you shal fnd the slact9 tincted with a Golden Colour & the Regulus with a Starre, Note that the 3 last fusions the slacts are to be cast away as uselesse because Arsenical, yet are they Good in Chyrurgery. Also note the Reason of the grinding the Regulus to powder the 3 last fusions & the mixing the peeter in Grinding, for some doe put it in to the Crucible in lumps which is no good way[,] for frst they shal fnd the Regulus long in melting & that not without much smoaking away. Moreover when the Saltpeeter is then Cast on it falling only on the superfcies of the top doth for a time Coole the molten Regulus, & it being of an Easy fux foweth it self at frst & then Crusteth on the Regulus, & is not melted againe without much fre which doth much wast the Regulus, & burnes away the best part, so that many misse the starre fve times for one, which makes many observe signes & Constellations in making it, which is but vaine for thus you shal see the Regulus with the mixed Salt fow soone together & not be hardned at al, besides the difference of depuration, which this which is mixt doth give, from that which is barely injected. Now Sir take of this Regulus one part of pure Ç [silver] 2 parts, melt them together, til they stand like a molten mettal, poure it out & you have a brittle masse of a base Leaden Colour,92 You may perhaps pleasantly observe the affnity of this Regulus which is 92 From this point the text used here is taken from MS Locke c. 44, beginning at p. 147, and is collated with the German translation. ☿♂♁℥♂℥♁♂℥♁♂℥℥℥℥

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Sophical Ç [silver] & vulgar Ç [silver] how in their mixture they become of a farr more fuid nature then they were in each of their Simplicity & will stand molten almost as long as lead yea & though there be 2 parts of Ç [silver] yet the Regulus seemes to make it as it were of its owne nature to wit as brittle as it self & of its owne Colour. This masse pulverise & then take of it 2 parts & of /148/

[mercury] 4 parts (washed with Salt & vineagre & dryd) put them together into a Marble Mortar heat against the fre so hot that you cannot endure it in this Mortar with a hot Iron pestle grinde the [mercury] & the powder together for about ¼ of an houre[.] Thus by mediation of Dianaes doves have you joyned [mercury] with his Brother the Sonne [of] the Philosophers from whom shee shall conceive a Spiritual seed that is a fre which shall thoroughly purge away all its superfuities & to teach you (ad nasum)93 there intercedes a fermental virtue[.] take then a little pulverised · [sal ammoniac] & grind with it (when it is thoroughly amalgamated & adde a litle humidity enough ad humectandum94 & you shall fnde this one signe of the philosophers quod in

[mercury] Suo faciendo magnus est foetor[.]95 wash it then with water pouring on grinding & decanting & putting on fresh till the faeces come but few yet the amal‑ gam will looke basely[.] take it out & set it in a coverd pott in a heat that will only make a light dew of [mercur]ial vapour arise in it let it stand 2. or 3. hours dry your mortar & heat it & grind it again ¼ of an hour then adde a little · [sal ammo‑ niac] & grind that in a litle then wash it & this do till it be as bright as burnished Silver (the worke is painfull) then distill your [mercury] & amalgamate it again with the same Ç [silver] it was drawn from [with] the former proportion of fresh Regulus & proceed as in the frst amalgamation[.] This do 7 times according to Riply then have you fullflled what Trevisan saith Sunt quaedam [mercury] Sublimationes ab ejus propriis corporibus quibus per intima amalgamando conjun‑ gitur et commiscetur, unde pluries relevatus et reconjunctus superfuitates rejicit et amittit et non confunditur in natura, postea verò opus philosophicum intrat, potens quippe est in perfectis speciebus metallicis dissolvendis96 NB Sir that in your washing which is but a manual worke you have some pure comes away with the impure for its but as I say an Encheiresis[.]97 Therefor save the black water & ‘to the nose’, apparently a reference to the smell given off by the process. ☿☿☿ 94 ‘to wet it’. 95 ‘that in making their mercury there is a great stench’. ☿ 96 ‘There are certain sublimations of mercury from its proper bodies with which it is joined and mixed together intimately by amalgamating, and being many times elevated thence and rejoined with them, it rejects and loses its superfuities and is not confounded in its nature; thereafter it indeed enters into the philosophical work, and to be sure is powerful in dissolving the perfect species of metals.’ Starkey refers to Bernard Trevisan (see above, p. 95) and to the 15th‑century English alchemist Sir George Ripley. ☿☿☿ 97 i.e., a manual operation. 93

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let the black powder precipitate then pour off the water & dry the powder in the Sun or in an Oven & then take an Urinal & set it in Sand & give it a Subliming heat put a Small glasse head on the top & lute it close & in a modest fre you shall distill away a portion of quick [mercury] wich put not to the other which is 7. times puri‑ fed: for this is a collectaneum of all your washings but when you make [mercury] again you may put it in with the Vulgar [mercury] then shall you have a powder left of a blackish colour & considerable weight[.] Wonder not at the weight of the powder for the seed or virtue which is but of a small pondus is in thy [mercury] & if you please to peruse the noble Polonian you shall see how litle a part of the con‑ crete the Seminal Vertue even in Seeds is[.]98 Nor is it that you ‹do› want a material principle in [mercury] which is the matter even of ù [gold] which is (as good Trevisan well observes) more mature than the [mercury] of the Sophi but we want a formal principle which is a fermentum Archeale99 which is the invisible seed & by consequence pure fre Sequestred from the Moles of the Earth & hence it is that [mercury] thus gets a wonderfull incredible Virtue without /149/ coagulation for it grows not in pondus but in fermentall vigour[.] And that you may see with an Occular demonstration of the losse which the moles of your Regulus hath sustained & the gaine the [mercury] hath acquired frst take the powder from which you sublimed the [mercury] which came away in the washings & put it into a Crucible set it to the fre that the Crucible be not red neither within nor without[,] you shall see the powder take fre & burne not as [sulphur] or with a fash but like a Vegitable coale or as Touchwood which if it be set from the fre in the Crucible will keep its fre (as a Coale) some 3 houres (which is strange[)] till at length you have a Calx left of a dark gray which you may melt into Regulus again but without virtue at least not so much as it had before & the pondus of this reduced Regulus will be within about 1/4 or 1/3 part as much as that which you added to the [mercury] with the Ç [silver][.] And Note that every destillation is one Philosophical Eagle which is laborious to purge (for this purgation is the change of Natures[)] & every time your Ç [silver] must look pure white (it may be sometimes a little yellow) but if it look of a Leaden colour it is a Signe that the washing was not compleat I shall teach you now what this [mercury] hath acquired (not pondus as I said before) for we expect a Spiritual impregnation which may not corrupt nor destroy the forme & fux of [mercury], but it hath received an acuation in respect of which it is of an admirable nature according to the noble Sendivon, Aqua est ferè ex nihilo et tamen in ea

98 Starkey refers to Michael Sendivogius (c. 1556–1636/46), publisher of Novum lumen chymicum (1604). ☿☿☿☿ 99 ‘archeal ferment’. ☿☿

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Solvitur fructus Solaris sicut glacies in aqua tepida.100 Excuse me I pray that I use the testimony of the Adepti. concerning this [mercury] for I know demonstratively that it is the Key of the great Work though I have not Experienc’d that great worke in it for I love to ascend by steps[.] My reasons are these frst this[:] [mercury] will resolve all [mercur]ial Bodys to their frst principles of [sulphur] & [mercury] which is one Signe of [mercury] of the Philosophers according to the Verdict of all Adepti[.] 2 it will without addition naturally out of its own bowels produce perfect ù [gold] & Ç [silver][.] 3 It ‹is› more Volatile by half then [mercury] vulgar[.] 4 It will irreducibly destroy Sol that is reduce him into [mercury] which is the infallible signe for it doth it not Seperative nor dissipative by discovering of parts but by an intimate union of the dissolver & the dissolved being never Separable. Hucusque mea experientia.101 But 5ly I had of the [mercury] of the Sophy given me by an Adeptus of the same wherewith I saw multiplication of the Stone with mine own Eyes & this of mine 7 Aquilarum aut 9m10102 is undoubtedly the same & hath all the properties of that[.] Thus worthy Sir you have a true key into those Closets which I have been labouring to unlock these 7 years. My openess to your self is seriously because I judg your intents sincere in the prosecution of Natures designe & therefor I have not been horrid in Metaphors but would be understood ad lit‑ eram[.] by your next I shall give you the way to use /150/ this [mercury] in the dissolving of mettals & how to congeale it so as with your Eyes to see ù [gold] out of its bowels also how to dissolve ù [gold] in it which to your selfe only I shall impart by which you shall see the vanity of them who seeke transmutation & yet refuse [mercury] vulgar not only for its forme but also for its matter not consider‑ ing that if [mercury] vulgar may be [sic] a proper agent may be turned into [mer‑ cury] digested it may by the same consequence be turned into Mercurius Sapientum103 which is ù [gold] indigested[.] Materiam inquit natura tibi do ad manum, formam tu tibi ipsi compares, non dico substantialem, nedum acciden‑ talem,11 sed vim igneam ad urendum.104 I shall teach you how to make by this [mercury] the [mercury] of [copper] which is perpetually greene[.]

100 ‘The water is virtually from nothing, and yet the solar fruit is dissolved in it as ice in warm water’ (Sendivogius, Novum lumen, in J. J. Manget, Bibliotheca chemica curiosa 2 vols (Geneva, 1702), ii, 474). ☿☿☿ ☿☿☿ 101 ‘So far my experience.’ ☿☿☿ ☿☿☿☿ 102 ‘of seven or nine eagles’. ☿ 103 ‘mercury of the wise’. ☿☿☿☿ 104 ‘“I give you the matter readily,” says Nature; “you should fnd the form for yourself – I do not mean the substantial form, still less the accidental form, but rather a burning, fery force.”’

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☿ ☿ ♀

Honorable Sir I account these things in your breast to be tanquam in arca sigillata[.]105 Therefor I do not praeingage Secrecy confding that it is your intimate genious so to be. I scorn venality of Natures Secrets (for which one thing Glauber is nauseous to me) which makes the Earl &12 Farrar his Parasite to revile me basely[.]106 I never wanted for necessity but though I did I would not sell Farrar a Small Secret for any prize[.] where I fnde worth (which I value by sincerity) there you shall fnde me open without the least face of sordid base respects[.] I value none by greatness for I blesse God where they possesse a manour I possesse a Secret which is to me more cordially Satisfying than any outward wealth. And now I am come hither we will begin with the Poët Sicelides Musae paulò majora canamus[.]107 Since my beginning of this Letter God hath been Exceedingly gracious to me in my Studys so that now though I have lately bought & got calcined at the Glassehouse ¾ of 100 pounds13 of Tarter & elixated it & drawne Oyles Aromatical yet now I neglected all for ε’ύρηκα [sic].108 I have found tho not the Alkahest (for at present the search of it lyes Subtus Scamnum)109 yet one of the great Arcanum & that not notionally but Semel, sed saepius feci,110 I have reiterated my Experiments & that is the [mercury] vitae, the glory of Paracelsus the Apex & Culmen ad vitam longam111 to use Helmonts own words that which omnem morborum ner‑ vum penitus absolvit.112 And the fundamentals of it are these[:] I make my [mercury] as I have told you which Paracelsus calls his [mercury] essentifcatus & I extract the [sulphur] of [antimony] per [se] sine [iron] which I exalt to the colour of a Ruby I unite these two in an unseparable Bond & that the [mercury] & [sulphur] imbrace one another thoro intimo14 113 whereby the [mercury] never forsakes the [sulphur] nor the [sulphur] the [mercury] but become one entire thing (cum nativa dulcedine fulgens)114 yet Volatile & sine omni consortio miscellaneorum115 This I sublime 6. or 7. ‘as if in a sealed chest’. This ‘Earl’ is likely to be Sir Kenelm Digby (1603–65), friend of Dr Farrar, who used the title ‘Earl’ or ‘Count’ during his German travels. See Newman and Principe, Notebooks and Correspondence (above, p. xvi). 107 ‘Let us Muses of Sicily [i.e., Sirens] sing of somewhat greater things’ (Virgil, Eclogues, iv. 1). 108 ‘I have found it’. 109 ‘under the bench’. 110 ‘once, and also repeatedly I have made it’. 111 ‘the apex and summit of long life’. ☿ 112 ‘wholly fnishes off all the force of diseases’. 113 ‘an intimate marriage’. ☿☿ ♁♂☿ 114 ‘conspicuous with native sweetness’. ☿ ☿ 115 ‘without any participation of mixed things’. 105

106

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times & this is (teste Paracelso) unica spes miseris unicum culmen et apex ad vitam longam[.]116 So also Helmont. Now I heartily blesse God who hath showed me by the fre the meaning of these two Philosophers & shewed me a Liquor which is the medium of so glorious a conjunction. ‹In which Conjunction› there is in one worke Mors Resuscitatio et Glorifcatio rei.117 Even a Liquor which in the twinckling of an Eye Exalts the [sulphur] & with it tingeth the [mercury] that they remaine unseperable. To this a Succedaneum /151/ is the [sulphur] of [mercury] purifed & united to [mercury] vulgar never more to be seperated. the frst is [mercury] vitae Stibii proles integri,118 the other Tinctura Lili etiam alis15 119 which are placed in Helmonts index of the Arcana Paracelsi[.]120 And thus Honourable Sir God hath given me to understand how to answer your question concerning the [sulphur] of [antimony] mentioned by Helmont in his Tractate de Herbis Verbis Lapidibus &ca in these words: Extrahe [sulphur] [anti‑ mony] &ca.121 This is it which God by the fre hath taught me viz that this [sulphur] of [antimony] (which I extract in a great quantity) by the meanes of a certain Liquor is (thoro inviolabili)16 122 united with common [mercury] which he there calls Cinaber which then never are to be divided So that being sublimed 6. or 7. times it becomes an admirable medicine of a perpetual vertue & now what light I have given both to Helmont & Paracelsus your selfe will see when God17 shall reveale these things unto you. The diseases which are vanquished by these medicines is (tota morborum cohors)123 to use Helmonds [sic] own words for you have now [mercury] & [sulphur] spoiled of all virulency of Salivation nausea purging by laxative Virulency only working per Diapnaeam124 & very somniferous with a most desirable quicknesse & protractive of Old age Espetially when the [sulphur] is marryed to its own [mercury] which is then proles stibii integri[.]125 I do not here annexe the processe (Honourable Sir) of it for I am now about it & have not perfected it being hindred by the unfortunate breaking of a 116 ‘(by the testimony of Paracelsus) the unique hope of the wretched, the unique summit and apex of long life.’ 117 ‘death, revival, and glorifcation of the thing.’ 118 ‘mercury of life, the offspring of the whole of antimony’. ☿ ☿☿☿ 119 ‘tincture of Lili, also antimonial’. ♁ 120 Helmont, Ortus medicinae, p. 790. 121 ‘Extract the Sulphur of antimony’. Starkey cites Helmont: ‘In verbis, herbis, et lapidibus est magna virtus’ (Ortus medicinae, p. 577). ♁ ♁ 122 ‘in inviolable marriage’. ♁ 123 ‘the whole retinue of diseases’. ☿ 124 ‘by sweat’. ☿ 125 ‘the offspring of the whole of antimony’. ☿

100

GEORGE STARKEY TO BOYLE

19 April 1651

glasse of that same medicine in which were about 30 ounces of it which had cost me at least 10 Li. Sterling in all my Expences about it so that all was lost save a litle of the Grosser at the Bottom (for then I was in dissolving it yet that which was left I found at all tryals unseparable & noble[).] I tooke of it neare 20 grains without any sensible motion save only a very Sound Sleepe which I know not that I ever had the like & I am since better than ever I know I was (save when I took of the Philosophers Elixir) which was given me by an Adeptus yet I hardly allow my selfe natures time for rest. But for the union which is a wonderfull mistery I take great pleasure to see it & therefor I have reiterated it 3. or 4 times in which union is this notable frst that the [mercury] being frst praecipitated to a yellow Colour & edulcorated & the [sulphur] being of a mighty red do joyne with such an Orgeticall appetite that I know hardly the like operation stirring up a most mighty ferment & in about an hour being agitated & in a Small heat they worke themselves into a most subtle milk white substance as white as snow And from that hour are forever inseperable & are then cohobated with a Spirit which I know till they be very soundly inverted inside the out & vice versa which are then freed from all foetor & corrosion with [spirit of wine] till they receive a native total sweetness & then they fy together (absque omni Consortio)18 126 only if you have not well propor‑ tioned your matter in marriage what is not united will ascend like a small dew in the forme of quick [mercury] the rest being 6 times sublimed begin to grow of a deepe yellow the deserved Crowne of a /152/ painfull Chymist. Honoured Sir So soone as I have of this Medicine triumphantly prepared which I hope will be by the next you shall have part of it[.] my experiments hop lamely like limping Vulcan because of my strange defeatments in a strange place. So that I cannot conveniently prosecute but one thing at once. I have in great measure willingly retireding [sic] my Self from practice which I fnd so to retard & destroy my proceedings in search of the Arcana which I am most sick after & yet from one whom I honour & have in so deare esteeme I cannot detaine what I have made (though it be but a naked child yet it is of an Heroical offspring[).] I have sent you as an acknowledgment of my best respect to you a medecine unripe yet not raw for union hath taken it away it is indeed the [sulphur] of [antimony] & [mercury] Embracing each other in everlasteing armes[.] It is without any salivating laxative nau‑ seous quality, the Master of infection & I hope its virtue is not limited from the reines Sir for other medicines I seeke now for none save only Arcana & Elixiria & the like. This is but once sublimed yet very noble[.] I take it dayly my selfe with great beneft the Dose 6. grains. it is the true Cinabar of Helmont[.] if it were 7 times sublimed & dul‑ corated with [spirit of wine] as he teacheth for his Aurum Horizontale it would be yellow & Saccharine[.] it hath a kinde of sweetness. Now in farewell but if it were coho‑ bated 5 times with Aqua Regia & then 10 times with Aqua vitae & then 6 times sub‑ lime it set the Elixir of the Philosophers a side & I would dare nature to excell it with any Medicine[.] I know what I do speake for haveing found the Center I can easily view ‘without any association [of other substances]’. ☿ ∨

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the Circumference yet this Medicine as it is I have given & taken with wonderfull suc‑ cesse it is to be taken in a morning or at Evening or both in about a spoon full of wine[.] And for the Morbilli it is that in which I ‹may› dare confde. Now Sir as touching the Roses I thinke the wood19 ferment will hardly distill or if it do the Gas sulphuris127 will take it out of the Oyle by warming the20 Liquor with the Oyl in a glasse half empty & then infusing the glasse with the Gas & stopping the Glass with the hand & agitating it a while the Odour of the Vessel will vanish & the Aroma be advanced else my judg‑ ment quite failes me[.] I have sent you of Daucus common lb ii[,] of Daucus Creticus iii [3 ounces]21 & trying both you may resolve which doth you most good there being 2 sorts & one Exceedingly dearer than another I send you not lb ii but shall when you please & you [tell me?] of what sort you shall fnde best[.]22 I have sent lb i of Colophonium & Virginis Wax none was to be got good by this opportunity I was loath to send you bad[.] Sir as touching the Aroph upon perusing Paracelsus I incline to Extract it out of Radix Satyrionis128 in the same method with the former if it Excell that which I imag‑ ined, found out & made, it will be very good but I perceive he intends that Root, if Helmont so understood him I know not. As touching Sal Tartari Volatilis I have given you my judgment Sincerely that out of pure spirit of wine, or wine23 it may be made very good /153/ but by Oyles most Excellently which if they be essential will not make a Sapo but by being circulated in circulating glasse of this shape

(Such as I have got made me at the white glasse house) both the Oyl & the salt will become one Essential Salt Volatile, but a Corporal Oyl not distilled will make a Sapo, which24 by distillation & Cohobation all that is saline will come over in Liquor of an Excellent Virtue. But Honoured Sir (if you once command 2 or 3 good Arcanums) you are happy[;] then may you make other things an Otium & not a Negotium as I now God willing purpose to do & I veryly believe that my Medicine inclosed will (renes consolari)129 beyond any particular thing whatever & if you please to accept this naked brat when he shall be clothed with richer qualifcations proceeding from more perfect operations you shall then be saluted with a present of it which may be worth your acceptance. And shall in

‘gas of sulphur’. ☿ ♁☿∨ 128 ‘Root of Satyrion’. ℥ 129 ‘relieve the kidneys’. 127

102

BOYLE TO JOHN MALLET

Nov 1651

meane time frmly obleige him more deeply who is already yours beyond what he can Expresse or performe. By you to be commanded to the utmost of my abilitys G.S. BOYLE to JOHN MALLET130

November 1651

From the original in Boyle’s early hand in the British Library, Harleian MS 7003, fols 179–80. Fol/2. Subscription spaced so that the signa‑ ture is at the bottom of the page. There is a transcript by Birch in British Library Add. MS 4162, fols 21–4. Not previously printed.

Sir

Your never taking notice in Your Letters of the receipt of any of mine, added to my being necessitated (by the Distance I live at from any Post‑house,) to send thither by such as may sometimes be like enough to loose the Letter to keepe the Postage; makes me suspect that Fortune hath kept me from being Troublesome, by making me appear Ingratefull. Which certainely in the Case, I can but barely Appeare: since Interest, that perverts others to Ingratitude, would it selfe dissuade me from such an Act of that Vice, as a Silence that robs of the Happynesse of Your Answers. Which since a teadious Epistle I ventur’d to trouble You with 5 weekes since;131 I have been kept from solliciting (tho not from either Needing or Desiring) by a violent1 & sudden ftt of Sicknesse, which unftted me to handle a Pen till God’s Blessing upon a Strange Remedy of a Great Chymist of my Acquaintance2 restor’d me to Health without the wonted Martyrdome of Physicke.132 If You have received the Long Letter I last sent you, & in it my Acknowledgments of the Civilitys of Your’s, I shall not now need againe to mention Complements, which I am as unft to owne as unable to returne; but least it should be Your Hapynesse to have scap’t that Scribble, I shall in this, omitting all the Ceremoniall part, not scruple to re‑ mention some of the Responsory passages of it: & tell You that I am extreamely 130 John Mallet (c. 1623–86), son of Sir Thomas Mallet (1582–1665), judge. John Mallet was knighted in 1665, and became MP and recorder for Bridgewater. For the Mallet family see A. Malet, Notices of an English Branch of the Malet Family (London, 1885). 131 The letter mentioned here of c. Oct. 1651 is not extant. 132 The ‘Great Chymist’ is probably George Starkey, for whom see above, p. 90n.

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Glad, to learne Your profess’d Engagednesse to the Scripture; & not a little Proud to be told my Perswasions have not been unconducing to Your settling on that heavenly Employment: both as Your Abilitys will enable You so to /fol. 179v/ cred‑ ite that Divine Study; that I shall not meanely serve it, by bringing it such a Votary; & as that heav’nly Study will so richly recompence Your Applications to it, that I dare looke upon my having contributed to Your Devotednesse to it, as the highest obligation that so Virtuous a Person as You, could have receiv’d from so uselesse a Creature as I. And since You begin so much to3 rellish Studyes of that Nature; I shall shortly, God willing, venture to present You with some further Inducements (which I therefore now forbeare to mention;) that together with other Refections, I was once drawing up in an Exercitation concerning the Scripture: wherein tho I feare I have been farre enough from righting my Theame; yet that imperfect Essay hath had the Lucke of so favorable a Reception amongst some Persons of the eminentest Piety, & others of equall Parts;133 that I am importunately urg’d to fnish it; which yet I despaire of being able to do, till my (suddenly design’d) Retirement into Your parts, restore me to undistracted Howres & Thoughts. But in order to the Understanding of the Bible, hearing of a very learned Amsterdam Jew’s Arrivall at London;134 I procur’d divers Conferences with him, to perftt my selfe in the Holy Tongue; & informe my selfe of the true Tenents & Rites of the Moderne Jewes: whose Religion tho it be very unlikely to make Philosophers or Able Christians, Proselytes; yet I much feare that if it be, (as ’tis expected ’twill be) tolerated here, it may seduce many of those numerous Unprincipled (& con‑ sequently) Unstable Soules, who having never been solidly or settledly grounded in the Truth, are equally obnoxious to all sorts of Errors: specially in a Time & Country, where that Profane Thing call’d Learning is so discountenanc’d, at the same time when those Adversarys are admitted; who without it will hardly be confuted. Unlesse by some such way, as a Fanaticall Fellow lately us’d to silence my Rabbi: who told me that a while since, ‹hearing› there were in London some new Pretenders to the Gift of Tongues; /fol. 180/ he went to visit them; & asking one of them whither he could speake Hebrew, upon an Affrmative Answer, he desir’d to heare him utter a few Words in that Language; but when the Fanaticke had spoken an Extemporary Gibberish, as little understood by the Hearers as by him‑ selfe; the Jew told him fatly that that was not Hebrew; which the other resolutely affrming it to be; when Rab assur’d him he was a borne Hebrew, & spoke that which Moses & Abraham us’d to speake; O, replyes the Fanaticke but my Hebrew is better & Ancienter then Your’s, for I speake the Hebrew that Adam spoake in the Garden.’135 I tell You so triviall a Story, to lett You see to what a Height of 133 It is likely that Boyle refers to his Style of the Scriptures (1661). The content of this and later letters to Mallet suggests that the ‘Private Friend’ for whom Boyle states that the treatise was written could conceivably have been Mallet. See Works, vol. 2, p. xxv. 134 The identity of this fgure is unclear. 135 The identity of the ‘Fanaticke’ is not known.

104

BOYLE TO JOHN MALLET

Nov 1651

Madnesse the giddy Presumption of fond Man may carry him: & what strange Absurditys the Impudence of some, blusheth not to entitle the Spirit to. As for Publicke Intelligence, the Compleatnesse & entirenesse of the late4 Successes have so confn’d Newes to what passeth within the Walls of Westminster, that I could at present but Transcribe, or at best, but Anticipate, Diurnalls. What our new Representative will prove, or whither we shall have any, I dare not pretend to con‑ jecture: especially in Blacke & White;136 only I shall not scruple to confesse that my Hopes & Feares have very peculiar Motives; & that the Clouds from which I expect either fertile Showres or Boisterous Stormes, are yet in their invisible & uncon‑ densed Vapors. And as for our Intellectuall Concernes; I do with some confdence expect a Revolution, whereby Divinity will be much a Looser, & Reall Philosophy fourish, perhaps beyond men’s Hopes. But I despaire not of giving You ere long a more particular Account of these Guesses at Poynington;137 from which, since I was at this Distance, I am not sorry to fnd You were so long absent: because I hope it will make You the more Constant to it at Your Returne thither: which I so much & justly wish, that I dare assure You, Sir, I cannot but regrett London it selfe for the West, as long as Mr Mallet is in the latter; tho I must confesse that when I visit the former ’tis deepe Divines, true Philosophers, brave Gallants & Faire Ladys, that share my Howres amongst them. /fol. 180v/ If the Eagerness of my Wishes could contribute anything to their Accomplishment, I should be quickly in a Condition to be my selfe the Bearer of this Letter; but for feare5 the unwelcome Necessity of my Affaires, should detaine me yet a while from so much Happynesse; as my Interest prompts me to embrace with joy your obliging Proffer; so my Justice leads me to beseech You not to thinke me so little sensible of my owne Defects & Happynesse, as, (in spite of your Complements) to consent to a Paper‑correspondency, as a Grant, but as a Request: & tho I am here diverted as well as You (were at the writing of Your Last) by the Marriage of some of my Young Friends, whose Jollity makes me steale from Sleepe the moments this Scribble spends me;138 yet really, Sir, Businesse it selfe, much lesse Mirth, cannot so farre distract me, as not to leave my thoughts very dispos’d & free, both to welcome any Favors of Your Pen, & to returne them the due Acknowledgments of him that is without all Complement, Sir Your most faythfull most obliged & most humble servant Robert Boyle.

Twitnham (neere London) thisof November 1651

136 The Rump Parliament had voted to dissolve itself and to hold fresh elections on 23 Sept. 1653; this was debated from early Oct. until 18 Nov., when a deadline for dissolution was set; see Blair Worden, The Rump Parliament (Cambridge, 1974), pp. 265–7. 137 Poynington, now known as Pointington, in Somerset, where the Mallets lived. 138 It is not clear what marriage is here referred to.

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I shall beg to be nam’d a very humble servant to Your noble Father & Mother; & to your owne faire Lady.6139 If You see my Lady Bristoll or any of that Family, I shall beseech You to pres‑ ent my humble service to them.140 Endorsed on fol. 180v: ‘27 August, 1724’. BOYLE to LADY RANELAGH, 13 May 1648 BOYLE to LADY ELIZABETH HUSSEY, 6 June 1648 PETTY to BOYLE, 21 June 1648 BOYLE to COUNTESS OF MONMOUTH, 7 July 1648 BOYLE to [LADY RANELAGH], 13 Nov. [1648?] BOYLE to LADY RANELAGH, 2 Aug. 1649 BOYLE to LADY RANELAGH, 2 Aug. 1649 BOYLE to UNKNoWN CORRESPONDENT(S), 15 Nov. 1649 BOYLE to [BROGHILL], 20 Dec. 1649 BOYLE to [DOWAGER COUNTESS OF BARRYMORE], 21 Dec. 1649 BOYLE to HARTLIB, 15 July 1650 STARKEY to BOYLE, after 19 Apr. 1651 STARKEY to BOYLE, after 19 Apr. 1651 STARKEY to BOYLE, after 19 Apr. 1651 STARKEY to BOYLE, after 19 Apr. 1651 STARKEY to BOYLE, after 19 Apr. 1651 STARKEY to BOYLE, after 19 Apr. 1651 BOYLE to MALLET, Nov. 1651 BOYLE to MALLET, Nov. 1651

The Latin may be loosely translated: ‘(of more trivial things) so that if the individual things do not help, the aggregate may be of use.’ b i.e., soap. c i.e., ambergris. d A later passage suggests that this ‘volatile tartar’ was a substance alluded to by the Flemish natural philosopher and iatrochemist Joan Baptista van Helmont (1579–1644), who greatly infu‑ enced Starkey. * All this was done in two dayes & nights. [written in left margin.] a

For Mallet’s father see above, p. 103n. His mother was Jane, daughter of Francis Mills, and his wife was Florentia, daughter of John Wyndham; see Malet, Malet Family, pp. 59, 61. 140 This is presumably a reference to Beatrice (1574–1658), wife of John Digby (1586–1653), 1st Earl of Bristol. 139

106

— 1652 — Lost letters dating from 1652 are as follows: Wotton’s list (see above, p. xxvii) includes as no. 354: ‘Mr. Fenton 1652’. This is probably Sir William Fenton, Boyle’s uncle, who served under Broghill in Ireland in the 1640s. See Kathleen M. Lynch, Roger Boyle, First Earl of Orrery (Knoxville, 1965), pp. 52, 63, 73. Two letters to Boyle from the second Earl of Cork are recorded in the second Earl’s diary (above, p. xxvii–xxviii), dated 29 January and 10 March 1652, the former ‘about his Bandon house’. Bandon was the model town established in County Cork by the first Earl of Cork c. 1608; Boyle and other siblings evidently had property there. Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Two letters from Boyle to Starkey, dated 4–16 January 1652 (below, pp. 111 and 117). Another letter from Boyle to Starkey, dated 17–26 January 1652 (below, p. 118). Another letter from Boyle to Starkey, dated between 27 January and 3 February (below, p. 129). A letter from Mallet to Boyle, dated before 23 March 1652 (below, p. 132).

STARKEY to BOYLE

3 January 1652

From the original in BL 5, fols 129–30. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Tuas (amicorum Cordatissime), jamjam receptas, legi perlegi, relegissemque, nisi Respondendi aviditas tempus mihi anticiparet, Crederes si dicerem quanto fuerit mihi solatio lineas tuas accepisse?a Credas sane utut libet, at pol fuerunt I have read your letters that I already received, wisest friend, I have throughly read them and would have reread them except that my eagerness to respond left insufficient time.a a Boyle’s known letters to Starkey, no longer extant, are those of 29 Mar. and 19 Apr. 1651. For Starkey see above, p. 90.

107

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-14

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1, 1636–61

Gratissimae. Doleo quoque, dedignorque meritò tantam in me ignaviam, quod pluribus te literis non onerarim, cum illas te expetisse per tuas ad Magistrum Hartlibium intellexerim, at sane veniam deprecor, ex quò humanitatem ‹vix› Credebam, inutili Garritu te in aliis occupatissimum, detinere, Iam verò, ut si fieri posset, te totum Chartulis onerem, Tediosam Epistolam, eamque rudem nec benè politam mittere decrevi, ideoque (quoniam vix ultra horae unius spatium mihi ad respondendum supersit) latino barmarismate Chartam Commaculabo, Estque Schedula haec tota, tuae (non dicam Curiositati, at verum naturalium Cognitionis appetitui) satisfaciendo dicata. Scripseram in priori Epistolâ me Aurum Volatile attentasse & perfecisse, cujus Encomium hoc meritò assignavi, quod sit Creatura nobilis, nulli nisi Elixeri magno Virtute Cedens, jam tandem particulariori ejus descriptione te a tuis negotiis avocabo.a Scias proinde, quod tantae sit efficaciae, quod quarta pars Grani sit dosis sufficiens, attamen in Stomacho neutiquam digeri valet, ideo vomitum Cit tali cum operatione Citra nauseam quod similem nihil unquam vidi nec tale quid unquam audivi. Cujus unicâ dosi (antea aeger, ac quotidiè malâ detentus valetudine) penitus Convalui, sic quod nunquam meliori fruebar Valetudine, lenissimè secessum movet, at praecipuè Vomitum, cujus inexpectato effectu, ipse primo attonitus eram, donec tandem libro Alexandri Van Suchten Comparato,b didici, quod Hoc sive oleum Coagulatum in Stomacho Would you believe it if I said how much consolation I got from receiving your letters? Believe as you will, but by heaven, they were very much appreciated. I am sorry, however, and rightly scorn the great unworthiness in me, that I have not burdened you with more letters, since I understood from yours to Master Hartlib that you desired them, but truly I beg forgiveness, since I ‹hardly› believed that kindness would detain you (who are very busy on other accounts) with my useless chatter. But now, even though it could happen that I load you down with paper, I have decided to send you a tedious epistle, crude and little polished; so (since hardly an hour remains to respond), I will dirty the page with barbarous Latin. This entire epistle is propounded for satisfying – I will not say your curiosity, but – your appetite for understanding nature. I wrote in an earlier letter that I had attained and perfected the volatile gold, to which I have justly assigned this encomium, that it is a noble creation, yielding in virtue to none except the great elixir.a Now finally I shall divert you from your business with a more particular description of it. Know, then, that it is of such efficacy that the fourth part of a grain is a sufficient dose, but by no means can it be digested in the stomach. Therefore it causes vomiting, and with such a non-nauseating operation that I have never seen the like, nor have I heard of any such. With one dose of this (having been sick earlier, and detained daily by bad health) I was fully cured so that I never enjoyed better health; it easily promotes excretion, but especially vomiting, by which unexpected effect I was at first astonished, until finally having consulted Alexander von Suchten’s book,b I learned that this sulphur or coagulated oil cannot be digested in the stomach, and a

Starkey possibly refers to his letter of [after] 19 May 1651, or to another now lost. The reference is to Alexander von Suchten (c. 1520–c. 1590), a Prussian Paracelsian who wrote the Antimonii mysteria gemina (1604), to which book Starkey here refers. b

108

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 3 Jan. 1652

digeri nequit, additque quod sit purgatio Specifica Balsami nostri, quâ Corpus penitus liberatur a fumo omnium malevolarum Stellarum, quo remedio Caelo ipsi medicus valet resistere. Tentavi in hoc multa praeclara, ac primò quidem separavi Salem ab eo quocum praeparatum Erat, et dedit mihi lac albissimum, Cosmeticum singulare, quod magno pretio a quibusdam fucipolis ambitur, residuum omnimodè Edulcoratum imposui retortae, & levi Calore liquescebat ad ignem modicum, fundebaturque instar aquae limpentis. Majori igne flavebat ac Sublimabatur, Sublimatum dulce ascendebat in ore liquabile, cujus octava Grani pars dosis erat. Tentabam in Fratre meo, alioque juvene, quibuscum Grani pars 4a optimè successit, Eventu optabili.a In quo mirum hoc Elucescit, quod nulla medicina alis eadem quantitate operabitur. Deinde quòd Regulus ex quo Extractum est hoc nullâ dosi sit vomitivus. /fol. 129v/ Tertiò, quod Sublimatum cum Sale suo, ferrum politum ne tantillum denigret quod omnibus aliis Sublimationibus acribus est Genuinum. Quartò, quod residua pars reguli sit prorsus metallica & Scintillans. Quintò liquatum, est insignitèr ponderosum, frangiturque scintillis quasi metallinis, instar marchasitae gloriosissimae. Tandem, oleum ex hoc rubicundissimum tentaturus sum, at expecto Tractatum Alexandri Van Suchten, de usu hujus Arcani.b Quod verum esse ejus Arcanum Extra dubium novi certòque scio, mirorque infortunatam meam hactenus ejus Disquisitionem. Gratulor sane fatis quod a tedio tanto sim Excusatus, Eoque magis rem ipsam in pretio habeo, he adds that it is a specific purgation of our balsam, by which the body is liberated fully from the fume of all bad stars, with which remedy the physician can resist the heavens themselves. I have attempted many excellent things with this sulphur. First, I separated from it the salt with which it had been prepared, and it gave me a very white milk, a singular cosmetic, which is sought out at a high price by certain cosmeticians. The remaining sulphur, wholly edulcorated, I put into a retort, and it liquefied with a slight heat on a small fire, and was melted like limpid water. With a greater fire it turned yellow and was sublimed, and the sweet sublimate ascended in a form that dissolves in the mouth, the eighth part of a grain forming a dose. I tried it on my brother, and on another youth, to whom the fourth part of a grain succeeded very well with the desired effect.a In which this wonder shines forth, that no antimonial medicine will be operative in the same amount. Second, that the regulus from which this sulphur is extracted is vomitive in no dose. /fol. 129v/ Third, that the sulphur, sublimed with its salt, does not blacken polished iron at all, which is natural in all other sharp sublimations. Fourth, that the remaining part of the regulus is truly metallic and brilliant. Fifth, the liquefied sulphur is strikingly heavy, and is broken with metalline sparklings, like the most glorious marchasite. Finally, I am going to attempt [to produce] a very red oil from this, but I await the tract of Alexander van Suchten on the use of this arcanum.b I know and certainly understand what the true arcanum of it is, and I marvel at my up-to-now unfortunate treatment of it. Yet I surely thank the Fates that I a Starkey’s brother was Samuel (b. 1635); see Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48), pp. 15, 282. The youth in question has not been traced. b This work has not been identified.

109

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

quod sit operativa, tamque potentèr agat, Sine ullâ virulenti qualitate vel minimâ, cum Vomitiva Ejus qualitas invertitur, quantum inde Exurget medicamen jucundâ cum Speculatione Contemplor. Laudano tuo Glaciem nil nocere posse certò Confido. Fraternitatem tuam de quâ scripsisti, non injucundè Saluto, cujus fraternitatis leges si scirem, unus illorum fierem, non Ceterorum Fratrum, at tui gratia, ipse namque Corniculae instar (Cras) semper clamo, at Spero (Cras meum) in hodie tandem mutatum iri.a Condoleo oculos tuos, pedesque,b unius curam Laudano tuo jamjam praeparando alterius . reververatae cum Salisp: parte triplici relinquo, melius in presens in promptu non habeo. Aurum meum Volatile, brevi in Aurum purissimum scio reducere, utinam in um, quod an sit possibile hactenus non sum Expertum, 7mâ illud Sublimatione parare determinavi, nec melius medicamen sub Lunarem Globum mihi Spondeo. Cum Ente Veneris miscere decreveram, at illud omittam, cum triplo virtuosiùs sit, opereturque triplo minori pondere, nec vomitum Ciendi virtutem in Eo Vitupero, at eò magis ‹ob› illam amplector, cum vomitus aliquando sit in re medicâ non innecessarius, possitque haec qualitas inverti, fietque tum Thesaurus omni Thesauro pretiosor. Gaudeo quoque (sic me juvet Deus) non plus me rem ipsam invenisse, quam quod tibi amicorum dignissimo possim me gratum Exhibere. Chartis rem non committam, at oculis am excused from such tedium, and I hold the thing itself to be all the more valuable in that it is operative and acts so potently, without any virulent quality or very little: I contemplate with pleasant speculation how well the medicine will cure when its emetic quality is inverted. I am confident that the ice can do no harm to your laudanum. I gladly salute your fraternity of which you have written; if I knew the rules of the fraternity, I would become one of those brothers, not on account of the others, but on account of you, for I always cry ‘tomorrow’ like a little crow, but I hope finally that ‘my tomorrow’ will be changed into today.a I am sorry about your eyes and feet.b I leave the cure of the one to your laudanum, already in preparation, and the cure of the other to stella martis reverberated with a triple quantity of saltpetre. At the moment I have nothing better ready. I know how to reduce my volatile gold quickly into very pure gold – would that it were into mercury – whether this be possible I have not yet tried. I have decided to prepare it with a seventh sublimation, and I do not promise myself any better medicine below the sphere of the moon. I had resolved to mix it with Ens veneris, but I will omit that since it is thrice as powerful, and it will work with one-third the weight, and I do not reject its power of inducing a vomit, but on account of that I embrace it the more, since vomiting is sometimes necessary in medicine, and if this quality could be inverted, it would become a treasure more valued than any treasure. I am also happy (may God thus help me) to have found the thing for no other reason than that I could show my thanks to you, most worthy of friends. I will not commit the matter to paper, but will demonstrate it to your eyes. I further believe it to be a thing a

The identity of this ‘fraternity’ is unclear. It is possible but unlikely that Starkey alludes to the groups of savants meeting as the Invisible College, for which see above, p. 42n. b Starkey had treated Boyle for an attack of sickness in Nov. 1651; see Maddison, Life, p. 78.

110

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 16 Jan. 1652

demonstrabo, Credo quoque esse re quapiam (excepto Elixere) anteponendam. Vale Vir Honorandissime nunc & in Aeternum. Jamesiis. Jan. 3. 1651.

Tuus ut suus Geo. Stirke.

to be preferred above all else (save the Elixir). Good health most honoured man for now and for eternity! St. James’s, 3 January 1651.

Yours as his own, Geo. Stirke

For the Right Honorable / Mr. Robert Boyle Esquire at his House in Stalbridge in Dorsetshire these dd

STARKEY to BOYLE

16 January 1652

From the original in BL 5, fols 131–2. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Tuas vir honorande, & Amicorum Integerrime, & Cordatissime hodie accepi, Certoque Confidas, quod nisi te ante hoc Tempus expectasse fecissent Heroinae quaedam tibi agnatae iterum iterumque tibi ante ultimas tuas acceptas molestias addidissem.a Jam autem quam Citò iterata opportunitas se offerre videtur, totum te serium, rebusque non levis momenti invigilantem; garrulâ verbositate distrahere, ne horam differre decrevi, quin Chartis te onerare pergerem, Imprimis verò, Excusatam velim novissimam Epistolam, in distractionum dialemmate I received your letter today, most honoured man, most virtuous and wise of friends. Have full confidence that I would have sent my pesterings your way before receiving your most recent letter, except that before this could happen certain heroines known to you made you wait again and again.a Now, however, as soon as a renewed opportunity seems to offer itself, I have resolved to distract you – you wholly serious and on the lookout for things of moment – with my garrulous verbosity, and not to delay one hour without proceeding to bother you with my letters. But first I would like my most recent letter to be excused, which was written amidst a dilemma of distractions, for I dirtied the paper when the harda For these letters, see above, p. 107n. Presumably the letter to which Starkey refers is lost. From his use of the phrase later in the letter, it is clear that the ‘heroines’ Starkey refers to are Lady Ranelagh and Boyle’s sister-in-law, Elizabeth (1613–91), Countess of Cork.

111

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

circumseptam, conscriptam. Siquidem intensissimè urgente tempestatis rigore, Visitante me Salamone Judeo, cum amico Consocio, nec ultra horae unius spatio mihi Concesso, Chartam Commaculavi, nec relegendi tempus obtinere potueram, vereor proinde, ni forte Calami lapsus plures depraehenderis,a At saltem lapsus Calami ut nec sani judicii, ità nec Erroris mentis Index est perpetuus. Ast nimium oblitus, maturè gratias mihi seriò agendas agnosco, quod mihi Servorum Indignissimo, furtim ab amico nobili, conscribere digneris. Nec minus ob insignem illam amoris immeriti Tesseram, tam longe missitatam, In quo ut insolubilem obligationem intueor, Sic Hyemis rigorem accuso, quo urgente, per tantum Intervalli, Artocreas tuum in Gas invisibile Conversum Est, unde patet modestiâ plenam fuisse illam tuam Excusationem, quâ de Ejus bonitate Conquestus Es, prae spiritualitate siquidem totum in aërem inter Eundem migravit. Eoque magis tuae obstrictum me benevolentiae fateor, quo infidi magis illi quorum Curae hoc tua bonitas Commisit. Hanc munificentiam rependendi ansâ mihi penitus ablatâ, suppetit aliquid saltem, quocum novitate te saltem rei curiosum faciam. Baccae quippe Rubentes a Nov-Angliâ allatae Cerasorum formae aemulae, saluberrimae, gustu acidae, opsonio faciendo aptissimae domi sunt, quas Conservatas, observantiae ergo honori tuo offerre Statui, quibus siquid bonitatis desit, facilè hunc defectum supplebit rei raritas.b At sanè Stomacho nil gratius, hisce trufis. His ness of the weather was bearing down most intensely, and while Solomon the Jew and his associate friend were visiting me, and I had not more than the space of an hour conceded to me, nor could I obtain the time for rereading it.a Thus I am afraid lest you abhor the many slips of my pen, but at least a slip of the pen, as it is not a lapse of sound judgment, is not a permanent indicator of mental error. But I forget too much – I acknowledge seriously and opportunely my thanks for your deigning to write to me, the most unworthy of servants, from a noble friend in secret. Nor less on account of that signal token of your unmerited love repeatedly sent for a long time, insofar as I consider it an indissoluble obligation [to write letters to you]. I blame the cold of winter acting for so long a time that your pie was converted into invisible gas, whence it appears that your excuse in which you lamented its goodness was full of modesty, for on account of its spirituality the whole indeed turned by itself into air! I confess myself the more obliged to your benevolence by how much more unfaithful were those into whose care your goodness entrusted this pie. Since the opportunity of returning this munificence has been quite taken from me, something at least is at hand by means of whose novelty I may at least make you curious. The red berries brought from New England, similar in shape to cherries, are very healthful, sour in taste, and are very good for making a condiment at home. Therefore I have decided to offer these preserved berries in observance of your honour, and if they should be at all deficient in goodness, their rarity will easily make up for this defect.b At any rate, nothing is better for a b

Starkey’s most recent letter was that of 3 Jan. 1652. ‘Solomon the Jew’ has not been identified. i.e., cranberries, presumably enclosed with the letter.

112

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 16 Jan. 1652

tamen jam tandem missis, ad ea quae tibi longe gratiora futura ominor tempestivè nunc Transeo. Et primo quidem non sine aliquali Triumpho deinceps scriptitabo, quia jubente Deo aperuëre sese mihi aliquot medicinales Thesauri. Nec surda mihi Eminus Colloquia dedignatur ipse liquor Alkahest Cujus jam quotidie /fol. 131v/ nova specto vestigia. At quid tibi spes meas recenserem. Addam quae feci, quaeque jam nunc quotidiè sum factiturus. Solem de quo novissimâ Epistolâ, volatilem per multiplicem Examinavi Analysin, in quo stupenda quavis horâ ferè video. Emeticam qualitatem Suppressi, non Convertendo in oleum, prout docet Suchten, at per Retortam traducendo igne acri in forma olei spissi instar mellis, ex eodemque praecipitando pulverem candidissimum lili ignis sustentivum, Sulphur Caeleste (si sic fari liceat) olentem vinum cui infunditur placidissimâ aciditate cum suavitate permixta beantem et per lenissimum reverberium (sic ut non fundatur) ad rubedinem Exaltatum.a Tandem favente Deo, totum Cinnabaris Helmontis Secretum mihi , quod fundetexit, Cujus Explicationem Tibi brevibus absolvam.b Extrahitur ditur, nec visu a vulgari distinguitur. Lentissimo reverberio hoc Cinnabaris fit, nulli vermilioni Rubedine Cedens, Hucusque pervenit mea Experientia, caeterum nosti, & nisi fractâ retortâ operam perdidissem rem tibi perfectam inclusam jam misissem. Et scias Vir honorande, quod ex is Stellâ sit perducibile ad idem the stomach than these trifles. Yet having finally sent on these things, I now seasonably pass to those things which I predict will be far more pleasing to you. First, and not without a certain sense of triumph, I will write continuously and in order, for some medicinal treasuries have opened themselves to me, with God’s help. Nor does the alkahest itself scorn silent colloquia with me from afar, whose trail I see better every day. But why should I recount my hopes to you? Let me add what I have done, and what I am daily about to do. I have examined the volatile Sol described in my last letter by means of multiple analysis, and in it I see stupendous things at virtually every hour. I have suppressed its emetic quality, not by converting it into an oil as Suchten teaches, but by leading it through a retort with a sharp fire, in the form of a thick oil like honey, and then by precipitating a very white powder from the same, withstanding the fire of Lili, a celestial fragrant sulphur (if it be permitted so to speak), blessing the wine in which it is put with a very gentle acidity mixed with sweetness, and exalted to redness by means of a very mild reverberation (so that it does not melt).a Finally, with God supporting me, the whole secret of the cinnabar of van Helmont revealed itself to me, the explanation of which I will discharge to you in a few words.b The sulphur of antimony is extracted, then melted, and it is not distinguishable in appearance from vulgar sulphur. With a very gentle reverberation this sulphur becomes cinnabar, ceding nothing in redness to vermilion, and my experience proceeds thus far. You know the rest, and had I not lost the work by means of a broken retort, I would already have sent the perfected matter to you enclosed [in a letter]. Know, honored man, that the sulphur from a

For Alexander von Suchten see above, p. 108n. Starkey alludes to Suchten’s Antimonii mysteria gemina, also referred to in the earlier letter. b For J. B. van Helmont see above, p. 91n. His ‘cinnabar’ is described in Ortus medicinae, p. 577.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Arcanum cum re ii Simplicis, est enim utrumque Eodem artificio Eductum. Conveniuntque in hoc quod , sit utrumque hujus virtutis, antequam a suo Consocio Volatili separetur, quod aquam trans vitrum cui vitrum immergitur, ictu oculi Conglaciabit in glaciem veram, etiam ad ignem. Differunt tamen bonitate haec ra quantum differt perla orientalis a Scotica, quare Ex .â Stellatâ, est ponderosum instar auri, nullo igne nigratur, ne cum socio volatili junctum, quod alterum patietur, funditurque cum socio suo levi igne in Diaphanum sanguineum liquorem, alterum nigratur instar Carbonis. Schedula haec non dimidium Continere possit, quae vidi & feci hac in re, incarceravit me quippe Laboratorium, nec ante 12 horam somnus me invadere ausus est, fugitque trepidus ante lucem, Heu quantum in rebus inane! Faxit Deus ut in honorem sui nominis omnia dirigantur. Hodie me visitavit Comes Noviportensis1 cum Heroinis Corke & Renala, quae tibi se Commendatas volunt, Comes Pembrookensis nuper per amicum quendam mihi sibique notum,a me amicissimè salutavit, Philosophus maximus Thomas Vaughan nuperrimè uxorem duxit,b Clerici cujusdam filiam, nullius fortunae, jamque tandem lapis Ejus Sophicus sat notus est, Imposuit quippe diversis avaris, auri sacrâ siti laborantibus ultra bis mille minis, quibus sub jurejurando taciturnitatis pro nummis secreta sua communicavit, jamque detectâ ejus fraude the star of Mars is capable of being led to the same arcanum as the sulphur of simple antimony, for each sulphur is drawn forth by means of the same artifice. And they agree in this – that each sulphur is of this virtue – before it is separated from its volatile comrade, in the blink of an eye it will (through glass) freeze into true ice the water in which a glass [containing it] is immersed, even if near the fire. Nevertheless, these sulphurs differ in goodness as much as an oriental pearl differs from a Scottish one, for the sulphur from stellate Luna is heavy like gold, is not blackened by any fire, not even joined with its volatile companion, which the other sulphur will allow; [the former] is melted with its comrade on a mild fire into a transparent blood-red liquor, while the other is blackened like coal. This page cannot hold half of what I have seen and done in this matter, for the laboratory has imprisoned me, nor has sleep dared to fall upon me before midnight, and fled, fearfully, before light – oh how much worthlessness in things! May God act so that all things may be directed to the honor of His name. Today the Earl of Newport visited me with the heroines Cork and Ranelagh, who wished to be commended to you. Count Pembroke recently greeted me in a very friendly fashion through a certain friend known to him and to me.a The very great philosopher Thomas Vaughan took a wife quite recently,b the daughter of a certain cleric, of no fortune, and now finally his sophic stone is well enough known. Indeed, he cheated various greedy people labouring under the sacred thirst for gold of more than two thousand minas, to whom he communicated his secrets for money under an oath of silence, and now, a Starkey refers to Mountjoy Blount (c. 1597–1666), 1st Earl of Newport, and to Philip Herbert (1621–69), 5th Earl of Pembroke. For the Countess of Cork see above, p. 111n. b This is a reference to Thomas Vaughan (1622–66), alchemist and poet, who married in Sept. 1651. Starkey condemned both Vaughan and Glauber (see below, p. 115) as sellers of alchemical secrets, linking their work to vulgar profit motives.

114

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 16 Jan. 1652

immensum faetet. Glauberi Secretum Alkahesticum tripartitum a D: Morian hac septimana accepi, & ludicrum inveni; Monstrum, stupendum, et decumanum mendacium,a Hollandorum naves a nostris quotidiè Captitantur, naucleri quippe 50 simul hac Septimanâ (ut mihi relatum Est a Mro Duraeo) ad Ducem Cromwel sese applicarent, ut damna sua saltem mitigentur. Pax inter nos & illos firmo foedere brevi ineunda est.b Glaure Augurelli et helmontis novi, ejusque Extractionem, hisque totus insisto nec labori parco.c Oleum meum Rosarum arridet Confectori pigmentario maximè, at tandem sensi cum /fol. 132/ dolore quod peste Crumenae laboret, nec nisi sem-unciam simul Emere valet, Laudat tamen, oratque ne aliis vendam, spondetque se pretium pro posse aucturum, dicitque se quamprimum rigor hyemalis mitigatus fuerit, in Confectionibus eo usitaturum,d fatetur tamen Ingenuè se quondam Divitem,2 jam verò pauperem factum ità quod vix sibi suppetant nummi ut necessaria Comparet, cumque aromata vendendo subsistentia sua quaeratur, opus est ut varietatem Emptoribus possit obtendere, si ergo plus emeret quam brevi venderet, indigeret nummis, & prae necessitate, vili pretio divendere Cogeretur, Nec sane scio an alio Emptori venderem, ex quo (licet in praesens inopinata haec frustratio tediosa sit, nam sub Certâ ejus spe, antequam his fraud having been detected, he stinks hugely. I received the tripartite alkahestical secret of Glauber from Mr Moriaen this week, and I found it ludicrous, monstrous, stupefying and a tenfold lie.a The ships of the Dutch are daily captured by ours, and this week (as Mr Dury related to me) fifty sailors deserted to the leader Cromwell so that their punishment might be lessened. Peace between them and us will be briefly brought about with a firm treaty.b I know the sulphur of Glaure of Augurelli and Helmont and its extraction, and I wholly pursue these things and do not spare any labour.c My oil of roses pleases the cosmetics maker very much, but sadly I have finally realised that he labours under a plague of the purse, nor can he buy more than a half-ounce. Nonetheless, he praises it, prays that I do not sell it to others, promises to raise the price when he is able and says that as soon as the winter cold has abated, he will make use of it in his products.d He confesses ingenuously that he was once rich, yet is now made so poor that hardly enough money comes to him that he can buy his necessities, and since his subsistence is maintained by selling perfumes, it is necessary that he be able to spread out a variety for his buyers. Therefore, if he should buy more than he can sell in a brief time, he would be short of cash, and he would be forced of necessity to sell off his products at a low price. Nor do I really know whether I should have sold to another buyer (although at present this unexpected frustration is tedious, since a Starkey refers to Johann Rudolph Glauber (1604–70), German alchemist, chemist and technologist. for Johannes Moriaen see p. 66n. b The reference is to the first Dutch war of 1652–4, and to Oliver Cromwell (1599–1658). Evidently Starkey was in correspondence with John Dury, for whom see above, p. 56n. c Starkey refers to Giovanni Aurelio Augurello (1451–1524), the author of a popular alchemical poem, Chrysopoeia (1515); Boyle knew the poem, and quoted from it in his Sceptical Chymist. See Works, vol. 2, p. 236. d This figure has not been identified.

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1, 1636–61

nummos recepissem, statim Calculo facto, tantum Experimentis dicavi, quantum ullo modo Comparare poteram, Rebus illo tempore quotidiè arridentibus mihi plusquam Enarrare possim), uno solo haec Aromata vendente, eoque notae ac famae bonae (utpote Reginae olim per annos 20 pigmentarius Erat) res et rarior, et majoris aestimationis Erit, nec ansa adulterandi dabitur (ne fortè ob adulterationem unam quaestum futurum in aeternum amittat, quod minatus sum) prout alitèr cum plures idem habent, venduntque, Certamen erit, quis plurimos Emptores alliciet, ideoque unus alio minoris vendet, et per Consequens adulterabit, sic tandem vilius fiet, minorisque pretii. His Inductus rationibus inquam vix Consultum fuit alium quaerere, sed potius offatim huic suppeditare quod sibi opus sit, Oleum Benzoin valde arridet, at ego Angli instar, nescius quando sat bona res, sit rectificare Contendens sine aquâ, Empyreumatis tantillum dedi cum Coloris mutatione, at tamen, ex eo quod nunc Est, ejus bonitas ut Ex ungue Leo sat patet, Comes Noviportentis,3 & Heroinae illud oleum unicè hodiè prae [cun]ctis4 odoribus laudarunt. Nuper Fratris tui Filia in Iliis plagam (ut vocant) morbum Endemicum passa, missus est mihi servus ultimâ Die Dominicâ nocte, & misi is Aurei praeparati tantillum,a nec dubito successum, Abinde etenim nil audivi, quod alitèr fecissem nisi Convaluisset, per aliquot dies ‹male habuit›5 ante miserant, additumque fuit quod si perseveraret morbus sequenti die mitterent, Cumque nil with the hope of a certain outcome, before I received any money, having made a hasty calculation, I devoted as much to my experiments as I could procure by any means (since things at that time were everyday going my way more than I could relate) inasmuch as with only one seller, and he of good note and fame (since he was once the cosmetics maker to the Queen for twenty years), the thing will be both rarer and of greater estimation, nor will there be an opportunity for adulteration (lest on account of one adulteration it should lose its future profitability for ever, which I fear), just as otherwise when many have and sell the same thing, there will be a contest as to who will attract more buyers, and therefore one will sell at a lower price than another, and will consequently adulterate it; and thus it will finally become more common and of lower price. Induced by these reasons, I say, it was hardly prudent to seek out another, but rather to supply this one in bits according to his need. The oil of benzoin is quite pleasing, but I, like an Englishman, not knowing when a thing is good enough, trying to rectify it without water, produced a little empyreuma with a change of colour, but yet, from that which now exists, its goodness appears well enough like the lion from its claw. Count Newport and the heroines were praising that oil in particular today beyond all other odours. Recently, when your brother’s daughter suffered a plague (as they say) in the intestines, an endemic illness, a servant was sent to me at night last Sunday, and I sent a little of the prepared golden sulphur.a Nor do I doubt its success, for I have heard nothing thence, which otherwise I should have done had she not got well, [for] she had been ill for some days before they sent to me, and it was added that if her a This is probably a reference to one of the 2nd Earl of Cork’s daughters, either Elizabeth (c. 1638–1725), Anne (d. 1671), or Henrietta (1645–81).

116

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 16 Jan. 1652

abinde audierim, colligo pro certo puellam Convaluisse. At quid tantâ te Garrulitate detineo, maturè mei recordatus finem faciam, jubeo te valere, & prout ipse te honore inviolabili persequor item si tu tui observantissimum amare pergas obligationibus reinvolveris Nova mihi incumbunt Experimenta, & si crederem literas Die ‹Martii›7 proximo missas ad te perventuras successu tibi significarem, nam totus tuus sum, nec magis Gaudeo (testem Deum appello) me quicquam Gaudio dignum reperiisse, quam quod ansa mihi data sit, ex tanto quod tibi debeo, tantillum (in grati animi arrham) persolvere. Vale. Tibi ad Aras usque devotissimum Geo. Stirkium. Volitanti Calamo Jan. 16. eadem horâ quâ tuas accepi. 1651: 8

Hodiè saturni ante Literarum sigillationem Artocreas tuum Ingens sanè ad manus venit, pro quo nescio quas reddendae sint gratiae, certè enim prae bonitate decuplo minus esse potuerat, & tamen servum tuum ultra quam potest persolvere, Centuplo obligasse, At ambitio tua tanta est ut exceptâ solâ animâ, me totum repetitis gratiis, tui juris facias, quamque indignum obligasti, sat scio sentioque. Hodie, dum urinae stalagma Examino, secundum illum Spiritum Duelech solventem,a illness continued they would send for me on the following day, and since I have heard nothing further thence, I gather for certain that the girl has convalesced. But how much I detain you with my garrulousness; recollecting myself, I will make an end opportunely. I enjoin you to be well and I attend you just as myself with inviolable honour since if you continue to love the one observant of you, you wrap him in further obligations. New experiences have fallen my way, and if I believed that the letters sent to you last Tuesday would arrive successfully, I would declare them to you, for I am all yours, nor do I rejoice more (I call God as my witness) in having found something worthy than that an opportunity has been given me to pay back a small portion of the great debt that I owe you (as a pledge of a grateful soul). Farewell. Most devoted to you, up to the altars. Geo. Stirke. With pen flying, 16 January 1651. In the same hour as I received yours. Today, Saturday, before the sealing of my letter, your huge pie came safely into my hands, for which I do not know what thanks to give, for surely on account of its goodness it might have been ten times less and would yet have obligated your servant one hundred times more than he is able to recompense. And your partiality is so much that, my soul alone excepted, you make me wholly yours by right with repeated favours, and how much I, unworthy, am obliged, I know and fully feel. Today while I examine the stalagma of urine, according to that spirit dissolving Duelech,a and I have found the first coagulator, and I a Duelech was the Helmontian term for the concretion forming from urine and causing the stone. For Starkey’s interest in urine, see Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48), p. 181ff.

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primumque coagulatorem inveni, actuque utrumque jam habeo, et ad quid ulterius perducere valeam hactenus insudo, meque sollicitum faciam, At quid garrula mea loquacitas in Tomum Crescat,a Mr Hartlibius sibi se Commendatum Cupit, aitque se tibi oblaturum Gemmas, ac uniones, Librum puta de his tractantem, diu quaesitum, tandemque impetratum, meum Solare partim in .em verum, partìm in um Currentem verti, qui mercurius .am vulgarem mihi in frigido dissolvit, reduxitque in Ceruleum, et vivum fluidumque. Vale. G. S.8 now have each in actu, and I am still striving to see to what further thing I am able to lead them, and I make myself apprehensive lest my garrulous loquacity grow to a volume. Mr Hartlib wishes to be commended to you and says that he will present gems and pearls to you, or at least a book treating these, long sought and finally obtained.a I have turned my solar sulphur partly into true Sol and partly into running mercury, which mercury dissolved vulgar Luna for me in the cold, and reduced it into cerulean sulphur and fluid, quick mercury. Farewell. G. S.

For the truly Honorable9 Robert Boyle Esquire at his house in stalbridge in Dorsetshire. these dd. Postpayd

Seal: Octagonal. Broken in two. Apparently heraldic, depicting a lion rampant.

STARKEY to BOYLE

26 January 1652

From the original in BL 5, fols 133–4. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Jamesiis Jan. 26. 1651. Tuas jam nunc acceptas, gratissimas sane, (amicorum Integerrime ac Heros Honorande) cum insigni gaudio1 legi, tibi quoque (quia garrulitate meâ refici te St James’s, 26 January 1651. I received and read with great joy your most pleasing letter, which just arrived (most virtuous of friends and honoured hero), and (because you say that you are pleased by my a

This work has not been traced.

118

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 26 Jan. 1652

dicis) margine nullo Charactere pusillo, utramque paginam replebo,a Nova tibi affero, At quid nova si non grata, Grata proinde Spondeo, quidque grata si non tibi applicabilia, quare tuus cum sim totus, haec omnia tibi a me veluti Canali indigno confluxura promitto. Etenim in Sabbato quietis, & tamen insignitèr laboribus ludens, in pleno animae Jubili te jam nunc alloquor, Etenim laborum, studiorum, vigiliarum, anxietatumque, querentis misertus Deus, tandem mihi fores Naturae pandit, deditque mihi non Intellectum solum at et possessionem Immortalis illius Liquoris Ignisaquae dedit,b Et jam tandem Hymnum Deo meo Cano, quia solus ille dignus est, Jam ergo, quaere & respondebo tibi, nec me latet, nam oculis vidi, quinam sit unus ille compar a quo nulloque alio hic Liquor compellitur sub jugum. Sitibundus novi eris ut de hac re verba faciam, & praegnans ego ut tibi haec demonstrem Cominus. Cor meum Veritatem anhelat, eo quod tandem meos labores messe amplissimâ Omnipotens sit remuneratus. At otiosum hoc Gaudium Causabere, mirum dices quod tam brevi rem nactus sis. Cessa mirari nam nec Volentis nec Currentis est, at miserentis Dei, coram quo universus mundus est quasi fungus ipsius nomini Terglorioso sit aeterna sanctificatio. Sic placuit Omnipotenti, sic assolet, ut per abjectos & contemptos mundi hujus ea quae sunt Confundat, Noli insuper credere quod complicatis manibus domi manserim, imò verò vigiliis laborumque tedio memet fatigavi, et audiit Deus, meique miseri garrulousness) I will fill each page for you with tiny writing and no margins.a I bring new things to you; but what good are new things if not pleasing, hence I promise pleasing news. And what good would pleasant news be if not pertinent to you, wherefore, since I am wholly yours, I send forth all of this to you in the manner of an outpouring from an unworthy conduit. Indeed, on the Sabbath of rest, but playing mightily at my labours, in full joy of mind, I now tell you that God, pitying my labours, studies, vigils and anxieties of seeking, finally opened to me the gates of nature and given me not only the understanding but also the possession of that immortal liquor Ignisaqua,b and now finally I sing a hymn to my God, since only He is worthy. Therefore, now ask and I shall answer you. Nor does it hide from me, for I have seen with my eyes what that one compeer is by which – and by no other – this liquor is forced under the yoke. You will thirst for the news that I impart to you about this, and I am impatient to show it to you forthwith. My heart breathes forth the truth, because the Omnipotent has finally repaid my labours with a very full harvest. But it is otiose to expand on this joy, for you will say it is a miracle that you have obtained the thing in such short order. Cease marvelling, for it is a thing neither of one who flies nor of one who runs, but of the merciful God, before whom the entire world is as a fungus, may there be eternal sanctification to His thrice-glorious name. Thus it has pleased the Almighty, thus is He accustomed to pour forth those things which are of this world through the abject and contemptible. Still, do not think that I have sat at home with folded hands; rather, I have exhausted myself with the tedium of my labours and with my vigils, and God heard and a

For Boyle’s known letters to Starkey, see above, p. 107n. The letter to which Starkey refers is

lost.

b

i.e., the alkahest.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

curam Gessit. Sat novi quid sit Alkahest, idque tam ex Paracelso quam Helmonte in effectis collegi, at a Patre Luminum rei ipsius fabricam impetravi.a Novi, novi, novi, quia vidi feci, & sum Elaboratus, nec hoc sane dicerem nisi scirem. Repletus Gaudio, in plenâ votorum fruitione, Jam tandem rebus Chemicis immolari incipio, & jam nunc incipiunt labores mei. Et sane mi Domine, (sic me juvet Deus) surdum esset quod sentio solamen, nisi sensu illius (quo te prosequor) honoris veri. Quare cum tam ineffabili mundano beneficio me dignarit Deus, non potui quin immediatè tibi scriberem. Nec sane jam Complementis Chartam implebo, quia jam tandem furnos habeo, ignemque quem vulgus nec novit nec nosse potest. Et jam tandem luculentissimè video cur non possit esse in naturâ alius liquor huic aequiparans. Estque ignis mirus, in cujus praeparatione cuncta sunt stupenda, nec mirum quod stupeat Philosophus, cum ad hoc stupet ipsa natura. Estque Praeparatio descriptioni Paracelsi unicè Respondens.b Et sanè scio quod hoc parasse sit ingentis operae, profiteor namque quod utut studuerim per vitam, nisi immediato Dei digitu non poteram reperisse, Operationum enim rationem reddere omnes in mundo Philosophos in aeternum faveret sollicitos, suntque tam inordinatae, extr‹a›que cursum usualem, quod vix aliquid simile in mentem veniret. Inventionis proinde Alcahesticae historiam brevibus absolvam, Perfecto furno (quem jam brought a cure for my wretched self. I know well enough what the alkahest is, and I gathered this in effect from Paracelsus as well as from Helmont, but it was from the Father of Lights that I brought about the preparation of the thing itself.a I know, I know, I know, for I have seen, done, and laboured, nor indeed would I say this unless I knew. Filled with joy, in the full harvest of my prayers, now at last I begin to be sacrificed to matters chymical, and now my labours begin. And yet, my lord, (God aid me thus) it would be a faint comfort that I felt unless [it came] with a sense of the true honour of it (with which I attend you). Wherefore, since God has dignified me with such ineffable worldly benefit, I could not but write to you at once. And I will not now fill up my letter with stuffing, since now I finally have furnaces and fire which the crowd neither knows nor could know. I now see most clearly, finally, why there can be no other liquor like this in nature. For it is a marvellous fire, in whose preparation all things are stupendous, nor is it surprising that the philosopher is stupefied by this, since nature herself is stupefied. And its preparation corresponds singularly to the description of Paracelsus.b And indeed I know that to have prepared this would be a matter of massive labour, for I confess that even if I had studied my whole life, I could not have found it without the immediate finger of God, for He has always been inclined to give all watchful philosophers in the world the method of the operations, and they are so unusual and outside the regular course that hardly anything like them could come to mind. Therefore I will complete my history of finding the alkahest briefly. Having a Starkey cites the German chemist, physician and philosopher, Paracelsus (1493–1541). For J. B. van Helmont see above, p. 91n. In his Ortus medicinae (1648), Helmont argued that intellect is an integral part of God and the soul, and that intellectual vision descended from God, the ‘Father of Lights’. See Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48), p. 66. b For a commentary, see Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48), p. 182.

120

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 26 Jan. 1652

habeo) novo, laboribus vacans circa 1am noctis legendo atque meditando fatigatus, inclinato in cubitum Capite, altus me sopor invasit. Et Ecce videbar negotio intentus, apparuitque homo laboratorium intrans, ad cujus adventum stupui, Is verò salutavit me dixitque, Succedat Deus tuos Labores. Quod cum audissem, mente recollectâ quod Deum nominasset, rogavi quis esset, qui respondit, se Eugenium meum,a rogavi an tales essent Creaturae Respondit quod Sic, multaque alia interrogabam quae taedio essent recensere, Tandem rogavi quidnam esset Paracelsi & Helmontis Alcahest, deditque Responsum Usi sunt Sale Sulphure, & Corpore Alcalito, Et licet hoc responsum sit obscurius Paracelso ipso, tamen cum Responso intravit mentem lux ineffabilis, adeo ut plenissimè Intelligerem, Quod Ego admiratus dixi illi, Ecce tua verba sunt admodum Caligine tecta, et tamen fundamentalitèr sint vera. Dixit sic opportet esse nam quae ab Eugenio dicuntur, omnia sunt scientifica, Haec autem quae dixi sunt longè verissima, Et sic abire voluit, Ego illum ut ma /fol. 133v/ compellavi, & prae Vehementiâ experrectus sum, insigni cum horrore, at non citra maximam Consolationem. Abinde Cognovi, quod Sulphuri naturae Sal universi deberet maritari, at in quâ naturâ fulgere oportuit dubius haesi, Quare labores suscipiens juxta illam quam habueram intellectualem revelationem inveni quod sit in Naturâ Anomalum, nempe Salium (non Salis) Ens primum, in quâ unione Sulphur Salificaretur, nec mortuum completed a new furnace (which I now have), being unoccupied with labours around the first hour of night, and fatigued by reading and meditating, after resting my head upon my forearm, a deep sleep came upon me. And behold! I seemed intent on my work, and there appeared a man, entering the laboratory, at whose arrival I was astonished. But he greeted me and said ‘May God support your labours.’ When I heard this, realising that he had mentioned God, I asked who he was, and he responded that he was my Eugenius.a I asked whether there were such creatures. He responded that there were. And I asked him many other things that would be tedious to recount. Finally I asked him what the alkahest of Paracelsus and Helmont was, and he responded that they used salt, sulphur, and an alkalised body, and though this response was more obscure than Paracelsus himself, yet with the response an ineffable light entered my mind, so that I fully understood. Marvelling at this, I said to him, ‘Behold! Your words are veiled, as it were by fog, and yet they are fundamentally true.’ He said ‘This is so necessarily, for the things said by one’s Eugenius are all certain, and those just said by me are the truest of all.’ He wanted to depart then, but I compelled him to remain, and so, thanks to my excitement I was awakened, with considerable dread, but not without the greatest consolation. Hence I learned that the salt of the universe has to be married to the sulphur of nature, but in what nature it has to shine forth I remained more doubtful. Therefore, undertaking labors according to the intellectual revelation that I had just had, I found what is anomalous in nature, that is, the Ens primum of salts (not of a salt), in which union the sulphur would be salified and not remain dead, and a

Eugenius, i.e., ‘good spirit’, a tutelary genius.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

maneret, at eadem opera Sal Sulphur fieret, itâ quod Eodem tempore Eadem res sit et Sal, Et hoc in Ente primo in quo solo Conveniunt, quare est Corrosivum impar; verus sal verumque in Ente primo hoc est Aqueo, ita quod Sal nunquam Coagulum meditabitur, nec Lena erit ad alia Connubia suadens, ideoque quia reverum sit, ideo Sal is proprietates non impedit, quin quum Sit a Centro Extraversum flammam Vulcani Concipit, Consumiturque flagrando totum in flammae multicoloris formâ, nec Sal hoc impedit, et tamen Sal penetrantiam suam nihilo obstante re exerit quia corrodit anonymè hoc est non fatiscit rodendo, quod alias si ullus praedominantis ris intuitus esset foret sibi vernaculum, Ergo inquit Helmont, est in totâ Natura Universi unicus tantum Vulcanus Ardens, & unicus liquor &c, Ergoque vocatur hic liquor Ignisaqua, Comparem Ergo Vulcanum esse Ex Adeptis liquet, unde demonstrationem habeo quovis Syllogismo longè fortiorem, Nam ocularis testis hujus rei Existo, Ab uno proinde Vulcano flagrando perit, avolat in Gas, ac inde in Aquam migrat, aliàs a nullâ repatitur. Gratulor illi quem Ignis me sic docuit intelligere, Hoc nec in Helmonte nec in Paracelso reperies, At scio (quia vidi) quae dico, vera esse. Dicam jam stoliditates aliquot in hoc liquore commissas, Dum distillarem, guttam ut gustarem accepi, statimque linguam ictu oculi penetravit cruentamque fecit, Dumque forte fortuitò in rectificando admoverem Candelam ut viderem an halitus ullus exiret, flammam Concepit levissimus vapor, ardebatque spectaculo sane stupendo. Quare dum tenby the same work the salt would become sulphur, so that at the same time the same thing would be both sulphur and salt, and this in the Ens primum in which alone they agree, whence it is unequalled in its corrosiveness. There is true salt and true sulphur in this watery Ens primum, so that the salt will never consider a coagulum, nor will the sulphur be a bawd recommending other marriages. Therefore, because it is truly sulphur, the salt does not impede the properties of the sulphur, when the sulphur is extraverted from its centre, it conceives the flame of Vulcan and is consumed by burning wholly in the form of a multicoloured flame; nor does the salt impede this, and yet the salt thrusts forth its penetrating power without hindrance from the sulphur, because it corrodes in a nameless way, that is, it does not become exhausted by corroding, which would be innate to it if there were any consideration of a predominating sulphur. Therefore van Helmont says there is in the whole nature of the universe only one burning Vulcan and one liquor, etc., and therefore this liquor is called Ignisaqua. It is clear from the adepts that Vulcan is its compeer, of which I have a demonstration far stronger than any syllogism, for I am an ocular witness of this thing; it is destroyed by flaming Vulcan, passes into gas, and thence into water; otherwise it is acted upon by nothing. I thank him whom the fire has taught me to understand: you will find this neither in van Helmont nor in Paracelsus, but I know (because I have seen) what I speak to be true. Let me now describe some stupidities committed on this liquor. While I was distilling, I took a drop to taste and in an instant it penetrated and drew blood; and when by chance during its rectification I moved the candle so that I might see whether any vapour was exhaling, the very light vapour took fire and burned with a stupendous

122

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 26 Jan. 1652

tare vellem an in Cochleari cremabilis esset, effudi primas aliquot decidentes guttas (quia aliquid continerent impuri quod Retortae Collo haeserat) vocatus autem ad quendam, exivi ‹è› laboratorio2 quia nolui ut ullus ad me illuc veniret ‹et› reliqui in Cochleari, et post horam reversus, vidi quod tinxerat se Colore summe viridi, Erat Enim Cochlear ex Aurichalco, reliqui ergo intactum usque ad manè, et exhalatus est liquor relictis pone se guttis aliquot summae dulcedinis ‹ac viredinis›, quae adhibito levi igne avolarunt, Deus bone quam fueram Gaudio repletus, abinde namque pluribus memet Confirmavi quod sit verus Alcahest, quem tum perrexi rectificare modo miro vix cogitabili, et singulâ rectificatione quid virtutis acquisierit vix dici possit, At primâ nativitatis suae horâ, est immortalis & agendo impatibilis. Et jam nunc dum haec scribo, Corpus alcali ex et Petrae sale ad albedinem summam Calcinatum, pro maxima sui parte stillat aqua Elementalis pro insipiditate, at ponderosa, abstracto ab eo salem3 semel hoc meo liquore, Quid plura, possim jam Commentari ad usque taedium, at quid te tamdiu antequam biberis Tantalum faciam.a Novi jam rectificandi viam at nondum novi, qualem in virtutem possit rectificatione iteratâ perduci, Id mihi negotium primum Statuo, Interim vix mihi Conceduntur 6 in nocte dormiendi horae, vixque aedes meas in Septimanâ Egredior, De re meo possum quidem et meritò Gloriari, quocum indues pauperes, eosque aliquos desperatos sano. Ominor jam te Helmonte, spectacle. So when I wanted to determine whether it was combustible in a spoon, I poured out the first few drops falling (because they contained some impurity that adhered to the neck of the retort) but being called by someone, I left the laboratory, since I did not want anyone to come hither to me, and I left [the matter in] the spoon, and having returned after one hour I saw that it had tinted itself with a deep green colour, for the spoon was of brass; so I left it alone until morning, by which time the liquor had exhaled, leaving behind a few drops of the greatest sweetness and greenness which evaporated with a moderate fire. Good God how I was filled with joy, for I had confirmed for myself with many [tests] that it was the true alkahest, which I then undertook to rectify in a marvellous, scarce conceiveable fashion, and what virtue it acquired with a single rectification can hardly be said, but in the first hour of its nativity it is immortal and in its acting it is not acted upon. Even now while I write these things, the body of the alkali, from tartar and saltpetre calcined to the greatest whiteness, is for the most part distilling as an elemental water as far as tastelessness, but heavy; once my liquor has been abstracted from that salt. Why should I say more? I could now comment until it grew tedious, but why should I make you a Tantalus long before you drink?a I now know the way of rectifying, but I have not yet learned to what virtue it can be led by repeated rectification, I set this as my first business. Meanwhile hardly six hours of sleep per night have been granted me, and I hardly leave my house once a week. I can justly glory in my sulphur, with which you will clothe paupers and I heal the desperate among them. I prophesy that you will be nobler than van Helmont and Paracelsus himself, a Starkey likens Boyle’s thirst for information to Tantalus’s unfulfilling exertions in the underworld.

123

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

ipsoque Paracelso nobiliorem fore, nam quaecumque Ego invenerim tua sane sunt, non quod munificentiâ tuâ ad hoc invitarer, quae maxima est at ex illo syncero (quo te prosequor) amore & honore, Sentio namque te intimis praecordiis veritatem amare, meque ideo amasse quia illi praetendam, Itaque hac obligatione tibi obstringor, nec dicere possim quanto profundar pudore, quod munificentias tuas (nisi tibi injurius esse velim) cum honore non poteram excusasse. Siquidem dum pleno pectore Convictus essem te veritate insudasse, illamque ambire suae dignitatis Ergò, Ideoque me penitus indignum amasse quod ei praetenderem, aliquotque illius vestigia leviuscula olfecissem, Certè tam inopinatò cum essem propriâ haereditate destitutus, tuamque munificentiam deflectissem, /fol. 134/ tibi valde injurius fuissem, cum veritas (omnium finis nobilissimus[)] tibi unice sit proposita, idque toto animo credo, Ergò me amici ac servi fidissimi officium praestiturum ratus sum, si hac tuâ instructus copiâ ista sedulò quaeritarem, quae reperta, fini tuo tibi proposito assequendo quam maximè faciant, Bonitas enim tua sine ullo vade aut pignore de me saltem sic Estimavit, quod odio haberem Sophismata, et quod aliquibus verae lucis scintillis illuminarer. Scio quod si vellem praetendere iis quae otiosâ oscitantiâ tantum macilentèr spero, possem cum aliis plurimis imponere, Aut si iis praetenderem4 quae vera scio, pretioque prostituerem Margaritas possem pro nummis copiosis ante suos serere,a At vera scientia mihi prae divitiis est, nec magna quaero, per providentiam Dei novissimam meliora for whatever things I have found are yours, not because I solicit your munificence, which is very great in this, but from that sincere love and honour (in which I attend you). For I sense that you love the truth from the depths of your heart, and that you have loved me because I lay claim to it, and thus I am bound to you by this obligation, nor could I say with how much shame I am prostrated that I could not (unless I wished to be injurious to you) dispense with your generosity honorably. Indeed, while with all my heart I am convinced that you have striven after truth, and that you seek it out of its own dignity, and therefore loved me – quite unworthy – because I made a claim to it, and because I sniffed out a few trifling traces of it, to be sure quite unexpectedly since I was destitute of my own inheritance, had I turned aside your generosity, would have been quite injurious to you, for the truth (the noblest end of all) is held out [by me] to you alone, and I believe it with all my heart. Therefore I have deemed to take upon myself the office of friend and most faithful servant if, furnished in this by your resources, I were to seek these things sedulously, which things – once found – would perform much in attaining the ends proposed by you for yourself. For your goodness without any surety or pledge from me has judged that I would hold sophisms in odium, and that I would be illuminated by some few sparks of real light. I know that if I wished to offer things that I only hope for leanly with idle gaping, I could deceive many others, or if I offered the things that I know to be true to them, I might prostitute my pearls for a price, and could sow them before the swine for a store of money.a But true knowledge is to me beyond price, nor do I seek great things, having been taught better a

The allusion is to Matthew 7, 6.

124

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 26 Jan. 1652

Edoctus. Novitque cordium scrutator Deus quod insudarim hactenus, ut myriadibus (si possem) infinitis prodesse possim, tuumque amorem ambierim, quia credam te syncerum veritatis ejusque amicorum amicum, speremque fore tandem ut te talibus secretis donarem quae nec Caesar nec Papa poterint Emere, Et Gaudeo sanè, quod spes mihi, acsi tandem Compleretur mihi Eminus videatur arridere, Non Enim ambio dona tua Compensare at talia afferre quae Emenda non sunt in veri honoris tesseram. In iis porro quae scripsi audax fui, quia si decuplo nigrior esset Cacodaemon in hoc me non morderet, Et Si Impostoribus fas sit Phantasmata sua scribere, quidni Ego scribam, quae oculis vidi, re tentavi, manibusque palpavi vera. Eo Ergo melius erit quicquid mihi augusti Evenit, quo mihi tecum Communius, Juxta id, Bonum quo Communius eò melius. Vellem libenter de liquore Alkahest jam tibi Philosophari si brevibus sine Recepto id fieri posset, At Ejus Receptum Chartae non est Committendum, idque operis peculiari tibi dedicando libello, in honoris arrham brevi faciam.a Interea totus tuus sum, eoque melius hac nocte dormiam, quod te hoc nuntio tibi non injucundo futuro, salutarim. Dederam volitanti Calamo altâ nocte quâ horâ plerique mortales dormire absolent prope Athanar meum. is Jan. ut puto 26. 1651. ones by the most recent providence of God. And God the searcher of hearts knows that I have striven up to now so that I might do good to infinite multitudes (if I could), and that I might seek your love, because I believe you are a sincere friend of truth and of its friends, and I have hoped, finally, to be able to give you such secrets as neither Caesar nor Pope could buy, and I am overjoyed that my hope – if and when it is finally attained – seems to smile on me from afar, for I do not strive to repay you your gifts, but to bring forth things that cannot be bought, as a mark of true honour. In these [words] that I have written I have been bold, because if the devil were ten times blacker he could not bite me in this, and if it be permitted to impostors to write down their own phantasms, why should I not write what truths I have seen with my own eyes, tested on matter, and felt with my own hands? Therefore however much good comes to me, it will be shared in that degree with you, in accordance with this – that the more widespread the good, the better. I would like to philosophise freely about the liquor alkahest with you now, if that could be done briefly and without a recipe, but its recipe must not be committed to paper, and [I will do that philosophising] by dedicating a particular little book on this work to you, by way of a pledge of honour.a Meanwhile I am all yours, and I sleep better tonight that I have given you this with a future announcement not unpleasant to you, by way of a goodbye. With flying pen in the depth of night, when most mortals are wont to sleep, at my Athanor; Friday, as I reckon 26 January 1651.

a

When Starkey’s work on the alkahest, Liquor alchahest (1675), finally appeared a decade after his death, the publisher James Astell did in fact dedicate it to Boyle. That work, however, was not written at this early a date.

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Tui studiosissimus Georgius Stirke. Si non huc Veneris antea per proximum tabellarium si de te audivero, aliâ te Epistolâ visitabo, nam in audiendo de tuâ valetudine multum recreor.c Sic faustam tibi precor hanc noctem. To you most devotedly, George Stirke If I do not hear from you by Friday by means of the next courier, I will send you another letter, for I rejoice much in hearing of your health. Thus I wish you good fortune tonight.

For the truly Honorable & his Worthily Respected Friend / Robert Boyle Esquire at his house in Stalbridge in Dorsetshire. These dd.

STARKEY to BOYLE

3 February 1652

From the original in BL 5, fols 135–6. Fol/2. This letter is damaged by a chemical burn which has faded the ink and corroded the paper, and by a tear across one corner.a Not previously printed.

Si Saturninas novissimas ad te transmissas Epistolas officio meo satisfacturas credideris, fallere. Etenim Frontem obfirmavi instar Clerici, qui bis in die Concionabit, etsi prima Concio nauseam Commoverit.b Ego pariter etsi te tam brevi abhinc sat molestum ultimis meis fecerim, attamen molestias non adhuc desistam novas exaggerare. At in limine te dicentem audio Salve. Sis itaque et tu salvus, mi DomIf you were to think that my letter sent to you last Saturday fulfilled my duty to you, you would be mistaken.b For I have set my brow like the cleric who will harangue twice a day even if the first rally provokes nausea. Likewise with me, even if I made you sufficiently bothered with my last letter so short a while ago, nonetheless I will not desist from piling up new annoyance here. But I hear you at the threshold saying ‘Hello’. May you also be a

In the transcription dots […] represent lacunae, and an attempt has been made to estimate the number of words missing. In each case, a set of dots represents one word. b A reference to Starkey’s earlier letter to Boyle of 26 Jan. 1652. His allusion in the next sentence is unclear.

126

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 3 Feb. 1652

ine perhonorande, Pergis tamen & quid Novi? Novae sunt hae garrulae molestiae, nova quoque mea audacia, quâ te ausim interpellere. At silentiam mihi imperas, meisque justissimis Excusationibus finem imponit tua bonitas. Taceo itaque maturè, ex quo literas meas quae sunt revera nauci tanti fecit tua humanitas. Ideoque ut posthaec cautus sis ne trufam magnifacias te sic onerare decrevi, quod vel medicè viventi Chartulae meae abstersioni sat sint. Inprimis autem, ni literae a te acceptae aliter monuerint […] Saturni proximo Venturo die ullas a me Expectes quia scilicet [… tu]as Venturas Credo. Sin moram inexpectatam tibi factam [… … …] priusquam te fallam. Dehinc Curioso tibi sequentes [… … …] liquore Alcahest, Negotiatus est parum, nec potest [… … …] intentus quaeras. Ego tibi ac isti servus pre[… … …] jam triduo alvi Constipationem passus est[… … …] Tamen se salutatum Cupit licet Voltu ignota [… … … septi]manâ Epistolam accepi, aliamque ab Helmonte, quibus [… … …] edoctus sum.a Utpote, dum cum Sale meo ali non per a[… …cal]cinatus erat remanente, eum tentarem, primâ distillatione [aquam per] Alembicum flavam traduxit secum, flavam inquam flavedines cunctas [… … …] vidi superantem. Dum tertiò illum a Sale Lixiviato cohoba[tum est] relictus est mihi Sal mirus post aquae insipidae copiosae traductionem. Salis inquam liquamen admodum ponderosum, olei instar, nec cum well, my most honoured Sir. And then you proceed: ‘What’s new?’ New are these garrulous annoyances, new also is my audacity by which I dare to interrupt you. But you command me to be silent, and your goodness puts and end to my most fitting pleas for pardon. So I fall silent appropriately, thus your humanity has produced my letters which are really such trifles. Therefore so that hereafter you are cautious lest you magnify a trifle I have decided to burden you so much that my little papers will indeed be sufficient for a purge to one who lives medically. First of all then, if the letter received by you had not advised otherwise, […] you would expect a letter from me next Saturday because I believe your letter is about to arrive. But if [… … …] an unexpected delay [… … …] before I would disappoint you. Hereafter to you curious […] the following [… …] on the liquor Alkahest. It is little trafficked, nor can it [… … …] you would intently seek. I, a servant to you and to this same [… … … …] now has suffered a constipation of the bowels for three days [… … … …] Nevertheless he desires to be greeted though with an unknown face [… … …] week I received a letter, and another from Helmont, by means of which [… … …] I have been taught.a Namely, when I would try it with my remaining antimonial salt which had not been calcined with [… …], in the first distillation it drew over a yellow water through the alembic with itself, indeed, a yellow exceeding all yellows […] I have seen. When it had been thrice cohobated from lixiviated salt of tartar, I was left with a wonderful salt after the removal of a quantity of insipid water. The liquid of salt, I say, is very heavy, like an oil, a Starkey had apparently received a letter from Francis Mercurius van Helmont (1614–98), the son of J. B. van Helmont, and editor of his father’s Ortus medicinae. See Alison Coudert, The Impact of the Kabbalah in the Seventeenth Century. The Life and Thought of Francis Mercury van Helmont (1614–98) (Leiden, 1999).

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

aquâ nec cum Vini Spiritu Commiscibile, nec gustu quicquam ferè Alkali referens. Tentabo an fixum sit quod sat dubito. Plura de novo non tentavi, quia parca ejus mihi superest supellex, quem tamen de novo facere nocte dieque satago. Sensi proinde tandem quod Scientia tantum detur Electis Viris iisque sedulis, sufficienti sanitate &c. instructis, a quibus requiritur, ut nullis aliis rebus Vacantes, huic soli sese dedant. Tandem ac tandem Laboris sophiae apicem in manus iterum accepi, in quo tertius malus in parando successus hactenus remoram fecit, iste siquidem labor totum hominem requirit.a Totum autem tripartitum nil est. maxime nulla una tripartiti pars. At secunda aquae comedentis repetitio, totum me annuente Deo fecit, facietque Philosophum, Et tractatui meo jam nunc in fieri Esse, nervos dedit. Ah utinam labor & sedulitas undiquaque res in Causis suis primis & ultimis posset pervestigare, tum saltem semper non obicem poneret odiosum Adagium. Audi alteram partem. Quae pars altera licet nihil1 constituat, at totum perficit. Unde nec […] est axioma illud Scholarum, quod totum esse rei claudatur in [… su]as essentiales. At dum differant esse & essentia conciliantur [… … …] /fol. 135v/ absolvi quod [ver]am principiorum Cognitionem Philosophum nobilitat, At dabit Deus & his quoque [… …] Nam Conjunctis Caelo & terrâ, non potest non prodire Chaos nec Chaos subsistit sine Microcosmo, qui toti Creationi imperat. At insanire tibi videor, ad me proinde redeo, relictis tam Helmonte quam Paracelso, miscible with neither water nor spirit of wine, nor scarce at all reminiscent of alkali in taste. I will test whether it is fixed, which I sufficiently doubt. I have not tried many things anew, because only a small store of it remains to me, which I still busy myself day and night to make anew. I finally understood thence that knowledge may be so much given to select men and those who are diligent, endowed with sufficient health, etc., and learned, and from whom it is required that they, free from all other things, dedicate themselves to it alone. Finally, and finally, I have taken up the pinnacle of the work of wisdom in hand again, in which the third bad outcome in preparing the mercury had, until now, made a delay; indeed this work requires the whole man.a A whole however is not at all tripartite, above all there is not one part to a tripartite thing. But the second repetition of the devouring water has, with God’s blessing, has made me whole, and will make me a Philosopher, and gave me strength for my little treatise which is now in preparation. Ah, would that labour and diligence could thoroughly investigate everything in its first and final causes! Then at least that hateful adage would not always set down an obstacle: ‘Hear the other side.’ Which other side although it decides nothing, yet it perfects the whole. Whence nor [… …] is that axiom of the Schools that the whole ens of a thing is enclosed in […] its essentials. But while ens and essentia differ, they may be reconciled [… … …] I have finished, because the true recognition of principles ennobles the Philosopher, but God will grant, and to those also […] For when heaven and earth have been cojoined, Chaos cannot but come forth, nor does Chaos subsist without the Microcosm, who rules the whole of creation. But I may seem to you to run mad; therefore I return to myself, having left behind both Helmont and a

i.e., the making of the Philosopher’s Stone.

128

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 3 Feb. 1652

quorum uterque tibi commendatum se velit.a Et me sanè quod attinet, benè (Deo dante) me habeo, nec in vitâ quod novi melius, valetudinem proinde quâ me beavit Deus in honorem suum pro posse proferre statui, meque unum in multorum usufructum immolari. Arridere mihi videntur Sex fortè librae integrae Liquoris Alkahest jam nunc in fieri esse. Ah simodo non tam avarus fuissem, minorem quantitatem in meliorem Gradum redigissem, at cujus virtutis hic futurus sit nondum Constat, at sat Credo quod priore longè futurus sit potentior. Quatuor furni de Die ac nocte occupati me recreant, bis quoque Septimanâ quavis mutua literarum tecum Commutatio me Exhilarat. Tuas (ultimas credo), jam nunc accipio, tibique ob easdem gratias debitas reddo plurimas.b Hasque (cum tam brevi accessurus sis) ultimas a me ut aequus accipias obsecror, quas ideo ultra Consilium primum ampliare decrevi, ut saltem plurium haec una tibi molestiam secum afferat, Corrigo tamen memet maturè, ex quo tua bonitas molestiam non existimet, sat mihi sit molestiae Causam meas satis amplam Continere quam & seriò deprecor. Scripseram tibi nonnulla de hoc Liquore ejusque fabricâ, Iam tibi altiús paulò placet Philosophari. Etenim te quovis Naturae secreto ‹dignum› judico, nec laudes cujusvis mortalium alterius ampliare possim, tu ut spero realitatem non Complementum judicabis. Certifico te porrò[… (]optimè nosti), quod quoties Paracelsus, both of whom would wish to be commended to you.a And as for what concerns myself, I am (by God’s granting it) keeping myself well, nor have I known myself to be better in my life; indeed, I have determined to display to His honour as much as I can the health with which God has blessed me, and to sacrifice myself as one for the benefit of many. Perhaps six whole pounds of the liquor Alkahest which are now in preparation seem to smile upon me. Ah, if only I had not been so greedy, I might have brought a smaller quantity into a better degree, but of what strength this will be is not yet established, but I believe sufficiently that it will be far more powerful than the previous. Four furnaces in use day and night reinvigorate me, and twice every week the mutual exchange of letters with you cheers me. I have now received your letter (the most recent one I believe) and on account of it I give you many due thanks.b I beg that you would accept this last (since you are to arrive so soon) letter from me favourably, which I thus decided to expand beyond my first design so that it might, as one of many, at least convey some bother to you along with itself. But I am correcting myself in time, that your goodness might not reckon it a bother; let it be enough for me that my letter contain sufficiently ample cause for the bother, for which bother I seriously beg pardon. I had written you some things about this liquor and its preparation; now may it please you to be philosophised to a little more deeply. Indeed I judge you worthy of any secret of Nature, and I would not be able to enlarge these praises for any other mortal; you will I hope adjudge this the reality and not a mere compliment. I certify to you then […] (as you know best) that as often as a body is divided into more a

For van Helmont see above, p. 91n., and for Paracelsus see see above, p. 119n. For Boyle’s only known letters to Starkey, see above, p. 107n. Evidently, the letter Starkey refers to here is lost. b

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Corpus dividatur in Atomos subtiliores, quam ferat substantiae [exigentia] subtiliationem hanc sequi ejusdem transmutationem, Excepto Elemento. Omnis autem [… transmu]tatio praesupponit fermentum Corruptivum. Quae transmutatio cum in se con[tineat … … …] retrogradatio‹nem› necessum habet ut fiat per agens vi tali pollen[s … … Adepti] Sophiae promovere Contendant per Lumen lunae, Etenim [… … …] duorum unum non magis diei, Calori, ac Generatio[ni … … …] in primam materiam praeest. Obiter hic adnoto [… … … de]rivativum tenebrarum principio adscribant, cum e Con[verso … … …] luminali principio, Luna puta. Enimverò Luna Lucem [… …] accipit quam in suam naturam traducit, ac Glaciale facit, Porrò s[…] plurim[… …] aliaeque multae solis nutui auscultant, a quibus situs ratione fundi Aeris sive [Peroledi] afficiuntur diversimodè. In hoc autem summoperè, idque meritò Gloriantur Sophiae Adepti, quod Caelum etiam ipsum in manus suas committatur, vides enim quod Tonitrum Terrenum, Gas Ventosum Calorque & frigora ad Artificis nutum respondeant. Vides artes esse, quibus ex Vitrioli Spiritu fiat Calor summus, per frigidae aquae unam guttulam immissam, adeo ut prae Calore festinante et Eminenti vas utut fortè2 (si modo vitrum sit) dissiliat, Haec autem Contiguitatem requirunt, Insuper ergo, Vides Artem esse quâ irradiatio Lunaris, solo intuitus aspectu ad objecta feratur Ex quo enim Luna aquis immediatè praeest, regatque vi Luminis glacialis. Subtiles Philosophi vias invenerunt quibus quovis loco aut anni Tempore aquam absque Contingenti agensubtle atoms than the [exigency] of the substance would bear, a transmutation of the same (an element excepted) follows this subtilisation. Likewise, every transmutation presupposes a corruptive ferment. Which transmutation, when it contains [?] in itself [… …] has a necessary retrogradation so that it is made through an agent having such force [… … the Adepts[?]] of wisdom assert advances through the light of the Moon, for indeed [… … …] one of two not more, to day, heat, and generation [… … …] presides over into prime matter. In passing I here note [… … …] derivative they ascribed to the principle of shadows, while on the contrary [… … …] to the luminous principle, namely, the Moon. Indeed, the Moon accepts light [from the Sun[?]] which it turns into its own nature, and makes it icy, then many […] and many others heed the will of the Sun, from which by reason of the place, the bottoms of the air, [or Peroledi], are influenced in diverse ways. In this the Adepts of Wisdom exceedingly (and that deservedly) glory, because the heavens themselves are committed to their hands. For you see that earthly thunder, the Gas ventosum, and heat and cold respond to the will of the artificer. You see that there are arts by which a great heat may be made from the spirit of vitriol through one little drop of cold water thrown into it, and to such a degree that a vessel even if strong (so long as it be of glass) cracks on account of the sudden and intense heat. These things likewise require contact; in addition, you see that there is an art whereby a lunar irradiation is carried to objects by the aspect of its gaze alone. Thereby the Moon has command directly over the waters, and holds sway by the power of its icy light. The philosophers have found subtle ways by which they may freeze water in any place at any time of year without the touch of any contacting agent. For by

130

STARKEY

to BOYLE, 3 Feb. 1652

tis attactu glaciarent. Idque intuitu rei cujus intimis Lunaris influentia nupsit & si ipsa res sit summè Calida & Caustica, Nec nuda est haec illusionis larva at omnes Virtutes Lunares arte hac educuntur, Enimverò ex quo motus nullus fiat citra Stellarum blas, sitque glaciatio aquae actio spontanea. eminentis Sophiae indicium esto cum Adeptus influentiis Caelestibus, aerisque valvis ac Peroledis per terrestria novit imperare, ut sine ambientis frigore, nudo suo aspectu in aquâ Imaginationem glaciantem proritet, quam Imaginationem Conceptam verum Glaciale frigus sequeretur. Saltem […] glaciam tibi fieri Confido, quomodo fermenta Lunaria rebus insinuentur […] ad esse suum primum Citra Solaris fermenti Societatem [ … … …]li lunae aspectu percutiuntur, tangitque illius influentia /fol. 136/ Corpora quaedam in Centro suo pro nutu artificis, uti [oper]atio anomala, cujus vita prima media & ultima in Ente primo triumphant. Hactenus itaque ignis Gehennae omnia pervadit viribus infractis, quia agit per blas lunare, ideo distinguit in rebus Entia Solaria a lunaribus.a Haec si in animo tuo intime persenseris, Causam & Processum Entis hujus Heterocliti facile percipies. Quia nimirum frigus non raro Calore fortius urit, quod testantur membra Glaciata, ideo Vulcani Caudae nomen ei jure Competit, A quo tangitur Ens primum a Lumine formali, reductioni Praefecto. Plura nunc nolo, quia haec scio quod vix centesima lectio tua faciet. At in Adeptis est probatio quavis demonstratione superior. Vides mi Domine quam gazing upon a thing the lunar influence has married the innermost parts of it, even if that thing be very hot and caustic. Nor is this a mere mask of illusion, but all lunar virtues are brought forth by this art; to be sure, no motion is made thereby without the Blas of the stars, and the freezing of water is a voluntary action. It shall be an indication of the highest wisdom when the Adept knows how to rule the heavenly influences, the valves of the air, and the Peroledi by means of terrestrial things so that he may provoke a freezing imagination in water by only his aspect without ambient cold; a true icy coldness would follow this conceived imagination. In any event, I confide to you that […] ice is made, as the lunar ferments penetrate into things [… …] to its esse primum without the accompaniment of a solar ferment [… … …] they are cut through by the […] aspect of the Moon […], and its influence touches certain bodies in their centre by the will of the artificer, as an anomalous operation, whose first, middle, and final life triumph in the ens primum. And so to this extent the ignis Gehennae penetrates everything, with its powers undamaged, because it acts by the lunar Blas; therefore, it distinguishes solar entia from lunar ones in things.a If you perceive this deeply within your mind you will easily understand the cause and process of this heteroclite ens. Because a great cold not infrequently burns more strongly than heat, to which frozen members attest, thus the name of ‘Vulcan’s tail’ fits it justly, by which the ens primum is touched by the formal light, which has put in authority over reduction. I now wish no more, because I know that hardly yor hundredth reading will produce these things; For among Adepts there is a proof superior to any demonstration. You see, Sir, how easily words a For van Helmont’s use of the term ‘Gehennical Fire’, derived from the New Testament word for hell, see Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48), p. xiv.

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facilè res impetratas sequantur verba, nec posthac Adeptorum tam facilem mentis suae Explicationem mirabere. Te proinde Deo nunc Committo qui tui Curam & habet & habebit. Me vero tibi subscribo. Jamesiis 3. Feb. 1651/2

Tuum ad aras devotissimum ut tibi pro posse inserviret

may follow things requested, and after this the explanation of the Adepts will not so easily astonish your mind. Thus I commit you to God who has and will have care for you. I truly subscribe myself to you,

From St James’s, 3 February 1652

Yours most devoted to the altars, that he might serve you to the extent of his ability

For his highly Honored / Friend the Truly Honorable Robert Boyle Esquire at / his house in Stal / bridge in Dorsetshire.3

Seal: Oval. Broken. Crest only: lion’s head erased.

BOYLE to MALLETa

2[3]1 March 1652

From the holograph original in the British Library, Add. MS 32093, fols 293–4. Fol/1+1. Not previously printed. Recorded in RCHM, Fifth Report, p. 314.

Sir You may imagine my surprize was not moderate, to be since the last Weeke, made happy in a Letter of Your’s dated lesse freshly then the last Month And I might have possibly as much doubted that it was latelyer written, as I was troubled that it was not earlyer receiv’d;b if I had not at once been ascertain’d that I had miss’t it long, (& in some measure satisfy’d for that unwelcome discovery) by an obliging Visit made me by Your Brother, for whose Conversation, Your having (by a b

For John Mallet see above, p. 103. Mallet’s letter to Boyle is not extant.

132

BOYLE

to MALLET, 2[3] Mar. 1652

his acknowledgment) procur’d it me, doth not a little engage my Gratitude.a I find by him, that Your Letter was long since left at my Lodging in London whilst I was in the Country at my Lord of Warwickes; where the fondnesse of a Sister stay’d me long enough, to let those forget the Delivery of that obliging Paper, who knew not how welcome it would have been to me, nor how sensible a Discourtesy it was to deprive me all this while of so advantageous a Correspondency, as that which You2 there vouchsafe to invite me to:b & which I hope suddenly to change for a more immediate Conversation by wayting on You in the West, to which the Happynesse of Your Company is certainly one of my powerfullest Attractives. But before I goe any further, I must quarrell with the Excesse of Your Civility, which hath engag’d You to make Apologies where You may justly expect Thankes & do Your Letters the injury of suspecting that they need an other Introductor or Endearment then their owne Excellency. But ’tis not to this narrow Paper that I will restraine all the expostulations I have to make Your Civility on the behalfe of all your other good Qualitys: since I am likely so suddenly as next weeke to do both You & my selfe right3 very fully. I have acquainted Mr Hartlib with Your forwardnesse4 in improving his Legacy of Husbandry, to the Ends to which he design’d it: & he is hugely satisfy’d to find things of that Nature rellish’d by such as You.c The Booke it selfe hath had a Second Edition with Enlargements & Amendments: & the Author (now in Ireland) will I thinke be brought to pollish & enlarge it himselfe, if I meete with him there.d /fol. 293v/ For my part I make no doubt but that the Husbandry of Knowledge will be dayly improv’d too: (though by throwing downe of Enclosures) & all the Parts of Philosophy, be both better cultivated & more fruitfull. Nor do I scruple to adopt your Hopes concerning the Advancement of Divinity too: for the Criticall Productions of these last Yeares make me not unapt to expect, that the Scripture should be more illustrated within these ten Yeares, then it was formerly in as many Ages. But this I meane in reference to the Generality of inquisitive, intelligent & moderate Persons: for as to those that are prepossess’d, or are enslav’d to Factions & Interests, I still expect they should declare against any Interpretation that makes against them: & as for the Giddy Multitude here in England, I confesse my Apprehensions are very sad, that amongst too many, this Multiplicy [sic] of Religions will end in none at all; for to say that they will quit Christ for Epicurus, a Mallet had three brothers. The two surviving by this date were Michael Mallet, later MP for Milborne Port, and Thomas Mallet, a major in the army. Malet, Malet Family (above, p. 103n.), p. 59. b Boyle refers to a visit to Leese Priory in Essex, the home of his sister Mary Boyle, for whom see above p. 31n. c This is a reference to Samuel Hartlib his Legacy or An Enlargement of the Discourse of Husbandry used in Brabant and Flanders (1651). See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 97. d The author of the largest part of the first edition was Robert Child (c. 1613–54), physician, then in Ireland, with whom Arnold Boate collaborated in the second and enlarged edition. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 431–2.

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would scarce expresse the worst of my Feares.a But I am confident with You that Truth will out-shine all Shaddowes, & all these wild Opinions that now attempt5 her, will but open & snuffe, & not extinguish her. I shall therefore thinke my selfe very happy if I may contribute any thing to further or encourage Your Progresse in that Heavn’ly Study; & if my Distractions had not been so much more importunate then my Friends, that I could never since my arrivall in these parts snatch time to digest and transcribe my Thoughts concerning the Scripture, Your Commands had certainly made this Scribble a Cover for them: since I could not present them to a Person more capable of judging of them; & whom it were lesse uneasy ‹for me› to be instructed by; or more happy to informe.b That Morall Part You mention, I wish much better understood & practis’d then I generally find it here by those, that are pleas’d to thinke that they looke down upon it: but I dare not now make an Entrance upon that Theame, there not being any in Philosophy or Divinity, wherein I allow my selfe more Peculiarity of Opinion. I hope one Day to show You a couple of Discourses the one Philosophicall concerning Felicity, the other Theologicall concerning Libertinisme,6 wherein I hope my Paradoxes on both those Subjects, will not appeare improbable Untruths.c But, really, Sir, here, my almost Dayly removes, together with my owne & my Friend’s Businesse, leave me so little Leisure, that I am often faine to deny ev’n Nature hir wonted Dues; & whilst I wrote7 this Scribble I was so importun’d by intruding Visitants, that If I have written Sense, ’tis as much as I8 expect; though very farre from being as much as I desire; for seriously, Sir, Your Prerogatives & Civilitys are so unusuall & so obliging; that though I had as much leasure as I want, I could expresse but a small Part of those Resentments Your Merit & Favors have deservedly created in Sir Your most affectionate & most obliged humble servant R. Boyle.

Mar. 2[3]9 1651

My humble Service, I beseech You to your Father, Mother, & Lady; in the Happynesse of all whose Rememembrances [sic], I thinke my selfe highly honored.d The newes here (what ever men say) is either uncertaine or scarce worth mentioning;

a Boyle represents his anxiety about irreligion in the country through the extremes of Christ and Epicurus. b Evidently Style of the Scriptures (1661) or the earlier ‘Essay of the Holy Scriptures’; see above, p. 104n. c These works are not extant. d For John Mallet’s mother, father and wife, see above, pp. 103n., 106n.

134

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 14 Sept. [1652]

otherwise I had hinted it to You, in spite of my Hast; for which I must not only begge Your Pardon, but, I feare too, for my Non-sense.10 11

For his highly respected / Friend John Mallet Esquire at Poynington in / Somersetshire / these Post pay’d This Letter is to be left with the Postmaster of Sherborne in Dorsetshire to be sent to Poynington.a Seal: Oval. Achievement of arms: per bend embattled sable and argent [?], a martlet for difference. Crest: a bear’s [?] head couped.b Endorsed ‘1651’ at head of fol. 293 and ‘Mr Boyle. 1651’ on fol. 294.

14 September [1652]c

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

From the original in BL 5, fols 21–4v. 4°/2+2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 564 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 523.

Brother Since your goeing into Ireland I received to this ‹day› but two letters from you & Those at one time, written upon your first arrivall, by means whereof, I am kept in a Constant suspence & uncertainety Concerneing one of my neerest Intrests in this world, which is that of your health, But Alass I might be soe though I heard as frequently from you as I Could hope or wish, & indeed there is but one satisfying certainty, & that is that noe thing Comes to pass but by the wil of our heavenly father nor nothing to pass by that wil which is not best in its selfe & best to them whom he has dignefied by makeing them his, not onely by Creation but by union, Thorough Christ.d This last fortnight I have binn something more than ordinarely Exercised in those accidents. That teaches me, Experimentally to Confess, that Sentence, which Solomon pronounced; of vaneties & vexsation, upon all things under the Sunn, To be extreamely true, This day fortnight /fol. 21v/ I had a whole Comitee to my breakfast, who were pleased in civiletie & kindnes (as they said) to me, to call me a

For Pointington see above, p. 105n. At this date Boyle was the 4th surviving son of the Earl of Cork; hence the martlet. c For the dating of this letter, see the note on the death of Fenton Parsons, below. d From June 1652 to July 1654 Boyle was in Ireland, except for a brief period of three months, July to Sept. 1653, when he returned to London and Stalbridge. See Maddison, Life, p. 80. b

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in, & give me the thoughts they had had of my little affayre’s & to heare from me my owne thoughts upon theirs & upon the same Subject.a but they like lawgivers indeed were to Command, & not reason, & by Exercising their Legislative power gave the affayre the Conclusion I formerly told you, which though it was very Smale in point of receipt, it was not altogether inconsiderable in poynt of restoreing & Secureing. & very welcome to me, as it advanced farr towards my freedome from an attendance, that both my body & Conscience were weary of, & In that I began as soone as they dismissed mee to delight my Selfe, but to Chase me out of that fooles paradise, That very evening I received a letter from Charles Rich telling me of my Sisters being strangly & extreamely Ill & inviteing me very earnestly upon That occasion to Lees, which though in relation to my owne affayres it was very Inconvenient to me to harken to In relation to my kindnes to her & the discharge of my Conscience in Serviceablenes towards her in a time /fol. 22/ of Such distress. (wherein Commonly the company of a poore puretane or Sectary is more acceptable, Then that of the most pleasant & quick Droles in the world) I could not refuse it, but went the next morneing.b And when I Cam thether found her a sad Spectacle Indeed her disease lyeing more in Stuppyednes then paine & In her understanding & Speech (which were both very Imperfect) Then In the more remott parts of her body, she was noe more Joyed to see me. Though they about her endeared my visit to her by telling her how I had neglected all my owne Concernes to Come, Then if she had had as litle as she used to have much kindnes for me, when she was her Selfe This you wil easily beleve was a mortefieing incountre to me. To see her well enough to be out of her bed & to retaine the wonted fulnes & almost ‹Couler her face› it had in health, & not to have any Setled workeing of reason or playne Expression in Speech, To see the Carcass of a friend there & her soule gonn as to any rationale use she had of it, & her kindnes to me as dead as her rasonings to her selfe, or her thoughts towards god for ought I Could See /fol. 22v/ were, also, I stayd there till Satterday & then by the Drs & al Consents brought her away with me. her speech in that time would sometimes be more distinct & but sometimes, & at that same rate she reasond very unfixed & unsetledly. & her head began to Shak & she to have a Sence of a heavynes in It, which Confirmed the Dr.[s] opinnion of Its being a Spice of the Palsy:c but the Dr. here thinkes Its roote to be in the mother yet Confesses the Cause of her Ill to be very inward & hidden in his opinnion. & therefore I doubt must goe blindfolld towards her cure, which yet advances but very litle if at all, here I saw the vanity of the thoughts I had taken up of staying quietly at home because this Condition of hers made mee1 a The reference is to Ecclesiastes 1, 4. The committee which Lady Ranelagh refers to was presumably a committee of Parliament. b Lady Ranelagh refers to her sister Mary, and Mary’s husband Charles Rich, for whom see above, p. 31n. Mary’s illness is mentioned in Autobiography of Mary, Countess of Warwick, ed. and introd. T. C. Croker, Percy Society 22 (London, 1848), pp. 25–6. c ‘Spice’ is used here in the sense of ‘a suggestion of’.

136

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 14 Sept. [1652]

Judg my attendance upon her very necessary (Though Seriously My Lord & Lady Warwick & Charles Rich are very obligeingly Carefull of & kind to her) but a Munday after I had visited her, at my returne home I found my poore Franke fallen very Ill.a her distemper was strongly feavourish & Increased to such a violence In the two folowing days, that she lost both her Sence & Speech & restraind2 strength enough onely to disorder & Indanger her Selfe, the manner of her sicknes gave me noe smale apprehensions of Its being Plauge,b & to increase those /fol. 23/ an old woman that then did & formerly had tended her, said there was a riseing about one of her thighs. but god was pleased to give me soe much Courage upon that information, as to resolve not to trust the old womans fumbleing feeleing, but to try my Selfe which I did & found cleerely that she was mistaken, in that perticullar Though still she apeared noe less mortally Sick. Then if it had binn That, That night I watched with her in Expectation That it should be the last, She would live. but it pleased god to Carry her thorough, It, & to restore her Sense & Speech in the morneing. when also the Smale Pox broke forth, & apeared then a deliverance to me, but now they are upon her a disease, & a most loathsome one Though god be pleased to preserve me from the feare of them & to make me able & willing to bee with her. who has a face, That shews what Stuffe these bodys of our Inclose, & how litle all the neatneses of art Can prevayle against Its own filthynes when god gives it a Commission to /fol. 23v/ break out, & how litle Cause we have to make that the object of our pride. That is filled with soe many lessons of humiliation, my attendance upon her makes me know nothing of my sisters Condition but by report. & that makes it much the same, In this time Poore Fenton Parsons is dead. of a feavor after it was turned Into an Intermitting Ague, as its Thought thorough being let bloud unseasonablely by one that is called a Dr. but sure their trade is rather to Cure men of their bodys Then to cure mens bodyes of diseases,c he was an honest friendly man & of as great hopes for the things of this world, as any one of his age & profession, but ‹one›3 such blow lays all those hopes in the dust with us & ‹leaves› us myserable. if we had not surer & better grounded ones which are turned into abideing possesions when the former perish, Thus you have a long accoumpt of my last fortnights Changes & yet you must not be rid of me, till I have binn faythful to you In telling you that there is not onely in this place but in this Country soe generall a visitation of Sicknes which are for the most part feavors fluxes & Smale pox /fol. 24/ That there is hardly any famelly free from one or other of them, Soe as into this danger you must Come if you Come hether. which if you be free from where you are I doe hartely give up your Company to your Safety & a This is a reference to Robert Rich, 2nd Earl of Warwick, for whom see above, p. 70n., and his third wife, Eleanor (d. 1667). ‘Franke’ was one of Lady Ranelagh’s daughters; see above, p. 75n. b i.e., the plague. c This is a reference to Fenton Parsons of Lincoln’s Inn, who had done legal work for the 1st Earl of Cork. His will, dated 4 Sept. 1652, was proved on 30 Sept.; Birr Castle, Rosse MS A5/79, cited in Little, ‘Political Career of Broghill’ (above, p. 39), p. 210.

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to that you ought to give up all litle Satisfactions that Cannot be taken without it.a As this Scourge is upon us soe are our Neighbours of Holland of a peece with us in this, Though we be litle enough one in other Matters, for about Amsterdam Morian writes, That they have Scarse Enough healthy people left to milke their Cows. & out of Germany from a very good hand honest Hartlib has received assurance That their very watters are turned Into bloud.b out of Our northerne Parts Coll: George Fennick an honest & discreete man writes That he saw lately a Clould very black & about the bignes of an Aker of ground.c In the midest whereof There was a perfect rainbow for matter of forme. but for Couler onely a pure blew. at Each end of this bow apeared men In armes with al their Warlike4 Equipage who did severall times Charge one another & with various /fol. 24v/ succes. till at length, as I take it the partty at the East end the bow beat the other quite away. These being set for Signes & for Seasons, doe Surely Signefy Something. Though I think he that would dare to affirme in perticular, what might be as like to mistake as hit right, but we have a sure word. That tells us all this old frame of heaven & earth must pass. & a new one be sett up ‹in› Its place. & Then your Expectation of seven yeers wil be aboundantly answered & Exceeded. but wheather it wil come within the seven years. I dare noe more say, Then I doe know onely this me thinks I am sure of, That its a brave thing to be one of those that shall lift up their heads with joy in Expectation of a present redemption when all these ruins & Confusions shal be upon the earth. & such brave men & women are onely true Christians.d Therefore my deere brother let us Endeavour for ‹that› dignety. though in maintaining ‹it› we take courses That have the Contempt of the world heaped upon them for to be Contemned by the Contemptible is gloryous in the opinnion of your The 14th of 7ber

K.R.

in Excuse for my not writing by my brother Frank I must tell you hee never told me of his goeing nor heard I tel he was gonn, my service to him if he be with youe The MS has printer’s marks. a

It is not clear where Lady Ranelagh refers to in the words ‘this Country’, or indeed, from where this letter is written. It is likely that it is London, as earlier Lady Ranelagh says that she brought Mary away from Leese Priory (in Essex), presumably to her London home. b Evidently a reference to Johannes Moriaen, for whom see above, p. 66n., and to Samuel Hartlib. Hartlib’s German correspondent has not been conclusively identified. It is possibly Dr Walter, for whom see below, pp. 195n., 221n., or Joachim Jungius, for whom see below, p. 173n. c A reference to George Fenwick (c. 1603–57), parliamentarian and commander of a militia regiment in the north. d For a comment on this apocalyptic speculation, see Malcolm Oster, ‘Millenarianism and the New Science’, in Mark Greengrass, Michael Leslie and Timothy Raylor (eds), Samuel Hartlib and Universal Reformation: Studies in Intellectual Communication (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 137–48, on pp. 142–3. e Lady Ranelagh refers to her and Boyle’s brother, Francis (see above, p. 23n.). He had been granted a pass by the Council of State 14 Apr. 1652 to go abroad. See CSPD, 1651–2, p. 558.

138

— 1653 — Lost letters dating from 1653 are as follows: Wotton’s list (see above, p. xxvii) includes as no. 355 ‘Lady Barrymore 1653’. This is Susan Barry, Countess of Barrymore, for whom see above, p. 27n. Two letters from the second Earl of Cork to Boyle are recorded in the second Earl’s diary (above, pp. xxvii–xxviii), dated 4 February and 10 September 1653. Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: A letter from Boyle to Hartlib, before 30 September 1653 (below, p. 154).

BOYLE to MALLETa

January 1653

From the holograph original in Boyle’s early hand in BL 1, fols 143–4. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 30–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, l–liii.

Sir, ’Tis so long since, that I have been made happy in an unanswer’d Letter of Your’s; that it would now almost as justly produce my Blushes that it hath lay’n so long unacknowledg’d, as it did then my Satisfaction, to find it so obliging; if it had not so abruptly come to my hands, & with so many other Papers, that till I was this afternoone inform’d by Mr Lillyes that he sent it me; I neither knew by whom You had written it me; nor by whom I might securely returne You for it my highly merited Thankes.b But tho this Ignorance lessen’d, it destroy’d not the happynesse I receiv’d in a Paper, whose Writer kept it from needing endearing Circumstances. And certainly without a huge deale of Insensibility, I could not but be ‹highly› sensible of a Civility that came to seeke me out in a Country, which a b

For Mallet, see above, p. 103. Mallet’s letter to Boyle is not extant. ‘Mr Lillyes’ has not been identified.

139

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-15

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those that have the most Relation to it, seldome thinke on any longer then they are in it. Nor was I only mightily affected to find the welcome continuation of Your Friendship for me; but1 very much delighted to find too; that You began to have a Friendship for the Easterne Tongues.a For tho to a Person so us’d to the Study & replenish’d with the Knowledge of Things as Mr Mallet; the Learning of Words cannot but at first be very tedious; yet since to be a Good Grammarian is necessary to be a Good Divine: & he that hath no skill in the Originall Scripture himselfe, may be deluded by those that translate it for him; You will find a rich Compensation for the Trouble of Learning the Holy Tong, in the Advantages of having learn’d it; & by the helpe of that Primitive Language wherein they were written, You may gaine a free & safe Accesse to those Theologicall Mysteries, which he that is no Linguist must either totally ignore or take upon Trust. And certainly a Knowledge so directly conducive to that Knowledge, ‹that is call’d›2 Life Eternall, cannot but deserve the being labor’d for. /fol. 143v/ And to satisfy You that the Difficultys of attaining so pretious3 a Knowledge are not insuperable, I shall tell You, that I have a Young Kinswoman newly marriageable, who to the French & Latine hath added skill enough in the Greeke & Hebrew Tongues to read the two Testaments in them.b I am glad to heare by Mr Lillyes that You have got so good an Instructor as Mr Bythner; whose Short Grammer of the last Edition, is that for which I left off many others of the most approved, after having ‹Survey’d›4 them all.c But his Institutions being almost confin’d to the Etymologicall Part of Grammar, are cheefly proper for a Beginner; & therefore when You are Proficient enough to decline most Nounes & Conjugate (tho not All Verbs) all sorts of Verbs; it would5 be requisite for the Syntacticall part of Grammar, to have recourse to some that have handled it expresly; wherein next Glassius (whose Works are Voluminous enough & of Various subjects, but, in my greene judgment, Theologicall & excellent) the Elder Buxtorfius hath been the most full & accurate of those I have yet met with.d There is likewise an old Booke of Flaccius Illyricus which he calls Clavis Scripturæ; which tho6 little taken Notice of, is more then a Little Usefull; & very well worth perusing; since giving his Reader a particular Accompt of the Hebraismes as they lye in Scripture, he oftentimes teaches him at once both Grammar & Divinity.e But I must begge Your Pardon for troubling7 with these ‹perhaps› a

Mallet’s knowledge of Eastern languages is not otherwise evidenced. Boyle’s kinswoman has not been identified. c A reference to Victorinus Bythner (c. 1605–c. 1670), Hebrew scholar and physician, the author of instructional works on oriental languages. The work in question here is probably Lingua eruditorum (1638), of which there were several editions. d Boyle refers to Solomon Glass (1593–1656), Lutheran divine, author of various theological works, the chief being Philologia sacra (1623), and Johann Buxtorf (1564–1629), Calvinist divine, author of works on Hebrew and Chaldee. e Boyle refers to the work of Matthias Flacius or Francowitz (1520–75), professor of divinity and Hebrew at Jena, entitled Clavis scripturae sacrae (1567). b

140

BOYLE

to MALLET, Jan. 1653

needlesse advertisments; I have cause to Beleeve Mr Bythner’s will be much riper; only the Prejudice I sustain’d by not having seasonably an Addresse to the Authors I have nam’d; makes me willing rather to hazard the Exercise of Your Patience by superfluous directions, then venture to let You misspend any of Your studious howres for want of such addresses as are not Bad tho they prove not the very Best. I forgot to tell You that there is one Gerhard (son to the famous Lutheran Gerhard) who hath publish’d a Harmonicall Synopsis of the Ebrew, Chaldee, Syriacke,8 Arabicke & Ethiopicke Tongues, which would be no bad Isagoge to the Easterne Languages, if it were not so wretchedly false printed, that it exposes the learner in almost every Page to Perplexitys or Mistakes.a I wish I could give You some Accompt of my Studyes here; but I must sadly confesse, that the perpetuall hurry I live in, my frequent Journys, & the necessary Trouble of endeavoring to settle a very long neglected & disjoynted fortune ‹have left›9 me very little time to converse with any Booke save the Bible; & scarce allow’d me leasure to sow together some loose sheets that contain’d my Thoughts about the Scripture;b of which I wish I had a Coppy to submit to Your Censure. But I hope by God’s blessing to able [sic] to bring over one my selfe this Spring into Your parts; to which it is not my least of Invitations, that I shall there enjoy the happynesse of a Conversation that hath made me upon so many Scoares Sir Your most affectionate friend & obliged humble servant Robert Boyle

Ireland. January 1652 10

My most humble service, Sir, I beseech You, to Sir Thomas Mallet & my Lady; & the Faire Young Lady You are happy in: & I shall begge You to do me the favor to convey my high respects to the Sherborne family, when You go thither.c The newes here is not11 Considerable enough to deserve Your Notice. My Friends here are God be praysed, well, & those that have the happ[iness] to know You, much your serva[nts.]12

For his highly honored / Friend John Mallet Esquire at / Poynington / neere Sherburne / these a The reference is to Johann Ernst Gerhard (1621–68), professor of history at Jena, and the son of Johann Gerhard (1582–1637), Lutheran divine. The book to which Boyle refers is probably Gerhard’s edition and expansion of Wilhelm Schickard’s Hebrew grammar, Wilhelmi Schickardi institutiones linguæ ebrææ … accessit harmonia perpetua aliarum linguarum orientalium, Chaldææ, Syræ, Arabicæ, Aethiopicæ (1647). b A further reference to Boyle’s writings on the scriptures; see above, p. 134n. c For Mallet’s family see above, pp. 103n., 106n. Boyle alludes to the Earl and Countess of Bristol, for whom see above, p. 106n., who lived at Sherborne Castle, close to Stalbridge.

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Seal: Small remnant only: design missing. Endorsed (possibly in Mallet’s hand): ‘Mr Boyle. 1652’.13

PETTYa to BOYLE

15 April 1653

From the copy in the British Library, Add. MS 6193, vol. 1 of ‘Miscellaneous Collections relating to Gresham College’ compiled by John Ward, b fols 70v–72v. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 297–8, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 137–9.

Sir, Being not able to write you any such complements, as may delight you, nor to enforme you of any such more real matter as might profit you, I desire that those my deficiencies together with my usual rudeness, may be taken for the cause of this long silence. Now indeed, I am forced to communicate with you even to keep up the face of the visible church of philosophers; for by Mr. Worsely his going for England & Major Morgans absence in the North, there is no such thing now left at the headyers.c If there be any other reason of these lines besides this; & to beg my continuance in the number of your affectionate servants, it is to dissuade you from some things, which my lord of Corke, my lord of Broghill and some other of your freinds think prejudicial unto you one whereof is your continual reading:d Here like a Quacksalver I might tell you how it weakens the brain, how that weakness causeth defluxions, and how those defluxions hurt the lungs and the like. But I had rather tell you that although you read 12 hours per diem or more, that you shall really profit by no more of what you read, then by what you remember, nor by what you remember, but by so much as you understand & digest, nor by that, but by so much as is new unto you, and pertinently set down. But in 12 hours; how little (according to these rules) can you (who know so much already) advantage yourself by this laborious way? How little of true history doe our books contain? how shy is every man to publish any thing either rare or usefull? How few opinions doe they deliver rationally deduced, but from their own principles? and lastly, how few doe begin their tedious systems from principles possible, intelligible, and easy to be admitted? On the other side, what a stock of experience have you already /fol. 71/ in most things? What a faculty have you of making every thing you see an argument of a

For William Petty see above, p. 64. John Ward (c. 1679–1758), professor of rhetoric at Gresham College. c This is a reference to Anthony Morgan (1621–68), soldier, MP for Irish constituencies and original F.R.S. He was first a supporter of the royalists then of the parliamentarians. d Petty refers to Boyle’s brothers, the 2nd Earl of Cork and Baron Broghill. b

142

PETTY

to BOYLE, 15 Apr. 1653

some usefull conclusion or other? How much are you practised in the method of cleere and scientifical reasoning? How well doe you understand the true use and signification of words, whereby to register and compute your own conceptions. So well are you accomplisht in all these particulars that I safely persuade myself, but, that your modesty thinks every scribler wiser then yourself, that you can draw more knowledge and satisfaction from two hours of your own meditation, then from 12 hours endurance of other mens loquacity. For when you meditate, it is always upon some thing that you are not yet cleere in; (and a little armor will serve, being put upon the right place) but when you reade; you must take your chance, and perhaps be corrupted with lies, disgusted with absurdities, and tired with impertinencies, or made ready to vomitt, at the bis (imo centies) recocta crambe offered unto you.a Besides what a difference is there between walking with our naturall legs, and crutches? or betweene a cloth, whose subtegmen is the same from end to end, and another, peeced up out of a 1000 gaudy rags! But the proverb (verbum sapienti) forbids me to be more tedious.b The next disease you labour under, is, your apprehension of many diseases, and a continual fear that you are always inclining or falling into one or other. Here I might tell you, the vanity of life; or that to fear any evil long is more intollerable, then the evil itselfe suffered; &c. But I had rather put you in mind, that this distemper /fol. 71v/ is incident to all that begin the study of diseases. Now it is possible that it hangs yet upon you, according to the opinion you may have of yourself rather then according to the knowledge that others have of your greater maturity in the faculty. But ad rem;c Few terrible diseases have their pathognomonical signes; Few know those signes without repeated experiences of them, and that in others, rather then themselves: Moreover; The same inward causes produce different outward signes, and vice versa the same outward signes may proceed from different inward causes; and therefore those little rules of prognostication found in our books, need not always be so religiously beleived. Again 1000 accidents may prevent a growing disease itselfe, and as many, can blow away any suspicious signe thereof, for the vicissitude whereunto all things are subject, suffers nothing to rest long in the same condition; and it being no farther from Dublin to Corke, then from Corke to Dublin, why may not a man as easily recover of a disease without much care, as fall into it? My Cousen Highmores curious hand hath shewn you so much of the fabrick of mans body, that you cannot think, but that so complicate a peece as yourself, will be always at some little fault or other.d But you ought no more to take, every such little struggling a Petty praises Boyle’s intellectual virtues in contrast to ‘the twice (even hundred times) recooked’ thoughts of other men. b Petty cites the maxim ‘A word to the wise [is enough]’, (Dictum sapienti sat est), first recorded in Plautus, Persa, l. 729. c ‘to the business’. d Petty refers to his friend Nathaniel Highmore (1613–85), physician and neighbour of Boyle’s.

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of nature for a signe of a formidable disease, then to fear that every little cloud portends a cataract /fol. 72/ or hericane. To conclude, this kind of vexation hath been much my portion, but experience and these considerations have well eased me of it. The last Enditement that I bring against you, is practising upon yourselfe with medicaments (though specifics) not sufficiently tryed by those that administer or advise them. It is true, that there is a conceipt currant in the world, that a medicament may be physick and physician both, and may cure diseases a quacunque causa:a But for my part I find the best medicament to be but a toole or instrument; now what are Vandijks Pencills & Pallet, in the hands of a bungling Painter, to the imitation of his peeces?b Recommendations of medicaments doe not make them useful to me; But doe only excite me, to make them so, by endeavouring experimentally to find out the vertues and application of them. There be few medicaments that can be more & more really praised, then diapalma and Basilicon; for they have been carryed up and down in all Chirurgens Salvatoryes for these many hundred years; yet how few can perform any excellent cures by them or such others? How hard it is to find out the true vertues of medicaments, as I weep to consider, so I dread to use them, without my utmost endeavours first employed to that purpose. /fol. 72v/ Though none of these arguments prevaile with you, yet I shall pray that nothing of evil consequent to the things, from which I have dissuaded you prevail upon you. The desire of your encrease in knowledge, and (in order thereunto) of your health, hath made me thus troublesome; for if what I have said, came from any other principle, I should be ashamed to write myselfe thus confidently. Sir your obliged servant Wm Petty

Dublin 15 April 1653

JOHN WILKINSc to BOYLE

6 September 1653

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 629–30. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 633–4.

a b c

‘from any cause whatsoever’. Petty alludes to the Flemish painter Sir Anthony Van Dyck (1599–1641). John Wilkins (1614–72), natural philosopher and divine.

144

BOYLE

to MALLET, 23 Sept. 1653

Wadham-College, Sept. 6, 1653. Honoured Sir, YOU have so well acted the part, which belongs to me, of returning acknowledgments for the favours recieved at London, that I am as much ashamed, as unable to imitate you.a But I have known, Sir, that you are a great master of civilities as well as learning, and therefore shall in all things most willingly submit. I had thought you had gone out of town shortly after the time I waited upon you, which was the reason I did not attempt to trouble you with a visit. THIS bearer is the young man, whom I recommended to you.b I am apt to believe, that upon trial you will approve of him. But if it should happen otherwise, it is my desire he may be returned, it being not my aim so /p. 630/ much to prefer him, as to serve you, which your own eminent worth will always oblige me unto with my utmost zeal and fidelity. If it be not, Sir, prejudicial to your other affairs, I should exceedingly rejoice in your being stayed in England this winter, and the advantage of your conversation at Oxford, where you will be a means to quicken and direct us in our enquiries. And though a person so well accomplished as yourself, cannot expect to learn any thing amongst pedants, yet you will here meet with divers persons, who will truly love and honour you.c And it is the more generous kind of felicity to teach and do good, than to learn and receive it. If I knew with what art to heighten those inclinations, which you intimate of coming to Oxford, into full resolutions, I would improve my utmost skill to that purpose; and shall be most ready to provide the best accommodations for you, that this place will afford. I am, SIR, your true honourer, and most faithful servant, JO. WILKINS.

BOYLE to MALLET d

23 September 1653

From the original in Boyle’s early hand in BL 1, fols 116–17. 4°/2. Spaced so that signature appears at bottom of page. a Boyle met Wilkins in the summer of 1653 when he returned to London from Ireland; see above, p. 135n. b The bearer of this letter has not been identified. c For the Oxford scientific community in the 1650s see Frank, Harvey (above, p. 66), esp. pp. 43– 62. d For Mallet see above, p. 103.

145

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 32 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, lii–liii.

Sir, If the suddenness of that unwelcome Necessity which hurry’d me from Stalbridg, would have allow’d me so much as two dayes stay ‹in› those parts; I should not be now reduc’d to make You an Apology for my leaving Stalbridge before I kiss’t your hands at Poynington.a And though the Urgency of my occasions allow’d me but one day to packe up bag & baggage1 & settle my Affaires there; I should have spent part of that Day in paying You the Duty & giving my selfe the satisfaction of a Visit, if the gretest Obstacle my hast put to my Desires, had not been the Tyrednesse of my Horses, by my preceding Journeys. The Apprehension of loosing my Passage unlesse my arrivall here prevented the fear’d Change of the wind, posted me so abruptly hither, that it allow’d me to comply neither with my Civility nor with my Inclinations; the latter of which are never more gratify’d, then in Your charming Conversation; which the Winds Crossnesse since my arrivall here, makes me very much regret I did not venture to give my selfe the Happynesse of. The sad Condition of Ireland making me somewhat irresolute of my going thither this winter; I do not wholly deny my selfe the pleasing thoughts of being happy in Your Company at Poinington; but in case a faire wind blow away those thoughts, I must implore in the Want of Your /fol. 116v/ immediate Conversation, that which is practis’d by Letters; as the next Contentment to the former by neerlyest approaching it. If the necessity of repairing into Ireland to settle my Affaires there, now things seeme tending to a Settlement in that unhappy Country; I shall leave behind me at Stalbridge, the Bearer, Roger Ball; & with him a Lease of that Mannor for some yet unexpired Yeares: in which Lease You were pleas’d to allow me to have Your Name put in as a Trustee for me.b The Reason of my mentioning this to You, is; that by the Mistaking Confidence of honest old Mr Mawdesley then Steward of my Courts at Stalbridge, I2 made severall Grants there, as presuming I had power to do so, which, upon more knowledge of the Law & a more heedfull Perusall of my more then ordinarily strict Entayle, I found, though hardly overthrowable in Equity, yet to be questionable in strictnesse of Law.c My just tendernesse in Cases of this nature, made me3 extreamly troubled that my Ignorance had made me do what knowingly nothing should: & therefore by Sir Thomas Mallet’s excellent Advice, finding a Lease ‹of Stalbridge› for about 30 yeares unexpired to remaine in4 the hands of an old Servant of my Fathers; I made it one of my Motives to go into Ireland & one of my concerningest Businesses a b c

For Pointington see above, p. 105n. Roger Ball, the bearer of the letter, is also mentioned below, in Boyle to Mallet, 22 Jan. 1654. Mr Mawdesley has not been identified, beyond what is written here.

146

BOYLE

to MALLET, 23 Sept. 1653

there, to get this5 Lease assign’d over in trust to Your selfe & Roger Ball;a with whom I have left order that in Case God should call me to himselfe before my returne to Stalbridge, he shall beg You to joyne with him in making every Tenant whose Grant is questionable, a Lease of as many Yeares as Your Authority extends to grant; that so these poore Men in case their Titles (contrary to my Expectation & to Probability) should be overthrowne as to their first ‹Grants›,6 may have a good Title to al the unexpir’d Yeares of Your Lease; & that Number, according to common estimation, will be as /fol. 117/ advantageous, if not better, then their first Grants. I find, Sir, no small trouble in the necessity of giving You this great one; but I am confident You are such a Friend to Justice, that You will pardon a Fault that proceeds only from some tendernesse of that Vertu in a Servant of Yours, who very well knowing Gratitude to be a Vertu as well as Justice, if not a Part of it; is not made more desirous by the Lawes of the former Virtue to secure his Tenants, then the Dutys of the latter will make him of the opportunity of expressing & evincing how highly he is Mr Mallet’s Bristoll. Sept. the 23rd 1653.7

Affectionate, faithfull & obliged humble servant Robert Boyle.

8

I shall begge the favor of having my most humble service presented to Sir Thomas Mallet & my Lady,b & to Your owne Faire Lady with the rest of Your Family to all which You have engaged me to be a Servant. If the Bearer shall in my Absence apply himselfe to You for Directions, Your vouchsafing them to him will very much oblige me. If You please to make me at any time happy in Your Letters, it will as well instruct as satisfy me, to be inform’d how You9 proceed in relation to Your Eastern Studys.c For his highly ho/nored Friend John Mallet. / Esquire at / Poynington. Seal: Crest only: lion’s head erased. Endorsed on fol. 117v in Mallet’s hand ‘Mr Boyle 1653’.10

a b c

For Sir Thomas Mallet see above, p. 103n. For Mallet’s wife see above, p. 106n. For Mallet’s interest in Eastern languages see above, p. 140.

147

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

BOYLE to [FREDERICK CLODIUS]a

1, 1636–61

27 September [1653]

From the version in a scribal handb in BL 2, fol. 20. Fol/1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 229, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 35.

Sir Though the favours you heap’d upon mee at London were both very Numerous & very Greate, yet cannot I esteeme any (not to say All) of them superiour to the welcome promise you were pleased to make mee before & confirme at our Parting, of a constant Correspondency during our Separation. For not only your Letters will continue to me the happinesse of youre Conversation, but will hinder it from becomming occasionally a disquiet to mee, which it would certainely prove, if having enjoyed it enough to long for more1 of it, youre Pen should not gratifie the Desires youre Tong hath created. Since then, Sir, you are pleas’d not only to allow but to command me to write to you, I am too much a freind to my owne Inclinations, not with equall Joy & Readinesse to obey you: and I hope you will pardon mee if my Desire of seeing the English Language honour’d by your Skill in it, make mee willing to engage you to be more conversant with it, by employing it in my Letters to You. And the same j[ust] Concerne for the glory of the English Tongue obliges mee to besee[ch] You not to doe it the Injury to judge of it by my writing it; for [it] is not more true that being a very bad Secretary, I cannot expresse [my] Thoughts otherwise then very dully in it, then it is, that2 my U[neloqu]ent expressions are imputable to the writer not the Tongue; for I t[hink] I may say without flattering it, that though I have [be]ene [a m]uch greater studyer then Prizer of Languages, I have not lea[rn]’d [a]ny; besides the Greeke, in which good thoughts may be expr[esst] with lesse disadvantage, & that he would be superiour both to Demosth[enes] & Cicero, that were fruitfull in as choice conceptions as m[a]y be [hap]pily expresst in English.c All this I had sooner written to you; & ha[ve] earlyer paid you the duty of this Letter, if I had not been withheld [by] the apprehension of disturbing your Joyes. For I am told that Hymen makes you recant the Opinions you lately defended against the Soveraignty of Cupid: They say your grand Theme is now, noe longer the Prerogatives of a free Heart, and the Advantages of a Single Life, but a certaine frame of Mind exprest long since by

a It is evident from its content that the letter is to Clodius; it seems likely to date from approximately this time, when his marriage to Hartlib’s daughter took place. b The hand is the same as that used in the manuscript of ‘Atomical Philosophy’, Works, vol. 13, p. 225ff. c Boyle refers to two great classical rhetoricians, Demosthenes (c. 384–322 BC), Athenian orator and statesman, and Cicero (106–43 BC), Roman orator.

148

BOYLE

to [CLODIUS], 27 Sept. [1653]

Omnia vincit AMOR, et nos cedamus AMORIa

But though your late Contempt of Love & Women & the Railleries with which you threatened mee, in case I did what I may now doe only to Imitate You; give me both Cause & Rise enough to punish you, & to let you see that I have not been causelessely thought sufficiently stor’d with Declamations against Cupid & Hymen; yet I shall willingly sacrifice my Resentments and3 this inviting opportunity of expressing them to your Allyance with honest Mr Hartlib. For I cannot conclude you lesse a servant to Philosophy, by choosing a Mistresse in his family, /fol. 20v/ and I cannot but looke upon it as an Act of his Grand Designe to oblige this Nation, that he hath found this way to detaine you amongst us. Since I began this Letter I received a Peremptory Information of your Marriage, in which I wish you & youre Bride as much Happynesse as ever that Relation afforded any. A longer Letter would now, perhaps, be an unseasonable Interrupter of youre Joyes; & therefore, though not to violate the Lawes of our Commerce, I dare not4 send away this Paper without something Philosophicall in it; yet what I shall now enclose you, shall be only a way to make wine to drink the Brides Heath [sic]; which (as little as I love any strong drinke) that I may doe to you, I heartily wish my selfe for a few houres at London. Having received this Processe from a freind as a Secret; I shall beg you would not let it loose that Name: & if the Inventor of this artificiall wine doe not flatter it, England may afford us as Generous though not as Lasting Wine as the Canaries. I should now likewise send you the way of Making Wine & Spirit of wine out of Corne; but the unwelcome5 Affaires that distract mee here, have at6 present put it out of my head;7 & the Papers I have of it being in one or other of my Truncks, some of which are already ship’t & the others ready to be sent aboard; I must suspend the sending you that Processe till the next Trouble I give You of this Nature: & in the meane time shall desire you, to doe mee the Favour to Name mee an humble Servant to the faire Lady, that hathe freed you from the constant Trouble of defending youre Heart; for though in makeing her selfe happy she have oblig’d all the Ingenuous Persons in England, by procuring them the happynesse of youre Presence; yet is there none in all that Numerous Company, that8 her stopping You at London hath soe highly & soe sensibly oblig’d, as he that stiles himselfe Sir Youre most affectionate most faithfull & most obliged humble servant

Bristoll this 27th of September.

a Boyle quotes from Virgil’s Eclogues, x. 69, ‘Love conquers all, and we yield to love’. He alludes to Clodius’s recent marriage to Mary, daughter of Samuel Hartlib.

149

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Biographical endorsement by Miles at head of fol. 20: ‘NB Dr Clod who was accounted Skilful in Chemical Processes & Corresponded long with Mr Boyle, married a Daughter of Mr Hartlibs, and probably is the person to whom this was sent. / I find Clodius (as he sometimes wrote himself) was married in 1654. how long before I know not’. MS also contains printer’s marks.

150

— 1654 — Lost letters dating from 1654 are as follows: Three letters from the second Earl of Cork to Boyle, dated 15 August 1654, 18 September 1654 and 18 October 1654 are referred to in the second Earl of Cork’s diary (see above, pp. xxvi–xxvii). Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: A letter from Boyle to Hartlib, 10 January 1654 (below, p. 154). A letter from Clodius to Boyle of about 9 May 1654 (below, p. 179)

BOYLE to MALLETa

22 January 1654

From the holograph original in the British Library, Add. MS 32093, fols 318–19. Fol/2. Not previously printed. Listed in RCHM, Fifth Report, p. 314.

Sir I had much earlyer acknowledged my resentments of that obliging Letter wherewith You were pleas’d to endeare to me Roger Ball’s Packet;b if the want of a sure hand to [conv]ey an Answer by, had not hitherto necessita[ted?]1 my s[lowness?] But meeting now with an opportunity to e[nlarge]2 it, I must no longer containe the just Gra[ti]tude that engages me to returne You my most humble & most deserved Thankes for that excellent Letter, wherein I must yet complaine of Your having gratify’d your Civility & Your Witt too much to the Injury of my Modesty & Your owne Meritt; the latter of which is highly detracted from in all those Passages of Yours, that misascribe my Dutys to it, to any Motive lesse just then my sense of the Greatnesse of it. My leaving England without the Honor of Your Commands into Ireland, was too purely my Misfortune to need your Apology[,] nor am I so much a stranger to my owne Defects as to ignore, that ’tis a b

For Mallet see above, p. 103. For Roger Ball, letter-bearer, and the packet of letters for Boyle, see above, p. 146n.

151

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-16

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

enough You are pleas’d to suffer so ill company at Poynington, & that ’twere unreasonable to expect You should (with the Neglect of better, because other, Avocations) seeke it as farre as Bristoll.a The other Complements wherewith Your Lines are replenisht, must produce my Blushes not my Replyes; for as not to beleeve them Complements would make them more such; so to3 be able to returne them, were almost to be capable to meritt them. Your Wishes for my quick Passage, are as accomplisht as they were obliging; for God was pleas’d to vouchsafe me a Passage happy beyond Expectation, & unallay’d but by the sense of it’s severing me further from You. The Intelligence this wretched Country affords, is so inconsiderable in respect of that which the Greate Revolutions & Transactions in England dayly /fol. 319v/ entertaine You with, that I feare it4 will scarce prove any way worthy of your Curiosity, unlesse the Concerne You are pleas’d to have for a thing so much Your owne as I, give You some attention for Newes otherwise too despicable to invite it. The Taxes continue as insupportable as ever, & dayly drive some out of their Houses & others into their Graves, which You will easily beleeve, when I have inform’d You that in a bordering County, the starving Natives pay thirteen shillings a month Contribution for a single Cow; which I mention to lessen the weight of Your Pressures of that sort in England, by letting You see how much lighter Your (thogh too heavy) Burthens are, then ours, who in many Places ‹too›, inhabit but a5 Desert scarce peopled with any thing but foure-legg’d or two-legg’d Wolves. But in June next we are promis’d so greate an Easement, that the Landlord shall pay but the fourth part of his yearly Rent, & the Tenant but the 4th part of the annuall Interest (after 10 in the 100) of his Stocke; a ‹settlement›6 which would no where be more repin’d at, then here it is desir’d.b The Torys have of late been very destructively active, & particularly to the Prejudice of divers of my Tenants, but within this weeke most of their Ring-leaders, very well attended, have lay’d downe Armes, & the greater part of the rest are solliciting for termes that may invite them to do so too.c Three or 4 dayes since there were some store of Armes & Powder found neere a strong Castle of my Brother Broghill’s, in the house of an Irish Gentleman who hath thereby given such suspicion of some bloody Dessein of the Natives against the English, as is like this morning to cost him his Life.d From the Fastnesses of these Parts the Irish are to be removed into Connaught ([and]7 I am like to get some part of a Wast Estate [unin]habited by the Shift) but elsewhere a Boyle possibly refers to his return to Ireland in Sept. 1653 after a spell of three months in London and Stalbridge; see Maddison, Life, p. 80. For Pointington see above, p. 105n. b In 1654 the Irish monthly assessment was reduced from £30,000 to £10,000; see T. C. Barnard, Cromwellian Ireland (Oxford, 1975), p. 28. c The Tories were the diehard supporters of the Irish rebellion fighting a guerrilla war against the English. d No further details about this incident have come to light. Broghill owned several castles in Munster.

152

BOYLE

to MALLET, 22 Jan. 1654

we have (t[o] greate Joy) exempted the Inoffensive Plowman from the threatned Transplantation, which8 will be almost confined to those that are Free-holders or have been soldiers.a Yet amongst all this Ruine & these Distractions, a Brother of mine that is Governor of this County hath found l[ei]sure newly to print foure Tomes of an English Romance, which at London hath had amongst divers of the Witts a very favorable Reception; which if You ‹too› vouchsafe it, when I, (as I hope to do ere long) shall bring it You, I shall either be very uninquisitive or very unconcerned in others Judgments of it.b I intended You very greate Acknowledgments of the very greate Favor You do & promise me, in accepting the trouble of [that] Lease wherein I made bold to use Your Name;c but the Gentleman who is to carry this [letter?] being just now taking horse & tarrying for it, I must suspend [until the] next conveniency the unabrupt professing how much (without Com[pliments?]) Your high & equall Prerogatives & Civilitys have made me, Youghall this 22th of Janu. 1653/4

Sir, Your affectionate & obliged humble servant Robert Boyle.

9

I shall desire to be nam’d, as indeed I have much reason to be, a most humble servant to Your excellent Father & Mother & Your Faire Lady.d If You see my Lady Bristoll, I shall beseech You to present my most humble service to her & all the Sherborne Family, being disabled to write by the pressingnesse of the Bearer, which makes me need & humbly beg your Pardon for this10 alike tedious & hasty scribble.e For my highly honored / Friend John Mallett Esquire at Poynington / in Sommersetshire. This Letter is to be left at Bristoll with the Stalbridge / Carryer to be delivered to Mr Roger Ball at Stalbridge / in the County of Dorset.

a Boyle refers to the Cromwellian land settlement whereby all Catholic landowners were transplanted to Connacht and Clare. b For Lord Broghill’s romance, Parthenissa see above, p. 84n. Parts 1–4 were printed at Waterford in 1654. This letter suggests that they had already been printed off by late 1653, in which case a title-page dated 1654 would conform to general practice. c For this lease, see below, p. 258. d For Mallet’s father, mother and wife see above, pp. 103n., 106n. e Presumably Boyle refers to Beatrice Digby, widow of the 1st Earl of Bristol, for whom see above, p. 106n.

153

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Seal: Damaged example of that on Boyle to Mallet, 2[3] March 1651/2. Endorsed at head of fol. 318: ‘1654’. Also endorsed on fol. 319v: ‘Mr Boyle 1653’ and ‘Letters from the Hon. Robert Boyle Esquire to Sir John Malet of Poyntington & St Audries in C[o]m[itu] Som[erset]’. Further endorsed on same folio: ‘Paper relating to the Family of Malet of St Audries. Com[itu] Som[erset].’

HARTLIB to BOYLE

28 February 1654

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 257–61. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 78–83.

Dear SIR, YOUR first and last from Ireland, dated at Youghall the 10th of January, 1653–4, I received yesternight, very late.a The 30th of September answered your’s from Bristol, but do not perceive, even by this, whether the same packet did ever come safely to your hands. I should not have failed to perform my promise of writing, as I was really resolved to do it every week, if yourself had not been in fault. For my promise was grounded, as you remember, upon your first writing from Ireland, which was never received till now: besides your dearest sister was so discouraged, having sent seven or eight letters, to which she had gotten no answer, that she was more than inclining not to write any more unto you.b I cannot also but remember, with what resolvedness you promised to be back again in February, or sooner; which now being past, you see, upon your intimation of a longer stay, how ready I am, without the interposal of one day, to fulfil, in some measure, all your desires and expectations; I say in some measure, for there are some things fallen out since your departure, which it is not lawful to utter by writing, but are as certainly your’s, as those that do possess them, as soon as God shall afford a fitter and more certain opportunity. For my lady tells us, that she expects shortly another letter from you by a ship, which is to let her know, how your posture shall be stated, for coming or staying; which will also direct us how to carry ourselves in our communications for the future. But O! that it would please God to order your affairs in such a manner, that you could be with us before so many months be expired as you have calculated, according to the Irish account! We expect every week to hear more from Johannes Baptista Coen, who hath been a great while with Faber, that famed prea b

This letter is not extant. For Boyle’s residence in Ireland in 1652–4 see above, p. 135n. Hartlib refers to Boyle’s sister, Lady Ranelagh. She is also referred to as ‘my lady’ some lines

later.

154

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 28 Feb. 1654

tender in France, but is now at Diepe.a It is not impossible, but I may tell you in my next, God willing, that he is not far from the place, where once Charing-cross /p. 258/ did stand. Some months ago I received a letter from Mr. Worsley, in these words, among other particulars. ‘I wrote to you, a while since, and in it took the boldness to write to monsieur Clod, in which you must deal plainly and honestly with me, if I took too much liberty or freedom in asking his opinion, about a matter of so much judgment and weight.b For the truth is, I have laid all considerations in chemistry aside, as things not reaching much above common laborants, or strong-water distillers, unless we can arrive at this key, clearly and perfectly to know, how to open, ferment, putrify, corrupt and destroy (if we please) any mineral, or metal; which being withal not indeed to be done, unless by one, that discerns the nature very well, I presume it is therefore said, it is easier to make some metals, than to destroy them. Not that I apprehend it is to be understood, the work is easier, to make a metal, than to destroy it; for that were impossible, seeing a natural putrefaction and corruption is the first thing in order to be done towards the making, transmuting, or multiplying of any metal. But I conceive the meaning rightly to be, that a man once knowing how to corrupt or destroy a metal, it is then nothing near so difficult, for him to proceed further, and to make a metal, as it was at first, or is now generally to men, to understand, how they should begin to destroy a metal. In this therefore, both principally and only, I conceive learning, judgment, or wisdom to consist, either as to the knowledge of true medicine (other preparations short of this being not much to be valued) or as to the carrying on of a higher work in nature. And being led by some serious considerations to see the necessity of this (and the smallness of most chemical operations besides this) the same hand of goodness did dispose my mind to comprehend both the possibility, and somewhat of the way of it, and nature of the course concerning it, which I confess did provoke and occasion that freedom with monsieur Clod; as resolving not much to prefer a correspondency of any hands, in things chemical or medicinal, unless this, as I either may be an assistant towards it, or be assisted in it. And although I may say, I see already so much in it, as to prefer it before any other natural knowledge, or, perhaps, employment; yet I can find nothing very valuable or very desirable, either in myself, or others. And when I have once a while considered things, I find myself as much inclined to fear or suspect them, as I do to wish them.’c Thus far that noble and high soaring spirit, which I thought good to represent unto your better considerations, which you say are engaged, for the a Hartlib refers to Johann Baptista Coen, French savant and chemist. In 1654 Coen lived in Paris and was known to Digby and Moriaen. ‘Faber’ is likely to be Pierre-Jean Fabre (c. 1620–after 1656), physician and chemist from Castelnaudry in France. See A. G. Debus, The French Paracelsians (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 75–6. b Hartlib alludes to his son-in-law, Frederick Clodius. c The letter from Worsley to Hartlib has not been found.

155

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

present, in a short essay concerning chemistry, by way of a judicium de chemia & chemicis.a As for us, poor earth-worms, we are crawling in my house about our quondam back-kitchen, whereof my son hath made a goodly laboratory; yea, such a one, as men (who have had the favour and privilege to see, or to be admitted into it) affirm, they have never seen the like, for its several advantages and commodiousnesses.b It hath been employed days and nights with no small success, God be praised, these many weeks together. But what particulars it hath hitherto produced, and what greater medicines he is taking in hand this week and the next, I suppose this my obedient and very chemical son will be able better to relate unto you, than myself. I could wish the like account could be given of Dr. Stirk, but he is altogether degenerated, and hath, in a manner, undone himself and his family. I know not directly how many weeks he hath lain in prison for debt; but after he hath been delivered the second time, he hath secretly abandoned his house in London, and is now living obscurely, as I take it, at Rotherhith. He hath always concealed his rotten condition from us; nor hath there been any communication between him and my son, as long as you have been in Ireland.c Mr. Webb doth now rail at him and curse him, as having been most wretchedly seduced and deceived by him. Many weeks ago he promised me to write diligently unto you, but hath never sent one letter since your going from hence. I hear there are secret transactions between him and my lord Dover; but I am afraid they will all vanish into smoke.d When God hath brought you over again, we shall leave him altogether to your test, to try whether yet any good metal be left in him, or not. But the best is, that he stands more in need of us, than we of him. I am glad that ens Veneris hath done so much good in Ireland.e My son, and many others, can tell you of the strange vertues and effects, which his laudanum hath already produced among us here. The course, which you have purchased of your excellent surgeon, to cure the stone in the kidnies, will be very welcome, whensoever you shall send it.f After those great and most universal arcana are prepared, my son, both for your and my sake, will set himself on purpose, God blessing his endeavours, to perfect those other Helmontian preparatives concerning the ludus with the sal armoniack. I need not tell you again (for I hear, that you know it already) that Dr. Boat, when he was come as far as Diepe towards England, being let blood by those common butchers of a Evidently one of Boyle’s writings on chemistry of this period, for which see Works, vol. 2, p. xix; and vol. 14, pp. 329–30. b The reference is to Hartlib’s son-in-law, Frederick Clodius. c Hartlib refers to George Starkey, for whom see above, p. 90n. Starkey had left the laboratories at St James’s and entered a period of misfortune. d This is presumably Francis Webb, on whom see above, p. 94n., and Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48), pp. 82–3. Hartlib also refers to Henry Carey (1580–1666), 1st Earl of Dover. e Starkey and Boyle collaborated in the preparation of Ens veneris, a copper compound. See Usefulness I (1663), in Works, vol. 3, pp. 391–2. Clearly Boyle used this pharmaceutical in Ireland. f The surgeon in question has not been identified.

156

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 28 Feb. 1654

human kind, departed this world; which really is a very great loss to the commonwealth of learning.a In his last, of the 18th of October, 1653, he wrote unto me as followeth:b ‘Pray present my humblest service to Mr. Boyle and Sir C. Culpepper: and tell the first, that here is newly come forth a Treatise des arbres fruitiers (which, God willing, I shall bring him, with the rest of that subject desired by him) and the other, that in all Paris there is not to be had one grain of Lucern seed, not only of this, but not so much as of the last year’s growth.’c Thus far that blessed soul. I make no question, we shall find that treatise in Paul’s Church-yard; or it may easily be /p. 259/ procured with the rest from France, if you will let me know the particulars of that commission, which you imparted to the late doctor. But how to gain another treatise, designed by the foresaid worthy man, upon my most earnest solicitations, I am utterly at a loss, except Dr. Child from Ireland succeed him in the pursuit of that weighty subject.d For having dealt much with him, about the completing his Natural History of Ireland, by procuring that encouragement, which he demanded, he was pleased to encourage me again with another undertaking, in these words: e ‘You may encourage our friends to do as much by me for to set me on work about another (besides the perfecting of the Natural History of Ireland) production, viz. my intended book of the whole nature, intrinsical qualities, preparations, and all manner of uses of saltpetre; a natural body of too noble a nature, and too universal use, for to be so much neglected, and unknown, as hitherto it hath been. I have not so much as begun that work yet, but having all the materials ready for it, partim in chartis & partim intra caput,f a few months at any time will serve my turn, for to give it its being.’ In the mean while, receive here that special, secret and ingenious speculation of my friend, the great experimenter, of whom I told you lately, in the very words, wherein I set it even from his mouth, being as followeth.g ‘Having been told, that one Mr. Jursang and monsieur la Grange here gave out, to a Hartlib refers to Arnold Boate (1606–53), Hebraist and physician. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 64–5. b The letter from Boate in Paris to Hartlib, dated 8/18 Oct. 1653, is HP 55/14/18A. c For Sir Cheney Culpeper see above, p. 63n. The treatise Hartlib refers to is that of Sieur Le Gendre, curé d’Hénonville [i.e., Robert Arnauld d’Andilly], La manière de cultiver les arbres fruitiers (1652). An English translation (attributed to John Evelyn) appeared in 1660. Boate sent Hartlib a number of letters from Paris on the subject of lucerne in reply to the latter’s queries. See Samuel Hartlib His Legacy (3rd edn, London, 1655), pp. 98–104, 250–3. d For Robert Child, author of ‘A Large Letter … to Mr Samuel Hartlib’, which occupies most of Samuel Hartlib His Legacy (1651), see above, p. 133n. See also Webster, Great Instauration, p. 46. e The first book of The Natural History of Ireland was written by Gerard Boate from information supplied by his brother Arnold and others. It was published by Hartlib in Irelands Naturall History (1652). Gerard Boate (1604–50), went as physician to the hospital in Dublin towards the end of 1649 and died there in Jan. 1650. f ‘partly on paper, and partly in my head’. g Neither Hartlib’s friend and correspondent, nor Mr Jursang have been identified. However, Monsieur la Grange could be Thomas Lièvre (1600–69), marquis de la Grange, statesman and jurist.

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have found out a way to make saltpetre grow, but that they would not discover it under ten thousand franks, he set his wits at work, for to find out the way, and made no doubt but it might be done thus: viz. Taking a parcel of good ground, well digged and well manured with dung, as for the richest corn, a cover is to be made over it, for to exclude the sun, and to hinder the growing of any herbs (which would hinder the growing of saltpetre) and then to sow saltpetre on it; which might most commodiously be done, by dissolving it in water, and throwing the water on the ground. The proportion he thinks to be a pound of saltpetre for a foot square of ground; after half a year you may pare away half a foot deep of your ground, and half a year after another half foot, and so from time to time, and you will have an everlasting mine of saltpetre; and the deeper you come, the better it will be; but if at first you should pare it too deep, and cut away too much, you would mar all. After the paring away of the upper crust, the ground must still be digged afresh.’ Thus far my friend’s invention. Hactenus ille.a The latter passages of the secret I have added, being desirous to have that description concerning the Hamburg saltpetre (whereof you may inform yourself again from Mr. Van Mussig) under your own hands.b But to return to the remaining contents of your letter, I must now most solemnly call upon you, on the behalf of the Natural History of Ireland, which, if yourself and Dr. Child do not take professedly to task, I fear will never be perfected to any purpose;c at least, if so much could be done in it, as to have all the interrogatories judiciously answered (of which, God willing, I shall send you more copies) it would be a considerable addition to a second edition of this imperfect work, which I formerly have published.d I pray therefore, Sir, do not fail to give or procure me as ample an account, as possibly you can, concerning this affair. As soon as I have made an end of this letter, I purpose to send for those Arminian books, which you have desired.e If they may be had, the interrogatories shall be sent in the same packet with them, according to your direction. I am sorry, that the transplantation of the Irish should be that dismal occasion of your stay; but my comfort is, that you may get far better tenants, and that could not be so a

Hartlib effectively repeats the preceding English sentence in the Latin: ‘Thus far he’. This is a reference to Johann Brün, or Unmussig, Paracelsian physician, who settled in England in 1648 and then in Ireland, where he was appointed physician in Cork. He probably settled finally in Dublin, for he was supplying medicaments to the Countess of Orrery in 1668; see Edward McLysacht (ed.), Calendar of the Orrery Papers (Dublin, 1941), p. 61. See also Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 78, 81, 302, 304. c Child’s commitment to the completion of the second part of The Natural History of Ireland is attested to by a number of letters from him to Hartlib; see HP 15/5. However, Child died soon after starting his work in Ireland in 1654. d Hartlib alludes to An Interrogatory Relating more particularly to the Husbandry and Natural History of Ireland, published as an appendix to the 2nd edition of Hartlib’s Legacy (1652). e The Arminian books in question have not been identified, although it is possible that Grotius’s De veritate religionis christianae (1627) was one of them. b

158

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 28 Feb. 1654

easily swept away, as those other, if you had but so much faith and courage, as to adventure yourself amongst us, and to let us enjoy your presence with all convenient expedition.a I confess, the transplantation of those many governments have swept away also almost all my tenants, that I cannot do, that which otherwise I had more largely intended. But my hopes and confidences towards God are stronger than ever, that my lands shall not always lye waste upon my hands. Sir, you complain of that barbarous (for the present) country, wherein you live; but if you would but make a right use of yourself, from the place where you live, towards Dr. Child, Mr. Worsley, Dr. Petty, major Morgan (not to mention others) they would abundantly cherish in you many philosophical thoughts, and encourage you, perhaps more vigorously than I can do at this distance and uncertainties, to venture even upon divers choice chemical experiments, for the advancement both of health and wealth.b And if Stirk shall continue his ungrateful obstinacy, yet give us but more certain assurance, either of your staying or coming, and we shall endeavour to fraight our letters with many Utopian intelligences, to express, at least, this way the very good will which we bear towards all manner of ingenuities.c If Mr. Dymock knew, that I was writing into Ireland, I am confident, he would present his most humble service, with his gratitude for former favours, unto you.d He is forsaken, in a manner, by all, and the lower, for the present, because I cannot any longer assist either his person, family, or inventions. By the last post I received an unexpected letter from the Scottish lord Forbes, in these very lines.e ‘Having newly seen three small pieces, one called, An Invention; &c. another, The reformed Husbandman; the third called, An Essay for Advancement of Husbandry Learning;f I perceive you are still the old man, and your incessant endeavours to advance a publick good is never wanting, though such be many times misregarded, and not rewarded. Since it is my lot to be here, where I have been ever since I did /p. 260/ come from England, by that act of banishment, and resolves, God willing, to stay here, till it please God to send better times; out of the acquaintance I have formerly had with you, I am bold to entreat you to acquaint me what effect those three treatises have taken; and if they be practicable, communicate your knowledge with your old friend.g a

For the transplantation of the Irish see above, p. 152. For William Petty see above, p. 64n., and for Anthony Morgan, see above, p. 142n. In 1651 Morgan was appointed with Petty and Worsley to the committee to reorganise schools in Ireland. c For ‘Stirke’ see George Starkey, above, p. 90n. d For Cressy Dymock see above, p. 88n. e Hartlib’s reference is to Sir Arthur Forbes (1623–96), 1st Earl of Granard. The letter from Forbes to Hartlib of 21 Jan. 1654 has not been found. f These pieces published by Hartlib in 1651 are An Essay for Advancement of Husbandry Learning, The Reformed Husband-man and An Invention of Engines of Motion, which was mainly composed of two letters from Dymock to Hartlib. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 96–7. g Forbes’s exile in Sweden is not recorded by any of his biographers. Presumably it was his royalist activities which resulted in his banishment. b

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But if, for lack of patrons, such talents lye so long hid, if the gentleman, that writes to you, or any instructed or taught by him, will do me the favour to come hither to Sweden, I will find him patrons, that will afford him a plentiful maintenance.’ The letter is dated at Stockholm, the 21st of Jan. 1654. I should be willing to part with him into Sweden, or any other place, which he could fancy: as to his invention of motion, of which I am no more so fond as I was wont to be.a Not that there is any defect in the said invention, but, according to the saying of Terence, Tædit harum quotidianarum formarum,1 there appearing a far greater beauty and perfection in some other inventions of the same kind, which are going through my hands at this present; of which I shall be able to give you a more particular account shortly, there being already a reference made by his highness, for a patent for 14 years.b But that other part of his publick and private usefulness, as to all the parts of husbandry (I speak still of Mr. Dymock) is now the more to be regarded, and deserveth far better to be cherished and supported, than hitherto it hath been. Yet I hope he shall not need to go into Sweden for patronage, if God bless those other natural, chemical, or mechanical ingenuities, in which our confiding friends are so deeply engaged.c The husbandry directions about clover, here enclosed, I got from my lord Brereton’s eldest son, who obtained them once from colonel Goring, as I take it.d The other experiment, or the offer of it came from Hamburg, and is translated into Latin, and those other animadversions, for your sake.e I hear there is one Mr. Haughton, a gentleman, that lives in Norfolk, who hath for many years since used the husbandry of clover-grass, and hath an easy way, by the help of a kind of mill, to shell the husk from the seed, whereby his seed will not stand him in above two shillings per pound, which otherwise is sold in London for eight, ten, twelve, and sixteen shillings.f There is also a Dutchman, one Mr. Bedloe, for the present at Amsterdam, who promiseth to furnish husbandmen with a liquor, for imbibing of seed-corn, whereby the seed, being sown in the most barren ground (so it be fresh) shall produce as rich a crop, as the same quantity of seed would have done in the best prepared land, according to the usual course of husbandry; and the land shall continue to yield such crops for twenty years together, without any amendment or a Forbes’s offer and Hartlib’s expressions here convey the nature of Hartlib’s patronage of Dymock and other impoverished authors. On Hartlib’s reservations about Dymock’s invention see H. Dircks, A Biographical Memoir of Samuel Hartlib (London, 1865), pp. 97–100. b Publius Terentius Afer (195–159 BC), poet. Hartlib quotes from Eunuchus, ll. 296–7, ‘I am tired of these everyday forms’. The patent to which Hartlib refers has not been traced. c For other patrons interested in Dymock’s experiments see above, p. 88. d Hartlib refers to William Brereton (1631–80), 3rd Baron Brereton, F.R.S. 1660, the son of William Brereton (1611–64), 2nd Baron Brereton, MP. For Lord Goring see above, p. 85n. The enclosure of husbandry directions is not extant. e For Hartlib’s correspondent in Hamburg see above, p. 137n. f This is probably Robert Houghton/Haughton of Woolverton, Norfolk, J.P. and sometimes assessment commissioner in the 1650s; see D. E. Howell James (ed.), Norfolk Quarter Sessions Order Book, 1650–1657, Norfolk Record Society, 26 (London, 1955), p. 46.

160

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 28 Feb. 1654

manure, than what may come from the seed thus imbibed. The charge of the liquor will not be above twelve shillings a bushel. A gentleman of Wales (Mr. Kemeys) is said to have sown last year four acres of wheat in barren land, imbibed with the said liquor, of which I am promised a fuller relation in due time.a In my late published treatise, which I sent you, concerning division of land, &c there is an experiment, or secret, translated into English, which runs thus in the original.b Frumentum eligatur ponderosum & masculum. Hoc enim solum in terram tanquam fæminam conjectum, vim generationis habet. Hoc ita electum imponatur in aquam fimi equini pinguem & foetidam, in qua tot libræ salis terræ, quot jugera seminanda erunt, dissolvantur, maceretur per 24 horas. Hoc si fiat, media frumenti ad sementem pars sufficiet, aratri duntaxat unius labor, neque ulla stercoratio necessaria erit etiam in terra sterili. Frumentum inde uno ante messem mense maturescet, & ob salis terræ commixtionem, decennio conservari poterit. Te hortor, ut porro huic negotio insistas ac promoveas hoc Ceriale artificium.c In the forementioned treatise you will see, how highly Dr. Child doth estimate this experiment. Since I have received a further enlargement upon it thus. Nunc de seminum maceratione, cui ego multum tribuo, id addo, summopere cavendum ne in aqua calida multo minus ad ignem, macerentur & coquantur. Retulerunt mihi harum rerum gnari omnem vim seminis & fertilitatem perire, si coquantur, vel etiam aqua calidiore macerentur. Causam illi ignorabant. Existimo autem hanc esse: virtus seminalis in sale consistit. Hic sal liquescit & resolvitur, adeoque aquæ calidæ miscetur, unde granum sale cassum moritur. Quod si in illa aqua, cui grana incocta sunt, postquam refrixit, recentia grana macerentur, attrahent ex aqua salem incoctum, & virtute crescent. Unum enim granum sal multorum, vi magnetica, attrahet. Unde etiam patet, cur grani-voracium fimus ad fertilitatem commendetur, sicut tu olim recte in tuis, quod vita media vegetativa & seminum in stercoribus illis restitet exaltata. Unde grana aliquo aeris vitio corrupta non sunt abjicienda, etiamsi enim non conducant ad victum, tamen excocta vim suam reddunt aliis granis, aeque macerata multiplicant.d Thus far learned Dr. a Mr Bedloe was a Dutch projector (possibly Lambert Bidloo (1633–1724), apothecary in Amsterdam) who prepared a liquor to fertilise seeds which was adopted by Mr Kemeys in Wales. See HP 28/2/79A and Hartlib’s Ephemerides, 31 Dec. 1653 (HP 28/2/79A). b Hartlib cites his A Discoverie for division or setting out of Land as to the best form (1653). Hartlib’s original source was probably Robert Child, for whom see above, p. 133n. c ’The sort of corn [or, seed-corn] that should be chosen is weighty and masculine. For this sort alone, when it is thrown into earth (that is feminine), has the power needed for generation. The corn that has been chosen in this way should be placed in a rich [lit., ‘fat’] and foetid liquid made from horse manure, in which there should be dissolved as many pounds of salt of the earth, as there are acres that are to be sown; let it macerate over a period of twenty-four hours. If this operation is correctly performed, the middle part of the corn will be enough for the process of sowing [to be carried out successfully]; and so far as this matter is concerned, it will be a task for [only] a single plough, nor will one need to use any other fertiliser, even on barren earth. The corn, therefore, should come to a suitable state one month before the harvest; and as a result of the fact that the salt of the earth has been mixed in with it, one will be able to keep it in store for a period of ten years. I urge you to press on further with this business, and to give your encouragement to this useful agricultural invention.’ See A Discoverie, p. 13. d ‘Now, on the subject of the soaking of the seeds (a process which I consider to offer a great deal of advantage), I add the following note. One should, above all other considerations, beware of having

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Horne, professor at Harderwick, who hath been lately called to Leyden.a Sir, I thought to have taken my leave here of you, but that something extraordinary of butter and cheese is brought to my hands, to entertain you withall. That is, how to make a better sort of butter, without setting the milk for cream, practised with great approbation by Mrs. Child, in the isle of Ely.b The milk, so soon as it is come from the cow, must be strained then churned; as usually cream is done. Also the cheese made of the butter-milk will be better than the best two meal cheeses, that ever was eaten. And one pound of this butter shall be worth a pound and a half of your best butter, which is made of cream. My poor wife hath been sick unto death, but, by God’s blessing upon the laudanum, the strength of her disease was broke within less than three hours after once taking of it, which none of her kindred would have believed. She remembers her humble service, with the rest of her daughters and sons. Sir Cheney complains more than ever, that his father hath utterly undone him.c /p. 261/ If you find no letter here from my son Clodius, you must lay the blame upon the smith’s shop in Martin’s Lane, where he hath been all this day, with another workman, to prepare something, which is to be an ingredient in that noble medicament of the Helmontian cinnabar, which he hopes to have in readiness, if God permit, in less than three weeks time.d But by the next post you may expect a large letter, in answer to your kindness, from his hands. The printed paper, here adjoined, was presented, without any effect, to the publick trustees of that affair.e

them macerated or cooked in hot water, let alone near the fire. For people who are experienced in these matters have told me that all the force and fertility of the seed perishes, if they are cooked, or even if they are soaked in rather hot water. These people do not know the reason for this [loss of fertility]. I myself think, however, that the reason is as follows: the seminal virtue consists in the salt. This salt is turned into a liquid and is dissolved, as soon as it is mixed with warm water; and thus the grain, having lost its salt, perishes. But if a new set of grains are soaked in that same water in which the previous grains had been cooked up, after it has cooled down, then these new grains attract the salt that has been cooked up in the water, and thus increase in virtue. For one [new] grain attracts the salt of many others [of the previous grains] by magnetic force. And for this reason it is clearly apparent that manure of the grain-eating sort of animals is to be recommended for fertility, just as you have in the past rightly stated in your writings, when you said that the middle vegetative life [vita media vegetativa] even of seeds remains in an exalted form in this sort of dungs. For this reason, grains which have been spoiled by some sort of imperfection in the air should not be thrown away, even if they could not be used for food, because they can nevertheless be boiled up so as to give their force to other grains, and if they are soaked properly can multiply their effect.’ See A Discoverie, pp. 13–15. a Georg Hornius (1620–70), from 1653 professor of history at Leiden. b Presumably the reference is to the wife of Robert Child, who has not been traced. For Child see above, p. 133n. c For Sir Cheney Culpeper see above, p. 63n. d Cinnabar is the red or crystalline form of mercury sulphide, the most important ore of mercury, originally applied to native cinnabar. e For the enclosed ‘husbandry directions’ see above, p. 160n. The ‘public trustees’ may be the Committee of Adventurers for Ireland.

162

BRÜN [UNMUSSIG]

to BOYLE, 1 Mar. 1654

If the adder will not hear, yet, methinks, it is some comfort, that the charmers have charmed wisely. I remain now and ever, Dear Sir, your most entirely devoted friend and servant, SAM. HARTLIB

Charing-Cross, Feb. 28. 1653/4

MY most humble service to the earl of Corke, and the lord Broghill: also to Mr. Van Mussig, if he will be friends with me.a I have not time to read over what I have written.

JOHANN BRÜN [UNMUSSIG]b to BOYLE

1 March 1654

From the holograph original in BL 5, fol. 153. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Generosissime Domine Domina vice-Comitissa Ranalaugh Soror Tua, ex literis tuis ad se datis mihi retulit, te non usque adeo benevalere propter vesicæ Calculum, quod sane non exiguum apud me causat dolorem.c Utinam ita a Deo ditatus essem ut Tibi succurrere possim, Albis,1 (ut ajunt) equis ad Te Volarem.d Sed, proh dolor, cum bene multis, nondum talibus arcanis sum instructus, quibus ex voto Te consolare valeam. Ante discessum Tuum quædam per Renum Calculo assignaveram particMost Noble Lord,

Your sister, Lady Viscountess Ranelagh, has told me, from your letters to her, that you are suffering from a stone in the bladder, which news causes me no little pain.c Would that God had given me the power to be of assistance to you: I would fly to you, as they say, on white horses.d But, alas! Although I have learned many secrets, I have not learned those which might give me the power to console you, as I would wish. Before your departure I

a Johann Brün, or Unmussig, evidently a medical advisor to Lady Ranelagh, but otherwise a shadowy figure; see Maddison, Life, p. 83, and above, p. 158n. b See previous note. c Boyle says that he long suspected that he was afflicted with urinary calculus, but was assured when in Ireland that he did not have it. See Usefulness II, sect. 1, in Works, vol. 3, p. 339. d The allusion is to Horace, Sermones, i. vii. 8.

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ularia, quibus hæc paucula adjungere non inconsuetum reputavi. Recipe Succum Betulæ cui adde interiorem Quercus Corticem minut. incis. tene in infusione per 8 antequam bibatur aliquid ex eo, elapso hoc 8. adde cuilibet haust. mane & vesp. sumendo 3 1 vel ½ vel oculorum cancrorum pulveris. vel perlarum exig. pulveris ∋1. Vel Collige arenam ex Lotio tuo proprio pulverisatam minutissime, & bibe eam cum liquore supradicto, vel urinæ spiritu. In defectu Betulæ liquoris Recipe aquam ex ligno ‹Betulæ› et cortice inter. quercus destill. Cancri fluviatiles, vel ipsorum succus expressus, multum Tuæ naturæ proderunt. Hæc sunt Generosissime Domine, quæ pro mea tenuitate hac vice Tibi notificare velim, donec Deus meliora dederit. Habeo quidem aliquid in Laboratorio, sed adhuc imperfectum, imo dubium, si expectationi satisfaciat, ecce, ambobus Tibi offeram manibus, & quidem sine mora. Retulit mihi insuper Generosissima Domina viceComitissa quod Illustris Comes, Frater Tuus, ut ad se veniam, desideret, ejusque per medicum agam.a Sane honor iste me meaque superat, quare a Deo hoc unice desidero ut me talibus erudiat, quibus me erga Tantum Dominum gratum præbeam servum. Quondam vero hactenus ‹ut ingenuè fatear› nondum medicamentis & scientiâ expectationi satisfacere possum Vestræ, meritò oblatam conditionem recusare debeo. Interim si qua in re Vobis servire potero, Vestro imperio me non made some prescriptions for the kidney-stone, to which I think it not inappropriate to make the following small additions. Take birch sap, to which add finely chopped inner bark of oak; keep it in infusion for eight days before any of it is drunk. When these eight days have elapsed, add to every draught, to be taken morning and evening, one or half a drachm of pulverised crabs’ eyes, or one scruple of finely-ground pearls. Or collect the sand from your own urine, ground very finely, and drink it with the aforesaid liquor, or with spirit of urine. If the liquor of birch is unobtainable, take water distilled from birch wood and inner oak bark. Crayfish or the juice pressed from them, will greatly benefit your constitution. These, most noble Lord, are the prescriptions of which, in my present state of ignorance, I wish to inform you, until God grants me better ones. I have, indeed, something in my laboratory, as yet unperfected, indeed uncertain, which if it satisfies my expectations I shall offer to you with both hands, and without delay. The most noble Lady Viscountess [Ranelagh] also told me that the illustrious Earl, your brother, desires that I might come to him, and act as his doctor.a Indeed this honour surpasses my deserts, since from God I ask only this, that he may make me learned in such things as may enable me to offer myself as a welcome servant to so great a Lord. In truth, if I may speak openly, while I yet cannot satisfy your expectation in regard to medicines and knowledge, I ought in all honesty to refuse the proffered situation. Meanwhile, if I can serve you in any thing, do not disdain to

a

Brün refers to the 2nd Earl of Cork.

164

BOYLE

to CLODIUS, Apr./May 1654

dedignemini. Quæ hîc sparguntur nova forte a Generosissima Domina R. intelligetis. Vale & vive & salve Generosissime Domine a Tuo humillimo servo Joh. Unmussig

Londini 1. Martii anno 1653 quæso humillima mea servitia Illustrissimæ Familiæ offeratur.

command me; you will perhaps hear more of the news here touched upon here from the most noble Lady R[anelagh]. Farewell and live and be well, Most noble Sir, from your most humble servant Joh. Unmussig.

London, 1 March 1653.

I ask that my most humble respects be offered to your most illustrious family.

BOYLE to CLODIUS

April/ May 1654

From the version printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 241–2. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 54–5.

SIR, AS I could not support the constancy of your silence but with a huge deal of uneasiness, so I receive not the honour of your letters, but with as much of joy.a And indeed they are so obliging and instructive, that their philosophy and their kindness do as well distract as deserve my gratitude. I am little less than transported to find myself to have so great an interest in a person, that hath so great an interest in philosophy; and in the same packet, in which I am assured by others of the sublimity of your knowledge, to be assured by yourself of the constancy of your condescensions and friendship. For the processes you are pleased to send me of a None of these letters, evidently dating from between 27 Sept. 1653 (see above, pp. 148–50) and the date of the present letter, survives. It is worth noting here that we do not believe that BL 2, fols 88–9, is one of these, since it is a scribal copy of a letter which is also to be found in the Hartlib Papers and which forms part of an exchange between Clodius and Worsley arising from a treatise by Worsley which Clodius there criticises. For a full discussion, see Newman and Principe, Tried in the Fire (above, p. xvi), ch. 5.

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Mercurius vitae, I return you my most humble thanks, and am extremely ashamed to be able to return you little else; and that our commerce is so unequal, that I am almost confined but to receive what you so freely communicate. For alas! besides, that though our opportunities and accommodations to improve our time were equal, the vast disproportion of our intellectuals would keep me still your disciple; besides that, I say, I live here in a barbarous country, where chemical spirits are so misunderstood, and chemical instruments so unprocurable, that it is hard to have any hermetick thoughts in it, and impossible to bring them to experiment:a yet to shew at least a willingness to acknowledge the favour /p. 242/ of your antimonial preparations, I here enclose you the processes of the sulphur of stella Martis, which you were pleased to desire of me at our parting;b and of the two processes (from the same hand) the larger is the recenter, and seems the better. I might tell you of strange matters this sulphur has done in agues (even in quartans) and fevers; but I confess I look upon it but as a trifle in comparison of the laudanum, the cinnabar, the drif, the ens Veneris saccharinum, and those other higher arcana, which you, have either perfected or set about.c And give me leave to tell you, that it is no weak evincement of my passion for and concern in your happiness, that I can refrain envying you, whilst every packet almost brings me the news of the great things you, do and are undertaking;1 whilst unhappy I am condemned to lead an useless life, in a country, where I can scarce get time to think of chemistry, much less opportunities to improve it. And certainly a detention here, that separates me from Mr. Clodius, and so adds the pœna damni to the pœna sensus, would overpress my constancy, if I did not hope, that my stay in Ireland cannot be so long, as I know so great a distance from you will make me find it tedious;d and if I did not also hope, that by a short and necessary stay, to settle my affairs in this country, I may put myself in a condition of living out of it, and prosecute more undistractedly and effectually the study of real learning. You are extremely obliging in the tender sense you express of my yet continuing distempers, and no less my friend in the advice you give me to leave this unlucky country, and seek, under God, for a cure in a place, where you are pleased to offer me two things so conducive to my recovery, as your remedies and your conversation. And would to God, dearest friend, my affairs were as ready for such a journey as my inclinations: how would I fly to see the wonders I hear of, and enjoy that much wanted society you were once pleased a For Boyle’s residence in Ireland at this time and the extended duration of his stay referred to later, see above, pp. 135n., 152. b On this sulphur, which is a preparation by George Starkey, see Newman and Principe, Tried in the Fire (above, p. xvi), ch. 5. c ‘Drif’ is a word coined by van Helmont in connection with the properties of Butler’s stone. See van Helmont, Ortus medicinae, pp. 595–6. ‘Ens veneris saccharinum’ is evidently one of Clodius’s preparations about which we have no details. d Boyle complains that he suffers an actual loss ( poena damni, ‘punishment of loss’) as well as a perceived loss (poena sensus, ‘punishment of sense’).

166

BOYLE

to CLODIUS, Apr./May 1654

to vouchsafe, and are still so free to offer me. But honest Mr. Hartlib can inform you of the necessity of my stay here till the 24th of June be past; and of my unfitness till then to obey those inclinations, that would incessantly carry one towards you. But as soon as the 24th of June is well past, I intend, if God bless me with life and health, to be either in England, or waiting for the first conveniency of transportation thither.a Till then, a just impatience will extremely disquiet me, if you be not so charitable as to vouchsafe me some of your conversation by letters, (whose length and frequency will most endear them:) and since this is the season of the year, in which my distempers use most to infest me, you would very sensibly oblige me, if you have already prepared any of the medicines your letter mentions, to send me by the very first safe conveniency, as much as you shall think fit for my present personal use, with some directions how to take what you send. For my part, that I may not live wholly useless, or altogether a stranger in the study of nature, since I want glasses and furnaces to make a chemical analysis of inanimate bodies, I am exercising myself in making anatomical dissections of living animals: wherein (being assisted by your father-in-law’s ingenious friend Dr. Petty, our general’s physician) I have satisfied myself of the circulation of the blood, and the (freshly discovered and hardly discoverable) receptaculum chyli, made by the confluence of the venæ lacteæ;b and have seen (especially in the dissections of fishes) more of the variety and contrivances of nature, and the majesty and wisdom of her author, than all the books I ever read in my life could give me convincing notions of. Designing, whilst I am kept prisoner in Ireland, to prosecute that study, as I have opportunity; if there be any thing relating to it, wherein my knives may give you any satisfaction I shall be very proud to employ them to so elevated an end. I have not been all this while unmindful of the commands, wherewith you were pleased to honour me, when I last kissed your hands, to enquire into the mineral advantages of Ireland: but in this illiterate country, I found all men so perfect strangers to matters of that nature, that my enquiries have hitherto been as fruitless as diligent. But since my coming to this town, my endeavours have procured me some little information, and hopes of more. Of the ludus, that Dr. Currer had, I can yet learn nothing, nor yet of any mine of antimony.c But for iron, I may be able to give a This date is mentioned in Hartlib’s letter of 8 May 1654, and so enables an approximate date to be assigned to this letter from Boyle. b For William Petty see above, p. 64n. Petty landed in Ireland in Sept. 1652 following his appointment as Physician-General to the Army in Ireland, and to the Commander-in-Chief, General Ireton, who was already dead on Petty’s arrival. See E. Fitzmaurice, The Life of Sir William Petty (London, 1895) p. 21. Boyle refers to Clodius’ father-in-law, Samuel Hartlib. The discovery of the lacteal veins was published by Gaspare Aselli (1581–1626) in his De lactibus sive lacteis venis (1627). The discovery of the reservoir of the chyle was published by Jean Pecquet in Experimenta nova anatomica (1651). c Boyle presumably refers to William Currer (c. 1617–68), physician. See Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48n.), esp. p. 190. In the next sentence, Boyle refers to the 2nd Earl of Cork, but the other brother mentioned has not been identified.

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you a good account of it, and to bring you over of the ore; my eldest brother having upon his land an iron work, that now yields him a good revenue; and I having upon my own land an iron mine, to which before the wars belonged a (since ruined) work, which I have thoughts of resetting up. I am likewise told (but how truly, I know not yet) of a little silver mine lying in some land of mine; and very lately in a place, which belongs to a brother of mine, they have found silver ore very rich; for being tried, it is estimated, (as he tells me, that means to deal for it) at between 30 and 40 pounds a ton: but whether or no there be a mine of proportionable value, we do not yet know. I was yesterday with an officer of the army, who farms a silver mine from the state, who hath promised me what assistance he can in my mineral enquiries, and told me, that a metallist and refiner, whom he extolled with superlative elogies, assured him, that there was no country in Europe so rich in mines as Ireland, had but the inhabitants the industry to seek them, and the skill to know them.a If I shall in relation to this matter, or to any other, wherein my stay here may be any ways improveable to your service, be honoured with any further or more particular instructions, I shall (God willing) by my forwardness to obey them, endeavour to manifest, that I am as highly as justly ambitious not to utter uselessly the title of Mr. Clodius’s Most affectionate friend, and most obliged humble servant, ROBERT BOYLE.

[BOYLE] to HARTLIBb

25 April 1654

From the extract, partly in Hartlib’s and partly in a scribal hand, in HP 70/8/3.c 4o/1. Not previously printed.

An Extract of a Letter ‹from›1 an Honourable Person in Ireland to Mr Hartlib dated the 25 of April. 1654. a Boyle refers to Thomas Bushell (1594–1674), Farmer of Royal Mines, following the grant given him to farm royal mines in Wales by Charles I. His lease was renewed by Cromwell. b Boyle has been identified as Hartlib’s correspondent here from the description by Hartlib of the author in the letter’s title (Boyle is known to have been in Ireland at this time), and from certain characteristic phrases within it. It is clear from Hartlib’s next letter that he had received a letter from Boyle dated 25 Apr. Furthermore, a similar account of the benefits of pruning roses appears in Certain Physiological Essays (1661); see Works, vol. 2, pp. 59–60. c A further scribal copy, headed by Hartlib ‘Husbandry of Roses’, survives in HP 70/8/1A.

168

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 8 or 9 May 1654

Upon the Way from Youghal to Dublin I had an occasion to oblige an Ingenious Gentleman, who hath been a great Traveller in the Easterne Countrys of the world, & came some yeares since to settle himselfe in Ireland where he hath made himselfe Eminent for Husbandry, in ‹which I hope to be much improved2 by› his conversation as soone as my perpetuall distractions will allow it me.a One curiosity he hath practis’d which may not be altogether unworthy your notice; & that is a way to have Roses twice a yeare; which he performes by pruning off divers of the branches upon which the Roses grow, as soone as ever they are gathered, and then the same places will shoot forth fresh branches and Roses too about Autumne.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

8 or 9 May 1654

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 261–4. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 83–9.

Dear SIR, I PERCEIVE, by your last most welcome letter, of the 25th of April, that all my three former letters are safely arrived to your hands: your intended stay till the 24th of June is such a passage, as pierces my soul, for divers very weighty reasons and considerations, which is but bootless to name for the present.b Nor dare I entertain your departing again from Dublin with any delight or satisfaction, in reference to our communications, which might have been more readily exchanged, if you had continued in that central place. But we must quietly submit to a wiser providence, than we can set up by our own desires or affections, though never so ardent and sincere. I hope you have received likewise the great packet, with the desired Arminian books, which could hardly be gotten at the second hand.c The monies, which I laid out for them, I received again, according to your appointment. If I should have apprehended so long a stay as to the 24th of June, I would have added something else to the packet, besides five copies of the desired interrogatories; to divers of which I have procured a sufficient answer.d It would much further that design, if every ingenious head amongst you would take notice of whatsoever worth the observation occurreth in any place, that so by little and little a

This person has not been identified. Boyle informs Clodius of this intended date of departure from Ireland in Boyle to Clodius, early May 1654. For Boyle’s extended stay in Ireland see above, pp. 135n. and 152. c For the Arminian books see above, p. 158n. d For Hartlib’s Interrogatory see above, p. 158n. The Interrogatory was designed to collect information for the continuation of Gerard Boate’s The Natural History of Ireland (1652). b

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we might perfectly come to understand the natural history of all the parts in that country. There are some things worth a philosophical pen in these places, viz. How it cometh to pass, that there are not frogs, toads, snakes, neither moles nor nightingales, rarely magpies? How some kind of fowls and beasts we have not in England? as divers hawks, cocks of the wood, pintails, wolves, foxes, greyhounds wondrous large; as also divers plants and fishes. Farther, to enquire what truth there is, concerning the generation of barnacles, which much abound there.a As also of divers things, which the Irish foolishly report of St. Patrick.b Also it were worth the while, strictly to examine their petrifying fountains, which are said to abound in several parts, whether they transmute all woods, or only holly, as is commonly reported? Whether turf doth grow here much, and how? Also, concerning divers isles, in one of which it is reported, a dog will not bite, and a woman cannot have children in. Also of lakes, some of which are accounted bottomless; another, at certain times, casting forth yellow amber. Also concerning stones like birds, which, they say, St. Patrick turned into stone, for chirping when he was preaching. I am glad to hear, that Mr. Worsley also is like to engage in the prosecution of these affairs, and this kind of surveying of lands.c Concerning the clover husbandry, I am promised a special account, which you shall have, God willing, as soon as it comes to my hands, either in print, or a copy in writing.d There is another renowned seed in Brabant and Flanders, which is as little taken notice of as clover was, before my books were divulged; it is called in Latin spergula, and in English spurry-seed; of which one writes unto me, as followeth.e ‘The spurry-seed, which you have gotten out of the Low Countries,1 grew, no doubt, in light ground: and, accordingly, if it were mine, it should again be sown in the lightest ground I had; though, for trial’s sake, I might, perhaps, bestow a handful or two upon every sort of ground near me.’ The times of sowing it are twice in a summer: the first time is not very early. I should not adventure to sow Dutch seed in England, before the middle of May, lest being a stranger, it should take it unkindly to meet with cold May mornings, and discourage me. In June and July it will be in flower, and in August the seed is a Hartlib refers to the barnacle goose (Anser bernicla). It was formerly believed that it developed from the crustacean barnacle. BL 7, no. 49, is a letter written by Miles Symner to someone who desired ‘an account concerning Barnacles that you might present it to the truly honourable & by me ever honored person’. We suspect that this person was Boyle. The letter has no year in the date, but it most likely belongs to 1654. b St Patrick was the 5th-century missionary and patron saint of Ireland. c Benjamin Worsley was Surveyor General of Forfeited Estates in Ireland. Evidently Hartlib regarded Worsley’s work of surveying as a potential contribution in the continuation of the Natural History of Ireland. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 81, 436–7. d Hartlib intended to include this information in the 3rd edition of Samuel Hartlib his Legacy (1655), as ‘Observations of the Husbandry of Clover from Mr. Tho. Mackworth’s friend’. e This letter ‘relating the Braband Husbandry of Spurry-seed’ was printed in Hartlib’s Legacy of Husbandry (London, 1655), pp. 257–8. Variants between the printed text and Hartlib’s transcription in the letter are recorded in the end notes.

170

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 8 or 9 May 1654

usually ripe. The second time of sowing is after hay-harvest, when the Brabant husbandman presently ploughs up his ground, and sows it with spurry-seed, that it may grow up, and serve his kine after all the late grass and rowins be eaten up, even till New-years-day:a so that this latter sowing yields no seed, but is eaten up green, and the provision for seed is made by the former sowing. IT will be good in this first trial, to sow it in several parts of the same ground, in different proportions, and to mark, which thrives best. As also, in the same ground, and with the same proportion of seed, to try the difference of encrease there is between the seed newly threshed out, and thrown into new-ploughed ground, and that seed, which is at the same time a year old. IT is ordinary in Brabant, to sell away their May-butter, and to make their winter provision for themselves, and their more /p. 262/ knowing customers, in the end of the year. For many of them prefer spurry-butter before May-butter. I suppose, the principal reason is, because it is not so apt to grow rank, with that summer-heat, which May-butter must endure in June, July and August. I HAVE known some Brabant husbandmen sow Kolls, that is, small round turnips, among their spurry, in the latter seed-time, as being also good to encrease the milk in their kine. SOME Brabant women give spurry to their hens, that will catch it from one another as they do chick-weed: they believe, that it makes them lay the more eggs. Spurry is by some esteemed a sure remedy for a cut, or green wound, if it be bruised green, and laid to the cut. Thus far of spurry-seed. I could give you likewise several accounts concerning la Lucerne, and St. Foyne;b but my legacy of husbandry being to be printed the third time, you shall find them all in that edition with the Answer of the late Dr. Child to the animadverter, Dr. Boate, upon his large letter of husbandry, wherein there are divers excellent observations and experiments, which, by God’s blessing, are like to enrich these nations, if their industry be not wanting.c By that, which I read concerning Dr. Child’s husbandries in the work of Ireland, I see what a good foundation of life he hath laid for that honest country calling.d But I doubt the colonel cannot shew us any more observations or directions of his in writing, besides what is extant already from his hand; though this would have improved clover, flax and woad, upon many more lands than his own.e I have heard no more from Dr. Horne, since I have sent him a pretty bulk of a

rowin, i.e., rowen, the aftermath, or second crop of grass or hay in a season. Lucerne is similar to clover, used as a fodder crop. ‘Saint Foyn’, i.e., sainfoin, a perennial herb also cultivated for fodder. See above, p. 157n. c The 3rd edition of Hartlib’s Legacy (1655) included Arnold Boate’s ‘Annotations upon the Legacy of Husbandry’, which are in fact letters from Paris from July 1651 to Jan. 1652, as well as Robert Child’s ‘Answer to the Animadversor’. See Legacy , pp. 118–72. d Child had contributed ‘A Large Letter … of English Husbandry’ to the former editions of Hartlib’s Legacy. e For Anthony Morgan see above, p. 142n. b

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all sorts of books.a I suppose, he will give his judgment upon those, that treat of this subject, as soon as he is settled at Leyden, whither he is called to the professorship of history, in Salmasius’s room, as I take it.b I have seen lately a French book, much commended unto me, called, Le Jardinier François, qui enseigne a cultiver les arbres & herbes potageres. Avec la maniere de conserver les fruits, & faire toutes sortes de confitures conserves, & massepains. Dedie aux Dames. Seconde edition. A Paris 1651.c Perhaps, this also was amongst the books, which Dr. Boate commended for his georgical catalogue.d I long to hear more news of that ingenious gentleman, between Youghall and Dublin, for advancement of these rural studies.e I like so well his character already, which you have given him, that I am much inclined to present him with some of these kind of books of mine, that they may be improved and enlarged by his pen, both from his great travels in the eastern countries of the world, as likewise from his eminent husbandries in Ireland. The way to have roses twice a year, is very pleasant and fragrant, if it be so practicable, as you have described. For the lord Digby would say, speaking of an ancient fair lady, that a rose in Autumn was as sweet as a rose in June.f But better travellers and naturalists relate, that the planting of roses is but a late attempt in the West-Indies, where they never grew afore; yet since they have been planted there, they have prospered exceedingly, in a most surprising nature, for sight and smell, above all our roses. I am shortly to be acquainted with Mr. Marshall, the great master of insects in all England, as likewise of the planting of above thirty new sorts or kinds of roses, which are so lively and accurately represented, that three hundred pound sterling hath been offered for that picturary, if he would have sold it.g The performance of Dr. Van Mussig’s promise concerning saltpetre will be very welcome: but, not taking notice of this, I pray remember my true love and service unto him.h If he have any businesses or commands to honour me withall, you may assure him, I shall approve myself always his ancient faithful friend and servant. The author of Isagoge Phytoscopica is a

For Georg Hornius see above, p. 162n. Hornius settled in Leiden in 1653. Claudius Salmasius or Claude de Saumaise (1588–1653), French classical scholar and professor of ecclesiastical history at Leiden. c Hartlib refers to Le jardinier Francois (1651) by Nicolas de Bonnefons, which was translated by John Evelyn as The French Gardener: instructing how to cultivate all sorts of Fruit trees and Herbs for the Garden (1658). d Possibly a reference to the books mentioned by Arnold Boate in Legacy, pp. 123–4. e This person has not been identified. He was possibly the author of the letters published in Legacy, pp. 244, 248. f Hartlib refers to Sir Kenelm Digby, for whom see above, p. 99n. Digby’s love for Lady Venetia Stanley (d. 1633), who became his wife in 1625, was the subject of many of his poems and a large part of his autobiography, none of which were printed until the 19th century. The line in question has not been traced. g Perhaps Alexander Marshall, a painter in watercolour, mentioned by John Tradescant, Musaeum Tradescantianum (London, 1656), p. 41. h For Johann Brün, or Unmussig see above, p. 158n. On saltpetre projects see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 377–80. b

172

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 8 or 9 May 1654

Dr. Jungius of Hamburg, one of the best logicians in all Germany.a For he conceives, if that art were truly understood and applied, not only botanical, but all other real studies whatsoever, would flourish more than they have done since the fall of Adam. Leges Collegii Protonoetici came from the same forementioned author: but they will scarcely be understood, without the general draught of his philosophical undertakings, which I shalI impart unto you hereafter, God willing.b In my last to Mr. Worsley, I gave him the contents of a certain treatise, called, Viridaria Varia Regia & Academica publice in usum magnatum ac philobotanorum collecta ac recognita opera & studio D. Simonis Pauli S.R. Daniæ Andrei Aulici, Hafniæ 1653. In quo continentur, 1. Catalogus plantarum horti regii Hafniæ. 2. Parisiensis. 3. Warsaviensis regis Poloniæ. 4. Oxoniensis. 5. Gymnasii Patavini. 6. Horti academici Lugduno-Batavi. 7. Horti Groningensis. 8. Catalogus tuliparum. 9. Laurembergii Botanotheca. Hoc est, modus conficiendi herbarium vivum.c All in one thick volume, in great 12mo. There came over but two copies only from Denmark. But a judicious friend of mine writes his censure upon it in these following words. – Viridaria regia Sim. Pauli persuadeo mihi opus esse ad pompam verius quam ad usum: cui bono quæso variarum istarum plantarum nomenclatio, si certior earum et fundatior descriptio absit? Et licet ejusmodi nobis potestas, quemadmodum in prolixa horti Eichstedensis descriptione atque in herbariis præprimis nonnullis (puta Matthioli sola se figurarum elegantia insinuantibus) est videre, quid tamen præter inanem oculorum voluptatem lectori adferunt solidi? Nisi forte nobis una virtutes viresque in cibo, potu, aliisque distinctius et accuratius explicent? Sed qui hoc mihi pollicear de uno homine? nisi ut quis scribere libros animum intendat, & nobis denuo apponat, quod cum tædio sumptum est. Unam unus medicus herbam describat; res difficillima in mitiorem cogetur naturam, & sic aliquando plenissimum rei botanicæ systema habebimus. Imo praxis respondebit theoriæ quam proximè, et erit chymico bono cui fidat in posterum. Hodie aliud nihil quam scribunt & exscribunt botanici, rarissime /p. 263/ quod docent, quod ipsi experti sunt, ut minoris merito emolumenti ingentia nostra herbaria sint. Verum est alicubi extant certa medicamina & infallibilia, sed illapsa sunt multis dubiis aliis quasi involuta, & nequit nemo docere veritatem illustrius, quam quem ipsa fideliter docuit. Sed de hac re esto domini Clodii judicium.d Thus far a very learned friend, which agreeth a This is a reference to Joachim Jungius (1587–1657), natural philosopher, mathematician and physician. A manuscript version of the Harmonice et isagoge phytoscopica, is HP 18/4/1A–1B. On Jungius see H. Kangro, Joachim Jungius’ Experimente und Gedanken zur Begründung der Chemie als Wissenschaft (Wiesbaden, 1968). b Possibly Jungius’s ‘Protonoeticae Philosophiae Sciagraphia’. Of this work only a fragment survives in Cambridge University Library. It has been published in Kangro, Joachim Jungius, pp. 256–71. c Hartlib cites the work of the botanist and physician Simon Paulli (1603–80), botanist and physician, and professor of medicine at Rostock 1639–48. Viridaria varia regia was published in 1653. For further details see Ephemerides for 1654 (HP 29/4/6B). d ‘I am quite sure that the Viridaria regia of Simon Pauli is a work intended more for show than for practical use. For what, I ask you, is the point of having a list of the names of all these different plants, if a more certain and more detailed description of them is lacking? And although we do have the opportunity of looking [at the plants he lists] in that sort of way, that we find in his verbose description of the Eichsted garden and especially in a number of herbaria (one should think that

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with your judgment, which you have expressed upon this matter.a I thank you for the intelligence given me of my lord of Leicester’s inoculating practices.b I shall take more notice, from henceforth, of that garden for these, and his other pleasant and profitable civilities and cultures. If we could have a true and faithful description of all these kind of industries which have been, with very vast charges and exquisite skill, bestowed upon the famed duke of Holstein’s garden, it would teach us yet more botanical and oeconomical lessons.c If I might be so bold, I should be glad to know, what other curiosities Mr. Worsley hath communicated to you, besides the most unprocurable part of Glauber’s second furnace.d Mr. Morian writes no more of him, or his other promised magnalia.e A great abbot in France, intimately corresponding with Sir K. Digby,f is said to have other kind of furnaces than any of Glauber’s, which will be erected, ere long, amongst ourselves, to prosecute really philosophical studies. For you must know, that a general chemical council, not far from Charing-cross, sits often, and hath so behaved itself hitherto, that things seem now to hasten towards some settlement; and we, poor and sickly creatures, begin those of Matthiolus only insinuate themselves because of the elegance of the illustrations), what solid things do they offer to the reader, beyond an empty visual pleasure? [What good are they,] unless perhaps they explain to us all together in a more clear and more accurate manner the qualities and strengths of the plants in food, drink, and other respects? But what conclusion should I come to about this one man? What else, except that here is someone who might set his mind to write some books, and might finally place in our hands something that we can pick up only at the risk of boredom? One single physician should write a description of one single herb; this most difficult of subjects will be compelled to assume a gentler form, and thus at some point we shall have a thoroughly complete system in botanical matters. Then, indeed, will practice come as near as possible to theory; and it will be a good chemist whom one may trust thereafter. But today our botanists do nothing apart from write and rewrite their books; and it is a very rare thing, if they teach something which they themselves have experienced, thus these huge herbaria of ours are of not much use at all. It is true that somewhere there do exist true and infallible medicines; but they have fallen out of use because they are tied up with many other doubts, and no-one can teach the truth more effectively than a person whom truth herself has faithfully taught. But let the decision of Mr Clodius on this matter stand.’ a It is not known who wrote this comment on Paulli’s Viridaria. His reference to Mattioli is to his Commentarii in sex libris pedacii Dioscoridis (1570). b This is possibly Robert Sidney (1595–1677), 2nd Earl of Leicester, Lord Lieutenant in Ireland from 1641–3, although we have not been able to elucidate the reference to his ‘inoculating practices’. c Presumably Hartlib refers to Frederick III (1609–70), Duke of Holstein-Gottorp, King of Denmark from 1648. d For Glauber see above, p. 84n. He settled a laboratory in Amsterdam, and became famous for his distillatory furnaces, which made it possible to obtain high temperatures. The work mentioned here is Furni novi philosophici, 5 parts (1646–49). Here Hartlib may refer to the second part of it. Glauber’s Furni was translated into English by John French in 1651; see J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, 4 vols (London, 1961–9), ii, 341–61. Glauber was closely associated with Johannes Moriaen who introduced him to Worsley. e For Moriaen see above, p. 66n. Moriaen’s letters from Holland provided Hartlib and his associates with information on Glauber’s activities. f For Sir Kenelm Digby see above, p. 99n.

174

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 8 or 9 May 1654

to conceive hopes of being able shortly to support our burthens.a As for Mr. Clodius’s philosophical wonders, if they were in my hands, or possession, you should soon be an eye-witness of them, though you were at this distance. But my chemical son assures me, they are fittest to be reserved to that happy conversation, which is so much prayed and longed for on both sides.b In the mean time, though the great medicinal arcana be not yet prepared, he hath done, with God’s blessing upon certain specificks, so many and strange cures already, as are counted no less than miraculous; or, to use Sir Kenelm’s words, conjuring. They are about an universal laboratory, to be erected after such a manner, as may redound, not only to the good of this island, but also to the health and wealth of all mankind. I suppose you have heard, how that Sir Kenelm is in very good favour with the lord protector; his sequestration is taken off, and as soon as he hath gotten his lands into his own possession, (which will be suddenly) he speaks of engaging seven hundred pounds for his own part in the foresaid laboratory, besides some other friends, which he can procure.c He protested seriously unto me, that in all his travels and converses with the choicest wits, both in Italy and France, he hath not met so much of theoretical solidity, and practical dexterity, both together, as he finds in my chemical son; and therefore is resolved to improve that prize accordingly, which providence hath brought to his hands. He hath many excellent secrets and experiments of all sorts, yea, some arcana of the highest nature, which he hath already freely (yet sub fide silentii)d imparted into his breast; and is purposing to send for all his papers out of France, that he may put them into his custody and management. Both their judgments and experiences agree mightily together, to the very amazement of each other. And there wants nothing to the perfecting of the grand design, but that you are not present with them, without whose interest we have no mind, that it should be consummated. In the mean time, he hath been instrumental to ingulph my son with the practice of physick into ten or twelve families of the greatest of his acquaintance, which take up so much already of his time, both day and night, that he hath no leisure to devote himself to your service, and desires of corresponding with you, or making out of the better sort of physicks, with some of the much desired and longed for arcana.e He hath written for an expert ancient old laborant, which hath lived with Mr. Morian, who is like to be here very shortly, now the peace between both commonwealths hath been proclaimed so many days ago.f The a Perhaps a reference to a ‘Chemical Council’, which involved Clodius, Digby, Starkey, Brün, John French and Thomas Smart. See Dobbs, Foundation (above, p. 93), pp. 75–8. b Hartlib’s ‘chemical son’ was Clodius. c An Order in Council of 30 Jan. 1654 freed Digby’s estates from sequestration, allowing him to repay part of his debts; see CSPD, 12 Jan. 1654. Digby was on intimate terms with Cromwell from 1654. d ‘under the faith of silence’. e For Kenelm Digby’s patronage of Clodius see below, p. 180n. f The laboratory assistant was Franck or Franken Remeus, an apothecary who had lived for a time

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laborant also is very much commended for his mineral skill in divers respects. My son assures you, that he will not fail to prepare the ludus after Helmontius’s way, as soon as it is possible.a The rare medicine for curing the gout is yet but extant in the recipe or process, which Mr. Morian got from Coen, and hath since communicated to Mr. Clodius, who promised to send some other medicines, which are ready, by the first occasion, as you have directed.b The famous lithotomists course for the stone is very welcome, but is counted no great jewel by my son.c Sir Kenelm commends hugely the medicine of the virga aurea,d which Barcleius, in his Euphormio, hath so remarkably discovered to the world, though little taken notice of, in the comparison of those few, which have used the same with admirable success. I am now endeavouring to get the sight of the forenamed book, and, by my next, God willing, you shall have a transcript of it. The greatest secret you ever knew in surgery, which you mention, as imparted and enclosed in Mr. Clodius’s letter, was not found in it.e I hope it is not otherwise miscarried. That of the lithotomists to me, was found in the company of your dearest sister,f which she faithfully delivered unto me, not knowing how it was come into the letters written to herself. I beseech you, Sir, do not forget to send in your next the forementioned secret with those other chirurgical rarities, which you have made a shift, as your phrase is, to possess yourself of. The rare chirurgical ones, which I have purchased of late, are contained in the adjoined printed paper of Mr. Morian’s communication, which Mr. Van Mussig can interpret.g The chirurgical several oils, therein mentioned, are sent unto me by the forenamed laborant; of which I /p. 264/ shall give you farther notice, when they are arrived. The peace with the Hollanders doth no less rejoice us, than it doth those nobler souls in Ireland.h To further the philosophical commerces therefore, in some measure, I am intending shortly to write to the possessors of the late Dr. Boate’s papers, to publish those in print beyond the seas, which contain the Natural History of Ireland, written in Low-Dutch originally, as he told me in his life-time.i with Moriaen, and moved to England in 1654. See Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy (above, p. 66), pp. 51–2. The Treaty of Westminster, ending the first Anglo-Dutch War, was ratified in Apr. 1654. a For van Helmont see above, p. 91n. b For Johann Baptista Coen see above, p. 155n. c See Usefulness I, Works, vol. 3, p. 339. d ‘goldenrod’. The leaves and flowers were formerly used medicinally. Hartlib refers to John Barclay (1582–1621), author of Euphormionis lusinini satyricon, 2 parts (1623–7). e Clodius’s letter to Hartlib has not been found. f i.e., Lady Ranelagh. g Hartlib probably refers here to a publication commissioned by Moriaen on Hartlib’s and Dury’s behalf. For Moriaen’s printing activities see Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy, pp. 38–41. h See above. i For Gerard Boate and his authorship of Irelands Naturall History (1652), see above, p. 157n.

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to BOYLE, 8 or 9 May 1654

For I suppose, this may be one means, whereby Ireland may be peopled again, and get good tenants; especially, if the other parts, which are wanting to that history, were more particularly discovered and described. Coen hath neither England nor the Low Countries made happy by his last visits. For Mr. Morian hath written twice, that he is arrived at Hamburgh, where he hath found, that other Faber, which was before engaged in some mineral and chemical works.a But since they have been together, the good man at Amsterdam complains, that both of them have been (to use his own words) magis muti quam pisces.b If he knew, that my son hath lately gotten from some other hand his greatest mystery, I dare prophesy, he would not be so long silent and suspense, as hitherto he hath been. I read with some pleasure, that Dr. Petty and yourself have lately been making fine discoveries in anatomy.c The ingenious doctor told me, divers months ago, of certain musical and dialling anatomies, invented by him.d But because I have heard nothing more of them, a farther discovery from your hand will always be very welcome. There are other fine discoveries made by the Bohemian baron Misneck, lately sent to this commonwealth from the duke of Courland, whereby both watches and dials will suffer much, if he can make good his invention.e The discoveries are as yet made only to a few of his most confiding friends. Only I have learnt in the general, that he can make a most exact and perfect dialling use, as I may so call it, from the knowledge of the circulation of blood in a man’s body, if I have been rightly informed. If I could have gotten a copy of two pretty large volumes, lately brought over by a gentleman of singular quality, and who lodgeth in the best room of my house (for so much my chemical son doth love and honour him) at this present; I would have sent it into Ireland, to put it to a trial, whether you could find any more of these fine discoveries, which you promise to impart at more leisure.f The titles of them are these. Thomæ Bartholini Vasa Lymphatica nuper Hafniæ in Animantibus inventa. Et a There is no evidence for Moriaen’s residence in Hamburg. At some point between Apr. and Oct. 1654 he moved to Arnhem, where he resided as a guest of Küffler. See Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy (above, p. 66), p. 52. For Coen see above, p. 155n. Hartlib’s further reference is to Albert Otto Faber (1620–86), physician, who settled in England and became physician to Charles II. See J. Crossley (ed.), The Diary and Correspondence of Dr J. Worthington, 3 vols (Manchester, 1847–86), i, 363, n. 1; and ii, 6, 41, n. 1, and Harriet Sampson, ‘Dr Faber and his Celebrated Cordial’, Isis, 34 (1943), 472–96. b i.e., ‘more mute than fishes’. c On Petty’s and Boyle’s early anatomical investigations see Frank, Harvey (above, p. 66), pp. 93, 101–2. It is likely that Boyle studied anatomy with Nathaniel Highmore. See above, p. 143. d It is not known what these are. Petty had written some lectures on music, and a treatise of irregular dials; see Lansdowne, Petty Papers (above, p. 64), ii, 261. No letter from Petty to Hartlib detailing such inventions has been found. e Baron Misneck has not been identified. Hartlib possibly refers to Jacob Kettler (1639–82), Duke of Courland. f Hartlib refers to Johann Friedrich Schlezer, who lived with him during his visit to Cromwell as a representative of the Elector of Brandenburg. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 3, 276.

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Hepatis Exequiæ, 1653. 2. Ejusdem Dubia Anatomica de Lacteis Thoracicis. Et, an Hepatis Funus immutet Medendi Methodum, 1653. 3. Ejusdem historiarum anatomicarum centuria I. & II. 1654.a From Upsal in Sweden was likewise sent unto me somewhat, which I have not imparted to you, for ought I can remember: it is called, Nova Exercitatio Anatomica. Exhibens Ductus Hepaticos aquosos. Et Vasa Glandularum serosa. Nunc primum inventa aeneisque figuris delineata. Ab Olao Rudbeck Sweco, Cui accessere aliæ ejusdem Observationes Anatomicæ.b Thus you see what the Danish and Swedish world is attempting and transacting in these affairs of learning. I wish, that Dr. Petty would shew himself to the world by some rare piece or other. For since the non-performance or non-divulging of the invention of his double writing, his credit is mightily impaired in England, and other nations, which have heard of it. Those, that know the way, which Mr. Wren doth use, say, his art of double writing is not worth a rush; for it can never be readily practised. c Honest Mr. Dymock is blamed almost by every body, though the fault, in my judgment, be as much, if not more, in them, that blame him.d The earl of Worcester is buying Vaux-hall from Mr. Trenchard, to bestow the use of that house upon Gaspar Calehof and his son, as long as they shall live;e for he intends to make a college of artisans; which, if it go forward, I shall get Mr. Dymock into it, though I had rather he should superintend a college of husbandmen, whensoever it can be founded. Yesterday I was invited by the famous Thomas Bushel (for I suppose you have seen his Mineral Overtures in print) to Lambeth-Marsh to see part of that foundation or building, which is designed for the execution of a

Hartlib refers to Thomas Bartholin (1616–80), Danish physiologist and anatomist. In 1649 he was chosen to succeed Simon Paulli in the chair of anatomy at Copenhagen. In Vasa lymphatica nuper Hafniae in animalibus inventa (1653), he recognized that the lymphatics formed a physiological system. The other two works by Bartholin here mentioned are his Dubia anatomica de lacteis thoracicis (1653) and Historiarum anatomicarum rariorum centuria (1654). b This work, published in 1653, is by Olof Rudbeck (1630–1702), Swedish anatomist, botanist and historian. He claimed that he discovered the lymphatic system in 1650, three years before the publication of Bartholin’s Vasa lymphatica. c For William Petty see above, p. 64n. He invented a system of double-writing in 1647, which he advertised in his Advice to Mr Samuel Hartlib (1648), dedicated to Boyle. Petty was granted a patent for his invention in 1648. See An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons… to grant his Majesties Letters Patents to William Petty, published in W. Petty, A Declaration concerning the newly invented Art of double writing (1648). Hartlib also refers to Christopher Wren (1632–1723), natural philosopher and architect. One of Wren’s early inventions was a double-writing instrument, which in Hartlib’s opinion, evidently compared unfavourably to Petty’s. d For Cressy Dymock see above, p. 88n. e For Edward Somerset, 6th Earl and Marquis of Worcester, and the property at Vauxhall see above, p. 79n. John Trenchard, MP, obtained ownership of Vauxhall following its confiscation by Parliament at the time of the Act for the sale of crown property in 1649. Eventually it was proposed that the house should pass into the hands of the Marquis. The Dutch mechanic Caspar Kalthoff (fl. 1664), had been employed at Vauxhall before the Civil War. See W. H. Thorpe, ‘The Marquis of Worcester and Vauxhall’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society, 13 (1932–3), 75–88. Kalthoff’s son has not been identified.

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my lord Verulam’s New-Atlantis.a I make no question, your dearest sister hath written to you of Mr. Dury’s going into Germany with Mr. Pell.b Since his departure, I have printed a treatise of his, concerning a body of practical divinity, to be compiled out of English authors, which is very worth your reading, and therefore shall send you some copies of it.c The Political Vision be pleased to tender, with my humble service, to your noble brother, the earl of Corke.d Thus, begging your pardon, for giving you so tedious a trouble, with my large scribbling, and presenting again the humble and faithful services of my wife, sons, and daughters, I profess myself unfeignedly, Dear Sir, your most affectionate, and most obliged humble servant, SAM. HARTLIB

May 8, 1654.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

15 May 1654

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 264–6. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 89–91.

Dear SIR, MY last was dated the 9th of May, which was a very huge, if not voluminous answer to your last of the 21st of April, with a short letter also from my chemical son.e Yesterday I sent you a packet, wherein were 15 copies more of the interroga

For Thomas Bushell see above, p. 168n. Bushell had been a protégé of Francis Bacon, and he proposed to establish Solomon House, in London or at Wells, plans for which were first presented by Bacon in his New Atlantis (1625). Hartlib must refer to The Case of Thomas Bushell … Together with his progresse in minerals (1649). b For John Dury see above, p. 56n. Dury was in Germany from June 1655 until July 1656, for the purpose of establishing ecclesiastical peace among Protestants. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 279–80. Hartlib also refers to John Pell (1611–85), mathematician, F.R.S. 1663, who in 1647 was appointed professor of mathematics at the newly-founded University of Breda. From 1654 to 1658 Pell acted as Cromwell’s political agent in Zürich. There is no evidence that he accompanied Dury to Germany. Lady Ranelagh’s letter to Boyle referred to here has not been found. c Dury sketched a ‘Body of Practical Divinity’ in A Summary Platform of Practical Divinity (1654). d The Political Vision has not been identified. e Hartlib refers to his son-in-law Frederick Clodius as his ‘chemical son’. The letter referred to is presumably the lengthy one, dated 8 May, printed above. The ‘short letter’ from Clodius, however, is not extant. The date given for Boyle’s letter to Hartlib is perhaps an error for 25 Apr.

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atories for Ireland, two copies of Mr. Dury’s last treatise concerning a body of practical divinity, and an Helmontian manuscript which Mr. Clodius had lent to Mr. Morian.a I caused it to be transcribed out of the original, which is very faulty in divers places, so that scarce any sense can be made of them; but I fear /p. 265/ the transcript is much more faulty, which I had not time to read over, lest I should have neglected the present opportunity of sending packets. The title of the foresaid manuscript is, Magna virtus verborum et rerum, about five sheets of paper.b I suppose Mr. Clodius will be able to supply the defects, who was fully resolved by this very occasion to have sent you some of his medicaments, but that the best of them, which is now preparing, could not be ready. But he hopes it will be done within six or eight days, God willing, and then he purposeth to send it with the first, with a proof of his other physical preparations, which he counts not so extraordinary. In the mean time I cannot but transmit this way the high respects, which he beareth towards your own person: for Sir K. D. of whom I have written so largely in my last, being yesterday morning with me at my own house, and pressing most earnestly the accepting of his generous offers towards my son (for a plentiful provision of himself and family for two years, with the furnishing of a complete laboratory) I would give him no other answer, but that I would acquaint Mr. Clodius with his resolves, leaving him to the freedom of his own determination.c He hath not yet been with Sir. K. but when I related the matter unto him, before I could pass my opinion upon it, he replied – Timeo Danaos sua dona ferentesd – I will determine nothing before Mr. Boyle be arrived. For whether his estate will suffer him to contribute little or much for the carrying on of all our physical and chemical affairs and designs, he alone is to be entrusted with a full and entire communication of them all and others, as we shall advise amongst ourselves. He said indeed, that Sir K. was as gallant a gentleman as ever he had met withal, but yet he could discern rather gallantry than goodness in the frame of his spirit, and of all his actions, both which he had found so eminently and superlatively in your own conversation. For my part, I was more thoroughly gladded (if you dare believe me) with this solid judgment and affections of my son, than with any treasure of knowledges and experiments, which he seems to possess or to pursue. After he hath conferred again with Sir K. he will, it may be, testify, under his own hands, these very respects unto a For Hartlib’s An Interrogatory Relating more particularly to the Husbandry and Natural History of Ireland see above, p. 158n. For John Dury’s treatise on practical divinity see above, p. 179n. For Johannes Moriaen see above, p. 66. For the Helmontian manuscript see below. b The title of Helmont’s manuscript is ‘The great virtue of words and things’. It is mentioned in Hartlib’s Ephemerides for 1654 (HP 28/2/68A). c Hartlib refers to Sir Kenelm Digby, for whom see above, p. 99n., and to Clodius. Digby intended to finance a ‘universal laboratory’ under the enterprise of Clodius. See C. Webster, ‘English Medical Reformers of the Puritan Revolution: A Background to the “Society of Chymical Physitians”’, Ambix, 14 (1967), 16–41. d The quotation is from Virgil, Aeneid, ii. 49, ‘I fear the Greeks when they bring their gifts’.

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yourself. I have found that passage concerning the cure of the stone, which the gallant knight so highly extolled, in Barcl. Euph. Satyr. p. 1. of a Leyden or Amsterdam edition in these following words.a – Statim notissimam herbam oculis meis subjicit Æsculapius, quæ calculo bellum indixit multo felicius, quam aut veratrum amentiæ, aut vulneribus Asciros. Hæc lanceatis foliis piloque ita brevi, ut pene curiosos oculos fallat, crenis denique tenuibus, et sæpe in obtusam speciem oras secantibus, mediocriter assurgit. Radix caulisque lignea subtiliora succam in herbam transferunt. Planta ad ingenium terræ nunc cubitalis, plerumque eminentior, insigne fastigium floribus ad examen turgentibus cingit, et virgæ aureæ est nomen, sive quoniam aureæ ac pæne divinæ virtutis est, sive quod præstantis metalli colorem exigui floris venustas æmulatur. Cæterum contusum in renibus calculum in innoxium pulverem solvit. Non in latere, non in vesica dolor; adeo ut tam facili remedio pudeat calculum timuisse. Et enim in hyemem siccatur æstivis umbris planta, et ubi gravitas lateris coeuntem morbum præsagit, aureus pulvis ad drachmam mere delibutus sumitur, sive ovo livissime cocto permixtus. Sed mihi non erat ad manum tam prætiosus pulvis. Itaque recentem adhuc herbam jubeo Fibullium mandere. Nihil eo die visum est ad morbum fecisse medicamentum: sed biduo deinde repetitum, supra fidem est, quam egregie refellerit acerbissimum morbum: sordidus pulvis abunde vesicam exonerabat, cænosumque saccharum pæne sanguinis imagine pingebat. Jam ventriculo robur redierat, jam corpori toti vigor, et mihi ad perfectionem artis medicæ sola deerat laurea et emptitii testimonii liber. Hactenus Berclaius.b If Mr. Clodius’s laborant a

For John Barclay, author of Euphormionis lusinini satyricon (1623–7) see above, p. 176n. The quotation occurs on pp. 63–4 of the 1623 Leiden edition and on pp. 95–6 of the 1627 Amsterdam edition. b ‘Straight away Aesculapius placed under my eyes a most famous herb, which waged war on the stone with much greater success than either hellebore can achieve against madness, or St Peter’s wort against wounds. This herb grows up to a moderate height, and has lance-like leaves, and hair so short that it could almost pass unnoticed when looked at by an inquisitive person, and finally delicate notches often cutting the edges into a blunt form. The root and woody stalk carry the sap into the herb. According to the nature of the ground, the plant is sometimes about a cubit high, and very often taller, and surrounds its very striking top with flowers that swell out into a mass of blooms. Its name is ‘goldenrod’ [virga aurea]: so called either because it has a golden and nearly divine virtue, or because the beauty of the little flower imitates the colour of that excellent metal. In any case, it breaks up the stone that afflicts the kidneys, and dissolves it into a harmless powder. There is no pain in one’s side, and there is no pain in one’s bladder; wherefore one might be ashamed of having feared the stone, when so easy a remedy is available. For the plant can even be dried in the shade during the summer for use in winter. When a heaviness in one’s side warns one that the disease of the stone is coming on, then this golden powder can either be taken and simply consumed in the amount of a dram, or mixed with an egg that has been cooked very thoroughly. But I did not have this most precious powder to hand. And so I told Fibullius to arrange for some of the herb to be gathered for the purpose. The medicine did not seem to have done anything to cure the disease on the first day; but the dose was then repeated over two days, and it was quite beyond belief, how marvellously it defeated this most painful of illnesses. A dirty powder was copiously voided from the bladder and the muddy fluid was changed almost to the colour of blood. Now strength returned to my belly, and then vigour to my entire body, and all I needed to bring me to perfecting myself in the art of medicine was a university degree and the book of purchased testimonials. This is what Barclay says.’

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come in time, I shall endeavour to get this physick also prepared after his better way.a By the last post I got from a counsellor’s hand of the elector of Brandenburg these lines.b – Invisit me heri quidam nuperrimè Ratisbona profectus, qui ibidem singularem junioris Helmontii notitiam habuit.c Is probitatem ac beneficentiam ejus insigniter deprædicabat, eumque apud Cæsarem electorem Moguntiacum, aliosque principes, et in sublimi gradu constitutas personas, magna versari in authoritate, mihi referebat, quamvis ipsis Germanam veritatem rotunde dicere non dubitaret.d Aulici vero status tædium omnino eum jam tum percepisse, solitariamque vitam agere decrevisse. Ratisbonæ commoratum, insignia sibi vestimenta conficienda curasse, ut hoc ipso eo commodior ad magnates sibi pateret aditus. Cum vero locum mutaret, discessumque pararet distributis aliisque dono datis magnificis ac pretiosis istis vestibus, inveteratam rubri coloris togam pelle seu corio subductam, propriaque manu sarcinatam (cum non solum sartoriæ, sed ut reliquarum fere artium omnium peritus sit) induere, iterque suum plurimum pedibus perficere. In egenos ac necessitate pressos valde esse munificum, siquidem Ratisbonæ aliquem, qui solvendo non erat, ne infamiæ notam subiret, aliquot centum imperialibus ex diversorio redemit, nescientibus cæteris, unde tantæ fuit particeps pecuniæ. Curare hinc inde pauperes ancipiti et acuto morbo laborantes. Artem vero aurificam omnino eum repudiare, ludibrioque habitos chemicos hac de causa literis eum invisentes auriperdos vocare.e The letter is dated the 5th of May, 54. Another a

Clodius’s laboratory assistant is mentioned above, p. 175n. The Elector of Brandenburg was Friederick Wilhelm, der Grosse Kurfürst (1620–88), Elector from 1640. The Elector’s counsellor is possibly Otto von Guerike; see below, p. 245. c For Francis Mercurius van Helmont, son of J. B. van Helmont, see above, p. 127n. d The Elector of Mainz was Johann Philipp von Schönborn (1605–73). e ‘Yesterday a certain person visited me who had very recently set out from Ratisbon, and who had had a particularly close acquaintance in that place with the younger Helmont. He spoke highly of that man’s [i.e., Helmont’s] probity and kindness; and he told me that he was held in great authority by the imperial Elector of Mainz, and other princes, and persons who have positions of the highest rank – although he would not hesitate to tell them the honest truth elegantly. And he told me that since he had indeed by this time already realised all the irksomeness of a life at court, he had decided to live a life of solitude. While staying at Ratisbon, he had taken care to have a fine set of clothes made for himself, so that by this means he could have clear access all the more easily to the magnates. When, indeed, he was going to change the place where he lived, and was getting ready for his departure, he gave away as gifts all the rest of those clothes of his, splendid and expensive as they were, and put on an old cloak of a reddish colour, lined with hide or with leather, which had been patched up by his own hand (since he was skilled not only in the tailor’s trade, but in nearly every other art as well), and completed most of his journey on foot. To those who were in need and were oppressed by poverty, he was lavish in his generosity; for, indeed, he paid off a bill of a hundred imperial [crowns] at an inn in Ratisbon, on behalf of a person who was not in a position to pay the sum, to prevent him from suffering the shame of being found out, and he made sure that no-one else knew how the man had got hold of so much money. He used here and there to cure poor people who were suffering from a dangerous and acute illness. And he used entirely to dismiss the art of making gold; he laughed at those chemists who used to send letters to him on that subject, and used to call them “losers of gold”.’ b

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counsellor of the said elector, who lodgeth in my house (as I intimated in my former) tells me of an antimonium rosatum, which he had some years ago to smell unto, as far surpassing roses and other curious odours.a Also that he had been very credibly informed of another of his acquaintance in Germany, which has had aurum rosatum yielding a far more transcendent fragrancy, than that of antimony.b If gold could be made thus vegetable, really I should prefer it before the producing of the best roses twice in a year. I fear I shall not be able to keep that worthy forenamed gentleman, who for my sake (for so he is pleased to phrase it) is come into England for a short time, so /p. 266/ long till your happy arrival. But having begun to take the next and best course, I could have made him acquainted with your dearest sister,c who perhaps will give you such a character of him as he deserves. He presents also his most humble service unto you. There is another, an Englishman, that hath been specially recommended unto me by Sir K. D.d His name is captain Saunderson, who hath been of the king’s party, but intends now to settle himself with his family in Ireland, where he hath purchased land to the value of 200 l. a year.e I have devoted him likewise after a special manner to your service. For I find him a very pretty gentleman, full of good arts and contrivances, but his main design is by a new experiment or ferment to make as much saltpetre, as you please out of salt or sea-water. When my chemical son spoke with him, he confessed, that he had hit right on his ferment, which was his secret. I long for more letters from your hands, that they may furnish me with occasions of enlarging myself, and of gratifying your more particular desires. Here you have a rude draught of Dr. Jungius’s Protonoetical Philosophy, which as it lyes in a pack bound about with such coarse expressions and terms as he useth, makes no great shew; but if it were fully opened, a great deal would appear to be rich cloth of Arras.f This is the judgment or opinion of your,

a

For Johann Friedrick Schlezer see above, p. 177n. While in London, he stayed with Hartlib. This acquaintance has not been identified. c Hartlib refers to Katherine Jones, Lady Ranelagh. d For Sir Kenelm Digby see above, p. 99n. e This is presumably Captain Ralph Sanderson, who obtained the lease of East Combe Kent after the Restoration, and commanded the yacht which took William III and his bride back to Holland after their marriage. H. Drake (ed.), Hasted’s History of Kent, Corrected Enlarged and Continued to the Present Time, Part 1, The Hundred of Blackheath (London, 1886), pp. 49, 80, n. 5. f For Joachim Jungius and the manuscript work mentioned here see above, p. 173n. b

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Dear Sir, most entirely assured faithful friend to serve you, SAM. HARTLIB. From my house (which desireth to have their most humble service presented unto you) near Charing-cross, May 15, 1654.

184

— 1655 — Lost letters dating from 1655 are as follows: Wotton’s list (see above, p. xxvii) includes as no. 6 ‘Lady Digby’. This is either Beatrice, wife of John Digby, first Earl of Bristol, who lived at Sherborne Castle, close to Stalbridge, or her daughter-in-law, Anne (d. 1697), wife to George Digby (1612–77), second Earl of Bristol. Miles records the following lost letters (BP 36, fol. 161v): ‘Ball Letter of thanks, N[o] W[orth]’. Ball is probably Roger Ball, a letter-carrier, for whom see above, p. 146n. ‘Loftus to Mr. Boyle N.W.’ This is possibly Dudley Loftus (1619–95), Irish jurist and orientalist. Loftus may have been writing to Boyle about matters connected to his recent appointment as a master of the chancery in Ireland. ‘Bisse [?] Private affairs’ This may be John Bysse (d. 1679), Recorder of Dublin during the Interregnum and Chief Baron of the Irish Exchequer after the Restoration. The second Earl of Cork’s diary (above, pp. xxvii–xxviii) records a letter to Boyle of 1 October 1655 ‘about Ma. Whitbeyes taking too much of Fermoy’. This is a reference to Captain Marcus Whitby, of Fermoy, County Cork, mariner, whose will was proved in 1658; see Sir Arthur Vicars (ed.), Index to the Prerogative Wills of Ireland, 1536–1810 (Dublin 1897), p. 485; cf. below, pp. 207, 208, 324. For other lost letters that have been placed by date see below, p. 187.

MALLETa to BOYLE

27 March 1655

From the original in BL 4, fols. 8–9. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 630 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 634–5.

Sir, Your sicknes in London some moneths since, gave me too much sadnes, either to be silencd on that occasion, or to be exprest with lesse trouble to you, then in a

For Mallet see above, p. 103.

185

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-17

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

those few sillables, wherein I venturd to confine my griefe; in onely telling you, I was in no small measure sencible of one on that Score: & Now, Sir, having lately understood the much advanced hope of your regaining health, which, if it please God to perfect, by a totall remove of all those lingring attendances on sicknes, & speedily to redouble your strength, which I most zealously beseech him to grant you, my revived joy will be as now my hope of it is already, beyond the expression of a letter: & I longingly wish for the happy opertunity of performing my Congratulating dutyes, when I may have the honor of waiting on you att Stalbridge, where I understand you are shortly expected:a But, Sir in the meane time, I could not withold these lines; which yet, I should have assumd the confidence to have sent you two or three weekes sooner; had not Parthenissa requird some of my time to entertain her, with most serious observance of her1 excellent Beauties, which are so illustriously delightfull, that even the ashes & funerall Flames of that Phœnix obscure th[e]2 brightest Princesses & their Romances:b Yet her Author must be petitiond not to leave her there, but to revive & prosecute her Oracles3 engagement; as much for the readers, as can be imagind, for her servants satisfaction; unles possibly, & very truly too, it may be thought a greater happines, to have such a monument, as your Honorable brother hath given her, then any other Fruition could be; & a high recompence of those Vertues, for all their persecutions to be placed in so serene a sphære as that admired story; which were not that way of writing warranted by some sacred presidents, & by ever being the cleerest arguments & tryalls of the most able Genius’s & the choycest favors they bestow to enlighten the world with; My Lord Broghill is Authority enough to make Romances need no other, & to prove that none can so well write of such Excellencies as are the Misteries of Love, of State, & Military Glory, but such an Excellent Person who is as much replenisht with the knowledge as highly renownd for his management, of them: & certainly nothing can be said against Romances, after his owning them, whereby they are rendred as safe in his being their Sanctuary, as in their owne Vertue: And if ever they must be Excelld by any thing more serious or devine, it can onely come from the same hand, or his Noble brothers publishing his owne Seraphicke treatises, which heretofore I have been honourd4 with the sight of, as also by the many other high favors, which have infinitely rendred mec Sir Your most obliged, most humble & faithfull servant John Malet

Pointington.d 27 Mar: 1655. a

For Stalbridge see above, p. 25n. For Broghill’s Parthenissa, see above, p. 84n. c For Robert Boyle’s Seraphic Love, see Works, vol. 1. d For Pointington see above, p. 105n. b

186

BRÜN [UNMUSSIG]

to BOYLE, 3 Sept. 1655

To the honorable Mr. Robert Boyle in London present this. Seal: Oval. Achievement of arms. Shield: three escallops. Crest: issuant from a coronet a dragon’s head (?). Endorsed by Wotton: ‘Mr Mallet 1655 Commendation Of Parthenissa’ and ‘Letters from several Hands from 55 to 87 Some without date’. With ink number: ‘2’.5

WARREN to BOYLE May 1655 Miles’s list (BP 36, fol. 145v) records this as ‘Warren from Dublin private aff[airs] May 55’. Warren has not been identified.

MURRAY to BOYLE June 1655 Miles’s list (BP 36, fol. 162) records this as ‘Murray about his Estate at Stalbridge NW. June 55’. For Tom Murray see above, p. 41n.

BRÜN [UNMUSSIG] to BOYLE

3 September 1655

From the holograph original in BL 5, fols 154–5. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Generosissime Domine Ante aliquot septimanas literas ad Te expediebam in quibus (necessitate coactus) a Domino efflagitabam, ut per famulum suum aliquid Salis Armoniaci, praeter alia quædam emi1 curaret; quoniam vero jam, forte fortuna, incidi in Most noble Lord, A few weeks ago, I sent you a letter in which I (driven by necessity) importuned your Lordship to purchase some sal ammoniac as well as other things through his servant. But now, by good fortune, I have fallen upon a good supply of sal ammoniac, and purchased it,

187

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1, 1636–61

bonam Salis armoniaci copiam, emi eam, ita ut non opus habeam alio. quare in locum ejus 4. libr.2 Nitri comparari curet, rogo. Nihil ulterius habeo, quam pro vota pro Tua prosperitate, Longaque vita. Tuus, Generosissime Domine, ex animo servus Joh. Unmissig.

Corkeii 3. 7brisa 1655.

Generosissimo Domino Roberto Boylio. / R. so that I have no need of any more. So in its place I ask that [your Lordship] may see that four pounds of nitre be provided. I have nothing further to say, except to pray for your prosperity and long life. Cork, 3 September 1655.a

Your devoted servant, most noble Lord, Joh. Unmussig

To the most noble Robert Boyle / R.

Seal: Slight traces of wax.

BOYLE to MALLET

5 September 1655

From the original in a scribal hand, signed by Boyle, in the Archives of the Marquis of Bath, at Longleat, Portland Papers, volume 2, Autograph Letters 1613–95, fols 121–2. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744) v, 630. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 634–5. Calendared in RCHM Bath 2, p. 113.

Sir I find by your very obliging Letter deliver’d me by Mr Mawdesly,b that your Civilitys to me are as unwearied as1 unmerited, this last being neither the first or a For Brün and his links with the Boyle family, see above, pp. 158n., 163n. It was presumably in this connection that he was domiciled in Cork. b For Mr Mawdesley see above, p. 146n.

188

BOYLE

to MALLET, 5 Sept. 1655

the second favor of this Nature, whereby you have bin pleas’d to make me happy. And indeed I should be almost as confounded as I am delighted to receive so many effects of the perseverance of your Goodnes, since I paid You my Acknowledgements for any of them, but that Your Letters are Blessings too welcome to be hindered by Circumstances from being such, & my Resentments wou’d have spoken as early as they were borne (& that was still assoone as ‹I› receiv’d your Favours) had they not bin silenc’d by the Commands of the Physitians whom a distemper in my Eyes engag’d to forbid me the use of a pen, which prohibition hoping my recovery would quickly antiquate it, confin’d my Gratitude to my Heart, where it was (as Passions sometimes are) as great as speechles. But though I was very unwilling to presume to write to you by a Proxy whilst I durst cherish any hopes of being2 suddenly in a /fol. 121v/ condition of writing to You without One, yet now the Continuing distemper of my Eyes forbidding me to retaine those hopes, my Resentments would not suffer me any longer to containe the humble Thankes I owe You for so many welcome Letters, & commands me to assure You that whilst I was silent, I was as much Your Servant, as if I loden Every Post with Protestations of being so. My Health is yet so unconfirm’d that the Necessity of taking Physicke to prevent the danger, wherewith the fall of the Leafe threatens me, of a Relapse, recalls me for a while to London, which I must thinke an unhappynes if my returnes be so unfortunate as to make me misse the satisfaction You are pleas’d to revive me with hopes of to kisse3 Your hands in these parts. But my stay where I am going not being intended to be long; I despaire not of finding You at Poinington at my returne to Stalbridge, & if in the meane time my stay at London may be any wayes improv’d to your service You will much injure Your owne ‹Merit› & my gratitude if You decline to honour him with Your Commands who is so Ambitious by his Obedience to them to evince himselfe Sir Your most affectionate most humble & most Obliged Servant, Robert Boyle

Stalbridge Sept. the 5. 1655 4

Sir I shall beg to be nam’d a very humble servant to your Ladya For my highly honour’d / friend John Mallet / Esqr Seal: non-heraldic; apparently showing a standing figure facing right. Endorsed on fol. 121. ‘5 Sept 1655’ and ‘R Boyle’; and on fol. 122v: ‘Mr Boyle 1655’. a

For Florentia Mallet see above, p. 106n.

189

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1, 1636–61

[BOYLE] to [HARTLIB]

14 September 1655

From the holograph original in BP 37, fols 194–5. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

From Eatona this 14 of Sept. 1655. Sir Tis not I confesse without some reluctancy that I dispose my selfe to obey the Commands you were pleas’d to impose on me at our Separation of sending you an account of what I could observe relating to husbandry in my Journey to Stalbridge.b For besides that Studyes & Employments of a very differing Nature have long kept my Thoughts very great Strangers to rurall Objects, besides this I say. the strange unseasonablenes of the weather since I left you having1 almost confin’d me to Highwayes & Innes have rendred my Journey almost as uninstructive as Unpleasant, & reduc’d me to present to your view Nothing but Trifles which I am just enough to thinke very unworthy of You & perhaps proud enough to blush to call them Mine. especially that part of England I have travers’d since I left You being lesse then any other I have seene beholding to the Industry of the Inhabitants. But I know you expect to be obey’d & so you shall be were it but to punish you for having condemn’d me to an employment I am so unfit for. After then my occasions had drag’d me out of Towne I made Oxford my way (though it were many miles out of it) on purpose to visit our Ingenious Freind Dr Wilkins with whom I spent a day with noe Small Satisfaction his entertainment did as well speake Him a Courtier as his discourse & the reall Productions of his Knowledge a Philosopher.c But tho I were used with a huge deale of Civility in divers Colledges during my short stay at Oxford (where I continu’d not full two dayes) yet that which most endear’d2 to me my Entertainment /fol. 194v/ was the delight I had to find there a Knot of Such Ingenious & free Philosophers, who I can assure You doe not only admit & entertaine Reall3 Learning but cherish & improve It,d & have done ‹& are like to doe› more toward the Advancement of it then many of those a Evidently written at Eton when Boyle was on his way back to Stalbridge. See Maddison, Life, p. 85, where a lengthy quotation is given. b As is clear from John Mallet’s letter to Boyle of 27 Mar. 1655, Boyle spent some time at Stalbridge in the middle of 1655, leaving shortly after 5 Sept. (see above, p. 189) for London because he was suffering from distemper of the eyes, and then making the return journey to Dorset at the time of this letter to Hartlib a week later. By the end of 1655 Boyle was established at Oxford. See Maddison, Life, p. 86. c For John Wilkins, see above, p. 144n. At the time of the Restoration Wilkins attended scientific meetings at Gresham College and was among the founders of the Royal Society. d Boyle refers to the Oxford Experimental Philosophy Club. See Frank, Harvey (above, p. 66), pp. 51–89.

190

[BOYLE] to [HARTLIB], 14 Sept. 1655

Pretenders that doe more busie the Presse & presume to undervalue’um, & during the little time I spent there I had the Satisfaction to heare both the Cheife Professors & Heads of Colledges maintaine Discourses & Arguments4 in a way so far from Servile that if all the New Paradoxes ‹have›5 not found Patrons there, tis not their Dissent from the Ancient or the Vulgar Opinions but some juster Cause that hinders their admission, so that ‹much of› what you & I had bin inform’d of concerning the Servilenes6 & Disaffection to reall Learning of that University may perchance have bin true when the Informers liv’d there but certainely now the Persons are mistakena & so injur’d, they being so far from being Censurable for their Predecessors failings that it ought to7 be their Praise not to have imitated them, & this I mention to You partly because You will not perhaps altogether slight the Testimony of a Person who has bin noe absolute Stranger to divers forraigne Universities & has not yet had the ill lucke to be look’t upon as an enemy to usefull Learning & partly because what concernes Naturall Philosophy in generall must not be thought Irrelative to Husbandry; which is but an application of it to8 rurall Subjects. In Dr Wilkin’s his Garden I saw as fine Indian wheat as I remember to have Seene in any part of Europe, I saw9 likewise some Nasturtium Indicum which flowers he sayes make excellent Sallads & very wholesome indeed my tast10 made me apt to thinke that the Plant abounded in volatile salt the chaw’d Leaves having upon the tongue a Penetrancy little inferior to that of Garden Scurvey grasse; There I saw likewise divers bushes of /fol. 195/ the Monthly Rose which beares every Month during the Summer & had then (which was the middle of August) unblowne buttons upon them. To tell You what I observ’d in relation to other Parts of Philosophy would be not only tedious but improper since You have Confin’d me to Husbandry concerning which to loose ‹no more›11 of your time & spend noe more of my owne then what is necessary to obey You I shall summe up what occurs to me under these following heads. I Concerning Bees Dr Wilkins shew’d me in his Garden one of those transparent Hives whose Description you have lately publish’d in Your reformed Common wealth of Beesb those industrious little fill’d 2 of the 3 Stories of the Hive pretty full of Juicy Combes, but the other story was nothing neere so well replenish’d which did somewhat discontent the Dr who is as all lovers of reall Learning ought to be a somewhat severe Philosopher but a little Experience will direct us to supply any a Evidently a reference to John Wilkins’s and Seth Ward’s reply entitled Vindiciae academiarum (1654) to Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan (1651) and John Webster’s Academiarum examen (1653), both of which were directed against the universities. b A description of Wilkins’s transparent hives occurs in the Diary of John Evelyn, ed. E. S. de Beer, 5 vols (Oxford, 1955), iii, 110 (13 July 1654). Boyle refers to Hartlib’s The Reformed Common-wealth of Bees (1655), where the transparent hives are described in a letter from Christopher Wren to Samuel Hartlib, 26 Feb. 1654, pp. 50–1. On bee-keeping see Adrian Johns, The Nature of the Book (Chicago, 1998), p. 266ff.

191

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

little deficiency which not expect in our first Experiments of that Nature is to be unmindfull of that Saying (lesse beleiv’d then if deserves) Nihil semel Inventum fuit et Perfectum.a In the meane time this transparent hive ‹answers the maine designe of its Inventors by› giving12 us ‹the› opportunity of prying into the Recesses & Industry of its busy Inhabiters, a thing which I remember in his History of Bees seemes to complaine of the want of & I somewhat wonder that since the Romanes time such an Invention has not till now bin perfected since so famous & ancient a writer as Pliny ‹who› mentions13 the way whereby Bees are ingendred spectatum Romae (saies He) Consularis cujusdam suburbano, alveis cornu laternae translucido factis lib. XI. Cap. XVI.b In the west at a place where I accidently was a Gentleman whom I thinke you also know told me that a Neighbor or a Tenant of his uses to preserve both his honey & his Bees all the Winter by carrying them up when they begin to feed upon the maine stocke into some /fol. 195v/ darker roome whence all Light being excluded & they being kept warme with Blankets or other convenient Coverings they will sleepe all the winter & so leave their Honey untouch’t till the Spring inviting them abroad, they may get as well food as Stomackes, This Bee master I would willingly have spoken but he was not then to be had.c Relating this to my Gardener at Stalbridge who is very fond of Bees he told me that the last winter when his Neighbours lost most of their Bees he preserv’d his which were more unlikely to survive then any of theirs by laying neere their hives in very shallow vessels a Composition made of14 2 spoonefulls of honey 1 small spoonefull of common salt & half a pint of faire water,15 upon this liquour he strow’d Rosemary for the bees to rest upon & to prevent the danger of their drowing [sic] in case they should fall into it he16 suffer’d not ye liquor to be deeper then the legges of the Bees, who he said devour’d it greedily & thriv’d with it almost to admiration.d

12 October [1655]e

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

From the original in BL 5, fol. 31. 4°/1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 558. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 523–4. a

‘Nothing is once invented and perfected’. Boyle quotes from Pliny’s Natural History, XI. 16: ‘having seen at Rome on the suburban estate of a certain ex-consul, who had hives made of the transparent horn of a lantern’. c This is possibly Nathaniel Highmore, for whom see above, p. 143n. d The text ends at this point. Boyle’s gardener has not been identified, but a letter from the gardener to Boyle exists; see vol. 2, pp. 72–3. e This letter has been dated on the basis that Boyle moved to Oxford at some point in the latter part of 1655 or at the very beginning of 1656; see Maddison, Life, pp. 86–7. b

192

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 12 Oct. [1655]

My Brother, It has pleased god to bring us safe to oxford & I am lodged at Mr Crosses with dessigne to be able to give you from experience an accoumpt which is the warmest rome, & indeed I am satisfied with neither of them as to that poynt, because the doores are placed soe just by the Chimeys that if you have the benifit of the fier you must venture haveing the inconvenience of the wind. which yet may be helped in either by a folding skreene & then I think that which lookes into the garden1 wilbe the more Comfortable though he have new hanged & intends to matt that you lay in before,a You are here much desired & I could wish you here as soone as you Can. for I think you would have both more liberty & more Conversation than where you are, & both those wilbe necessary both ‹to› your health & your usefullnes, & as I am sure I have aboundantly shared in the latter from you soe, I must proffese2 to be very hartely Concerned for the forme, & ‹must›3 beg that you would be soe too, & let me see you are by your Cares for its preservation, which are the teermes upon which for ought I see you must have that blessing, & I am sure you ought not to grudg your selfe your Cares. since by affording them there, you bestow them too upon your friends & upon mee4 I am sure in the most obligeing way. who wil not give any of that5 number that pretend to that relation to you the preceedency in poynt of the affection belonging to it, though I must many In poynt of the other qualifications, & Alass how evident is it, that we had need of better things then the best Injoyments of creatures to make us happye. when e’ne friendship its selfe brings its Sencible afflictions as well as refreshments with it, the late Experience I have had of this in our parting. wil not I hope bee without instruction to me, as I am sure it has not binn without great evidence of the much obligation that lyes upon me in poynt of gratetude as well as of inclination to be yours affectionatly & Constantly K.R. 6

the 12 of 8ber I received the favour of the bookes from you by my sister Corke.b & hope you wil also give me leave to pay for them. 7 My service to Deare Broghill, my sister Barrymore & Sister Broghill, & the same very affectionatly to my Deare Lord President and his Lady.c I shall writ to them al shortly, if it please god Endorsed by Wotton: ‘Lady Ranelagh (4)’, and with Miles’s ink number: ‘No 4’.9 a

Mr Crosse was Boyle’s landlord in Oxford. The 2nd Earl of Cork’s wife was Elizabeth, Countess of Cork, for whom see above, p. 111n. c For Alice, Dowager Countess of Barrymore, see above, p. 86n. Lady Ranelagh also refers to Lady Margaret Broghill, for whom see above, p. 23n. Henry Lawrence (1600–64) became Lord President of Cromwell’s Council of State in 1654. His wife was Amy, daughter of Edward Pelham. b

193

— 1656 — Lost letters dating from 1656 are as follows: Wotton’s list (see above, p. xxvii) includes the following: No. 9 ‘Anonymous with chymical Receits’. This item has not been identified. It is conceivable that it accompanied a series of recipes sent to Boyle by one of his associates in these years, which were abstracted in his work diaries; see Michael Hunter and Charles Littleton, ‘The Work Diaries of Robert Boyle’, NRRS, 55 (2001), forthcoming. No. 10 ‘Mr. Farrar’. This might be Dr Richard Farrar, friend of Sir Kenelm Digby; see above, p. 94n. It could also be James Farrer, who was assessed for two hearths in South Parrat Tithing in the Hundred of Beminster, Forum and Redhond, Dorset, in the early 1660s. See C. A. F. Meekings, Dorset Hearth Tax Assessments, 1662–4 (Dorchester, 1951). No. 11 is listed as ‘Id[em]’. No. 12 ‘Mr. Maundy’. Possibly Mr Mawdesley, previously Boyle’s steward at Stalbridge. See above, p. 146n. No. 356 ‘Mrs Supple 1656’. In 1622 William Supple, Cork’s ward, married Katherine Smyth, daughter of Richard Smyth and Mary Boyle, sister of the first Earl of Cork. See Townshend, Life and Letters (above, p. 30), p. 58; Maddison, Life, p. 298. Miles records the following lost letter (BP 36, fol. 149): ‘Letter from Dantzic 1656 chiefly political: extract Mr Comenius of the miseries he and his country men were under &c’. This letter, either from or referring to Jan Amos Comenius (1592– 1671), may well be on the subject of the destruction of Leszno in Poland in the course of the Russo-Polish wars of 1654–6. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 374. In addition, a letter to Boyle from the second Earl of Cork, dated 14 January 1656, is mentioned in the second Earl of Cork’s diary (see above, pp. xxvi–xxvii). The following letters, referred to in surviving letters, are no longer extant: A letter from Boyle to Clodius, 22 February 1656 (below, p. 197). A letter from Bathurst to Boyle before 14 April 1656 (below, p. 204). DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-18

194

CLODIUS

to BOYLE, 3 Mar. 1656

CLODIUS to BOYLE

3 March 1656

From the holograph original in BL 2, fols 17–18. 4°/2. Not previously printed.

Extract. Litter. ad me ex Germaniaa Transmissarum. In sale ri volatilisando diu est quod sudaverim, Tandem vero, et ipsa expertus sum, omnes spiritus acidos, id efficere, per creberrima cohobia, si iis rus ad albedinem calcinatus, imprægnetur, addendum vero est acidis illis seu corrosivis menstruis, optimè deflegmatis, tertia pars spiritus tartari et vini depuratissimi. Sic melius et potentius fixa salis alkalizati domicilia reserantur. Cum itaque tartarus tuus ad albedinem vi ignis perductus, ac præ satietate nihil amplius spirituum acidorum imbibere valet, eum retortæ vitreæ lutatæ injice, ac summâ ignis violentia1 triduum integrum urge, ad exprimendum omne id quod salinum est. Sin vero præter spem subtilitate gustus adhuc micam Salis in deprehendas, suadeo ut deponas seu rejicias id contemnasque quod pauculum est remanens, sed liquorem tortura ignis profectum huic capiti mortuo iterum adfunde, secundaque vice proelo2 ignis torrido id subjice donec laticis hujus philosophici fontem omnino exhausiveris. Liquori huic mirabili soleo admiscere tartari salis, aliquoties per deliquium perpurgati, nonam partem, iterumque, per retortam, post præmissam destillare digestionem, sic augeo et deflegmo3 acetum hoc acerrimum, ut potis sit cunctorum durissimorum corporum claustra perrumpere. De sulphure quæ refers Extract from a letter sent to me from Germany:a I have long sweated over the problem of volatilising salt of tartar; at length, indeed, I have learned that all acids can achieve it, through thorough cohobation; if the tartar, calcined to whiteness, is impregnated with them, and if there has been added to those acids, or corrosive menstrua thoroughly dephlegmed, a third part of spirit of tartar and distilled wine. Thus the fixed abodes of the alkalisate salt are better and more firmly laid open. When your tartar is reduced to whiteness by the flame, and, being saturated, cannot absorb any more acid, put it into a glass retort covered with lute and for three whole days heat it with the hottest possible flame, in order to drive out all salty matter. But if contrary to your desires you perceive, by the subtlety of its taste, that there is still the least bit of salt in the caput mortuum, I advise you to put it aside, reject it and despise what little is left, and instead to pour the liquid which has been distilled by the fire back onto the residue [caput mortuum], and subject it to a second fierce heating, until you have exhausted the fountain of this philosophical water. I am accustomed to mix with this miraculous liquid a ninth part of salt of tartar, several times thoroughly purged per deliquium, and again putting it into the retort to distill that solution after a period of digestion, and so I augment and dephlegm this most sharp vinegar so that it becomes able to break open the prisons of all the most solid bodies. a Clodius was in correspondence with Dr Walter of Hamburg, and it is possible that he was extracting material from Walter’s letters. See below, p. 223n.

195

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

mihi ex parte notissima sunt. qui enim hujus mineralis virtutes non expertus est, vix unquam induci poterit, ut credat stupenda illa quæ eo perficiuntur. Multa quoque & ego4 tamquam propria inventa addere possem, nisi aliquid subesset, quod prohibeat, quo minus hujus epistolæ fidei plurima committantur. Itaque ubi confessus fuero, illa quæ de sulphure helmontius proclamavit esse certissima, unicum hoc adjicere audeo. quod notus sit mihi modus extrahendi sulfur externum, à vulgari currente quod in re medica et chymica usurpatum, multis parasangis vulgare sulphur præcedit.a Atque ut aliquid singularis oculis tuis subjiciam. En nullo tibi dono hujus particulam, quæ si5 æque te ac me admiratorem inveniet, forsan majora sequentur. /fol. 17v/ Cæterum6 illud quod de Alexipharmacorum differentiis notas, non possum quin proferam aliquid rari et notatum dignissimi.7 Sume Araneam magnam eamque vitro include ac Soli expone donec exurerit infectum hoc aridum frica inter digitos, reperies lapidem parvum omnium amuletorum8 et alexipharmacorum summum, nullum enim venenorum genus est quod ab hoc non expugnetur. In peste vero quanti sit usus si dicerem, vix fidem mihi haberes. Intra corpus non nisi unicus adsumitur, quia sudorem sed profluvium aquæ ‹potius› excitat. refellandus est tamen æger dum hoc operatur pharmacum, elixiri Limonum9 cum succo facto extrinsecus vero in syndone regioni cordis appenditur. &. The information about sulphur which you give me is already quite familiar. For someone who is not familiar with the virtues of this mineral would be able to be brought to believe the amazing results which are carried out with it. I could add, myself, many further discoveries of my own, were I not prevented by the fear of putting too much into this letter. And so, after I have confessed that those things which Helmont proclaimed about sulphur are most certain, I dare to add only this: that I know a method of extracting an external sulphur from the common running quicksilver, which, used in medicine and chemistry, is many leagues in advance of common sulphur.a And so that I may place something extraordinary before your eyes, look, I am giving you a small part of this, which, if both you and I find it admirable, greater things may follow. On other matters, since you note the differences among antidotes, I cannot but show you something most rare and noteworthy. Take a large spider and put it in glass; expose it to the sun, until you have burnt off the infection; rub it when dried between your fingers, and you will find a small stone, the highest of all amulets and antidotes, for there is none among poisons that is not expurgated by it. Indeed if I told you of all its uses against plague, you would scarcely believe me. It can only be taken into the body alone, because it excites a sweat, or rather a cascade of water. But the patient must be restrained[?] while this medicine operates, and the elixir of lemons made with their juice can be placed externally on a bandage in the region of the heart, etc.

a

For van Helmont, see above, p. 91n.

196

CLODIUS

to BOYLE, 3 Mar. 1656

Vir Nobilissime Respondissem citius literis tuis 22 Febr. Oxonii datis nisi necessitudines et curæ meæ supra modum fuissent insignes, quibus tamen cito remedium adfuturum spero.a ‹Nam›10 Præterita hebdomade literas à Medico holsatiæ Principis accepi, incitantes me ad redeundum in patriam, atque conditiones haud ubivis obvias offerentes:b Fateor equidem mihi molestissimum fore ex Anglia exire, et tot amicos derelinquere, verum si res angusta, domi non fiet angustior cogar id facere, quod animus meus odio habet, id est servilem agere vitam inque aulis principum vivere. Sed hac de re forsan plura proxima vice. Iam vero mitto tibi extractum literarum ad me ex germania transmissarum existimans nihil ad rem futurum, si reliqua non chymica11 et pharmaceutica12 misissem. /fol. 18/ Cæterum euge te rogo, ne obliviscaris Aquæ hirundinum mihi promissæ, quæ tamen forsan eadem ut cum illa quam phamacopæa Augustana præscribit.c Unguentum quoque et remedia ad partum Doctoris Chamberlainii ut mihi communicare velis vehementer precor.d Quod superest vale et fave. Dabam e Museo meo 3 Martii Anno. 1655.

T. devinctiss. F. Clodio

Most noble Sir, I would have replied more quickly to your letter from Oxford, dated 22 February, had my cares and difficulties not been unusually pressing; for which, however, I hope there will soon be a remedy.a Last week I received a letter from the doctor of the Prince of Holstein, encouraging me to return to my homeland and offering me a situation of the sort that one rarely meets with.b I must say that it would be most painful to me to go out of England, and leave so many friends; and indeed if my narrow personal circumstances are not to become still narrower, I shall be compelled to do, what my spirit detests, that is to live the life of a servant at a prince’s court. But more of this, perhaps, in my next letter. Now, indeed, I send you an extract from a letter sent to me from Germany, in the belief that nothing to the good will be achieved, if for the rest I do not send you chemical and pharmaceutical news. On another matter, I ask you not to forget the water of celadine that you promised me; this is perhaps the same as that which the Augustana pharmacopaea prescribes.c Also I earnestly beseech that you may wish to send me the unguent and remedy for childbirth of Dr Chamberlain.d For the rest, may you be in good health, and well disposed towards Written in my laboratory, 3 March 1655.

Your most humble servant, F. Clodius

a This letter written from Oxford on 22 Feb. does not survive, but is the earliest positive evidence that Boyle was established at Oxford. b Probably Joel Langelot (dates unknown), for whom see Works, vol. 3, p. 383n. c i.e., the Pharmacopoeia Augustana (1573), from Augsburg, of which many editions appeared in the 16th and 17th centuries. d This is a reference to Peter Chamberlen (1601–83), physician specialising in midwifery. He advocated the incorporation of midwives. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 261, 290–1.

197

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

For the / Honourable Robert Boyle at / Mr. Crosses house / over against Al soules’ Colledge in / Oxford. 2d Seal: Octagonal. Seems to be heraldic. Bird (not of prey). Possible crest/wreath visible.

JOHANN FRIEDRICH SCHLEZERa to BOYLE

14 March 1656

From the holograph original in BL 5, fol. 68. 4°/1. Not previously printed.

Illustris ac Generose Domine, Tanta Illustrissimæ Sororis tuæ in me extant merita, Tanta mea erga ipsam existit veneratio,b Tam insignis porro eximiarum Virtutum tuarum mihi facta est prædicatio, ut quoties animum meum subit vestri memoria (obversatur autem illa mihi ferè continuè.) toties mirificâ quâdam consolatione recreer, magnamque partem felicitatis meæ reputem, quod non tantum notitiâ vestri benigno quodam sydere1 beatus sim, sed quod favoris quoque ac benevolentiæ vestræ haud dubitata documenta ex Angliâ reportaverim. Quo magis grata mihi fuit occasio illa, quam Nobilissime Hartliebius mihi obtulit, studium observantiam ac officiosam promptitudinem meam vobis declarandi.c Atque utinam lætior illa fuisset, licuissetque sano potius ac valenti, quam ægro ac infirmo grata ac accepta ministeria præstare. Worthy and noble Lord, I have so great a sense of your illustrious sister’sb merits, such veneration for her, and furthermore such particular respect for your own remarkable virtues, that whenever I remember you (which is almost continually) I am renewed by a certain wonderful consolation, and I consider it a major part of my happiness, that not only am I blessed by some benign star with your acquaintance, but also that I have brought back from England undoubted proofs of your favour and kindness. So I was most grateful for the chance, which the most noble Hartlib afforded me,c of declaring my zeal, respect and eager readiness to serve you. Would that the occasion had been happier, and that I could have offered welcome services to a healthy and flourishing man, rather than to one sick and infirm. a b c

For Schlezer see above, p. 177. Schlezer refers to Lady Ranelagh. For Schlezer’s residence with Samuel Hartlib, see above, p. 177n.

198

SCHLEZER

to BOYLE, 14 Mar. 1656

Sed quandoquidem DEO visum fuit illustrem animam non satis commodo in domicilio collocare, dubium mihi quidem non est, quin Tu viribus animi, gratiâ Divinâ corroboratis, debile corpus sustentes: Nostri autem tanto magis officii est, quæcunque excogitari poterunt remedia ac solamina summâ curâ subministrare. Gratulor autem mihi, quod ab aliquo jam tempore amicitia mihi intercedat cum Clarissimo Domino D. Bonneto,a cui cum affectum tuum tam arthriticum, quam Nephriticum, corporisque ad tabem inclinationem exponerem, precibusque cum eo agerem, ut, quâ in re Medicâ pollet arte et industriâ, expertorum ac elegantium aliquot medicamentorum contra mala ejusmodi copiam nobis faceret; dicam quod res est, Nihil me ipso vidisse humanius, nihil candidius, neminem magis cupidum egregiorum tuique similium virorum commodis /fol. 68v/ inserviendi. Præbuit igitur liberali manu, quas jam ante sextiduum Hamburgum misi, inde Londinum [sic] ad Dominum Hartliebium quam primùm curandas, sex grandiusculas, duasque minores pixides. Quarum quidem postremæ medicamina interna, colore (alterum albo,1 alterum flavo præditum est.) distincta, conti[ne]nt.2 Album autem 30 vel 40, imo, si constitutio corporis illud ferat. 50. 60 vel 70 guttarum quantitate in haustulo cerevisiæ, contra affectum arthriticum vel Nephriticum (uterque autem ejusdem naturæ habetur) singulis diebus horis 5. vel 6. ante prandium recipiendum erit, donec quicquid hujus liquoris albi in vitro illo habetur consumptum sit. Postea ad flavum accedendum, cujus tamen usus ‹quotidie jejuno But although God has chosen to place an illustrious mind in an uncomfortable body, I have no doubt but that by your strength of mind, further strengthened by divine grace, you will sustain your weak body. I consider it a great part of my duty to minister with the greatest care whatever cures and palliatives can be discovered. Therefore I congratulate myself, that I have been for some time on friendly terms with that most distinguished Dr Bonnet, so that I could explain to him the nature of your condition, as much arthritic as in the kidneys, and the inclination of your body towards wasting away, and beg him that he might use all his exceptional skill and industry in medicine, in order to make us a supply of tried and tested and subtle medicines against this sort of disease.a To tell the truth, I have seen nothing more humane or considerate, nobody more desirous of serving the comfort of distinguished men such as yourself, than he. And so with great generosity he supplied six slightly larger, and two smaller, boxes, which a week ago I sent on to Hamburg and thence to London, to be cared for initially by Mr Hartlib. The latter of these contain medicines to be taken internally, and distinguished by colour (one white and the other yellow). The white medicine is to be taken in quantities of thirty or forty (or, indeed, if the body’s constitution can bear it, fifty or sixty or seventy) drops, in a draught of beer, and acts against arthritic or kidney pains (for both have the same nature). It should be taken daily, five or six hours before dinner, until all the white liquid that that glass [bottle] contains is consumed. Then you should move on to the yellow a

Schlezer is referring to Andreas Nicolaus Bonnet, Paracelsian iatrochemist and physician to the Elector of Brandenburg, who corresponded with Digby and Moriaen. See Ephemerides, 1654 (HP 29/4/1A and 2B).

199

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

stomacho continuandus›3 erit, instillatis absorptisque in haustu exiguo vini 30 guttis. Grandioribus pixidibus medicament[u]m4 externum unum idemque includitur, partibus affectis in dolore art[hri]tico calefactum semel vel bis de die manu lenitèr illiniendum. Plura melioraque etiam contra Phtisin pollicetur, quam primum ea pa[r]ata habebit, modò Generositati Tuæ collibitum fuerit horunce medicamentorum effectus quâvis occasione ipsi notos facere. De diætâ, rebusque non naturalibus, quas Medici vocant, ut Generositatem Tuam, propriâ sollicitudine ductus, moneam, nihil attinet. Ad manum enim sunt, qui valetudinem tuam hâc in parte regere poterunt, nullusque dubito, quin cum Tiberio Cæsare videre illos soleas, qui trigesimum ætatis annum nacti, in iis quæ ad sanitatem tuendam faciunt, quaeque corpori utilia aut noxia sunt, aliorum consilio egeant.a DEUM saltem precor, ut salutaria Tibi esse velit medicamina illa, utque omnibus animi corporisque bonis florentem Te, inclytamque familiam Vestram quam diutissimè conservet, Illustris Generositatis Tuæ Berolini. d. 14o. Martii. S.V. Ao. 1655.

devotus J. F. Schlezer.

medicine; this should be taken continually, each day, on an empty stomach, having been dropped in and absorbed in a small draught of wine, in the quantity of thirty drops. The medicine in the larger boxes is all the same, for external use; heated, it should be gently rubbed onto places affected by arthritic pain, once or twice a day. He also promises more and better medicines against consumption; as soon as he has them ready, if only it would be pleasing to your Lordship to make the effects of these medicines known to him at some point. Nothing is useful in regard to diet and those things which are not natural as the physicians call them, which I (led by my concern for you) would suggest to your Lordship. For at hand are those that would be able to bring you to health, and I doubt not at all that you are wont to view alongside Tiberius Caesar those who, having obtained the thirtieth year of age in those things which they make for maintaining health – everything either useful or noxious to the body – still act by the counsel of others.a At any rate I pray God, that these medicines may prove salutary to you, and may long preserve you and your noble family in every comfort of body and mind; Berlin, 14 March 1655, Old Style

a

your Lordship’s humble servant, J. F. Schlezer

This is a reference to Tiberius Caesar, Roman emperor AD 14–37.

200

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 25 Mar. 1656

[BOYLE] to [HARTLIB]

19 March 1656

From the extract in a scribal hand in HP 55/4/8A–8B.a Not previously printed.

Ex Literis Domini Boyl:b 19. Martii. 1656. The Helleboraster you mention, is a Plant, that I have had occasion to take notice of upon the score of its confuting an Observation of our Incomparable Friend Sir Francis Bacon,c I find it used to kill the wormes in Children, but tho to them it has bin observ’d to bee a somewhat churlish Medicine, yet I dare not deny but it may have the virtues, Your Friend ascribes to it, if it is to be us’d by men, & I remember, Paracelsus do’s indeed much commend it, but I thought his praises had rather belong’d to the blacke Hellebore, then the Plant wee speake of.d Idem Rhubarb, may probably be very good, but will hardly I feare be practicable by you, that way of taking Rhubarb being one of the most distastfull wayes, that ever I met with, & tho I be pretty well accustom’d to unpleasing remedies, yet I confesse, I deserted the taking of Rhubarb in Substance, upon the score of its odiousness to the tast. And as for its efficacy against the stone, though I thinke it may bee usefull there, not only as the Kidney’s are a part of the body, but because Rhubarb has the priviledge of a freer accesse to them, then other medicines, as appeares by the tincture it gives the urine, yet I should promise myselfe much more releife in that disease from specifickes, then from such generall Cathartickes, however, if it have any singular Virtue, I heartily wish it may bee to the utmost operative in You.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

25 March 1656

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 266. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 91–2. The opening of the letter is marked by Birch with a line of asterisks, indicating that it is truncated.

* * * * * But before I shut these, I purpose to send to him for his answer to your last letter, to inclose it in mine.e Mr. Morian writes again of Glauber, that he a This extract appears among a group of copy letters on the use of rhubarb and related topics, HP 55/4/7A–8A, endorsed on 8B ‘Stone’. b ‘From the letter of Mr Boyle’. c Hartlib refers to Francis Bacon (1566–1626), Baron Verulam, statesman and natural philosopher. It is unclear where he made this observation. d The identity of the friend to whom Boyle refers is unknown. For Paracelsus see above, p. 119n. e It is not known which correspondent Hartlib is referring to here.

201

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

hath had a very dangerous fall from a waggon, spitting much blood, and if the fever prevail upon him, he fears his life; which I pray God may be yet continued, for giving many good hints, at least to the studiers of nature and arts.a For, Deus varie colit hunc mundi hortum & velut per areolas, as Lipsius speaketh.b Last Friday, the sad news was brought to my lord protector, of the death of that truly gracious, learned, and incomparable primate of Ireland, of whom, no doubt, you will hear more particulars from others.c In my last I sent a wrong letter for Mr. Austin, A Monsieur Tugontloben, which I desire may be returned; for the gentleman, I hear, is gone to the duke of Holstein, and I am to send this letter after him.d I shall count it true civility in him, if he shall acquaint me with the proceedings of Coen from thence, according to my instructions.e For hitherto I have been able to learn nothing, but that that chemical and experimenting man hath spent vast sums of monies out of the foresaid duke’s purse, and that he hath brought nothing yet to perfection. But my son is greatly to blame for not writing to him so courteously as he is bound to do, according to that of the apostle’s, ‘in honour preferring one another, &c &c.’f The adjoined is the true letter to Mr. Austin, as doth appear by the superscription.g Sir Richard Napier can bear witness, how I waited two several days to have spoken with my lord protector, but could not. h That good and industrious soul will not be persuaded of our dulness and untowardness for peopling of England with fruit-trees.i Be pleased to let him know so much, and that Mr. Batchelor of Eaton, and Mr. Langly of Pauls, have promised to second our applications with all their might and interests.j When you are returned, God willing, you must needs make a visit also into Kent, to colonel Blunt’s several plantations, which will as much delight your observations. For I dare believe the well-grounded relations, that have been made unto me, from time to time, of all his choice oeconomical and georgical industries.k If we cannot help Dr. Horne with that true and excellent a

For Johannes Moriaen, see above, p. 66n., and for Johann Rudolph Glauber, see above, p. 114n. Hartlib refers to Justus Lipsius (1547–1606), Dutch humanist. ‘God variously cultivates this garden of the world, and as it were in little plots’. It is not clear in which of his writings this passage occurs. c Hartlib alludes to Oliver Cromwell (see above, p. 114n.) and to James Ussher, archbishop of Armagh, for whom, see above, p. 40n., who died on 21 Mar. 1656. d This is possibly John Austin (1613–69), Catholic writer, who travelled in Europe; or, more likely, Ralph Austen, for whom see below, p. 293. For the Duke of Holstein, see Works, vol. 4, p. 383. e For Johann Baptista Coen see above, p. 155. f Hartlib presumably refers to his son-in-law, Clodius. Hartlib cites St Paul in Romans 12, 10. g The attached letter for Austin is not extant. h Hartlib refers to Sir Richard Napier (1607–76), physician. i A reference to Hartlib’s and Ralph Austen’s project of general plantation of fruit trees in England. See Webster, Great Instauration, p. 478. j Hartlib possibly refers to John Batchelor, Fellow of Eton 1647, perhaps the Puritan minister of Lewisham. John Langley (d. 1657) was the high master of St Paul’s School in London. k This is a reference to Thomas Blount or Blunt (1604–after 1668), F.R.S., parliamentary colonel and inventor, who lived at Charlton in Kent. b

202

BOYLE

to BATHURST, 14 Apr. 1656

spirit of vitriol, for the present, yet I believe a good account of Sir K. Digby’s MS. at Oxford will be obliging in the mean while.a There is lately a very accurate and full catalogue made of all the MSS. in the several colleges of Cambridge, which I wish might be communicated in print; for I suppose there may be some chemical, physical, medicinal, and mechanical amongst them.b I am writing to Mr. Brereton, for the birch-water; for I remember he told us last year, that he could procure a great quantity of it out of Cheshire.c In my great paroxysm I used it very much, but found no benefit by it. Mr. Schlezer presents again his most humble service to you. He bids me to tell you, that he hath an excellent nephretical stone, which shall be at your devotion, when you please to call for it.d I thought to have mentioned something concerning a very considerable husbandry, last week imparted unto me, but I dare not weary your eyes or ears too long; subscribing myself ever, SIR, your entirely faithful and most ready friend, to serve you, S. HARTLIB.

Charing-Cross, March 25, 56.

BOYLE to RALPH BATHURSTe

14 April 1656

From the version printed in Thomas Warton, The Life and Literary Remains of Ralph Bathurst (London, 1761), pp. 162–5.f

To my highly honoured Friend, Dr. RALPH BATHURST, &c. SIR, I had earlier acknowledged your late favours, if I had not been on the post day a For Georg Hornius, see above, p. 162n. On Sir Kenelm Digby’s manuscripts in the Bodleian see F. Madan and H. H. E. Craster, A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, 8 vols (Oxford, 1922), ii, 69–70. b This is likely to be a reference to Thomas Smith’s ‘catalogue of all the manuscripts in Cambridge’, which was not printed and is no longer extant. See J. C. T. Oates, Cambridge University Library. A History. From the beginnings to the Copyright Act of Queen Anne (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 300– 1, 487. c For William Brereton, see above, p. 160n. After the end of the war Brereton received the chief forestership of Macclesfield forest, Cheshire. d For Johann Friedrich Schlezer, see above, p. 177n. Nephretical stone was a remedy for kidney disease, particularly the calculus. e Ralph Bathurst (1620–1704) divine, F.R.S. 1663. f Warton states that the original of this letter was communicated to him by the Rev. Thomas Payne, Prebendary of Wells to whom Bathurst’s papers had descended (Ralph Bathurst, M.D., p. 164).

203

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

invited out of towne, to waite on Dr. Wilkins to see some rarityes, which detained us abroad long enough to reprieve you, that night, from the trouble you now receive. And this is the reason, Sir, why I have beene so slow in returning you the humble thankes I beseeche you to accept, for the welcome processe you were pleased to send me concerning roses, and the /p. 163/ obliging and florid letter wherein it came enclosed; and which sufficiently manifested, that you can write flowers, as skillfully as distill them.a The secresy that you command in reference to the receipt, its owne nature would have exacted from me: but as for the unwelcome orders you send me, concerning your excellent lectures, Dr. Wilkins has solemnly dispensed with my obeying them, and has undertaken to justify a proceeding, which is too favourable to my desires, to let me question the decision of so authenticke a casuist:b In whose dispensation I am more ready to acquiesce, because you yourselfe press to have those jewells sent backe to Oxford, – but, in case I intend not speedily to carry them to a place, where I have received too many civilityes, and too much satisfaction, not to have as eager desires of returning, as my tenderness of your patience will allow me. When I have told you that I have taken physicke to day, I suppose you will not expect that I should entertaine you with the newes, /p. 164/ especially since that which is most the towne talke, concerning our friend Dr. W.W.W., has been publicke enough to have been proclaimed in the markett-place.c And therefore I thinke myselfe obliged in charity to you, to exempt you from the trouble of a tedious letter, from a person, who is like so suddenly, (God willing) to bring you the trouble of the visit of, Sir, Your most affectionate, most obliged, and most humble Servant, RO. BOYLE.

April 14. 1656. St. James’s.

P.S. I see I need, and must therefore beg your pardon for this hasty blotted scribble; and I must withall beseech you, to name me, as I am, a most humble servant to Dr. Willis, Dr. Ward, and the rest of those excellent acquaintances of yours, that have been pleased to tolerate me in their company.d a

Bathurst’s letter to Boyle is missing. Evidently Boyle refers to Bathurst’s De respiratione praelectiones tres (published posthumously in Warton, Ralph Bathurst). For John Wilkins, see above, p. 114n. c The abbreviation stands for Dr Wilkins, warden of Wadham College. Warton suggests that Boyle alludes to Dr Wilkins’s marriage in 1656, which was contrary to the statutes of Wadham College, but for which he obtained a dispensation from Oliver Cromwell. d This is a reference to Thomas Willis (1621–75), physician and professor of natural philosophy at Oxford, and to Seth Ward (1617–89), divine and natural philosopher, at this point Savilian professor of astronomy at Oxford. b

204

MARY RICH

to BOYLE, [late 1656]

[late 1656]a

MARY RICH to BOYLE

From the original in Boyle Letters 5, fols 185–6. 4o2. Text begins on fol. 186. Previously printed in Birch (ed.) Works (1744), v, 622 and Birch (ed.) Works (1772), vi, 622.

My Dearest Dearest Squire when I heare from you it bringes me to great a Joy not to tell it, realy my deare Squire I must confes my Selfe to be guilety of so much Selfe love as to reade of your being pleased at oxforde with some regret, because I am so much my one frend as to deasire with great impatiancy the Satesfaction of Seeing you heare, the hopes of which I may with a great deale of trueth say was the greatest motife I could use to my Selfe to perswade me to be willing to leave the swet quiet of the Countery for the horred confusion of the toune, in which now my deare Sister Raneloughe and you are out of it I1 have very littull /fol. 185v/ to please me in it, thoughe we are like to be very great for the lad Is like to be a souksesfull lover[.]b my Lady Deavenshire is god be thankte like to recoverc I envey the Countesse who will be so happy as to see you, and deasire when you are togeather you will wiesh with you my Deare Squire your afectenate humble Sarvant M Riche mr Riche Is your Sarvant, and my Lady warwicke presentes her Sarves to you,d my sarves to my neafuse,e and pr[ay]2 tell dike Jones that thoughe I writ a lettar to him I neaver herde a word from himf

a

This letter to Boyle from his sister Mary (for whom see above, p. 31n.), wife of Charles Rich, who succeeded as 4th Earl of Warwick in 1659, has been dated on the basis of the various clues available from the information given separately in the footnotes that follow. In addition, it is worth noting that Mary’s reference to Boyle’s pleasure at being in Oxford suggests a relatively early date after his arrival there in late 1655 or early 1656. b The reference is evidently to Mary’s nephew, Robert Rich, son of the 3rd Earl of Warwick, who died in 1658; he married Frances Cromwell in Nov. 1657. c i.e., Elizabeth, Countess of Devonshire (1620–89); it is unclear whether ‘the Countesse’ is a reference to the same person. d This is evidently the wife of the 2nd Earl; Mary’s husband, Charles, is referred to as ‘Mr Rich’ as he had not yet inherited the title. e i.e., Charles and Richard Boyle, sons of the 2nd Earl of Cork, who matriculated at Oxford on 25 Nov. 1656. f i.e., Richard Jones (for whom see above, p. 75n.), son of Lady Ranelagh, who was at this time in Oxford, prior to leaving for his European tour in the spring of 1657.

205

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

For mr Roberte Boyle my deare Brother these Seale: Oval. Broken in two. Antique head; not heraldic. Endorsed by Wotton: ’Lady Warwicke’ (also ’2’).

206

— 1657 — Lost letters dating from 1657 are as follows: Wotton’s list (above, p. xxvii) includes the following items: No. 13 ‘Mr. Clendon’. Possibly Thomas Clendon (d. 1677), Church of England minister, sequestered from his living of All Hallows Barking in London in 1643. No. 16 ‘id. [i.e., Hartlib] paying £5 to a German for Mr Boyle’. Since this matter is not referred to in any extant letter, the reference must be to a lost one, possibly that noted below. No. 358 ‘Lady Ranelagh’, unless this refers to one of the letters with no year that we have placed on pp. 208–10 and 215–16 below. No. 359 ‘Lord Cork’. No. 360 ‘Lady Cork’, unless either this or the previous entry refers to the letter with no year that we have placed on pp. 215–16 below. Miles records the following letters (BP 36, fol. 161v): ‘Smith Ben: of his Fars. Death & about private affairs’. This possibly should be Boyle Smith (d. c. 1662), whose father Sir Percy Smyth died in 1657. Sir Percy Smyth was the son of Boyle’s sister Mary. ‘Coxe T a Lr of thanks for recommending him at Oxon’. Boyle’s correspondent here is evidently Thomas Coxe (1615–85), physician, incorporated at Oxford in 1646. Letters from the second Earl of Cork to Boyle are recorded in the second Earl’s diary (above, pp. xxvii–xxviii), dated 22 April, 12 June (enclosing ‘Mrs Whitbys demands’) and 27 October (with an enclosure from Mrs Whitby and ‘Mr Vanderlure’). Mrs Whitby was presumably the wife of Marcus Whitby (see above, p. 185); the other figure could be John Vanderleure, an alderman of Cork in 1662; see CPSI 1660–2, p. 496. In addition, under 4 September there is a reference to a lost letter from Broghill to Boyle. Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Boyle to Oldenburg, 11 April 1657 (below, p. 210). Boyle to Clodius, 4 July 1657 (below, p. 223). 207

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-19

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Boyle to Hartlib, 29 August 1657 (below, p. 229). Boyle to Oldenburg, 2 September 1657 (below, p. 238). Boyle to Hartlib, 5 September 1657 (below, p. 233). Hartlib to Boyle of about 8 September 1657 (below, p. 232). Boyle to John Nicholls, before 12 September 1657 (below p. 234). Two letters from Boyle to Worsley, both prior to 14 October 1657 (below, p. 241). Boyle to Hartlib, 28 December 1658 (below, p. 247).

7 January [1657?]a

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

From the original in BL 5, fols 19–20. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 556 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 521.

My Brother Yours which1 inclosed one to my brother Corke & another to Capt Whiteby Came to my hands by the last post, those two I yesterday dispatched, & that which by the post before Came to me for Will: Sumers I endeavoured to have delivered to him with a like diligence, but his being out of towne kept me from effecting it, he is now returned & has it, but was faigne to come to me, to make him understand what you meant by the Counte.b I would gladly have gott the returne you desiered from him to have sent you by this dispatch but he says hee cannot get it, til the next & then it shalbe sent you, I hope the misfortune you are fallen under by the Ignorance or mistake of your lawyer, is noe new one, but if it bee I promise my selfe that god wil make you a greater gainer by those disapiyntments he orders you to meete with in your fortune than if you had received the intyre revenew thereoft, experience being a greater Treasure than mony, to those who are instructed to make a right use thereoft, & for your estate I should not wish it more unless I had seene that god had taught you to Imploy ‹it› soe, as to make it useful both to your selfe and others. but haveing seene that I durst trust you with It2 if it were tenn times as much & Can’t but think that as much as it is or honestly may a

This letter has been dated on the grounds that the 17th Earl of Kildare had succeeded to the title in Dec. 1656, and it seems likely that he is the earl referred to. b Boyle’s letter is not extant. Captain Whitby is evidently Marcus Whitby of Fermoy; see above, p. 185. This, and the fact that Boyle had enclosed with this a letter for the Earl of Cork, suggests that Lady Ranelagh was at this time in Dublin. Will Sumers is referred to with Marcus Whitby in an indenture recorded in the catalogue of Boyle’s papers in the late 1650s in BP 36, fols 20–1; ‘the Counte’ has not been identified.

208

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 7 Jan. [1657?]

be made to be should rather be. yours than any /fol. 19v/ of your agents, Our young Earle of Kildare, I have perswaded into a sence of the fitnes of his haveing some person of Consciense knowledg & discreetion as also of civilty & good fashion to be with him as a Companion that might also doe him such services as a man ‹not› soe qualefied could not doe, & he is willing to give such a one £50 a yeere, his diet, lodging washing the use of a servant of his to doe necessary things about him. & a horse kept at his Charge for him to use upon his or his owne occasions, & desierous that you would give your self the trouble of Inquireing him out such a one which I bescheech you doe & take the assistance of honest Dr Cox herein, for whose & for his wives preservation from that Loathsome disease I desier to be truely thankful to him who was their preserver & who In them has preserved me two friends to whom I have binn very much obliged & am very really affectionate & soe I besheech you assure them from me & present unto them my unfayned service,a For Mr Waller I never heard one word from him since I left him but what you sayd in your last, & I know his calling as a Poet gives him lisence to3 say as great things as he can without intending they should signiefie any more than that he said them, or have any higher end than to make him admired by those /fol. 20/ whose admirations are soe volatile as to be raysed by a sound of words, & the less the subject he speakes of or the partty hee speakes to deserves the great things he says the greater those things are, & ‹the› greater advance they are to make towards his being admired, by his Poetical laws.b therefore if he would be but as litle proud of saying great things to me, as I hope I shalbe in heareing them from him he would I am apt to think scape some guilt that now his fine sayings lays him under, & I Could never give my selfe a reason why he who can say such things upon things that soe litle deserved them should be soe unwilling to applye that faculty to those subjects that were truely excellent, but this. that there his subject would have binn debased by his highest expressions, & he4 humbled in the exersise of is wit, but where he has Imployed it. his subjects have binn raysed by his fancy and him‹selfe›5 by reflecting upon it, I shal therefore returne his great proffesions with a playne hartty wish, that he may Partake in guifts more excelent than his wit, & Imploy that for the time to Come upon subjects more excelent than hetherto he has donn, & without Complement I should gladly be serviceable to him or his wife to whom I am a servant upon a /fol. 21/ much better accoumpts than hee hetherto makes it possible for me to be to him.c I shal onely mind you that our young Earle needs one that may know how a litle to governe & direct without leting him see he a Lady Ranelagh refers to Thomas Coxe (for whom see above, p. 207), for a lost letter from whom see above, p. 207; see also Works, vol. 3, p. 390; and vol. 13, p. 243. Coxe’s wife has not been traced. The ‘preserver’ alluded to is possibly Boyle himself. b The reference is to the poet Edmund Waller (1606–87), who had published laudatory verses of Cromwell in 1655. c Waller’s second wife was Mary Bracey.

209

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

intends to doe soe, & as soone as you Can find such a one I besheech you give notice thereoft to me, that order may be taken for his Comeing over by This 7th January

Your K R For my Deare Brother Mr Robert Boyle neere the stable yards at st Jeamses London

Seal. Oval. Estoil within two interlaced triangles (or stars of David), broken in two pieces, one obscured by paper. Endorsed by Wotton: ‘Lady Ranelagh. Character of Waller the Poet Jan. 7’. Also, a deleted note by Miles: ‘this Letter must be about’, and the number ‘(1)’. The MS contains printers’ marks.

HENRY OLDENBURG to BOYLE

15 April 1657

From the original in Early Letters OB 1. 4°/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 299, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 140, and Oldenburg, i, 117–19.

Sir, Though I am much obliged to you for the favour of your speedy dispatch hither of what came to your hands from Ireland, yet am I litle beholding, I think, to the Post, which hath been crawling rather, than posting; yours, being dated the 11th, which was Saturday, not coming to me, till this Wednesday night, whereas, if it had not stuck somewhere, it might very well have been here on Munday.a But my thanks to you, Sir, are not a whit the lesse for that, and other testimonies of your goodnes and affection towards me, which I can give no retribution for, unles you will please to accept of my reall esteem of your deserts, and make use of my readines to serve you with what my litle power can compasse. The non-resolution of the busines written about by My Lady Ranalaugh, though it be somewhat uneasy to me, because I cannot well delight to be in a place, where people think me to stand in their way; yet doe I purpose, if God will, to differre our remove, till I receave one letter more from Ireland, and if that bring a

This letter is not extant.

210

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 15 Apr. 1657

no resolution with it, after a whole winters debate, I must, I think, take the liberty of chusing another place, where yet I shall have /1 (1)v/ care, that your nephew may not more ‹loose› his time, than he doth now here.a Only his and my losse will then be, Sir, our absence from you, which I reckon a very great one, and should never chuse, if the forementioned consideration did not compell me to’t. Yet, before we part to a greater distance, it would trouble me exceedingly, if I should misse the advantage of conferring with you, Sir, about some things, which are concernfull to your Nephew and me. Wherefore, least we should fall at one and the same time upon a crosse Journy to and from Oxford, I beseech you, you would give yourself so much trouble, as to acquaint me by a line or two with the time of your setting out again for Oxford, till the reception of which news he is very unwilling to stirre, that is cordially Mr Jones is your most humble servant. Oxford the 15th April 1657

Sir, Your obliged and very humble servant, Henry Oldenburg

To my noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at his lodgings at St Jameses At Mrs Tooby’s next door to the Stableyard London 4d 4d Seal: Remnants of broken seal. Endorsed on 1 (1) at head of page by Wotton: ‘Mr Oldenburgh the Tutor to Lord Ranelagh at Oxon. Apr. 15. 1657’. Birch: ‘No 1’ on 1 (2)v. Also with Miles’s crayon number: ‘No. 1’ and ink number ‘No. 1’. The manuscript has printer’s marks.

a Oldenburg (for whom see below, pp. 509–10) refers to negotiations between himself and Boyle’s sister Lady Ranelagh on the matter of his departure for the continent with her son, Richard Jones (for whom see above, p. 75n.). Evidently discussions had continued through the winter, with Boyle as mediator, without reaching a conclusion. In fact Oldenburg and Jones set out for Europe early in May.

211

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

JOHN EVELYNa to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

9 May 1657

From the holograph original in the British Library, Add. MS 4229, fols 52–3. 4o/2. Collated with the copy in Evelyn’s Letterbook, British Library, Evelyn Papers, JE A, no. 111, and significant differences noted. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 397. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772) vi, 287–8, and from there, in J. Forster (ed.), Diary and Correspondence of John Evelyn, 4 vols (London, 1852), iii, 92–3.

Says-Court: 9: May: 1657. Noble Sir, I should infinitely blush at the slownesse of this Addresse, if a great indisposition of body, which obliged me to a Course of Physick, and sinc, an unexpected journey (from both which I am but lately delivered) had not immediatly intervened, sinc you were pleased to command these Trifles of me. I have omitted those of Brasse &c: because they properly belongue to Etching, & ingraving, which Treatise, with1 five other (viz: paynting in Oyle,‹in› Minuature, Anealing in Glasse, Enamiling & Marble paper) I was once minded to publish (as Specimen of what might be farther don in the rest)2 for the benefit of the Ingenious.b But I have sinc bin put off from that designe; not knowing whither I should doe well to gratifie so barbarous an Age (as I feare is approaching) with curiosities of that Nature, delivered with so much integrity as I intended them: and, least by it, I should also3 dissoblige some, who make those professions their living; or at least, debase much of their esteeme, by prostituting them to the Vulgar. Rather, I conceived, that a true, and ingenuous discovery of those, and the like Arts, would, to better purpose, be compiled for the Use of that Mathematico-Chymico-Mechanical-Schoole designed by our noble friend Dr Wilkinson;c where they might (not without an Oath of seacresy)4 be taught to those that either affected, or desired any of them; and from thenc (as from another Salomons house), so much of them5 made publique as should, from tyme to tyme, be judged convenient by the Superintendent of that Schoole, for the reputation of Learning, and benefit of the Nation.d And upon this score there would be a most willing contribution of what ingenious pera

John Evelyn (1620–1707), diarist and virtuoso. Evelyn evidently refers to his collections for the ‘History of Trades’. He did eventually publish his material relating to engraving and etching as Sculptura, or the History and Art of Chalcography and Engraving in Copper (1662). See Michael Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy. Intellectual Change in Late Seventeenth-Century Britain (Woodbridge, 1995), p. 74ff. c Evidently a slip of the pen for Wilkins. It is unclear whether Evelyn knew about the ‘experimental school’ to which John Wilkins (for whom see above, p. 144n.) contributed £200 in 1653, or whether he is simply referring to Wadham College. See Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy, p. 68, notes 82–3. d For Solomon’s House, based on Bacon’s model in the New Atlantis, see above, p. 179n. b

212

BOYLE

to EVELYN, 23 May 1657

sons know of this kind; and, to which I should most freely dedicat what I have. In the meane tyme, Sir, I transmitt you this Vernish,a and ‹shall› esteeme my selfe extreamely honoured, that you will farther Command whatsoever else of this, or any other kind6 is in the powre of, Sir, your most humble, & most obedient Servant J Evelyn. I beceech you Sir, to make my most humble Service acceptable to Dr Wilkinson;b and that you be pleased to communicat to me, what successe you have, in the processe of this Receipt (my selfe not having had tyme to examine it) that in case of any difficulty, I may have recourse to the person from whom I receivd it.7

For my most honoured friend Mr Boile I desire Mr Martine, at the Bell in St Paules Church-yard to send this Letter to Oxon:

Seal: Oval, bottom half only intact. Same as that on Evelyn to Boyle, 13 April 1659. Endorsed at head by Wotton: ‘Mr Evelyn’ and by Miles in red crayon ‘N. 1’. On fol. 53v ‘Mr Evelyn No. 1’ in Birch’s hand and in pencil in a nineteenth-century hand ‘Printed in Boyle’s Works, v, 397’.

BOYLE to EVELYN

23 May 1657

From the scribal version signed by Boyle in the hands of John Wilson, autograph dealer, July 1992. 4o/2. Not previously printed.

Sir, I should not have so long restrain’d the just Resentments I had of your late Favours, had I not been daily in Expectation to be able to snatch some time from a

This could be the recipe now in BP 26, fol. 141, but is probably not. It is possibly the one supplied to Thomas Henshaw. See Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy (above, p. 212), p. 81. b See above.

213

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

my Occasions to pay you my Acknowledgements at your own House: But now the Uncertainty of some Affaires that detain me here, beginning to make me feare least my silence might be imputed to a wrong Cause. I think myself engag’d to delay no longer to returne you my humble Thanks for the favour of your obliegeing Letter & to assure you that tho’ the Excellency of what you write cannot but make me thinke Your silence an unhappines, yet I was lesse troubled at your not writeing, than to find your Indisposition has been the cause of it, For it cannot but be unwellcome News to a Person addicted to experimentall Learning, to be inform’d that soe great a Master in it & Patron of it as Mr Evelyn is hinder’d by the Unkindneses of Nature to prosecute his skillfull1 Enquiries into the secrets of it;a But as your Indispositions may well passe for the general Calamitys of the Commonwealth of Learning, soe I hope you will make the returne of your Health an universal Advantage to it, by imparting (at least to Natures Votaries) those curious & useful Arts with whose knowledge you had design’d to obliege & enrich them, For though /fol. 1v/ You but too justly complain, that the Age & Country we live in, doe not value reall Learning as highly as it merits, yet I confesse I am apt to thinke that the surest & most obligeing way to make Men value it, is to lett them see by it’s reall & usefull Productions how vast a Disparity there is betwixt experimentall & notionall Learning, which makes me become an earnest suitor to you, that you will be pleas’d to vouchsafe, at least to some Friends to Philosophie & to Mr Evelyn a sight of those very desirable Particulars which you mention in Your Letter & I despaire not when I shall next have the Happines to exchange a few Words with you, but that some Expedient may be found to reconcile the disclosure of many secrets, with the keeping up & secureing the Reputation of Learning, In the meane time I must returne You my merited Thanks for the Receipt of the Vernish, which though I doe not yet thoroughly Apprehend (by reason of Your Friends obscurity in some Expressions) I am indeavouring by tryall to understand better,b & to the Acknowledgements I must add others as due as they, for the wellcome Favour you were pleas’d to doe me in allowing me to obey Your Command, by presenting you the way of preserving some sorts of Flowers which I enclose verbatim as I found it in a Paper wherein I set it down for my own Remembrancec /fol. 2/ And as for your other Commands concerning Dr Wilkins I have lately had an Opportunity to obey them, & find2 him as I expected very sensible of your Civility’s to him, & soe much your servant, that he is almost as much soe, as he that is most Ambitious to deserve the Title of d

a

Presumably Boyle refers to Evelyn’s letter of 9 May. For the varnish sent by Evelyn to Boyle see above, p. 213. c This recipe does not appear to survive. d For John Wilkins see above, p. 144n. b

214

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 3 June [1657]

Sir Your most affectionate most oblieged & most humble servant Ro: Boyle

May 23th 1657

I beg the favour of haveing my most humble service presented to you most excellent Lady3a Endorsed at head of letter [by Upcott?] ‘The Philosopher Boyle to Mr Evelyn’ and on fol. 2v: ‘Mr Robert Boyle to Mr Evelyn, 1657’.

3 June [1657]b

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

From the original in BL 5, fols 27–8. 4°/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 557, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 522–3.

My Brother This inclosed my brother Corke sends me word Contains an accoumpt of what he has donn in your affayres, to which he says a speedy answere from you will be necessary to enable him to proceed therein to your advatage [sic], a list of your Connaught lands I received from him with this & not before, I have already sent 2 of them to the two persons he & I have ingaged to try what rents they may be Raysed too & when I receive their accoumpts I shal god wiling hasten them to him that he may persue what wil most tend to your benifit, whose wearynes of a place & Company that instead of helping you to Improve your time does in spite of your teeth steale it from youc I wonder not at, nor doe I think there is any thing we are more Concerned not to Consent to then the parting with that Treasure unless it be a

Evelyn’s wife was Mary Evelyn (1635–1709). Charles Webster argued that this letter was ‘probably composed in June 1647’ (Webster, ‘New Light on the Invisible College’ (above, p. 42), p. 21n.). But the reference to ‘two lady Bristols’ suggests that it was written in the widowhood of Beatrice Digby, Countess of Bristol, whose husband, John Digby, 1st Earl of Bristol died on 21 Jan. 1653. As his heir was already married there were two Lady Bristols until Beatrice’s death on 12 Sept. 1658. The reference in the postscript to Broghill’s membership of ‘that Comite where the act is like to pass’, suggests that this letter dates from 1657: the first session of the second Protectorate Parliament lasted from 17 Sept. 1656 to 26 June 1657 and Broghill was a member of the committee for Irish affairs in that Parliament. c For Boyle’s lands in Connaught, see above, p. 29n. b

215

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

towards the acquireing or performeing some of those things in order to which it was given us, since al other talents must be Improved whilst we are here. by the help of that & when our measure of that is spent, our worke ends /fol. 27v/ & we must begin to receive those recompences that we shalbe receiveing for ever, & which wil be Suteable to what we have donn with & in our time, The other being from one of your owne fraternety, who thinks1 himselfe in the highest Class of your Philosophicall Society wil I presume without my Solicitation be afforded a speedy returnea I therefore onely beg that may Come thorough my hands open as this does, & for gratetude for that favour I shal solicite a replye, if this find you in the west let be [sic] besheech you to present my humble Service to my two lady Bristols.b & wish you would disapoynt Frank by bringing a wife of your owne to Stalbridge a bussynes I must Stil mind you off though you give me Cause to doubt you wil as hardly pardon me those few words as the rest of the trouble given you here byc Your K. R. If this find you at London let it a litle Cal upon you to be Mr Worley’s [sic] advocate to Broghil who is of that Comite where the act is like to pass that if not prevented wil put him out of his place.d This 3d of June /fol. 28/ Some Single Piony rootes I beg may be Sent me fit to plant, here, if you Can without to much trouble get any Endorsed on fol. 28v by Miles: ‘Lady Ranelagh numberd’ with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. 1’ deleted and ink number ‘(2)’.

a

Probably a reference to the group of experimental philosophers at Oxford of which Boyle formed part. b Presumably Lady Ranelagh refers to Beatrice, Lady Digby, wife of the 1st Earl of Bristol, for whom see above, p. 106n., and her daughter-in-law Lady Anne Digby (for whom see above, p. 185), wife of the 2nd Earl of Bristol. c Presumably this is not Francis Boyle, but Lady Ranelagh’s daughter Frances Jones, for whom see above, p. 75n. d Broghill was among those appointed to the committee for Irish affairs of the Second Protectorate Parliament on 23 Sept. 1656. The Act in question may be ‘An Act for the Assuring, Confirming, and Settling of Lands and Estates in Ireland’, 9 June 1657. Although it does not mention Worsley specifically, it gave the Lord Deputy (Henry Cromwell) and Council of Ireland the power to re-survey forfeited or exchanged lands. Worsley was officially Surveyor-General of Ireland but he was out of favour with Henry Cromwell and most of the work of surveying was done by William Petty. Worsley lost the surveyorship in the following year. Commons Journal, vii, 427; Firth and Rait, Acts and Ordinances, ii, 1100–10; Barnard, Cromwellian Ireland (above, p. 152).

216

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 June/4 July 1657

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

24 June/4 July 1657

From the copy in R.S. MS 1, fols 21v–2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, i, 119–21.

De Saumur le 4 de juillet 1657a A Monsieur Boyle Ayant ‹asteure›b estably nostre domicile pour quelque temps icy ‹et reglé nos petites1 affaires› tout aussitost que ‹je trouvois› ‹la maniere2 vacation› je pensois de ne ‹la› pouvoir ‹pas›3 mieux employer, que de vous advertir d’abord, que nous nous trouvans4‹grandement› en peine pendant que sommes destitués de l’information de vostre santé,5 dont l’incertitude de nostre sejour, depuis que nous sommes hors d’Angleterre, nous a6 jusques icy entierement privé. L’ayant asteur plus fixe nous nous flattons de l’esperance, de7 Jouir de vos nouvelles aussi frequemment, que vos meilleures et plus utiles occupations le permettrant.8 Je l’advouë, Monsieur, que ‹plustost que de vous solliciter à me faire ceste faveur lá›, je devrois9 vous laisser travailler à l’immortalité de vostre propre gloire, et au bien, que le genre humain tirera des10 labeurs, dont vous vous entretenez si ‹heureusement›;11 mais l’‹extreme› passion, que j’ay pour ‹la›12 prosperité de vostre personne et travail m’emporté ‹à vous faire cette requeste›13 ‹de vouloir› interrompre quelquefois vos14 plus serieuses meditations, et me faire part de ce qui se passe chez vous et en vostre laboratoire. Il y a grand bruit icy touchant une victoire, que la flotte Angloise ait gaignée sur les Espagnols dans le havre mesme des isles de Canarie: quoyques Saumura 4 July 1657 [N.S.] To Mr Boyle Since we have nowb fixed our abode here for some time and arranged our little matters of business, I thought as soon as I gained a brief respite that I could not better employ my time than by first advising you that we are greatly troubled so long as we lack news of your health; of this the uncertainty of our residence since we left England has until now entirely deprived us. Now that we are more settled we flatter ourselves with the hope of rejoicing in your news as often as your better and more useful occupations will allow. I confess, Sir, that rather than solicit this favour from you I ought to permit you to secure immortality for your own glory and those benefits that humanity will draw from your labours, which you pursue so successfully. But the extraordinary desire that I have for the well-being of your person and your work leads me to make this request, that you will sometimes break in upon your more serious reflections in order to let me know how things are with you and in your laboratory. There is a strong rumour here of a victory that the English fleet has a b

A town on the Loire below Tours. i.e., ‘A cette heure’.

217

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

quelques uns par mocquerie disent, que les Anglois ont pris /fol. 22/ plaisir de deschirer la bourse, apres que l’argent en estoit dehors.15a Sil est vray, ce que les gens affectionnées16 à vostre Estat rapportent, ‹on pourroit dire,›17 ce me semble, que le continuel bon succes du Protecteur parle hautement, que le Ciel veut faire quelque chose d’extraordinaire de luy.b Nostre grand et bon Dieu vueille, que ce soit18 pour l’eslargissement de sa gloire et verité, et le soulagement des peuples gemissans soubs19 la tyrannie de corps et ‹de› conscience. Il n’y a rien icy, qui soit digne de vostre conoissance,20 si ce n’est, que l’air est bon, le pais beau, et le peuple humain et debonnaire: Et si ces qualites ‹avoient le›21 pouvoir de vous tirer ‹à› ce quartier icy, nous vous recevrions à bras ouverts, et particulierement Monsieur Vostre tres humble et fidelle serviteur H. O.

gained over the Spanish within the harbour at the Canary Isles; although some for scorn say that the English have been pleased to rip up the purse after the money was put away.a If this is true, as those who favour your nation declare, one might say (it seems to me) that the continued success of the Protector is an evident sign that Heaven has some extraordinary task for him.b May our great and good God purpose that this be for the extension of His glory and truth and the relief of those peoples who groan under physical and spiritual tyranny. There is nothing here worth your notice, unless it be that the air is good, the countryside beautiful, and the people kind and gay. If these attributes had the power to attract you to this region we should receive you with open arms, and especially, Sir, Your most humble and faithful servant, H. O.

a After the English had attacked the Spanish plate fleet in Sept. 1656, they moved on to the Canaries, where they attacked and destroyed a Spanish fleet in the harbour of Santa Cruz de Tenerife on 20 Apr. 1657. b The reference is to Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector from 1653.

218

COUNTESS OF CORK

to BOYLE, 26 June [c. 1657]

ELIZABETH BOYLE, COUNTESS OF CORK,a to BOYLE 26 June [c. 1657]b From the original in BL 2, fols 48–9. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744) v, 623, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 623.

Lismore June the 26th My Deare Brother thoe I confesse I have bin a great while silent I shall nott feare you will conclude me faulty butt rather civell in that forbearan[ce] since all that was necessary or worthy your knowledge I know you rec[eived]1 weekly by better hands from this place, to trouble you than, to answer my insignificant letters: I doubted wold be a burthen your civilitye wold2 impose upon your self & this has bin hitherto the true ground of my silence what is now the present motive3 of my writing is to begg your oppinion of your nephewes passing their times & whether they improve them to their most advantage,4 where, in the 1st, place tis most necessarye they be well grounded in pietye which is the cheefe Bulwark to preserve them from those temptations their age condition &5 conversation (too generall in the world) is likely to assault them with all especially in their travells to which my Lord ere long designes them, & therfore I humbly begg you wold make choyce of some good6 Bookes & reccomend them to their perusalls & to the Drs[?] to supervise & cleare /fol. 48v/ what may seeme obscure to them in that studdye; to which all their other studdyes ought to strike sayle & to that cheefly intend in order to which I know nothing more probable7 to perswade them than your good precepts seconded with your example & practise this ‹shall› be8 the cheefe intent of this letter:c though9 I could much inlarge ‹it› with resentments of my neere approaching unhappinesse in parting with10 my Dearest Sister did I nott consider that this deprivation restores to you a happinesse I must nott grudge you, butt studdye rather ‹the meanes› to hasten over to be a sharer in your mutuall satisfactions till when my complaints must keep11 home & I shall only ‹heer› trouble you with the insignificant yett very sincere & hartye professions of my ever remainingd Deare Brother your most affec: faithfull & obliged servant E Corke a

For the Countess of Cork see above, p. 111. This letter has been dated on the basis of the fact that the Countess’s two sons had matriculated at Christ Church Oxford on 25 Nov. 1656. c Boyle’s nephews, the sons of the Earl and Countess of Cork, were Charles Boyle, Viscount Dungarvan (1639–94) and Richard Boyle (1641–65). d The Countess refers to Lady Ranelagh. b

219

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

12

I begg you to present my service to Dr: Willis when you see hima For Mr Robert Boyle my Deare Brother / these at Oxford Seal: Circular. Out of a ducal coronet a wyvern surmounted by an earls coronet. Endorsed by Wotton under date on fol. 48: ‘Lady Corke’.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

30 June 1657

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 266–7. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 92–3.

Honoured SIR, YESTERDAY I received your last, signifying your return to Oxford.b I pray God, that your health may be continued and encreased, that it may be instrumental for the good and refreshment of many.c I am still extremely full of pains, and have much ado either to write or to do anything else.d But if the Lord would discover the like powerful /p. 267/ remedy against the inward piles, as he has done against the stone in the kidneys by a new medicine of my son Clod (which he is resolved not easily to impart, and always to disguise under some other name,) I suppose I should draw near to a perfect cure.e Above all recipes and medicines Dr. Glisson has commended to my son that of the lieutenant of the Tower against the piles.f I expect my son every day, and if the aforesaid doctor has had any of those suppositories in readiness, I hope he will bring some of them along with him. In the time I need not tell you, that the most learned famous English Æsculapius (I mean Dr. Harvey) is departed this world.g I expect your censures, observations, and communications, upon my former letters. Here you have a vindication of the decaying clover-grass, a

For Thomas Willis see above, p. 204n. This letter is not extant. c On Boyle’s health, see above, pp. 198–200. d On Hartlib’s ill health see Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 21. e Hartlib refers to his son-in-law, Frederick Clodius. f This is a reference to Francis Glisson (1597–1677), physician and natural philosopher. The Lieutenant of the Tower at this time was John Barkstead (d. 1662), Cromwellian officer and regicide. g William Harvey, likened by Hartlib to the Greco-Roman god of medicine, died on 3 June 1657. b

220

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 30 June 1657

written and sent unto me by Mr. Wood from Dublin.a If you could furnish me, I would say it were very fit, that some directions were published concerning clovergrass, as proper to take off the prejudice that is of late against it, and to inform punctually, in what soil it is an improvement, and in what manner it is to be used. AS first, It may be laid down at a certainty, how deep the root descendeth; where it proves best, and where it is indifferent, and where it faileth to be an improvement, for want of due depth. SECONDLY, How it proves in a stiff clay land, or wheat land; how in a hot sandy rye land; how in a very stony land; and how in a chalky land, &c. and in which kind of soil it lasteth longest. THIRDLY, It may be laid down, what best use may be made of the ground, when the clover decays. FOURTHLY, It should be carefully advertised, how it is to be used; for sometimes it hath been seen good, and yet come to nothing, by many kinds of miscarriages. IF the cattle bite it the first year, some therefore will destroy, and some they will pull up by the root; and sometimes, the second year, it will be rooted up, especially after moist weather, and after a long drought; if it be bitten, it will die; and if it be mowed in unsettled weather, it will soon be tainted; if it be suffered to be too far seeded, before it be mowed, it will be like hard sticks, too coarse for most kind of cattle. We want clear directions, how we may follow the custom of Flanders, to decline all these inconveniencies. I long to see what has occurred to you in your journey.b To me, of late, out of France, have occurred these following lines. ‘In passing by Tours, and hearing there of certain strange engines, by which they water the tabbies and mohairs, we went to see them, and found it an excellent invention, brought out of Italy, from Luca, by the father of him, that hath at present the chief workmanship thereof, named, monsieur Chauma.c I wonder the engine is no more taken notice of, nor the use thereof brought into England; which certainly might easily be done, by such as are skilled in mechanicks.’ Thus far a travelling friend.d I shall tell this Dr. Kuffler (whom I have not seen these fourteen days) of your intimations to tell strange stories of the benefit to be made by the watering of land.e I suppose you remember the great expectations I have of the a

This is a reference to Robert Wood (c. 1622–85), F.R.S., mathematician and astronomer, and Accountant General for Ireland. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 227–8, 240. b It is not clear whether Hartlib is referring to a journey of Boyle’s, or whether this is part of the letter he is quoting. If the former, nothing is known of the journey taken by Boyle to which Hartlib alludes here. c Luca, i.e., Lucca in Tuscany. Monsieur Chaumes was an inventor, mentioned in HP 33/1/25A– 26B. d The author of this letter is possibly Henry Oldenburg, who in May 1657 had gone to France as tutor of Richard Jones, Boyle’s nephew. e Hartlib refers to Johannes Sibertus Küffler (1595–1677), inventor, who married Catherina, daughter of Cornelis Drebbel. He was responsible for showing the Commonwealth government a weapon to sink ships.

221

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Quaker of Durham, Anthony Pierson, his promises of husbandry.a I have not yet obtained any thing from his hands; but major general Lilburne pretends to know his Universal Compost; and a friend of his was pleased to entrust me with it, in these words.b ‘Plough up your barren ground, and cross-plough it, as they use to do those lands, which they burn for bate or betting. Then gather the turfs, and lay the first course of turfs (e.g. of two yards square, the grassy or heathy side upwards) and sprinkle upon it a small quantity of unslacked lime. Then lay the second course (less than the first) with the green side downwards, upon the lime; and so build up your heap. Let it lye half a year thus. If you will sow winter corn (as wheat or rye) upon it, let it lye from spring to seed-time. If you sow barley, &c. let it lye from autumn to seed-time. The best time to turn it up is, when it is most moist; for that will make the lime run and burn the better. A greater quantity of lime, or laid in any other manner on the land, burns out the vegetable salt, and spoils it, as is experienced in the West by colonel Monck.c When it hath lain half a year thus, it will be so mellow, that it will run like ashes. Then spread, harrow, and sow it. If it want depth of earth, upon the harrowing, to cover the seed, plough it again.’ Thus I have discovered unto you, that magnet of husbandry, without any reserves; for I am very ambitious to shew myself, upon all occasions, Honoured Sir, your most humble and ever faithful servant, S. HARTLIB.

Charing-Cross, June 30, 1657.

CLODIUS to BOYLE

7 July 1657

From the holograph original in BL 2, fols 18–19. 4°/2. Not previously printed.

a

Anthony Pearson (1628–70) was the author of The Great Case of Tythes (1657). Robert Lilburne (1613–65), parliamentary officer and regicide. Lilburne’s friend, mentioned here, has not been identified. The letter from Lilburne is in HP 26/70/1A–2B. c This is a reference to George Monck (1608–70), later 1st Duke of Albemarle. He had been in command of the army in Scotland and head of the administration there since 1654. He inherited an estate in Devon in 1647 and it is highly probable that he acquired land in Connacht, and perhaps also Ulster and Leinster during the Interregnum. See Maurice Ashley, General Monck (London, 1977), pp. 71–2. b

222

CLODIUS

to BOYLE, 7 July 1657

Vir Nobilissime Amice singulariter venerande, Nisi tuæ 4to hujus Mensis scriptæ, hodie1 mihi traditæ fuissent, adhuc inscius essem, qua2 ubinam locorum degeres, vel potius, an adhuc inter vivos esses.a Jam itaque3 cum sciam quænam te habeat terra,4 quod nondum à vivis discesseris, sæpius, ut5 abeunti promisi, ad te literas dabo. Antepilepticum tibi nuper communicatum scire aveo, In cujus permutationem te docebo, quod Glissonius me ante octiduumb colcestriæc docuit. Sumit secundinam masculi primogeniti, illamque rectà, absque lotione, vel abstersione exsiccat, in clibano, post panis extractionem. Exsiccatum in tenuem pulverem redigit, eique vinum Rheninum in vitro superfundit, ut fiat tenuissimum pultis instaru ‹mixtura›.6 hujus cochlearia duo (ubi scilicet vitrum probe concusserit) quovis mane propinat,7 sanatque quosvis epilepticos, etiam inveteratos, certissimè. /fol. 18v/ Nuperrime literas Hamburgo accepi, in quibus amicus meus, (à quo olim spiritus tartari mihi communicatus)d plurima notatii dignissima promittit.e Inter reliqua, confectionem vitrioli ex Antimonio absque corrosivo facti, cum sapphiro Most noble Sir, and my most particularly respected friend, Had I not received your letter of the fourth of this month, which was given to me today, I would still be ignorant of the place of your abode, or rather, of whether you were still among the living.a And now, when I know what land lies under your feet, and that you have not yet departed from the living, I shall be enabled to send you more frequent letters, as I, on your departure, promised that I would do. I am keen to learn the details of a remedy for epilepsy of which you have recently been informed, in exchange for which I shall inform you of the things which Glisson imparted to me a weekb ago at Colchester.c He takes the afterbirth of a firstborn male child, and straight away (and without washing or cleansing it) he dries it out completely in an oven, which should be as hot as it is directly after the bread is taken out of it. When it has been dried, he grinds it into a fine powder, and he then pours Rhine wine over it in a glass vessel so as to make a very thin pap, like a mixture. Of this mixture he drinks two spoonfuls (after the spoons have thoroughly stirred the contents of the glass) every morning; and it most surely cures epileptics, even inveterate ones. I have very recently received a letter from Hamburg in which my friend there (who once informed me about spirit of tartar)d sends me many further pieces of information that are worthy of particular note.e Among other things, he tells me of a method of producing vitriol from antimony, and this made without corrosives, and with a colour that rivals that of a

This letter has not been found. The Latin reads literally as ‘eight days’. c i.e., the town of Colchester. For Francis Glisson see above, p. 215n. d See above, pp. 195–7. e It is clear from a letter from Hartlib to Boyle (1 Sept. 1657) that this friend in Hamburg is Dr Walter, a physician and chemist, who corresponded with Clodius and Moriaen. Clodius’s letter to Boyle of 3 Mar. 1656 is an extract from a ‘German letter’, which may also be from Dr Walter. b

223

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

de colore certantis, saltem nonnulla à me iterum petit; quæ si ipsi obtinere potero vel nancisci, et mihi illud non denegabitur.a Mei8 labores interea ‹tantum non› quiescunt nisi quod in paucissimis sim occupatis essentiis plantarum præparandis, sed jam me incoepti fere poenitet, nam tædiosissimus est labor, et ‹ante›9 deum, ad minimum, coagulationem et solutionem non perficitur.10 Inter omnes autem, credo me nobilissimam essentiam ex Carduo benedicto repertiorum. Nam ea jam, si parum deponatur, in11 salem Nitro simillimum sed amarum concrescit ‹essentia12 vero› Cichorea in [sic] insipidum &c: Medicinam contra calculum quod adtinet,13 ea ex lapide est ossifrago,b sed tædiosissimae præparationis, et preciosa ad modum, propter maximam spiritus salis copiam, quæ in ea paranda, consumitur. Sed certissime mihi persuasum habeo, verum esse calculi et podagræ curatiorem, adeo quod helmont non insulse quæstionem de lapide ossifrago proposerit, quidni scilicet sit curaturus podagram Calculum &c?14 In liquoris vero forma est hæc medicina, valde amara et ex luteo viridescens.15 Observavi quod ab ejus usu Socer meus turbidissinam urinam cum mucilagine et16 innumeras calculorum frustulis exurinat.17c /fol. 19/ præcipue vero observandum18 [est qu]od nuper eminperit muciluginem urinæ supranatantium, tenacem quæque vitro bid-

the sapphire; in any case, he requests a few things from me in return, and, if I should be able to obtain or light upon them for him, then he will not deny me this.a My own work, meanwhile, is almost at a standstill, except that I have been busy in preparing a few little essences from plants. But I am now almost sorry that I began this task, for it is a most tedious work, at least before the coagulation and solution is finally finished. Among all of these, however, I believe that I am about to discover a very noble essence from blessed thistle. For if a little of this is set aside, it coalesces into a salt very similar to that of nitre, but bitter in taste, though indeed rather insipid when compared to the essence of chicory. As for a remedy against the stone, there is one that can be produced from the lapis ossifragus;b but the preparation of this medicine is very tedious, and quite expensive, because of the very large amount of spirit of salt which is used up in its production. But I am absolutely and thoroughly convinced that this is a true remedy for the stone, and for the gout. Indeed, Helmont asked a far from foolish question about the lapis ossifragus: why would it not be able to cure the gout, the stone and other things? Indeed, this medicine is in the form of a liquid, is extremely bitter and from being yellow, turns green. I have observed how, by using it, my father-in-law expels a very turbid urine, with a mucilage and innumerable fragments of stones.c Indeed, it is particularly to be observed that he recently urinated a thick mucilage which floated upon the urine, and which in two days hardened

a

i.e., the new vitriol recipe. i.e., osprey stone. Osprey stone, or osteocolla, is a deposit of carbonate of lime, forming an incrustation on the roots and stems of plants, and often used as a treatment for setting bones. c ‘my father-in-law’, i.e., Hartlib. b

224

CLODIUS

to BOYLE, 7 July 1657

uum duresceret. Interim vero19 nullum symptoma malum accedit. Sed plura hac de re coram. Cæterum Mercurii Sublimati jam nactus sum quinque libras quarum tibi toii · ll servo, (ut inter nos convenimus).20 Alia quoque ad minimum decem habeo translata ex germanico idiomate, quæ21 cuncta, si cupiveris ad te mitti poterunt, vel, pro te, hic adservari. Plura hac viæ quæ addam, non habeo. Nisi22 quod sum Vir Nobiliss[imus] T[uus]. dum vivo F Clodius.

Queenestreete the 7 of July Ao 1657.

upon the glass vessel. Meanwhile, in truth, no dangerous symptom occurred. But I shall tell you more about this matter when I meet you face to face. For the rest, I have just laid my hands on five pounds of sublimate of mercury, of which I am keeping two and a half pounds for you (as we agreed). I have also translated at least ten other items from the German language; all of these, if you wished it, could be sent on to you, or alternatively, I could keep them here pending your arrival. I have nothing more to add at this time, except that I remain, most noble sir, Yours, while I live, F. Clodius

For the Honorble Robert Boyl Esqr. At Oxford. 23 at Mr Crosses house over against All Soules Colledge.a Seal: Part missing. Full achievement of arms. Shield: per fesse charged with a rose [?]. Crest missing.

a

For John Crosse see above, p. 193n.

225

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

HARTLIB to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

4 August 1657

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 267–8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 93–4.

Aug. 4, 57. Honoured SIR, LAST Tuesday, July 29, I wrote largely, enclosing a great packet from Ireland, and something of weather-glasses, which I thought would have been very welcome unto you; but I have not had one line from you, whether they have been safely delivered or not.a The enclosed I got yesterday by the post from Ireland, with a letter from Mr. Worsley, dated at Holy-head, July 29.b He presents his most humble service. I am told again – As oft as you commend heath, you may do well to put them in mind of adding some cordial plant, as sage, or balm, which will add some help, to keep the drink the longer. And you may put them in mind of Roman wormwood,c which agrees with all the months /p. 268/ that have R, as for oisters. We (in Herefordshire) begin to plant it, a little of it does much towards the preservation of the beer.d But that heath begets madness, is against our long and constant experience; and how can it be so, it being apparently a release to a hard spleen, as perfectly as tamarisk? But I insist upon the necessity of adding some other cordial herbs, to prevent the drink from sourness. In Herefordshire, as a powerful preserver, they bake wormwood in a loaf of coarse bread, and break this bread very small into the ale or beer. They say it does much please the taste, and preserve the drink. You may smile at it, but my witty neighbour, to encrease the store of his Roman wormwood, pleached it down in the way of propagation, and it succeeded in great plenty. I rest ever, Honoured Sir, your most faithful and assured servant, S. HARTLIB.

a

This letter is not extant; the packet from Ireland has also not been found. In his letter of 29 July 1657 Worsley sent Hartlib the astrological tract (‘Problema physicoastrologicum’), which was subsequently published in Boyle’s General History of Air. See Works, vol. 12, pp. 48–56. c i.e., Artemisia pontica. d Hartlib is probably identifying himself here, and later in the letter, with the activities of John Beale who lived in Herefordshire, and first came into contact with Hartlib in 1656. b

226

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 30 Aug./8 Sept. 1657

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

30 August/8 September 1657

From the original in Early Letters OB 2. 4°/2. A draft version survives as R.S. MS 1, fols 27–8, with which this text has been collated and significant differences noted. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744) v, 299–300. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 141, and Oldenburg, i, 133–5.

Saumur the 8th Sept, 1657 st.n. Sir, I think myselfe obliged to you, that after the troublesome Journy,1 you mention in your letter, you would give yourselfe the trouble of excusing your silence to my former;a though I confesse, I was glad to see it broken, and2 withall to find ‹an›3 intention in you of being larger, when your Academicall Hurry should be over. As for us here, we are, through the goodnes of God, in perfect health, and, your nevew having spent these 2 or 3 months, we have been here, very well and in more than ordinary diligence, I cannot but give him some relaxation in taking a view of this province of Anjou, during this time of vintage; which though it be a very tempting one to a young appetite, yet shall I hope, by a carefull watchfulnes prove unprejudiciall to his health.b I am persuaded, Sir, if you were here, and would please to make with us such a little, but very pleasant tour, as this is to my knowledge, who have made it heretofore, it would conduce very much to your health. But, I doubt, your desire4 of knowing and of advancing knowledge, and the opportunities of doing that much better, where you are, than here5 (the way you take) will deprive us ‹still› from the happines of enjoying your company here. Well, if the publique doe but thrive, we ought to bear privat losses with patience.6 In the interim, give me leave, Sir, to acquaint you with an observation, I made th’other day in reading a piece of Thuanus, which made me7 reflect upon your discours about the nature of Poisons, wherein, if I remember well, you seeme to incline to the opinion, that the poison of vipers consists rather in the rage, wherewith they bite, than in any part of their body, which hath alwaies a deadly poison in it: Confirming it with instances, from the madnes of a dog /2 (1)v/ making his teeth poisonous, which before were not so, and from an inraged cocke, killing a man by a slight hurt.c The author, I named, gives another instance, which, if true, may in a Oldenburg refers to his letter to Boyle of 4 July 1657. Boyle’s letter, to which Oldenburg is replying, is not extant. b For Richard Jones, travelling under Oldenburg’s care, see above, p. 205n. c This is a reference to Historiarum sui temporis … libri CXXXVII (1604–20), by Jacques Auguste de Thou (1533–1617). The story is related on pp. 159–60 of vol. 1 of the 1620 Geneva edition. The work by Boyle to which Oldenburg refers is ‘An Essay of Turning poisons into Medicines’, of which Oldenburg’s version is published in Works, vol. 13, p. 237ff.; it is summarised in Usefulness II. sect. 1 (1663), in ibid., vol. 3, pp. 324–6. Oldenburg exaggerates: the Scotsman was bitten by the ‘dentem rabidum ac paene mortiferum’ (‘enraged and almost deadly teeth’) of his captive.

227

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

my opinion, justly claime a place among the rest. He relateth, (lib 4. ad ann. 1548)8 that the Scots then besieging a towne, which he cals Hadina,9a taken from them by the English, and having both French and Highlanders in their army, one of the latter, seing the French fighting stoutly, and thence stirred up to emulation, soon rushed into the thick of the Ennemy sallying out, ‹and› in his fury laying hold on one of the English soldiers, threw him,10 being a lusty fellow, upon his shoulders, and running away with him into the camp of his Generall,11 was by the way so bit in his shoulder (he going half naked) by the enraged teeth of the Englishman, that he failed very litle, as the author saith, of being killed by that wound. The story seems at least as credible, as that of the cock, unles you’l say, a cock can be chafed to greater rage,12 than an English soldier carried away by a naked Scotsman on his shoulders into the Camp of the Ennemy. To this story I shall adde13 another, and then, Sir, end your trouble; but the author, I had it from, is not so authentique, as famous Monsieur de Thou. It was an Italian, who told me but the other week, that Pope Urban VIII. never did eat any pullets or other tame fowle, but such as had been fed and fatned by the flesh of vipers, and that his long Popedom was ascribed (humanitus loquendo)14 to the vertue of such food.b The thing itselfe, I beleeve, Sir, you’l think very credible, seeing men ordinarily enough eat broath, wherein viper-flesh hath been boiled, ‹for› to fortify or recruit nature.15 I wish cordially, you also may find means, powerfull to preserve and strengthen yours,16 /2 (2)/ for the good of the learned Commonwealth, in which preservation would be particularly involved much Joy and advantage to him, who, as long he liveth, desireth to be Sir, Your faithful and humble servant, H. Oldenburg17 Your nevew and selfe entreat your favour of presenting our humble services to ‹all› our noble and learned friends at Oxford.

To his noble friend Robert Boyle Esquire at Mr Crossesc / in / Oxford. a ‘Hadina’ is Haddington, the English garrison, 15 miles east of Edinburgh, which was besieged by Scottish and French troops during 1548. b Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini), Pope from 1623 to 1644, is notorious for his association with the trial and condemnation of Galileo. Oldenburg’s Italian source has not been traced. Humanitus loquendo, ‘speaking in a human way’. c For John Crosse see above, p. 193n.

228

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, after 1 Sept. 1657

Seal: Circular. Damaged. Three fleurs de lis. Endorsed at head of page on 2 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. II’ and with Birch ink number ‘No 2’ on both 2 (1) and 2 (2)v, where it is deleted.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

after 1 September 1657

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 268–9. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 94–5.

Honoured SIR, ON Monday I received your last, of Aug. 29, but could not answer the same, (by reason of divers commissions and letters, which my lady had laid upon me) on Tuesday next, but sent only under a covert one from Mrs. Drury, and another from Mr. Worsley, which also by the last post I received from Ireland.a It seems, that the 26th of Aug. (which is the date of his letter) he did not yet know of the council’s order, which my son hath sent unto him.b For, besides that to yourself, he sends another to my lord deputy, and is very earnest, that it may be seconded.c But, on Tuesday last, I told my lady, that the business was not only fully past the approbation of the council, but likewise his highness’s consent; so that what remains must now be dispatched in Ireland.d My son believes, that the foresaid order will give Mr. Worsley ample satisfaction. I am more troubled at your weakness and distempers, than at my own pains, which rather, God be thanked, diminish, than encrease. The ulcerous matter is likewise no more so discernible, as it was for divers weeks before; but every day almost there comes away little pieces of stones, whereby my son Clodius concludes, that the stone is dissolving.e Mr. Van Mussig shewed me his a Boyle’s letter of 29 Aug. is not extant. For ‘Drury’ read ‘Dury’. Mrs Dury, Dorothy Moore, was related by marriage to Boyle’s brother-in-law, Arthur Jones (d. 1670), 2nd Viscount Ranelagh. See Maddison, Life, p. 62. b Worsley’s letter to Hartlib of 26 Aug. is not extant. On 18 Aug. 1657 the Council of State issued an order authorising the Lord Deputy and the Council of Ireland to fulfil Richard Eccleston’s and James Rand’s proposal for the sale of forfeited estates in Ireland to pay arrears of salary to officers and soldiers in Ireland. Part of the profits were to be used to support Hartlib’s schemes for the advancement of learning. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 54–6, and Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 75–6, 462. Hartlib refers to Samuel Hartlib junior (b. c. 1631), who was Worsley’s clerk in the Council of Trade. For Hartlib junior see Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 8–9. c This is a reference to Charles Fleetwood (d. 1692), Lord Deputy of Ireland from 1652 to Nov. 1657. The letter to Fleetwood from Worsley has not been found. d i.e., Mary Burningham, for whom see above, p. 60n. As was his custom, Hartlib refers to Oliver Cromwell as ‘his highness’. e Hartlib refers to his son-in-law Frederick Clodius.

229

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1, 1636–61

doctoral charter; but alas! this will cure no distempers nor diseases. Within two or three weeks he is going for Ireland, presenting his humble service.a As for the elixir proprietatis, he is very positive and peremptory, that there is no better comforting cordial in the world, for weak spirited, or aged people. Truly I have found it so hitherto, without any inconveniency at all. The publick adviser of this work gives this following advertisement. ‘Next unto Vaux-hall, in Lambeth, liveth one Thomas Smart, an artist, who, considering the necessity of the times, and also being moved thereunto by divers pious and godly ministers, for the welfare of this nation, doth hereby signify, that he hath one medicine, which, by God’s blessing, perfectly cures all gripings of the bowels, loosenesses, bloody fluxes, and their kinds. Also another medicine, that is a speedy and perfect cure for epidemical, feverish, and aguish diseases, that now so much annoy. The medicines are safe, not unpleasant to take, and for one half crown, as much as will be sufficient for one person. Probatum est.’b Thus far the adviser. Do you believe these medicines? Some weeks ago, Dr. Broome told me himself, what a wonderful cure he hath performed on Sir James (as I take it) Cunningham; but, poor gentleman, is brought over-against my house, where he is to be cut of the stone, within a day or two.c Dr. Walter, at Hamburg, writes very substantial and experimental letters to my son.d I advise him to entertain carefully a strict and faithful correspondence with so able and successful a physician. I had a cursory reading of one of his letters, wherein he commends hugely essentium cervinum.e Yesterday I had from Tunbridge these following lines.f ‘It hath pleased God to visit me with a long and lasting ague, which gives little intermission for study. I have had a relapse or two, and, after them, such immoderate sweats, at night, as have consumed me to skin and bones. For the sweats, the physician and I am not pleased; only the last week, by God’s good providence, a gentlewoman, who came to visit me, assured me, upon her own knowledge, that two persons, visited with this late sickness, and by sweats likewise brought into a consumption, have, within a fortnight, or little more time, recovered, and are now also grown fatter and healthier than formerly, by the only use of the Turkish drink coffee. The one of these persons thus cured was a young gentlewoman, and the other an ancient gentleman; and of the truth of this I doubt nothing, the authors a For Johann Brün, or Unmussig, see above, p. 158n. Brün settled in Ireland during the Protectorate. See Webster, Great Instauration, p. 302n. b i.e., ‘It has been proved’. Hartlib refers to the Publick Adviser, 15 (Mon. 24 Aug.–Mon. 31 Aug. 1657), p. 260. Thomas Smart was a chemist and chemical assistant to the Marquis of Dorchester. See Webster, Great Instauration, p. 304. c It is possible that Hartlib confuses two people here. He may be referring to James Cunningham (d. 1662), advocate and town clerk, or alternatively, to Sir John Cunningham (d. 1684), lawyer. The physician who performed the cure was Philip Broom (fl. 1639–57). d For Dr Walter of Hamburg see above, p. 223n. e i.e., spiritus cornus cervi. f Hartlib’s correspondent in Tunbridge has not been identified.

230

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, after 1 Sept.1657

being all persons of quality and credit. Upon this, I was earnestly pressed to send for a bottle; and so I had one last week; and though I have taken it but three mornings, yet I find my stomach more clean, and stronger to digest, my brain clearer, and my sweats somewhat abated. And I am the rather convinced of the efficacy of it, because, as my lord Verulam commends it, it is the Turks wine; and they, as I understand, are generally healthy, strong, fat, and big men.a And as their chief feeding is rice (which also I find a great nourisher, and amongst the variety of meats provided for me, I am weary of them all but this) so their chief drink is coffee, at which they tipple, with a fool to make them sport. Now, Sir, the intent of this relation is not to inform you, either of the drink, or berry it is made of (of which I have tasted, and find the drink to have its only taste without other ingredient) or the virtues of it; to all which I /p. 269/ believe you are no stranger; but only give you in this testimony, that you may spread its benefit towards this new disease, which I hear is with you; and not only in these parts, but elsewhere, in Oxfordshire, Norfolk, in Hampshire, &c. wheresoever an epidemical disease useth to rage in the inlands and sea-coasts by us, Rochester, Dover, Rye, &c.b Another purpose of this paper is, to beg of you some of the freshest berries, which may be had of some Turkish merchant, with his directions to make it drink; which, if it may be had, I know you may command; and this for my own recovery. I have sent now for another bottle, and it will last me a week more; but, to save this trouble, I beg yours, and hope they will spare of their store, and discover the use of it to one, who intends no gain by it. Sir, now I am upon this seeking for cordials (which daily I take, to support my spirits in this weakness) I find in the Arabian cordials in our Pharmacopæia, in Andromachus or Venice Treacle, a great quantity of raw silk; some of which I desire of you likewise, if you can direct me withal, whether it hath any correctives, or may be taken alone, as I find it prescribed by Culpepper.c I shall once more trouble you for eggs of the worm. For here we have trees, and I intend to plant more. But of this not at present.’ Thus far a publick-hearted learned friend. Sir, do you know whither to address me for the B*berries?d I have written to know what will please the secret-monger. Mr. Wood tells me of a rare one for a new kind of graffing of vines, which he hopes to attain, and to communicate to me.e If you have perused my discourse concerning Ireland, I desire still your a Hartlib’s correspondent refers to Francis Bacon (for whom see above, p. 201n.) and to Bacon’s Historia vitae et mortis (1623), where Bacon writes about the invigorating properties of ‘a kind of herb, called “coffee”’ used by the Turks; see J. Spedding, R. L. Ellis and D. D. Heath (eds), The Works of Francis Bacon, 14 vols (London, 1870), v, 271. Boyle discusses the properties of coffee in his Usefulness I, see Works, vol. 3, pp. 454–5. b The ‘new disease’ has not been identified. c Here Hartlib probably refers to Nicholas Culpeper’s 1653 edition of Pharmacopoeia Londinensis. d The reference is presumably to coffee berries as requested by Hartlib’s correspondent. e For Robert Wood see above, p. 221n.

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impartial opinion about it.a Since my last I have not seen Dr. Kuffler;b but when I do, I shall acquaint him with what you have written, being upon this, or any other occasions, Honoured Sir, your most assured faithful servant, S. HARTLIB. Just now Mr. Dalgarno is come to my house.c

HARTLIB to BOYLE

8 September 1657

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744) v, 269–70. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 96–7.

Sept. 8. 57 Honoured SIR, NOT only Mr. Dalgarno, Mr. Morstein, Sir Charles Culpepper, but also another Polonian gentleman have kept me so long, that I cannot enlarge, having several things, which must also, by this very post, be imparted to Ireland.d The one of the enclosed I received by the last post from thence, and the other from Saumur.e Dr. Van Mussig purposes to go to Oxford on Thursday next.f He triumphs to have lighted upon a special secret, or medicine (multorum morborum curativum) at Amsterdam.g But I durst not ask the receipt of it, he prizing the same at so high a rate; or, it may be, he suspects me, as if I would communicate the same into your bosom, and therefore resolves rather to gratify you with it by his own hands; at which kind of charity, or ambition, I shall never be offended. If he make no offer, I pray use freedom to signify to him, that I have intimated something unto you, concerning a This is possibly a reference to material related to the planned continuation to the Natural History of Ireland. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 432–4. b For Johann Sibertus Küffler see above , p. 221n. c This is a reference to George Dalgarno (c. 1626–87), author of schemes of philosophical languages. d For George Dalgarno see previous note. Faustus Morstyn, a Pole who had studied at Oxford, brought Dalgarno to Hartlib’s notice and contributed to projects of universal languages. ‘Sir Charles Culpepper’ is probably Sir Cheney Culpeper, for whom see above, p. 63n. The other ‘Polonian gentleman’ has not been identified. e The letter from Ireland is missing. The letter from Saumur is possibly Oldenburg’s letter to Boyle of 8 Sept. 1657. Oldenburg was resident at Saumur in France from July 1657 to Mar. 1658. f For Johann Brün, or Unmussig, see above, p. 158n. g ‘a cure for many illnesses’.

232

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 8 Sept. 1657

a special medicine, which he rejoices to have found at Amsterdam. I received a letter for Mr. Oldenburg, which shall be sent by the next post, with all care and faithfulness. Mr. Oldenburg complains, that, besides the two great packets, he has received no more letters.a But he may thank himself for it, having sent the address for them but a few weeks ago. I am sure there is no want on my part. Your last is dated Sept. 5.b I am surprised with a kind of astonishment, that Mr. Worsley hath not answered my son’s nor my own letters, which he might have done fourteen days ago.c For I have answer upon my other letters from thence, which were sent at the same time. By this very post I have written again, and my son promises to do the like, with sending another copy of the order, with its amendments, and a report, that it is passed both his highness’s and the council’s consent.d If he had signified his satisfaction (for the order is fully granted and drawn up, according to all the instructions, which he left behind) the foresaid order might have been sent by this post to the council in Ireland. My son is now more and more contriving, how, with the best grace and advantage, it may be transmitted. For, as soon as he shall have understood his approbation, he intends, that the order, with the addition of some affectionate clauses, shall be turned into a letter, written by the council here to the council in Ireland, under the council’s own seal, that it may be distinguished from the ordinary passing or imparting of orders from hence to Ireland, that it may appear a business of extraordinary import and concernment. The next post I hope will bring Mr. Worsley’s resolves. I have also pressed much upon him the performance of his other promise, concerning cellars and vinifications of liquors.e Mr. Brereton proposes thus.f ‘I like well Mr. Beale’s addition of heath, and I have not yet received the promised account of it from the physician I wrote to you of. g Your friend there speaks of recovering sour or dead beer by fermentation, and that hops doth well to keep beer long together. I am of opinion, that if it be very well fermented and purified at first, it will keep of itself, provided you exclude air. And that it is really so, is seen in the Scottish ale, whereof I gave you the process, which you have inserted in your last edition of your Legacy, page 231.h Now, to prevent that wasting, which is there spoken of, I think it would be good to put so much oil a Neither this letter for Henry Oldenburg, nor the others that are alluded to here, are extant. See Oldenburg, i, 149. b This letter is not extant. c For the last letter received from Benjamin Worsley see above, p. 229. For Hartlib junior’s connection to Worsley see above, p. 229n. d For the Order of the Council, passed by Cromwell, who is referred to by Hartlib as ‘his highness’ see above, p. 229n. e We have been unable to find out any more about these projects on Worsley’s part. f For William Brereton see above, p. 160n. g Beale’s ‘addition of health’ has not been identified. h This is a reference to Hartlib’s Legacy of Husbandry (1655). The Legacy was collaboratively written. Brereton’s section, on p. 231, bears the title ‘The Scotch way of Brewing their strongest and best ale’.

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at the top of the vessel, as would cover the whole surface of the drink, at the largest part of the vessel; /p. 270/ by which means, the oil still lying on the top of the drink would infallibly keep in the spirits, as is known to divers merchants, vintners, and gentlemen about London: for so they keep in bottles, that hold about two quarts, their rich Italian wines, which will not by themselves endure the sea; and I have drank of them at London in April, so that they were above half a year old, and very pleasant, full of spirit, and no taste of the oil at all. But because oil of olives would be too dear, let it be considered, whether rape oil may not be so clarified, as to serve the turn. For I remember, that in Holland they use to fry their fish in it; which surely they would not do, if it gave any ill savour: and if it do not, I do not see, why the same oil may not serve again and again. For all this while I suppose, that the drink so kept must be first exceedingly well fermented, clarified, and drawn off the lees.’ Thus far he. I pray give in your observations upon this to him, who is really, Honoured Sir, your entirely devoted servant, S. HARTLIB.

JOHN NICHOLLSa to BOYLE

12 September 1657

From the original in BL 4, fols 85–6. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Honourd Sir In Answere to your Honours last letter to me. according to your direction I went to Stalbridge and there ‹I tooke› out the Conveyance of Stalbridge; and I finde it thus setled.b By Indenture dated ult[imo] Novembri 16o. Car:c Richard Earle of Corke conveyes the manor of Stalbridge to Edward Lord Howard of Escricke, and Robert Lord Digby of Geshill in Ireland to the use of Robert Boyle Esquire his youngest sonne dureing his naturall life the remaynder to his first sonne & the1 heyres males of his body the remainder to his second sonne, and the heyres males of his body. with the like remaynders to other sonnes.d The a John Nicholls is mentioned in Boyle’s will as ‘Gent and Steward’ of his estate at Stalbridge. See Maddison, Life, p. 259. b For Stalbridge see above, p. 25n. Boyle’s letter to Nicholls is not extant. c i.e., 30 Nov. 1640, lit. ‘16th year of the reign of Charles’. d Edward, Lord Howard of Escrick (d. 1675), was uncle to Lady Margaret Howard, who married Boyle’s brother Broghill in 1640. Cork intended Boyle to marry Howard’s daughter Anne Howard; see Townshend, Life and Letters (above, p. 30), p. 349 and Maddison, Life, p. 55. Robert, Lord Digby of Geashill (d. 1642), married Boyle’s sister Sarah in 1626.

234

NICHOLLS

to BOYLE, 12 Sept. 1657

remaynder to Francis Boyle another sonne of the said Earle of Corke for Terme of his life with the like remaynders to his sonnes; The remaynder to Roger Lord Broghill one other of the sonnes of the said Earle of Corke for Terme of his life with the like remaynders to his sonnes; The remaynder to Lewis Vicount Boyle of Kynalmeachy one other of the sonnes of the said Earle of Corke for Terme of his life with the like remaynders to his sonnes; The remaynder to Charles Boyle Esquire sonne and heyre apparent of the Lord Dungarvin one other sonne of the said Earle of Corke, and the heyres males of his body with divers remaynders over; The remaynder in Fee to the use of the right Heyres of Richard Boyle of maismore in the County of Gloucester for ever;a In which said Indenture there is this proviso (videlicet) Provided allso and the true meaneing thereof is; That it shall & maybe lawfull to & for the said Robert Boile Francis Boile sir Roger Boile knight Lord Boile Baron of Broghill, sir Lewis Boile knight Lord viscountt Boile of Kynalmeachy and the Issues males or heyres males2 of their bodyes respectively, and to & for Charles Boile Esquire sonne & heyre apparent of the Lord of Dungarvin, and the Issues or heyres of their bodyes respectively; And to & for every other person or persons respectively that shall have the use in possession of the said manor & premisses by any Limittation in this Indenture, after he or they or any of them respectively haveing the use in possession; shall attayne to the age of one & Twenty yeeres to make any Lease or Leases for life or lives not exceedeing Three lives or for yeere or yeeres not exceeding one & Thirty yeeres absolute or for any number of yeeres determinable upon one Two or Three lives of the said manor & premisses or any parte thereof (Except the Cappitall mansion howse of the said manor wherein the said Earle of Corke doth now dwell or Inhabite together with all stables outhowses gardens orchards & demeasne Lands now in the proper occupation or Tenure of the said Earle, and used as demeasne Lands togeather with the said howse; And allso except the Advowson and right of Patronage of the Church of Stalbridge aforesaid to any person or persons: soe as the said Leases be not to take commentsment before the former gr[an]t Leases Termes or estates now in being or hereafter to be made or gr[an]ted as aforesaid be within Three3 yeeres spent or Runn out by Effluxion of tyme, and not by any advantage of any forfeiture to be taken of any of them nor by any other determination or Cosenous surrender.b And soe as upon every4 such lease or graunt the former reserved rents dutyes & service at the least or more be thereby reserved, and payeable yeerely unto them, and unto every other persone or persons in remaynder haveing the use in possession respectively by any Limittation in this Indenture; a Boyle’s brothers mentioned here are Francis Boyle, for whom see above, p. 23n., and Lewis Boyle, Viscount Kinalmeaky, for whom see above, p. 21n. Charles Boyle (1639–95), Viscount Dungarvan, was Boyle’s nephew, the son of the 2nd Earl of Cork. Richard Boyle of Maismore was the 1st Earl of Cork’s godfather. See Townshend, Life and Letters (above, p. 30), p. 7. b ‘Cousenous’, i.e., fraudulent.

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during the whole continuance and being of such Lease or Leases grant or grants respectively; And soe as allso the severall & respective Rents dutyes & service upon every such Lease to be reserved, as aforesaid be duely & yeerely bona fide to be payd and satisfyed to the Lessors & ‹to› all others in remaynders haveing the use in possession respectively according to the Lymittation thereof in these presents before mentioned without any release diminuton abatement or other discharge of the said Rents dutyes or services or any parte thereof; And whereas5 by Indenture beareing date the Tenth day of december in the :15th: yeere of king Charlesa made betweene the Right Honourable James Earle of Castlehaven; Francis Lord Cottington, master of his majesties Courte of Wards and Liveries, Gabriell Hippesley Esquire & Edward mannyng gent. /fol. 85v/ of th’one parte;b And the said Earle of Corke and Gerrald Booth6 and William Chettle gent. servants to the said Earle of Corke of th’other parte;c It is recited & mentioned that Mervyn late Lord Audely and Earle of Castlehaven did by Indenture beareing date the :14th: day of July: In the :22th: yeere of7 King James of England Sc[otland]:d demise graunt and Lease the said manor & premisses with th’appertenances unto sir Ferdinando Tuckett knight of the Honourable Order of the Bath; Sir John Underhill knight then Esquire, John Anketill Esquire and Walter Tite gent. for the Terme of Three score yeeres to be accompted from the said :14th: day of July in the said :22th: yeere of King James over England Sc[otland]:e which lease for Threescore yeeres and all th’estate & Interest of & in the premisses thereby demised and graunted to the said Ferdinando Tuckett Sir John Underhill, John Anketill and Walter Tite, and all the remnant or residue of the said Terme for Threescore yeeres that is yett to come and unexpyred is now by meane assignements come to the said Gerrald a

i.e., 1639. This is James Touchet (c. 1617–84), 3rd Earl of Castlehaven in the Irish peerage. He sold Stalbridge to the 1st Earl of Cork for £5,000 in 1636. See Townshend, Life and Letters (above, p. 30), pp. 290–1. For Francis Lord Cottington see above, p. 63n. Cottington was Chancellor of the Exchequer 1629–42 and Master of the Court of Wards 1635–41. Also mentioned is Gabriel Hippesley, younger son of John Hippesley of Somerset, equerry of the king’s hunting stable. Gabriel Hippesley was also involved in the 1st Earl of Cork’s purchase of the manor of Marston for Broghill; see Townshend, Life and Letters, p. 473. c Gerald Booth has not been identified. William Chettle is known only through the 1st Earl of Cork’s will, in which it is stated that Chettle had waited on the Earl in his chamber and carried his purse for more than 26 years; see Maddison, Life, p. 56. d This is a reference to Mervyn, Lord Audley (c. 1593–1634), 2nd Earl of Castlehaven, who was executed for sodomy and assisting in the rape of his wife in 1634, at which time his English title, the Barony of Audley, was forfeited to the crown. The 22nd year of James I’s reign was 1624. e Sir Ferdinando Touchet, made Knight of the Bath in 1610, was the 2nd son of George Touchet, Lord Audley, later 1st Earl of Castlehaven, and the uncle of the 2nd Earl. Sir John Underhill was knighted on 22 July 1626 at Oatlands; see W. A. Shaw, The Knights of England, 2 vols (London, 1906) ii, 191. John Ankill (b. 1597), was paid £800 by the 1st Earl of Cork for the manor of Buttevant of the Earl of Barrymore; see Townshend, Life and Letters, p. 482. Walter Tite was assessed for four hearths in the Stalbridge Tithing in the early 1660s; see Meekings, Dorset Hearth Tax Assessments (above, p. 194), p. 57. b

236

NICHOLLS

to BOYLE, 12 Sept. 1657

Booth and William Chettle, upon Trust for the said Earle of Corke, They the said Gerrald Booth and William Chettle being his servants and the assignement thereof being made to them8 by his nomination and appointment and the money payd or given for the same being payd by the said Earle of Corke as by the said Indenture beareing date the Tenth day of December: in the Fifteenth yeere of King Charles more fully appeareth; It is now further Testifyed by these presents and declared and agreed by the Earle of Corke That the said Gerrald Booth and William Chettle their Executors Administrators and assignes shall from henceforth dureing all the said Terme9 for Three score yeeres that is yet to come and unexpyred permitt & suffer the Rents Issues and profitts of all and singular the ‹said› manor and premisses with th’appurtenances to be taken receaved and enjoyed First by the said Earle of Corke, during his life; and after by the said Robert Boile Esquire: during his life and after his decease then by all and every other such person and persons respectively unto whome any use or estate thereof or therein is before Limitted, in and by these presents, and according to the Limittation of use or estate in that behalfe Lymitted or declared in and by these presents respectively without any rent accompt or recompence for the same to be made yeelded or given unto them the said Gerrald Booth and William Chettle or eyther of them then or eyther of their Executors Administrators or assignes. And that it was meant and intended by the said Earle of Corke ever since his purchase of the said Manor and premisses, That the said Assignement of the said Lease for yeeres which he caused to be taken in the name of the said Gerrald Booth and William Chettle should respectively goe according unto and wayte or attend uppon such disposition Conveyance or assurance of the said Manor and premisses, as he the said Earle of Corke should or shall make or cause to be made thereof at any tyme dureing his life; In this provisoe is conteyned your power and Lymittations, in the Conveyance only there is something mentioned for preservation of the howsehold stuffe mentioned in the Inventory to the Conveyance annexed: I could have given your Honour a shorter accompt of the substance of it but that by your letter you directed me to transcribe the Clauses of what power was given you, and the Lymittations mentioned in the said Conveyance; Noe more at present to trouble you withall at present but to assure you, that I am & ever willbe your Honours humble & faythfull servant to serve you in what I may. Shafton:a 12o: September 1657:

a

Jo: Nicholls

i.e., Shaftesbury, Dorset.

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10

These For the Honourable Robert Boile Esqr; at his lodgeing in St. / James neere Chaseing Crosse. or at the white heart at Charing / Crosse London; mris Hutchingsa if mr Boile11 / is not at his lodgeing at St. James then I pray send this letter with / all Speede to his lodgeing at mr. Crosses howse over against Allsoules Colledge in Oxford; to be presented with care; & speede, post pd 3d / 2d12 Seal: Damaged. Octagonal. Shield: three pheons. Paper impression of seal from another letter.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

12/22 September 1657.

From the original in Early Letters OB 3. 4°/2. A draft version survives in R.S. MS 1, fol. 29.b Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 300, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 142, and Oldenburg, i, 136–9.

Sir, Yours from the 2d of Sept. (receaved by us the last of the same) intimating, that you had not heard from us a very long while, obliged me, soon after the receit thereof to acquaint you, that we have taken the freedom to visit you twice by our letters in our Journy from London to Saumur, and as often, since we have been at Saumur; but been so unhappy, as never to hear from you, but once before this, which we now humbly thank you for.c I hope, since our letters have once found the way to and fro, they will not misse hereafter; and I rejoyce to heare you speak of your indisposition in praeterito,d adding my hearty wishes and praiers, that the goodnes of God would please to confirme your health, and to keep from you all a

Mrs Hutchings has not been identified. For John Crosse, see above, p. 193n. The draft is dated 2 Oct. 1657. A damaged recapitulation of OB 3 appears in Oldenburg’s hand in Oldenburg to Boyle, 19/29 Mar. 1658 (below, pp. 256–7), which suggests this letter never reached Boyle. c Oldenburg refers to Boyle’s lost letter of 2 Sept. 1657. The two letters apparently written to Boyle en route for France are not extant. The letters written from Saumur are those of 4 July and 8 Sept. d i.e., ‘former’. b

238

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 12/22 Sept. 1657

sicknes in time to come, but that usefull one, which, as you say, maketh men fond of charcoale and loame:a with which I find none in this place to be troubled1 at all, having made so little stay in the other towns, which we have passed thorow, that other occasions did not permit me to make inquiry after the lovers of that knowledge. In making our tour hereafter, I flatter myself with the hopes of finding some such at Montpeillers and Marseilles, and if I could meet with a Peireskius in those parts or any where, that is not too far out of our way, I should exceedingly rejoyce.b Making use here of an Italian, to teach your nevew something of practicall geometry and fortification, I found, he had a way of writing to others very secretly,2 which though he would not exchange with me for another, I have by your favor, yet he did it at last for that,3 which, as the Lirique poet saieth, perrumpit omnia,4 potentius ictu fulmineo.c And thinking, you have not this way,5 I did venture to send it here inserted,6 being tried by me and doing very well.d It may be of great use, ‹among others›7 for besieged towns, to encourage them with ‹unseen›8 promise of succours, unsuspected by the besiegers.9 The white caracters being written over by black ones of quite another sense, which10 may be such, as that the besiegers, if the messenger11 should fall into their hands, would not stop, but rather be glad to let passe; which yet the besieged will by a water, mentioned in the receit, blot out and make appeare what concerneth them and their relief. I am /3 (1v)/ hugely pleased, that the councill hath granted your desires for the promotion of knowledge;12 which I suppose to be those, that were couched in a certain petition, you were pleased to impart unto me at Oxford wherein, if I remember well, a matter of 12000 lb sterl. was offred to purchase ‹confiscated›13 land and houses with in Ireland, and to commit the profit thereof into the hands of certain Trustees, for to employ it in the entertainment of an Agent, Secretary, Translators, ‹for› keeping intelligence, distributing rewards etc.14 in order to the end aforesaid.15e I beseech you, Sir, to favor me with acquainting me with the progresse of this busines, and, if it16 discommode you not too much, with what else occurreth notable in England; Half a word, or a word ‹used› per antiphrasin (seeing you must use the pen of a servant) will be enough to make me understand your a

For Boyle’s ill health, see RBHF, pp. lxxviii–lxxix. Nicolas Claude Fabri de Peiresc (1580–1637), scholar, famous patron and amateur of science at Aix-en-Provence. c Oldenburg implies that he paid the unidentified Italian for this code, as money is ‘more powerful than the thunderbolt, it breaks down every barrier’. The allusion here is to Horace, Carmina, III. xvi. 10–11. d Boyle subsequently included this recipe in a part of Usefulness that he never published: see Works, vol. 13, p. 308. e The petition was made to the Council of State by Hartlib and others ‘for the Advancement of Universal Learning’ on behalf of one of Hartlib’s schemes first proposed about 1648. Among those sponsoring it were Boyle and Dury, and (in Ireland), Benjamin Worsley and William Petty. For the Rand–Eccleston proposal ordering the sale of estates forfeited in Ireland to pay arrears of salary owed to the army in Ireland, see above, p. 229n. See also Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 54–6. b

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1, 1636–61

meaning, especially if you shall please to adde but a NB to such matters, as you ‹shall›17 not think fit to speak freely and plainly of to such kind of persons. Whereby you will very much increase your obligations upon Sir your faithful and humble Servant, H. Oldenburg. Receit Prenez 1 ou 2 ounces de vinaigre distillé, et ½ ounc. de Lithargiron en pierre, et ayant pulverisé cestuy-cy, mettez-le dans le vinaigre, et avec cela escrivez en lettres blanches tout ce que vous voudrez enseigner secretement à vostre amy. Apres, bruslez un morceau de Liege (corke) jusques à ce qu’il soit tout charbonné et ne brusle plus: alors esteignez le avec un peu d’eau de vie. Mettez ce charbon en poudre, et y ayant mis un peu d’eau de gumme, faitez en de l’ancre, avec lequel vous escrirez tout une autre chose sur les predites18 lettres blanches. En fin, prenez 1 ounc. d’orpiment, et l’ayant aussi pulverisé, meslez19 le avec 2 ounc. de la chaux vive, qui soit bonne et vigoreuse, et apres mettez les ensemble dans une phiole de verre ou d’estain, tenant une chopine (an English pinte) et l’ayant remplie de l’eau commune, agitez le par ¼ d’heure: Et cest’eau servira à merveille pour effacer20 /3 (2)/ les lettres escrites de l’ancre, et pour faire apparoistre à vostre amy tout ce que vous aurez escrit en21 lettres blanches.a To his noble friend Robert Boyle Esquire At / Oxford Seal: Damaged, partially visible. Shield with probably three fleurs-de-lis (two visible only).

a ‘Take 1 or 2 ounces of distilled vinegar and ½ ounce of litharge in the form of stone; having pulverized this, put it in the vinegar and with this mixture write in white letters whatever you wish to send secretly to your friend. Afterwards, burn a piece of cork until it is all carbonised and burns no more; then extinguish it with a little brandy. Powder this charcoal and after adding a little water with gum, make an ink with which to write something else on the formerly mentioned white letters. Finally, take 1 ounce of orpiment and, having pulverised it, mix with it 2 ounces of quicklime, good and strong, and then mix these together in a glass or pewter vial, holding a pint, and after filling it with ordinary water, shake it for a quarter of an hour. This water will be wonderfully effective in effacing the letters written in ink and in rendering visible to your friend everything which you have written in white letters.’

240

WORSLEY

to BOYLE, 14 Oct. 1657

Endorsed in on 3 (1) at head of page with Miles’s crayon number ‘No III’ and also in hand of Miles ‘no 3’. On 3 (2) in hand of Miles: ‘NB. date must be about end of year 1657 or beginning of 1658’.

BOYLE to HARTLIB

10 October 1657

From the original note in Hartlib’s hand in HP 60/4/19A. 4o/1. Not previously printed.a

Mr Boyle October 10. 57. Stone The paines of the Stone being so obstinate I cannot but once more recomend to you the frequent use of Oile of sweet Almonds. newly drawn without the assistance of heate. For I after many others have found it both to ease paine and carry of gravel.

WORSLEY to BOYLE

14 October 1657

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 630–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 635–6.

Dublin, Oct. 14, 1657. Dearest Sir, I HAVE had the honour of two from you since my last coming into Ireland, for both which I have been somewhat too long, and too unjustly your debtor.b I AM very glad of your success in the two experiments you mention about copper and antimony, though the former seems to be the more noble, the other being more familiar, if not by the same, yet by other menstrua.c But that of copper may perhaps be useful, if we can guess the ground of that rightly, and can reduce it unto or demonstrate it from some principles of nature. Though I should account it also much more useful and luciferous, if part of the copper, were so separated, and the a

This recipe from Boyle is preserved in a group of notes in the Hartlib Papers, and is almost certainly from a now-lost letter. b These two letters from Boyle are not extant. c See Usefulness I, in Works, vol. 3, p. 208.

241

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

rest of the body of it were some other definite and similar substance, than if the whole body be made inflammable. FOR experiments, I have been able to make none since I came, but one or two œconomical about drinks; and about a more perfect way of conserving of green flowers and fruit, /p. 631/ than those I did the last year, by observing some error in the former. FOR the plot, that was laid at the Rhenish wine-house, I look upon it like the story of Columbus, who having satisfied himself, was not discouraged in his attempt from the unusualness of the undertaking or difficulty he found in the entertainments of it; but waited with patience until a seasonable time to effect it.a And I am told, that this also, which you mention was there discoursed of, was not taken out of any old manuscript, or found by chance under an altar-stone obscured by a dark hieroglyphical character, which might be taken in I know not how many senses like the Delphick oracles.b But it is in part real experiment; the grounds of it solid; the law of it nature; the method of it certainty, or rather necessity. That it is not a thing framed in the will of any man, or upheld by the opinion of antiquity; but is a real door, a key, a light to things visible, and to the harmony between them and other things invisible. But the times, seasons, and opportunities for all things are in the hand and dispose only of the Lord. YOU are pleased to mention a book lately come forth, endeavouring the reconciliation of the Dogmatist with the Helmontian, which I would be glad to receive your opinion further of.c I AM much affected with the generality of your late contagious feverish distemper, but am able to offer little that is peculiar, having made no observations peculiarly of it. The best general remedy I have yet had an opinion of is your Radix Virginiana, which as it is an effectual and potent alexipharmacon against the virulent poison of the rattle snake or adder, so it is looked upon by some as one of the best simples of many to resist all contagious putrefaction. I think it however a safer and more innocent medicine than many other. IF you thought that large letter worth the communication to our learned friend with you there at Oxford, I would be glad to receive something, that might offer a further occasion for discussion and debate, being no way tied to this or that opinion or expression I am,d a

The plot at the Rhenish wine house has not been traced. In classical times the Delphic oracle was the supreme oracle of Greece presided over by Apollo. c This is likely to be an allusion to James Thompson’s Helmont Disguised (1657). Nothing is known about Thompson’s life. d For Worsley’s astrological tract, drafted in 1657, which circulated among members of the Hartlib circle see above, p. 226n. See A. Clericuzio, ‘New Light on Benjamin Worsley’s Natural Philosophy’, in Greengrass, Leslie and Raylor, Samuel Hartlib (above, p. 138), pp. 236–46. It was eventually published in Boyle’s General History of Air (1692); see Works, vol. 12, pp. 48–56. The identity of the ‘learned friend’ in Oxford (see also below, p. 244) is unclear. b

242

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 8 Dec. 1657

Dear Sir, your hearty affectionate servant, B. WORSELEY.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

8 December 1657

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 270. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 97–8.

December 8, 1657. Honoured SIR, LAST Thursday I sent divers letters, which I then received by the post, under my cover. This enclosed I had from Saumur.a I got also a short one from Dr. Petty, in these words: ‘The resentment I had of the challenge, was not such, as to need so formal and troublesom an apology. To shew you, that I am not angry, or vindicative upon the gentleman, I will forbear noting several impossibilities in his contrivances of the dials to all the senses. When I am got clear of Mr. Worsley, I will have such another bout at learning, as shall both strain my abilities, and demonstrate my willingness to advance it. In which persuasion, I desire you and my friends to remain; for what I have been doing here is but to prepare me thereunto. This is the 12th letter I have written this night; wherefore excuse this brevity.’b Thus far the rich doctor. I have written to Mr. Worsley, that he would unriddle his meaning in that one passage. I have the dial, with most of the senses, in my possession, and therefore cannot but smile at his threatened impossibilities.c Mr. Worsley is expecting still some engagement upon his physico-astrological letter: but except I have an account from Oxford, upon the foresaid letter, I am forbidden farther communications.d Mr. Mercator writes something, which I know will not displease him: his words are these.e Impositum est mihi judicium Genethliacon ex hora Nativitatis Domini mei junioris proferre, et credo aliquid veri subesse quoad temperamentum a The enclosure, now missing, was possibly from Henry Oldenburg in France. See above, p. 232n. b For William Petty see above, p. 64n. Conflict between Petty and Worsley started in 1657, when the former replaced Worsley as Surveyor-General in Ireland. c It is not clear what Hartlib means by ‘dial’ in this passage. d For Worsley’s astrological tract see above, p. 226n. e Nicholas Mercator (1619–87), mathematician and astronomer, was born in Schleswig-Holstein and later settled in England. He became F.R.S. in 1666. Mercator translated Worsley’s astrological tract into Latin, for which see above, p. 226n. and Mercator’s letter to Hartlib of 24 Nov. 1657, HP 56/1/86A–B.

243

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

& constitutionem humorum; sed invenio antecessores astrologos rem pulcherrimam vanissimis commentis obscurasse, ideoque difficultate laboro ubique. Nam asseverare nihil volo, quod ratione certa stabilire nequeam & tuo socordiam priorum. Nam omnia hic (ut fere in cæteris artibus) ex fundamentis denuo sunt extruenda. Ego vero mallem etiam meum in aliis prius captis ponere, quæ interea delitescunt in pulvere. Atque hoc male me habet.a I received a special commission from Sir Charles Culpepper, who, presenting his humble service, entreated me most passionately to put you in mind of the promise you were pleased to make unto him, about the new invented plough of Dr. Wilkins.b He bids me to assure you, that if you can procure one for him, that you will lay a very great obligation upon him. I humbly beg, for my own use, the spirit of vegetables against fevers. Here you have a copy of Dr. Horne’s letter, which contains many considerable passages in it; on which if you would enlarge your’s, the exchequer of the commonwealth of learning would be the richer.c Divers weeks ago I presented you with some demands of Mr. Beale’s concerning insects, which were principally intended for Dr. Starkey.d I have obtained an answer from some other good hand, which I thought fit not only to tender to Mr. Beale, but also to yourself, as you will find by one of the papers here adjoined. I should be glad to see, how you entertain either the divinity, or the philosophy of it. My pains are very tedious unto me, and much work lyes yet upon my hands; but nothing shall hinder me from subscribing myself, Honoured Sir, your ever faithful, and most obliged servant, S. HARTLIB. SIR, Mr. Dury told me this morning, that he believes my lord Broghill is landed before this time in England.e a ‘I have been given the responsibility of casting a horoscope from the hour of the birth of my younger master; and I believe that it will have some truth in it as regards the temperament and the constitution of the humours. But I believe that those astrologers whose have preceded me have obscured this most excellent matter with the most vain commentaries, and for this reason I am labouring under difficulties on all sides. For I do not wish to assert anything that I am not able to establish with sure reasons, and I want to avoid the foolishness of previous practitioners. For all of the aspects of this subject (as is the case in nearly all the rest of the arts) must be rebuilt from the foundations. Indeed, I would prefer to place my upon other foundations that have previously been established, but which now lie hidden in the dust. And this fact causes me a good deal of trouble.’ It is not clear whose horoscope he had been asked to cast. b For Sir Cheney Culpeper see above, p. 63n. For John Wilkins, who was well known for his interest in agriculture and mechanical devices, see above, p. 144n. c For Georg Hornius see above, p. 162n. Hornius’s letter is not extant. d Beale corresponded weekly with Hartlib from the mid-1650s until Hartlib’s death in 1662. For George Starkey see above, p. 90n. e For John Dury see above, p. 56n. Broghill’s arrival in England was probably in connection with his nomination to the House of Lords by Cromwell in Dec. 1657.

244

BOYLE

to HARTLIB, before 31 Dec. 1657

BOYLE to HARTLIB

before 31 December 1657

This lost letter is recorded in a letter from Hartlib to John Pell of 31 December 1657, British Library, Add. MS 4279, fol. 41. Previously printed in R. Vaughan, The Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, 2 vols (London, 1838), ii, 435. Hartlib introduces the extract with the words: ‘Mr Boyle writes from Oxford:’.

The Universal Character Dr. Wilkins has now brought to that perfection that he is pleased to promise me some time next week to shew it to Dr. Ward and mee together, that it may bee jointly considered by us all, and if hee bee as wary in his affirmations about it as hee used to be about other things, I make no doubt but it will bee found extraordinarily ingenious, though I confess I yet distrust the practicablenes of it in divers cases.a

a For John Wilkins’s work on a ‘real ‘ or ‘universal’ language see Barbara J. Shapiro, John Wilkins, 1614–72: an Intellectual Biography (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969), pp. 207–23. Seth Ward, for whom see above, p. 204, was also working on a universal character in the late 1650s.

245

— 1658 — Lost letters dating from 1658 are as follows: Wotton’s list (above, p. xxvii) includes the following: No. 19 ‘Mr. Durie 58’. Boyle’s correspondent here is evidently John Dury, for whom see above, p. 56n. This entry is annotated ‘qu. an 78’, ‘query whether 1678’. Though this item is probably lost, it could refer to one of the extant Dury letters dealt with in Appendix 5 in volume 6. Letters from the second Earl of Cork to Boyle are recorded in the second Earl’s diary (above, pp. xxvii–xxviii) with the following dates: 2, 9, 27 January, 3, 26 February, 12 June and 23 November; with those of 2 January, 12 June and 23 November he enclosed bills of exchange. In addition, under 15 August there is a reference to a lost letter from Boyle to Broghill in which receipt of the first two of these bills was acknowledged. These payments related to an arrangement made between Cork and Boyle in 1654 and referred to in the diary under 22 January that year, whereby Boyle assisted Cork in providing a dowry for Lettice Digby on her marriage to William Dilke (d. 1669) of Maxstock, Warwickshire, an obligation imposed on Cork by his father, the first Earl. See Townsend, Life and Letters (above, p. 30), pp. 156, 235, 330, 482–3, 488. Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Three letters from Boyle to Hartlib, one undated, and two dated 2 and 4 January 1658 (below, p. 247, 249). Boyle to Jones, undated. Boyle’s nephew mentions more than one letter from Boyle to him that appears to have gone astray (below, p. 256). Boyle to Hartlib, 30 January 1658 (below, p. 250). Boyle to Hartlib, after 14 April 1658 (below, p. 265). Boyle to Hartlib, 22 April 1658 (below, p. 267). Boyle to Hartlib, 24 April 1658 (below, p. 267). Clodius to Boyle, before 27 April 1658 (below, p. 267). Two letters from Hartlib to Boyle, 4 and 8 May 1658. The letter of 4 May also included an enclosed letter from Lady Ranelagh, which does not survive (below, p. 269). DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-20

246

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 7 Jan. 1658

Boyle to Hartlib, 22 May 1658 (below, p. 274). Hartlib to Boyle, 27 and 28 May 1658 (below, p. 276). Boyle to Hartlib, 5 June 1658 (below, p. 281). Hartlib to Boyle , 7 September 1658 (below, p. 291). Clodius to Boyle, 11 September 1658 (below, p. 291). Boyle to Hartlib, 11 September 1658 (below, p. 291). Two letters from Hartlib to Boyle, week ending 11 December 1658 (below, p. 294). Boyle to Hartlib, 14 December 1658 (below, p. 294). Boyle to [Worsley], [late 1658] (below, p. 301).

HARTLIB to BOYLE

7 January 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 270–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 98–9.

January 7, 1657–8. Honoured SIR, THE posts not coming regularly, as they were wont to do, I did not get your last of January 2, till yesterday.a The foregoing to this, and which I have already answered, was dated December 28. I am hugely therefore troubled, that to this hour I have not yet seen your large letter, to which you refer yourself. The postage of letters are already paid by your last disbursements. I am glad, that at Oxford they are sensible of any reformation in learning. The former king of Denmark took the same course with the lectures of his publick professors, as you write hath been ordered of late at Oxford.b Last week I received a letter from the vice-chancellor of Cambridge; who was pleased to send me also the adjoined printed paper.c /p. 271/ The last Irish post brought a letter from Mr. Worsley to my son in these words.d ‘I take very kindly your last to me, and that clear assurance you have given me of a

This letter, and the other two mentioned here by Hartlib are not extant. Christian IV (1577–1648), King of Denmark and Norway from 1588, gave impulse to the development of the University of Copenhagen, and was careful to exact declarations of faith from professors and watch their private lives. Hartlib is presumably referring to the reforms introduced by John Owen, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Oxford; see Blair Worden, ‘Cromwellian Oxford’, in Nicholas Tyacke (ed.), The History of the University of Oxford. Volume 4, Seventeenth Century Oxford (Oxford, 1997), pp. 744–5, 747. c John Worthington (1618–71) was elected Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge University in Nov. 1657. The adjoined paper does not survive. d For Hartlib’s son and his connection to Benjamin Worsley see above, p. 229n. Worsley’s letter, from which Hartlib quotes, has not been found. b

247

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

your mindfulness and care in that business. This I do assure you, that the thing intended is so real, that if the council here do but please to give equal countenance to that, which they have done to others lately in their private concerns; the proposition will be made to (I judge at the least) ten thousand pound.a For I have in my hand already a considerable stock assigned by the donors, and a probability of securing near the whole sum within less than a month’s time, the council giving the donors encouragement to go on. I took the freedom to write at large to you the last week, and to give you several arguments for its dispatch. But all these now need not at all to be enforced, the thing being so near to be sent; one thing only, as you see a just occasion for, I do think not inconvenient to take notice of, and that is, that Dr. Clarges is actually satisfied his ten thousand pounds, and captain Arthur his at six years purchase present value, being the utmost favour desired by the donors.b And I hope our friends on the other side will not be unmindful to suggest it here, by way of allowance of the justness and reasonableness of our proposal.’ The letter is dated December 29. I think I told you already, that my son hath sent him copies of all, which was as this week to be transmitted in the originals. Since Monday, my son hath been so busy, that I have not been able to have a further account of him concerning this affair. Mr. secretary continuing ill, and not meddling with businesses, my lord Fleetwood had undertaken to get the letter to be signed by his highness to the council in Ireland, which was the only thing remaining to be done.c What Mr. Worsley writes unto me, you will find in the enclosed paper.d He concludes those real passages, with a complaint, as followeth. ‘I have had a great mind to entertain you with a discourse or two upon some other subjects; but providence hath hitherto justled me out of these sedate purposes, by bringing in, and throwing some other exercises upon me; and such at present is his blessed will, to which I therefore desire willingly to submit.’ Thus far Mr. Worsley. Some days ago, Mr. Smethwick told me, that he had gotten at last Dr. Lake’s new invented water hour-glass.e He said, that he had tried it already above fourteen days, and found it so accurate, that it excels all the watches or clocks whatsoever. In a word, he counted it an exceeding great rarity, the like never hath been yet brought to perfection in that kind. I am acquainted with the doctor himself, (a a

The council referred to is the Council of Ireland. Worsley played an active role to in securing the sale of debentures in fulfilment of the Rand–Eccleston project. See above, p. 229n., and Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 55. b This is a reference to Sir Thomas Clarges (d. 1695), physician and politician. Captain Arthur is evidently Arthur Clarges (dates unknown). c Hartlib refers to the Secretary of State, John Thurloe (1616–68). For Charles Fleetwood, Lord Deputy of Ireland, see above, p. 229n. d Neither the enclosure Hartlib alludes to, nor his letter from Worsley, is extant. e The reference is probably to Francis Smethwick, instrument maker and F.R.S., for whom see Michael Hunter, The Royal Society and its Fellows (Oxford, 1994), p. 73, and vol. 4, p. 39n. The Dr Lake in question is probably Sir Thomas Lake, F.R.S. 1667 and knighted 1670. His invention and his connection to Strafford have not been further identified.

248

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 7 Jan. 1658

civilian) who is now going for Ireland, to exercise husbandry; being entrusted by the lord of Strafford with his lands and possessions there.a He told another friend of mine, that he would willingly bestow one of his clepsydras upon me, but that he counted it no better than a trifle. But for all this, I do not despair of getting one of them, either sooner or later. Mr. Beale was the first man, that discovered Norden of Bristol unto me, with his invention of clepsydras; but since he hath advertised, that it will require some time to get one from thence.b It may be, Sir, you have a greater interest there than any of us. I remember also, that in former years, Dr. Gauden was very busy about measuring of time this way.c I long to hear more particulars of Dr. Wilkins’s philosophical character.d Mr. Comenius hath sent lately to Mr. Dalgarno his idea of it; but it is so short and general, that it is not worth the imparting. Sir Charles Culpepper, though he be out of town, yet I know no ploughman can be so greedy of his meat, as he is after that invention.e He begged not so much a scheme, as a mechanical model of it, or the thing itself, promising most willingly to pay for it.f You speak still of the German vacuum, as of no ordinary beauty; but the poet says, Uritque videndo fæmina.g Just now I received another from you, dated January 4, referring me again to your large letter; but I having never gotten any such letter, (as I told you also in the beginning) my mind is not a little tormented with the miscarriage, or so long a delay of it.h Hath it not been left behind at Oxford? I cannot remember, that any of mine, or of my friends, have thus been dealt withal by our inland posts. It must certainly be some mistake, or other. The amorous person is gone into Cheshire, for two or three weeks: his father a This is a reference to Sir William Wentworth (1626–95), 2nd Earl of Strafford, F.R.S. Lake’s property in Ireland has not been identified. b Norden of Bristol is unlikely to be John Norden (fl. 1600), surveyor; more probable is Robert Norton (fl. 1590–1635), mathematician, for whom see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 412–13. c Hartlib probably refers to John Gauden (1605–62), chaplain to the Earl of Warwick and Bishop of Worcester. See Webster, Great Instauration, p. 412–13. d John Wilkins’s Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language was in progress at this time but was not printed until 1668. Discussions of projects of philosophical language and Hartlib’s encouragement of them are documented in the Hartlib Papers. See Slaughter, Universal Languages (above, p. 52), pp. 157–74. e Hartlib refers to Jan Amos Comenius (for whom see above, p. 194n.), with whom he had corresponded since 1632. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 342–449. For George Dalgarno see above, p. 232n. For Sir Cheney Culpeper see above, p. 63n. His interests in universal languages date from 1646. In letters to Hartlib of Dec. 1657 he had expressed some reservations about Dalgarno’s schemes. See V. Salmon, The Study of Language in Seventeenth-Century England (Amsterdam, 1979), p. 163. f Dalgarno’s discovery of universal character was published in Nov. 1657. It is likely that this is the object of Culpeper’s interest. See Slaughter, Universal Languages, p. 121. g The German experiments on vacuum here referred to are those of Otto von Guericke (1602– 86), Councillor to the Elector of Brandenburg, which were performed in 1654–5, and reported in Gaspar Schott’s Mechanica hydraulico-pneumatica (1657). See Frank, Harvey (above, p. 66), pp. 128–9. In Dec. 1658 Boyle was still waiting to read the book. Hartlib quotes from Virgil’s Georgics, III. 215, ‘For the sight of the female inflames…’ h The first of these letters is missing. See above, p. 247n.

249

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

seems now to be more willing to condescend to his desires.a But, I say again, I have not received the recipe of the wound-drink. Monsieur Kratshmer’s (that is the German’s name, of whom I spake in my former) medicine against the stone is certainly most excellent, and absolutely the best, that ever I have used.b But I have already spent all, so that a few drops more are only left. He hath revealed the recipe to Clodius, and offers to assist and dispatch the preparation of it. But, to my very great perplexity, Clodius is again in such a labyrinth, that he will be forced to break his ovens, and to remove to another house, which also is a new kind of undoing of him. I have obliged the gentleman thus far, that if you were in town, I could prevail with him to shew you all along the making of that most singular medicine, which Clodius also, from the authority of it, must confess to be truly transcendent. However, I do here engage myself, that you shall be made partaker of the true and full recipe of it in due time. For I have a very great and cordial respect to prevent, by the blessing of God, those torments in yourself, which I have endured these many months, for want of so powerful and blessed a medicine, handed over by an extraordinary providence. My lord B* and my lord Barrimore are expected in town this day, but I can learn nothing more of my lord Broghill.c I remain ever, SIR, your humble servant, S. HARTLIB.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

2 February 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 272–3. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 100–1.

February 2, 1657–8 Honoured SIR, THE extremity of the frosty weather doth greatly increase my wonted torments. But having some little intermissions, I cannot bestow them better for the present, a Evidently the person referred to here is William Brereton for whom see above, p. 160n. Brereton is reported as being resolved to marry in a letter from Hartlib to Boyle, 27 Apr. 1658 (below, p. 263). His wife was Frances Willoughby (d. 1680). The date 21 Aug. 1658 is given for the marriage in the fictitious Diary of Lady Willoughby, ed. H. M. Rathbone (1844). b Frederick Kretschmar, physician and diplomat from Brandenburg, was in England in 1657–8 as part of an embassy to Cromwell to get support for Silesian and Polish Protestants. See CSPD, 1658–9, p. 76. Dury, Kretschmar’s assistant in this matter, visited Cromwell on 22 Jan. 1658. c It is not clear who Lord B* might be, unless Hartlib is referring to Lord Broghill; this seems unlikely, given the subsequent reference to him. For Richard Barry, 2nd Earl of Barrymore, see above, p. 27n.

250

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 2 Feb. 1658

than by acknowledging the receipt of your last January 30, with the enclosed to Dr. Secretary, which I shall superscribe and send away by the post this night.a Mr. Worsley sent me a big packet yesterday, but when it was opened, there was not a word unto myself, but another packet within addressed to my son Hartlib, with whom I have not been able to speak this day.b It may be he hath been informed, how near I have been to the land of forgetfulness; yet I received another letter from him last week, dated January 20, wherein he entertains me with a large theological discourse concerning Prophecies, but concludes as followeth.c ‘For that of the maltdrying here, they do steep it about 24 hours, they spread it thin in the drying of it, having upper floors to lay it upon, through which the wind freely passeth, if there be any stirring. They dry it indifferently at any season, though in the most temperate season they can dry most at a time; but they do it well enough all the winter. The other friend, that is like to give you a visit, would think a man much a fool, that would serve any man besides himself, or otherwise, than in order to himself, being a wisdom common to this world.d [And that honest man he means him, to whom your letter is to be sent]1 you have so often taken occasion to mention and desire my resolution of, is doubtless such a wise man, and so as in that wisdom all his whole security is placed. And to all such it is as real a gospel-saying, as it is a law-saying, De non apparentibus, et non existentibus, eadem est ratio.e But the apostle tells us a better rule, faith is the evidence of things not seen.f Pray present my service to Mr. Boyle, and tell him, I am truly his servant, yet I have not writ to him, partly in expectation weekly, that I should receive those papers from Whitehall, which are not yet come; partly by reason of a crisis some affairs of mine here are under, which hath lately engaged, and will for a while take up more of my time.’g Thus far he: monsieur D. was pleased to tell me (but this must not be known abroad) that though he be displeased, yet that he is to enjoy, if not all, yet some of the benefits of it, at least two hundred a year.h And if this should not be a Neither Boyle’s letter to Hartlib of 30 Jan., nor his letter to John Thurloe, is extant. Inexplicably, Hartlib refers to the Secretary of State, John Thurloe, as ‘Dr’. For Thurloe see above, p. 248n. b Worsley’s packet for Samuel Hartlib junior has not been found. For Samuel Hartlib junior and his connection to Benjamin Worsley, see above, p. 229n. c Presumably Hartlib’s allusion to the ‘land of forgetfulness’ is a reference to a period of illness he suffered. See Turnbull, H.D. & C., p. 21. For Worsley’s discourse on prophecies see Worsley to Hartlib, 20 Jan. 1658, HP 33/2/11A–12B. d This person has not been identified. e ‘Concerning things that are not apparent, and things that do not exist, the same reasoning applies.’ For the legal maxim, ‘That which does not appear will not be presumed to exist’, see H. Broom (ed.), A Selection of Legal Maxims (10th edn, London, 1939), p. 99. f Worsley quotes Hebrews 11, 1. g Cromwell lived at Whitehall from Apr. 1654 until his death. No such papers appear to survive in the Hartlib Papers. h Hartlib probably refers here to John Dury, whose information about Worsley is to the effect that although Worsley had recently been deprived of the position of Surveyor-General of Ireland, he was still in the pay of the government.

251

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

so, yet I shall never change my judgment to count him far more happy in serving that more general survey of all God’s glory, and the God of human kind. For this is the honesty of that business, which will not be without signal providences, and special acquisitions and enjoyments better than Dublin or Ireland can afford. I shall not be wanting to obtain that secret, which hath been imparted to Mr. Milton.a It may be the publick gentleman, that sent it unto him, will let me have a copy, in case the other should not come off readily with the communication of it.b But if yours would ask it from Mr Milton, I am confident he would not deny it. My son Clodius tells me, the German physician, of whom I wrote before (Kratshmar) is a rare man for chemistry and physical knowledge and experience.c And though he is not very willing, that I should be admitted to any of his arcana, yet I believe the gentleman himself will hardly conceal any thing from the crazy and afflicted creature. Mr. Morian did promise me not long ago a few doses of Glauber’s universal medicine, but that he put too high a price upon it, at least his purse could reach unto it. I dare not crave it from Mr Morian for a secret reason.d For having shot an arrow of charity at random towards Zurich, it lighted upon our resident there Mr. Pell, who hearing of his very low condition, and to have been assisted with 3 l. sterling, by Dr. Van Mussig, ordered, that the sum of 10 l. sterling, should be made over to that worthy man out of the pension, which the state doth pay him quarterly.e But this being subject to many delays, Mr. Haak undertook in the mean time the paying of him by bill of exchange, which last week he acknowledged to have received.f Now if I should beg a few doses of the Glauberian medicine, Mr Morian might happily think, that I desired to be gratified this way; which truly is far from my spirit and intentions. But I am confident, if I should venture such a request upon him he would certainly pay for the medicine whatever it should cost, out of those supplies, which have been procured, by the blessing of God upon my hearty recommendations. Therefore I shall a little defer this matter, and wait for some other opportunity. As for Dr. Bonet I have his express engagement and promise, that as soon as his omnium morborum curativum is brought to perfection (which he hopes will be done within a few weeks,) I shall have many doses of it, which I shall instantly a This is a reference to John Milton (1608–74), poet and Latin secretary in the Cromwellian government. b The ‘publick gentleman’ has not been identified. c Frederick Clodius was Hartlib’s son-in-law. For Frederick Kretschmar see above, p. 250n. d For Johannes Moriaen see above, p. 66n. For Johann Rudolph Glauber see above, p. 114n. e For John Pell see above, p. 179n. Pell was Cromwell’s agent in Zurich from 1654 to 1658, with the aim of drawing cantons into a Protestant league led by England. Moriaen was in a ‘low condition’ because of the poor state of his finances. See Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy, (above, p. 69), pp. 48–9, 58–62, 230–31. For Johann Brün or Unmussig see above, p. 158n. f This is a reference to Theodore Haak (1605–90), a German Calvinist who settled in England in 1638. Haak had been a correspondent of Hartlib’s since 1635, and was instrumental in establishing contacts between the Hartlib circle and Europe.

252

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 2 Feb. 1658

certify you of as soon as I have received them.a Any thing, that can be imparted for general good, for keeping of poultry, or the artificial discoveries of hatching of chickens, will be very welcome to my hands. Mr. Vice-chancellor of Cambridge (Dr. Worthington) pleases me not a little by writing in his last. – ‘We have divers fellows of colleges, who have made excellent progresses in anatomy of several kinds of creatures, and have some observations peculiar.b They have also much travelled in botanicks, and have got together many hundreds of plants in several gardens here. Some, that are rare, and for which they have been sent to from those, that profess great knowledge. They intend to publish a Phytologia of such herbs as are within ten miles of Cambridge, which they have often travelled, and found some not mentioned in other herbals.c And for the names of herbs in the Phytologia Britannica, and other herbals, they have found many errors, which have been propagated from one book to another; and they judge /p. 273/ it a good service to restore them to their own true names.’d Thus far of experimental learning at Cambridge. By the adjoined narrative of the life and death of that late incomparable universal scholar at Hamburg, you will oblige, it may be, divers of the Oxford worthies, Dr. Ward, Dr. Wallis, if not also your whole philosophical club.e The other paper is worthy to be taken into their serious consideration. But I beg, that the most intimate and friendly passages (which are only poured into my bosom) may be concealed. I have received, and almost distributed your packet with Mr. Austin’s books, and shall study the like real thankfulness.2f Mr. Brereton writes in his last, January 30. – ‘If Mr. Boyle be come to London, I pray you present my most humble service to him, and let him know, that I hope speedily to have something for him worthy his knowledge, but as yet I have not; which is the cause he hath not heard from me.’g a For Andreas Nicolaus Bonnet see above, p. 199n. The Latin can be translated as ‘cure for all diseases’; in Hartlib to Boyle, 8 Sept. 1657 (above, p. 232n.), Hartlib calls this medicine multorum morborum curativum. b For John Worthington see above, p. 247n. Worthington’s letter to Hartlib is not extant. c Worthington doubtless refers to John Ray (or Wray) (1627–1705), naturalist and fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. See C. E. Raven, John Ray: Naturalist (Cambridge, 1986). The work on Cambridge flora is Catalogus plantarum circa Cantabrigium nascentium (1660). Ray’s botanical tours began in 1658 and it is likely his Cambridge colleagues and naturalist Francis Willughby (1635–72), Peter Courthorpe (1639–1724), Henry Power (1623–68) and Fellow of Trinity John Nidd (d. 1659) joined in his activities: Ray travelled abroad in the 1660s with Willughby. See Raven, John Ray, p. 82 and Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 150–1. d The reference is to William How, Phytologia Britannica (1650). For other herbals, see B. Henrey, British Botanical and Horticultural Literature before 1800, 2 vols (Oxford, 1975), i, 80–118. e Hartlib refers to Joachim Jungius (see above, p. 173n.), who died in Hamburg on 23 Sept. 1657. The Historia vitae et mortis Joach. Jungii (1658), was the work of Martin Vogel (1634–75), MD in Hamburg. Also referred to here are Seth Ward, Savilian professor of astronomy at Oxford since 1649, for whom see above, p. 204n., and John Wallis (1616–1703), Savilian professor of geometry in Oxford since 1649. For the Oxford Philosophical Club see Frank, Harvey (above, p. 66), pp. 51–89. f This is presumably a reference to Ralph Austen’s A Treatise of Fruit Trees, the second edition of which appeared in 1657, and Observations upon some part of Sir Francis Bacon’s Naturall History (1658). g Brereton’s letter to Hartlib of 30 Jan. 1658 has not been found.

253

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

– My son Clodius is removing this very day to another house in Axe-yard.a Mr. Stroud is come up to London. My lord Protector sent him a horse worth 150 l.b My son excuses himself, that he cannot come at me. My lord Protector’s speech is so full of high and particular reflections, that the printing of it is denied, though the parliament has desired the same.c A copy of it was sent by Mr. Secretary to the Swedish ministers here.d The houses cannot yet agree, but are in great disorder. If they continue so, it is apprehended they will shortly be dissolved.e Just now my son comes to shew me Mr. Worsley’s last letter, whereof you shall find an extract here adjoined.f By it you will see, more seconding letters of recommendation being called upon, how seasonably yours will come to Mr. Secretary.g Thus I rest ever, Honoured Sir, your most willing faithful servant, S. HARTLIB.

PETTYh to BOYLE

17 February 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 298–9. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 139–40.

Feb. 17, 57. SIR, WHAT you heard of my being secretary to his Excellency and clerk of the council, is too true; for I never lived a more miserable life than now.i I hope the meaning is, to try the ethics I discoursed of so at random in a former letter. I have not, amongst all my intelligence heard better news, than that the club is restored at a

Samuel Hartlib junior lived in Axe-Yard, Westminster. This is possibly Thomas Strode (fl. 1642–88) of Shepton Mallet, mathematician. See Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician’s Apprenticeship: Science, the Universities and Society in England, 1560–1640 (Cambridge, 1990), p. 65. Strode’s connection to Cromwell has not been elucidated. c This is probably Cromwell’s speech of 25 Jan. 1658, which was not printed. See S. C. Lomas (ed.), The Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, with elucidations by Thomas Carlyle, 3 vols (London, 1904), iii, 502. d For Secretary John Thurloe see above, p. 248n. One of the Swedish ambassadors in London was Christian Bonde. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 277, n. 4. e A reference to the dissension between the Commons and the House of Peers in Jan. 1658. On 4 Feb. 1658 Cromwell dissolved the Parliament. f This enclosed extract is not extant. g Hartlib’s meaning here is not clear. h For William Petty see above, p. 64. i Henry Cromwell appointed William Petty his private secretary and additional clerk to the Privy Council. b

254

PETTY

to BOYLE, 17 Feb. 1658

Oxford.a I hear likewise, that infusio croci metal. has been injected into a live animal’s blood, without any notable alteration.b It were good to try the same with opiate liquors, and other of notable and sensible vertues. When I desire the club to try these things, I do not excuse myself; but would be glad they should undertake it, that it might be thoroughly done. I received your commands (concerning a design, which colonel Zankey only appears in here, and in which only Mr. James Rand and Mr. Eccleston are named) which I shall obey, upon your account;c for, until you had written, I understood little of the thing; and therefore for me (who ought non nisi pauca & benè cognita coram principibus loqui) to appear much, before I had a better warrant, was not so suitable to my way.d I had letters from Mr. Hartlib not long before, but without any mention of this affair; nor could I guess, but by his superscribing your letter, that he had any hand in it.e For it is possible, some plagiary might have made use of the paper, which nine years since I left with him comprehending this whole design; for I could not believe he would think me disaffected to what I formerly so much tendered. But I fear some enemy hath sown tares. However, as for what lyes in me, I shall be industrious to get the allowance settled, and no less vigorous, that it be duly employed, both as to the main end, and to the encouragement of the best particular deservers; for the riches of one man (who drinks but as he hath brewed) shall not stir me against any publick good, although, since I have been in this nation, I have studied those definitions of publick, &c. and have observed the nature of their non-miraculous degenerations.f Dear Sir, I wish I had the opportunity to make you understand the state of some things; till when, suspend your judgment of me. I think I can demonstrate the /p. 299/ causes and necessity of the most malign action I am taxed with; wherefore I beg you to let me be (as we say, though but de bene esse)g reckoned amongst your true and faithful servants, for such is W. PETTY.

a

For the Oxford Experimental Philosophical Club see Frank, Harvey (above, p. 66), p. 51–89. It is not clear to what ‘restoration’ Petty refers. b In 1656 Christopher Wren had injected a dog with two ounces of an infusion of crocus metallorum, an emetic. See Frank, Harvey, p. 171. c Colonel Sankey has not been traced. James Rand, a London apothecary and Richard Eccleston, an Excise Office official; for the Rand–Eccleston project see above, p. 229n. d i.e., ‘not to speak before princes, except of things that are few and well-known’. e For Hartlib’s connection to the Rand–Eccleston project for buying up debentures for arrears due to officers and soldiers in Ireland, see above, p. 229n. f Presumably this cynical remark is an allusion to Benjamin Worsley. Dissension between Petty and Worsley was one of the reasons for the scheme’s failure. g Lit., ‘from being well’.

255

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

19/29 March 1658

From the original in Early Letters OB 4. 4°/1. A draft survives in R.S. MS 1, fol. 33v. Early Letters OB 4 also includes a copy of the letter with the first lines missing, beginning ‘your nevew’, in the hand of Miles (fol. 1). Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 301, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 143 and Oldenburg, i, 155–6.

Sir, 1

We are both not a little troubled at our unhappines of never ‹having› heard2 from you since ‹your3 letter of› the 2d of Sept. which, not long after the receipt thereof, we ‹both› gave you thanks for, and withall acquainted you with our condition at that time;a your nevew having also waited on you since with another letter, and being, together with myselfe, extreamly coveting to receave some good news of your health and welfare: which if you shal please to gratify us with, we4 intreat you to send it only, as formerly, to Mr Hartlib,5 who hath order to direct henceforth those letters, that concerne us, to Geneva, where I have a friend, that will not faile to dispatch them to me wheresoever I ‹shall be›6 in Germany: which I thinke will be the Country for our Summer-station, because likely to be the Theater as of a great solemnity, so of other considerable transactions.7b But no appearance, I think, to make afterwards an excursion into Italy, and thence to bring you news of the Industrious Kirchers Subterraneous World,8c his strange Grotta de’ Serpi; his story of the growth of 9 pulverised and sowne Cockles irrigated by sea-water; his Thermometre by a wild-oat’s-beard; his vegetable phænix’s resurrection out of its owne dust by the warmth of the Sun; his pretended ocular confutation of Keplers magnetical motions of the Planets about the Sun, and of Gilberts magneticall motion of the Earth, and of twenty other remarquable things, one might10 have the satisfaction to be ‹punctually› informed about,11 if our friends did not think to have reason to dissuade us from that voiage; wherein we ought to acquiesce, if they still judge them important enough to hinder it.d In the interim,12 what particular inquiries you think in Germany may be made of us a Boyle’s lost letter to which Oldenburg refers here and in the postscript was written on 2 Sept. 1657. b Oldenburg’s friend in Geneva has not been identified. In the summer of 1658 the great events in Germany were the election of the Holy Roman Emperor in July, and the preparations for the formation of a new league of states (15 Aug. 1658) involving negotiations with France. c Athanasius Kircher (1602–80), Jesuit natural philosopher and professor of oriental languages at Würzburg and later at Collegio Romano. These ideas, which were to be published in full in his Mundus subterraneus (1665), were initially divulged in his Iter exstaticum II qui & mundi subterranei prodromus dicitur (1657). The ‘vegetable phoenix’ is referred to in Works, vol. 8, p. 302. d Johann Kepler (1571–1630), the famous German astronomer, formulated a theory of planetary motions as produced by a force similar to magnetism originating from the sun. William Gilbert (1540–1603), applied his study of terrestrial magnetism to explain the earth’s diurnal rotation in the 6th book of his De magnete (1600). Kircher attacked Gilbert’s and Kepler’s views of magnetism in his Magnes, sive de arte magnetica (Rome, 1641), pp. 540–77

256

JONES

to BOYLE, 20/30 Mar. 1658

about philosophical experiments, I intreat13 you be pleased to give in your next a hint at; and, to conclude, doe not think it a trouble to advertise us, what succes that promotion of learning hath, for which the Counsell did formerly14 grant your desires,a if he mistake not, who is Sir your obliged and very humble servant H. O.

Saumur the 29 Mars 1658.

The same author hath been a viewer of Vesuvius: and in a terrible earth-quake for 14 dayes in Calabria, AD 1638.15 b […] letter of yours for Mr […] and therein the desired good news of your health, but signifying withall your having missed a packet of ours, wherein I had sent to you a receipt, which I got from an italian, that teacheth in this towne fortification;c ‹which16 not knowing, whether you had it already ‹or no› I ventured to send17 to you; ‹being› such as you’l find it over against this:d It may be of good use for to write encouraging letters to besieged towns with hidden promises of succours, written by unseen white characters, and those written over by black ones of quite another sense from the white ones: which the besiegers, if the messenger shoulde fall into their hands, will easily let passe, but the besieged with the water, mentioned in the receipt, will blot out and make appear, what concerns them and their relief.e Endorsed by Miles at head of his copy page ‘NB. The beginning mutilate’, with Miles’ crayon number ‘No. IV’ and ink number ‘4’. Birch number ‘No 3’ deleted on 4 (1)v at foot of page.

RICHARD JONES f to BOYLE

20/30 March 1658

From the original in BL 3, fol. 97. 4°/1. Not previously printed. a Oldenburg refers to the petition to the Council of State for the ‘Advancement of Universal Learning’; see p. 240n. b This (damaged) text, on OB 4 (1) recapitulates part of the text of Oldenburg to Boyle, 12/22 Sept. 1657 (above, p. 239). It is not given in MS 1 draft. c For the Italian teacher of fortification, see above, p. 239n. d The rewritten recipe is clearly missing from this letter, which must have originally been 4o/2 before its mutilation. e For the unidentified Italian’s invention see p. 239n. f For Jones, Boyle’s nephew, see above, pp. 75, 205.

257

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

1

Saumurs Mars 30me S.N 1658 Mon tres-honoré et tres-cher Uncle, Vos dernieres sans date de temps et de lieu me donnerent à entendre la perte des deux des nostres: dont je ne sçaurois que m’estonner veu le soin que Monsieur Hartlib nous assure qu’il prend pour les vous envoyer.a Neantmoins esperant que celles-cy seront plus heureuses, que celles-la, je ne sçaurois m’empescher de vous reiterer mes tres-humbles reconnoissances des faveurs, dont je vous suis infiniment redevable2, et de vous rendre conte du commandement, dont vous me chargeastes envers Mons[ieu]r Oldenbourgh, qui vous envoye par celles-cy encore une fois la recepte perdüe l’autre fois.b Monsieur, Je vous suis tres-obligé pour la peine, que vous avez prise de m’apprendre la bonne santé de ma mere et de mes autres amis: mais bien affligé des tristes nouvelles de la mort de Monsieur Lawrence.c Quant à ce qui est de nous, Je vous diray, que, Dieu mercy, nous sommes tousjours en bonne santé, laquelle j’employe entre autres choses à poursuivre au possible mes estudes, et en particulier à lire les oëuvres de nostre excellent compatriote, le Seign[eu]r Bacon, dont j’ay un petit espluché le Novum Organum, lequel certainement a un but aussi advantageux à la societe du genre humain, qu’il est difficile à en venir à bout.d Car, de deprendre les hommes de leurs vaines speculations, abstractes des Saumur, 30 March 1658, new style. My most honoured and dear Uncle, Your last letters, indicating neither date nor place, led me to understand that two of ours have been lost, at which I cannot but be surprised given the care with which Mr Hartlib assures that he sends them to you.a Nevertheless, hoping that these will be more fortunate than the others, I cannot prevent myself from repeating to you my most humble gratitude for your favours, for which I am infinitely obliged to you, nor from giving you an account of the commission with which you charged me concerning Mr Oldenburg, who is sending once again in this letter the recipe which was lost last time.b Sir, I am very grateful for the trouble you have taken in informing me of the good health of my mother and my other friends: but I am very sorry at the sad news of the death of Mr Lawrence.c As for our own affairs, I can tell you that, God be thanked, we are still in good health, of which I am taking advantage, among other things, to pursue my studies as far as possible, and in particular to read the works of our excellent fellow countryman, Lord Bacon, of whose Novum organum I have read a small part most carefully, and whose aim is certainly to the advantage of human race, but which is hard to achieve.d For, to deprive men of their vain abstract speculations a Boyle’s ‘last’ letters to Jones are not extant. Samuel Hartlib was evidently acting as intermediary between Boyle and his nephew. b Henry Oldenburg was Jones’s tutor and escort on his European tour. Oldenburg and Jones had left England early in May 1657. Hartlib received a letter from Saumur, probably from Oldenburg, in Dec. 1657 (see above, p. 243). c Jones refers to his mother Katherine, Lady Ranelagh. Edward Lawrence (1633–57) was the son of Henry Lawrence, who was later Lord President of Cromwell’s council in Ireland. Like Jones, Edward Lawrence had been a pupil of Henry Oldenburg’s, see Oldenburg, i, 31. d The reference is to Francis Bacon’s Novum organum (1620).

258

JONES

to BOYLE, 20/30 Mar. 1658

choses; et les rendre plus familiers avec la nature mesme, comme elle se trouve creée de Dieu; et d’en tirer une histoire universelle, qui puisse abondamment fournir de la matiere pour en bastir des Axiomes Philosophiques comme des fondemens, sur lesquels on construiroit3 par apres une Philosophie reelle, aporteroit sans doute de tres-grandes utilités à la societe humaine, et leur remettroit en grande partie en main l’empire sur les creatures, qu’ils4 ont autrefois perdu; au lieu de ces bagatelles et inutiles disputes, dont celle, qui a la vogue dans les escoles, est miserablement rapelasseé. Mais ce dessein comme il est tres-recommendable,5 ainsi requiert il l’industrie de toutes sortes de gens, estant vrayment6 un thresor publie, qui va à affranchir les hommes de l’esclavage de l’ignorance, à laquelle ils se sont assujettis; et qui manque grandement de personnes de vostre sçavoir et merite, pour le mettre en execution: Je me flatte de l’esperance, qu’ à mon retour je trouveray nos pieces, qui tendent au mesme7 but, accomplies, et que j’auray ce bonheur d’en estre fait participant, comme Mon tres-honoré et tres-cher Uncle Vostre tres-obligé Neveu et tres-humble Serviteur R. Jones

concerning the world, and to make them more familiar with nature itself, as God has created it, and to make of it a universal history, which may provide abundant material from which to construct philosophical maxims which serve as a basis for the subsequent construction of a true philosophy, would certainly be of great use to human society, and would go a long way to giving men power over living creatures which they would otherwise have lost, in place of these trifles and useless disputes, wretchedly patched together, which are the fashion in the universities. But this plan, while it is highly recommendable, also requires the work of all sorts of people, being truly a public treasure, which will go so far as to free men from the slavery of ignorance to which they are bound, and there is a great lack of people of such knowledge and merit as your own, to put it into operation. I flatter myself with the hope that on my return I shall find accomplished the works which you destine for the same purpose, and that I shall have the happiness of being allowed to participate in them as, my most honoured and most dear uncle, Your most grateful nephew and most humble servant, R. Jones.

259

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

8

Je vous supplie, Mon Uncle, d’assurer mes Cousins et les Docteurs d’Oxford de nos tres-humbles services.a A Monsieur Monsieur Robert Boyle à Oxford

I beg you, my Uncle, to assure my cousins and the Doctors of Oxford of our most humble services.a

To Mr Robert Boyle at Oxford

Seal: Broken in two (one obscured by paper). Circular shaped shield: paly of seven [?] on a chief three [?] cinquefoils.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

8 April 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 273. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 102.

April. 8, 58. Honoured SIR, HOPING you are safely arrived at Oxford, I present these enclosed, which came yesterday to my hands, without a word to myself. I beseech you, if there be any better (or worser) news concerning our common friend, or the honest business, to give me notice of it by the next return of the post.b It seems, you forgot to deliver those papers, or extracts out of authors, concerning an artificial way of hatching of

a Jones probably refers to his cousins Charles and Richard Boyle, sons of the 2nd Earl of Cork, who were at Oxford at this time. He also presumably alludes to his cousins’ tutors. b No enclosures survive. It is not clear to whom Hartlib refers when he writes of ‘our common friend’.

260

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 8 Apr. 1658

chickens, which you more than once promised unto me.a Our resident from Zurich writes as followeth.b ‘Here you have what I wrote upon occasion of that of Mr. Beale from Hereford, Jan. 18.c I long to see that discourse concerning English crabs and wild pears, and the way of ordering those despised fruits, that their juice may be raised to excel the wines of France. Some parts of Helvetiad are full of vineyards, yielding great store of unpleasant white-wine, or claret. In other parts of the country, the vines are killed by frosts and nipping blasts from the snowy mountains. There they drink water, or whey, or milk; which makes them larger limbed and taller than their neighbours. Many places are full of wild cherry-trees. One sort, which is small, black and sweet, is dried and kept in great chests, in every country house, for the use of the table, all the year. Some gather more than their family can eat in a year, because they can distil a strong aqua-vitæ out of them, which they sell in the market towns and cities. In the landgravate of Turgowe they make great store of perry, of a sort of very small pears, which, as I have heard, are hard and full of very unpleasant juice, so that no man will eat one of them raw. But some boil them, and, with I know not what cookery, make a dish, to help furnish a table. Some tell me, that the Turgow-perry is of two sorts. The one boiled to the height of a syrup, so that it becomes almost as thick and as sweet as honey. The other sort unboiled, and pretty clear. In other places of Helvetia, the boors make drink of the wildest apples, as well as of wild pears, calling them by the name of must; perhaps because it always keeps a sweet taste, somewhat like to that of new pressed wine. But those boors seldom sell any of this must, keeping it for their own palate, being content, that the citizens should despise it, as drink for clowns; though some think, that now and then it proves better drink, than can be made of the best grapes in that country. Also Glauber hath told us, what winy drink he hath made of hips and haws, &c. But I fear his chemical fermentations, joined with all the experience of Helvetia and Normandy, would not be able to make drink of crabs and wild pears, that shall deserve to be compared with Rhenish, Baccharac, Canary, or Greek wines;f which your friend seems to say he can do, and therefore I desire to read more of his writings on that argument.’ Thus far Mr. Pell. I sent away on Tuesday the letter I received for Mr. Worsley, remaining ever, Honoured Sir, your most humble devoted servant S. HARTLIB. a

See ‘Spontaneous Generation’ and Usefulness I in Works, vol. 13, pp. 279, 299. For John Pell in Zurich see above, p. 179n. For John Beale’s letter to Hartlib of 18 Jan. 1658, see HP 51/55A–60B. d i.e., Switzerland. e i.e., Thurgau canton, Switzerland. f For Glauber see above, p. 144n. His correspondence with Pell is not otherwise known. b c

261

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

BOYLE to MALLETa

1, 1636–61

17 April 1658

From the version in a rounded 1650s hand, with Boyle’s signature, in the British Library, Add. MS 32093, fol. 396. 4º/2 Not previously printed. Calendared in RCHM, Fifth Report, p. 314.

Sir If I had not experience enough of your goodnes to hope that You will not think me the lesse your Servant for my haveing forborne to trouble You with my Letters when I had noething to write in them able to account for the paines of reading them. I should scarce dare after soe long a Silence to interrupt your quiet to assure You that I have been really your servant ev’n whilst I thought it fit to decline telling You I was soe. And to let You see that I suppose You as constantly my friend as I am your servant I venture by the bearer Mr Nicholls to give You the trouble of assigneing to him and Mr Richard Newman that Lease wherein You have been soe obliegeingly pleas’d to allow me to make use of your name.b I hope I shall not need to tell You that if I had a much considerabler thing to trust in the hands of a freind I could not thinke it safer in any mans then in Yours And that therefore the occasion of my present request is partly the death of the servant whose name I us’d in this busines by whose decease your favour to me may prove troublesome1 to You at soe great a distance from Stalbridge as that of the place whither You are now remov’d & partly the frequent advertisements which your knowing father has been pleas’d to give me that it is not fit that the lease You know of should depend wholely upon a single life. I have written to Sir Thomas Mallet about this busines who being the Person that has favour’d me with his advice in it all along will be best able to informe You what is further to be done in reference to it.c I may well be asham’d to give You this new trouble upon such a score as that of haveing already given You another. But since You know that the nature of the busines exacts this rudenes of me I dare almost as confidently promise my selfe your pardon on this occasion as You may promise your selfe my striveing to deserve it by imbraceing the opportunitys of manifesting my selfe Sir Your most affection[ate]2 oblieged & humble servant Ro: Boyle

Oxford Aprill the 17th 1658. a

For Mallet see above, p. 103. For John Nicholls see Nicholls to Boyle, 12 Sept. 1657 (above, pp. 234–7), in which he provides Boyle with details of the lease of Stalbridge Manor in Dorset. Richard Newman has not been identified. c For John Mallet’s father, Sir Thomas Mallet see above, p. 103n. b

262

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 27 Apr. 1658

3

I beg the favour to have my humble service presented to your Lady and those other relations of Yours to whom I have the Honour to be knowne.a

For my highly Es/teem’d freind Mr John Mallet / these

Seal: Oval. Achievement of arms: three mascles pierced. Crest: an arm habited holding a sword. Endorsed on fol. 396 by Mallet [?] ‘Mr Boyle 1658’ and in unidentified seventeenth-century hand ‘Mr Boiles letter to Mr John Malet 17 Apr 1658’.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

27 April 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 273–6. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 102–6.

April. 27, 1658. Honoured SIR, I MAY truly say, even in an outward sense, ‘I die daily.’b These three days, every night I have been near unto death, so exceedingly vehement have the pains, especially of the ulcer and piles, encreased upon me. For want of Mr. Kratshmer’s medicine, I have been forced to use that, which Dr. Bonet, out of singular love, did send my son Clodius, conceiving it the preparation of the ludus, which /p. 274/ he doth prefer above all other medicines in this kind.c It wrought notably upon the stone, and brought away divers pieces of it, with abundance of ugly gravel. But my son forbad the continuance at last, perceiving it to do hurt to the ulcer. Now he hath made Mr. Kratshmer’s medicine (but not yet by his own better preparation) which I am to take to morrow, God willing, as the most suitable found by experience as yet to all my three most tormenting diseases. This night my poor wife roared out as much as I did; but behold, though my pains continue very sharp, yet I am enabled to present my respects, in acknowledging the receipt of your last, a For Mallet’s wife, see above, p. 106n. For Mallet’s brother, also known to Boyle, see above, p. 133n. b Hartlib cites 1 Corinthians 15, 31. c For Frederick Kretschmar see above, p. 250n., and for Dr Bonnet see above, p. 199n. Hartlib’s son-in-law was Frederick Clodius.

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1, 1636–61

which not before this morning was delivered unto me, being dated April 22.a I see also, the like miscarriage has befallen the delivery of mine; which is not so just and fair for them, that have the ordering of this affair, and who have been offered, not long ago, to manage that office, the sum of seven thousand pounds to them.b I believe really, that my lord Broghill was very ill when our friends came to wait upon him.c Mr. Kratshmer hath been since very sick and forced to keep his bed and chamber. But Mr. Marvel did send again another express unto him, that his business was laid seriously to heart. Mr. Dury doth bestir himself daily for him.d Yesterday he went to Hackney to speak with Sir Thomas Winor, about the contents of his highness’s letter for advancing of four or five hundred pounds, for the relief of the twenty families.e But the poor man excused himself, that he had no money, and because the other treasurer was absent, that should concur with him. The collection is begun to be made in several churches in London; but what farther expedient they will find out for the advance-monies, I cannot tell. I will shew Mr. D. what you write in your last, concerning my lord Broghill’s concurrence.f I perceive they will engage him to give intelligence of those quarters of Germany, where he lives;g which will the more oblige them, as I conclude, not to dismiss him, without a good viaticum. Mr. Kratshmer hath presented a printed paper of anagrams (which I was dissuading him to do) but you cannot believe what acceptance they have found, both with his highness, and the whole court.h For my part, I care not so he be holpen, with anagrams, or without anagrams, and dispatched to go in the company of the other gentleman you know of. For he begins to be almost impatient of the long delays. My son Clodius is well again, God be thanked. The postage of your letters is already paid. My son came to me, three days ago, very much rejoicing, for obtaining, very strangely and providentially, a secret of a very great impora

For Hartlib’s wife see above, p. 60n. Boyle’s letter of 22 Apr. is not extant. Hartlib refers to the sale of forfeited estates in Ireland. See above, p. 229n. c Hartlib may be referring to Benjamin Worsley and others connected with the Rand–Eccleston project, for which see above, p. 229n. d Hartlib refers to Andrew Marvell (1621–78), poet and satirist. In 1657 Marvell was secretary to John Thurloe and collaborated with Milton in the secretaryship of Latin. For John Dury, Kretschmar’s assistant in the attempt to solicit support from the Cromwellian government for Polish and Silesian Protestant families, see above, p. 250n., and below. e This is a reference to Sir Thomas Windsor (c. 1627–87), royalist. Hartlib very likely refers to Dury’s collection for the Polish Protestants, who had supported the cause of the King of Sweden, but on the king’s retirement from Poland, had suffered persecution. Cromwell took up their cause, and invited Comenius and and other Protestants to settle in Ireland and promoted a collection to help the persecuted families. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 282 and C. H. Firth, The Last Years of the Protectorate, 1656–1658, 2 vols (London, 1909), ii, 244. f Presumably Broghill was involved in these matters as a member of Cromwell’s special council. g Dury was in Germany during 1655–6, returning to England from the continent in Feb. 1657; see Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 285. h This paper is probably not one of Kretschmar’s own composition, but the work of Thomas Davyes, The Tenth Worthy. Or, Several anagrams in Latine, Welsh and English, upon the name of that most highly renowned worthy of worthies, Oliver late Lord Protector (1658). b

264

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 27 Apr. 1658

tance, and which his deceased brother-in-law’s son hath denied to Dr. Kuffler these twenty years.a When his brother-in-law was a dying, he sent for Dr Kuffler, with an intention to reveal and confide it into his breast; but he was dead before he could come at him. How far my son is bound not to reveal it, I cannot state the case; but by express covenant he is bound up not to do it to Dr. Kuffler, who seems to prize it above any other thing he knows; and fancies himself to be made for ever, as they call it, if he might but know that very secret, which now is fallen, as it were by the bye, into my son’s hands. All this in very great faithfulness to yourself alone. In my former, as I remember, I spoke something of a sick-bed.b Whatever it may prove, I count it more worthy to be taken notice of, than any French bed of state. The account, which I received since of it, runs thus.c ‘If this, that appears in the model of Mr. Owefield’s dwelling, in the Strand, near the Savoy, sick bed shall be found to hold in the great as well;d then I say, that I very well like that part, or joint, that is made to raise the head; for it is done more easily and equally, than can be done by hand, and that without disturbance to the sick, without waking him, if asleep, without straining him (if extreme weak, sore, or wounded) to rise and sit up, as the manner is, whilst they raise and alter his pillows; by which means also, many times, the sick, being in a sweat, takes much cold, which is this way prevented. The like device serves for the like purposes, so far as is necessary, at the bed’s feet.’ ‘As for that contrivance at the side, to raise or let fall either side, I do not perceive so much use thereof: for no well man can endure to lye on the side of a hill, in a posture always ready to tumble down. And if it be intended only to help him to turn, it will badly do that, without two or three more to help, and then the use (viz. the saving that charge) is lost. And, without some care, one alone, standing on one side the bed, and turning the same side up, may possibly throw the sick person out of the bed, or against the bed’s-post, to his terror or hurt. But this can do no hurt, if let alone. In the whole matter, I find considerable ease and advantage to the sick, and charge saved, one person being, by this means (ordinarily) enough to look to one, though very weak.’ Thus far one of my learned surveyors. What the inventor will be able to alledge, in vindication of all the parts, I shall learn very shortly, I do not remember, whether I have told you ought of a weatherwise toad, discovered unto me from Zurich, March 21, 58, in these words.e ‘It was observed a For Johann Sibertus Küffler see above, p. 221n. Clodius’s deceased brother-in-law’s son has not been traced. Ironically, Küffler was infamous for his own secretiveness regarding his invention for sinking ships. b This letter is not extant, but it is clear from evidence herein that it must have been written after 14 Apr. c Hartlib’s correspondent was possibly Cressy Dymock, for whom see above, p. 88n.; see his undated letter, HP 53/35/7A–B. d Mr Owefield, smith and inventor, known to Hartlib since 1651. e Hartlib quotes from a letter from John Pell of 21 Mar. 1658, HP 65/19A. For Pell’s residence in Zurich see above, p. 179n.

265

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

in the court, that A. M. (which, I hear, was Adrian May) was wont to foretel the change of weather confidently and infallibly; wherefore the king would needs know of him, what it was that enabled him to out-do all other mens conjectures in that sort of predictions only. He replied, that he had a familiar, which he durst not shew to others, for fear they should say it was a devil; but he knew his majesty would not mistake so grossly, nor discover the mystery to others, that were not worthy to know it. Hereupon he led the king into an odd corner of the garden, where, in a blind place, he had so shut up a /p. 275/ great toad, that she could not get out. Hither, said he, do I come two or three times every day, to see how her colours change, having long observed great variety in them, according to the different alterations of the weather at hand, &c. And these are the only aspects, that I consider for my prognosticks of the weather.’a Thus far of this pretty natural weather-glass. But I have written back to our learned resident, there, to resolve me, if he can, these farther queries; for his relation seems to me somewhat short, and would be more largely explained; as 1. What those colours and varieties of appearances were. 2. What alterations they did portend; whether rain, storms of wind, change of heat and cold: all these, or only some one of them. 3. How the toad was maintained, fed, or kept alive in that cell. By some of the adjoined papers you will see what my Hereford philosopher hath returned to these and some other particulars, worth your knowledge and improvement.b In the extract of Mr. Worsley’s letter, imparted in my last, he saith, ‘The council retracted their former order, and made me another, in all things suitable to what they had promised, and made me expect.c (The following words, which should have been added, were left out.) ‘A copy of which I sent to Mr. Boyle that week.’d This copy I beg from your kindness; for I suppose he hath signified this on purpose, not mentioning any thing of his private condition, that I should receive information and satisfaction from that order. And having resolved, for time to come, to look upon me no more as a private friend, but as a father, it is fit I should be acquainted with whatever hath, or shall befal this my son. In that letter, of the 14th of April (which is the last I had from him) there are some other lines also, which deserve to be communicated, and which then I could not transcribe. For he writes moreover, ‘For honest affectionate Mr. Potter, I have returned an answer to his letter, which I think will very well satisfye [I conjecture about the skin before the bear or P. M. be had.]1 That well a Adrian May (1596–1670), of Sussex, became groom of the Privy Chamber to Charles I in 1633. For May’s attempts to foretell the weather by means of toads, see Ephemerides for 1658 (HP 29/7/5B). b The reference is to John Beale, born in Herefordshire. c For Hartlib’s letter, with its extract from Worsley’s letter of 14 Apr., see above, p. 265n. Presumably Worsley refers to the Council of Ireland’s appointment of a committee to implement the project to sale the forfeited estates. See above, p. 229n. d Boyle’s copy of Worsley’s letter is not extant. e This is a reference to William Potter (fl. 1650s). In 1656 he was appointed registrar of debentures on ‘the act for the sale of the late king’s land’. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 449–53.

266

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 27 Apr. 1658

mentioned in Herefordshire to yield bones deserves to be more accurately searched, and to try, whether those bones have not some singular faculty in broken bones like to the lapis ostocolla of Germany. About the presagous nature of stones, I cannot say any thing rare or very singular hath fallen within my observation at any time, and therefore I would be the more glad to hear any thing of it from our friends. For weather-glasses, to shew you, that I have not been wholly idle, nor, that I did set another a task, harder than I would follow myself; before I came over, I had several made for me, and several ways tried for the making both of their heads and cylinders exact and even.a And I must, by the way, tell you, no man must expect another will ever be accurate in mechanical matters, upon a bare direction, without we take pains, stand by, put to our hands, and help to contrive ourselves. This I did, and had at length such neat glasses made, as did very much please me; the cylinders being very even, and of a convenient proportion, both in their lengths and diameters, to their heads. Being come over hither, I had one exactly graduated into five hundred parts, and the length and heat were so proportioned, that in extremity of cold this winter, the water did rise to 180. I have made many observations, which do confirm my former conceptions; viz. that, to be indeed exact, doth require several glasses to be set in several places, and so constantly observed together. You will much oblige me, by letting me see our friend’s discourse of wines, with the whole contrivances of them; which I beg with the very first.’b Thus far my philosophical son. And having written thus far, my son Hartlib sends me your last to me, dated April 24; which the blind post brought to his house, mistaking Axe-yard for Charing-cross.c The letter to Mr. Worsley shall be sent this night, enclosed in mine, who have written very largely to him.d I wonder I do not hear yet of the arrival of Mr. Wood to Dublin.e My son Clodius was just with me, bringing me something of Mr. Kratshmer’s physick, which he hath prepared, but the pipe bursting, he could save but a very little, promising to make a great quantity, as soon as the other pipes come from Lambeth, which are promised next week.f He is pretty well again, God be thanked, and sent you another packet on Saturdy last, of which I can bear witness.g Mr. Brereton’s father will have him to come down again; but he is now fully resolved to marry before he go down.h If he knew of my a

Worsley’s interest in weather glasses is testified to in his astrological letter. See above, p. 226n. Possibly Glauber’s notes on wine; see above, p. 252n. c Samuel Hartlib junior, for whom see above, p. 229n., moved to Axe-Yard on 2 Feb. 1658. See above, p. 254n. Hartlib senior resided at Charing Cross. d Hartlib’s letter to Worsley has not been found. e For Robert Wood, see above, p. 221n. Wood had worked for Henry Cromwell since 1656. f Hartlib probably refers to clay pipes, made at one of the many potteries that existed in Lambeth, London, at this time. g Clodius’s packet for Boyle does not appear to have survived. h For William Brereton, son of the 2nd Baron Brereton, see above, p. 160n. This marriage is alluded to in Hartlib to Boyle, 7 Jan. 1658, see above, pp. 249–50. b

267

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

writing to you, he would certainly present you his unfeigned service. How much Mr. Beale is your truest servant, you will see again in the adjoined papers.a There is not the like man in the whole island, nor in the continent beyond the seas, so far as I know it; I mean, that could be made more universally use of, to do good to all, as I in some measure know, and could direct. That glass, with whatever was in it, I did deliver very carefully to Mrs. Dury, according to my lady’s direction.b But Mrs. D. I remember told me at that time, that she was half resolved to come over. But hearing afterwards, that she could not come, she sent both it and many other packets of mine and others into Ireland; although I cannot hear to this day, that any of them is arrived. I sent likewise a large writing of Mr. Beale’s upon Casaubon, which my lady does very much desire to see, to Mr. Worsley, by him to be conveyed to her.c But Mr. Worsley says, in his last, of the first of April, ‘For those papers and books you mention to have formerly sent by Mrs Dury’s conveyance, and those animadversions of our worthy friend on Casaubon’s Enthusiasm, I have not as yet received any of them.’d But O! what a sad and ugly note do I receive from Zurich, in these expressions! ‘This week I heard, that your count of Hohenloe is certainly /p. 276/ married, and goes ordinarily to mass with his countess, professing himself an unfeigned papist.’ He, that told me this, was the count’s great friend heretofore.e He says, the young couple will spend his nothing and her portion in three years, and then they may go a begging together. Some say, that he, by falling from Calvinism for a popish wife, hath but followed the steps of his father, who turned from Lutheranism for a Calvinish wife; and thereby came to be hated by all his kindred, who were all Lutherans, and so continue.f I doubt his ghostly father will tell him, that he is not now bound in conscience to pay his heretical creditors.’ Thus far our resident, April the 11th.g Though I be like to lose thirty pounds sterling of my own, standing engaged to others for fifty pounds more, yet this doth not so much affect;h but the other part of the information is really such, as doth fill continually my heart with spiritual horrors and sorrows, that it is ready to burst into tears (yea of blood, if it be possible) when I have occasion either to write or to speak a

The enclosed papers are not extant. For John Dury’s wife, Dorothy Moore, see above, p. 229n. The lady referred to by Hartlib was probably Lady Ranelagh, at this time resident at Youghal in Ireland. c Hartlib refers to Beale’s comments on Meric Casaubon’s A Treatise concerning Enthusiasme (1655). d Worsley’s letter to Hartlib of 1 Apr. 1658 is not extant. e Presumably this is Count Christian of Hohenlohe-Bartestein (1627–75), who converted to Catholicism in 1667. Hartlib’s Zurich correspondent was John Pell, for whom see above, p. 179n. The count’s great friend has not been traced. He married the daughter of Graf Hermann von Gazfeld und Gleichen. f The Count’s mother was noted for her strong-minded Protestant piety. His father was Graf Georg Friedrich (1595–1635). See Oldenburg, i, 159. g Pell to Hartlib, 11 Apr. 1658 is not extant. h Hartlib was assisted in his attempts to regain his money from the Count by Oldenburg; see Oldenburg to Hartlib, 12 June 1658, Oldenburg, i, 163 and passim. b

268

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 27 Apr. 1658

of it. I beseech you to oblige monsieur du Moulin to gratify my lady’s and mine own desires, according to one of the papers here enclosed.a Concerning the story of my lord Middlesex, my worthy correspondent answers thus: ‘I have requested my nephew to enquire of Sir W. Pye, the truth of the famed story.b He is a near neighbour, kinsman, and very much respected by Sir Walter. But by the like thing, which I heard from colonel Harley, as related by the said lord to colonel Harley’s sister, I suspect it will be but a drunken story. It is not like to have better testimony, than of drunkards.’c I have procured a copy of the same by lord * * *d for my lady, and am watching every opportunity to send them away, with some other books, for Ireland. The cavaliering party is not only to be secured in their persons and horses, but some of them to be transplanted from one county into another.e Yesterday my lord Skippon told my son Clodius, that the lord Rich, now earl of Warwick, was sick unto death.f There is no more speech of a parliament, but believed there may be one about the beginning of September next.g Mr. Jessop hath been very sick, but is upon recovering.h I cannot more at present, but remain ever, Honoured Sir, your most faithful, humble servant, SAM. HARTLIB.

a The reference is to Peter du Moulin (1601–84), tutor to the sons of the 2nd Earl of Cork at Oxford. b Sir Walter Pye the younger (1610–59), was the son of Sir Walter Pye (1571–1635), attorney of the Court of Wards. Hartlib’s correspondent was probably Lady Ranelagh. A letter evidently from Lady Ranelagh to Hartlib dated 3 Apr. 1658 carries an account of an apparition witnessed by Lionel Cranfield (1571–1635), Earl of Middlesex. This letter repeats the assertion also made here, that Lord Middlesex and his friends were drunk. See BL 6, fol. 4. c Presumably this is Sir Edward Harley (1624–1700), parliamentary soldier and later governor of Dunkirk. Before the Civil War Sir Walter Pye the younger was on friendly terms with Harley’s father. Harley had three sisters who survived infancy: Brilliana (1629–60), Dorothy (b. 1630) and Margaret (b. 1631). See J. Eales, Puritans and Roundheads: the Harleys of Brampton Bryan and the Outbreak of the English Civil War (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 11, 24, 202. d It has not been possible to identify this person. e A new royalist conspiracy had been revealed in early April 1658. D. Underdown, Royalist Conspiracy in England, 1649–1660 (New Haven, 1960), pp. 226–7. f Hartlib refers to Philip Skippon (d. 1660), a soldier during the Commonwealth and Protectorate, who held both civil and military offices. Robert Rich (1611–59) succeeded as 3rd Earl of Warwick on 19 Apr. 1658; he in fact survived until 30 May 1659. g The next Parliament was not summoned until Dec., meeting for the first time on 27 Jan. 1659. h William Jessop was involved in the sale of Irish forfeited lands. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 55.

269

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

HARTLIB to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

13 May 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 277. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 107–8.

May 13, 1658. Honoured SIR, I HAVE not yet heard whether you received mine of May 4, wherein one was enclosed from the excellent lady.a The 8th of May I wrote very largely, adjoining many considerable papers. I hope, that both are come safe to your hands. Yesterday I had another letter from Mr Worsley, of the 5th of May, of which you have the principal extract here adjoined. For in a postcript he adds, ‘I shall desire, if you please, [but why should I not please?]1 that a copy of this may be sent to Mr. Boyle, (to whom I cannot at present write) that he may know how the better to write or speak to the said Mr. secretary about this business.’b He introduces the extract thus. ‘I was yesterday exceedingly refreshed with our friend Mr. Beale’s papers, containing so many things spiritual, and worthy of observation, upon the learned Casaubon’s tract of enthusiasm.c Truly, when I read it, I found so strong a leaven in it, that I knew not how to give over my meditation upon it, till very late at night, intending, as this day, to write you a large answer, of my thoughts about it. But being, through a sudden change and alteration in the air, taken with a sudden indisposition, I must be forced to desire your excuse, until the next post; at which time, if the Lord please to afford me health, with other opportunities, I shall endeavour to give you some reasonable and full satisfaction. And for your large letter also, of the 22d of April, with the several ingenious papers enclosed, I must be forced to respite my thanks for them till the next.’ The letter is dated not at Dublin, (for I believe my writers do not love to write hard names) but at Clantarffe; which I mention, because I would fain be informed myself, for certain reasons, how far that place is distant from Dublin.d Yesterday I had also a letter from Youghall, in these words.e Our friend from Dublin writes, that his propositions for learning have lain these two months before the council, but not yet advanced. I now intend to a This letter, with its enclosure possibly from Lady Ranelagh, is missing. Hartlib’s letter of 8 May 1658, and its adjoined papers, is also not extant. b For Secretary John Thurloe see above, p. 248n. The business alluded to is probably the sale of forfeited estates in Ireland, for which see above, p. 229n. c For Beale’s comments on Meric Casaubon’s A Treatise concerning Enthusiasme (1655) see above, p. 268n. d Hartlib probably refers to Clontarf, near Dublin. e The reference is to Youghall, near Cork in Ireland. It is likely that the letter writer is Lady Ranelagh who was at this time staying at Youghall. The ‘friend’ she mentions is Benjamin Worsley. Plans for a college in Dublin were part of the Hartlib circle’s ‘advancement of learning’ project, in which Worsley was a leading figure. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 225–31.

270

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 13 May 1658

write to Broghill, to quicken my lord deputy therein.a I have received all your packets, and, in some of them, Mr. Austin upon my lord Bacon’s Natural History.b I have this week been taught a very plain medicine against the piles, which the person, that taught it me, recommended upon her own experience. Take the white part of the dung of hens, and hogslard, beat them well together, and put some of that upon a warm scarlet, very warm to the place; repeat it, as there is occasion. This may easily be tried, and will no less be blessed, for its cheapness and meanness. For the Lord made the poor as well as the rich, and provides for the one as well as the other; nay, more for the poor, because they are more immediately cast upon him for provision, the rich taking their own provision upon themselves, and seldom looking so low as the common things, which God has filled with virtue, or so high as his blessing for their cure. I just now heard, that Mr. Wood is landed, and has brought me your present. The letter is dated April 24.c In the adjoined extract, you will see how carefully she is prosecuting the observations relating to the design for registering of illustrious providences.’ Thus far that great and most illustrious soul. I have a number of her other most excellent relations on this argument, but I spare you. I pray let not my pretty creatures be slighted in your Oxonian walks, as here they are represented unto you from Hereford.d I pray you take notice of a certain tract come forth lately under the name of, Hydriotaphia, Urne-burial; or a discourse of the sepulchral urns, lately found in Norfolk: Together with the garden of Cyrus: Or the Quincuncial Lozenge, or Network Plantations of the Ancients, artificially, naturally, mystically considered. With sundry observations. By Thomas Browne, doctor of physick.e To be had at the sign of the gun in Ivy-lane. It seems to be no ordinary book. The loss upon Ostend is very considerable.f Mr. Cotton, (son to Sir Thomas Cotton) who stabbed himself, is since dead of his wounds. Doth not the famous library fall by this means to my lord protector?g My lord Northumberland presented his highness this week with a Henry Cromwell served with Broghill in Munster from 1650 to 1652 and they remained close throughout the 1650s. There is no evidence that Broghill intervened on Worsley’s behalf. b The books in question are Ralph Austen’s Treatise of Fruit Trees (2nd edn, 1657), and Observations on … Bacon’s Natural History (1658). Boyle had sent them to Hartlib in Feb. for distribution. See above, p. 253. c For Robert Wood see above, p. 221n. Worsley’s correspondent of 24 Apr. has not been traced. d Hartlib alludes to John Beale. e This book was printed in 1658 by Henry Brome in London. Its author was Sir Thomas Browne (1605–82), Norwich physician and author of Religio medici (1643). f This is a reference to the war between France, allied to England, and Spain. The French, deceived by news of a successful revolt in Spanish-controlled Ostend, attempted a landing there on 4/14 May with 15,00 men, but found themselves in a trap and lost nearly 500 men; see Firth, Last Years of the Protectorate (above, p. 264), ii, 183. g Sir Thomas Cotton (1594–1662), inherited the library of his father Sir Robert Cotton (1571– 1631). Sir Thomas’s son in question must be one of the four sons he had with his second wife. The Cottonian library was searched for evidence of royalist sympathies after the dissolution of Parliament. Sir Thomas’s efforts to restore the collection included removing the greater part of it to his son’s house in Stratton in 1650. Presumably, Hartlib refers to the failure of this plan on his son’s death.

271

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

two most gallant and stately horses. But the minister of Petworth, Dr. Cheynel, is not shot, as was reported; but too true, that he is fallen quite distracted, and (if it be not misreported) sent to Bedlam.a The court of justice have met twice in one day, and that is all that they have done as yet.b Mr. Morian tells me, from Arnhiem, that Dr. K. was shortly to give a proof of his firework to my lord protector.c And this morning (for the doctor never or seldom comes more at me) Mr. Brereton was telling me, that he intended to be at Woolwich about five a clock in the afternoon, being the time appointed by his highness to see the undertaking performed himself, being to be there in person. The foresaid good man wishes, that he may not blow up a good conscience to get riches by such means.d My son Clodius wrote, that he would be at home as yesterday, Mr. Stroud continuing very ill; but he is not come this evening for aught I know, your five ordered favours are not yet delivered.e You would pardon this piece of imprudency, if you were acquainted with the particulars of my very great straits, to say nothing of the continual (almost daily) disbursements for others, and the gratitude and justice of account, which is due, upon all such occasions to me given, from, Honoured Sir, your unfeignedly faithful, and most obliged servant, S. HARTLIB.

SIR KENELM DIGBYf to BOYLE

22 May 1658

From the extract in the hand of Mercator, HP 14/5/30A. Fol/1.

a Petworth was the seat of Algernon Percy (1602–68), 4th Earl of Northumberland. Francis Cheynell (1608–65), Puritan and author, held the living at Petworth from 1643 until the Restoration. In his customary fashion, Hartlib refers to Cromwell as ‘his highness’. b Hartlib refers to the High Court of Justice appointed by Cromwell on 13 Apr. 1658 to try royalist conspirators. Firth, The Last Years of the Protectorate, ii, 71. c For Johannes Moriaen see above, p. 66n. For Johann Sibertus Küffler, and the demonstration of his invention to Cromwell and the government, se above, p. 221n. d For William Brereton see above, p. 160n. e Frederick Clodius was Hartlib’s son-in-law. For Thomas Strode see above, p. 254n. Presumably Clodius was treating Strode. f For Digby see above, p. 99.

272

DIGBY

to BOYLE, 22 May 1658

Ex literis Kenelmi Digbæi ad Dominum Boyle Parisiis 22 Maii anno 1658. Et certè vix potui transcribere Receptam (de spiritu calcis vivae) præ febre, sed recordanti mihi, quòd tui gratiâ occupares in re, quam valdè tibi gratam fore existimabam, vires continuò redibant. Si quam difficultatem in illo repereris, monitus explanabo, nam præsens fui in ipso opere ab initio usque ad finem, neque vidi unquam, quod mihi placeret magis, et prodigiosi effectûs, quos postmodum operatum est in calculo et podagra, multò magis etiam me affecerunt. Certus sum linguam Gallicam tibi familiarem esse, quare mitto tibi transcriptum ipsissimae receptæ, quam author mihi dedit.a In fine ipsius Receptæ Gallicæ addita sunt hæc sequentia, quæ non erant in Anglico. Spiritus calcis solus sufficiens est ad curandam et extirpandam podagram cum radice, imò ad abigendas ipsas quoque nodositates, tumores ac duritates, quas podagra1 effecerit. Phlegma quod attinet, nullam ejus virtutem novi, nisi quòd amicus quidam meus, cui illud dederam, ut experiretur, si quid praestitutum esset, cum illud applicuisset externè doloribus podagricis, semper illos tranquillosb dedit in instanti. From the letter of Kenelm Digby to Mr Boyle, dated from Paris, 22 May in the year 1658. And indeed I was certainly scarcely in a fit condition to transcribe the recipe (on the subject of the spirit of quicklime) as a result of my fever. But when I remembered that you were yourself concerned with this subject on your own account, I thought how very pleasing it would be for you to have it; and then my strength immediately returned. If you find any difficulty in it, I will be able to explain it; for I was present while this operation was being performed, from the beginning right up to the end. Nor did I ever see anything that gave me greater satisfaction; and its effects are remarkable – after it had been used as a remedy for the stone and for the gout, they made a much greater impression on me even than they had done before. I am quite sure that you are familiar with the French language, and so I am sending you a transcription of the very same recipe that its author gave to me.a At the end of this same recipe in French are added the following words, which did not occur in the English version: The spirit of lime is enough on its own to cure the gout with its root; indeed, it is even able to remove those knots, tumours and hard lumps which the gout has produced. As for [its effect on] the phlegm, I have not had any knowledge of its qualities in this respect, except for the fact that a certain friend of mine, to whom I had given it in order that he might try it out and see whether it was of any use, applied it externally for gouty pains; when he had done so, it always made them quietb in an instant.

a

Digby’s provision of this recipe to Boyle is referred to in a letter to Hartlib dated 1/11 Dec. 1658; see HP 14/5/8A, 8B, 9A, 9B. b i.e., no longer inflamed or painful.

273

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Endorsed in a later hand: ‘Sir Ken: Digby to Mr Boyle. Recipe against the stone.’

HARTLIB to BOYLE

25 May 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 278. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 108–9.

May 25, 1658. Honoured SIR, THE lord is still exercising your poor servant by his various dispensations in some doubtful way. For the horrid pains of the ulcer being so extremely upon me, it put my son Clodius to a great deal of fear in point of life.a But since my last the fury of my pains are very much, God be thanked, abated, and a great deal of stuff with 30 or 40 little stones are come away from me, so that I cannot tell what the lord means to do with me. For, as I told you once already, as sometimes he persuades my heart, that I shall not die, but live to declare his works, so always he doth temper my will with a great deal of cheerfulness to be submissive to his pleasure, whatever it shall be, for life or for death. There is a German at London, who will not be known by any name, but counted a secret (I mean Cainitical) philosopher, now going for France, who is said to have a most admirable medicine for curing of ulcers in the bladder, or any other part most perfectly.b But I am afraid he is over-run with a worse kind of ulcer than myself, being obstinately resolved never to impart this secret. Whether he can be prevailed withal upon any reasonable terms to part with the medicine, I cannot yet determine. He letting fall some words, that the medicine was made out of minerals, my son Clodius begins to conceit, that it may perhaps be that very medicine of mercury, which he is now preparing for me. He is astonished at the operations of the other medicine in me against the stone, and confesses never to have seen the like; conceiting withal, that I may yet be a healthier creature than I have been all the days of my life, when all the tartarious matter shall be thus purged out of my body. But these are mainly to acknowledge your singular condoling affections in your last of May 22.c Caneparius’s book cannot be in a better custody than my own, and I shall not fail, God willing, to give notice of it to Mr. Worsley himself.d My son Clodius is reading of it a

Frederick Clodius was Hartlib’s son-in-law. The Cainites were a 2nd-century sect of heretics reputed to profess reverence for Cain and other wicked scriptural characters. c This letter is not extant d Hartlib refers to Pietro Maria Canepari (b. 1563), Italian physician and philosopher, the author of a book on inks, De atramentis cuiuscunque generis (1619), which contained a number of observations on chemistry and medicine. See Partington, History of Chemistry (above, p. 174), ii, 94–5. b

274

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 25 May 1658

for the present, commending it in many respects. The same author hath written another book, which is as it were a whole body of philosophy, as Mr. Kratshmar told me.a But if I hear of more, I shall give notice of it. Dr. K. comes never at me, but I hear my lord Protector is reconciled again, and hath promised to be present at another proof, which he is to make again either this or next week.b Mr. Kratshmar is at Stratford Bow; and when I see him, I shall ask him what passages he most approves in the designed treatise De Atramentis.c My son commends very much young Kuffler unto me as a very inventive wit. He doth now make exactly the stopples of glass to stop bottles withal instead of corks, which I suppose may prove a very special kind of accommodation for preserving of wine, ale, and all other kind of liquors.d My son Clodius hath also received a letter from Sir K. Digby with many observable things in it. He tells me, that Sir K. hath also published of late the treatise of the sympathetical Powder, and, if I be not mistaken, that he hath gotten or is shortly to get a copy of it.e The adjoined copy of Mr. Worsley’s letter seems to have many regular things in it. And I am glad I have gotten a letter again from Dr. Horne with those pretty observations, occasioned by my communications of Martindale’s new carriages or coaches.f The doctor also hath sent me a scheme or picture of new invented coaches, which have been in use at Leyden for some years, but only for pleasure. But Martindale’s motion, the like never as yet hath been practised, will be not only for recreations, but likewise for real profit and accommodations in many respects. Just now I have given an acquittance upon the receipt of your five favours, to Mr. Thomas Alsteyn, which put a new obligation upon me to subscribe myself; g Honoured Sir, your ever faithful, and most obliged servant, SAM. HARTLIB.

a

For Frederick Kretschmar see above, p. 250n. For Küffler and the trial of his invention see above, p.272. Hartlib implies that the first demonstration, which took place before Cromwell, failed. c Hartlib refers to Kretschmar’s stay at Drebbel’s factory at Stratford-le-Bow; see Webster, Great Instauration, p. 388. d For the glass stopper see Usefulness II, Works, vol. 6, pp. 532–3. e Hartlib refers to Sir Kenelm Digby’s Discourse fait en une celebre assemblée … touchant la guerison des playes par la poudre de sympathie (1658), on the magnetical cure of wounds. See Partington, History of Chemistry (above, p. 174), ii, 424. f For Horne, i.e., Hornius, see above, p. 162n. Hartlib presumably refers to William Martindale (fl. 1660), London inventor, gunsmith and maker of carriages; see Hartlib’s Ephemerides for 1658 (HP 29/78A) and HP 55/8/1A. In the 1650s the Oxford scientific club was interested in improving coaches for ease, strength and lightness. See Shapiro, John Wilkins (above, p. 245), p. 133. g Thomas Alsteyn may be Thomas Alleyn, for whom see below, p. 397n. b

275

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

SIR H. Slingsby was only this day tried before the high court of justice, and my lord Falconbridge is gone with a very magnificent train to the king of France at Mardyke.a

HARTLIB to BOYLE

29 May 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 276. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 106–7.

May 29, 1658. Honoured Sir, ON Tuesday last I wrote largely, though under extremity of pains.b On Thursday I sent a letter from Mr. Worsley, with a few words of mine upon the superscription, and by your servant a large packet from my lord Broghill yesterday morning.c I had not written at this time, but that I am bound to perform an extraordinary duty towards my worthy correspondent Mr. Beale, he desiring this very favour from my hands. Your excellent sister did write April 24, as followeth. ‘By this post I receive from my brother Broghill an assurance of his being ready to serve your excellent Hereford correspondent, and therefore pray put him to the trial, by offering him some opportunity of being so nobly imployed.’d And in another letter of May 8. ‘Mr. Beale’s promise of several sheets of his I look upon as a great one, and worthy of much more than thanks from me, who must confess to read what I have already seen of his with much satisfaction. The Lord grant it may be also with much edification; if not, I am sure the fault is not in the matter, but in my heart. My service and acknowledgments to him, I beseech you. I would fain know how he is got free of his committee.’e But by Mr. Beale’s extract of a letter of May 21, you will see what opportunity he hath discovered, that may redound to a Sir Henry Slingsby (1602–58), royalist, was involved in the royalist plot in Yorkshire. He was tried on 25 May in Westminster Hall and executed on 8 June. Hartlib also refers to Thomas Bellasis (1627– 1700), Lord Fauconberg, who married Mary, the 2nd daughter of Oliver Cromwell. Fauconberg’s mission to France took place in May 1658. Mardyke, in Flanders, near Dunkirk, was taken by Henry de la Tour d’Auvergne (1611–75), viscomte Turenne, maréchal de France, in Sept. 1657. b See above, p. 273. c None of these letters appears to have survived. d For John Beale’s difficulties in the transition from Cromwellian to monarchist rule between 1658 and 1660, and the aid he received from Hartlib, Lady Ranelagh and Lord Broghill see Stubbs, i, 487. e Lady Ranelagh presumably refers to the Herefordshire Association of Ministers, in which Beale played a leading role in the period 1657–8. See Stubbs, i, 485. Neither of Lady Ranelagh’s letters to Hartlib has been found.

276

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 29 May 1658

his advantage.a May it therefore please you, Sir, by the first occasion of writing to present this case and opportunity to the most serious consideration and real assistance of my lord Broghill, according to the adjoined paper. And though he be absent for the present, yet I make no question, that by an affectionate letter he may work powerfully upon my lord Jones.b Mr. Beale’s case seems somewhat like that of Daniel’s, when he was cast, without a cause, into the den of lions. But if my lord Broghill will but do as Darius, there is no doubt but he may be delivered.c If you would also recommend the same person and case to Dr. Wilkins, he might also be very instrumental to second my lord Broghill’s affections to my lord Jones, and some others.d Mr. Beale hath written in his last very learnedly and largely of colours; which, being but begun to be transcribed, my amanuensis falling sick this afternoon, I must defer the sending to another post.e In the mean while, and ever (having been tired by my wonted pains, and large letter to Mr. Beale by this very post) I rest, Honoured Sir, your most obliged, faithful servant, SAM. HARTLIB. The electoral college hath written to the king of Sweden, promising not to proceed to the imperial election, till the Austrians and Poland have first made their peace with him.f This may reflect also not a little upon the affairs of C. S. and of Spain. There appears as yet no possibility of relieving of Dunkirk.g

a For Beale to Hartlib, 21 May 1658, see HP 52/61A–62B. However, it is unclear what ‘opportunity’ was involved. b Lord Broghill was requested to appeal on Beale’s behalf to Arthur Jones, 2nd Viscount Ranelagh, for whom see above, p. 229n. c Hartlib likens Beale to Daniel, and Broghill to King Darius, who gave the order for him to be released from the lions’ den. See Daniel 6. d For John Wilkins see above, p. 144n. e See Beale to Hartlib, 21 May 1658, HP 52/61A–62B. f The Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand III died on 2 Apr. 1657, before his heir, Leopold (1640– 1705) was old enough to be eligible for election, which was not until he was 18. In Feb. 1658 Austria concluded an alliance with the Elector of Brandenburg and the King of Poland against Charles X (1622–60), King of Sweden, whom many British Protestants hoped could be elected Emperor instead. Charles X responded by making preparations to invade Brandenburg. The college of electors sent envoys to Sweden to mediate the dispute and Charles X decided to attack Denmark instead. The Archduke was elected Leopold I on 18 July 1658. See Firth, Last Years of the Protectorate (above, p. 264), ii, 245–7, 249, 284, 287. g Hartlib refers to Charles Stuart, who was then allied to the Spanish and leading a royalist contingent fighting with the Spanish in the Netherlands. The Austrians were also providing military assistance to the Spanish, but this was withdrawn in return for French support for the election of Leopold I. See Firth, Last Years of the Protectorate, ii, 246, 254. For the siege of Dunkirk, see ibid., ii, 184–202.

277

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

HARTLIB to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

1 June 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 278–9. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 110-11.

June 1, 1658. Honoured Sir, HAVING written largely on Tuesday last, and having sent some other letters on Thursday, Friday by your man and Saturday by the posts, these are only to signify, that I had none from your hands by the post, that arrived yesterday.a My son Hartlib has had a very large conference with Mr. Secretary about the business of learning; and finding him full of frivolous suspicions and allegations, he hath notably pleaded for the justice of that affair, and doth not mean to give it over, till he be convinced into better resolutions.b To this purpose he hath referred him to Mr. Jessop (who is a very great and real friend to that design) that he may receive satisfaction to any of his pretended scruples, though they be such, that my son can discern the weakness of them, to speak the best of them.c Yesterday the secretary went to confer with my lord Fleetwood about it, but he will not be able to cope with his cunning subtilities.d But not a word of all this to any other. By the enclosed you will see what Mr. Worsley hath written to Mr. Dury.e To me he writes as followeth. ‘Your last hath confirmed me in that, which I had only before a probable but grounded guess of, viz. that upon other pretences the doctor had a mind to divert that revenue from both those persons, and those upright, honest, and sincere aims for which it was intended, and under the notion of the states care to put himself into the management of it.f But if this revenue may not be managed /p. 279/ entirely amongst ourselves, who understand the aims, hearts, lives, principles, and spirits, one of another, I mean Mr. Boyle, yours, Mr. Dury, Mr. Sadler, myself, or Mr. Beale, (whose piety, integrity, and worth I have a confidence of) it shall never be raised to serve the outward glory or lust of another man.g If the state have a mind to set up such an institution, let them do it of their own, and dispose it to their own ministers. If other men are willing to lay a foundation of so much good, let not the state hinder them by interposing amongst them. For in these things every a See above, p. 274. The other letters which Hartlib refers to here are not extant, but correspond to 27 and 28 May. For Saturday’s letter see above, p. 276. b For Samuel Hartlib junior see above, p. 229n. Benjamin Worsley’s propositions for learning are mentioned in Hartlib to Boyle, 13 May 1658 (above, pp. 270–2), and presumably Hartlib junior was acting on Worsley’s behalf when he visited Secretary Thurloe. For Thurloe see above, p. 248n. c For Jessop see above, p. 269n. d For Charles Fleetwood see above, p. 229n. e See Worsley to Dury, 26 May 1658, HP 33/2/9A–B. For John Dury see above, p. 56n. f For William Petty see above, p. 64n. Petty wanted to manage the revenue of the sale of forfeited estates. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 55 and Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 75–6. g For John Sadler see above, p. 88n. The others named here were presumably also trustees.

278

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 1 June 1658

man is free, neither can any man be obliged but according to his own pleasure and through his own satisfaction. But if the state have a mind to try or compare themselves with the donors, let them give us but a small revenue, and leave it to us. Let them take a greater, and let the emulation of doing most good, and being most faithful to the publick grow between them and us. And consider, who can lose by such an honest strife as this is. And let this be propounded as an expedient between us, all which I shall desire you to communicate both to Mr B. and Mr. D.a And for as much as Mr. D. may have an opportunity to speak with my lord Protector, my lord Fleetwood, and others about it, as also with Mr. Secretary himself, I have given him the trouble of a few lines in it, that as you have well hinted, there may be a joint harmony and concurrence of opinion and judgment between you, when you shall either of you speak with him or any other about it. But if this should be crossed, I shall then expect and truly be in hope of something else (which perhaps I have some discernings and conjectures) that the lord will raise, wherein no man shall have any glory to take to himself, nor any power or subtilty given him to hinder it, and which particular I think plainly to be very possible. But this, as also his whole work to be brought forth in his own time, and by his own means, is to be left to the Lord.’ The letter is dated May 26. But what is that something else, which the discerning man is in expectation of? Can you, Sir, resolve it out of your former letters? I had by this very post a letter also from Mr. Wood.b And though I thought I had so fully engaged both his honesty and interest to help to dispatch this business, yet now he writes. ‘For the business of advancement of learning, I shall wholly refer you to Mr. Secretary, who can much more exactly inform you of the true state thereof, than I write, had I never so much leisure.’ Really I had expected a more generous answer from Mr. Wood. Sir Robert Honywood, lately arrived out of the Low Countries, tells of a singular invention found out there, of a clock, that goes most exactly true without a balance, which needs not to be wound up but once in eight days, the price of it being 7 l. sterl.c Mr. Palmer, who hath a shop as it were of all manner of inventions, is to have one shortly. And Fromantile having heard of it, gives out confidently, that he is able to make the like, or rather to exceed it.d I am wonderfully troubled at Mr. Brereton’s deserted condition. I fear a

Presumably William Brereton and John Dury. For Robert Wood, see above, p. 221n. For Wood’s letter to Hartlib from Dublin, see HP 15/4/5A–B. c This is a reference to Sir Robert Honywood (1601–86), politician and member of the Council of Trade. In 1655 and again in 1657, Honywood travelled to Holland where he served in the Dutch army. Hartlib probably refers to Christiaan Huygens’s pendulum of 1658, described in his Horologium (1658). d Mr Palmer (dates unknown) was a London instrument maker with a shop at Gray’s Inn, see Ephemerides for 1654, HP 29/4/25, 29/6/5A and 29/79B. Ahasuerus Fromanteel, clockmaker in Southwark, London, was active between 1654 and 1685. He was the first to make pendulum clocks in England. See G. H. Baillie, Watchmakers and Clockmakers of the World, 2 vols (3rd edn, London, 1951), i, 115. b

279

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

the next news you will hear, will be, that he is in prison, there being four judgments out against him.a I suppose you have heard of the launching of the gallant ship last week, which was called the Richard.b There had like a very sad thing here fallen out at that time; the wildness of the horses running away with my lord Richard’s coach, and breaking it altogether into pieces. My lord Protector was in it with major Beake and Mr. Pierpoint, as I take it, but none had any hurt, God be praised, but major Beake, who received some wounds.c I am persuaded the good angels had a special care of my lord Protector. The approaches are come to the walls of Dunkirk, whither my lord Barrimore and Mr. Henry Laurence are gone with a great number of other English gallants, as likewise out of France, to see the siege of that nest or den of pirates. d And though the chief witness against Dr. Hewet be escaped, yet there are so many other evidences against him, that it will go very hard with him.e Thus presenting you the promised learned papers, which could not be sent on Saturday last, I rest, Honoured Sir, your ever faithful obliged servant, SAM. HARTLIB.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

8 June 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 279–80. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 111–12.

a

Brereton’s financial distress is not recorded. The ship, named Richard, with 70 guns, was built in 1658 and in 1660 was renamed Royal James. See W. Laird Clowes, The Royal Navy. A History from the Earliest Times to the Present, 7 vols (London, 1897–1903, reprinted New York, 1966), ii, 111. c Hartlib refers to Richard Cromwell (1626–1712), a member of his father’s government. Major Richard Beke (c. 1630–1707), was married to Cromwell’s niece, Levina Whetstone. William Pierpoint (c. 1607–78), politician, was one of the Lord Protector’s and Richard Cromwell’s private advisors. He also occupied political offices after the Restoration. d For the siege of Dunkirk see above, p. 277n. For Richard Barry, 2nd Earl of Barrymore, see above, p. 27n. For Henry Lawrence see see above, p. 193n. He became a member of Cromwell’s Council of State. e John Hewit or Hewett (1614–58), preacher. During the Protectorate he was engaged in correspondence with the conspirators of the Yorkshire rising, one of whom was Sir Henry Slingsby, for whom see above, p. 276n. Following Hewit’s arrest, he was sentenced on 2 June 1658 and beheaded on 8 June. The witness mentioned by Hartlib may be John Stapley (1628–1701). b

280

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 8 June 1658

June 8, 58. Honoured SIR, I AM so out of love with my tormenting pains, that I have never a good will to mention them, but when they may be an occasion of ushering in some good communication or other, for the ease and health of many. This made me silent in my last, to complain of my wonted pains. But having gotten some new discovery from our common friend at Dublin, I can pardon myself, if I continue to say, that my body is still full of pains, though not so violent, God be praised, as heretofore, I voiding still abundance of little stones and gravel.a But the discovery is presented in these words: ‘Near Lambeth, or at the farther end of it, is a house, where they make brass of copper and lapis calaminaris.b The pots of which metal do, in the melting, send forth store of white flowers, or flores. These are without any thing of corrosiveness, and a most precious medicine for your ulcer, if the Lord please to succeed it, and that you can apply them.’ Thus far the discovery, which I must confess I like far better than those salivations you were pleased to speak of in your former. I received your civilities on Mr. Beale’s behalf, who wrote, before I got that letter, as followeth.c /p. 280/ ‘I ever pray for the right honourable lady; she pleads for favour and countenance towards me; I cry out for common justice, that our enemies may not glory in our injustice against ourselves.d Without vanity I may say it, that I think I am the only man, that has so personally and cordially served, and by my education am fitted to be serviceable, with some credit, in many relations, in most of the chief parts of England; and yet, that am so cast off from favour, justice, or common mercy. But I thank God, who hath given me a heart above these things; and I think I see his providence in it, that, to punish my old pride, in the very flashes of false learning, he hath now placed me under the feet of them, that hate and abhor holy industry and true learning. If I could discern my present guilt, I hope I should rather endeavour to reform myself, than be willing to dwell in this furnace. Here I am sick of a parochial labyrinth. But thy will be done in earth as it is in heaven.e The holy angels, at thy command, must wait upon us poor mortals; and what am I, sinful wretch, that I should disdain, at thy pleasure, to lye under the feet of the worst of mankind!’ The letter is dated May 27. Thus I was going to have answered to the other passages of your last of June 5, but that Mr. Brereton, Mr. Dury, and Mr. Hack have taken some hours from me in relating and repeating, or collating, the particulars of the great news, as they have been a

Hartlib refers to Benjamin Worsley. Lambeth in south London. c Hartlib possibly refers to Boyle’s letter of 5 June, which is not extant. d For John Beale’s difficulties and the aid he received from Lady Ranelagh and others see above, p. 276n. e Beale quotes from the Lord’s Prayer, Matthew 6, 10. b

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brought by several messengers, which also will be printed against Thursday next.a The sum of all is, that the whole Spanish army, coming to raise the siege of Dunkirk, is totally routed, and the foot wholly overthrown. Some thousands taken prisoners and slain. Very few on the English or French side.b The marshal Hocquincourt, that lately delivered Hesdin, killed; P. de Condé taken, but let go again; the general Caracene taken, with a number of other grandees.c Some of the Stuarts were present in the battle.d But the courage of the English soldiers was most instrumental in the victory; insomuch, that marshal Turenne gives an account to the king in no other words, but that the English had carried themselves above men. We now do expect to hear daily of the taking or surrender of that piratical den of thieves.e The court of France hath taken so kindly the visit of his highness, in his son-in-law, the lord Falconbridge, that they are resolved to send no less than four ambassadors to requite the same civility; one from the king, another from the queen, the third from their brother, the duke of Anjou, and the last from Mazarin.f My lord Falconbridge is returned, and cannot sufficiently express the great respect and entertainments he hath found at that court. But he could not prevail with his highness here for a longer reprieve of his uncle, Sir H. Slingsby, who was beheaded this day upon Tower-hill (with Dr. Hewet) which was all the favour shewn them, who were sentenced by the high court of justice to be hanged, drawn and quartered.g a For William Brereton see above, p. 160n.; for John Dury see above, p. 56n., and for Theodore Haak see above, p. 252n. b The news related to Hartlib is of the battle of the Dunes, 4/14 June 1658. The Spanish lost about 1,000 men and about 4,000 were taken prisoners. Not more than 400 French and English were killed. For the siege of Dunkirk see above, p. 277n. The printed account of the battle is presumably that in Mercurius Politicus, 419 (3–10 June 1658), pp. 581–2. Mercurius Politicus came out on Thursdays. c This is a reference to Charles de Mouchy (1599–1658), maréchal d’Hocquincourt, maréchal de France, who passed into the service of the Spanish in May 1658 and delivered the fortress of Hesdin to the Spaniards. Louis II de Bourbon (1621–86), 2nd prince de Condé, distinguished French general, was one of the leaders of the Fronde and joined the Spanish army in 1653. Don Luis de Benavides, Carillo y Toledo, Marquis de Fromista y de Caracena, commanded the Spanish infantry in the battle of the Dunes. d Charles Stuart and James, Duke of York, afterwards James II, took part in the battle of the Dunes on the Spanish side. e Hartlib refers to Turenne, for whom see above, p. 276n. f For the mission of Lord Fauconberg to France see above, p. 276n. The French mission was led by Charles, duc de Créqui de Blanchefort (c. 1624–87), 1st gentleman of the Bedchamber to Louis XIV, who presumably represented the King. Cardinal Jules Mazarin (1602–61) chief minister of France, was represented by his nephew Philip Mancini (1641–1707), Duke of Nevers. Chevalier Philibert Gramont (1621–1707) presumably represented either the Queen, Louis XIV’s mother Anne of Austria (1601–66), or Philippe, Duke of Anjou (1640–1701), Louis XIV’s brother. The 4th ambassador has not been identified. g Both Lord and Lady Fauconberg acted on behalf of Slingsby, for whose crime see above, p. 276n. Slingsby’s late wife, Barbara Bellasis, was the aunt of Lord Fauconberg. Lady Fauconberg appealed to the French ambassadors in order to secure Mazarin’s intervention to save Slingsby’s life. For John Hewit see above, p. 280n.

282

DIGBY

to BOYLE, 19 June 1658

They offered, when it was too late, confessing their own guilt, to discover the bottom of the whole plot. Last Friday his highness and council, apprehending no small danger, even unto England, in case the foresaid siege should be raised by the resolved formidable Spanish army, kept a private fast; and on Saturday night they had a return of their prayers, which hath filled White-hall (and more places also) with triumphant joys. The imperial election, if it be not past before this time, will be farther off than ever.a Mr. Brereton’s father hath at last condescended to supply him with three hundred pound, being fallen very sick.b Thus I am constrained to hasten and to conclude, but remain professedly ever, Honoured Sir, your truly faithful and assured servant, S. HARTLIB.

DIGBYc to BOYLE

19 June 1658

From the extract in the hand of Mercator, HP 14/5/30A–B.d

Ex literis Digbaei ad Dominum Boyle Lutetiâ 19 Junii anno 1658. Libenter discerem, quomodo colcothar faciam ardere ut sulphur, nam nescio illud facere absque additamento. Spiritus calcis vivæ1 memoratus fuit à Basilio in diversis ejus operibus:e sed non dixit satis in ullo opere, quo doceret, quomodo effectivè parari posset. Egomet vidi non modò solutionem Crystalli, sed omnes From the letter of Digby to Mr Boyle, dated from Paris, 19 June of the year 1658. I would be happy to learn how I could make colcothar burn like sulphur. For I do not know how to do this without adding something to it. The spirit of quicklime was mentioned by Basil in a number of his various works;e but he did not say enough about any aspect of its operation to teach us how it could be prepared effectively. As for myself, I have seen not only the solution of crystal, but also all its other effects, as they are described in a

For the election of Leopold I see above, p. 277n. For William Brereton, son of 2nd Baron Brereton, see above, p. 160n. His financial problems are reported in Hartlib to Boyle, 1 June 1658 (above, pp. 278–80). c For Digby see above, p. 99. d This forms part of the same document with the extract from the earlier letter from Digby, above, pp. 272–4. The original of this letter formerly survived among the Boyle Papers: Miles refers to ‘Sir K. Digby referring to a former about a Medicine for Gout &c June 58’ (BP 36, fol. 161). e Digby refers to Basil Valentine, which was the pseudonym of the late 16th- and early 17th-century German chymist, Johann Thölde. Thölde was the author of the first complete study of antimony, Triumph-Wagen Antimonii (1604). Its purpose is as much medical as alchemical, and it was a deservedly popular work. b

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cæteros effectûs in receptâ ‹quam tibi misi› memoratos. Forma instrumenti delineandi est in altera facie hujus chartæ. Helmontius senior mendax erat et semi-sapiens circumforaneusa (veluti cùm dicit panem non suppeditare nutrimentum, sed conducere saltim ad fermentandum /fol. 30B/ cibum in ventriculo) quamvis (ut stulti solent) multa reperiantur sapienter dicta in scriptis illius; ubi multos lepores figit, quos sapientiores et solidiores capiant ac domum referant.b Sustineo contra universum mundum, ne unicum quidem atomum spiritûs vini uniri posse cum sale fixo absque medio conjungendi. Modus optimus rectificandi s ad summum (quem ego sciam) hic est; quo semper utor quando res postulat: Adde 3 vel 4 libras s ad libram unam vel dimidiam (nam perinde est) puri salis , et igne admodum lento destilla duas tertias spiritûs. Tertia pars reliqua erit phlegma insipidum (quod salem dissolutum retinet, cùm purus spiritus non attingat sales fixos) et quod extractum fuerit, mirè2 purum erit. Sic 1⁄3 phlegmatis (vel circiter) abstrahes à s septies rectificato, qui totus consumitur igne, et ex quo ne guttam quidem phlegmatis ullâ ulteriori rectificatione per se abstraxeris.

the recipe that I have sent to you. The form of the instrument that should be sketched out is on the other side of this piece of paper. The elder Helmont was a liar and a badly informed street-corner gossip,a in as much as he said that bread does not increase our nutrition, but simply lends assistance to the fermentation of food in the intestine [or, ventricle]. [I assert this] although (as foolish people are accustomed to say) there are many things in his writings that can be found to have been said wisely; when, in fact, he has made many witty remarks, which wiser and more solid scholars can take hold of and bring to a conclusion.b I would maintain the truth of the following remark (even if the whole world were against me): that not even a single atom of the spirit of wine can be united with fixed salt of tartar without some medium joining them together. The best method of rectifying the spirit of wine is, in short (according to my experience) as follows (and I always use this when the matter in hand demands that I should): Add three or four pounds of spirit of wine to one pound or a half pound (for either will be acceptable) of pure salt of tartar; and with quite a gentle fire distil two thirds of the spirit. The third part that will be left over will be an insipid phlegm (which retains the dissolved salt, since the pure spirit does not touch the fixed salts); and the part that will have been extracted [i.e., the two thirds] will be amazingly pure. In this way you will abstract a third part (or thereabouts) of phlegm from seven-times rectified spirit of wine which is wholly consumed by fire, and from which you would not have been able to abstract even a single drop of phlegm by any further rectification of it by itself.

a

semi-sapiens, lit., ‘half wise’, ‘half-witted’; circumforaneus, ‘one who strolls around the market place’, is a lively expression. b lit., ‘bring home’.

284

SOUTHWELL

to BOYLE, 16 July 1658

Endorsed on lower half of page, right margin, in an unknown hand ‘Sir Ken. Digby to Mr Boyle Receipt against the Stone’.

ROBERT SOUTHWELLa to BOYLE

16 July 1658

From the original in BL 5, fols 114–15. 4°/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 403 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 296–7.

Most honored Sir I am sorry I cannott returne a more Sutable acknowledgement unto your favours, then what a sorry peece of paper will expresse. and yett in Thanks (the most easy way of gratitude) I find a Scarcity, when I judge of your courtesies by a proper, and due valuation. I can onely hope that I may live to be gratefull, and to have opportunity of manifesting that your favours have not beene cast into a forgettfull hand. and to that purpose I shall implore my better fortune to make me serviceable unto you, if it should happen that any of your occasions should stoop soe low, as that my impertinent indeavours might contribute any thing to their advantage. My most humble Service to my Lord Dungarvan and his Brother.b My Mother, and Sister (who are onely now at home) present their humble respects unto you, and soe begging your pardon, I rest Kinsaile July 16, 1658.

Your most obedient servant Robert Southwell

1

For the honourable Robt Boyle. at Mr John Crosses,c Apothecaries / in Oxford. Leave this with Mr Rich: Southwelld / at Mr Baylies a barber over against Lincolnes’ Inn Gate in Chancery / Lane / London These / post payd to London a On grounds of the handwriting, this letter can be confidently assigned to Sir Robert Southwell (1635–1702), politician and diplomat, knighted in 1665, rather than his father, Robert Southwell (1607–77), although both men were later to correspond with Boyle. This is further confirmed by the reference in the closing sentence. b Southwell refers to the 2nd Earl of Cork, Viscount Dungarvan, and probably to Lord Broghill. c For John Crosse, see above, p. 193n. d Richard Southwell was the son of Thomas Southwell (d. 1681) of Castle Mattress in Ireland. Richard was admitted to Lincoln’s Inn in 1657 and died before 12 Mar. 1680. He was undoubtedly a kinsman of the younger Robert Southwell, who became guardian of Richard’s children on his death; see RCHM Egmont II, p. 92.

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Seal: Broken remnants. Seems heraldic with shield charged with three cinquefoils. Paper impression of another seal. Endorsed by Richard Southwell ‘Receaved,2 & forwarded this 28th of July by your humble servant Rd Southwell.’ Also endorsed by Miles ‘Sir Robert Southwell / numbered for the Pr[inter?]’ and followed by a heavily deleted, illegible line of text. Also endorsed with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 1’.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

10 August 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 280–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 112–13.

Aug. 10, 58 Honoured SIR, I HOPE you are safely arrived at Oxford. These two or three days my pains have been very much decreased, God be praised.a But Dr. Petty hath taken away above two hours from me, which should have been devoted to your service.b The Dr. seemed mightily to be surprised, when he understood you were gone out of town, with some kind of jealous intimations, because I did not direct him to your lodging. But I answered, that, when that question was made unto me, I really did not know your lodging. I had lately received a letter from Mr. Oldenburg, amongst other particulars, in these words: ‘In our passing through Mentz, we met with a rare artist, called Becker, a young man, who hath found, he saith, the perpetual motion, the possibility whereof hath been hitherto so much disputed by philosophers. He hath almost finished a work, wherein he doth demonstrate his invention, which we have seen, and the design and way whereof the master told me himself, he would, within a very few weeks, put in print here at Francfort; which being done, I shall send you a copy of it.c I am told here, that Dr. Petty hath a commodious way of printing, called, instrumentum Pettii, very convenient to carry about, and to print in travelling some few sheets of paper, if occasion present itself. If you have or know it, I entreat you to communicate it unto me. July 18, 58.’d The doctor laughed at the invention of the perpetual motion, and denied to have any such a

Hartlib described his illnesses in his letter to Boyle of 25 May 1658; see above, pp. 274–5. For William Petty see above, p. 64n. c Johann Joachim Becher (1635–82), chemist and physician to the Elector in Munich. The perpetual motion machine, a clock which did not need winding, is described in Närrische weisheit und weisse narrheit (1683). See Oldenburg, i, 171n. and Partington, History (above, p. 174), ii, 637–52. d This is possibly a reference to Petty’s double-writing instrument, invented and patented in 1647. Hartlib quotes from a letter from Oldenburg, dated Frankfurt, 18 July 1658. See Oldenburg, i, 170. Oldenburg, a native of Germany, was in Frankfurt from June to Oct. 1658. b

286

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 10 Aug. 1658

instrument of commodious printing. Most of the time was spent in telling the contrivance of his great design, upon which he was resolved to spend two thousand pounds, not doubting but that he would be a /p. 281/ good gainer in the conclusion of it. The design aims at the founding of a college or colony, of twenty able learned men, very good Latinists, of several nations, that should teach the Latin tongue (as other vulgar languages are learnt) merely by use and custom. This, with the history of trades, he looks upon as the great pillars of reformation of the world.a I wish you could handsomly present unto him, how he hath defeated me of two hundred and fifty pounds a year (for which I have to shew some of the donors own hands) by undermining that more universal design of learning, upon which I have been made to hope these two years.b Mr. Brereton writes, ‘My ague hath almost left me (thanks be to God) and my strength begins to return, though slowly.’ The letter is dated Aug. 7.c No posts this week out of Ireland; but some unexpected lines from Mr. Pell, in these words. ‘I pray you, give speedy notice to Mr. Moreland, that I am here. There was once a resolution of sending a ship for me. I fear I shall not here find a fit ship before one may be sent hither.’ Flushing in Zealand, Aug. 3/13.d The vice-chancellor of Cambridge was with me last week, entreating me to sound him, whether he would be willing to lay the foundation of a mathematical professorship in that university.e If I find him to be, the university is as good as resolved to petition his highness about him, as soon as he is arrived. My lord Montague sent orders yesternight for a ship to fetch him from Flushing.f Doctor Kuffler was with me on Monday, telling in what words you had congratulated the success of his terrible destroying invention. He thinks it not fit to present himself to his highness, till the funeral of my lady Claypole be over.g Her corps was to be brought as this day by water from Hampton-court. My son Clodius promised to write by this post. I would fain have the particulars from your own relation, which you were pleased to a In Petty’s projects of educational reform, disseminated in a number of papers and in some letters to Hartlib, the Baconian history of trades had a prominent role. See also above, p. 64n. b A reference to Petty’s plans to manage the revenues of forfeited estates for his ends. See above, p. 278n. c For William Brereton see above, p. 160n. His letter to Hartlib of 7 Aug. has not been found. d For John Pell see above, p. 179n. Pell writes from Vlissingen, in the Netherlands. Pell’s letter to Hartlib has not been found. Mr Moreland is presumably Samuel Morland (1625–95), diplomat, mathematician and inventor, who was at this point working for Secretary Thurloe. e For John Worthington see above, p. 247n. The first professorship of mathemathics in Cambridge was the Lucasian professorship, which was created in 1663. See Feingold, Mathematicians’ Apprenticeship (above, p. 254), p. 33. f This is a reference to Edward Montagu (1625–72), 1st Earl of Sandwich, admiral and member of Cromwell’s council of state. In 1657–8 he had the command of the fleet covering the operations at Dunkirk. g For Küffler’s invention see above, p. 221n. Hartlib had earlier reported that the successful demonstration of the weapon had been delayed. See above, p. 274. Lady Elizabeth Claypole (1629–58), Cromwell’s second daughter, died on 6 Aug. 1658. She was buried in Henry VII’s chapel.

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tell him of divers curious inventions, shewn you lately by a certain Walloon.a Here you have, besides the promised papers of the glass stopples, a notable answer from Hereford to Mr. Worsley’s olfactiques, which I imparted unto you at Marston.b Mr. Beale writes in his last, ‘We had here about eleven of the clock, on Wednesday night, one great crack of thunder, that hath turned all the beer and ale of this neighbourhood into giddiness. I did not think, that so much hurt could be done to drink by such a short crack. Can any stopples preserve the liquor from this annoyance?’c Thus far he. This day Mrs. Dury with her husband went from hence to conduct Mrs. Worsley to Chester; from whence they intend to give a visit to Sir Richard Saltonstall at Wrexam.d Within three weeks, God willing, they hope to be back at London. I remain ever, Honoured Sir, your faithful servant, S. HARTLIB.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

10 September 1658

From the draft version in R.S. MS 1, fol. 34.e Previously printed in Oldenburg, i, 176–9.

From Frankford the 10 Sept.1 1658 To Mr Boy. Sir, The noise and exces, and πολλη` φαντασία ,f that hath been used here for a great while, hath kept you from hearing of us for a good time. Since it had an end, the tour, we have made thorow Franconia, the lower and upper palatinat, Saxony, and other provinces of Germany, hindered our visiting you by letters some what longer. That being now passed, by the goodness of Almighty God, in health and a Frederick Clodius was Hartlib’s son-in-law. It is possible that ‘a certain Walloon’ is a reference to a member of the Protestant Walloon church in Cologne, where John Dury had been a preacher in the 1620s. b For glass stoppers see above, p. 275. For Beale’s answer see Beale to Hartlib, 6 Aug. 1658, HP 51/5A–B. Presumably, Hartlib refers to Marston Bigot, the seat of Lord Broghill in Somerset. c See Beale to Hartlib, 6 Aug. 1658, HP 51/5A–B. Boyle discussed the effects of thunder on wine in Usefulness I; see Works, vol. 3, p. 439. d For John Dury see above, p. 56n. For his wife see above, p. 229. The Durys were directed to Wales to recover some debts. Hartlib probably refers to Richard Saltonstall (1586–1658), member of the Massachusetts Bay Company, or, alternatively, to his son Richard (d. 1694). e The original of this letter has not been found. It was presumably inserted in the Liber epistolaris after the completion of the German visit. f ‘great display’.

288

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1658

safety, and we for 2 or 3 daies at some more leasure, than ordinary, I thought I could not better imploy2 a part thereof, than in waiting on you by a few lines, and therein acquaint you first of all of the congres, we had more than once with Mr V. Helmont, whom the Emperor by a splendid diploma hath made a Baron, and, as the diploma itself professeth, would have made a Count of the Empire, if his modesty had not declined it.a In his discourses with us he fell constantly from philosophical or medical matters to divinity, recommending extreamly a severe scrutiny of oneselfe, as being persuaded, that the best and most solid knowledge comes from within a man and dissuading us from the toy (as his phrase was) of books, whereby he thought there was but another mans image and contrefait imposed upon us, and we detained from ever knowing ourselves, and those things, that lye hid in us, man being esteemed by him the abridgement of the upper and lower world. Ordinarily he puts men of[f] with saying, He knows nothing. Once we importuned him to a discourse of Generation, wherein he was pretty obscure. All I could gather from him, came to this: That there being 3 things, that concur jointly to the generation of man, semen viri, semen mulieris et menstruum,b that these three had each their peculiar kind of life, and so there were 6. things in generation, but that these 6. required the accession of the seventh, vid. the Aire, and that at the coming in of this aire the former three did dye; and in puncto istius mortisc the faetus drawing in the aire did begin to be a man. He denyeth flatly, that the office of the aire is only to coole, asserting, the aire doth contribute more to nutrition and life, than cibus et potus,d and that all animals eate the aire. Wherein we found an Excellent physitian at Dresden to consent with hime This same is so great an admirer of antimony, as you, Sir, or Basil Valentine possibly can be.f /fol. 34v/ He hath made of it a Specificum Anti-Epilepticum and Antiapoplecticum, and many other medecines, and saith openly, it being duely erected and prepared to have more excellency in it, than gold. He shewed us also Mercurium vitae sine mercurio sublimato item Spiritum cornu cervini sine fætore, item Tincturam auri cum oleo cinnamonii, sine corrosivo,g and another sine cinnamonio,h a For Francis Mercurius van Helmont, see above, p. 127n. For his elevation to the baronetage by Leopold I, see Coudert, F. M. van Helmont (above, p. 127), p. 34. b ‘seed of man, seed of woman, and menstrual blood’. c ‘point of this death’. d ‘food and drink’. e This is possibly a chemist living at Dresden by the name of Gansland, whom Oldenburg met on his journey to Saxony. f For Basil Valentine, see above, p. 283n. g ‘Mercurius vitae without mercury sublimate; also spirit of hartshorn without odor; also tincture of gold with oil of cinnamon, without corrosiveness’. Mercurius vitae is antimony oxychloride; as it contains no mercury, mercury sublimate (mercuric chloride), though often used, is not essential to its preparation. Spirit of hartshorn is water of ammonia. It is not clear what this particular tincture of gold, either with or without oil of cinnamon, might be. h ‘without cinnamon’.

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which he esteems much for comforting and strengthening. item oleum aliquid auri, cujus unica gutta tingit drachmiam integram spiritus vini. item specificum contra quartanam ex salibus. item essentiam vitrioli praeparatam ex spiritu vitrioli rectificato limpidissimo, remanente capite mortuo. item Terram foliatam ex tartaro,a which he esteems much, and uses contra omnes affectus calculosos, obstructiones lienis,b and4 all hypochondriacal diseases. item Tincturam tartari, which he said did reduce the stone to a mucilaginous substance; c And finally an arcanum tartarid which he said did drive out the stone. At Leipsig the famous Dr Michaels gave me the Catalogue of the medicins of his owne preparation;e the same is no lesse esteemer of antimony, than the former, and hath made an antihectique pouder thereof. And when he spake of precipitating essences, and I named him a secret, that one had in England of making stinking water good and pure, he returned, that he had also Aquam quandam Alcali mirabilem, praecipitartem non solum feces in aquis putidis, but also in febribus;f and if one did put a drop of it into the most generous wine, it would turne it presently into vineger. He shewd me withal Bibliotheca Chymica Borellius, in which is mentioned Maria Rante, foretelling, that the making of Gold shal be vulgarly knowne A. 1661.g If you have heard of such a woman in England, I beseech you, Sir, communicate unto us, whether she be alive yet or no. And thus, to importune you no further, I remaine etc.

a

‘Also, a certain oil of gold, of which one drop would colour a whole drachm of spirit of wine. Also, a specific against quartan fevers from salts. Also, an essence of vitriol prepared from spirit of vitriol rectified very thoroughly, with the caput mortuum remaining behind. Also, a leafy earth from tartar.’ b ‘against all calculary affections, obstructions of the spleen’. c ‘Also, a tincture of tartar’. d ‘arcanum of tartar’, i.e., a secret and powerful preparation; the stone is, of course, that 17thcentury scourge, kidney or bladder stone, renal calculus. e Oldenburg refers to Johann Michaelis (1606–67), professor of medicine at Leipzig and editor of the works of Johann Hartmann. f ‘a certain miraculous alkaline water, which not only precipitated impurities in stinking water. but also in fevers’. g Pierre Borel’s Bibliotheca chimica (1654) is a bibliographical catalogue of chemical and alchemical works. On p. 25 appears the entry Clavis apocalyptica Mariae Rante angl. quae aurifacturam brevi vulgarem futuram fore, utpote anno 1661 promittit. Mary Rand, the Fifth Monarchist chiliast, predicted that gold would shortly be commonly made, perhaps by the year 1661. No record of any such work has been found; see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 392–3, and B. S. Capp, The Fifth Monarchy Men: A Study in Seventeenth-Century English Milleniarianism (London, 1972), p. 244.

290

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 14 Sept. 1658

HARTLIB to BOYLE

14 September 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 281–2. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 114–15.

Sept. 14, 1658. Honoured SIR, MY last was on Tuesday.a I forgot then to add one of the best remedies, that my son Clodius knows against the Erysipelas, which I transmitted to Mr. Beale, in these words. Cape Rob. baccarum sambuci & ejus unciam unam in aquæ florum sambuci unciis sex dissolve, & hac mixtura assumta tegatur æger stragulis, quam diligentissime, ut largiter sudet. Hoc secunda quoque & tertia repetatur vice, si prima non cedat malum.b THUS far I began to express my respects last Thursday, but was forbidden to proceed by the extremity of most violent torments, which cast me into my bed, as into a grave. And though I be risen this day again, yet I conflict with inexpressible torments, and which will suffer me only to signify the receipt of your last of the 11th of September.c Nor is there much to answer to the contents thereof. Only I am mightily tormented also at the loss of your excellent meditations (of the Usefulness of Natural Philosophy) which will now be more seasonable than ever, for that I suppose, that his Highness, that now is, will perhaps more favour designs of such a nature, than his deceased father, otherwise of very glorious memory.d I have received the Mascon books, and do return you my most humble thanks for them.e I should be glad to hear your account of Mr. Beale’s papers, concerning cyder as a winy liquor.f But I believe Mr. Austin did not impart unto you a copy of his own letter, as his judgment upon them, which I have done here by some of the adjoined papers.g But you need not to let him know any thing of the exercise of this my well-meant charity. My son Clodius is under new trials, his wife being brought to bed this night of a child, that died soon after, the mother remaining very weak. He a

Hartlib to Boyle, 7 Sept. 1658, is not extant. ‘Take a syrup of elderberries, and dissolve one ounce of it in six ounces of water of elderflowers. And after he has taken this mixture, the sick person should be covered with blankets as carefully as possible, so that he sweats profusely. This process should be repeated for a second and for a third time, if the disease does not go away at the first attempt.’ c Boyle’s letter is not extant. d Nothing is known of these missing papers. On the composition and development of Usefulness in the 1650s see Works, vol. 3, pp. xix–xxv. Oliver Cromwell died on 3 Sept. 1658, and his son Richard succeeded him as Lord Protector. e Hartlib refers to Peter du Moulin’s English translation of François Perreaud’s Démonographie, ou traitté des démons et sorciers (1653). The book was translated at Boyle’s request, to whom it was dedicated. It was published at Oxford in June 1658, with the title The Devill of Mascon. See Works, vol. 1, pp. 15–40. f John Beale’s paper on cider and wine is published in Vaughan, Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell (above, p. 245), ii, 472–7. g For Ralph Austen see below, p. 293. b

291

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

wrote to you last Saturday.a His chemical college or laboratory will not be so much prostituted as you fear. But there was an absolute necessity to resolve upon such a course amongst a few confiding friends. There are near three furnaces finished, but five more must be added unto them. And having these, they shall be able to command any kind of operation whatsoever. I know not how he will be able to dispose of his business, so as to give you now a visit at Oxford. But I suppose, that some occasion or other, in these changes of publick affairs, may invite you to London sooner, it may be, than you had resolved. If you come, if the Lord spare my life, we shall be able to speak more freely about those secret papers and passages, by me imparted.b My lord Broghill is written unto from White-hall, to come away with all possible expedition.c But my lord deputy of Ireland, I hear, is not now likely to come, being to look the better to the publishing of the new succession.d I do not remember to have told you of the like charitable design to be founded at Durham; I mean of a charitable physician, or laboratory, for the poor.e I have /p. 282/ but one copy of it in print, being only dispersed by private communications. But yesterday I received a letter, wherein I am promised to have shortly more copies. As for my son’s charitable design, though the reasons, which are alledged against it, seem to be weighty, yet those other considerations, which the proposer can shew for it, are not to be slighted.f When you meet, God willing, they may both be laid into just balances. The more particular account of Mr. Stahl’s way of study, and of his opinions, will be fitter for a discourse than writing.g Mr. Brereton resolves to be in London about the 25th of this month. He writes sadly. ‘A ship was cast away about three weeks since, going for Ireland, about four leagues off Holy-head. They say here, it was by a spout, or falling of a cloud, and that divers persons of quality (others say sixty in number) were there lost: not one man, and but two dogs (one whereof upon a plank) were saved.’ The letter is dated September 11.h I hear notha Clodius’s wife was Hartlib’s daughter Mary. Clodius’s letter to Boyle of 11 Sept. 1658 is not extant. b The ‘secret papers’ to which Hartlib refers have not been found. c Broghill’s return to England, to take his seat in the Upper House, was delayed by his involvement in electoral disputes in Ireland and an attack of gout. Consequently he did not leave for London until Feb. 1659. See Patrick Little, ‘Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill’ (above, p. 39), pp. 263–7. d For Henry Cromwell, new Lord Deputy of Ireland, see above, p. 216n. Hartlib refers to Richard Cromwell’s succession as Lord Protector after the death of Oliver Cromwell on 3 Sept. e See David Harley, ‘Pious Physic for the Poor. The Lost Durham County Medical Scheme 1655’, Medical History, 37 (1993), 148–66. f For Hartlib junior’s proposals, see above, p. 278. g Peter Stahl (d. 1675), Alsatian iatrochemist, taught chemistry at Oxford, at first in Mr Crosse’s house where Boyle lived and doubtless under Boyle’s patronage. He left Oxford for London in 1664, where he became (according to Anthony Wood), ‘operator’ to the Royal Society. See G. H. Turnbull, ‘Peter Stahl, the first public teacher of chemistry at Oxford’, Annals of Science, 9 (1953), 265–70 andFrank, Harvey (above, p. 66), pp. 51, 53, 76–77. h For William Brereton see above, p. 160n. Brereton to Hartlib, 11 Sept. 1658 has not been found.

292

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 2 Dec. 1658

ing yet of the arrival of Mr. Worsley, nor of Sir George Wentworth, our neighbour, who, they say, was in it, with all his family, expecting1 his eldest daughter, who could not be persuaded to go into Ireland.a I hope it is not true. But thus much is certain, that he carried two dogs along with him. There is also a secret whisper, as if my lord Bradshaw was departed this world in Cheshire, which, if true, is one of the saddest and most piercing news, that can befal,b Honoured Sir, your faithfully devoted, SAM. HARTLIB. I have not time to read over what I have written.

RALPH AUSTEN to BOYLE c. 7 October 1658 This lost letter is mentioned in Austen to Hartlib, 7 October 1658 (HP 45/2/5A– 6B). In it Austen records that he ‘made bould to write unto our worthy friend Mr Boyle (who is now newly come up) that he would please to stand my freind, & speake effectually in my behalfe unto the Lord Fleetwood; that his Lordship would please to doe something for mee at last, after many kind words, & faire promises: I know it were easy with his Lordship to prevaile with his highness for me, or to doe it himselfe, what my desire is; I have inclosed this Petition in Mr Boyles Letter; desiring he will please to procure it presented at an opportunity; (if he thinke it not meete to doe it himselfe).’c

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

2 December 1658

From the copy in R.S. MS 1, fol. 41v. Previously printed in Oldenburg, i, 192.

a Sir George Wentworth (1609–c. 1667) did not die in the shipwreck mentioned here. Wentworth’s daughter has not been further identified. b John Bradshaw (1602–59), presided over the trial of Charles I and was subsequently Lord President of the Council of State during the Commonwealth. He died on 31 Oct. 1659. c Ralph Austen (d. 1676), horticulturalist, was the author of Observations upon some part of Sir Francis Bacon’s Naturall History as it concernes, Fruit-Trees, Fruits, and Flowers (1658). For Fleetwood see above, p. 229n. ‘His Highness’ was Richard Cromwell, who had now succeeded his father; see above, pp. 280, 292.

293

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Ex literis Domine Boyle de 2 dec. 1658a There is a medicin, which a learned acquaintance of mine professeth himself to have frequently cured the Venereal Poxe, though radicated, without salivation or any mercuriall remedy whatsoever. And by this a Dr, you know, confeses himself to have gotten a greater sum, than twere discreet to repeat. This preparation (which is cheap and easy enough) I hope to send you to trade with among your philosophical merchants.b

HARTLIB to BOYLE

16 December 1658

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 282–3. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 115–16.

December 16, 1658. Honoured SIR, HAVING written last week two letters, and sent also a great packet with letters from Ireland, I did not write on Tuesday, not hearing of the receipt of any of them.c But yesterday I received the acknowledgment in your last of December 14, with the three books of Dr. Willis’s fermentation, for which I would have you returned, not only my humble thanks, but likewise those books, which I have enquired after, in Paul’s Church-yard, if I could have gotten them.d I am wondrous glad, that you have written of the present protector’s intentions for countenancing and advancing of universal useful learning in due time.e I had, by the last post out of Germany, in my learned letters, some passages of special importance, tending that way. I mean, about the care of magistrates, for ordering and improving of learning, and a purpose for drawing up a solid and handsom discourse, for a standing council of learning, how it may be rightly constituted to work out, without any noise and disturbance, a real reformation and advancement in all manner of literature. I shall now stir up the gentleman to elaborate such a discourse, he being of vast and excellent parts; and if I should tell his name, perhaps, not unknown to Dr. Wilkins, a

‘From the letter of Mr Boyle of 2 December 1658’. Boyle refers to Clodius, for whose preparation see Hartlib’s Ephemerides for 1655 (HP 29/5/38A). c Hartlib’s letters of week ending 11 Dec. and 14 Dec. are not extant. d Boyle’s letter is not extant. Hartlib refers to Thomas Willis, Diatribe duae medico-philosophicae (1659). St Paul’s Churchyard was the main location for booksellers before the Great Fire of London. e For Richard Cromwell see above, p. 280n. Contrary to Hartlib’s expectations, Richard did not support the Hartlibians’ projects. b

294

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 16 Dec. 1658

when he travelled beyond the seas.a My humble and faithful service to the doctor, who stands so nearly related to his highness,b letting him know, that I hope to see him not only made provost of Eaton college, (though my lord president had obtained the grant of it from his late highness, after the decease of my lord Rous) but likewise president of the forementioned standing council of universal learning.c I hope likewise, that the Lord will make your worthy self eminently instrumental for carrying on that design, upon that, or any other the like favourable either publick or private occasions. Mr. Dury told me, on Monday last, how that captain Shaine would have shortly a meeting of Mr. D. Dr. Petty, and himself, at my new house, to contrive and determine the way of promoting this very business as to the hopefulness from Ireland, the adventurers being bound, by the act of parliament, to allow, and set out, the sum of ten thousand pounds for schooling and learning in that country; of which I shall not fail to give you a farther account in due time.d But Anthony Pearson, the Quaker, is gone away per post last Saturday, not having performed his promises towards me.e I am sending to Calvert the stationer, to enquire, whether he have left any papers of husbandry with him for me, or promises to send them up with enlargements, of which he spoke likewise unto me.f As soon as I have heard, one way or other from him, you shall be sure to be acquainted with it. In the mean time, I beg the communication of the promised great mystery of husbandry, if you become master of it. I shall carry myself, in the concealing or spreading of it, as you shall please to prescribe.g My chemical son’s head and hands are much taken up with animadversions on Dr. Willis’s book, he having very great and clear reason and experiences to dislike very many particulars in it. But, no doubt, of this he will write himself; I shall carefully send the books a This gentleman has not been identified. For John Wilkins, who visited Heidelberg in 1650, see above, p. 144n . b John Wilkins had married Robina, Oliver Cromwell’s sister, in 1656. c Hartlib refers to Henry Lawrence, Lord President of the Council. See above, p. 193n. On the death of Francis Rous (1579–c. 1659), provost of Eton College, Nicholas Lockyer (1611–85) puritan minister, who had been chaplain to Oliver Cromwell, was selected as his replacement, presumably at Lawrence’s nomination. Hartlib’s plans for an agency for universal learning involved Boyle, Beale, Evelyn, Petty and Wilkins among others. d Captaine Shaine could be James Shaen, who served as a captain in Ireland in the 1650s, or Captain Francis Shane, who received money for Broghill in 1659; see CSPI, 1647–60, pp. 600, 685. For John Dury, also referred to here as ‘Mr. D’, see above, p. 56n. For William Petty see above, p. 64n. The Act of 26 Sept. 1653 authorised the reservation of confiscated lands for support of free schools to the maximum value of £1,000 in each county; Barnard, Cromwellian Ireland (above, p. 152), p. 186. After the death of his wife in 1658, Hartlib moved to the house of his son, Samuel junior, in Axe Yard, Westminster. e For Anthony Pearson see above, p. 222n. Pearson acted on behalf of Quakers during the Commonwealth. f Hartlib refers to Giles Calvert. For Hartlib’s and Boyle’s association with Calvert see Works, vol. 1, p. cx. g It is not evident what is here referred to.

295

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

to Mr. B. and Mr. Worsley.a But I shall impart, what he so triumphantly and confidently writes to a confiding friend of his in these words. ‘My dear friend, raise up yourself, be cheerful, comfort yourself indeed, and comfort all our friends in the faith and expectation they have of the glory to be revealed, and of the faithfulness of the making good the rich promises of God to his people, even forthwith. For, believe me, and believe also, I would not knowingly abuse you: and if you may receive any thing certain from me, then I can, I dare, I do assure you, I have seen, or heard, or been informed of that, yea so much of that glory now to be revealed, as I am not in fancy, not in imagination, but in sobriety and judgment, well assured, that when the /p. 283/ Lord shall really usher it into the world, (and that he may do, for any thing I know, in a few, it may be very few months) all the force that can be made in the world, will not be able to resist it. But it shall root, and it shall prevail, until darkness be wholly tumbled down, and confusion itself shall be wholly confounded and brought to nothing. And believe it, my true friend, this word is certain: for that must of necessity work powerfully and strongly, that hath the counsel and decrees of God to go along with it. And there is not the least part of that faith and hope I now declare to you, that is built upon man, but upon God, and upon the certain counsel, wisdom, and faithfulness of him, who perhaps will, before we are aware, cut his work short, and will put an end to all gainsayers.’ The letter is dated Nov. 20, 1658.b But of his Tractatus Tractatuum I cannot learn as yet any thing.c My humble thanks for your continued care to Mr. Haughton on my behalf.d Yesterday the writs (upon new considerations) of parliament were sent by a messenger into Ireland.e Some fear there is of a breach between us and France; but my lord Lockhart is hastening thither.f Mr. Dury is fallen very ill.g Mr. Needham told my son, that my lord Broghill was at London; but upon sending thither, there was no such matter.h

a

‘Mr. B.’ may refer to Richard Beke, for whom see above, p. 280n. This letter was from Clodius; it has not been found. c ‘Tract of Tracts’: it is not clear what is referred to here. d Hartlib possibly refers to either Samuel Haughton, rector of North Burlingham; Daniel Houghton (1636–72), educated at Eton, matriculated Magdalen Hall 1655 (Foster, Alumni); or Robert Houghton, for whom see above, p. 160n. e The writs were delivered to the Council at Dublin on 28 Dec. 1658. See CSPI, 1647–60, p. 677. f Possibly a reference to France’s dissatisfaction with the relinquishing of Dunkirk to the English as the price of help from England. Sir William Lochard (1621–76), English ambassador in Paris until the Restoration and General in command of English force at the battle of the Dunes. g A letter from Worsley to Lady Ranelagh indicates that Dury had recovered from this illness by April of the following year. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., p. 287. h Presumably Hartlib refers to Marchamont Nedham (1620–78), journalist, and author of Medela medicinae (1665), a controversial work advocating Helmontian medicine. b

296

CLODIUS

to BOYLE, [c. 1658]

ONE of his highness’s daughters died lately in the country.a N.B. By this very post I have sent a big packet with letters from Ireland.b

[c. 1658]c

CLODIUS to BOYLE From the original in BL 2, fol. 19a. 4o/1. Not previously printed.

Vir Nobilissime. Mitto Rob sambuci quod petiisti, item quæ in Ambra Japoniensi tentavi; ipse autem hæc attulissem nisi uxoris ægritudo vehemens me impedivisset, quæ etiam efficit, quo minus quæ jubebas in chartam conjeci.1 Me autem eorum aliquid mittatur, rogo eorum catalogum ut ad me mittere velis, et curabo, ut cras vel perendie ad summúm omnià parata sint. Circa quod tempus quoque in promtu2 pro te habe[bo]3 Laudanum cum auri tinctura paratum. Si Interea parum adhuc Ambræ Japonicæ et Moschi cujus aliquantulum mihi liberaliter offerebas mittere volueris gratissimum id erit. Cæterum vale et fave

Most noble Sir, I am sending to you the elder syrup which you sought, and also the things I have tried with the Japanese amber. I would, however, have brought these things to you myself, had I not been prevented from doing so by the sudden and serious illness of my wife, which also prevented me from putting down on paper those things you requested. But some of those things could, indeed, be sent by me; and I ask that you might be so kind as to send me a list of them, and I shall take care that tomorrow, or, at the very latest, on the day after tomorrow, every thing will be ready. Around the same time, also, I shall have ready and available for you some laudanum prepared with a tincture of gold. In the mean time, if you were so kind as to send me a little more of the Japanese amber and of the musk, of which you so generously offered me a small amount, I would receive it with very great gratitude. For the rest, I bid you farewell, and good fortune;

a For Richard Cromwell see above, p. 280n. Hartlib’s allusion may either be to one of his daughters or to one of his sisters, none of whom is known to have died at this time. b This packet of letters has not been located. c We have placed this letter here since it clearly forms part of Boyle’s liaison with Clodius in the late 1650s. For a reference by Hartlib to a letter from Clodius to Boyle, see above, pp. 291–2. Clodius’s wife’s illness, as referred to here, has unfortunately proved impossible to date, though it could have related to the difficulties in childbirth that she experienced, referrred to by Hartlib, loc. cit.

297

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

T. dum vivo studioss. F Clodio 1. In spiritu vini nisi probe rectificato non bene dissolvere potui. 2. In pulvere redigere non potui. 3. In aceti4 ‹spiritu› licet calore adjuvante solvatur, attamen cum eo non omnino miscetur, inde miror quare Bontius in Laudano suo parando, cujus magnam partem Ambra hæc constituit Acetum adhibeat.a 4. Non tam facile præcipitatur e spiritu Vini quam Ambra grisea quam solutam s maxima ex parte iterum deponit in frigido. 5. Tenacioris longe est odoris ligno caro [?] odorifero faciendo aptius item 6. In oleis ‹facilius›5 liquescit quam Ambra grisea. 7. Solutionem coloratiorem longe reddit quam Ambra grisea. 8. Cremata tamen non tam suavem odorem ut grisea spirat, sed odore picis liquidæ participat. 6

P.S. In case you would bee pleased to doe me the favour & to send me some few of your rose perfumes you will oblige me extraordinary.

Your most devoted, while he lives. F. Clodius 1. I was not able to dissolve it well in spirit of wine, unless it was thoroughly rectified. 2. I was not able to reduce it to a powder. 3. It can be dissolved in spirit of vinegar, although only with the assistance of heat; however, it does not wholly mix with it, and thus I wonder why Bontius, in his treatise on how to prepare his laudanum, of which this amber comprises a great part, recommends the use of vinegar.a 4. It is not so easily precipitated from spirit of wine as is ambergris, which, when dissolved in spirit of wine, for the most part precipitates out again when cold. 5. It has a much more persistent smell than rare wood and it is more suitable and more easily used for making perfumes. 6. It can be dissolved in oils more easily than ambergris. 7. It yields a more deeply coloured solution than ambergris. 8. But when it is burned, it does not give out such a sweet smell as does ambergris, rather, its smell is similar to that of liquid pitch. a Presumably a reference to a section of Methodus medendi Indica (1642), by Jacobus Bontius (1592–1631), physician to the Dutch East India Company.

298

BOYLE

to HARTLIB, end of 1658

For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq.

Seal: remnant only. Endorsed: ‘About our Ambergreece.’

BOYLE to HARTLIB

end of 1658

From the scribal extract, with title in Hartlib’s hand, in HP 65/12/1A–2B. 4o/2. There is also a copy in HP14/5/10A–11B.a

De Virtute Nucum Avellanarum Nec minoris sunt efficaciæ nuces avellanæ ante pastum comestæ, quæ à Cratoneb commendantur, dicente se compertum habere, non paucos sævis cruciatibus calculi diu affectos, usu avellanarum liberatos. Quod quidem diserte confirmat Amatus Lusitanus curat. 8. cent. 7. ubi sic loquitur.c Vir qui nephritim patiebatur, et de renibus non rarò capillos rubentes per virgam mittebat, multum querebatur; lumborum namque et iliorum, imò totius ventris dolores et rugitus sæpe sentiebat. Pro quibus abigendis symptomatibus; multis est usus remediis, frustrà tamen. At On the qualities of filbert nuts Of no less efficacy are filbert nuts, when eaten before a meal; these are recommended in the writings of Crato,b who says that he has found out that not a few people, who had long been afflicted with the tortures of the stone, had been freed from this trouble by the use of filbert nuts. Indeed, this fact is clearly confirmed by Amatus Lusitanus, in his Curationum, book 8, section 7, where he speaks as follows:c ‘There was a man who had a disease of thie kidneys and not infrequently discharged reddish fibres from the kidneys through his penis; he complained greatly as a result. For he often felt pains in his loins and in his groin, and indeed in the whole of his belly, and rumbling in the bowels. In order to remove these symptoms, he made use of a great number of a This is almost certainly an extract from a lost letter from Boyle. Its date is unknown. It has been placed here because it seems likely to have been at about this time that Boyle sent Hartlib this recipe, which is probably that which he had promised him in 1657, as we learn from Hartlib’s Ephemerides of that year (HP 29/6/23A). The Latin recipe and the English extract headed ‘Ex Literis Domini Boyle’ are in different hands, but they evidently belong together. b Johannes Crato von Krafftheim (1519–85), German physician and author of Consilium medicinalium (1598). c Amatus Lusitanus was the nom de plume of the Portuguese converso physician and anatomist, Joao Rodrigues (1511–68), who produced various volumes of Curationum medicinalium centuriae.

299

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

cum præter spem ex cujusdam commendatione avellanis in victu uteretur, liber et sanus a tantis affectionibus evasit. Consulerat autem illi1 vir quidam si morbum profligatum vellet, avellanas cum internis suis membranulis comederet initio prandii et coenæ. Cæterum ille remedium considerans familiare, non solum initio mensæ eas comedebat, et2 medio et fine. Quarum assiduo usu ita valuit, ut nunquam postea morbum persenserit. Addit Amatus Lusitanus in scholio. Non solum vir hic de quo agimus, per avellanarum esum, sanus ex hac mala affectione fuit, sed plures alii. Sunt autem avellanæ hæ vulgares ponticæ nuces dictæ,a quas Avicenn. inter eas medicinas quæ lapidis renum materiam absumunt, reponit.b Sed qua facultate operentur,3 dubium est; An forte sua siccitate et facultate in membranula interiore comperta? Sed non desunt alii, qui hoc operari sua nuclei parte4 oleosa contendunt. remedies; but in vain. But when he had lost hope, he made use of filberts as food, as a result of someone’s suggestion, and emerged quite well and free from all these serious afflictions. A certain person had advised this man that if he wanted to get rid of this illness, he should eat filberts with their little internal skins at the beginning of his lunch and dinner. But he, considering it to be a friendly remedy, made a habit of eating them not only at the beginning of his meals, but also in the middle and at the end of them. And by the continual use of this remedy, his health improved to such an extent that he never felt any effects of the illness after that time.’ Amatus Lusitanus adds in a marginal note: ‘This man about whom we have been speaking is not the only person who has recovered from this serious affliction as a result of the consumption of filberts; but many others as well. These are those common filberts which are called Pontic nuts,a which Avicenna places amongst those medicines which consume the substance that makes up stones in the kidneys.b But it is unclear by what faculty they operate; perhaps they act by their dryness, and the faculty lodged in their little internal skin? But there is no lack of other people who claim instead that they have this effect because of the oily part of the kernel.’

Ex Literis Domini Boyl.c The Receipt, that is sent you against the Stone, by the use of Filberts, I have formerly found commended by so many good Authors, that I began to make triall of it upon myselfe, but was, by some intervening avocations hindred from continuing the use of it long enough, to make a compleat Experiment. Riverius commends, as a succedaneum to Filberts, the eating of bitter Allmonds instead of them, which is a more promising Medicine, & upon triall, I thought, I found it very diureticall.d a

i.e., a kind of hazelnut. Pontus is the Black Sea. i.e., the Persian philosopher and medical writer, Avicenna (1214–94). c ‘From the letters of Mr Boyle.’ d Boyle refers to Lazare Rivière (1589–1655), French physician. b

300

[WORSLEY] to [BOYLE], [late 1658–early 1659] Endorsed on fol. 2B: ‘Filberts good for the Stone’.

[WORSLEY] to [BOYLE]a

[late 1658–early 1659]b

For the version in a scribal hand in HP 42/1/28A–33B and 60/2/1A–4B. Fol/2 + 2 + 2; 1 + 2 + 1 (perhaps originally two sheets folded together).

Deare Sir I received about 2 daies since your large Letter with severall Communications for which I most kindly & humbly thancke you; especially for your great care & mindfullnes of me in that Businesse to Sir K. Digby whose answers if full & particular will1 much oblige mee.c I shall therefore persevere in renewing & insisting on my former Petition still to you in that matter. I thancke you Sir particularly for your description2 of the new Clockes or Dialls which I have oft writt about, but never had so much satisfaction as untill now. It much quickening & adding a kind of life to mee to heare of anything growing to a perfection, That being the State to which I expect the sudden motion or concentration of all things. The prospect of which also the Lord hath in some measure placed in my eye. Two or three things neverthelesse I shall desire to bee further informed of; ‹1st› whether there bee noe possibility of applying this new motion to portable or pocket watches. 2ly Whether that of Fromantells rare clock with a double spring be the same with this of Hugenius (as I presume they are not) & if not the same, which is the more exact.d 3ly Whether this new motion will not be inconstant through any change of weather, as it is supposed all other motions are. 4ly What small aberrations this new motion3 are [sic] observed to make according an exact a This letter bears the name neither of its author nor its recipient. It survives in two parts in two different locations, in different scribal hands, but the second part has corrections in the hand of the scribe who wrote the first. The two parts cohere, the second ending halfway up a page in the extant copy; however, the abrupt ending suggests that yet another section could be missing (see below, p. 318). It was clearly written to a member of the Oxford Experimental Philosophy Club who also had links with Digby; this points to Boyle, and that it is indeed to him is confirmed by the reference to a cure for ‘red water’ which is associated with Boyle in other letters of the period; see below, p. 304. As for its author, Worsley is a strong candidate, not least since the major part survives in a bundle of MSS in the Hartlib Papers mainly written by or concerning him. It is conceivable that this is the letter from Worsley to Boyle of which Hartlib requested a copy in his letter to Boyle of week ending 30 Apr. 1659; see below, p. 344. b For clues as to dating, see below, p. 304n. c The letter to which this is a response is not extant, and hence it is unclear what information about clocks and watches it gave. For Digby, see above, p. 99n. d For Ahasuerus Fromanteel, see above, p. 279n. He made the first clocks in England which used the pendulum escapement invented in 1657 by Christiaan Huygens (see below, p. 463n.).

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calculation by the Sunn within the space of a compleate months Time. 5ly How farr this observation or exactnesse hath beene putt to Triall. 6ly Whether the subdivisions of howres into minutes, & 2ds which I take to bee the most usefull distribution of the measure of time, be exactly answerable the one to the other. I should also be very glad to have a briefe of those 3. systemes of Saturne & his Planet, vizt. Hugenius, Gassendus, & Wrens, & wherein they principally differ, as also to know whether any thing hath beene of late more accurately discovered in the Heavens then formerly or anything new.a And especially to know the ground in supposing Mr Wren hath the longest & best Telescope in the World, That proposition being not only generall but exclusive & therefore I presume grounded on a knowledge that is perfect: which I would bee glad to heare as also who was the happy constructer or maker of it.b And now wee are fallen upon opticall experiments I shall acquaint you that I did about a yeare or somewhat more since, propound to myself a history of Opticall Experiments the better to augment ascertaine & illustrate the science itself & by improving that, to improve also the further power & benefit of the Art. In order to which I had drawne a Scheme or series of such exact Tryalls to bee made & registred, as if begun would easily freely & orderly follow & give light one to another. And by which (though I did but only ‹a little while pursue it) I found many things more worthy also to bee made publicke, then those things commonly written or knowne: I shall only›4 instance one or 2 for your recreation sake. /42/1/28B/ Æmulating a little the vanity of Sir Paul Neale, & Mr Reeves in glorying that the Art of erecting the figure by Convexes was a skill in reference to the Rule & exactenesse of it, proper only to them.c And much doubting as well upon severall experiments made not by myselfe only, but others, & by the very nature of refraction itselfe, & the difference of it allmost in every individuall glasse, though ground on one & the same Toole: Whether really & truely a man can have any Rule at all, that was certaine in that case I meane in reference to the computing the exact proportions of their distances one from another upon supposition of their respective Diameters; I adventured to seeke a direction5 rather more blunt ready & mechanicall. After a few Tryalls I saw I had not only found out the mystery of erecting the figure by convexe glasses, but had found out a medium also to place each glasse so at his due distance that I could rectify somewhat even the setting of them by the great a In 1655–6 Huygens discovered the satellite of Saturn and published De Saturni luna observatio nova (1656). He subsequently discovered Saturn’s ring; see Systema Saturnium (1659). Gassendi had earlier made several observations of Saturn, recognising the ring in 1650; see his Commenataria de rebus celestibus in his Opera omnia, 6 vols (Lyons, 1658), iv, 467–8. Christopher Wren (see above, p. 178n.) studied the problem of Saturn’s appearance with the virtuoso Sir Paul Neile (1613–86) in c. 1655; see Albert van Helden, ‘Christopher Wren’s De copore Saturni’, NRRS, 23 (1968), 213–29. b For Wren’s telescopes, see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 170–1. c Richard Reeves (fl. 1640–79) was a London instrument maker. For Sir Paul Neile, see above.

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Masters of the Art. And that this I could doe in Tubes of all lengths & in changing or shifting any ‹of›6 those convexes from their places or in putting in of other convexes one after another. My boldnesse wherein made mee proceede to7 vary my experiments severall waies; And these still led me more & more to see the necessity of a Hystory of 8 this kind rather then Books (which my Lord Verulam doth justly commend for the augmenting of all manner discipline & Art whatsoever)a For whereas I tooke it as granted that the Convexes, if not of equall diameters, would not render the objects cleare & that these being alterd the Object would hardly bee seene. I found the contrary & that convexes of unequall Diameters ‹will doe best; yea that by proportioning these in severall unequall Diameters›9 one to another & the furthest of them to the object glasse. The object may be much greatned & the experiment alleadged by Wiselius possible to be effected, viz. that a Tube of 6 foote may augment the object this way equall to a Tube of 12. foote in the ordinary way,b which I thought became me thus at large to acquaint you of, to improve as you see cause with the rest of those worthy persons that are with you.c Having proceeded myselfe only thus farr, as I tell you, & giving it over again, partly in reguard I grudged the time it ingrossed from other exercises; partly & mainely, because I wanted those workemen that were necessary; & no person either to assist mee, or to exercise mee in those Tryalls. And for as much as you have beene pleased to lett me know that you have beene making experiments in darke roomes, I shall also acquaint you, That if all that Hevelius saith may bee relyed upon, I have ground to judge it /42/1/29A/ possible to have more exact discernings of the faces & appearances of the planets by such a kind of Contrivance represented on Concave glasses then by the ordinary way of Tubesd especially if we would a little more study the specula concava (vel parabolica, vel sphærica)e & have them of the segments of large circles. And now having given you these 2 hints if you will command me any thing more particularly in these experiments, for10 the clearing of any thing I shall willingly readily & gladly doe it. Yet further. Our Frind Hartlib Senior writes mee a passage out of one of your Letters, wherein you mention an Observation of that singular judicious & Industrious Physician Jacobus Bontius Methodus Medendi cap. XVI de Jecore Lamiæ Piscis, which you desire him to take notice of.f This coming to my hand from him I thought a Bacon often emphasised the importance of histories of inventions and arts; see, e.g., De dignitate et augmentis scientarum, III. ii. 2, and Novum organum, ii. 31, in his Works, ed. J. Spedding, R. L. Ellis and D. D. Heath, 14 vols (London, 1857–74), iii, 332–3, iv, 171. b Wiselius was an instrument maker in Augsburg. c A clear reference to the Oxford Experimental Philosophy Club. d The reference is to Johann Hevelius (1611–87), Danzig astronomer, presumably his Selenographia (1647). e ‘concave, parabolic or spherical mirrors’. f The reference is to Bontius’s Methodus medendi Indica (see above, p.298n.).

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good to acquaint you, that Bontius being a Low-Dutch man had this experiment as I presume from his Countreyman the plain honest yet more expert Physitian of his Age, Forrestus, who giveth you a more full & expresse Account of this fish, & the excellency of the liver of it for the eyes, lib. XI. Observ. XXXV.a Where & in the Scholion upon it you will find as much as you can desire for the particulars of it, as also of other remedies against the same distemper that are methodicall. I say I presume they doe meane both one & the same thing, because they are for one & the same effect, & chosen out of one & the same part vizt. the Liver of the fish, & mentioned as a specificum by both, though first Bontius & he differ in the name. Bontius calling it in Dutch Een Haye, Forrestus, in Dutch, Aelpuycke. Bontius by the Latine name intimating it to bee a sea fish, & of the larger sort; the other a River fish, & such a kind as is small & as wee call sand eeles. Bontius commends the Liver also internally to bee eaten with salt. Forrestus makes no mention at all of the Livers use inwardly but only of the oyle outwardly. Bontius seemeth to applye it to the eye itselfe, the other rather to the haires of the eyelid being contented that the eye receive as it were the odor11 or Influence of it. Notwithstanding all which differences upon consideration that Bontius might possibly mistake the name or might want a name in Latine to expresse it by, for as much also as Forrestus is much more accurate & particular then Bontius is, & doth speake rather his experience then history, I doe beleeve or at least incline to thincke /42/1/29B/ the good old man was more in the Right. Though I also wonder wee should have no more mention12 made of it in later writers, being a medicament so easily gott in Holland & so highly extolld by him. Our Frind Hartlib also sent me a Receipt from you, said to be certaine for the Red Water, which is a disease that is mortall in great cattell, being common Vitriol taken in Ale.b To requite you for which I shall also acquaint you with a medicine said to be as certaine against the Rott in sheepe & and farcy in horses which is to the former 4 ounces to the other double the Quantity of the Infusion of the Antimony Cup boyled in ale & so given inwardly the cattle being first brought into the house. And now Sir I could be very glad with you that wee were for some time at a lesse distance then wee are at present more freely & largely to discourse of our medicinall & Philosophicall Principles, the rather because you have power (if ever the Lord bring us to13 meete)c to challenge from mee the free discovery & plaine a

A reference to Observationum et curationum medicinalium libri XXXII (1587–1610) by the Dutch physician Petrus Forestus (1522–97). b Beale in a letter to Hartlib of 21 Dec. 1658 (HP 51/52A–54B) refers to ‘Mr Boyle’s comended experiment to cure the red water’, though he expresses his preference for his ‘old shepherd’s’ cure for it in a subsequent letter of 11 Feb. 1659 (HP 51/74A–75B). The cure for red water is also mentioned in Moses Wall to Hartlib, 6 Feb. 1659 (HP 34/4/25A–26B). See also Boyle to Hartlib, Jan. 1659: below, p. 321. c This could be taken to imply that the author of this letter had never met its recipient; however, it is more likely that he meant ‘meet again’ but worded it carelessly.

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demonstration of those principles which I have acquainted you with in generall, & which seeme as yet to bee the most certaine, usefull & necessary of any I have mett with in my owne thoughts to begin a sollid & practicall foundation of medicine upon. And which I must needs say, the Lord was pleased to14 lead me much into from that Essay I had laid upon myselfe; for discovering the Traine or series of natures operation in those Cures wrought by the sympathetick powder, of which I before wrote to you. The whole doctrine that is propounded lying first in a diligent inquisition of the nature & essence of Health. 2ly In a search after those particulars which are necessarily requisit for the constitution of Health. 3d In comparing & dilucidating these by other universall & particular Instances in Nature of bodies perfect. This being a certaine & unerring rule, that wee doe best measure imperfection by perfection; but not the contrary. The perfection of health therefore & its true definition, & wherein it doth in truth really & immediatly consist, must bee first knowne, asserted & demonstrated, & that not singly only, but out ‹of›15 the generall course of nature; & this must bee first agreed upon before we can upon a certaine ground determine the Rise causes & diferences of sicknes or distempers according to that of Galen: Medicum priùs cognoscere oporteat id quod est secundùm naturam, deindè id quod præter naturam.a The narrow, strict & discriminating Inquiry lyeth therefore in the particulars (really, truely & demonstratively) of the naturall constitution /42/1/30A/ out of which health is said16 to be the Result what they truely are, how many they be, in what principally placed, & this how it may be proved. These 3 things thus premised the next Inquiry is what may dissolve this naturall & well constituted Oeconomy of nature, or how many waies it may possibly bee dissolved. 5th Whether it be possible to assigne all the causes of the dissolution of natures Oeconomy that they are neither more nor fewer nor may be possibly, that they are these & noe other, & how that this may bee proved or will consist with the generall Course of nature. 6. How these causes being supposed to be such only & soe many only as they are described will answer to all those things that occasions commonly such & such distempers, as are familiar. 7. How these causes being supposed will answer to the severall specifique experiments of the Empiricorum, to the severall Methodus17 medendi Galenistarum, IatroAstrologorum, Paracelsitarum, vel IatroCHymicorum, Helmontistarum & Adeptorum. For there being in all these 6. sects of Physitians something that is certaine & experimentall, something also that is as distinct & peculiar as it is true. There cannot therefore possibly be any true & certaine grounds of Medicine I meane especially of the Aetiologicall or Pathologicall part of it, That will not answer to all things of certaine knowne & familiar experiment a

‘It behoves the physician to recognise first what is according to nature, and then to recognise what is beyond nature’. Galen used a division into natural, preternatural and non-natural in his treatises De pulsibus and De Praemotione; see C. G. Kühn (ed.), Claudii Galeni opera omnia, 20 vols in 22 (Leipzig, 1821–33), viii, 455 and xiv, 607.

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in the cure of healinge. And here I shall acquaint you freely with some other exercises of this nature. First, that it is one thing to use a method in healing & cleare another thing to resolve within a mans selfe the grounds & manner of its operation. And therefore though Physitians may perhap be justifyed in part of their practise, & particularly in the use of Catharticke medicines, which (with all respect to Helmont) must not be wholly disallowed & condemned as absurd because contrary to some appearance of Reason when the successive experience of so many Ages as from the time of Hypocrates & upwards have by certaine proofe found the benefit of them & allowed them. Yet the Schooles may perhap justly be condemned & taxed for absurdity in the reasons they give, or grounds they propose for the justifying of that Practise, especially in the frequent & indiscriminate use of them. For though any Person whatsoever may bee tolerated in the use of those things he hath often experienced yet if for that good which by experience he hath found; he can assigne no ground or cause in nature or if hee assigne such as ground & cause only as is ridiculous unintelligible or inconsistent with other principles, He will never bee able to gaine the opinion of being rationall or Methodicall. In like manner it will bee with them who will maintaine Purges & the use of them, because they doe /42/1/30B/ select out & carry away those humors that are bad, vitiate & corrupt or who will maintaine them because they have a power to ‹cause›18 a fermentation. The first of these Reasons being wholly disagreable to experience & sound Judgement to the confession also of some Physitians themselves. The latter rather telling us how they doe purge, then how they do good. He therefore that will establish an Aetiology (or doctrine of the causes of distempers) certainly, must lay downe such, as are only consistent with the generall experiences & methods used in Medicine in all ages & nations. But such also as must resolve the right grounds for & use of all such method. 2dly It is considerable that if men will institute Cures of distempers by & according to a method, the method & wayes of removing distempers must necessarily then bee adequate to the several grounds or causes of the said distempers. And if wee at any time either wholly decline the method we institute, or do confesse the method itselfe in all it’s parts to bee insufficient, wee doe by that plainely declare that our understanding of distempers & their causes is no lesse insufficient. But that the Method of healing is sometimes declined, & all its parts plainely declared to be insufficient in some distempers is most manifest by all their writings & practise in the Plague, in spotted & pestilentiall fever, in poysons & venemous bytings of serpents, & in whatsoever manifestly commeth by contagion or Infection in all which distempers, as no solid Physitian that I know of dare to Justify the constant letting of blood, or prescribing of Purges as a course rationall methodicall or Judicious; so none of them doe thinck alterations which is the 3d part of their methodicall19 helpes to bee ‹in this case› sufficient. They in all these Classes of dis306

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seases being forced only to seeke one sort of Remedy which is specificall & which they by a generall name call Alexipharmaca. The diseases themselves & indeed their Scholia Judgement or Observations upon them: The infinite variety of symtomes attending them together with their owne method, & prescriptions for the cure of them, all plainely declaring that though they are not only Reall but perniciously mortall distempers, yet they neither arise from or immediatly consist in an excesse or distemper of the 4 first qualityes nor in a Plethora nor in a Cacochymia but in some other thing, which yet hath received no name from them. 3dly He that will endeavour to lay true & sure grounds for the reformation or augmentation of the Art of Medicine must likewise not only have a respect to the severall methods & Rules (for the practise of it) among Physitians, but also to their observations or Hystoryes20 which really & truely are the best & choycest grounds to build a Judgement upon in /42/1/31A/ Physick. In reguard that first among them we finde many things out of the common rule of Practise & therefore the more observable. 2dly We may by these more purely observe the course, way & method of nature. Now among other observations wee shall frequently finde the mention of such who after all things have beene used that might bee propounded Rationally & Dogmatically & that alltogether in vaine, yet have beene recoverd afterward by some sleight & inconsiderable meanes. Wee shall find also, that many using those helpes that are very familiar & common & such as are judged free of any noxious harmefull or poysonous nature. Yet have fallen frequently into very direfull & horrid symptomes & into very dangerous & grievous passions. Both which sort of Observations have their dependency upon the matter upon one ground & are no more strange in nature then that Eggs should be abhorrent to some, cheese to others, eeles to a 3d A Breast of mutton to a 4th. I know a great Lady at this day of your acquaintance also, whom Honey of Roses, either outwardly applied or inwardly taken will bring unto death.a No marvell then, if wee sometime finde Syrup of Violets, sometimes a gentle infusion of Roses, sometime sennes, sometime Rhewbarbs,21 sometimes Aloes, sometimes Zallop, sometimes an alternative potion or decoction only of some pearles produce such sad symptomes in nature as they speake of which neverthelesse must be upon record as wonders & things exceedingly to be admired by them who, 1ly Consider the powere of nothing to have any deeper roote then the Crasis or proper temper arising from the mixture of the 4 prime qualityes, who 2ly Consider not there is a sense not only in the mouth of the stomack but even in other parts of the body much more subtile, then that we exercise either by Tast or sight or smell. Who. 3ly Know not or22 consider not how or which way things may propagate the vertue power or force they have upon other things unto an extensive sphære of a

This figure has not been identified.

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Activity as is manifest by the bites or stings principally of those 2. little Creatures the Scorpion & Tarantula. Who 4ly know not how to distinguish between the precious & immortall minde of man: & this rarefiable, coagulable & corruptible spirit in the pulse & Arteries of us which a little meate, drinke, passion23 or anything in excesse so soone disorders. Fourthly He that will lay any sure grounds for the Reformation or Instauration of the Art of medicine must in some measure know what is the Roote of death in every man (An inquiry that wee finde hath beene taken up by none of the least or meanest of Physitians. An inquiry also that may have another manner of solution then is perhap commonly given) /42/1/31B/ What also & in what consists the roote24 ground or head of all venom or poyson. For it may be did wee rightly know all the Gates & Avenues of death wee should not thincke it either Enthusiasticke or Ridiculous either to affirme or to expect a freedome ‹or›25 Liberation from the common state of mortality & corruption: which state there are some perhap in the earth also (though not knowne save unto some few) who presume & that not without ground they shall see. And shall wee see that some things have a power to intoxicate others a power to make us dull drowsy forgett, other things to make the exercise of our senses for a time wholly lost to us. Shall wee say also all these effects & so the power & vertues of these plants do depend on naturall causes. And shall wee forget that common action, Quod contraria sunt sub eodem genere.a Or shall wee bee soe weake & inconsiderate as to thincke there is any power that is purely Physicall which hath not another Power to counterpoyse & Ballance it & to equall the contrary effects of it. Nay consider Sir if this be not plainely to taxe the great buylder of nature for bringing forth a System, The powers & parts of which are disproportionate & irregular. It being very warily to be (as well deepely) considered, as distinguished by us (viz.) between what powers are in nature symply; & what powers only doe appeare to us. Betweene things really & truely excellent & incorrupt; & really & truely existent (though lying & remaining hid) & things outwardly defaced & corrupted. Shall wee argue with the common husbandman that there is no medicine able to sure his distemper, because there is not vertue enough in a Possett made with Pepper to doe it. Will not any Physitian smile at such a Rash & hasty Conclusion. And is it an argument of a more excellent stampe or of greater26 strength, or betraying more Judgement to Reason or conclude that there is no possibility in nature to avoid Corruption or to free from that death or mortality common to man: because there is nothing in the Apothecaryes that being administred will bee able to effect it. a

‘That contraries fall under the same kind’.

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Shall wee say that there is no power or possibility in the flesh or kernell of the Wallnut to nourish because it is coverd with a shell /42/1/32A/ that is woody & hard or with an outward rinde, that is bitter27 unpleasant & loathsome to the stomacke. But perhap Sir you will easily object that the comparison are not equall & that death is not to bee considered by us as a subject that is barely Physicall, or as a Power that may bee placed upon a equall or indifferent Poyse in nature. But as that which is necessarily laid upon all men; & which wee finde to depend upon a fatality or decree; the force of which can bee avoided by none, & that therefore all the Philosophy that can be spent about it, especially as to any Præmunition or fence against it is but a meere vaine & empty speculation. To this I humbly answer Sir That man when by the change of his (Guide or of his Leader or) Light; he had misled himself into another more darke & different condition then that wherein he was. And when by the change of it, he fell from Paradyse & became changed in the very nature, Powers, principles & Operations of his life; was as truely subjected to death as he had submitted himself unto darkenesse. Yea death was made both necessary & inevitable unto all, in all, & over all where darkenesse doth & did remaine. Darkenesse introducing lust, lust sinne, sinne death. Neverthelesse wee are expressely to know, that this subjection or this state of mortality, or the capability of it; as such did not, nor doth not extinguish that spirit in man that hath life in its roote. For though it is manifest that darkenesse hath covered the face of this great & wide & indefinite Deepe (I meane the wide or deepe or indefinit soule, minde, or spirit of a man) so that it seeth or knoweth or perceives nothing, when it comes into the World that is like unto itself) so also as that for a time it putts forth no motion28 or operation that is proper to it, or that may distinguish it from the common nature of other visible & sensative Creatures. Although also there are whole Nations both at this day & in all former ages over whom this naturall darkenesse hath so much power, force & prevalency, that during their whole life they are very hardly to bee distinguished from the common & brutish nature. And in whom nothing seemeth to shine that may demonstrate them to bee of a more excellent order. And although therefore to him /42/1/32B/ that shall consider the generality of men, & the generality of their Actions this plunge or immersion of the soule in darkenesse & sense seemeth desperate.29 And indeed wholly unredeemeable. Yet if on the other hand wee compare the actions of a man with that of a child: the actions of a civilised Nation with that of a salvage & barbarous, the actions of a learned Philosopher,30 Mechanicke or Mathematician, with that of a Fisherman or common Tradesman. The science of a Schooleman, of a Caballist of an Universall Schollar with that of a Ideot or common Clowne. I say if wee consider the strange Bookes that are written the many subjects handled the severall Arts Invented, The multitudes of Lawes enacted & the subtility of that Policy & 309

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Government among men that is used, wee shall not bee able but justly to admire how the soule should so much recover herself & should arrive at such an advantage & pitch above itself at first & above the Rates of others also. So that wee may cleerly see that that Darkenesse that did at first so totally cover it, & not only soe but suppressed as it were the whole motions of it, yet was not able to null the powers of it nor for longer then a short time to conceale it. This being thus carefully premised (which shall desire you seriously to consider) let us then in the 2d ‹place› weigh whether this darkenesse wee speake of be laid upon us by a fatality or necessity or no, & doubtlesse you will grant. 1. That though all men come into the world alike darke, yet all men live not in the world so alike, some having raised & angelicall spirits while others are but Brutish & sottish. 2. That as no man hath a priviledge above another to be borne with any knowledge, so it falleth not upon any man afterward by accident: without his owne labour, search, study & Travell for it. 3. That the beginning of this knowledge & the acquisition of it so farr as diligence & assiduity of labour & paines is spent or used for the Purchase of it. Consists much therefore in a mans owne freedome & Liberty. 4. That neverthelesse not only this freedome & liberty but even all manner of desire & industry in man to this end, would have /42/1/33A/ beene vaine & fruitlesse at least in comparison: had not God himself afforded meanes for the improving, incouraging, & advantaging of him in his spirit & knowledge. As is manifest by the different Nations & Ages of men, where, & when the Gospell or true Religion of God has been worshipped. 5. That besides the variety of meanes God hath affoorded to man for the enlightning & redeeming of him, Hee hath31 further made a promise to give wisedome, & to give his spirit to them that shall aske it; or in the sense of their owne want & darkenesse, shall seeke to him faithfully unfeignedly & syncerely for it. 6. That as hee hath in no part of the Scripture limited this his promise & gift of light, of knowledge, of Wisedome & of the Spirit. But will at all times give yet more grace & more, if we continue lowly, poore & humble under it. And are willing to owne ourselves free Receivers of it & debtors to him for it, & as Stewards also in the faithfull disposing it so he hath in divers places incouraged much an extraordinary hope or expectation of fullnesse in this kind. To bee more especially fullfilled in the latter daies. The performance of which as hee has in some measure begun & given the earnest of (to such as hee has given discerning to see it) so the full accomplishment of those promises & times is not in vaine expected from him. 7. It cannot bee denyed therefore but there is a plaine possibility held out in Scripture for our being recovered out of the bondage, power, darknesse or naturall blindnesse of flesh & our sense by the light, power spirit & wisedome of God. But it is certaine, that hee that willeth not the darkenesse of any willeth not the death 310

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of any.a Death therefore is not for these reasons made absolutely fatall & necessary by God which was the thing indeavoured to be proved. 8. For if this bee granted (viz.) that there is plaine promise & therefore a possibility of our Recovery from the blindnesse of sense promise & hope of the changing of our lives, (viz.) of the changing of that life which is now usually according to flesh & sense into that which is a life according to & in the spirit. 9. But it is manifest that where the Roote of life is changed, there the Consequences /42/1/33B/ attending it are changed. As a state of darkenesse therefore is a state of weakenesse, so a State of light is a State of power. As a state of darkenesse & sense & brutishnesse is a necessary & inevitable state of corruption & death, & cannot as wee acknowledge possibly be otherwise; so a state of light & exercise of power according to the spirit is a state of a life, or a state above the Power Reach or comprehension of death, We conclude That (10.)That therefore which is not possible to the ordinary humane learning & wisedome of man may be possible to man by through &32 in the Wisedome of God. That which is not possible to the utmost power of flesh or to the utmost comprehension of Reason, so farr as it stayes or leaneth33 itself upon sense & the dictates of flesh. May be possible to the power of the spirit of man when coming to understand itself & to bee acquainted with the powers & priviledges of itself. That which is not possible in one age is not to bee concluded simply impossible as to all ages. & so that which is not possible in one dispensation is not to be concluded impossible in or under all dispensations of times. Thirdly to discusse this question yet a little further. If we aske who is the author or hath the proper power of death it will presently bee answered, the Divell. For soe sayth the Scripture expressely Hebrews 2d. 14. ‹2dly› But the same that hath the power of death is by the same scripture styled the Prince & him that hath the power of the aire.b 3dly He is called a Murtherer by the Scripture & one that is soe (as well as a Lyar) from the beginning; Intimating that our death how or by what meanes soever caused is that which is gracefull to him & stands in the will & desire alwayes of him.c 4thly As none therefore can truely Murther but the Divell, so neither hee but as he is a Creature; & as his Rule & dominion is permitted to him in the Aire. 5thly Working as a Creature he workes only by the power of nature. We conclude therefore That the Divell doth not otherwise bring man unto death (unlesse by a speciall & extraordinary permission) then by those wayes as he bringeth all other things to a state of Corruption: vizt. by Rarefaction & Coagulation & so by Introducing into things an alteration of their genuine State & the condition proper to him. Now if man have a power in his spirit greater then that of the Divell who is no more than a spirit, nor so much indeed as one of our spirits. If man also through the wisedome of his a b c

The allusion is to Hebrews 2, 14; see further below. See Ephesians 2, 2. See John 8, 44.

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spirit knoweth how to temper the aire how so to correct it or medicate it as to avoid the evill Influences of it. If man also by wisedome knoweth wherein the roote of sicknesse death & Corruption stands in himself & hath the healing Water of an incorruptible fountain discovered to him. All which wee must plainely say we beleeve Possible, then Death for this Reason as well as for the former is not fatall. This as perfect darkenesse or a perfect privation of all actuall knowledge (which is the state that every man hath when he commeth first into the world) doth not make null nor can possibly extinguish that Roote of Light & Truth that is in us so a perfect Corruptiblenesse & obnoxiousnesse to all manner of Physicall passion, misery & death how much soever to be acknowledged by us doth not take away, or can make frustrate, the power of life or possibility of Redemption that doth as truely & virtually (as the light itself) lye hid in the spirit. /60/2/1A/ Look also how certaine the promises are for a full restoration or restitution of the spirit unto it’s owne propper & pure light soe certaine the consequencies are that it shall be then likwise restored unto it’s propper strength power & life. Look therefore how much we ought or may Justify our faith in the one soe much we may & are to warrant our expectation in the other. Wherefore Sir that we may not seeme to affect some opinion onely to amuse you or to rave (our selfs) after some strang fond & confused notion. To the end also that we may not be at all suspected to trifle with you in a debate soe serious & weighty but may prove our selves sober to you. We will crave leave to resume againe somewhat what we have said; & to lay downe our apprehensions or sense of the debate in a more close or strict method & order; & that according to the following propositions. Pro. 1 First That Death as it had noe entrance at the begining into Adam, soe noe power fatality or necessity over the Posterity of Adam since. by or from any Law or Decree of God originally or Inevitably occasioning of it He (not soe far as we read in his word) either appointing of Death, or requiring any thing of his Creature, tending or leading in the least to Death. But on the contrary, expressly præcautioning against that which might be an occasion of Death, & giving noe other Institutions to Adam then what was for the preservation of his life. God therefore for ever blessed (who is incomprehensably holy & sacred above any Nazarite) giving that pure Law to the Nazarites (Numbers. 6. 6. to the 13) is to be for ever held by us free himselfe both from the death of any & of all persons from partaking34 also at all with their Death, & from defiling himselfe with the least touch or approach to the chambers or borders of corruption. Pro. 2 That Death can much less draw a power soveraignity or absolute necessitie from it selfe or from some unknowne Accident or Fate. Pro. 3 That Death therefore according to a true Analysis of it had at first & soe ever since a 3fold entrance & continuance of its progress into the world 312

[WORSLEY] to [BOYLE], [late 1658–early 1659]

1 By the malice of Satan who first formed or found out the way of it who is ever since the Lord or President of all the practice or magick leading to it. 2 By the introducing of darknes & misleading the spirit from its true light & guide to the giving heed unto & the being led by a lye. For it doth & will at all times import us to know /60/2/1B/ that the spirit is reckoned the propper subject always of that Prince whose light it obeyeth & yieldeth submission to. Man therefore at first forsaking his propper head & Guide (who is the word the way the light & the truth) & turning himselfe unto the guidance of Satan tempting of him (though unknowne perhaps to him) through an outward glory or representation cast into him by the spirit of the world was immediately made subject in35 his spirit to the said spirit of the world whose enchantments had prevailed upon him, noe sooner steping out of the way of light & truth; but he stept into the way as of darknes, soe of Death. Giving now soe much a further power ‹& advantage› to satan to destroy him by how much through this subjection of his spirit to the vaine moveable & deceitfull spirit of the world, Satan had the greater power for the future to deceive him. It being worthy of our remembrance of this Rule also (viz) That the power of Satan to murther & destroy any doth arise from his power to deceive. And therefore as he had never killed or destroyed our first parents had they never beene deceived by him soe neither is he now able to murther or destroy [any]36 of us (I understand all man’s posterity) any otherwise then as he becometh a lyer first to us. Let us therefore look back a little & take a survey of Death’s first entrance & we shall not find37 Death did precede a lye but a lye preceded death. Neither did Death come into the world by one & a lye by another. But he that first brought a Lye into the world the same was he that brought in death first into the world. If therefore we can by the scripture be led to find out who was a lyer from the begining John 8. 44. we shall by the same scripture be as clearly led to find out (both the first cause or occasion of Death and) who was from the first begining a murtherer. And now as we have noe warrant in scripture to assigne death a more ancient date then what is subsequent to the deception of man soe for as much as we find both these to enter at first together or necessarily to follow one another not onely then but ever since all along it would be noe lesse then a ‹grosse›38 absurdety to entertaine a Phancy of any being of Death before: seing such an imagination will imply a contradiction in it selfe while we give ourselves leave to conceit either that Death was before it was or that death could stand in life it selfe or /60/2/2a/ that a lye could consist with reality of being though contrary wholy to truth Ens summum being you know the same with Ens rerum but if it be not to be doubted that death came in by a lye & did necessarily follow a lye it is then much more unlawfull 313

.

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abominable & sinfull in us to assigne death in whole or in parte (directly or indirectly or by any manner of destruction whatsoever) to any other Author either as the Hatcher39 Contriver or approver of it then the Devill who alone is by the scripture call’d the author & father of lyes. For if when he speakes a lye he speaks of his owne (as the Lord Christ sayth) then doubtles whatsoever he40 effects from or by that Lye imediately is noe lesse his propper ‹owne› also. If he be the first author fountaine Parent or father of a lye (before whom consequently there was noe Lye in being) if also the turning to a Lye be the onely & undoubted cause of falling from life & being put into a condition of death the[n]41 must he that first conceived a lye first conceive death he that first hatched a lye be the first that hatched a Cockatrice egge he that first brought forth [a] lye be the first that brought forth death he that first willed & delighted in [a] lye be the first that willed & delighted in death; then42 can we assend noe higher possibly for the first date rise principle ‹or cusor›43 awakening of death then to him who is the devill, who is Satan, who is a lyer & who is a murtherer who was soe from the begining or entrance of both & who gave begining & entrance to both more perticulerly therefore as God blessed for ever can possibly neither lye nor deceive, nor share nor pertake with a lye nor with a deceipt As God blessed for ever can neither will a lye nor approve a lye nor delight in a lye but is contrary wholly unto a lye, at the same distance must the purity of his nature & holines be also from the causing willing liking partaking with or delighting in death it selfe or in the death (& misery coming from death) of any person whatsoever As hath been already said in our first Thesis or proposition & may be from hence further confirmed as he also hath witnessed44 declared & testifyed of himselfe by his severall apostles & Prophets Ezekiel 18. 23. 31. 32. chap. 33. 11. 1. Tim. 2. 4. &c. for by how much as his holines & puritie hates & abhorrs a lye by soe much he must necessarily45 hate & abhorre death & all the wages of it & this is the second meanes of Death’s Entrance into the world the first being by the malice of Satan the second by the working of that malice in bringing forth a lye & deceipt through the Cover of the spirit of the world. /60/2/2B/ 3 The third & last meanes of Death’s entrance or Progress in the world is by Satan’s absolute power over the Flesh; or rather over the ayre, & that spirit of the world of which the Psykikall sensative sanguineous soule of man (which is common to him & to the rest of the bruitish & impersonall nature) is but one parte. And by Satan’s goverment & dominion over which spirit he hath a power to alter the whole frame & Oeconomy of this our outward & humourall substance ‹& by an undue Rarefaction & Coagulation of the said humours & substance,›46 to introduce a corruption or Deorganization into the body. The alpenetrating, Insanguinall indimensionall indissipable spirit of man not being able to oppose or resist in the meane time this inevitable motion or rotation of the spirit of the world together 314

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with the Periods & aspects of it upon her flesh nor yet able to defend this her wedded (‹Physikall›47 & organicall) consort as not being recovered out of that state of weaknes & emasculatenes into which she is necessarily throwne by being subject to the Rule & light of the spirit of the world & of the flesh & to the light of the Fancy or Imagination that riseth out of the Flesh which is while the imagination or Fancy of man continually impresseth the Pure spirit & mind; and though false, giveth lawe to her more then the truth itselfe & the nature & Entrance of Death being thus analized our 4 Proposition is Pro. 4 That as death is thus not fatall from any decree of God nor fatall from any secret and unknowne desteny that is incomprehensable to us soe not absolutely fatall & necessary to man cloathed with the Flesh the true grounds & causes of it as aforesaid being admitted or taken for granted. 1 Because we have already cleared that all other notions (received traditions) & opinions of the48 fate or causes of Death being set aside we are to ascribe it wholly to the Devill, & to him alone without any other as he who ‹first› found out the49 secret way of it gave entrance & begining to it or who first raised it out of that incomprehensibility50 Potentialitie or deepe where it had for ever otherwise lay hid. His Pride glorying itselfe in that Magick & power that he hath usurpingly got for the effecting of it & in that he is the sole King Lord & President of it. 2 Becaus that the power of this his wickednes & malice is not able simply & absolutely to introduce or cause death without meanes. 3 That the fatalitie of death therefore cometh onely by the close & inseperable linking or connecting one meanes to another in a strict & continued Traine series or ‹chaine›.51 /60/2/3a/ 4 That the series of this fatalitie is after the following order (viz) by 1st darknes subjecting the pretious spirit or mind in a man to the Flesh (that is) to be led (& to have ‹his› reason & understanding informed) by the light of sense, by the light of ‹his› imagination (or bruitish seing part) by the light created by the spiritus mundi all which are one. To the guidance of any which when the spirit hath ‹once› voluntarily submitted it selfe (its reason understanding & discourse) it is throwne downe from its owne true station & seate. 2dly Through this subjection introducing & kindling a lust in the spirit of man to a union with the spirit of the world & with the outward light glory & splendor of it. 3dly And for as much as the desire giveth Increment to the soul every soul or spirit growing both in bulke as its desire is more or lesse powerfull & strong & growing in nature according to the nature of that with which & into which its desire is fixed & placed Through this desire or lust therefore of the pretious mind or spirit of man after an union with the outward light glory or goodly appearance of the52 spirit of the world (which desire or lust the scripture calls sin as being the roote of all sin) the spirit or mind ‹itselfe› doth53 insensably & by degrees trans315

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forme it selfe & ‹is› become transformed into the very Natu[re] of the spirit of the world soe loosing & by degrees insensably puting of its owne nature which is a spirit of light 4thly By this Transformation or change as the spirit of the world is fraile, brittle changable & subject to all manner of motion & alteration soe in like manner is this most pretious spirit of man after it hath through its owne voluntary desire (lust or will) cloathed itselfe with54 or by espousing put it selfe into the nature of the spirit of the world Its owne nature constancy fixednes imortalitie (all which were & really are at the birth of every man hid in the roote of this his spirit being utterly lost. Wherefore for as much as the Devill hath an absolute soveraignitie & power over his owne creation (which Creation55 of his is this outward light glory & spirit of the world) though he cannot rule really in much lesse over the light yet he may rule over the darknes, though he cannot rule over the truth he can rule over the falshood though he cannot rule over the spirit of man as it is its owne nature (yea is really affraid of our spirits) yet he can rule over our spirits when they are changed into flesh & when by & through their owne will lust & consent they have spoyled themselves & deposed their owne natures, in exchange for the vaine fraile & perishing nature of the spirit of the world. /60/2/3B/ 5thly By this we see this whole chaine is the work fabrick & contrivance of the Devill being indeed (which is worth our observing) not our chaine onely but his chaine & the very chaine in which he ‹hand A: himselfe› is held & reserved, for the one end of it reacheth into death & the other end of it is fixed in darknes the intermediate links being lust sinne unrighteousnes which chaine therefore doth really & truly compasse Circle or hedge in the way’s of the Devill his path being wholly in darknes his way’s leading to death through Lust sinne unrighteousnes & out of these (vizt) darknes lust unrighteousnes death he can noe way goe 6thly Let us concider as it is impossible56 to break this fatality soe it is as impossible to hinder another. As therefore no power in heaven or Earth can dissolve the lynk of Death that dissolves not first the lynk of lust or of unrighteousnes & sin in the roote of it which is the appetite nor any power can dissolve the Lynk of unrighteousnes & lust that first dissolves not the lynk of darknes soe it is equally as impossible for any power in hell to withstand the dissolution of death after there is really a dissolution of darknes & of unrighteous Lust supposing therefore or affirming our naturall darknes may be totally dissolved & our spirits really recovered into their true originall & pristine light we may as lawfully warrantably & boldly suppose & affirme that the strength & bonds of death may be loosed. Supposing also beleiving or affirming that there is noe probability of proving a decree or fatality to lye upon man for the holding or keeping of him in the present darknes that he now (partly through Custome partly through the force of false principles & Education) is in we may & ought to suppose there is noe possibilitie 316

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of proving a fatalitie or decree lyeing upon man allway to hold him in a state of death in which he also now is. Supposing likewise57 on the contrary that there is an absolute decree for the ‹totall› dissolving58 of the works of the divill 1. John 3. 8. & for the recovery of man out of this present state of darknes herein we must suppose there is as certaine a purpose & decree for the recovering & seting him free from a state of death & that the time of the one will be the time of the other Supposing therefore the time of the one is at hand we must suppose the time of the other is at hand also. We conclude59 therefore That if death be not fatall simply nor fatall from any decree of God nor fatall from any unknowne destinie or power nor fatall from the true meanes manner or cause of its entrance into the world & into the Posteritie of man it is not nor cannot nor ought not to be esteemed fatall /60/2/4a/ at all. But the contrary is to be both expected & affirmed by him who hath the spirit light & understanding of a man given or restored to him but especially by him who hath faith & lives in the faith of the power life & neerenes of the spirit of the Lord Jesus, who is blessed for ever & ever amen You see deare Sir how large an excursion I have made to unfasten an opinion that may perhaps have gained upon you as well as upon most or neare60 all of the world. That death to man is altogether fatall & unavoidable. You see sir that I indeavour to lead you to the certaine beliefe that the power of death the causing making & introducing of it is but from the power of a meere Creature. That the whole magick therefore of it is naturall Posterior to the power of a creature & comprehensable within the spirit of man. That the causes of it are partly Physicall partly mysticall or Theosophicall That the dissolving of it therefore must proceed partly from a wisedome given from above. from him who is the true wisedome & who came to destroy (& will suddenly destroy) the works of the61 devill partly from a true light wisedome & understanding (which cometh by the same [spirit])62 in the things of Nature & from an exact [know]ledge of the dependance of these Visable & inferiour bodyes upon the more Visable & superior & upon the motions of them & the Varieties,63 harmonies, & discrepancies of the said motions. Lastly I did endeavour by all these to manifest to you that such is the care & goodnes of the Lord Christ & of his Providence over man (who is our head) that as the Devill hath introduced into this world his Venome I meane poyson into the nature of severall simples & living creatures on purpose to destroy & take away the life of man soe the Lord hath introduced an antidote far more powerfull for the preserving the life of man. That as he hath infected some symples that doe intoxicate or weaken the braine or understanding of a man soe the Lord hath put a power in other simples to strengthen & quicken it. 317

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That as he hath had his Veneficia whom he hath instructed in this his art of poysoning incantation & sorcery soe the Lord & his Helias is about & will have their schoole of Candidati who shall instruct the world to avoid the snares of the Devill.b And with this wee will ‹at present› conclude our 4th ground for the Instauration or restitution of the Art of medicine. Viz. To know where the roote of life & death lyes ‹hand A: & what it is› & how & on what it doth depend in every man. /60/2/4B/ A 5th ground for the restitution or right Instauration of medicine is That whereas the generality of Phisitians have sought out the medicinall properties of things in a blended & confused manner as they were joyned with neutrimentall. And whereas they have rejected some things as not possible or64 capable rather of being medicinall becaus not alterable or capable of becoming nutrimentall; soe different is this from the true wisedome of Providence & from that order & rule that is set in nature that indeed & in truth, those things onely are most highly medicinall whose properties or capacities are furthest of from being nutrimentall. ‹And those things that are most properly nutrimentall, As they are least medicinall soe they are most putrefiable.›65c

a

‘Poisoners’. This is a reference to God and his various ‘Elias’ or ‘Elijahs’, various prophetic movements and their aspirants which looked forward to the coming of the Messiah. c The text ends at this point, in the middle of a page. It may well be incomplete. b

318

— 1659 — Lost letters dating from 1659 are as follows: Wotton’s list (above, p. xxvii) contains the following: No. 21 ‘Dr Sharrock 59’. This is unlikely to be Sharrock’s letter to Boyle of 26 January 1660, since that clearly bears a new style date (see below, p. 400); it may therefore presumed to be a lost letter. Nine lost letters, from the second Earl of Cork to Boyle, dated 5, 12 and 26 March, 22 June, 16 August, 5 and 12 September, and 10 and 24 October, are mentioned in the second Earl of Cork’s diary (above, p. xxvii–xxviii). Of these, Cork notes that the letter of 12 March enclosed bills of exchange, that of 24 October enclosed Captain Smith’s account, while that of 12 September was ‘consenting to his proposall for Glenrushe’. John Smith or Smyth (d. 1688), was Boyle’s agent in Ireland. He was the son Sir Percy Smyth of Ballynatray, County Waterford, and grandson of Sir Richard Smyth, who married Mary Boyle, the first Earl of Cork’s sister. The first Earl of Cork had left Boyle his mortgages of land in Ballytowran and Glenerush; see Townsend, Life and Letters (above, p. 30), p. 481. Two lost letters from Boyle to Oldenburg of 18 March 1659 and Oldenburg’s reply of 11 April 1659, are mentioned in Oldenburg to Hartlib, 25 June 1659 (Oldenburg, i, 270). Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Boyle to Lady Ranelagh, early January 1659 (below, p. 321). Second Earl of Cork to Boyle, 11 March 1659 (below, p. 323). Hartlib to Boyle, 2 April 1659 (below, p. 327). Boyle to Hartlib, before 5 April 1659 (below, p. 326). Boyle to Hartlib, 9 April 1659 (below, p. 352). Hartlib to Boyle, 16 April 1659, and Boyle to Hartlib of the same date (below, p. 338). Boyle to Hartlib, 23 April 1659 (below, p. 343). Hartlib to Boyle, 7 May 1659, and Boyle to Hartlib of the same date (below, p. 350). 319

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-21

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Boyle to Hartlib, 14 May 1659, and Hartlib to Boyle of the same date (below, p. 352). Second Earl of Cork to Boyle, 20 May 1659 (below, p. 359). Boyle to Hartlib, 28 May 1659, and Hartlib to Boyle of the same date (below, p. 357) Smith to Boyle, c. May 1659 (below, p. 360). Boyle to Walter Pope, before 10 September 1659 (below, p. 364). Hartlib to Boyle, 18 October 1659 (below, p. 376). Three letters from Hartlib to Boyle, before 22 October (below, pp. 376–7). Hartlib to Boyle, 12 November 1659, and Boyle to Hartlib of the same date (below, p. 373). Hartlib to Boyle, 22 November 1659 (below, p. 388). Hartlib to Boyle, 26 November 1659 (below, pp. 387–90) Boyle to Hartlib of before 29 November (below, p. 392). For other lost letters, placed by date, see below, pp. 347, 376, 383, 387, 397.

BOYLE to SECOND EARL OF CORK

29 January 1659

From the original in a 1650s hand, signed by Boyle, at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 30, no. 83. 4o/2 Not previously printed.

Oxford Jan 29th 58/9 My dearest Brother Haveing written the enclosed & apprehending least Sir William Parsons’s ‹death› or another occasion may have calld away my Sister Ranalaugh from Youghall before my letter come thither I am oblieg’d for feare it should prove useles to the purpose for which it is design’d to take the boldnes to beseech You in case of her absence to open & peruse it.a The Contents concerning as well Your selfe as a For Sir William Parsons see above, p. 82n. For his association with Broghill and Samuel Hartlib’s projects in Ireland, see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 63–5. Lady Ranelagh had been at Youghall in Ireland for some time, possibly since Apr. 1658; see above, p. 268n. The enclosure was presumably a letter to Lady Ranelagh; it is not extant.

320

BOYLE

to HARTLIB, Jan. 1659

him that begs Your pardon both for giveing You this trouble ‹soe soon after my last letter› & for the abruptnes wherewith his hast makes him subscribe himselfe My dearest Your most affectionat most faithfull & most humble servant Ro: Boyle. These To my dearest Brother / the Earle of Corke at Youghall in / Ireland present Post paid to Dublin 8d1 Seal: Achievement of arms: three lozenges; crest: an arm embowed. Endorsed ‘Jan 29. 58 From my brother Robin about the purchase of the morgages.’

BOYLE to HARTLIB

January 1659

From the extract in Hartlib to Beale, 29 January 1658/9, in Royal Society Collectanea Newtoniana, vol. 3, item 19. In the course of this holograph letter, after discussing various remedies for the stone, Hartlib writes: ‘I received another Letter from Mr Boyle in these words’. He then quotes the text given here, concluding: ‘Thus far our noble Solicitor General of Learning’.

The New Engine for /19 (1)v/ improovement of Silke mentioned in your Letter I like very well as the Inventor pretends by it to set many poore Women and Children to worke.a For otherwise such kind of contrivances though oftentimes very beneficial to those that devise them, are of very little advantage to the World. I thought I had when I mentioned the Experiment against the Red Water, told you likewise the Quantity of Copperas that was to bee emploied.b But however according to your Comands I spoke with the Communicator of the Experiment once more who tels mee that the chiefe trial hee has known made of it hath beene upon Sheepe and Horses, and that a Smal spoonful of the Salt at a time is to bee boyled a little in about a pint of strong Ale, and so given the Sick Beast as a Drinck.1 I am a b

It is not clear on what invention Boyle is here commenting. For Boyle’s interest in a cure for ‘red water’, see above, p. 304.

321

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

very glad that Isaacus Hollandus his Opera Vegetabilia are coming forth.a For I have beene very desirous of that Book, but could never yet procure it. Only I met in an old shop with an Epitome of some Part of it, which I stayed not long in cheapning. I forgot in my last to tell you that our profoundly learned LibraryKeeper Mr Barlow, doing mee the favour to give mee a visit soone after I had received from you Dr Horn’s Enquiry concerning the Bishop of Armagh’s Works.b I discoursed with him of them as desiring to have such excellent things made publick and shew’d him the learned Drs Paper2 as I had received it from you. Wherupon Mr Barlow told mee hee had resolved to put out those excellent remains of the good Bishop but desired mee to give him leave to prefix or annex the Paper I had shew’n him which I consented to without feare of displeasing Dr Horne as supposing that the Testimony 3of so Learned a Stranger given unsought for in a privat and unsuspitious Way and the Writings of so worthy a Prelate and great a Schollar will bee neither of them injured by appearing together especially since their seemed to have intervened something of Providence in so /19 (2)/ unexpected an accident.

BOYLE to/from HARTLIB

5, 12 February 1659

From a set of copy extracts, some of them in Hartlib’s hand, dating from 1659–60, in HP 8/9/1A–17B; the Boyle extracts are on 8/9/3A–B.c

Mr. Boyle Oxford Febr 5 59. I shall bee glad to heare something more of the Optical Lanthorne you mention, though the contrivances hetherto known seeme not to multiply Light but only to gather and direct it however men are generally pleased to thinke otherwise.

a Little is known about the figures called Isaac and Johann Isaac Hollandus (possibly father and son). Under these names various alchemical tracts with Paracelsian influences circulated from the late 16th century onwards. The work referred to here is Magistri Isaaci Hollandi opus vegetabile et animale (1582); the edition to which Boyle refers was published in 1659. b Thomas Barlow (1607–91), librarian of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, was in 1660 to publish an edition of Usserii … chronologia sacra, the work of James Ussher, archbishop of Armagh; see above, p. 40n. The enquiry came from Dr Georg Hornius (see above, p. 162n.), professor of history at Harderwijk and then at Leiden. c This set of copy extracts all relate to this ‘optical lantern’. A copy of one of them is to be found in BL 7, no. 15; see vol. 6, p. 422. The second extract presented here may have been sent to Boyle, but the way in which it is presented is ambiguous.

322

BOYLE

to SECOND EARL OF CORK, 26 Mar. 1659

Feb. 12. 59 / to Mr Boyle1 Mr Figulus hath seene the Optical Lanthorne at Amsterdam. the Inventor being very well acquainted with Mr Comeniusa It’s admired for its excellency and usefulnes there being besides the Metalline Looking-Glasses an other Glasse in it which makes it shine like a2 Sun whereby the Light is wonderfully /8/9/3 B/ multiplied and diffused from all sides. Th[e In]ventor3 can make several sizes of them [both] smal and great for lesser or larger roomes.

BOYLE to SECOND EARL OF CORK

26 March 1659

From the original in a 1650s hand, signed by Boyle, at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 31, no. 1. Certain words or parts of words are missing due to damage by damp at the top of the letter. The signature is significanly spaced at the bottom of the page, linked to ‘Servant’ by a wavy line. Not previously printed.

My Dearest Bro[ther] I had acknowledgd [your letter of] the 11th of this month by the last Post but that it was1 brought me when I was to leave London in order to my returne hither where I am (I thanke God) safely arriv’d, & hope for more conveniency to take some thing for the confirmation of my health then I could promise myselfe at London, that place being alway’s very disorderly & now very sickly too.b The Bill of Exchang You sent me for the third hundred pound I got accepted the day after I came away, But as for the conveyance I am to signe to You of the Mortgages, I think it would be requisite either that You be pleas’d to referre the drawing it up to Mr Palmer, or some other in London, or at least that I consult with him about the forme of it,c because I made over a pretty while since those & ‹some› other Mortgages to Feoffees /fol. 1v/ in trust for securing of my Creditors & among those Feoffees I made bold in the first place to put Your name as of the Person I had most reason to confide in Soe that as to the forme of the conveyance, It would I thinke be proper to have as much as this Feoffment of mine makes requisite ‹to be soe› sent You over from London (neare which I have taken Lodgeings for this Summer with an Intention (God permiting) to returne to them about a month or five weekes hence)d But as to what els is on my part to be done, I hope You will easily a For Peter Figulus, see below, p. 391; for Comenius see above, p. 194n. The inventor was Stephen Keush. b The 2nd Earl’s letter to Boyle is not extant; for a letter from him to Boyle dated 12 Mar. see above, p. 319. c Boyle possibly refers to Dudley Palmer (1617–66), lawyer, virtuoso, F.R.S. and member of the Royal Society’s council 1662–6. d On Boyle’s whereabouts in 1659, see Works, vol. 1, pp. cxxix–xxx.

323

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

beleive that it shall not be refus’d: Nor will I dispose of a penny of this three hundred pound that You have sent me over, till I be ready to make You a Conveyance of what you pay it for & at worst I can when I please (though not without some trouble & charge) annull that Feoffment. I am much oblieg’d to You for what You were pleas’d to doe towards the recovery of my land detained by Capt Purdon2 And I hope You will doe me the favour to sollicite Capt Smith to be diligent in that busynes wherein Mark Whitby’s relict is concern’d.a The advice You give me about Capt Smith himselfe I give You my humble thankes for & I long to heare that you have receiv’d his accounts for this very week he writes to me after the old rate & now /fol. 2/ seemes to …3 retract he has made as …ly has to provide sufficiently for him even[?] for the future Soe that Your further Directions about that particular will be very welcome to My Dearest Brother Your most affectionate most faithfull & most humble Servant Ro: Boyle

Oxford March 26t 1659 4

I am my Deare Sister’s & Your young Lady’s most humble Servant.b These To my Dear Brother / the Earle of Corke / at Youghall in Ireland Present / Post paid to Dublin 6d5 Seal: example of seal on Boyle to second Earl of Cork, 29 January 1659 (see above, p. 321). Endorsed ‘March 1659 From my brother Robin about Glenrushec and Cap Smith’.

a

Purdon is possibly Captain George Purdon of Ogonelloe or Ogenella, who was among those pardoned at the request of Broghill in 1661. See CSPI, 1660–2, p. 318. For John Smith see above, p. 319. For Captain Marcus Whitby of Fermoy, County Cork, see above, p. 185. b For the Earl’s wife see above, p. 111n. Presumably, Boyle’s grammar is at fault here as Cork had not one but six daughters, two of whom died young. See above, p. 116n. c The land in question had been inherited by Boyle from his father; see Townshend, Life and Letters (above, p. 30), p. 481.

324

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 5 Apr. 1659

BOYLE to HARTLIB

before 5 April 1659

From the extract printed in Worthington (above, p. 177), i, 125–7.a

I am glad that learned Dr. Horne is answering Vossius new Chronology, which /p. 126/ methinks is veryconfidently written, considering the difficulty of the subject. The Ceres, upon whose history he builds so much he scarce gives us any account of, nor can I meet with anything concerning that nation, unless a little in Purchass Pilgrimage.b I hope the good Bishops of Armagh’s unpublished chronological labors will very quickly be put forth by Mr. Barlow, who is now returned hither, & whom the next time he comes to see me, I intend to ask concerning the particular time of their publication.c Mr. Wren has given me a visit, and has promised me, that he will suddenly fall upon the business of Telescopes in his Public Lectures at Gresham /p. 127/ College, of which I hope to obtain copies, when he has read them.d Mr. Pococke has lately translated out of Arabick something of an Arabian physitian concerning coffee, of which papers, because he will suffer very few to be printed, I enclose you one.e

HARTLIB to BOYLE

5 April 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1774), v, 283-4. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 116–17

April 5, 1659. Honoured SIR, YESTERDAY I received some part of your answers to my several letters, which were very welcome, but that I am extremely troubled at the ground of hindrance, that would not suffer you to enlarge yours upon the other particulars.f My son’s maid fell sick last week of an ague, but by God’s blessing upon the use of that powa This extract is given in a letter from Hartlib to Worthington, 20 Apr. 1659. Its date is suggested by the fact that Hartlib evidently responds to it in his letter to Boyle of 5 Apr. b For the attack on Isaac Vossius’s chronology by Georg Hornius see below, p. 326n. The Ceres have not been identified. Boyle refers to Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage (1613). c For James Ussher, archbishop of Armagh see above, p. 40n. For Barlow and his edition of Ussher, see above, p. 322n. d For Christopher Wren see above, p. 178n. e For this text, printed at Oxford at Pococke’s expense, see below, p. 327n. Only two copies are known to remain from the very small print run, one in the Bodleian Library, the other in the British Library. f Evidently the letter printed immediately before this one.

325

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

der, which he got from his new acquaintance, she is in a very hopeful way of a perfect recovery.a No doubt himself will write concerning salt cornu cervi, or that other medicine; at least I have done my duty in obeying your commands. When these holy-days are over, I shall cause very diligently to acquaint myself about Mary Rant and her writings; for I have not only now, but very often, been importuned heretofore on her behalf.b Dr. Horne owes me a large answer to a letter accompanied with many communications, so that I do not intend to write to him again, till he hath given me an account of them.c Both Vossius and Horne are two notable learned men, so that we may justly expect some extraordinary performances in their extraordinary undertakings or encounters.d I beseech you to favor me with the first notice, when those so much desired chronological labours of the late worthy of Armagh are come out of the press, that I may send a copy of them to the learned doctor at Leyden.e I shall endeavour to inform myself the best I can, concerning the way of making saltpetre out of sea-salt.f I wonder, that Mr. Worsley, that was one so hot upon this subject, both for writing and acting, hath been so much cooled in both respects.g I wonder also not a little at his perverse and obstinate silence. Mr Wood gives no other account but ‘Dr. Worsley is not yet returned out of the country, but is well there, for ought I can hear.’ Thus far he, the letter being dated March 21.h Concerning the instrument of catching and condensing the sunbeams, I have a promise of a large account from Mr. Morian.i But whether he shall get leave to reveal the way, which the adeptus, who is with him, doth use in the a

Clodius’s new acquaintance was possibly I. F. Harprecht; see Webster, Great Instauration, p. 302. b For Mary Rand see above, p. 290n. This is presumably the origin of the query that Boyle sent to Hartlib in a missing letter. For Hartlib’s information on Mary Rand see Oldenburg to Hartlib, 20 Apr. 1659, in Oldenburg, i, 219–20. Mary Rand’s prophecy on the transmutation of gold is mentioned in Beale’s letter to Hartlib of 22 Mar. 1659; see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 392–3. c For Georg Hornius, see above, p. 162n. It is not clear whether Hartlib ever received this account. d Isaac Vossius (1618–89), Dutch historian and philologist. e Hartlib refers to James Ussher, archbishop of Armagh, for whom see above, p. 40n. For his Usserii … chronologia sacra (1660) see above, p. 322n. Hornius published a Dissertatatio de vera aetate mundi (1659), based on Ussher’s work and attacking Isaac Vossius’s chronology, established in his Dissertatio de verâ ætate mundi (1659). f Making saltpetre out of sea salt is mentioned by Johann Rudolph Glauber; see Partington, History of Chemistry (above, p. 174), ii, 353–4. g On Worsley’s work on nitre see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 377–80, and Newman and Principe, Tried in the Fire (above, p. xvi), ch. 5. h For Robert Wood see above, p. 221n. For Wood to Hartlib, 21 Mar. 1659, see HP 33/1/48A– 49B. i For Johannes Moriaen, see above, p. 66n. In 1659 Boyle paid special attention to the so-called celestial magnets, which were supposed to catch a universal spirit from sunbeams. See Oldenburg, i, 212–14. Moriaen produced an account of a related experiment in 1658; the account Hartlib was hoping for either never came or was lost. See Young, Faith, Medical Alchemy and Natural Philosophy (above, p. 66), pp. 170–2.

326

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 5 Apr. 1659

philosophical work, he cannot yet assure me of.a The answer of Mr Pocock to the Turkish queries (which are very seriously made) will be very acceptable, if it can be procured.b I thank you heartily for the printed paper of coffee, which will be gustful no doubt to your coffee drinkers, and who perhaps may add as many more good observations from their own experience, as the Arabian physician hath done.c Is the philosophical figment under the press? Dr. Worthington told me huge commendations of it.d I shall not be unmindful of your commands to Mr. Oldenburg. In my last on Saturday I should have added the following lines, wherein he has answered to some of my former desires.e ‘At present I have nothing else to send you, than what I promised to some of my former, viz. Mr. Becker’s Argonautick invention, which, if practicable, as well at sea as in a model, would certainly excel most inventions that ever were devised.f There are many considerable things in it, which if he be able to put in practice (as in the end he saith he hath done heretofore already, blaming withal that famous and rash undertaker at Rotterdam) he were worthy to be crowned.g In the interim such kind of men should be some long time conversed with, and some expences hazarded by liberal entertainments, to get their familiarity and affection; after which they will more easily be induced to discover themselves and the depth of their knowledge.’ The questions, which he proposes to me, are these. I pray give yours the trouble to ask, whether the book called vulgar Errors of Dr. Brown be translated into French or Latin, or any other language, and acquaint me, with it by the next.h Lastly he adds a word or two concerning the French publick affairs. Here is a strong rumour of a peace between France and Spain, though I think it nothing but a trick of policy, for to dash the plottings of discontented people here, and to give them hopes of that quiet, which they desire after so long and exhausting a war as this hath been.i Of our parliament publick a

Hartlib may be alluding to Franck Remeus, for whom see above, p. 175n. This is a reference to Edward Pococke (1601–91), orientalist and biblical scholar, and professor of Arabic and Hebrew at Oxford. Presumably Hartlib refers to Pococke’s assistance in the translation of the Bible into Turkish. For this endeavour see below, pp. 381, 384. c Hartlib evidently refers to Pococke’s translation of David Antiochenus, The Nature of the drink Kauhi, or Coffe … described by an Arabian Physitian (1659). d It is unclear what work is referred to. For John Worthington see above, p. 247n. Worthington’s letter to Hartlib has not been found. e Hartlib to Boyle, 2 April 1659, is not extant. f For Becher see above, p. 286n. Becher’s ‘Argonautick’ invention was a ship of war which could also move under the sea. It is mentioned in letter from Oldenburg to Hartlib of 18 July 1658, Oldenburg, i, 187–9. g This is possibly Simon Davis, inventor and constructor of scientific instruments, who is described in a letter from Hartlib to Oldenburg, 7 Mar. 1659, as ‘a licensed watchmaker of the city of Rotterdam’, Oldenburg, i, 204. h The first published translation of Thomas Browne’s Pseudodoxia epidemica was in Dutch (1668). No Latin translation was published. The first French edition appeared in 1733. See G. Keynes, A Bibliography of Sir Thomas Browne (2nd edn, Oxford, 1968), pp. 51–70. i Hartlib probably refers to the negotiations leading to the Treaty of the Pyrenees, ratified on 7 Nov. 1659. b

327

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

affairs I have no mind to write. The debates for some days have been only about the act of a solemn fast, that it may be published in the name of his /p. 284/ highness and the parliament, but not of both houses of parliament.a For there are new debates risen about not transacting with the other house of parliament, till their bounds be first stated and determined. The army is coming to deliver their petition about indemnity.b Just now my son Clodius sends the enclosed.c When he was with me this afternoon, he was admiring the great stones, that were come away this night from me; but though I remain still in woful torments, yet I must subscribe myself ever, Honoured Sir, your entirely devoted, S. HARTLIB. SIR, the Argonautick invention cannot be written out, but must be deferred till the next occasion.d

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

11/21 April 1659

From the copy in R.S. MS 1, fols 44v–6. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 301–2, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 143–4 and Oldenburg, i, 213–17.

A Monsieur Boyle Sir, If I had so rich1 a stock ‹of power›, as I ‹can say with truth I› have2 of desires, to requite your favor, which imparts to me the substance of 3 the processe to make Ens veneris, and promises the circumstantial part thereof at your returne to Oxford, I am persuaded, you would find no fault ‹with me in point›4 of generosity. In the meane while, I beg this other favor of you, to accept my humble5 thanks for your liberality and to assure yourself, I shall so manage it, that it shall ‹diffuse a

The public fast was proposed on 30 Mar., to seek the blessing of God against erroneous opinions and practices. The republican opponents of the Protectorate tried to persuade the Commons to refuse to recognise the Cromwellian upper house, but the declaration for the fast was carried to the upper house on 14 Apr. See J. T. Rutt (ed.), The Diary of Thomas Burton, 4 vols (London, 1828) iv, 300–1, 334–5, 426–7. b The army’s petition was delivered on 6 Apr. to the Lord Protector, Richard Cromwell, who forwarded it to Parliament on 8 Apr. See Ronald Hutton, The Restoration: a Political and Religious History of England and Wales, 1658–1667 (Oxford, 1985), p. 36. c The enclosure from Clodius is not extant. d See above, p. 327n.

328

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 11/21 Apr. 1659

itself›6 no further, than the limits ‹you put me.›7 As it rejoyceth me, when I heare, your health permits you to poursue your designe of writing Essays, So it8 afflicts me, when any distemper hinders you from it. The subjects9 I understand you have been working upon last, vid. ‹that› of fire and the production of plants and animals supposed spontaneous, is a very considerable one, and deserveth to be managed by10 such conceptions and such a pen, as yours.a Concerning the particulars you would be informed ‹about›,11 I can in the first ‹place› tell you this much of Mr Bochart, that we have made ‹some› acquaintance with him here at Paris, some 2 or 3 weeks since, where he hath been to poursue some12 law busines, but is returned to Rouën in Normandy, his constant dwelling-place.13b We visited him twice in the inne, where he lay, and as we understood afterwards, he hath been twice in our lodging to render our visits, without finding us at home. A person, ‹that› seems very knowing, and ‹that› deriveth14 his knowledge not from ‹any› conversation with Chymists (who in his opinion are ‹too›15 penurious in communications, remaining16 ‹only› in generals and ‹consequently› in the dark, whence one can learne litle or nothing) but from17 working in books and /fol. 45/ coals. Himself told us of his cure upon Madame de Builuon (who yet dyed since, and, as some say, of the same evill) as also of the18 Lady Conways having been at Rouën at an unseasonable time,19 for to be treated by him, when he was at Paris about busines, and had none of his remedy ready for her.c Which, as far I could20 learne by him, is a ‹kind› of vitriol embryonné, though others, that know him, ‹deny it›21 to be truly such, and asure me, it can be recoycoufred again.d He hath a kind of tergiversation in point of undertaking to cure ‹people›22 whence some conclude that he ‹he› is uncertain of the successe, ‹other that he is›23 apprehensif of being obliged by some great ones to discover his secret, if the24 effects thereof should grow famous. If the person, that hath thoughts to come over and to live a while at Caën (who25 I hope is not ‹like›, but ‹the same, with him, that›26 writeth) he may have a good oportunity (Caën27 being but 2 dayes journy from ‹Rouën›) to inter into a more intimat acquaintance with this gentleman, than we can doe.e As for Mr de Rochas, all those, that I have spoken with about him, give him the coma Evidently a reference to Boyle’s essays on ‘Flame and Heat’ or ‘Spontaneous Generation’; see Works, vol. 13, pp. 259ff., 273ff. b Possibly Samuel Bochart (for whom see below, p. 388n.), a well-known minister and scholar who lived at Caen. But it is more likely that Oldenburg’s Bochart was a relative of Samuel who was born at Rouen. c Lady Anne Conway (1631–79), sister of Sir John Finch, is known for her remarkable ill health. She suffered from severe migraine headaches and sought relief from both physicians and alchemists. Oldenburg is the only source of the story of her visit to Bochart; although she certainly went to Paris to be trepanned the surgeons refused to undertake the operation. See M. H. Nicolson (ed.), Conway Letters (Oxford and London, 1930), p. 116ff. Madame de Builuon has not been identified. d ‘recovered’. e This person has not been further identified.

329

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

mendation of 28 a man de belles parties, ‹and›, that those cures, he mentions in his writings, have been really such.a Certainly, he had good skill in mines and minerall waters, and his treatis de l’Esprit universell, is the handsomest, I ‹ever›29 read of that subject, though I suspect him to have borrowed much out of Nuyseman de Sale.b I suppose, Sir, you have all, he hath written; if not, I ‹shall study to›30 procure you what you have not. Besides his litle treatises, /fol. 45v/ des Eaux Minerales, de l’Esprit universel, Des observations et guerisons de plusieurs grandes maladies, de la pape31 printed at Paris A. 1644. he hath written La physique reformee, wherein is contained La Genealogie des Elemens, et les principes et operations de la nature, en la production des animaux, vegetaux, et mineraux, printed also at Paris 1649: Though in this latter piece, ‹I find› many things repeated out of the former.c I have not learned yet, where he liveth at present, ‹yea› some think32 he liveth no more. Of the Jesuite Fabry I have bought his 3 tomes of philosophy, the two first being ‹but› Scholastical about Logick and metaphysick, but the third33 de Motu locali, containing ten books with 4 Appendixes:34d ‹in› which he treates among other things the motu funependuli, and De principio physicomechanico:35e in his doctrine de motu naturaliter accelerato he finds fault with Galilaei his demonstration,36 which is ‹quid› spatia transmissa a mobili, quietem relinquente, ‹proportionem habeant›37 inter se duplicatam illius, quam habent tempora, quibus ista spatia ‹mensuratur›.38 vel; accelerationem motis gravium fieri secundum numeros imparos ab unitate.39f For ‹other ‹new› books of› natural philosophy I find none but one Mr de Roure that follows Cartesius his principles, ‹though›40 without much applause:g and a nameles Enchiridion physicae restitutae, which I doe not dislike, supposed to be made of one Mr d’Espagnet of Tolose.h I doubt not, but you [have] seen Philosophiam Pyrotechnicam Davisonis, who is a Henri de Rochas, councillor and royal physician, was the author of several works on mineral waters. See below, p. 331n. b Oldenburg refers to Jacques de Nuysement, Tractatus de vero sale secreto philosophorum (1651), published in English in 1657, and to de Rochas’s Philosophie de l’esprit universel contained in his Physique demonstrative (1644); see also Works, vol. 2, p. 261. c Oldenburg’s details of the publication of these works are correct. The first three mentioned here were published together in 1644. The title-page of La physique reformée bears the date 1648. d Honoré Fabri (c. 1607–88), a Jesuit who wrote on physics, medicine and optics. He published two works in 1659, Pithanophilus, seu dialogus vel opusculum de opinione probabili and a book of criticism. The scientific work to which Oldenburg refers is Tractatus physicus de motu locali (1646). e ‘motion of the pendulum … on the physico-mechanical principle’. f de motu naturaliter accelerato, ‘on naturally accelerated motion’. Oldenburg evidently cites Galileo’s Discorsi e dimonstrazioni matematiche (1638): ‘that the spaces passed over by the moving body, from rest, are as the squares of the times in which those spaces are traversed; or, the acceleration of the motion of heavy bodies is as the series of odd numbers from unity.’ g Mr de Roure has not identified. h Oldenburg refers to Enchiridion physicae restitutae (1623), published anonymously but attributed to Jean d’Espagnet, a senator of the Parliament of Toulouse, to whom several other alchemical writings are ascribed. The book was translated into English in 1651.

330

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 12 Apr. 1659

now in Poland, and the Cours of Chymie de Mr Barlet.a I have lately caused to be copied out a piece of poesy made by one Furichius a German, that seems to me to speake handsomly of the great worke.b An acquaintance of ours /fol. 46/ here in towne hath a couple of manuscripts, that are much esteemed, ‹and41 taxed accordingly›, ‹the› one is Christophorus Parisiensis, the other of Paganus upon Geber.c If I had more mony, than I need, I ‹believe I› should be tempted to buy them, and severall other books, that are42 rare enough. But to make an end, I shall only adde, that Caën, by the relation43 of every body, I have spoken with, wanteth neither good aire, nor plaisantnese of situation, nor good ‹and reasonable› accomodation for meat and lodging, ‹at the rate of› (12 crowns a month at the most) ‹good cider abounding there› nor good44 I converse with able physitians, among whom Monsieur Gaudin45 is the most famous, for a Galenist and Mr Mallet for a reasonable good Chymist.d ‹Sir› I ‹dare not›46 commend the place as much as I heare it deserveth,47 for feare you should think me to use Hyperboles, for to quicken your coming into France, which you cannot but know is extreamly desired by Le48 21 d’Avril 1659 de Paris

Sir, Your very humble and faithful servant,

HARTLIB to BOYLE

12 April 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 284–5. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 118–19.

a The reference is to William Davidson or Davisson (1593–c. 1669), a graduate of Aberdeen University, alchemist and physician, who taught chemistry at the Jardin des Plantes in Paris and was later in the employ of the King of Poland. His main work was Philosophia pyrotechnica seu cursus chymiatricus (1635), of which he completed a French version in 1649. Annibal Barlet, who gave lectures in Paris in the mid-17th century, published two works on chemistry, Le vray et methodique cours de la physique resolutive, vulgairement dite chymie (1653) and Abregé des choses plus necessaires de vray et methodique cours de la Physique resolutive (n.d.). b i.e., the preparation of the Philosopher’s Stone. There was a Johann Nicholaus Furichius at Strasbourg in around 1620. c Various works, some of them dated in the 1470s, are assigned to Christopher of Paris, who, despite his name, wrote in Italian. They are popularizations of alchemical ideas associated with Arnoldus de Villanova and (pseudo) Ramón Lull. It is uncertain whether this Christopher existed or not. Christian Peganius was the pseudonym of Christian Knorr von Rosenroth (1636–89). d Mr Gaudin and Mr Mallet have not been identified.

331

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

April 12, 1659. Honoured SIR, THESE are to return my humble thanks for your last having no date, but I suppose written on Saturday last. I did not write since my last of April 5, having very much overloaden you as I feared, and being very desirous to have an answer to divers particulars in those learned communications, which now also for the most you have given.a As for Mr. Pocock, I dare not reiterate my former request, lest it may prove, as you alledge, a prejudice to better and greater occasions.b Here you have some extracts more of Mr. Beale’s on the optical argument.c He will be very glad to hear, that the ingenious gentleman of Gresham college is engaged by you to make particular enquiries into that subject (which I shall carefully certify our Herefordian friend;) but I should be more glad, if you could obtain copies of what he shall deliver (concerning the commendation and perfection of telescopes) in his publick lectures.d At Copenhagen the former king had imposed the printing of all the professors lectures in that university. e I am heartily glad that your ague deals so civilly with you, but you do not tell, whether my son Clodius has sent you some dozes of his new adeptus’s powder, as I earnestly begged of him. Our maid is perfectly cured, by God’s blessing upon the use of that medicine.f The packet with books, which I have so long expected out of Holland, hath been twice at sea, as I was advertised the last week, and that it was now again on the way the third time. As soon as it is arrived, you shall presently have all your desires.g Last Friday I did write to Dr. Horne about the experiment of making saltpetre out of sea-water.h Mr. Beale has been pleased to send me his suggestions for Dr. Horne in dealing with Vossius’s new chronology. By the next occasion (if my torments put it not out of my mind) you shall have a transcript of it.i In the mean while here I present you with a Boyle’s letter mentioned here, of 9 Apr., is not extant. For Hartlib to Boyle, 5 Apr. 1659, see above, pp. 325–8. b For Pococke, and Hartlib’s request for Pococke’s assistance with ‘Turkish queries’, see above, p. 327n. c In the early months of 1659 Beale sent Hartlib papers related to optical instruments and to astronomy (HP 51, 52). See Stubbs, i, 480. They might be the notes ‘On Perspective Tubes & Telescopes’, copied by Nathaniel Highmore, now in the British Library, Sloane MS 548, fol. 18ff. d Hartlib refers to Christopher Wren, who had taken up the chair of astronomy at Gresham College in 1657. For Wren see above, p. 178n. e For Christian IV of Denmark and the confession of faith that he exacted from university professors see above, p. 247n. f For Clodius’s acquaintance and the medicine given to his maid see above, pp. 325–6. g For the books from Holland see below, p. 352n. h For Georg Hornius see above, p. 162n. Hartlib’s letter to Hornius has not been found. On making saltpetre from sea salt see above, p. 326. i Hartlib’s letter to Boyle of week ending 30 Apr. 1659 contains a Latin enclosure from Beale on the subject of chronology. However, Hartlib (or Beale) dates the tract 13 Apr., which means Hartlib could not have received it when he wrote to Boyle on 12 Apr. Vossius’s new chronology was contained in his Dissertatio de verâ aetate mundi (1659). On the Hornius/Vossius polemics see above, p. 325.

332

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 12 Apr. 1659

the promised Argonautick invention of that Becker, with whom Mr. Oldenburg is come acquainted in his travels.a But I am sorry the Latinity of it is so imperfect and mechanick. The foresaid gentleman writes in his very last as followeth. ‘I have had some discourse with an able but somewhat close physician here, that spoke to me of a way, though without particularising all, to draw a liquor of the beams of the sun, which peradventure some person, that is knowing and experienced (as noble Mr. Boyle) may better beat out, than we can, who want experience in these matters. The process, as far as I could understand him, is this. You must put a couple of pounds of good mercury into an alembick, luting the head thereof as well as is possible, to the end that nothing exhale, and expose the said alembick into the sun against a wall of reverberation in the hottest time of the year; upon which he said the mercury would after some time draw the celestial spirit, and coagulate it into a yellowish liquor, that would be a considerable dissolvent. So much he spoke in gross, which I pray communicate with Mr. Boyle. At the first I would not have it go farther than to Mr. Boyle, and according as he shall judge of it, we may proceed farther.’b Thus far the very formalia of his letter. Alas! good gentleman! Pauperis est numerare pecus.c I shall be able ere long to communicate other kind of processes on that argument. I long to see your secret of universal (as I take it) husbandry. Dr. Kuffler is most confident of his secret for improving of sandy or any other barren land.d He is so much in love with it, in respect of the promising or rather certain gain, that will most abundantly redound to him, that if he could get any partners, or any other encouragement or assistant for it, he would willingly desist from all eager pursuits about his dreadful and destroying invention.e I humbly beg, that you would not leave him, till he have discovered that secret of husbandry, at least into your bosom. He is very positive, that many thousands may be gained by it. He says, the means are altogether natural, being a very slight thing, and that it is continually obvious to every body, but yet observed or improved by no body. I shall not fail to be mindful of your commission to Mr. Lymner, by the next occasion I write unto Ireland.f I also purpose to look out those papers (as soon as the extremity a For Becher’s invention, reported in a letter from Henry Oldenburg, see above, p. 286. Oldenburg was travelling in Germany and France as tutor to Richard Jones, Boyle’s nephew, from 1657 to 1660. b Hartlib quotes from Oldenburg’s letter of early Apr. 1659, printed in Oldenburg, i, 212–13. The physician he mentions has not been identified. On Boyle’s interests in the spirit of the world see A. Clericuzio, ‘The Internal Laboratory. The Chemical Reinterpretation of Medical Spirits in England (1650–1680)’, in P. M. Rattansi and A. Clericuzio (eds), Alchemy and Chemistry in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Dordrecht, 1994), pp. 51–83. In his letter to Boyle of 5 Apr. 1659, Hartlib said that Johannes Moriaen had promised him an account of the catching of sunbeams; see above, p. 326. c ‘only a poor man counts his flock’. d For Küffler, see above, p. 221n. The nature of the secrets referred to here is unclear. e For Küffler’s machines to blow up ships and to destroy fortification, see above, p. 221n. f Hartlib possibly refers to Marmaduke Lynne, apothecary to the Army in Ireland, resident in Dublin. See Webster, Great Instauration, p. 64.

333

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

of my torments will give leave) which have answered my interrogatories for Ireland, in reference to barnacles.a I pray be pleased so to mind that excellent little treatise, you mention, of the propagation of all sorts of plants, that I may have the first notice of it, before it be flown abroad.b If you have a mind (says my ingenious correspondent) to oblige Mr. Pitt and Sir Thomas Hanmer of Flintshire, and Mr. Rea of Shropshire, all three exquisite florists, and Mr. Rea shortly to furnish the press with a treatise of note on that argument, you may /p. 285/ ‘with the same arrow hit the mark to all three.’c And again, ‘For though Mr. Pitt sends me his rarities of seeds and plants, yet I fail not to gratify him. Mr. Rea brought up his hortulan labours to London. It required many costly cuts, which so affrighted the Stationers, that they offered him but thirty pounds for his pains. This displeased him so much, that he brought home his manuscripts. I told Mr. Pitt, that I had no vote for any man, that demanded a patent or a price for his merit towards the publick.’ I suppose you have seen the Petition of the army, which is no ways liked.d But they are more resolved and daring in their meetings, consultations, and orders, which cannot be hindred. But clouds begin to gather apace, and the chiefest amongst them have no other apprehensions, but that it must come again to blood. My lord Craven is permitted to come over.e I had forgot to signify, that Dr. K. desires earnestly my lord Broghill’s protection, under the notion of being physician to his family; for he says, that such protections are, during parliaments, ordinary and precedential; which, if it may be obtained in time, will be a huge benefit unto him.f For now he dares not go upon the streets to follow his business, for fear of being arrested. But such a protection would save him from all his creditors, for a time, in which he hopes he may be put into a better condition. I shall not fail to speak to your truly compassionate and noble sister, begging your seconds, as remaining ever,g Honoured Sir, your most faithfully devoted, S. HARTLIB. a

For Hartlib’s queries on barnacles see above, p. 170. Hartlib evidently refers to Robert Sharrock, The History of the Propagation & Improvement of Vegetables (1660). c The correspondent in question was perhaps Evelyn. He refers to Edmund Pitt (c. 1613–88), botanist, and Sir Thomas Hanmer (1621–78) of Bettisfield, Flintshire, who was a prominent horticulturist in correspondence with Evelyn. John Rea (d. 1681), gardener, owned the largest collection of tulips in England; his Flora, seu de florum cultura was published in 1665. Evidently the quotation Hartlib gives is a variant of the ‘Two birds with one stone’ maxim, although a specific source for it has not been found. d For the petition of the army see above, p. 301. e William Craven (1606–97), royalist, lived in exile on the Continent. His estates were confiscated in 1652. He followed Charles II to England at the Restoration. On 11 Apr. 1659 Parliament gave Lord Craven permission to come to England for 6 months. Commons Journal, vii, 634. f Hartlib was trying to secure Küffler a post as physician to Broghill. g Hartlib refers to Katherine, Lady Ranelagh. b

334

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 13 Apr. 1659

EVELYNa to BOYLE

13 April 1659

From the holograph original in the British Library, Add. MS 4229, fols 54–5. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 402–3, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 296, and Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence (above, p. 212), iii, 110–11.

Says-Court: 13 Apr: 59.b Sir Having the past yeare, drawne a good quantity of th’Essence of Roses, by the common way of fermentation; and rememb’ring how soone it went away, amongst the Ladys, after they had once sented it; the season of flowres now approaching, makes me calle to minde, to have knowne it sold by some Chymists (and in particular by one long sinc at Chichester) mixed with a substance not unlike it, which retained the odor of it wonderfull exactly; but in such a proportion, that for 7 or 8 shillings a sister of mine was us’d to purchase more, then1 any man living can extract out of 3 or 400 weight of Roses, by the vulgar, or Glaubers preparation;c by which meanes, that precious Essence may be made to serve for many ordinary uses, without much detriment. Sir, I am bold to request of you, that if you know what it is, (for if you know it not, I despaire of encountring it) you will be pleased to instruct me; and, in lieu threoff,2 to command me some service, by which I may testifie my greate ambition to obey you, and how profoundly sensible I remaine, of my many obligations to you, which I should not have bin thus long in expressing, had not I apprehended, how importune letters are to Studious persons, where the commerce is so jejune; and that I can returne you nothing in exchange, for Civilities I have already received.d Sir, I have reason to be confident that you are upon some very glorious designe, and that you neede no subsidiaries, and therei you are happy; make us so, likewise, with a confirmation of it; that such as cannot hope to contribute any thinge of value to the adornement of it, may yet be permitted to augure you all the successe, which your worthy and noble attempts do merite; in3 the meane time, that some domestique afflictions of mine, have rendred me thus long uselesse, ‹both› to my friends, and to my selfe;e which I wish may be thought a just apologie, for a

For Evelyn see above, p. 212. Sayes Court, Deptford, south London, where Evelyn lived from 1651. c Evelyn’s horticultural interests were at the forefront of his work in 1659. See Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy (above, p. 212n.), pp. 94–8. For Johann Rudolph Glauber see above, p. 114n. The nature of his preparation is unclear. d For Boyle’s recipe for essence of roses see British Library, Evelyn MS 52A, fol. 3, and MS 552 (‘Chymical processes Experimented by me, 1659’). The latter includes information on making spirit of roses in the section ‘On Roses’, with an addition from Boyle in the margin. See also Works, vol. 3, p. 370. e Evelyn perhaps refers to the death of his son, Richard, the previous year; see his Diary (above, p. 191), ii, 206–10. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

noble Sir Your most humble, and most obedient servant J Evelyn. Sir, I know the Impostors multiplie their Essence of R. with oleum ligni Rhodii, others with that of Benjamin; but it can be neither; for the Oyle of Rose-wood, will vanquish it exceedingly, neither is it so fluid; and the other growes rancid: some, have told me it was sperma-cæti, which I have not essay’d.4 Your Commands will at any tyme find me, directed to the Hauke & Pheasant upon Ludgate-hill; at one Mr. Sanders a Wollen draper.a

For my most honour’d Friend Robert Boyle Esq.

Seal: Oval. Antique. Perhaps a female figure supporting an oval shield and hand on a tree stump. Not heraldic. Endorsed on outer sheet with Miles’s crayon number ‘No VII’, and in nineteenthcentury pencil ‘Printed in Works v. 402’.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

16 April 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 285. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 119–20.

Axe-yard, April 16, 1659. Honoured SIR, I WROTE largely on Tuesday last.b Since I have been most grievously tormented, both days and nights. I had many things to enlarge upon, but the pains are still so great, that I have much to do to write a very few lines. Mr. Beale wrote ten days ago, that he was sorely afflicted with a most terrible cold.c But having not written to me all this while, I fear his distempers are encreased upon him. I saw an excela Saunders, a woollen draper at the Hawk and Pheasant, Ludgate, does not appear in J. R. Woodhead, The Rulers of London, 1660–1689, A Biographical Recorder of the Aldermen and Common Councilmen of the City of London (London, 1965), or the Poll Tax index of 1641. b The letter referred to is Hartlib to Boyle, 12 Apr. 1659 (above, p. 331–4). c This letter is not extant.

336

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 16 Apr. 1659

lent book yesterday, coming piping hot out of the press from Cambridge, called, The Immortality of the Soul, so far forth as is demonstrable from the Knowledge of Nature and the light of Reason. By Henry Moore, Fellow of Christ’s College in Cambridge.a Mr. Tompson, at the White-horse, hath part of the books.b I had a few lines again from Mr. Wood at Dublin-castle, who writes, ‘We have tried your experiment upon one or two sick horses, with good effect. I thank you for it, as also for your ingenious Herefordian papers.’c Dr. Petty writes to my son, ‘Keep all your friends from prejudice, until I be heard, and make them mine, till the least guilt appear in me.’d My son went down with the orders of the house for my lord Craven to come over, giving him protection for six months.e He hath stayed out so many days, that we begin to apprehend he is gone over into the Low-countries, which also is no small trouble unto me for the present.f The officers of the army have still their meeting, and will not be controlled.g They are resolved to justify the execution of Charles Stuart, but not the government by a single person, but rather a commonwealth. They are resolved against Presbyterianism, and will have allowed an universal liberty of conscience. They say they have sent to the trained-bands of London, to know, whether they will stand by them or not. They are for a commonwealth, or for establishing a military great council, &c. &c. Next week it is feared their declaration will come abroad.h This day a great multitude of Quakers were admitted to the house; but they would not obey their orders nor commands, so that Mr. speaker told them at last, they were a company of people, that were against magistracy and ministry; and so they were dismissed.i The houses have begun very respectfully to transact with each other, by members of their own, in their respective houses. It is still more and more confirmed, that the match and peace between France and Spain will suddenly be concluded.j There is an express come, that our fleet is safely arrived in the

a

A reference to the first edition of Henry More’s The Immortality of the Soul (1659). This is presumably George Thompson, bookseller in London 1642–60, who traded at the sign of the White Horse in Chancery Lane. c For Robert Wood see above, p. 221n. Wood’s letter to Hartlib is not extant. Evidently, Hartlib had sent Wood some of John Beale’s papers. d For William Petty see above, p. 64n. Petty to Hartlib junior has not been found. This is presumably a reference to the accusations of corruption then being levelled against Petty over his work in Ireland. e For William Craven’s return from exile in Holland see above, p. 334n. f Samuel Hartlib junior was secretary to the Council of State. g For the army’s actions see above, p. 328. h At the General Council of the Army on 14 Apr. Major-General John Desborough (1608–80), proposed that all officers should take an oath applauding the execution of Charles I. In response Broghill, Whalley and Goffe proposed an oath of loyalty to the Protectorate instead. Both ideas were eventually dropped; see Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328), p. 36. i The London Quakers presented a petition stating that 144 of their faith were imprisoned in 26 counties and offering to change places with those who were ill if they could not be released. Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328), pp. 36–7. The speaker was William Lenthall (see below, p. 378n.) j A reference to the Treaty of Pyrenees, see above, p. 327n. b

337

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Sound.a The Holland fleet is not yet at sea.b Thus, praying heartily and incessantly for your health, as a most publick blessing, I rest ever, Honoured Sir, Your most assuredly devoted S. H. THE adjoined paper is worth your best perusal.c

HARTLIB to BOYLE

19 April 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 285–6. Also printed in Birch (ed.) Works (1772), vi, 120–2.

Axe yard, April 19, 59. Honoured SIR, MY last was on Saturday.d These are to acknowledge the respect to your last of April 16.e I humbly thank you for the imparting of the secret of husbandry. But by the adjoined paper you will see it is no secret to me. I did a year ago impart a copy of it to our Herefordian friend.f But methought he was not much taken with it, though it cost me, for the gaining of it, above fifteen pounds sterling. My ingenious friend concluded (as far as I remember) that the possessor of it, from whom I had it, had but little skill in husbandry.g He made also many other observations and animadversions upon it, which I thought to have given you, but that I cannot find Mr Beale’s letter, written upon that occasion. Sir Charles Culpepper had it from my communications above a year ago.h He seemed to approve more of it than Mr. Beale, and I believe has made some trial, of /p. 286/ which I shall desire his account, when I see him. I remember, that I imparted this husbandry to Mr. Worsley also, a The Sound was the ordinary passage from the North Sea to the Baltic. An English fleet under Edward Montague, 1st Earl of Sandwich, was sent to the Sound to mediate peace between Sweden and Denmark. b One Dutch fleet had been sent out to the Sound in 1658 to prevent Sweden from gaining full control of the waterway. After the dispatch of the English fleet, the Dutch prepared another fleet which was sent to support the first; see J. Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness and Fall, 1477– 1810 (Oxford, 1995), p. 737. c The enclosure is not extant. d This letter is Hartlib’s missing letter to Boyle, 16 Apr. 1659. e This letter is not extant. f John Beale is the person referred to here. See Hartlib’s postscript for the explanation of the absence of this enclosure. g It is not clear from whom Hartlib got the papers relating to husbandry. h For Sir Cheney Culpeper see above, p. 63n. The letter to him from Hartlib has not been found.

338

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 19 Apr. 1659

who judged it, if by experience it should be found true, a particular good menstruum, but falling very much short of advancing thereby universal husbandry. I beg again, you would endeavour to interest yourself in that way, which Dr. Kuffler so highly boasts of. I could easily obtain the desired protection for him from many parliament-men; but I would willingly improve this occasion for your greater interest in him, by making my lord Broghill his protector.a I have sufficiently instructed your most noble sister in that affair, and make no question, I shall have a favourable account from her within a day or two.b My son Clodius promised this forenoon, in the presence of Mr. Brereton, to send you forthwith, besides the promised things, some doses of the adeptus’s powder against agues.c I am not a little troubled, what is become of my son H.d I shall not be unmindful of your commission towards him. The following lines from my dear Herefordian go very near my heart. ‘Your two last are yet unanswered. Nor now can I do more than abbreviate an acknowledgment of your’s, without peril of losing my sight totally. I can neither write nor read without a flux of rheum upon my eyes, which glues them together, as oft as I sleep. I think it no danger, and towards healing, if I forbear studies one week longer, and then I will endeavour to answer all yours. I am troubled at Mr. Boyle’s ague; but it is here so epidemical, or indeed the least of maladies, that are amongst us. I have lately seen so many smitten with dead-palsies, apoplexies, and giddiness, that I take my own malady for a proof of a special deliverance. I noted the time, when I took it, by a very malignant wind in my neck, through a window, in time of my duty in the ministry. But who can complain of personal maladies, when the publick is so much distempered?’ Thus far he, the letter being dated April 13.e Yesterday I had a letter again from Mr. Oldenburg, in these words. ‘Having been more than ordinary employed in business last week, and being still so at present, in changing lodgings, and putting ourselves into an academy, I know you have the goodness of excusing my omission of not giving you thanks for your last, which I hope to do amply next week, if God will.’ The letter is dated April 23.f Dr. Kuffler has promised me the discovery of the arcanum of the celestial liquor, which, as soon as I get, I shall not need to be called upon for to let you have a true copy of it.g You do not determine the time of your coming up to London. I beg your a

Küffler’s desire for a powerful patron is related in Hartlib to Boyle, 12 Apr. 1659, above, p. 334. b Hartlib refers to Katherine, Lady Ranelagh. c For the acquaintance of Frederick Clodius, Hartlib’s son-in-law, see above, p. 326n. For William Brereton see above, p. 160n. d Samuel Hartlib junior was commissioned to carry the parliamentary orders for the return of William Craven from exile in Holland. See above, p. 334n. e Hartlib’s correspondent is John Beale. Beale refers to the sinecure rectorship of Sock Denis in Somerset which he held until the early years of the civil war. See Stubbs, i, 475. f See Oldenburg to Hartlib, 23 Apr. 1659, in Oldenburg, i, 217. g For Küffler see above, p. 221n. For Küffler’s ‘celestial liquor’, see Dobbs, Foundations of Newton’s Alchemy (above, p. 93), p. 130.

339

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

promised communications about hatching of chickens. The enclosed paper on that argument I had from Mr. Pell.a It is pretty to observe, that this subject is counted worthy of academical considerations and trials. Sir William Paston’s son endeavoured to make a solemn experiment of late, but did not prosper in it.b I am fully of your opinion, concerning the Argonautick invention, or the wonderful ship.c I suppose you know, that Dr. Chamberlain (the man-midwife) is returned into England.d He boasts to have the invention of sailing against wind and tide, or with all winds. The invention was divers years ago experimentally demonstrated by one Mr. Brewer, a Scotish silenced minister, who receiving many favours from Mr. Dury, when he was imprisoned by the episcopal persecution, then raging, he was pleased, by way of gratitude, to reveal the whole mystery of sailing with all winds, or against wind and tide, unto Mr. Dury’s bosom, but not to discover it as long as the inventor was alive.e He hath since been dead these many years; therefore let me earnestly beseech you, the next opportunity you shall have to speak with Mr. Dury, to desire the revelation of the said invention to be made out and improved by yourself, and the better sort of your mechanical relations, that so useful an accommodation to mankind may not be lost. I do not care, if you tell him I did encourage you to this freedom, and I am persuaded he will not deny it unto you. Here you have the votes of the commons, that passed yesterday.f My lord Broghill was highly commended, that he had so effectually dealt with the officers of the army, in their meeting last week, that it was apprehended he had broken their design, especially the city refusing also to join with them, and Sir H. Vane utterly disowning their proceedings, as most destructive to the publick peace, and of bringing in of C. S. &c. &c.g The house of commons thought good, as you see, to second the hopeful work thus far begun. My lord protector himself has spoken also a For John Pell see above, p. 179n. The enclosure is not extant. Hartlib had first asked Boyle for the papers on hatching in his letter of 8 Apr. 1658. b This is a reference to Robert Paston, 1st Earl of Yarmouth (for whom see below, p. 443), the eldest son of Sir William Paston (d. 1663). c For Becher’s invention, see above, p. 286n. d For Peter Chamberlen see above, p. 197n. e In a letter from Hartlib to Oldenburg, 2 Dec. 1658, Dr Brewer is described as a Scotsman, who before he died, revealed to John Dury his invention ‘to saile at all winds, or with contrary winds, and against the wind’; Oldenburg, i, 193. For Dury see above, p. 56n. f On 18 Apr. the Commons passed two sets of votes outlawing the sitting of the General Council of the Army without the consent of the Protector and Parliament and demanding that every officer subscribe to a declaration against coercing Parliament by force. They also agreed to satisfy the army’s demands by ordering all royalists out of London and finding money for their arrears. See Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), p. 37. g For Broghill’s activities in the General Council of the Army see above, p. 337n. The City of London and the London militia issued addresses expressing suport for the Protector; see Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), p. 37. Sir Henry Vane (1613–62), was one of the republican opponents of the Protectorate suspected of stirring up trouble in the army. Hartlib refers to Charles II by his initials, i.e., C[harles] S[tuart].

340

OLDENBURG

to [BOYLE?], 28 Apr./7 May 1659

with our officers, as likewise the lord Fleetwood and lord Disbrowe; but they are again very daring and high; and the other house hath refused this day to pass the 1st and 2d resolves of the commons, &c. &c. so that all seems to threaten a farther confusion.a There is also a very strict enquiry made after C. S. he being supposed to be in or near the city.b But my pains are too great, and I must conclude, remaining ever, Honoured Sir, your most faithfully devoted S. HARTLIB. SIR, MY amanuensis hath disappointed me, that I cannot send the secret of husbandry, as it was imparted unto me. By the next occasion it shall be sent, God willing.c

OLDENBURG to [BOYLE?]

28 April/7 May 1659

From the copy in a scribal hand in BL 6, fols. 9–10. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, i, 245–8.d

Paris the 7 May, 1659 My friend at Rochelle writeth thus:e L’instrument, que vous me demandez, pour congeler1 l’air, se fait de cette sorte. Ayez une cornuë de verre, couppée transversalement par le milieu ou percée2 dans le fonds: Adaptez la fort egalement à un vaisseau aussi de verre de figure cylindrique, de sorte qu’on les puisse, quand on veut, separer facilement. Dans le fonds dudit vaisseau vous mettrez une esponge, qui puisse soustenir quelque piece de marbre, qui est, comme tout le monde scait, tousjours fort froid. Que le col de la cornuë soit fort long et estroit, et qu’il se tera

Richard Cromwell summoned the officers to Whitehall and told them he was dissolving the General Council but Desborough told him that the Council controlled the soldiers’ discontent; see Hutton, The Restoration, p. 37. For Desborough see above, p. 337n. For Charles Fleetwood, see above, p. 229n. b There is no evidence that Charles II was in or near London at this time. c Hartlib’s amanuensis has not been identified. d Although we have followed the editors of Oldenburg in including this item as a letter from Oldenburg to Boyle, we are far from convinced that this is in fact its correct status. It is a scribal copy, at the head of which the words, ‘Mr Oldenburg’, have been added in Hartlib’s hand (see below, p. 343). On the other hand, even if not an actual letter to Boyle, it may bear witness to the content of a parallel letter to him that is otherwise lost. e ‘The instrument for congealing the air, about which you asked me, is made thus. Take a glass retort cut transversely through the middle or pierced in the base: fit it very evenly to a cylindrical vessel, also of glass, in such a fashion that they can easily be separated when desired. In the bottom of the said vessel you will put a sponge, which can support a piece of marble (which is, as everyone knows, always very cold). Let the neck of the retort be very long and narrow, and let it end in a very

341

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

mine en une pointe fort delicate. Que cette pointe passe par quelque trou, que vous aurez fait a une fenestre dans quelque chambre commode pour cet effet, s’il fait chaud hors la fenestre; mais il faut qu’il face froid dedans la chambre; come il arrive l’esté dans celles, que l’on tient bien closes, et qu’on peut rafraischir avec de l’eau et du vinaigre, dont on arrouse le plancher ou les carreaux, ou par quelqu’autre artifice. /fol. 9v/ Outre cela, il faut mettre cette machine dans une grande terrine pleine de sable ou d’eau chargee de salpetre en glacens. Alors vous pourrez congeler l’air en eau, lequel air entrera par vostre cornuë dans le fonds de vostre vaisseau. C’est ce que je juge, qui vient le mieux a l’artifice, Que si, sans se servir d’esponge ny de marbre vous mettez de sels de tartre, ou quelques autres dans le fonds de vostre cylindre, c’est sans doubte que vous le ferez plus facilement, mais ce ne sera pas avec tant de pureté ny de simplicité. My other acquaintance at Monpeliera saith thus:b Pour la facon de tirer en grande quantité l’eau de l’air, il faut faire un grand recipient de verre. Dans l’extremité de son col doit estre un grand entonnoir du mesme verre: et ayant mis le dit recipient dans un vaisseau de bois, remply de neige, il faut au mois de Juillet et Aoust exposer l’embouchure du dit recipient aux rayons ardens du Soleil, en facon qu’ils /fol. 10/ refleschissent au fond du dit recipient: et ainsi tourner l’embouchure du vaisseau de temps en temps afin que les dits rayons y entrent diametralement; et par l’antiperistase soient changés en eau, laquelle il faut verser dans un autre petit vaisseau de verre bien fermé; et exposer de nouveau vostre recipient au soleil, afin de tirer de nouvelle eau, et continuer ainsi, jusques a ce qu’on en aye la quantité qu’on voudra. Il y a un autre moyen dans un commentaire delicate tip. Let that tip pass through a hole which you will have made in a window in some convenient room, if it is warm outside the window; but it must be cold within the room, as happens in the summer in rooms kept well closed up, and which can be cooled with water and vinegar sprinkled on the plank or brick flooring, or by some other means. ‘Besides all this, the device must be placed in a large earthenware crock full of sand or of water in which is dissolved enough saltpetre to cause freezing. Then you can congeal air into water, the air entering through your retort to the bottom of your vessel. In my opinion, this is the best way to use the apparatus. It is true that you can do this more easily by putting salts of tartar or of other things in the bottom of your cylinder, instead of making use of the sponge and marble; but then it is done with less purity and with less simplicity.’ Oldenburg’s correspondent, identified only as Monsieur Tollé, was a chemist and physician at La Rochelle. a Oldenburg refers to Pierre Borel (c. 1620–71), physician and chemist. b ‘As for the method of extracting a large quantity of water from air, one must begin by making a large glass receiver. At the end of its neck there must be a large funnel, also of glass: and having placed the said receiver in a wooden vessel, filled with snow, one exposes the mouth of the receiver during July and August to the burning rays of the sun, in such a manner that they will be reflected to the bottom of the receiver; hence one must turn the mouth of the vessel from time to time so that the rays always enter it along its diameter. By antiperistasis the rays are changed into water, which must be poured off into another little glass vessel well stoppered; then expose your receiver again to the sun, so as to extract more water, and so continue until there is as much as you wish. There is

342

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, week ending 30 Apr. 1659

Alleman sur Crollius,a qui se fait par une boule de cuivre, et une voye toute contraire, que je n’approuve pas tant. Endorsed by Hartlib at head of text on fol. 9: ‘Mr Oldenburg’.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

week ending 30 April 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 286–8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 122–3.

Honoured SIR, YOUR last is dated April 23, forbidding to send by the post.b I am but lately risen, having been most grievously tormented all night long, and voided, besides many little /p. 287/ stones, a very great one, the like I have not done of late. But I am hugely perplexed about that excellent spirit of salt, which I still use daily, and which certainly works so mightily upon the stone, having broken and split a glass with three ounces of it; the spirit, which is strange, having made the glass so thin, or brittle, that it broke with the least touch in the opening of it. I had a letter from him who made it, I mean Mr. Stahl, expressing a resolution to come over shortly into England.c I forgot to write to him about those retorts, in which the spirit of salt is made, and which cannot be had in England, to bring them over with him. My son H. is returned from Holland, with my lord Craven;d but my son Clodius is gone to Gravesend, to confer secretly with monsieur Schlezer, who hides himself there, to be gone with the first fair wind to the king of Sweden.e I know no more of the powder, which my physical son sent, but that it hath cured all those, that have taken it. Mr. Stroud hath written to my son a confirmation of a silver mine, which now he is most certain of.f After the expiration of ten or twelve months, it will yield him for certain yearly about two or three thousand pounds a year. I heartily wish another method in a German commentary on Croll, which makes use of a copper ball and quite a different procedure, which I do not think as good.’ a Oswald Croll (1580–1609), a German chemist and physician, author of the very popular Paracelsan work, Basilica chymica (1608). b This letter is not extant. c For Peter Stahl see above, p. 292n. Stahl settled in Oxford in late 1659. See Frank, Harvey (above, p. 66), p. 51. d For Samuel Hartlib’s mission on behalf of William Craven see above, p. 337n. e Hartlib refers to his son-in-law Frederick Clodius. For Johann Friedrich Schlezer see above, p. 177n. Schlezer’s journey to Sweden must have been in connection with plans to effect a union of Protestant churches. See Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 277–8. f For Thomas Strode see above, p. 254n.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

you may be blessed with the like mines. I beg the continuation of as many extracts, &c. out of ancient or modern authors, as you can procure on that subject of hatching of eggs.a My son might have prepared ludus Helmontii for me before this time, but he wants bowels.b I have not heard this week neither from Mr. Beale, which encreaseth my torments. I should be glad, that the secret of husbandry were successfully experimented.c I shall take special notice of the new edition of Hoornbeck’s summa controversiarum.d Mr. Worsley hath written to you a letter of two or three sheets long.e Will you not please to acquaint me with the communicable contents of it? Last Saturday I imparted the remainder of Dr. Horne’s letter, wherein were many observable matters. I also acquainted you fully with the state of publick affairs; since which time, all is kept very close and secret.f It is observed, that my lord Lambert hath been with his highness alone about two or three hours together.g There is an evil eye against my lord Broghill, for advising (as some whisper) to clap up Fleetwood, Disbrowse, &c. into the Tower.h Sir A. Haslerig and Sir H. V. came on Monday, notwithstanding the proclamation, offering to go into the house of commons, but the soldiers watching them would not permit it, the proclamation being affixed to the doors.i The officers and common soldiers do not agree. The latter have chosen to themselves new agitators; so that all remains in suspence, and under expectations. Only at eleven o’clock yesternight I was told, that the army is agreed upon a declaration and engagement, which is forthwith to be printed.j Last Lord’s day his highness was observed to weep in sermontime, which caused many sheddings of tears in others; but yesterday he was observed to be very chearful and

a

For Hartlib’s collection of papers on this subject see above, pp. 339–40. For J. B. van Helmont see above, p. 91n. c For the secret of husbandry see above, pp. 338–9. d This is a reference to Johannes Hoornbeck (1617–66), Dutch scholar and divine, professor of theology at Utrecht and Leiden. The work mentioned is Summa controversiarum religionis (2nd edn, 1658). The first edition appeared in 1653. e This letter is apparently not extant. f Hartlib’s letter of ‘last Saturday’ is not extant. For Georg Hornius see above, p. 162n. g Hartlib refers to Major-General John Lambert (1619–83), who did not take part in the coup d’état which forced Richard Cromwell to dissolve Parliament. h For Broghill’s dealings with officers of the army see above see above, p. 337n. For Charles Fleetwood see above, p. 229n., and for John Desborough see above, p. 337n. i For Sir Henry Vane see above, p. 340n. Sir Arthur Haslerig (d. 1661), Puritan statesman, opposed the recognition of Richard Cromwell as Lord Protector and intrigued with the soldiers. The army forced Cromwell to dissolve Parliament on 22 Apr.; the Commons, hearing of its imminent dissolution, adjourned itself until the following Monday only to find the doors of the chamber locked and guarded by soldiers. The proclamation to which Hartlib refers is that issued by Cromwell announcing the dissolution; see Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), p. 38. j This is presumably A Declaration of the Faithfull Soldiers of the Army to all the Honest People of the Nation, Showing their Resolution to Stand by the Good Old Cause (1659), dated 2 May in the catalogue of the Thomason Tracts. b

344

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, week ending 30 Apr. 1659

merry. Dr. Petty made a most notable speech before the parliament was dissolved.a I rest ever, Honoured Sir, your most faithfully devoted S. HARTLIB. A PEACE or truce for fourteen years between France and Spain will certainly be concluded and published.b Young Clodius being now at my chamber, presents his most humble service, signifying, that he is near an end of the translation of the two choice chemical treatises, called, The Bawer.c Inclosed in the preceding.d Hereford, April 13, 1659. Debueram in novissimis meis advertere, quod in supputatione Gregorii & Fisheri toties à me memorati (qui nisi Usserianis mihi nondum perceptis cedant plurimam habent accurationis speciem) à mundo condito ad passionem Christi, quam 34 ætatis anno contigisse probabilius videtur, 4000 sunt annorum, quod monet Fisherus pag. 31. hisce verbis:f ‘The full time from the creation of Adam unto the death and passion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ is 4000 years and 10 days.’ De 10 diebus (si de iis lis esset) ratio mystica et monie

a

For William Petty see above, p. 64n. Petty was a member of the recently dissolved Parliament. Hartlib is presumably referring to Petty’s reply on 21 Apr. to the charges of corruption levelled against him by Hierome Sankey, a military officer, concerning Petty’s work as surveyor of lands in Ireland. Commons Journal, vii, 643–4. b For the Treaty of the Pyrenees see above, p. 301n. c This is evidently Johann Grasshoff, Ein philosophischer und chemischer Tractat genannt der kleine Baur … und in dieser andern Edition ist das Supplementum vom grünen Underzug beygedruckt (1st edn, 1617; this edn, 1658). The reference to ‘young Clodius’ is possibly to a member of the Clodius family other than Frederick, who Hartlib notes had gone to Gravesend; in any case, the translation is not extant. d This enclosure on chronology is evidently from John Beale, and is described by Hartlib in his letter to Boyle, 12 Apr. 1659. e ‘I ought to have mentioned in my most recent letter that, according to the supposition of Gregory and Fisher, whom I have mentioned so often (and these two, unless perhaps they might relinquish the first place to the ideas of Ussher, which I have not yet seen, do seem to have the best appearance of accuracy), there were 4,000 years between the creation of the earth and the passion of Christ, which seems very probably to have happened in the thirty-fourth year of his life; this is what Fisher tells us on his page 31, in the following words: “The full time from the creation of Adam unto the death and passion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ is 4,000 years and 10 days”. As for the ten days that he mentions (if there is any argument about them), a mystical and prophetic reason for them readily occurs to me; six of them are the six days between the creation of Adam and the first day of creation, while the other four days represent the total number of thousands of years that had passed, since (as the apostle says) one day is to be counted as a thousand years in the eyes of the Lord, and which the squares with the 4,000 cubits of Ezekiel 47, 3–5. And this is the period, in which the f i.e., Pope Gregory XIII (1502–85), pontiff from 1572. Fisher has not been identified. For James Ussher see above, p. 40n.

345

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

toria facilè occurret, è quibus 6. ab Adamo ad creationis primordia, 4.a ad millenorum censum, ubi (ut ait apostolus) in oculis Domini una dies pro mille annis censenda est,b & cum 400.c cub. Ezek. xlvii. 3, 4, 5. quadrat. Et hæc est periodus, in quâ consummationem agnovit Dominus. Nihil interim assero, omnia argutioribus penitiùs discutienda propino; Danielis computum, qui de monarchiis tàm apertè meminit saltem Johannis Apocalypticam 666, si verus in numeris sensus est, mallem ad periodum in quâ Pompeius Hierosolymam occupavit, quam ad natalitia Christi referre.d Nam & ab occupatâ Hierosolyma ad bestialem vel belluinam Bonifacii 3. usurpationem, ad Mahumedis inspirationem diabolicam non multum abscedit, imò, quantum in præsens conjicio, omninò congruit numerus 666. pro certo hoc vulgo constituitur Bonifacium A. C. 606. à Phoca obtinuisse, ut Roma caput ecclesiarum, pontifex pater patrum & episcoporum princeps haberetur.e Et hic annus fuit ab occupata Hierosolyma 666. Mahumedes quoque eâ tempestate jam nobilis per orientem nequitiarum artibus, inspirationumque fraudibus, summi nomen prophetæ accepit. Nunc non vacat, uter harum sit rex ille Abaddon ex abysso ascendens Apoc. ix quærere.f Idèo de computo Dionysiano secundum Gregorium & Fisherum statum inando1 toties mentionem feci, qua plurimùm ad futuram millenariorum periodum conducere videtur, & selectiora sunt, quæ hâc causâ proferunt illi.g Litem hanc in Eutychianis suis obstinatè declinavit SeldeLord allowed the consummation. For now I assert nothing; I give over all those things that should be discussed more deeply to more astute scholars. I would prefer to take the computation of Daniel, who when speaking of the monarchies reminds us so clearly, in any case, of 666 in the Apocalypse of St John, if there is indeed a true meaning in the numbers, as indicating the period in which Pompey occupied Jerusalem, rather than that of the birth of Christ. For the number of years from the time when Jerusalem was occupied to the bestial (or rather monstrous) usurpation of Boniface III, and to the devilish inspiration of Muhammad is not far off – indeed, as far as I can guess for the moment, is entirely identical – to the number 666. It is certainly the case that it is generally thought to have been in the year AD 606 that Boniface obtained from Phocas the concession that Rome should be considered the head of the churches, and that the Pope should be considered the father of fathers and the chief of bishops. And this year was 666 years after the occupation of Jerusalem. Muhammad, also, at that time, already notorious throughout the east for his arts of wickedness and his frauds regarding his inspirations, received the title of the greatest prophet. I do not now have the spare time to seek to find out which of these two might be that King Abaddon who rises from the abyss (according to chapter 9 of the book of Revelation). ‘And thus I have so often made a mention of the Dionysian computation, by talking about[?] Gregory and Fisher, where for the most part it seems that their calculations refer to the future periods of a thousand years. And those calculations that they put forward on this question are very a

Counting inclusively, in the Roman manner. This is an allusion to 2 Peter 3, 8. c Presumably this is a mistake for 4,000. Ezekiel has four measurements, each of 1,000 cubits. d Pompey’s occupation of Jerusalem took place in 63 BC, however, from the calculation that follows, the writer seems to be taking it as 60 BC. The reference is to Daniel 9, 24–7, the vision of the ‘seventy weeks’. e The reference is to Boniface III, Pope in 607, Muhammad (c. 570–632), and Phocas, a Byzantine emperor, who reigned between 602 and 610. f The reference is to Revelation 9, 11. King Abbadon was a satanic angel. Abbadon is used in the Bible as a synonym for death and destruction. g Dionysius Exiguus, a 5th–6th century Scythian monk, was famous for his contributions to ecclesiastical chronology. b

346

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 3 May 1659

nus noster, ut videre est in præfatione, & ad numerum 15. pag. 68.a Fatetur interim Eutychium suum addere computo Dionysiano annos octo. Nimirùm Eutychius passim in chronologia sua Christi natales octennio facit recentiores, quàm in æra vulgari – Adeoque ex ea /p. 288/ ratione Hegiram ab anno Christi 614. auspicatur, quam unanimes tribuunt chronologi nostri anno vulgari Christi 622. & l. c. p. 68.b sic ait; De octennii discrimine consonus est in anno Nic. Conc. Imo designando Doropheus Monembasiæ metropolita &c. – Sic igitur ut Scal. unum addit annum, Calvisius duos, Laurentius Syslyga Polonus 4. Kepplerus 5.c hi addunt 8. This is all I can present, being always, SIR, your most affectionate servant.

HARTLIB to BOYLE 3 May 1659 A lost letter of this date is mentioned in Hartlib to Worthington, 5 May 1659. See Worthington, i, 132.

select. Our own Selden has stubbornly refused to enter this controversy in his “Eutychians”, as one can see in the preface, and with reference to his number 15, on page 68. Meanwhile he does admit that his own Eutychius adds eight years to the Dionysian computation. For Eutychius certainly does throughout his chronology place the birth of Christ eight years earlier than we find it in the ordinary system. As a result of this reasoning of his, he places the Hegira in the 614th year after Christ, while all our other chronologers agree in placing it in the 622nd year after Christ according to the ordinary system of years; and in the abovementioned place, on page 68, he speaks as follows: “Concerning this difference of eight years, it is consonant with Doropheus, metropolitan of Monemvasia, in marking out the year of the Council of Nicaea, etc.” Thus, therefore, just as Scaliger adds one year, Calvisius adds two, Laurentius Syslyga the Pole adds four, and Kepler adds five, so these writers add eight.’ a The allusion is to Eutychius, patriarch of Alexandria (c. 378–454), and to Eutychii aegyptii, patriarchae orthodoxorum (1642) by the jurist and orientalist John Selden (1584–1654). b Hijra or hegira, is the name given to the emigration of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina, the traditional date for which is 16 July 622. c The First Council of Nicaea met in 325. Joseph Justus Scaliger (1540–1609) was a French scholar, author of De emendatione temporum (1583). Reference is also made to Dorotheos of Monembasias (fl. 1629–86), metropolitan of Lacedemonia and of Monembasias, historian, to Sethus Kahlwitz or Calvisius (1556–1615), chronologer, astronomer and musician of Leipzig, and to the astronomer Johann Kepler, for whom see above, p. 256n. Laurentius Syslyga has not been identified.

347

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

7/17 May 1659

From the original in Early Letters OB 5. 4°/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 301–2, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 143–4, and Oldenburg, i, 252–4.

Sir, As I find the favor of the good opinion, you are pleased to have of me, as upon other occasions, so in the ‹late› addresse of Mr Robert Southwell to my advice in order to his travels, very advantagious to me, so I doubt very much of my capacity in answering the same as it deserveth.a Yet, wherein I come short here, I shall, by the assistance of God, study to make up by a ready faithfulnesse to assist and serve him, in whatsoever I can. I find this person very ingenious, and well inclined, apt to make good use of travelling; but yet, for some considerations, doe doubt very much, whether one may advise him to goe into Italy thus alone, as he hath no ordinary desire to doe. It is a very pestiferous climat, and vice hath a fermenting quality; unlesse a man be well antidoted and armed, he will hardly escape sound and uninfected from thence. Wherefore I am also apt to beleeve, that My Lord Dungarvans friends will very well consider, before they counsel or permit ‹him›1 to make that voyage.b You know, Sir, how few there are, that in the strength of him, in whom we can doe all, take up a resolution against vice and the satisfaction of their senses, as also, how few there be of such guides, that are sollicitous and watchfull to warne those, whom they guide, against those morall dangers, which every where, though in some places more than in others, doe attend us. I hope, Sir, my letter ‹from the 21 of April›, that did acknowledge your bounty, and gave you some account of what you demanded, is come to your hands.c I have since receaved from a Gentleman, that liveth in the extremities of Languedoc, on the shore of the Mediterranean, the receipt of an oile, which he told us, when we visited him, had done great cures.d Me2 thinks, the ground of it answereth your Ens Veneris. /5 (1v)/ I thought myself obliged to impart it unto you, and to desire you to examine it, whether it is capable to produce such effects, as the said person (who found it in seeking after and working for Butlers stone, according as Mr V. Helmont hath written thereof) did relate unto us, which are, the curing of a For Robert Southwell the younger, who arrived in Paris in the summer of 1659, see above, p. 285n. b Viscount Dungarvan was the courtesy title of Charles Boyle (for whom see above, p. 219n.), later styled Lord Clifford of Lanesborough, a nephew of Robert Boyle. He predeceased his father (Richard Boyle, 2nd Earl of Cork) and so did not succeed to the title. c See above, Oldenburg to Boyle, 21 Apr. 1659. d This is probably Marcellin Bompart (b. 1594), physician of Clermont-Ferrand. See Oldenburg, i, 200. The story of Butler’s stone was described by van Helmont in a tract entitled ‘Butler’, published in his Ortus medicinae (1648), p. 584ff. Many iatrochemists, as well as Robert Boyle, tried to obtain this stone, which was supposed to have a special healing power.

348

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 7/17 May 1659

migraines, palsies, lamenesses, crookednesses, and all ricketing diseases.a I send it just as the author sent it me, without decifering his caracters,3 as knowing, you need no such thing. I adde hereunto some few seeds of the sensitive plante, which I was presented with here, and you may try, how they will speed at Oxford: As also some graines of Bama muscata, which come from the isles of St Christofle, growing upon a tree of 3 or 4 foot high; bearing yellow flowers, which the negros use in their potage, just as the English doe marigold flowers.b He, that gave them me, said, that having put some of these graines into good spirit of wine, and left them there infused 3 or 4 dayes upon some little warmth, till the spirit had drawne the sent thereof,4 he had taken out the grains, calcined them and drawne a salt from them, which5 being infused into L’eau de vie foible,c and having poured upon it some of the former spirit, indowed with the sent of them, had made him urine much: insomuch that he hath a beleef, these graines duely prepared may prove good for the gravell. If you view the figure of them well, you will ‹find› it like to that of the reines. I had some other things6 in my thoughts to extend this letter with, but company comes in, and obligeth me to free you from further trouble. Only be pleased to receave the assurance that I am Sir Your most humble and obliged Servant, Oldenburg /5 (2)/

Paris the 17 May 1659

Oleum Vitriolinum Recipe7 Vitriolum melioris notae. Hoc distilla eo quo docet modo Magnus Van Helmont. Distillati calcina ut ibidem dictum; calcinatum misce cum ana . et ma bis aut ter; habebis um rubicundissimum, in frigido solubile in oleum preciosum, cujus aliquot guttulae aliquamdiu cum oleo communi maceratæ illud colore rubicundissimo tingunt: quod sic factum vidistis in parva phiala. Hoc modo debité præparatum, eadem, quae multoties expertus sum, et vobis narravi, effecta præstabit, si Deo, omnis boni largitori, placuerit.d a

For van Helmont see above, p. 91n. Oldenburg alludes to his Ortus medicinae (1648). Bama muscata cannot be identified under this name. St Christopher is one of the Leeward Islands in the West Indies. The sensitive plant (Mimosa pudica) was a popular curiosity in the 17th century because of its immediate and temporary wilting when touched lightly; see vol. 2, p. 340n. c i.e., weak eau de vie. d ‘Vitriolate oil. Take vitriol of the better sort. Distil it in the way taught by the great van Helmont. Calcine the caput mortuum of the distillate as he has said; mix the calx with an equal quantity of sal ammoniac and sublime two or three times. You will have a very red sublimate, running in the cold into a precious oil, a few drops of which left to stand with common oil tinge it with a very red colour. What you saw in the little phial was made thus. The preparation duly made in this way will accomplish the same effects that I have many times experienced, and have related to you, if it please God, the giver of all good things.’ Van Helmont’s way of distilling vitriol is found in ‘De lithiasi’, ch. 8, in his Opusculi medica inaudita (1648). b

349

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

For my noble friend Robert Boyle Esquire

Seal: Broken in two. Female head wearing diadem. Not heraldic. Endorsed at head of 5 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘V’8 and a deletion by Miles. Birch ink number ‘No 5’ deleted on 5 (2)v.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

10 May 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 288. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 123–4.

May 10, 1659 Honoured SIR, I WAS in good hope we should have seen you before this time: but as long as you are absent, nothing can be more welcome, than your letters, of which the last is dated May 7.a On Saturday I sent you a full representation of our publick affairs.b I have not those two German tracts, which young Clodius is translating; so that I cannot tell the particular themes or contents of them.c Only in the general I can inform, that they describe the whole philosophical work with such rationality and candor, as few other books of the same nature can be compared with it. The author, it is certainly known, had the philosopher’s stone. Young Clodius is returned again into the country.d Your engagement for Mr. Pocock will be very acceptable to Dr. Worthington.e I wish you would also improve the foresaid learned gentleman’s skill in Arabick to a more considerable use. The French gentleman should have been characterised also by his name.f I thought a treatise of Des Cartes de Animalibus had been published long ago; but Mr. Oldenburg speaks of it as a new a

This letter is not extant. Hartlib to Boyle, 7 May 1659, is not extant. c For Clodius’s translations see above, p. 345n. d Hartlib evidently refers here the same member of the Clodius family as on p. 345. e For Edward Pococke see above, p. 327n. Pococke was engaged to translate Grotius’s De veritate religionis christianae into Arabic. The translation appeared in 1660. For John Worthington see above, p. 247n. See also Worthington (above, p. 177), i, 161. f Evidently, Hartlib is responding to some information supplied by Boyle. It is clear from the letter below (Hartlib to Boyle, 17 May 1659) that Boyle included the gentleman’s name in his next letter to Hartlib. b

350

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 10 May 1659

matter, in these words.a ‘I suppose you have heard, that there is another volume of Des Cartes’s letters under the press, which will be shortly finished; and after that, a treatise of the same author De Animalibus, wherein he endeavours more particularly to prove, than in his other writings, that all their actions are merely mechanical.b They are advanced by an admirer of his, called monsieur Cherselier, who is here at Paris, and of our acquaintance, by whom we saw the other day Des Cartes’s own hand concerning that subject, and amongst other particulars, a comparison of his between the operations of the body of animals, and the harmony of organs; affirming, that as the said harmony depends from three things, viz. the air, that comes from the bellows; the pipes, that give the sound; and the distribution of that air into these pipes; that just so the functions of an animal; that is to say, the motions of its members depend only from the animal spirits proceeding from the heart, that are like to the air coming from the bellows. 2. From the pores of the brain, through which those spirits pass; and the nerves and muscles, into which they pass, resembling the pipes, that give the sound. And, 3. From the manner in which they are distributed into them; insomuch, that as our church-organs, &c. are thus disposed, that from the agitation and distribution of the wind into the pipes, there follows necessarily a sound and harmony, which we hear; even so an animal is composed, that whereas the animal spirits are pressed into the cavities of the brain, and thence conveyed through the nerves into the muscles, there must of necessity follow those motions in the members, which we see.’ Thus far he; the letter being dated April last. But it seems, that that De Homine will be a treatise apart.c I wonder, that Mr. Oldenburg hath not written concerning the weekly learned assembly at Paris.d My books from Holland are at last arrived. I humbly desire to know, whether I should keep them here till you come up to London; or whether you will have them sent to Oxford.e Yesterday I had a letter from Mr. Beale, beginning with these words. ‘And because you are so tender of my health, I must give you account, that the flux and bloodiness of mine * * * *f a Hartlib quotes from a letter from Oldenburg, from Paris, dated 20/30 Apr. 1659. See Oldenburg, i, 218–22. b Oldenburg refers to Claude Clerselier (ed.), Lettres de Monsieur Descartes, 3 vols (1657–67), of which the second volume was published in 1659. Descartes’s Primae cogitationes circa generationem animalium was published for the first time in his Opuscula posthuma (1701). Evidently, Oldenburg refers to his Traité de l’homme, which appeared in Latin in 1662 and in French in 1664, edited by Clerselier, who announced its publication in the second volume of the Lettres. The analogy between the human body and the organs occurs in Traité de l’homme in Charles Adam and Paul Tannery (eds), Oeuvres de Descartes, 13 vols (Paris, 1897–1913; revised edn, Paris, 1964–76) , xi, 165–6. c Two manuscripts of Descartes’s Traité de l’homme were in Holland; see Adam and Tannery (eds), Oeuvres de Descartes, xi, i. It is likely that Hartlib had been informed of its contents by some of his Dutch correspondents, although no letters of this sort have been found. d This is a reference to the Académie de Montmor in Paris, where meetings were held for scientific discussion between 1655 and 1664. See H. Brown, Scientific Organizations in Seventeenth Century France (Baltimore, 1944), pp. 64–134. e For these books see below, p. 353n. f Beale’s letter to Hartlib has not been found. The asterisks are given in Birch.

351

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

HARTLIB to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

17 May 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 288–9. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 124–6.

May 17, 1659. Honoured SIR, MY last was on Saturday, presenting the continuation of our publick affairs. Since I received your last of May 14.a I humbly thank you, for naming the gentleman of the French club.b The rest of your letter I shall certify also to Mr. Oldenburg. The names of the books lately come over are Lucerna Salis Philosophorum. Hoc est, Delineatio nuda desiderati illius principii. Tertii Mineralium Sendivegiani, in 8 pag. 167. II. Ejusdem Authoris Tr. Germanicus de Principio Tertio Mineralium, sive Sale Philosophico, in 8vo, pag. 44. III. Joh. Isaaci Hollandi Opus Vegetabile. All in high Dutch, in 8vo, pag. 144 – by which you may see, that it is but a little piece of Hollandus’s greater work. IV. Novum Lumen Chemicum, sive Medicum Polmanni, in small 8vo, all in high Dutch, of a very fine and small character, pag. 82. opening the mystery of the Sulphura Philosophor.c My son hath read it, and commends it as a most excellent piece for advancement and amendment of all medicinal knowledge: he counts also the whole treatise most worthy to be translated.d There is also sent unto me another book, which I did not write for, being all the Opera Paracelsi in Latin folio in one volume, with his Opus Chirurgicum, which was never extant in Latin before, and yet his masterpiece.e The price unbound is thirty-three shillings, or one pound thirteen shillings; whereas, in Paul’s Church-yard, I am told it is rated at one pound fifteen shillings.f I pray let me know your mind, if you will have that also. The other two treatises, translating by Clodius, though they professedly /p. 289/ treat of the philosopher’s stone, yet it seems they have divers collateral good things, as an instance has been given unto me in the culture of vines.g The continuation of the papers concerning artificial hatching is very welcome.h I have lately obliged Mr. Oldena

Neither of these letters, both written on 14 May, is extant. Hartlib complained of the absence of this gentleman’s name in Hartlib to Boyle, 10 May 1657. He probably alludes to the Académie de Montmor, for which see above, p. 351n. c The long-awaited books sent to Hartlib from Holland are two items by Josaphat Friederich Hautnorthon [Johannes Fortitudo Harprecht], Lucerna salis philosophorum (1658) and Der verlangte dritte Anfang der mineralischen Dinge (1657). See Ferguson, Bibliotheca chemica, 2 vols (Glasgow, 1906), i, 368–70. Thirdly, Isaac Hollandus, Opus vegetabile (1659), for which see D. I. Duveen, Bibliotheca alchemica et chemica (London, 1949), p. 300. Lastly, Joachim Polemann, Novum lumen medicum (1659). d Hartlib refers to his son-in-law Frederick Clodius. Polemann’s Novum lumen medicum was translated into English by F[ortitudo] H[artprecht] and was published in London in 1662. e The book in question is Paracelsus, Opera omnia, 3 vols (1658). Hartlib refers to vol. 1, Volumen primum, opera medica complectens and to vol. 3, Volumen tertium, chirurgica opera complectens. f For St Paul’s Churchyard see above, p. 294n. g See above, p. 345n. h For the papers on hatching see above, pp. 339–40. b

352

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 17 May 1659

burg’s gentleman in Languedoc; so that he hath obtained from him that precious and wonderful oil, which he lighted upon in searching after Butler’s stone.a And Mr. Oldenburg having imparted this secret in his last, I cannot but confide the same unto you by way of recital, the recipe of it being as followeth. RECIPE. Oleum melioris notæ. Hoc distilla eo quo docet modo magnus V. Helmont. Distillati .b calcina ut ibidem dictum. Calcinatum misce cum ana . & bis aut ter. Habebis um rubicundissimum in frigido solubile in oleum pretiosum, cujus aliquot guttulæ aliquamdiu cum oleo communi maceratæ, illud colore rubicundissimo tingunt. Quod hoc modo debite præparatum eadem, quæ multoties expertus sum, & vobis narravi, effecta præstabit, si Deo omnis boni largitori placuerit.c ‘These effects, as he told us, were the virtues of curing head-aches, palsies, and all ricketing diseases.’ Thus far Mr. Oldenburg, forbidding the communication of it to my chemical son, except he will gratify the said gentleman with a copy of the Helmontian manuscript, which he hath in his possession.d Mr. Oldenburg adds: ‘The same Languedocian gentleman hath sent me the title and abridgment of a strange book, found out some years ago in Provence, which I may communicate also to your son in law, according as I find his answer to my former desires. To give him a taste of it, I shall say only thus much at present, that it is called, Hebdomas Hebdomadum, Cabalistarum, Magorum, Brachmannarum, antiquorumque omnia Sapientum Mysteria continens.’e Thus far Mr. Oldenburg. As soon as I hear any thing again from Dr. Horne, you shall be sure to know it. I wrote largely, and sent some considerable presents unto him, of books and manuscripts, to oblige him the more to the performance of his promises concerning salts, and some other useful experiments.f Here I send you Mr. Austin’s answer, to requite your kindness of having put you to the trouble to impart that extract unto him out of Mr. Beale’s letter, concerning raisin wine.g Mr. Brereton is extremely melancholy and sad, not only in respect of his private, but much more of the publick affairs; but the particulars are of that nature, that they must not be written, but referred to your meeting.h Here you a

For the author of this recipe see p. 348n. This symbol appears in Birch’s text, but it must be an error as ‘gold’ makes no sense here; evidently the typesetter misread the symbol for caput mortuum. See above, p. 349. c See above, p. 349n. for a translation of this recipe. d Clodius owned some Helmontian manuscripts; see A. Clericuzio, ‘From van Helmont to Boyle’, BHJS, 26 (1993), 303–34, on p. 311. e Oldenburg refers to Hebdomas hebdomadum kabalistorum, magorum, brachmanarum, antiquorumque omnium sapientium, secreta mysteria continens, an alchemical manuscript attributed to Nicolas le Valois, a 16th century alchemist from Caen. See S. A. J. Moorat, Catalogue of Western Manuscripts on Medicine and Science in the Wellcome Historical Medical Library, 2 vols (London, 1973), ii, 4770, 4905–7. f For Georg Hornius see above, p. 162n. g For Ralph Austen see above, p. 202n. It is not clear to whom Beale’s letter was originally addressed. h For William Brereton see above, p. 160n. Brereton’s private affairs to which Hartlib alludes may be his debts; see above, pp. 279–80. b

353

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

have the list of the members of the council of state, which is likely to sit in the lords house: for yesterday the parliament hath voted the selling of White-hall, Somersethouse, Hampton-court, and Greenwich.a They talk of a petition to be brought in against lords Fleetwood and Disbrowe, and a dictatorian power to be settled in the army.b I cannot learn the certainty of a new report, spread with great confidence, of my lord deputy of Ireland taking the field for the defence of his late highness: he is willing, they say, to allow of the dissolution of parliament, but by no means of dissolving the protectorate.c In a word, there is a general consternation over the hearts of men amongst us; the like, I confess, I have never observed. I must needs very heartily acknowledge your now coming favour, which, instead of making use of for other good purposes, I am constrained to supply my own necessities, into which I am also reduced by the present change, my pensions of two hundred pounds a year being founded upon his highness’s and council’s orders, and privy seals, now utterly made null.d Last our lady-day I should have received seventyfive pounds out of the exchequer; but it being delayed till this change of government, there is no hope to get one penny of it. I rest ever, Honoured Sir, your most faithfully, and thankfully devoted, S. HARTLIB. P.S. The bad news out of Ireland is too true. My son Clodius spoke with one, that came from thence eight days ago. I have entreated him to give his relation by this post.e

a

The bill to establish the Council of State was introduced on 11 May, and it first met on 17 May. The members are listed in CSPD, 1658–9, p. 349. Parliament ordered the sale of Whitehall and Somerset House to raise money but could not find any buyers, there is no mention of Greenwich or Hampton Court. See Commons Journal, vii, 655–6; Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), pp. 45, 49. b For army official Charles Fleetwood see above, p. 279n. and for John Desborough, see above, p. 337n. For the political activities of army at this time see above, p. 337. c Richard Cromwell appealed to his brother, Henry Cromwell, Lord Deputy of Ireland, for support but the soldiers in Ireland proved too divided for Henry to do anything; see Hutton, The Restoration, p. 40. d On 31 Mar. a warrant was issued to pay Hartlib £25 for one quarter. No further orders were made for payment to him until 20 Apr. 1660 when the Council of State issued a warrant to pay him £200. See CSPD, 1658–9, p. 585 and CSPD, 1659–60, p. 598. e The reference is probably to moves to arrest Broghill. Clodius’s letter to Hartlib concerning events in Ireland has not been found.

354

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 19 May 1659

HARTLIB to BOYLE

19 May 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 289–90. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 126. This letter carries no salutation or signature block.

Thursday May 19. THIS day the parliament past an act for constituting John Sadler, John Sparrow, and Samuel Moyer, judges for probate of wills.a They also referred to a committee to consider, how the proving of wills may be distributed into the several counties of England, and of what was formerly done upon the bill for registers in the several counties. They also past an act for constituting John Godolphin, and Charles Georges Cock, Esqs; judges of the admiralty.b They referred it to a committee to inform themselves of the yearly value of the register’s office for probate of wills; and what part of it will be fit to be reserved for the use of the commonwealth. They referred it to the said committee, to take consideration of all other offices, that are or shall be in the disposal of the state; to the end it may be resolved, what will be fit to be allowed the officers, and the rest to be applied to the publick service; and to consider of any claims as shall be made to any such offices, and to offer their opinion to the house, what will be fit to be done therein. They referred it to the council of state, to consider how far this nation is, or is like to be, engaged in war or peace, with other nations; and to prevent this nation being engaged in war, without consent of parliament.c They referred it to a committee, to bring in a bill for repealing the act to H. Scobell, Esq; for being clerk of the parliament; and for constituting the said office upon Mr. St. Nicholas.d /p. 290/ They past the act and instructions for a council of state, who are like to sit to morrow at White-hall.e Upon a petition of the inhabitants of the bay of South-hold in Suffolk, where by a sudden fire two hundred thirty-eight mansion houses were suddenly burnt, they ordered the a For this act see Firth and Rait, Acts and Ordinances, ii, 1272. For John Sadler, a member of the Barebones and 1659 Parliaments, see above, p. 88n. John Sparrow (1615–65), barrister and former army officer. Both Sadler and Sparrow were part of the Hartlib circle. Samuel Moyer (c. 1609–83), London merchant and radical independent, member of the Barebones Parliament. See R. L. Greaves and R. Zaller (eds), Biographical Dictionary of British Radicals in the Seventeenth Century, 3 vols (Brighton, 1983), iii, 128, 190–1. b Hartlib refers to John Godolphin (1617–78) and Charles George Cock (fl. 1650). Godolphin and Cock were made Judges of the Admiralty on 19 May 1659. See Firth and Raitt (eds), Acts and Ordinances, ii, 1272. c For the Council of State see above, p. 354n. d Henry Scobell (d. 1660), was appointed clerk of Parliament in 1649. His loss of office in 1659 may have been due to his support for the Protectorate. Thomas St Nicholas (1602–68), barrister and Recorder of Canterbury in the 1650s, was a member of the Barebones Parliaments in 1656 and 1659 and an opponent of the Protectorate. See Austin Woolrych, Commonwealth to Protectorate (Oxford, 1982), pp. 188–9, 223, 426–7. e The Act is printed in Firth and Rait (eds), Acts and Ordinances, ii, 1272–6.

355

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

speaker to sign divers patents, for collecting the charity of the people throughout all England, towards their great loss.a

[HARTLIB] to BOYLE

21 May 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 290. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 126–7.

Honoured SIR, ON Thursday I communicated largely our publick affairs.b Yesterday I had a letter from Mr. Wood, in these words.c ‘Your recipe for the curing the present plague in horses has proved very effectual, as well in my lord’s stable, as elsewhere; divers of our horses, that took it, have been cured; and, indeed, all of them, to which it hath been carefully applied; and though some of them have relapsed, yet the same means has restored them; and the recovered horses are now most of them at soil with clover-grass; two acres of which we have hired this summer, from May to Michaelmas, at ten pound rent, and that in Ireland too, which I mention, that you may see it is profitable somewhere, notwithstanding the discouragement your friend mentions he received.d God, in his mercy, grant a good issue to the present revolutions in England. I hope we shall continue quiet here. Dr. Petty is newly landed, but I have not seen him yet.e This evening my lord of Corke came to town, and brings news, that my lord Broghill arrived safe at Waterford, yesterday morning. Pray let my lady Ranelagh know this.’ Thus far Mr. Wood, the letter being dated May 11. Mr. secretary came two days ago to the committee of safety, intimating, that though he was laid by, and several affronts put upon him, yet, that he was resolved to serve the commonwealth with all faithfulness;f and therefore came to give them certain intelligence, which he had received, that forty Holland men of war were upon our English coasts, plying to and fro, and that had Charles Stuart amongst them, who happily with his men might be landed in Ireland.g They say, he was not much thanked for it, being told, that they had their own intellia The fire took place on 29 Apr. The petition was presented to Parliament on 19 May. See Commons Journal, vii, 658. b See above, p. 355. c For Robert Wood see above, p. 221n. Wood’s letter to Hartlib is not extant. d The identity of Wood’s ‘lord’ is not known. e For William Petty see above, p. 64n. f For Secretary of State John Thurloe see above, p. 248n. The Committee of Safety was elected by the returning Rump on 7 May 1659. g Charles II was settled in Brussels at this time.

356

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 31 May 1659

gence, and needed none of his informations. Lord Fleetwood professed lately, that he was in such straits, that he could not tell which way to turn himself. The several differences are not yet composed; and the agitators, with the common soldiers, are worst of all.a Thursday night were observed some affrighting signs in the air, about ten a clock at night a blazing star, with a great tail in the form of a rod, and afterwards of a sword, appearing over White-hall, and towards Westminster.b I can say no more, but rest ever, Honoured Sir, your most ready and faithful, Manus Nota.c

May 21, 1659.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

31 May 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 290–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 127–8

May 31, 59. Honoured SIR, ON Saturday last I signified the arrival (amongst other particulars) of Mr. Worsley.d Your last is dated May 28.e Ludus Helmontii is not yet prepared, though my torments need a remedy more than ever. I believe you could prepare as good an oil, as that of the Languedocian gentleman seems to be.f Your new telescope will be extremely welcome to Mr. Worsley.g When you return to London, I hope you will not leave it at Oxford.h I had large letters of late from worthy Mr. Beale, but they are on an argument concerning the reformation of English laws and lawyers, wherein your excellent sister desired his best assistance.i The balsam of sulphur I had from my physical son, who assured me, that though it was not the best, which a

For the army’s opposition to the Protectorate see above, p. 337. For Charles Fleetwood see above, p. 337n. b According to Hartlib these visions occurred on 19 May. c ‘a known hand’, i.e., a way of signing a letter without using one’s name. d Hartlib to Boyle, 28 May 1659, is not extant. e This letter is also not extant. f For Marcelin Bompart’s recipe see above, p. 349n., and Hartlib to Boyle of the same date. (above, p. 353). g Boyle makes repeated passing reference to the use of telescopes in his writings from the 1650s onwards. h Boyle was in London on 1 Sept. 1659. See de Beer, Diary (above, p. 191), iii, 232. i Beale’s paper on English laws has not been identified.

357

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

he could make, yet is [sic] was very good.a He is of your opinion, that the spirit of man’s blood, and the spirit of hartshorn, are a far more powerful and effectual medicine for an asthmatical cough, than the foresaid balsam. We long to see you at London, that you may be also more freely acquainted with our publick affairs, which must not be committed to paper. I suppose you will hear from some other hands, that the earl of Warwick is departed this world.b Since my last, the house hath been resolved into a grand committee; so that they are not yet come to any votes in parliament.c Resident Bradshaw (for so he was for some time in that quality at Hamburgh) is to go within a day or two to the Sound in viam with new instructions;d so that I apprehend Sir Philip Meadows, our resident there, is, or will be, called home.e The like course, it may be, will be taken with Mr. Downing, our resident at the Hague, where Holland, France and England are now fully agreed about the articles, according to which the two Northern kings might make their peace.f There is a syndicus arrived from the city of Lubeck, to present to this commonwealth the conveniency of that place, and that they are willing to allow of a society or corporation of English merchants, to improve the trade of England, if they will accept of it.g There are also great overtures on foot, to make a firm alliance between England, Holland, and Sweden, which would certainly be a threefold cord, that could not easily be broken.h There is a vote passed, that the late protector shall not dispose of the deer in James’s park.i The new fleet, which is suddenly to be set out, is to consist of threescore men of war. The fear of an universal insurrection is no more so great, as it was some days ago. The remaining heads or a

Hartlib denotes Samuel Hartlib junior, for whom see above, p. 229n. Robert Rich, 2nd Earl of Warwick, was the brother-in-law of Mary Boyle, Robert’s sister. He died on 30 May 1659. c Parliament sat as a grand committee to consider the petition of the army and the Bill of Indemnity and Oblivion on 28 and 30 May. See Commons Journal, vii, p. 669. d Richard Bradshaw (1610–c. 1664), parliamentarian and diplomat, returned to England in 1659, and in 1660 was one of the commissioners of the Navy. In the phrase in viam Hartlib refers in the contemporary manner to the Sound as ‘the road’. e Hartlib refers to Sir Philip Meadows (1626–1718), diplomatist, who in the spring of 1658 was sent as ambassador to the king of Sweden. He was not recalled home, see CSPD, 1658–9, p. 368. f Sir George Downing (c. 1623–84), politician, was English resident at The Hague from 1657, and mediated between Denmark and Sweden. This is a reference to the negotiations which led up to the Treaty of The Hague, 14 July 1659, in which England and the Dutch, with the diplomatic support of France, agreed to co-operate to bring peace between Denmark and Sweden. g This is presumably M. de Boeckall, the envoy from the Lubeck referred to in an order of the Council of State of 27 June, who may well be identical with the Lord Martin Boekem, agent of Lubeck, Bremen and Hamburg referred to on 23 May 1659. The society or corporation of English merchants is probably the Eastland Company, which had a monopoly of trade with the Baltic. CSPD, 1658–9, pp. 374, 388. h No such alliance was made at this date. i Hartlib refers to Richard Cromwell, who had been forced to abdicate as Lord Protector. On 30 May Parliament instructed the Council of State to take care for the preservation of deer belonging to the state. Commons Journal, vii, 669. b

358

BOYLE

to SECOND EARL OF CORK, 19 June 1659

articles of the army’s petition are still under debate.a This day a letter was read from general Monck, wherein he informs of Charles Stuart being lately at the Hague, and of the designs, which are apprehended to be contriving to disturb the peace of the nation of Scotland; which letter was referred to the council of state.b Upon report made from the /p. 291/ council of state, the house took up the consideration of the interest of this commonwealth, in reference to the same, and have resolved, that there be appointed plenipotentiaries by the state, for obtaining a good peace between the two Northern kings, and to adjust and secure the interest of this commonwealth and its allies in the Sound, and, with the assistance of the fleet of this commonwealth and other fleets of its allies, to endeavour the same. They resolved, that the persons to be appointed should be five, who, or any three of them, should be impowered to transact in this affair, and to act by such instructions, as the council of state should give.c The names of the said commissioners are first to be approved by the parliament. The rest is in the adjoined paper.d Lilium convalliume is said to augment very much the natural fragrancy of rhenish wine. Whole barrels full are fetched by the Dutch from Norway, being dried. For the wine-merchants there, by putting store of this lilium convallium into French wines, they turn them into Rhenish wine. I pray tell, in your next, where lilium convallium is growing most plentifully in England. I cannot learn but that it is very scarce. I rest ever, Honoured Sir, your most readily devoted SAM. HARTLIB.

BOYLE to SECOND EARL OF CORK

19 June 16591

From the original in a 1650s hand, signed by Boyle, at Chatsworth. This is an uncalendared item stored with the Lismore Papers; see above, p. 3n. 4o/2.

My Dearest Brother: Yours of the 20th of May came hither soe slowly that I receiv’d it not till within lesse then these three day’s which is the reason why my answer beares noe earlyer a

For the army’s petition see CSPD, 1658–9, pp. 345–6, and above, pp. 328, 337. For George Monck see above, p. 222n. For the Council of State see above, p. 354n. Monck’s letter does not survive, but see CSPD 1658–9, pp. 362–3, for the reply from the Council of State. c On 9 June Algernon Sydney, Colonel Edward Montague, Sir Robert Honywood and Thomas Boone were appointed plenipotentiaries; see Commons Journal, vii, p. 677. d The adjoined paper is missing. e i.e., Convallaria majalis (lily of the valley). b

359

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

a Date.a You are not the onely Person that sympathizes with the affliction of a Lady whose great kindnes to her dead relations may justly entitle her to the great Concerne of Her liveing ones but I despaire not that Time will have its usuall Operation ev’n upon Her sadnes, & thereby lessen Your’s.b I have noe reason to wonder that being soe tir’d & Melancholy when You writ Your Letter it should not bring me any account of Capt Smyth, but I longingly expect that which You are pleas’d to promise me of him. ‹For though› I receiv’d a letter from himselfe yet it is of an ancienter Date then Yoursc To which (being newly come home2 much later then I intended from our new Sister Warwick’s) a fuller answer shall God willing be e’re long return’d You by him that cannot forbeare now returneing You his humble thankes for the welcome New’s You send him of my Deare Sister’s being ready to come over & of Your thoughts of giveing me before the fall of the leafe a Satisfaction that has been very long expected & as earnestly desired byd My dearest Brother Your most affectionate most faithfull & most humble Servant Ro: Boyle.

Little-Chelseye June the 19th 59. 4

My most humble service I beseech You to5 all those Persons You in Your letter call, Your female Tribe.f These be / To my Dearest Brother the Earle of Corke at / Youghall in Ireland. Present / Post paid to Dublin Seal: as on Boyle to second Earl of Cork, 29 January 1659 (above, p. 321). Endorsed ‘June 11 59 / From my brother Robin’.

a

This letter is not extant. Presumably Boyle refers to the death of his sister Mary’s brother-in-law, Robert Rich, for whom see above, p. 358n. It is evident that Boyle had visited the family and he refers to the new status of Mary, who had become Countess of Warwick when her husband, Charles Rich, inherited the title, becoming the 4th Earl of Warwick. c For John Smith see above, p. 319n. Smith’s letter, evidently to Boyle, is not extant. d Lady Ranelagh had been staying with the Earl of Cork at Youghall for some time, possibly since Apr. 1658. See above, p. 268n. e There are frequent references to Boyle’s temporary residence at Chelsea, although the exact location has not been identified; see Maddison, Life, p. 94n. f The Earl had six daughters, two of whom died young. See above, p. 116n. b

360

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 23 July/2 Aug. 1659

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

23 July/2 August 1659

From the draft in R.S. M.S 1, fols 56v–7. Previously partly printed in H. Brown, Scientific Organisations in Seventeenth Century France (above, p. 351), p. 101, and in full in Oldenburg, i, 286–7.

To Mr Boyle Paris le 2 August 1659 Sir, Having understood, that1 for a while you have left the privacy of Oxford, and come to London, the present theater of the world2 (all princes and states beholding ‹with amazement› the revolutions and transactions, that3 are so frequent and extraordinary there) I4a Not doubting but that Mr Hartlib hath communicated unto you a certain processe of vitriol, which5 I sent lately to him with an expresse desire to doe so,b I cannot omit to impart immediately to yourselfe,6 that some few dayes ‹since› I have lighted upon a certain manuscript, which by all circumstances I conclude to be ‹of that person›,7 of whom you were once pleased to relate unto me the story of his meeting in Italy the printer of Divortio Celeste,8 whom he enriched with a goldmaking powder, and by whose strange adventures9 he came to be acquainted with a certain Counsellor,10 whose ‹vertu and› discretion engaged him to an entercourse of letters, wherein he entertained him of the great worke of Philosophers,11 and enterlaced severall discourses upon the first chapter of Genesis.c The book, I have seen, and whereof I hope to get a copy, is Epistolar made by Johannes Joachimus Destinguel ab Ingrofont, of Brussel, ‹written to›12 Clarissimo viro ac novæ Cabalæ Philosophorum incognitorum dignissimo sodali Fevrensio, containing 55 epistles, the discourses whereof he divides /fol. 57/ into 2 maine parts, de Natura, et de13 Arte.d The first he subdivideth into 2 heads, the first is De prima Genesi, de14 Creatione rerum omnium; The other, De quotidiana rerum omnium productione naturali: which both he judgeth15 very necessary to be knowne to a philosopher, qui vera Artis principia et regulas certas addiscere cupit.16e For the a

Boyle was temporarily resident in Chelsea; see Maddison, Life, p. 94n. (and above, p. 360). See Oldenburg to Hartlib, 25 June 1659; see Oldenburg, i, 268–72. c The author of the manuscript mentioned here has not been identified. The printer of Divortio Celeste has not been identified. d ‘To the famous Le Fevre, most worthy companion of the new cabal of unknown philosophers’, but the work described by Oldenburg was evidently that first published in 1671 as Cinquante-cinq lettres philosophiques, of which Boyle owned a Latin version, Epistolae philosophicae, together with a related text, Statua philosophorum incognitorum; see BP 31, pp. 399–54; BP 34, pp. 238–323. The counsellor and his discourses on Genesis have not, however, been traced. e The three parts of the books are ‘about the first genesis or creation of all things’, ‘about the natural production of everything every day’, and ‘who desires to be informed of the true principles and sure rules of art’. b

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1, 1636–61

true dissolvent of gold and silver, ‹to extract their incombustible sulfer› (in order to make the17 stone) he saith: Naturam velle, ipsum aurum et argentum solvi,18 non in auro et argento heterogeneam, ‹proindeque violenta›, sed in aqua benigna, ipsis homogeneâ homogeneitate principii, non vero principiati, that is, as he declareth it, ejusdem naturae cum natura, ex qua proxime, ‹et immediate› aurum et argentum facta sunt, consideratâ ipsâ naturâ in statu ‹illo› compositionis, quam habebat antequam in aurum19 vel argentum coalesceret, non verò ejusdem naturae cum auro ipsò argentove actuali. Adding, that there is no substance in rerum natura,20 that can have istam homogeneitatem principii cum auro vel argento praeter suum mercurium, ex magnesià elicitum,21 which ‹mercury› he defineth to be vapor humidus-calidus, nondum determinatus in ulla materia mixtorum infimorum, id est, mineralium, vegetabilorum et animalium, proindeque simplicioris gradus, quàm aurum et argentum, aliudve quodlibet mixtum infimum.a Thus ‹Sir› I thought myself obliged to give a taste of this manuscript, which I ‹shall› endeavor22 to get permission to transcribe, and so to give ‹you as large›23 a share of it, as you please. We have severall meetings here of 24 philosophers and statists which I carry your nevew to, for to25 study men, as well as books; though the French naturalists are more discursive, than active26 or experimentall. In the meane time the Italian proverb is true: Le parole sono femine, le fatti maschii27b Which also obligeth me to study to be really Sir

EVELYNc to BOYLE

9 August 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 397, reprinted in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 287–8 and in Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence, (above, p. 212), iii, 114–15. A copy also survives in Evelyn’s Letterbook, British Library, Evelyn Papers, JE A, no. 154, dated 8 August, with which the Birch text has been collated, and significant differences noted. a

‘Nature desires gold and silver to be dissolved not in things that are heterogeneous with gold and silver and therefore violent, but in a benign water that is homogeneous with them in the homogeneity of origin, not domination. That is, as he declares it, this water is of the same nature as that nature from which gold and silver are immediately and directly made, when this latter nature is considered in that state in which it was before it had coalesced into gold and silver; for the water is certainly not of the same nature as actual gold and silver. He adds, that there is no substance in the nature of things which can have this homogeneity of origin with gold and silver more fully than his own mercury drawn from magnesia, a mercury that he defines as being a hot, moist vapour, never yet found in any material made from a combination of base things (that is, of minerals, plants, and animals), and hence of a more simple degree than gold and silver or any other base compound.’ b ‘Words are feminine, deeds masculine’. c For Evelyn see above, p. 212

362

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 9 Aug. 1659

Say’s-Court, Aug. 9, 1659 Honoured Sir, I AM perfectly ashamed at the remissness of this recognition for your late favours from Oxon: where (though had you1 resided) it should have interrupted you before this time.a It was by our common and2 good friend Mr. Hartlib, that I come now to know3 you are retired from thence; but not from the muses, and the pursuit of your worthy designs, the result whereof we thirst4 after with all impatience; and how fortunate should I esteem myself, if it were in my power to contribute in the least to that, which I5 augure of so great and universal benefit! But, so it is, that my late inactivity has made so small a progress, that, in the History of Trades, I am6 not advanced a step;b finding (to my infinite grief) my great imperfections for the attempt, and the many7 subjections, which I cannot support, of conversing with mechanical capricious8 persons, and several other discouragements; so that, giving over a design of that magnitude, I am ready to acknowledge my fault,9 if from any expressions of mine, there was any room10 to hope for such a production, farther than by a short collection of some heads and materials, and11 a continual propensity of endeavouring in some particular,12 to encourage so noble a work, as far as I am13 able, a specimen whereof I have transmitted to Mr. Hartlib, concerning the ornaments of gardens, which I have requested him to communicate to you, as one, from whom I hope to receive my best, and most considerable furniture; which favour, I do again and again14 humbly supplicate; and, especially, touching the first chapter of the third book, the eleventh and twelfth of the first; and, indeed, on every particular of the whole.c Sir, I thank you for your receipts: there is no danger I should prostitute them, having encountred in books, what will sufficiently (I hope) gratify the curiosity of most,15 when in my third I speak of the elaboratory.d But I remit you to what I have written to Mr. Hartlib, and begging pardon for this presumption, crave leave to remain, SIR, yours most humble, and obedient servant, EVELYN.

a

Boyle was temporarily living at Chelsea. See above, p. 360n. For Evelyn’s ‘History of Trades’ see Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy (above, p. 209), p. 74ff. c The ‘specimen’ Evelyn refers to was presumably his Elysium britannicum, on which he was working at this time. For the Elysium see Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy, p. 91ff. d The recipes sent by Boyle to Evelyn have not been identified. For Evelyn’s recipe collections see Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy, p. 72. b

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1, 1636–61

SIR, do you know, whether Campanella has said any thing concerning altering the shape of fruits, &c. and how I may obtain the perusal of Benedicti Curtii Hortorum Lib. 30. Lugd, 1560. fol.?a

WALTER POPEb to BOYLE

31 August/10 September 1659

From the original in BL 4, fols 144–5. 4°/2. About one-third of fol. 145 is missing. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 631, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 636.

Paris Sept: 10. 1659 Honored Sir I have bin long balancinge with my selfe whither it were more pardonable in mee, to omitt writing, or to write nothinge to you. In the one I should forgett my selfe, and my obligations, In the other the respect that is due to you, who I presume are not used to receive empty letters. The receit of that letter you were pleased to honour me with, put it past quæstion, that I ought to trouble you with an answer. Though I am very much ashamed, to tell you, that I have spent most of my leasure time in Readinge Romances, which wee hire like Horses, and Mon[sieur] Corneills plays, and in visitinge the Eminenst places in, and about this City.c And that as yett, for want of language, or boldnes, or recommendation I am not acquainted with any whom you enquire after, except Monsieur Petit who pretends to know very much in Glasses, and Mechaninicks [sic]2, and if you will beleeve him, there is neither Prince, nor Prelate in France, minds any thinge that is curious besides him selfe.d Sir Here is publicly shewed in Paris a kind of a wooden stone, found betwixt this and Rouen by an odd accident. A Fisherman toke it up, and tyed it to his boate, thinkinge to stopp his boate with it, which it did not doe, but followed the boate swimminge upon the top of the water. It weighs3 54lb, its very hard, though full of little holes, as those stones are with which they make Grottes. its of an irregular figure somethinge above a foot longe, nere halfe as broade, and about a third in thicknes. It swimms without Fraud, and thrust downe a For Tommaso Campanella see above, p. 54n. Evelyn refers to Benedictus Curtius, Hortorum libri triginta (1560), a classic early work on trees. b Walter Pope (d. 1714), half-brother to John Wilkins, astronomer and F.R.S. 1663. c Pope refers to Pierre Corneille (1606–84), dramatist. Corneille’s plays appeared as L’Illustre Theâtre de Corneille (1644–57). Between 1658 and 1660 Pope travelled on the Continent. Evidently he wrote to Boyle from Paris. d This is a reference to Pierre Petit (1594 or 1598–1677), engineer, astronomer and mathematician.

364

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 3 Sept. 1659

100 times to the bottom mounts as often. Sir I humbly desire your pardon for fillinge this letter with such trivial intelligence, if any thinge better come to my knowledge4 you shall be informd of it by Sir Your most humble & obliged servant Walt: Pope 5

To the Honorable Robert / Boyle Esquire these present.

Seal: Oval antique head; not heraldic. Endorsed on fol. 144 beneath date by Wotton: ‘Dr Pope’ and ‘4’.

EVELYN to BOYLE

3 September 1659

From the original in the British Library, Add. MS 4293, fols 69–70. Fol/1+1. A copy also survives in Evelyn’s Letterbook, British Library, Evelyn Papers JE A, no. 155, with which this text has been collated and significant differences noted. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744) v, 397–9. Reprinted in Birch (ed.), Works (1772) vi, 288–9, and in Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence (above, p. 212), iii, 116–20.

Noble Sir, Together with these testimonies of my cherefull obedience to your commands, and a faithfull promise of transmitting to you the rest, if yet there remaine anything worthy your acceptance amongst my unpolish’t and scattered collections: I do here make bold to trouble you with a more minute discovery of the Designe, which I casualy mention’d to you, concerning my greate inclynation to redeeme the remainder of my tyme, considering, quam parum mihi supersit ad metas;a so as may best improve it to the glory of God Almightie, and the benefit of others. And, since it has proved impossible for me to attaine to it hitherto (though in this my private and meane station) by reason of that fond morigeration to the mistaken costomes of the Age, which not onely robb men of their tyme, but, extreamely of their virtue and best advantages; I have establish’t with my selfe, that it is not to be hoped for, without some resolutions of quitting these incumbrances, and instituting such a manner of life, for the future, as may best conduce to a designe so a

‘how little time remains to me’.

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1, 1636–61

much breath’d after, and, I thinke, so advantagious.1 In order to this, I propound, That since we are not to hope for a Mathematical Colledge, much lesse, a Solomans-house, hardly a friend in this sad Catalysis, and inter hos armorum strepitus, a period so uncharitable and perverse; Why might not some Gentlemen; whose geniouses are greately suitable, and who desire nothing more then to give a good example, preserve science, and cultivate themselves, joyne together in Societie, and resolve upon some orders and Oeconomie, to be mutualy observed, such as shall best become the end of their union, if; I cannot say, without a kind of singularetie, because the thing is new; yet, such2 at least, as shall be free from pedantrie, and all affectation? a The possibilitie Sir, of this is so obvious, that I professe,3 were I not an aggregate person, and so oblig’d, as well by my owne nature, as the laws of decency, and their merites, to provide for my Dependants; I would cheerefully devote my smale fortune4 towards a designe, by which I might hope, to assemble some smale number together, who would resigne themselves to live profitably and sweetely together. But since I am unworthy so greate a happinesse, and that5 it is not now in my power; I propose, That, if any One worthy person, and queis meliore luto—b so qualified as Mr Boyle, will joyne in the designe, (for not with every one, rich, and learned, there are very few dispos’d, and it is the greatest difficulty to find6 the man) we would not doubt, in a short tyme (by Gods assistance) to be possess’d of the most blessed life, that virtuous persons could wish or aspire to in this miserable and uncertaine pilgrimage, whither consider’d, as to the present revolutions, or what may happen for the future in all humane probabilitie.7 Now, Sir, in what instances, and how far this is practicable, permitt me to give you an accoumpt of, by the Calculations, which I have deduc’t for our little Foundation. I propose the purchasing of 30, or 40 Akers of Land, in some healthy place, not above 25 miles from London: of which a good part should be tall wood, and the rest upland pastures, or Downes, sweetely irrigated. If there were not already an house which might be converted &c,8 we would erect upon the most convenient site of this, neere the wood, Our building, viz. one handsome Pavilion, containing a Refectory, Library, With-drawing roome and a Closset, This the first story, for we suppose9 the Kitchen, Larders, Cellars & offices to be contriv’d in the halfe story under ground. In the 2d should be a faire Lodging chamber, a pallet-rome, Gallerie & a Closset: All which should be well and very nobly10 furnish’t, for any a Evelyn bemoans the political unrest of the time, ‘among this din of arms’ (inter hos armorum strepitus), and its effect on intellectual ideals. Evelyn communicated his proposal to ‘Errect a [Philosophic] Mathematical College’ to Boyle on 1 Sept. 1659. See de Beer Diary (above, p. 191), iii, 232. Evelyn may also refer to the design for a ‘mathematico-chemico-mechanical school’ put forward by John Wilkins and the Oxford group of scientists in 1657, which collapsed at this time, due to the political turbulence of the brief rule of Richard Cromwell. See Shapiro, John Wilkins (above, p. 246) pp. 138–9. For Solomon’s House see above, p. 179n. b ‘from better earth than they’.

366

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 3 Sept. 1659

‹worthy›11 person, that might desire to stay any tyme, and for the reputation of the Colledge.12 The halfe story above for servants, wardrobes & like conveniencies. To the entrie ‹fore› front of this a Court; and at the other back front a plot wall’d in of a competent square, for the common Serraglio, disposd into a Garden; or it might be onely carpet, kept curiously, and to serve for boules, walking, or other recreations &c. if the companie please.13 Opposite to the House, towards the wood, should be erected a pretty chapel; and at equal distances (even with the flanking walles of the Square) six Apartements or Cells, for the members of the Societie, and not contiguous to the Pavilion, each whereof14 should containe a smale bed-chamber, an outward roome, a15 Closset, and a private Garden, somewhat after the manner of the Carthusians. There should likewise be an Elaboratory, with a /fol. 69v/ Repositorie for rarities and things of nature; Aviarie, Dove house, Physick-Garden, Kitchin Garden,16 and a plantation of Ortchard fruite &c: all uniforme buildings, but of single stories, or a little elevated. At convenient distance towards the olitorie Garden should be a Stable for two or 3 horses, and a lodging for a servant or two. Lastly a Garden-house and conservatory for tender plants. The estimate, amounts thus.17 The Pavilion £400: Chapell 150, Apartement wales and out housing £600. The purchase of the Fee for thirty Achers, at 15s per Acher: 18 yeare purchase £400. The Total £1550. sixteene hundred will be the utmost. Three of the Cells or Apartements, that is, one18 moietie, with th’ appurtenances shall be at the disposall of one of the Founders, and the other halfe at the others. If I, and my Wife take up two Apartements (for we are to be decently asunder, however I stipulate, and her inclination will greately suite with [it,]19 that shall be no impediment to the Societie, but a considerable advantage to the Oeconomique parte) a Third shall be for some worthy person; and to facilitate the rest, I offer to furnish the whole Pavilion compleately, to the value of £500 in goods and moveables, if neede be for 7 yeares, ’till there be a publique stock &c.a There shall be maintayn’d, at the publique charge onely, a Chaplaine, well qualified,20 an Antient woman to dresse the meate, wash and do all such offices[;] A man to buy provisions, keepe the Gardens, horses &c. A Boy to assist him, and serve within. At one meale a day of two dishes onely (unlesse some little extraordinary upon particular dayes, or occasions, then, never exceeding three) of plaine and wholesome meate; a smale refection at night: Wine, beere, suggar, spice, Bread, fish, foule, Candle, soape, Oates, hay fuell, &c at £4 per weeke £200 per Annum: Wages £15: Keeping the Gardens £20, The Chaplaine £20 per annum Layd up in the Treasurie yearely £145 to be employed for Bookes, instruments, Drugs[,] Trya

For Evelyn’s wife Mary see above, p. 215n.

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1, 1636–61

alls &c. The Total £400 a yeare, comprehending the keeping of two horses for the Charriot, or the saddle,21 and two kine: so that £200 per Annum will be the utmost that the founders shall be at, to maintaine the whole Society consisting of 9 persons (the servants included)22 though there should no others joyne, capable to aleviate the expense: But if any, of those, who desire to be of the Societie[,] be so qualified, as to support their owne particulars, and allow for their proportion, it will yet much diminish the charge; and of such there cannot wa‹n›te some at all tymes, as the Apartements are empty. If either of the Founders thinke expedient23 to alter his Condition; or that anything do humanitus contingere,a he may resigne to another; or sell to his Collegue, and dispose of it as he pleases; yet so as it still continue the Institution. Orders. At 6 in Summer Prayers in the Chappell. To studdy, ’till halfe an hower after 11. Dinner in the Refectory ’till one. Retire till 4: Then calld to Conversation (if the weather invite)24 abroad, else, in the Refectory. This, never omitted, but in case of sicknesse: Prayers at 7. To bed at 9. In the Winter, the same, with some abatements for the howers; because the Nights are tedious, and the Evenings conversation more agreable. This in the Refectory. All play interdicted, save bowles, chesse &c: Every one to cultivate his owne Garden. One moneth in Spring a Course in the Elaboratory on Vegetables &c, In the Winter a moneth on other Experiments[.] Every man to have a key of the Elab[oratory]: Pavilion, Library, Repository &c: Weekely Fast, Communion once every fortnight, or moneth at least. No stranger easily admitted to visite any of the Societie, but upon25 certaine daies weekely, and that /fol. 70/ onely after dinner. Any of the Society may have his Commons to his Apartement, if he will not meete in the Refectory, so it be not above twice a weeke. Every Thursday shall be a Musique meeting at conversation hower. Every person of the Society shall render some publique account of his studies weekely, if thought fit, and especially shall be reccommended the promotion of experimentall knowledge, as the principle end of the institution: There shall be a decent habite and uniforme used in the Colledge. One moneth in the yeare, may be spent in London, or any the Universities,26 or in ‹a› perambulation for the publique benefit &c with what other Orders shall be thought convenient &c Thus, Sir, I have in hast (but to your losse not in a Laconic stile) presum’d to communicate to you (and truely, in my life, never to any but yourselfe) that Project, which for some tyme has traversed my Thoughts; and therefore, far from being the effect either of an impertinent or trifling spirit; but the result of mature and frequent reasonings. And Sir, is not this the same that many noble personages did at the confusion of the Empire by the barbarous Gothes, when St. Hierome, a

‘happen after the manner of men’.

368

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 3 Sept. 1659

Eustochium and others retir’d from the impertinencys of the world to the sweete recesses and Societies in the East, ’till it came to be burthen’d with the vowes27 and superstitions, which can give no scandal to our designe, that provides against all such snares?28a Now to assure you, Sir, how pure and immixt the designe is from any other then the publique interesse, propounded by me, and to redeeme the tyme to the noblest purposes; I am thankfully to accknowledg, that, as to the common formes of living in the world, I have little reason to be displeas’d at my present condition; in which, I blesse God, I want nothing conducing either to health, or honest diversion, extreamly beyond my merite; and therefore, would I be somewhat choyce and scrupulous in my Collegue; because he is to be the most deare Person to me in the World. But oh! how I should thinke it design’d from heaven, and tanquam numen διοπετές,b did such a Person as Mr Boyle, who is alone a society of all that were desirable to a consummate felicitie, esteeme it a designe worthy his embracing! Upon such an occasion, how would I prostitute all ‹my› other concernements,29 how would I exsulte30 and, as I am, continue, upon infinite accumulations and regards Sir, his most humble, and most obedient Servant

Says-Court: [3]d:31 Sept: 59 If my health permitt me the honour to pay my respects to you, before you leave the Towne, I will bring you a rude plot of the Building, which will better fix the Idea, & shew what Symmetrie it holds with this description.c

J Evelyn: Endorsed at bottom left of fol. 70: ‘For Mr Boile.’ With Miles’s crayon number ‘No. III’ on fol. 70v. The manuscript contains printer’s marks.

a Evelyn refers to the biblical scholar St Jerome (c. 345–420). ‘Eustochium’ is probably Eustathius (c. 300–77), bishop of Sebaste in Pontius from c. 357, and a chief founder of eastern monasticism. b ‘like a divine thing fallen from God’. c These plans are reproduced in Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy (above, p. 212), pp. 85– 6.

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THOMAS BARLOWa to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

13 September 1659

From the original in BL 1, fols. 29–30. 4°/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 406, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 301–2.

Sir It is now a good while a goe since (in obedience to your command) I signifyed to Dr. Sanderson, that in case he would seriously sett himselfe to write Cases of Conscience, (1. explaineinge the nature of conscience, the obligation of it, how far that extends, and the reasons of it, with some universall principles, and generall Rules concerneinge it in thesi; and then, 2. In hypothesi, to fall to the resolveinge particular Cases) you would allow him £50 per Annum to incourage him in that good worke.b With what thankefullnesse the good old man accepts of this your great charity (rare in any age, and unheard of in this) you may (in part) see by this inclosed, and I doubt not but the present age and posterity may have just cause to blesse God in this particular, and thanke you for being the onely occasion, and sole incourager of soe good a worke. May the gratious good God of heaven and earth blesse you, and all those pious and generous soules who dare be good in bad times; this is, and shall be the prayer of (Sir) Your most obliged humble Q. Coll. Oxon servant Sept. XIII. M. DC. LIX: Tho: Barlow 1

We have noe newes, save what this bearer (your great servant) can better tell, then I write. Dr Wilkins is gone (cum pannis) to Cambridge, and left his great Telescope to the Library;c our buisinesse now is to place Mr Seldens bookes, which will goe neare to fill up the other end of our library. They are considarable for the number (about 8000 volumes) but more for the Quality, especially his Orientall MSS. beeinge many, and choice.2d For the honorable Robert Boyle / Esquire these a

For Barlow, see above, p. 322. This is a reference to Robert Sanderson (1587–1663), Regius professor of divinity at Oxford who, under Boyle’s patronage, produced De obligatione conscientiae praelectiones (1660). Barlow acted as intermediary in the matter of Boyle’s sponsorship. c cum pannis, ‘with his baggage’. For John Wilkins see above, p. 144n. Wilkins resigned his position at Wadham College to become Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, in Sept. 1659. Shapiro, John Wilkins (above, p. 245), p. 141. d For John Selden see above, p. 347n. The University of Oxford accepted the proposals of the executors of Selden’s will in June 1659, and the library received Selden’s non-medical Oriental manuscripts, his Greek manuscripts, and all his printed Talmudical and rabbinical books. See F. Madan and H. H. E. Craster, A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford (above, p. 203), ii, part I, 594–654. b

370

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 29 Sept. 1659

Seal: Wax traces. Endorsed possibly by Birch ‘Bishop Barlow’ and by Wotton, ‘Bishop Barlow with Bishop Sanderson’s enclosed concerning Mr Boyle’s Pension of £50 per annum for writing casuistical Divinity’.

EVELYN to BOYLE

29 September 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 399–401. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 291–4, and in Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence (above, p. 212), iii, 121–6. A copy also survives in Evelyn’s Letterbook, British Library, Evelyn Papers, JE A, no. 157, with which the Birch text has been collated and significant differences noted.

Say’s-Court, Sept. 29, 1659. SIR, I SEND you this enclosed, the product of your commands, but the least instance of my ambition to serve you: and when I1 shall add, that if an oblation of whatever else I possess, can verify the expression of my greater esteem of your incomparable book; which, as indicted with a pen snatched from the wing of a seraphim,a exalts your divine incentives to that height, that being sometimes ravished with your description of that transcendent state of angelical amours, I was almost reconciled to the passion of Cleombrotus, who threw himself into the water upon the reading of Plato;b and (as despairing to enjoy it)2 ready to cry out with St. Paul, cupio dissolvi, and to be in the embraces of the seraphick love, which you have described to that perfection, as if in the company of some celestial harbinger, you had taken flight, and been ravished into the third heaven, where you have heard words unutterable, and, from whence, you bring us such affections and divine inclinations, as are only competent to angels and to yourself:c for so powerful is your /p. 400/ eloquence, so metaphysical your discourse, and sublime your subject. And though by all this, and your rare example, you civilly declaim against the mistakes we married persons usually make; yet I cannot think it a paralogism or insidious reasoning, which you manage with so much ingenuity, and pursue with so great judgment. But certainly it was3 an extraordinary grace, that at so early years, and amidst the ardours a

Boyle’s Seraphic Love was published this year. See Works, vol. 1. Cleombrotus, academic philosopher of Ambracia, was said to have killed himself after reading Plato, in order to exchange this life for a better one. This story is related in Augustine, City of God, i, 22. c ‘I desire to be dissolved’, an allusion to Philippians 1, 23. b

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of youth, you should be able to discern so maturely, and determine so happily; avoid the Syren, and escape the tempest: but thus, when the curiosity of Psyche had lighted the taper, and was resolved to see what so ardently embraced her, she discovered an impertinent child, the weakness and folly of the passion.a You, Sir, found its imperfections betimes; and that men then ceased to be wise, when they began to be in love, unless, with you, they could turn nature into grace, and, at once, place their affections on the right object. But, Sir, though you seem tender of the consequence all this while, the conclusion will speak as well as your example; that, though you have said nothing of marriage, which is the result of love; yet you suppose, that it were hard to become a servant without folly; and that there are ten thousand inquietudes espoused with a mistress. That the fruits of children are tears and weakness, whilst the productions of the spirit put their parents neither to charge nor trouble; that all these heroes, of whom we read, esteemed most precious of the celibate. Alexander had no child, and Hercules left no heir:b Pallas was born of the brain of Jupiter;c and the Venus Urania of the Platonists made love only to the soul, which she united to the essence of God (according to their divinity) and had no lower commerce than what you so worthily celebrate in your book, and cultivate in your life.d But though these were all true, and all that you have added, since I find the passion of Lindamore rather to be pitied, than criminal, because Hermione’s was not reciprocal; though she were cruel, the sex is tender, and amiable; pious, and useful, and will never want champions to defend their virtues, and assert their dues, and that is our love and our service.e For if it be virtuous, it is the nearest to the seraphical; and whatever can be objected against it, proceeds from the vices of the person’s defect, or extremes of the passion. But you instance in the jealousies, diseases, follies, and inconstancies of love: the sensual truly is obnoxious to all these; but who have been the martyrs, where the design was not plainly brutish, indifferent to the education, or blinded with avarice? And, if you have example of their hatred, and perfidy, I can produce a thousand of their affection and intega

In classical mythology, Eros (Cupid) fell in love with Psyche. He took her away and visited her by night under the instruction never to enquire who he was. Made to believe that he was a hideous monster by her jealous sisters, Psyche brought a light to look at the sleeping Eros, but a drop of hot oil fell on his shoulder, waking him. b Alexander the Great, in fact, had a posthumous son by Roxana, Alexander Aegus. Hercules killed his children by Megera but had further children by Deinira. c Evelyn alludes to Pallas Athene, daughter of Zeus (Jupiter) and Metis. Zeus swallowed Metis and Athene was born from his forehead. d Venus Urania, Latin name for the aspect of the goddess representing heavenly or spiritual love in Plato’s Symposium. e Hermione, daughter of Menelaus and Helen, married first to Neoptolemus and then Orestes. Evelyn is alluding to Boyle’s device in Seraphic Love (1659), where the text is addressed to ‘Lindamor’, who has not been identified further. In the opening paragraph Boyle congratulates Lindamor that ‘Hermione’s cold usage has cured you of the Feaver, her scorching eyes had given you’. See Works, vol. 1, pp. 54, 63.

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to BOYLE, 29 Sept. 1659

rity. What think you, Sir, of Alceste, that ran into the funeral pile of her husband?a The goodness of Æmilia, the chastity of Lucretia, the faith of Furia, of Portia, and infinite others who knew nothing, that the Christian institution has superadded?b And the Scriptures are full of worthy examples, since it was from the effects of conjugal love, that the Saviour of the world, and that great object of seraphick love derived his incarnation, who was the son of David.4c Take away this love, and the whole earth is but a desert; and though there were nothing more worthy eulogies than virginity, it is yet but the result of love, since those, that shall people paradise, and fill heaven with saints, are such, as have been subject to this passion, and were the products of it. In sum, it is by that, the church has consecrated to God both virgins and martyrs, and confessors these five thousand5 years; and he that said, it was not good for man to be alone, placed the celibate amongst the inferior states of perfection, whatsoever some affirm; seeing that St. Paul is not general, and he confesses, he had no command from the Lord.d It was the best advice in a time of persecution, the present distress, and for an itinerant apostle; and truly6 it is what I so recommend to all of that function, that, for many regards, I could wish them all as seraphims, who do neither marry, nor are given in marriage. But, I cannot consent, that such a person as Mr. Boyle be so indifferent, decline a virtuous love, or imagine, that the best ideas are represented7 only in romances, where love begins, proceeds, and expires in the pretty tale, but leaves us no worthy impressions of its effects. We have nobler examples: and the wives of philosophers, pious and studious persons, shall furnish our instances: for such was Pudentilla, that held the lamp to her husband’s lucubrations:e such a companion had the learned Budeus;f and the late adventure of madam Grotius, celebrated by her Hugo, who has not heard of?g We need not go abroad;8 the committee chambers, and the parliament lobby, are sad, but evident testimonies of the patience, and the address, the love, and the constancy of these gentle creatures. In fine, they bear us out of love, and they give us such; they divert us when we are well, and tend us when we are a In classical mythology, Alcestis married Admetus. Apollo granted Admetus deliverance from death if a close member of his family would die for him. Alcestis died for him but was brought back from the underworld by Hercules. b Evelyn refers to Aemilia, wife of Scipio Africanus the elder, famous for her behaviour to her husband when suspected of infidelity; Lucretia, wife of Collatinus, raped by Sextus, son of Tarquin; Portia, wife of Brutus, who killed herself on hearing of his death. Furia has not been identified, but she is not a classical character. c Evelyn refers to Christ’s lineage through David. d Evelyn refers here firstly to the word of God at the time of the creation of man (Genesis 2, 18), and secondly to St Paul’s teaching that the unmarried state is best. However, as Evelyn says, on this issue Paul declared ‘I have no command from the Lord’. See 1 Corinthians 7, 25. e This name occurs in Ausonius, Parentalia, 18 and 19, and may be connected with Pudicitia, Roman goddess of modesty and chastity, but is is most likely that she is not a classical character. f This is a reference to Mrs Budé, wife of Guillaume Budé (1467–1540), French humanist scholar. g Maria de Reigersbergen, wife of Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), Dutch statesman and polymath, rescued her husband from prison in the Netherlands in 1620.

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sick; they grieve over us when we die, and some, I have known, that would not be comforted and survive. But, Sir, Ludov. Vives has written a volume on this subject, and taken all his histories from the love of Christian women.a Jacobus de Voragine gives us twelve motives to acknowledge the good we receive by them, and I could add a thousand more, were not that of Pliny instar omnium, who writing to his mother-in-law Hispulla, that brought his lady up, gives her this character.b Summum est acumen, summa frugalitas: amat me, quod castitatis indicium est. Accedit his studium literarum, quod ex mei charitate concepit. Meos libellos habet, lectitat, ediscit etiam. Qua illa soliticudine, quum videor acturus; quanto, quum egi, gaudio afficitur? and a little after, Versus quidem meos cantat, formatque cithara, non artifice aliquo docente, sed amore, qui magister est optismus:c whence he well foresees, perpetuam nobis majoremque in dies futuram esse concordiam:d discoursing in that which follows, of the nobleness and purity of her affection, with this elegant and civil /p. 401/ acknowledgement, certatim ergo tibi gratias agimus: ego, quod illam mihi: illa, quod me sibi dederis, quasi invicem delegeris.e And what if Mr. Boyle himself did love such a lady, gratâ aliqua compede adstrictus,9 would it hinder him from the seraphick, or the pursuit of his worthy enquiries?f There is no danger, that he should be taught philosophy as Socrates was, who already commands his passions, and has divinity sufficient to render even Zantippe a saint;g and whose arguments for the seraphick love would make all men to envy his condition, and suspect their own, if it could once be admitted, that those, who are given to be auxilia commoda,h should hinder them in the love of God, whereof marriage is a figure:10 for so the apostle makes the parallel, when he speaks of the spouse, Ephes. v. and devotion is so generally conspicuous in the female sex, that they furnish the greater part of many litanies, and, whom if we may not pray to, we ought certainly to praise God for; not so much because they were virgins, as that they were the mothers and the daughters a A reference to Joannes Lodovicus Vives (1492–1540), Spanish humanist scholar, author of The Instruction of a Christian Woman, trans. Richard Hyrde (1530). b Evelyn refers to Jacobus de Voriagne (c. 1230–98), Dominican hagiographer and Archbishop of Genoa, author of The Golden Legend (1292). Pliny the younger (c. 61–112), Roman letter writer, wrote of the kind attentions of his younger second wife Calpurnia. Instar omnium, ‘equal of all’. c Evelyn quotes from Pliny’s letter to Hispulla, mother to Calpurnia. See Betty Radice (ed.), Pliny Letters and Panegyricus, 2 vols (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, 1969), i, IV. xix. ‘She is highly intelligent and a careful housewife, and her devotion to me is a sure indication of her virtue. In addition, this love has given her an interest in literature: she keeps copies of my works to read again and again and even learn by heart. She is so anxious when she knows that I am going to plead in court, and so happy when all is over! … She has even set my verses to music and sings them, to the accompaniment of her lyre, with no musician to teach her but the best of masters, love.’ d ‘our mutual happiness will last for ever and go on increasing day by day’. e ‘And so we do not know which of us should thank you more for having given her to me and me to her as if chosen for each other.’ f ‘bound by some pleasant chain’, an allusion to Horace, Odes, I. xxiii. 14 and IV. xi. 24. g Xantippe was the wife of Socrates, famous for her bad temper and shrewish ways. h ‘useful helps/auxiliaries’.

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to BOYLE, 29 Sept. 1659

of the greatest saints, and lights of the church, who propagated the seraphick love with their examples, and sealed it with their blood.a But, dear Sir, mistake me not all this while, for I make not this recital, as finding the least period in your most excellent discourse prejudicial to the conjugal state; or that I have the vanity to imagine my forces capable to render you a proselyte of Hymen’s, who have already made the worthiest choice; much less to magnify my own condition, and lay little snares for those obvious replies, which return in compliments, and odious flatteries.b I have never encountered any thing extraordinary, or dare lay claim to the least of the virtues I have celebrated: but if I have found the conversation capable of exalting and improving our affections, even to the highest of objects, and to contribute very much to human felicity; I cannot pronounce the love of the sex to be at all misapplied, or to the prejudice of the most seraphical.11 And if to have the fruition and the knowledge of our friends in heaven, will be so considerable an augmentation of our felicity; how great is that of the married like to prove, since there is not on earth a friendship comparable to it? Or if paradise and the ark to be the most adequate resemblances of those happy mansions, you may remember there were none but couples there, and that every creature was in love. But why do I torment your eyes with these impertinencies! which would never have end, did I not consider, I am writing a letter, and how much better you are wont to place your precious hours. But, Sir, I have now but a word to add, and it is to tell you, that, if after all this, we acknowledge your victory, and find all our arguments too weak to contest with your seraphical object, pronounce you wise, and infinitely happy; yet, as if envying, that any else should be so; you have too long concealed the discourses, which should have gained you disciples, and are yet not afraid to make apologies for employing that talent, which you cannot justify the wrapping up all this while in a napkin. We therefore, that are entangled in our mistakes, and acknowledge our imperfections, must needs declare against it, as the least effects of a seraphick lover, which were to render all men like himself. And since there is now no other remedy, make the best use we can of, as St. Paul advises, ut qui habent uxores, sint tanquam non habentes, &c.c and for the rest, to serve and to love God as well as we may in the condition we are assigned; which if it may not approach to the perfection of Seraphims, and that of Mr. Boyle, let it be as near as it can, and we shall not account ourselves12 amongst the most unhappy, for having made some virtuous addresses to that fair sex. DEAREST Sir, permit me to tell you, that I extremely loved you before; but my heart is infinitely knit to you now: for what are we now to expect from so timely a Ephesians 5, 28–32, draws the parallel between the care of husbands for wives and the care of Christ for his church. b A reference to Hymen, the god of marriage. c St Paul advises ‘they that have wives be as though they had none’, see 1 Corinthians 7, 29.

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a consecration of your excellent abilities? The Primitiæa sanctified the whole harvest; and you have at once, by this incomparable piece, taken off the reproach, which lay upon piety, and the enquiries into nature; that the one was too early for younger persons, and the other the ready way to atheism, than which, as nothing has been more13 impiously spoken, so, nor has any thing been more fully refuted. But, Sir, I have finished; pardon this great excess; it is love, that constrains me, and the effects of your discourse, from which I have learned so many excellent things, that they are not to be numbered and merited with less than I have said, and than I profess, which is to continue all my life long,14 SIR, your most humble, obliged, and most affectionate servant, J. EVELYN.15

HULL to BOYLE September 1659 Miles’s list of letters (BP 36, fol. 162) records ‘Hull Cousin to Mr B. blaming not answer: his Letters not material Sept. 59’. ‘Hull’ has not been identified.

HARTLIB to BOYLE

22 October 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 291–2. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works, vi, 128–9.

Octob. 22, 59. Honoured SIR, MY last was dated Octob. 18, wherein I gave you thanks for transmitting Bill’s anatomical papers:b since I received a box from the carrier, with the ludus humanus without any letter. Nor have I received any line from your hands, in answer to my a

i.e., the first things of their kind, the first fruits. This letter is not extant. Hartlib refers to Lodewijk de Bils (1624–71), Dutch anatomist. The anatomical papers mentioned by Hartlib are the text of anatomical tract, entitled Kopye van zekere (1659), which, on Boyle’s request, was translated into English by John Pell as The Copy of a certain large Act … touching the skill of a better way of anatomy of mans body (1659). Boyle commissioned the translation of de Bils’s anatomy tract and dedicated it to Hartlib. See Works, vol. 1. b

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to BOYLE, 22 Oct. 1659

three former letters.a These are to present unto you my most humble thanks for the foresaid ludus, which I shall urge my son to make out of hand. This week Mr. Jones hath saluted me with a very kind letter, containing a very singular observation, in these words.b ‘Concerning the generation of pearls, I am of opinion, that they are engendered in the cockel-fishes (I pray, Sir, give me the Latin word of it in your next) of the same manner as the stone in our body, which I endeavour fully to shew, in a discourse of mine, about the generation of pearls; which, when I shall have done it, shall wait upon you for my part in revenge of your observations. I heard lately a very remarkable story, about margarites, from a person of quality and honour in this town, which you will be glad, I believe, to hear. A certain German baron of about twenty four years old, being in prison here at Paris, in the same chamber with a Frenchman (who told this, as having been eye-witness of it, to him that told it me) they having both need of money, the baron sent his man to a goldsmith, to buy seven or eight ordinanary [sic] pearls, of about twenty-pence a piece, which he put a dissolving in a glass of vinegar, and being well dissolved, he took the paste, and put it together with a powder (which I should be glad to know) into a golden mould, which he had in his pocket, and so put it a warming for some time upon the fire; after which, opening the mould, they found a very great and lovely oriental pearl in it, which they sold for about two hundred crowns, although it was a great deal more worth.c The same baron throwing a little powder he had with him into a pitcher of water, and letting it stand about four hours, made the best wine, that a man can drink.’ Thus far the truly hopeful young gentleman, whereby he hath hugely obliged me. I wish he had the forementioned powder, that we might try, whether we could make the like pearls and wine. The great society, which is said to have far greater matters, is like to break forth next week.d For this week the conclusion was, cum fine hujus septimanæ finis erit miseriarum vestrarum.e As soon as their declaration is out, I shall not fail to send you a copy, with what else I may. In the mean while, I humbly beg your silence concerning the forementioned conclusion. Mr. Woodnot, my stationer, hath the anatomical papers, with Mr. Pell’s desired explanation; for I know he will get it as cheap as any stationer, with whom you are acquainted. f You will let me know how many copies shall be sent unto you, with your other promised directions for the distributions of them. Nothing is a

None of these letters is extant. This is probably Richard Jones, son of Katherine, Boyle’s sister. For Jones see above, p. 75n. He was in Paris with Henry Oldenburg, with whom he travelled abroad between 1657 and 1660. c The German baron has not been identified. d This is a reference to Hartlib’s planned philanthropic society, which he referred to as Macaria. References to this society are in the letters of Beale to Hartlib and from Hartlib to Worthington, see Worthington (above, p. 177), i, 156–9, 163, and of Polemann to Hartlib. See M. Lewis Bailey, Milton and Jakob Boehme (New York, 1964), pp. 74–5, and also Webster, Great Instauration, p. 87. e ‘With the end of this week there will be an end to your miseries’. f Richard Woodnoth or Wodenothe was a bookseller in London 1645–56. For John Pell see above, p. 179n. For the anatomical papers see above, p. 376n. b

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since my last passed in the publick affairs of any extraordinary consequence. Monck’s letter to the parliament is now in print, wherein he declares against the petition and proposals of the army; but colonel Cobbet is dispatched with new instructions into Scotland, and colonel Barrow to Ireland, to inform them what is passed between the parliament and army, with the reasons of their proceedings.a The council of state have in a manner dissolved themselves of their own accord, some adhering to the parliament, some to the army, of which number are Sir H. Vane, major Salaway, Sir J. Harrington, lord Wareston, colonel Sydenham, lord Whitelocke. Sir A. Haslelrig is going into the country, if he be not gone already.b On Wednesday the general council of officers held a fast in White-hall chappel.c Lord Fleetwood is declared and owned commander in chief over all the land forces; Lambert, major general of the forces in England and Scotland; Disbrowe, commissary general of the horse; lieutenant general Ludlow is made one of the committee to nominate all such persons, who hereafter shall be admitted officers of the army.d Lord Bradshaw is fallen so ill, that they begin to despair of his life.e Some of the semi-council of state, and of the general council of officers, were sent to offer the keeping of the great seal of England to Mr. Speaker; but he would not accept of it.f Both the foresaid councils /p. 292/ are daily consulting about the drawing up a declaration to the three nations, and what government to introduce and settle; but nothing as yet concluded. Yesterday an express was dispatched into the Sound. Mr. Worsley never comes at me, yet I heard he confessed to lord Friesendorf, that if the parliament had sat four days longer, his head would have gone off.g Lord Lambert

a

For George Monck see see above, p. 222n. His letter to Parliament was printed in Three Letters from the Lord General Monck, viz. to Mr Speaker, to the Lord Fleetwood, to the Lord Lambert (1659). The army’s petition was presented to Parliament on 5 October and printed as The Representation and Petition of the Army to the Parliament (1659). See Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), p. 65. Ralph Cobbett (fl. 1664–74) and Robert Barrow (fl. 1642–60) were radical army officers. b This is a reference to the events on 17 Oct. when the Council of State divided over the army’s expulsion of Parliament. See Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), pp. 66–7. For the Council of State see above, p. 354n. For Sir Henry Vane see above, p. 340n. Hartlib refers to Richard Salwey (1615–85), Sir James Harrington (1607–80), and Bulstrode Whitelocke (1605–75), members of the Rump. Archibald Johnston (1611–63), Lord Warriston, was a Scottish lawyer and politician. William Sydenham (1615–61) was a member of the Rump who was given command of a regiment of foot after the Rump was restored in Apr. 1659. For Sir Arthur Haslerig see above, p. 344n. c The General Council had appointed Wednesday 19 Oct. as a day of humiliation before the Lord and consequently spent several hours together praying and preaching together in Whitehall Chapel. See The Loyal Scout, 25 (14–21 Oct. 1659), p. 206. d For Charles Fleetwood see above, p. 279n., for John Lambert see above, p. 344n., and for John Desborough see above, p. 337n. Edmund Ludlow (1617–92), regicide, at this time was one of Parliament’s commissioners in Ireland. See Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), p. 67. e For John Bradshaw see above, p. 293n. He died on 31 Oct. 1659. f This is presumably a reference to the Speaker of the Long Parliament, William Lenthall (1591– 1662). g Hartlib refers to Lord Friesendorf, Swedish ambassador. See CSPD, 1659–60, pp. 159, 174.

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to BOYLE, 1 Nov. 1659

received a letter with high promises from C. S. but he shewed it to Sir H. Vane, and others of the council.a I can hold out scarce any longer, but subscribe myself, Honoured Sir, your ever faithfully devoted S. HARTLIB. P.S. THERE is a council of state constituted, consisting of twenty three persons, of whom I have named some already; the rest are, Hewson, Steele, Tichbourne, Ireton, the late president Lawrence.b The rest I cannot call to mind. These are to make up the government for the present. Commissioner Lisle, lord Whitelocke, and one more, are the keeper of the great seal of England.c

HARTLIB to BOYLE

1 November 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 292–3. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 130–1.

Nov. 1, 59. Honoured SIR, I HAVE sent by a Bohemian divine, that hath been commended to Oxford by Mr. Comenius, and lived lately as chaplain with Mr. Thurloe (his name is Paulus Hartmannus) the desired twenty five copies of Bill’s Anatomy, together with the army’s declaration.d If I do not send the account at this time, it shall be inclosed in my next, under Mr. Woodnott the stationer’s own hand.e By him I have sent the forty copies to Dr. Cox (for you need not question, but they will be acceptable) in your a This may be an allusion to the proposal that Charles II’s brother, James, should marry Lambert’s daughter, Mary, which some royalists thought would induce Lambert to effect Charles II’s restoration. Maurice Ashley, James II (London, 1977), p. 70. b This is a reference to the creation of the Committee of Safety by the General Council of the Army. See Hutton, The Restoration, p. 67. The members of the Council of State mentioned by Hartlib are John Hewson (d. 1662), William Steele (d. 1680) and Robert Tichborne (d. 1682). Possibly this is John Ireton (1615–89), who was Lord Mayor of London in 1658 and knighted by Cromwell. In 1654 Henry Lawrence (for whom see above, p. 193n.) was made permanent chairman of the Council of State with the title ‘Lord President of the Council’. c John Lisle (c. 1610–64), was appointed one of the commissioners of the exchequer in 1654. For Whitelocke see above, p. 378n. In 1649 Whitelocke and Lisle were appointed commissioners of the great seal together with Richard Keble (fl. 1650). d Paul Hartmann (d. 1694) was chaplain at Christ Church in Oxford. See M. Blekastad, Comenius (Oslo, 1969). For Jan Amos Comenius and John Thurloe se above, p. 194n. and p. 248n. For Lodewijk de Bils’s Anatomy (1659) see above, p. 376n. The army’s Declaration is described above, p. 378. e For Woodnoth see above, p. 377n.

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name.a And I am distributing to the rest of the gentlemen, whom you have named, as fast as I can meet with them.b I mean also to send one to monsieur Bill himself, to let him know, what honour hath been done unto him by a young nobleman in these parts; and many more to friends in the Low Countries. Really you have done an excellent work, for spreading this anatomical magnale upon the honest learned world. I have received no letters from you since the 24th of October, which somewhat troubles me, because I cannot tell, whether any of my letters, which have been sent these two weeks, have come to your hands.c I should be very much troubled, if they are miscarried. Amongst other particulars, I wrote something concerning the secret society suddenly to break forth.d I suppose I shall shortly be acquainted with some of the members; nor shall I shrink to propose unto them that same, which monsieur Bill doth require for carrying on of that noble work.e For if all be true what I hear, though it seem great, yet is but a trifle to them. And truly if I had any such stock, I should suffer no body to share with me in the glory of that publick charity. The very last post I received the following lines. ‘Monsieur Bill lives at present at Rotterdam in the English Court (so is the name of the house, where he lives in Rotterdam.) He is a Frenchman; speaks French, Low-Dutch, and Latin. He hath four bodies, two men and two women, so anatomised, that he can shew the inward state of a man’s body. For all the parts of the body are in the body, except the guts and brains, which lye by. He asketh above 100000 Dutch guilders, and then he will teach the anatomy out of them to scholars, surgeons, &c. He saith, this cost him not only infinite pains and head-breakings, but that, of his own patrimony, he spent to this work 60000 guilders. He affirms, that Paris hath presented him about 20000 francs, and Amsterdam about 3000 francs, for 2 corpora; but he will not sell them apart, but in that manner as I mentioned. It seems it is very rare, that he anatomised, in such a manner, those bodies, and prepared also, that they can be clearly seen, every thing in its proper place. The like is yet never done in this world!’ The letter is dated October 31.f From another confiding friend, Mr. Dury was lately acquanted after this manner.g Ecce afferuntur generoso domino de Geere a Presumably this is a reference to Thomas Coxe (for whom see above, p. 209n.), physician and F.R.S. b The gentlemen were possibly named by Boyle in his missing letter, presumably written between 22 Oct. and 1 Nov. c This letter is not extant. d For the secret society, which Hartlib referred to as Macaria, see above, p. 377n. See also Worthington (above, p. 177), i, 156 e By Jan. 1660 Boyle, John Beale, John Worthington and Joachim Polemann were involved in the fraternity. See Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 86–7. The details of de Bils’s requirements are not known. f The letter, possibly written by Dury when he was in Amsterdam, is also included in a letter from Hartlib to Worthington, 31 Oct. 1659; see Worthington (above, p. 177), i, 159–60. g For John Dury see above, p. 56n. This letter writer has not been identified. For the correct version of this letter, see Worthington, i, 160.

380

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 1 Nov. 1659

Constantinopoli literæ a domino Warnero, quem ille ante triennium jam & prece atque pretio requisiverat, vellet; translationem biblici codicis in linguam Turcicam sibi cordi curæque esse.a Dictum factum. Bonus ille & domui de Geerianæ ob promota pridem juventutis suæ studia obstrictus atque deditissimus, laborem istum hujus commendatione, & lauti subsidii subministratione, alacriter suscepit, atque quod jam scribit, eousque promovit & peregit, ut pauca restent, quin brevi diem universa biblia lingua Turcica loqui constet. Promittit enim exemplar MS. ad typos promovendum intra semestre hoc circiter se posse & velle, huc ad gen. dominum de Geere curare.b This is as welcome and refreshing, as that of Bill’s, save that he hath no de Geere appearing for him. Mr. Beale returns his thanks in these words.c ‘I have tasted of Seraphic Love. It is like a deep river, carrying more strength than noise.d The Jesuit Eusebius of Nuremburg de Ingenio Amoris hath broken the mystery of divine love into fragments of short wit; as if one would cut hair short, to make it strong’e Thus far he. I am mightily perplexed for the present, being likely to lose, by carrier, a manuscript of above twenty sheets of his De Re Hortulana.f Mr. Oldenburg begs most earnestly to be gratified, acording to his desires, in the inclosed paper.g If you would vouchsafe also to send it to Mr. Austen, to know his answer upon it, the kindness would be very obliging to us both.h Lord Bradshaw died yesterday in the afternoon, having left behind him lands worth six thousand pounds, besides a great personal estate.i Monck is said to be on his march. Our forces are to march also, having received two months pay. Monck doth declare not for a free parliament, but for this last dissolved.j And it is confidently reported by some, that /p. 293/ the old dissolved parliament, within a very few days will sit a This is a reference to Laurens de Geer (1614–66), son of Louis de Geer, Comenius’s patron. Also mentioned is Levinus Warner (1619–65), Dutch orientalist, resident in Constantinople. b ‘Letters are brought now from Mr Warner at Constantinople to the noble Mr de Geer. Three years ago de Geer beseeched him, with entreaties and offers of payment, to devote himself to a translation of the Bible into the Turkish language. No sooner was it said than it was done. This good man [i.e., Warner] was devoted to the house of the de Geers, and was greatly obliged to them because they had provided him with support for the studies that he had undertaken in his youth; he undertook this task of translating with alacrity, on de Geer’s recommendation, and with the support of a generous subvention from him. And what he now writes is that he has proceeded with and completed his task at such a pace that there is little left to do before he could set a date in the near future when the whole of the Bible could be read in the Turkish language. For he promises that he is able and willing to make sure that a copy of the manuscript that will be suitable for printing reaches the noble Mr de Geer here within half a year or thereabouts.’ c Beale’s letter to Hartlib has not been found. d Beale refers to Boyle’s Seraphic Love, published in 1659. See Works, vol. 1. e This is a reference to Juan Eusebius Nieremberg (1595–1658), professor at the Imperial College of Philip IV of Spain. f Beale’s draft manuscripts on horticulture were sent by Hartlib to John Evelyn. See Stubbs, i, 486. See also Oldenburg, i, 314–20. g Oldenburg’s letter to Hartlib is missing. See Oldenburg, i, 323. h For Ralph Austen see above, p. 293n. No letter from Boyle to Austen has been found i For John Bradshaw see above, p. 293n. j For George Monck see above, p. 222n. Hartlib is referring to the fact that Monck had called for the restoration of the Rump rather than a new Parliament.

381

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

again. The hearts of men are filled with sadness and apprehensions of all manner of confusions, more than ever. Thus, earnestly longing for your letters, I rest, SIR, your truest votary, SAM. HARTLIB.

BOYLE to HARTLIB

3 November 1659

From the extract printed in Worthington (above, p. 177), i, 160–2.

What you write conc[erning]1 the Translation of the Bible into the Turkish tongue, is most welcome.a For to /p. 161/ speak in the phrase of the times, it has been much upon my heart to have the propagation of the Gospel attempted, not by making an Independent a Presbyter, or Presbyter an Independent, but by converting those to Christianity that are either enemies or strangers to it. And therefore you will oblige me to enquire as diligently as you can, what this Mr. Warner is, as to his intellectual abilities, for such a work, and as to his inclinations to further it. And indeed I shall much more honor Mons. de Geere, then ever I did, (how much soever I honored him before,) for so Christian a commiseration of your souls, that yet sit as it were in darkness and in the shadow of death.b Nor are we here altogether regardless of such matter, for Mr. Pocock is at my request printing a translation of Grotius’s Book of the Truth of the Christian Religion into Arabick, and I need not tell you, how fit he is for such a work.c The Book is partly printed off already: we would gladly be advised, how it may be disposed into several parts of the East, to the greatest advantage of the design which he and I persue in it. I am now prosecuting some things with an engine I formerly writ to you of, & these things that have been already done in part are such, as would not, perhaps, be unacceptable to our new philosophers, wherever they are.d But we have not yet brought our engine to perform what it should.

a

This extract is given in a letter from Hartlib to Worthington of 7 Nov. 1659. He introduced it by quoting a slightly longer version of the same passage concerning Geere and Warner as in his letter to Boyle of 1 Nov., which he notes that he had sent to Boyle, ‘who returns me this answer’. b For this project, and its patrons, Laurens de Geer and Levinus Warner, see above, p. 381. c Pococke’s Arabic translation of Hugo Grotius’s De veritate christianae religionis was published in 1660. d Boyle refers to his experiments with the air-pump.

382

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 15 Nov. 1659

OLDENBURG to BOYLE 10/20 November 1659 This letter is known from the memorandum in R.S. MS 1, fol. 60v (printed in Oldenburg, i, 327–8). Oldenburg writes: ‘The 20: Nov. 1659 j’escrivis à Mr Boyle des projections de l’Elect de Mayence,a recitées par luy à Sir K. Digby.b De Monsieur Stael.c Du sel fondant et fluant comme la cire. Des relations de Madagascar de leur facon de faire du vin du miel. De l’oeuvre du Saumier.1d Du livre du Amel, appellé Anatomia physica.e Du vernix contrefait des Chinois. De la facon de peindre le papier en un moment. Le remede2 fait d’Escrevices contra la gravelle.’f

HARTLIB to BOYLE

15 November 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 293–4. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 131–3.

Nov. 15, 1659. Honoured SIR, LAST Saturday I sent a very bulky packet coming from Ireland, with a copy of Dalgarno’s letter, and a few lines of my cure.g Yesterday I received again one of your desirable letters without any date, but suppose to be written on Saturday last.h For that trick again I shall send no more packets by friends; for so they have served me for the most part upon the like occasions. Mr. Pell desired to have the correcting of the print, as thinking himself far more nice and critical than your humble servant.i a Johann Philip von Schönborn (1605–73), prince bishop of Würzburg and Worms, archbishop of Mainz from 1647, was a patron of Becher, whose ‘projections’ may be intended. b For Sir Kenelm Digby see above, p. 99n. c For Peter Stahl see above, p. 292n. d This is possibly J. de Langlade (c. 1620–80), baron de Saumières, who wrote biographical works. e This is a reference to Jean Baptiste Duhamel (1624–1706), philosopher, later first secretary of the Académie Royale des Sciences. See D. J. Sturdy, Science and Social Status (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 83–6. Oldenburg appears to have made a slip: Duhamel never published a work of this title, but he did print in 1660 a book entitled Astronomia physica, mentioned (correctly) by Oldenburg in his letter to Boyle of 6 Mar. 1660 (below, p. 402). f ‘On 20 November 1659 I wrote to Mr. Boyle about the projections of the Elector of Mainz, of which he told Sir Kenelm Digby. Of Mr Stahl. Of the salt that melts and flows like wax. About the stories from Madagascar of their way of making wine from honey. Of the work of de Saumières. About the book of Duhamel called Anatomia physica. Of the imitation lacquer of the Chinese. Of the way of tinting paper instantaneously. The remedy against the gravel made from crayfishes.’ g Hartlib to Boyle, 12 Nov. 1659, is not extant. For George Dalgarno see above, p. 232n. Dalgarno’s letter has not been found. h Boyle to Hartlib, 12 Nov. 1659, is not extant. i This is likely to be a reference to Pell’s translation of Lodewijk de Bils’s pamphlet, for which see above, p. 376n. Presumably Hartlib refer to himself in the words ‘your humble servant’.

383

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

He had it, but it seems the porter did not find him at home, when he brought to him the first sheet, nor could I speak with him, till the second sheet also was printed off. I can assure you, the written copy was no other than that, which is printed, but I was forgetful to send back those lines, it only concerning myself (who in truth is nothing else but a lump of worser faults) and being greedy to have it printed off with all expedition. I have received letters lately out of New England, whither I purpose, God willing, to send a packet of ten or twenty copies, and as many to Jamaica, to my special good friend there Dr. Browne, that from both those places they may disperse them to other English plantations.a I humbly beg to enlarge or explain yours in what particulars you apprehend the Madagascar way or practice may be made more use of, than the natives are aware of.b If you answer, I shall add it to the heap of your other obligations. The queries, which you farther make about the Turkish bible, I cannot resolve, but shall write, God willing, to have them answered by monsieur de Geere himself.c As I did last week let him know, what aspect was cast from yours and Oxford towards him, and such kind of endeavours; and how far you were advanced towards the same design.d I shall also enquire of Mr. Hottenger about a catechism, but do not put Mr. Pocock upon any such translation, till I shall have imparted unto you some few lines about the method of propagating or insinuating of religion by catechisms.e Mr. Pell tells me, that Warnerus is a most accomplished man, and that for his great abilities and skill in Arabick and other oriental languages, he was counted worthy to be sent to be resident for the States at the Ottoman court.f He added withall, that many years ago Warnerus had published his Collectanea of all the passages concerning Christ out of the Alcoran.g I have written for it to Warnerus’s friends last Friday; for I know it will mightily please our Herefordian friend.h Mr. Oldenburg says, that more experiments de vacuo are greatly longed for by your French philosophers.i Yesterday I a Hartlib’s New England letters have not been found. Dr Browne of Jamaica has also not been identified. b Presumably, a reference to the information sent to Boyle by Oldenburg, dated 10 Nov. 1659, on the Madagascar natives’ way of producing wine out of honey; see Oldenburg, i, 327. c For Laurens de Geer, who wanted to sponsor a translation of the Bible in Turkish, see above, p. 381n. d Hartlib’s letter to de Geer is not extant. e Hartlib refers to Johann Heinrich Hottinger (1620–67), Swiss theologian and orientalist. Hartlib asked for Edward Pococke’s assistance with ‘Turkish queries’ in April 1659. See above, p. 327n. f For John Pell see above, p. 179n. For Levinus Warner, living in Constantinople, see p. 381n. g The work referred to here is Warner’s Compendium historicum eorum, quae Muhammedani de Christo… tradiderunt (1643). h Hartlib possibly refers to Oldenburg here, who was Warner’s ‘schoolfellow’ at the Senate of Bremen. See Oldenburg, i, 281. John Beale, resident of Herefordshire is the person referred to here. i The reference is likely to be to the members of the Academié de Montmor in Paris, for which see see above, p. 351n., Boyle experiments are obviously those performed with the air-pump. See Oldenburg to Hartlib, 8 Nov. 1659, in Oldenburg, i, 327.

384

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 15 Nov. 1659

received the sum of 5 l. by your appointment.a The title of Mr. Beale’s manuscript is called, A free discovery of the true, lawful, holy, and divine expedient for the propagation of the gospel, and establishment of an universal peace all over the world.b It is above twenty six sheets, besides many other sheets formerly written on the same argument, which I am to add, whensoever it is printed, and then it will come to I know not how many more; so that I fear it will be too big and hazardous for your undertaking in these unsettled times. Mr. Brereton was stark wild after it, having, read but a few pages.c He does not legally own it, because of the many paradoxes, or rather free truths in it, as I do judge them. But writing to him how providentially he had met with the said manuscript (for he meeting with the carrier, seeing so great a bulk, and knowing Mr. B.’sd hand, paid the carrier, and returned with it to my study,) and how I was constrained to open the packet in his presence, liking it so highly, obtained leave to transcribe a copy. The truth is, I design all such and the like works or tracts be printed upon the charges of Macaria, whose scope it is most professedly to propagate religion, and to endeavour the reformation of the whole world.e But it is scarce one day (or hour in the day) or night being brim full with all manner of objects of that publick and most universal nature, but my soul is crying out, Phosphore! redde diem, quid gaudia nostra moraris? Phosphore, redde diem!f

Perhaps within a few days longer I may for an interim present your goodness another subject of worth and usefulness, upon which you may spend that sum, which now you have deposited in my hands; and by doing so you relieve in the mean while very great extremities. For yet I am overwhelmed with all manner of smaller and greater debts or engagements. Nor dare I for the present disrobe myself of all the occasions and advantages I have of continuing in my ways of well doing. For this would be – Devorato bove in cauda deficere;g yet a little while, and deliverance will come. I told Mr. B.h out of your former, that you were too much an orator. He answers – De re Christiana optime meruit eruditissimus Pococius, quod argua

Boyle lent money to Hartlib; on Hartlib’s finances, see Turnbull, H. D. & C., pp. 24–9. For Beale’s manuscript, which Hartlib recommended for printing, see Stubbs, i, 485. c For William Brereton see above, p. 160n. d i.e., Mr Beale. e On the projects for the establishment of Macaria, Hartlib’s philosophical society, see above, p. 377n. f ‘Morning star, bring back the day! Why do you delay our joys? / Morning star, bring back the day!’ Hartlib quotes Martial, viii. 21, ll. 1–2 (omitting the first half of line 2, ‘Caesare venturo’, ‘when Caesar comes’). g ’To be in trouble on the tail, when the ox has already been eaten’. For this proverb see James Howell, English Proverbs (1659), p. 6. h Evidently, the person in question is Beale. Beale’s letter to Hartlib of 24 Nov. 1659 is not extant. b

385

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

menta Grotiana Arabice reddidit recte: ait Bovillus (Boylius)1 noster preclarissimus, satis esse, si Christiani ex vero simus. Nil opus alio charactere, neque nomenclatoris additamento. Verum quid ille me oratorem nominabat! Mallem virum bonum, bonum agricolam, colonuma bonum Catonis aut Varronis suffragio. Nemo nisi vir bonus potest esse orator, ut ait Cicero, ipse oratorum princeps.b Ego, si essem orator, non tam2 ingrato forem animo, ut in redhibitione tum diu obmutescerim. Illud insuper addo, ecquem novimus oratorem evadere, qui in pulvere scholastico integram juventutem /p. 294/ disperdere necesse habuit, quod mihi misero satis importunis obvenit. Obsecro meo nomine summo viro plurimam salutem impertire non dedigneris, et in operibus Dei reserandis bono publico et posteris operam tam sero navantem auspiciis divinis prosequamur.c That which follows written by the same good hand is no ways so pleasing. ‘That you mistake not, the hortulan paradoxes were sent above six weeks ago, and I conclude they are lost from us.d That of transmutation of flowers is surely in the warehouse at London. If it should be lost, it is not in my power to repeat it or to recover it; for it is the first draught, and as soon as I have engrossed, I am wont to discharge my memory. And my memory holds me to that covenant of immunity; and as the beast will not feed on blown fodder, so doth my spirit love fresh air and free perambulations. Nempe ut Avia Pieridum peragrem loca, nullius ante Trita solo, juvat integros accidere fontes.’e

The letter is dated Nov. 24. The packet to my great grief is not found in the London warehouse. I have begged search to be made at Hereford. I have called upon Clodius to write to you, and to send you the desired Dutch books.f As I am called a The colonus is a fairly respectable, if rustic, figure in Latin (cf. Cato, De re rustica, pref. 2, Varro De re rustica, pref. 5). b This remark is in keeping with Cicero’s desire to exalt the position of the orator in society. c ‘That most learned man, Pococke, has deserved a great deal of gratitude from the Christian world, for the fact that he has correctly translated the arguments of Grotius into Arabic. Our most distinguished friend Boyle says that it is enough, if we are truly Christians. There is no need for us to seek any other character, nor the addition of any other name. But why did he call me an orator? I would prefer to be called a good man, or a good farmer, or a good peasant, according to the opinion of Cato and of Varro. No-one who is not a good man can possibly be an orator, as Cicero says, who is himself the prince of orators. As for myself, if I were an orator, I would not have such an ungrateful spirit as to be silent for such a long time in reply. I add this further remark: who is there that we have known to have emerged as an orator, after he has been obliged to waste the whole of his youth in the dust of scholastic learning, as happened to unhappy me, as a result of the harshness of fortune? I beg that you will condescend to pass on very kind regards in my name to that great man [i.e., Boyle]; and may we enjoy divine blessing as we follow after him, as he serves the public good and the interests of posterity, even at this late hour, by his efforts to reveal the works of God.’ d See above, p. 381, for Beale’s De re hortulana. e ‘To be sure, [I do this] in order that I should pass through the out-of-the-way haunts of the Muses, that have been trodden by no man’s foot before, it pleases me to come upon previously untouched springs.’ Adapted from a famous (repeated) passage in Lucretius, De rerum natura, iv. 1–2, ll. 926–7. f Presumably those books are those mentioned in Hartlib to Boyle, 17 May 1659, above, pp. 352–4.

386

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 26 Nov. 1659

upon to pay for them, which as yet my son hath not done to me, it encreases my present burdens. I suppose you have heard, that Canaparius de Atrament is is lately reprinted at London.a Worthy Mr. Pocock will not willingly hear of the death of Mr. Gouland, once library-keeper of the bishop of Lincoln’s library at Westminster.b Lord Bradshaw left no last will at all.c Yesterday came forth a very notable discourse called the lord general Fleetwood’s answer to the humble representation of colonel Morley and some other late officers of the army, wherein he declares his judgment and conscience, what is the good old cause, and for a free parliament as the only expedient for England’s settlement.d Sir H. V. is said to separate himself from the councils of Wallingford house, professing his resolvedness to retire to his countryhouse.e The commissioners have agreed to lay by the old parliament, and that the armies shall proceed no further. I rest. &c. &c.f

OLDENBURG to BOYLE 24 November/3 December 1659 This letter is known from Oldenburg’s memorandum in RS MS 1 fol. 60v (printed in Oldenburg, i, 333), where he writes, ‘Le 3. Dec. je luy escrivis encore, luy envoyant l’inscription Arabique; et la proposition d’ouvrir l’or pour 200 liv. ster.’g

HARTLIB to BOYLE

26 November 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 294–5. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 133–4.

a For Pietro Maria Canepari see above, p. 274n. The London edition of De atramentis appeared in 1660. b Mr Gouland has not been identified. He may have been library-keeper during the office of Thomas Winniffe (1576–1654), bishop of Lincoln from 1642 until his death. c For the death of John Bradshaw see above, p. 381n. d For Charles Fleetwood see above, p. 229n. Hartlib also refers to Herbert Morley (1616–67). Morley promoted the ‘Humble Representation of Colonel Morley and some other late Officers of the Army to General Fleetwood’, dated 1 Nov., a tract written against the army. On 8 Nov. Fleetwood replied with ‘The Lord General Fleetwood’s Answer to Colonel Morley, and some other late officers of the Army’. e For Sir Henry Vane see above, p. 340n. For Wallingford House see below, p. 397n. f A reference to the seven commissioners for the reorganisation of the army. g ‘On 3 December I wrote to him again, sending him the Arabic inscription, and the proposition to open gold for the price of £200 sterling.’

387

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Nov. 26, 1659. Honoured SIR, I HOPE you have received my letter on Tuesday by the Danish master of arts Petreus.a You may please to impart unto Mr. Pocock and to him the following lines. ‘I had yesterday a letter out of Germany from monsieur Ludolf, governor of the young princes of Gothe, whom I find very studious and skilful in the Æthiopian tongue and religion.b He hath begun a new Æthiopian dictionary, which he communicateth to monsieur Bochart, the great minister at Caen, who came to see us here in his passage to the national synod at London.c Besides the said dictionary, he is publishing a new description of Æthiopia, assuring, that what Alvarez and others have done thereabout, are very imperfect pieces, leaving the most important things behind; and not having well known that tongue, which this Ludolf understands to perfection.d He giveth me notice also, that at Helmstad is printing descriptio Malthæsi novæ, et antiquæ, by the governor of the baron de Blumenthal, son of a minister of state to the elector of Brandenburgh.e As also that one Dr. Lutkeman hath published two treatises, one de mundo intelligibili, the other de Paradiso primi hominis habitaculo primo.’f Thus far Mr. Oldenburg, Nov. 29.g he adds, ‘Bill’s Narrative I am putting into French for to communicate it to your meeting at Mr. Monmor’s.h I hear, that the anatomists at Padua have used an invention, whereby they have a

The letter from Hartlib to Boyle of 22 Nov. 1659 is not extant. Hartlib refers to Theodor Petraeus (c. 1630–72), Danish orientalist, who in 1659 went to London, before settling in the Netherlands. b For Edward Pococke, who was discussing with Boyle the Turkish translation of the Bible, see above, p. 327n. Hartlib’s correspondent is Job Ludolf (1624–1704), German orientalist and prominent scholar of Aethiopic language and history. He was in the service of the Duke of Saxe-Gotha and corresponded with Oldenburg for several years. c Hartlib refers to Samuel Bochart (1599–1667), scholar and divine, author of several works of biblical exegesis, and minister of the English church at Caen from 1625. The Synod of Huguenots took place in Loudon in 1660. Bochart represented Normandy. d The Portuguese Francisco Alvares (c. 1465–c. 1541), travelled to Ethiopia, which was considered by some as the kingdom of Prester John. He wrote Ho Preste Joam des Indias verdadera informaçam das terra do Preste Joam (1540). e It is not clear which work Hartlib’s correspondent, Oldenburg, refers to, or if it ever appeared. The standard 17th-century account of Malta was G. F. Abela, Della descrizione di Malta con le sue antichità, ed altre notizie (1647). See Oldenburg, i, 331. f This probably a reference to Joachim Luetkmann (1608–55), Lutheran theologian, and professor at Rostock. The titles cited have not been identified, but Luetkmann was the author of Sonderbahre Schrifften zum wahren Christenthum gehoerig (1688). g Hartlib quotes from a letter from Oldenburg printed in Oldenburg, i, 330–1. The editors of Oldenburg’s correspondence give this letter the date mid-Nov. 1659, and print the second extract separately under the date 29 Nov. It is clear, however, that both extracts come from the same letter, that of 29 Nov. h Henri Louis Habert de Montmor (c. 1600–79) was a minor literary figure and the organiser of the meetings of the so-called Académie de Montmor, for which see above, p. 351n. Oldenburg attended their meetings throughout 1659 and 1660, and his contact with French members of this society is also noted above, p. 383n. Oldenburg translated into French Lodewijk de Bil’s Anatomy, the subject of comment on p. 376n. and in subsequent letters.

388

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 26 Nov. 1659

made a certain liquor to eat all what lyeth about the inner parts of man’s body, and so have cleared the way to make an exact inspection of all what may be considerable.a But I doubt not this skill of Bill’s surpasseth all what hath been hitherto found out for anatomical knowledge. Our French astronomers have not yet given their judgment upon Huygens’s Systema Saturni.b Warnerus hath been my condiscipulus at Bremen, found always a very honest and studious man, and a singular lover of the oriental tongues.c As to the translation of Grotius, I could wish, that the able translator thereof would please to add here and there as much perspicuity and force as is possible; for I think the reasons of that author may receive an addition in both respects.d From Castres one writeth me word, that there is a book printed in English, de arte volandi; and that an English gentlewoman living here at Paris called Mrs. Verger hath it in her cabinet, being a curious and learned woman, which will occasion us to wait on her as soon as we can; and shall in the mean time beg your favour of enquiring after the said book, if you do not know it already.e Though I have lately written at large to our noble philosopher at Oxford, yet am I in doubt, whether I have given him thanks for what he hath been pleased to procure for a friend of mine here out of the Bodleian library.f Having delivered the same here, the person wondreth much, that Pizibran de professione fidei catholicæ et errorum revocatione, printed Moguntiæ 1449. should not be in the same library, whereas he assureth me to have found it in the catalogue thereof; as also the oratio funebris Caroli Aretini habita à Loenhardo Aretino.g Wherefore I must entreat you once more to request Mr. Boyle, that he would please to make Mr. Stubbs look once more for the said Pizibran, as also to hasten the copy of the said Oratio funebris,h the pains a

Further information regarding this Paduan technique has not been found. Hartlib alludes to Christiaan Huygens, Systema Saturnium (1659). c For Levinus Warner see above, p. 381n. For Oldenburg and Warner at Bremen see above, p. 384n. d For Pococke’s translation of Grotius’s De veritate into Arabic see above, p. 382n. In early November Boyle is reported as saying that the book was already partly printed off. See Worthington (above, p. 177), i, 161. e Oldenburg refers to Frederick Hermann Flayder’s De arte volandi (1627). Mrs Verger has not been identified. The letter from the correspondent in Castres is not extant, but was probably from either Monsieur Saporta or Pierre Borel (for whom see above, p. 342n.). See Oldenburg, i, 333. f Doubtless, Oldenburg refers to Boyle, and to his mediation with Thomas Barlow, the librarian at the Bodleian library, Oxford. In a letter of 22 June 1659, Oldenburg requested that Hartlib inquire of Barlow about the two books he describes below. Oldenburg, i, 271. g This is a reference to Joannes Przibram, author of Liber de professione fidei catholicae et errorum revocatione, published in Joannes Dobneck Cochlaeus, Historiae hussitarum libri duodecim (1549). Przibram’s book was written in Prague in 1529, and printed at Mainz. Presumably Oldenburg (and Hartlib) writes ‘1449’ in error for 1549. The other work mentioned here is Carlo Marsuppini’s ‘Funeral speech in memory of Carlo Aretino, delivered by Leonardo Aretino’. Leonardo Aretino (c. 1369–1444), an Italian humanist, and the author of several funeral orations. However, no evidence for the publication of the text mentioned by Hartlib has been found. h Hartlib refers to Henry Stubbe (1632–76), assistant to Thomas Barlow, keeper of the Bodleian Library. He was expelled from this office in 1659 and then practised medicine at Stratford-uponAvon. b

389

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

whereof shall be fully recompensed by me, God willing.’ Thus far Mr. Oldenburg. Sir, I received lately, from an ancient friend, a water against the stone, which he sent me out of Norway, out of his singular love.a He speaks thus of it. ‘I found this water, which here I send you, very efficacious in /p. 295/ frangendo calculo renum & vesicæ sæpe in utroque sexu both by high and low. Usus ejus talis est sumenda sunt 4. vel 5. cochlearia hujus aquæ manè & totidem vesperi. Insigne levamen inde percipiet ægrotus accedente benedictione divina.’b Really, Sir, I must confess I have found it so, having used of the said water near a quart. It is no ways nauseous, but rather pleasant. But having spent all, I heavily complained to the gentleman, that brought it me, who said, he had no conveniency to make it, confirmed the excellency of it, and was so kind as to give me the recipe of it, which here I offer into your hands, wishing, that Mr. Stahl would make a good quantity for yourself and the poor, and to let me also be partaker of it. Really, Sir, next to the ludus Helmontii, I have found it the best medicine.c There is no trusting to Clodius for it. And besides, they demand no less than ten shillings for a live hare, which is the chief ingredient in it. I understand it not so perfectly, being in Low-Dutch, as Mr. Stahl. Our publick affairs grow worse and worse, there being no certain news yet, whether Monck will accept of the agreement, or not.d Mr. Oldenburg concludes his forenamed letter, ‘This very evening C. S. is expected here, but his design kept very secret.’e My son is still mighty confident of Dr. Jones’s work;f and if the frost had not delayed it, he is confident, they should have had the universal medicine within three or four weeks. Thus, entreating you to accept of the adjoined paper (which also is a very noble undertaking) I rest ever,g Honoured Sir, your truly obliged and devoted servant, S. HARTLIB.

a

No more is known of the Norwegian water against the stone. ‘[very efficacious] in breaking up stones in the kidneys and in the bladder; it often works well for patients of either sex, both by high and low. One should use it as follows: four or five spoonfuls of this water should be taken in the morning, and the same amount again in the evening. The sick person will notice a great deal of relief as a result, as long as he also receives divine blessing.’ c For Peter Stahl see above, p. 292n. d For George Monck see above, p. 222n. On 15 Nov. Monck’s representatives concluded an agreement with the other army commanders in London. Lambert and Monck were to disperse their armies and representatives of the four nations would meet in London on 6 Dec. to settle a republican government; however this agreement was subsequently rejected by Monck. See Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), p. 74. e At this date Charles II was staying with his mother at a country house at St Columbe near Paris. f This is possibly Bassett Jones (1634–59), physician. g The adjoined paper is not extant. b

390

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 29 Nov. 1659

HARTLIB to BOYLE

29 November 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 295–6. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 134–6.

November 29, 1659. Honoured SIR, LAST Saturday I acquainted you with several matters of special importance:a I beg again your answer to some particulars, now I am to impart what Mr. Figulus writes, in answer to your desires, as followeth.b ‘Concerning Mr. Warnerus’s translation of the Turkish bible, we are the next post to write to him upon monsieur de Geere’s order, and with his letters joined, to send it over hither as soon as he can. And then monsieur de Geere is resolved to make no delay to have it printed.c As for the other questions the noble Mr. Boyle makes, what the intellectual abilities of this Warnerus are to perform such a work, you may please to believe so much of his skill and experience, as I hear, both from monsieur de Geere, Mr. Rulice the minister, and others, that he is a very learned and able man; and in the Arabick and Turkish, as much versed and perfect as any may be, that ever hath learned those tongues.d Besides, P. Golius, and many others, who are able there to judge of the work, he hath chosen for his censors, whereof Golius wrote an ample relation to his brother professor at Leyden now of late.e It rejoiced us much to hear of the like forward intentions and labour of those gentlemen in England, to set out in Arabick the book of Grotius.f Verily it may be of much use for those nations, it being short, and very substantial. This makes monsieur de Geere to long the more for the copy of the translated bible, to the advantage of the same design; which God grant. But of Warnerus’s book, (wherein all the passages concerning Christ are collected out of the Alcoran) no body knows: I have asked them all.g Yet I will enquire amongst the stationers of this town, and, if it be to be had, I shall have it by the next occasion of shipping. The other day I came occasionally to one, that makes all kind of a

See above, pp. 387–90. Hartlib refers to Peter Figulus (1619–70), divine, senior of the Unity of Brethren, and the sonin-law of Comenius. Figulus’s letter to Hartlib is not extant. c For Levinus Warner and Laurens de Geer and the Turkish translation of the Bible see above, p. 381n. d This is a reference to Johan Rulicius (Rülz) (1602–66), born in the Palatinate, who studied theology at Herborn and at Cambridge. From 1655 he was minister of the Calvinist community in Amsterdam. e Hartlib refers to Petrus Golius (1597–1672), Dutch orientalist and professor of Arabic at Rome. Also named is Jakob Golius (1596–1667), brother of Petrus, orientalist and professor of mathematics at Leiden. f For Pococke’s translation of Grotius’s De veritate see above, p. 382n. g For the Turkish Bible project see above, p. 381n. For Warner’s book, referred to here and later in the paragraph, see above, p. 384n. Hartlib was trying to obtain a copy earlier in Nov. on behalf of John Beale. b

391

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

letters, a great artist in it, an High-German; and there I found an Arminian priest, with two other, and learned thus much of them, that they have brought huge bills of exchange, to advance here, in this town, the printing of their Arminian Bible.a He, that makes the letters, shewed me all sorts of their characters, which he hath made already; they are very curious, and this work will likewise be advanced with all speed. Thus we see God works on all sides towards some great change, and for the call of foreigners into the church. O that England were at concord and union! they could more help this design, than any nation in the world, by assisting the Swedes, and so to dissipate the kingdom of darkness and tyrannical power over consciences. And thus the course of the Gospel would be set on a free foot.’ Thus far one of my honest correspondents. Here you have a true representation in print of the state of the protestant churches in Europe.b This is as sad as the other promising. Warnerus’s book, which Mr. Figulus writes is scarce extant, Mr. Pell has had in his hands many years ago:c but because Sir W. Boswel had many copies of them, he would buy none, hoping, that Sir William would have bestowed one of them upon him, which he never did.d Having written thus far, I received your last of November 26, and am amazed to understand, that you had not then received my large one of November 22, which I gave to one Petreus, to give him an address unto yourself.e But I hope your next will bring me better news; as likewise of the receipt of that written on Saturday.f The adjoined from Mr. Jones will give some account of Bressieux’s engines, or machines.g The lines, which I sent you formerly, out of Mr. Oldenburg’s letter, were these.h ‘Bressieux intended to begin his work, and desireth to have some pieces of good glass, clear and fine, which is known by this, that if put upon white paper, the /p. 296/ paper changeth little or nothing its colour seen thorow it. I believe, if you could gratify him with this, he would answer your desires, to send you some of those spherical glasses, serving in windows for a fair prospect. He hath in a manner ready seven machines, for both hyperbolical and spherical glasses; and he carried us, since my last, to his lodging, for to see them; where he shewed us three machines for concave hyperbolical, three others for convex hyperbolical, and one more for to work the spherical glasses with more exactness than hitherto. If some pieces of good glass could be sent to him out of a Presumably Hartlib means ‘Armenian’. The High-German stationer and the ‘Arminian’ priest have not been identified. b Hartlib seems to be talking about a (published?) survey of the state of European Protestantism which has not been identified. c For John Pell see above, p. 179n. d Hartlib refers to Sir William Boswell (d. 1649), diplomatist and man of letters, ambassador in Paris and in The Hague. e For Theodor Petraeus see above, p. 388n. Both of the letters mentioned by Hartlib are missing. f This letter is also not extant. g Hartlib’s correspondent is Richard Jones, for whom see above, p. 75n. For Bressieux see below. h Hartlib refers to Oldenburg to Hartlib, 12 Nov. 1659, for which see Oldenburg, i, 329.

392

HARTLIB

to BOYLE, 29 Nov. 1659

England, to work upon, (seeing he complaineth of the difficulty of getting good stuff, and that at Venice they degenerate very much in that art,) it would, I believe, oblige him to permit us sometimes to look on his workmanship, which he is very shy to do. Thus I have repeated again, what I have written formerly. I have told Mr. Jones also, that this Bressieux is the very workman, that did work for Des Cartes for two whole years; and therefore I would so willingly (if it might be) pleasure him with the best glasses, that could be gotten in England.’a Mr. Beale answers to my begging thus. ‘I know, that bright crystal glass is glary; and to avoid that glariness, our artificers run into the other extreme; but I know no workmen, whom I can commend for your trust, in a better choice. I have scattered Bill’s account in Hereford, Worcester, &c.b Whatever I shall receive, or hear more of Sir K. Digby, shall be presently yours.c I hear very sad news from Mr. Poleman; for he begins to despair of making his medicine, though he yet continues to try, what possibly he would, but could not, with all his skill and industry, make calx and spirit of wine join together.’d Clodius says, it may be the fault lyes in the calx, which is made in the Low Countries of muscles, gathered on the sea-shore. Yourself hath told me, that you had made that experiment successfully. These therefore are most humbly to entreat you, to favour Mr. Poleman with your directions which you have observed. I hope Sir Kenelm hath written truth, and not rhodomontados.e And I cannot have a more faithful, careful, and otherwise more knowing man, than Mr. Poleman, who, I am confident, doth love me as his own soul. One of the papers I sent by way of requital to Mr. Jones. If he could get that experiment of making one great out of many little pearls, I should count it a lucriferous secret. I pray put him also upon it, when you write to him next. I have called again upon my physical son for the Dutch books, and what he owes for them. His answer is, it shall be done, which I do not believe, I confess, till it be done. Dr. Jones’s work is going on again, and he is filled afresh with very great expectations.f His secret friend tells him, if the account of the particular operations, which he hath given him from time to time, be true, it will certainly yield both the universal medicine, and the tincture:g if it should fail, I am assured from others, that Macaria is a real possessor of both these great blessings, but will own neither of them professedly.h But this only amongst a The reference is to Etienne de Villebressieux (fl. 1626–60), ingénieur du Roy, chemist and instrument maker, who collaborated and corresponded with Descartes. See C. E. Adam and P. Tannery (eds), Oeuvres de Descartes, 11 vols (Paris, 1974), i, 13–16. b For Lodewijk de Bils’s Anatomy see above, p. 376n. c For Sir Kenelm Digby see above, p. 99n. d The reference is to Joachim Polemann, an alchemist and author; see above, p. 352n. e i.e., Sir Kenelm Digby. Rhodomontados or rodomontade, a vainglorious brag or boast. f For Bassett Jones see above, p. 390n. g The substance necessary for the alchemical transmutation. Jones was at this point working with Frederick Clodius, see Hartlib to Boyle, 26 Nov. 1659. h For Macaria, the society planned by Hartlib, see above, p. 377n.

393

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

ourselves. Lord Lambert writes good news, having sent the agreement to general Monck, who seemed to receive it joyfully, giving order, that the forces should presently withdraw, &c.a But for the final answer, he desires to take ten days deliberation. Men conclude the news must be hopeful, because Sir H. Vane, who was fully resolved to go out of town, has altered his resolution, appearing again at White-hall.b Just now my son Clodius was with me, telling that Mr. Dury had spoken with him, relating out of your letter to your most noble sister, that you hoped within three or four days to be at London.c The like hopes Mr. Evelyn cherishes of your coming, who hath lately printed a book of Education.d The copies are not yet abroad; but I am confident he will present you with one of them, no less than to him, who is not only in respect of books, but in all manner of other observances, Honoured Sir, your very faithfully devoted S. HARTLIB.

EVELYNe to BOYLE

1 December 1659

From Evelyn’s copy in his Letterbook, British Library, Evelyn Papers, JE A, no. 158. Not previously printed.

Sir, There was nothing lesse in my designe, then (when it became me to returne you thankes for your noble present) to engage you in a velitation, or provoke an Antagonist, so much superiour to my forces; But when I have the liberty to tell you how I came to be entertain’d an Advocate for the Sex, you will smile ‹at the adventure› and forgive me; though, I know not whither you will deserve so much mercy from me, who could thinke I was in earnest, or that I can admire anything, which you do not cherish & cultivate by your example.f I am not therefore displeas’d, when you tell me my Letter is full of fine things, indeede, more gaudy then1 solid; but, a For John Lambert see above, p. 344n. For George Monck see above, p. 222n. See above, Hartlib to Boyle, 26 Nov. 1659. In fact Monck had already rejected the agreement and was playing for time. b For Sir Henry Vane see above, p. 340n. Hartlib reported Vane’s resolution to leave London in Hartlib to Boyle, 15 Nov. 1659; above, p. 387. c For John Dury see above, p. 56n. Boyle’s letter to Lady Ranelagh is not extant. d This is a reference to John Evelyn’s translation of The Golden Book of St. John Chrysostom, Concerning the Education of Children (1659). e For Evelyn see above, p. 212. f Evelyn alludes here to Boyle’s Seraphic Love (1659), for which see Works, vol. 1, and to his letter in which he commended marital love; see above, Evelyn to Boyle, 29 Sept. 1659; above, pp. 371–6.

394

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 1 Dec. 1659

such, yet, as became the subject, which was aery2 and frivolous, save where it did justice to your merites, and was the worthyest Panegyrick to your excellent Booke, that I could then thinke of; And ‹though›3 I could not so easily throw ‹it› by (as anothers I might haply have don) without a greate contradiction to that perfect esteeme which I professe to beare you; ‹Yet›,4 when I perceiv’d, to how greate a trouble my trifling had ‹reduc’t›5 you, I was vex’t at my scribbling, and, could have wish’t Ladys, and Marriage in Utopia; or, that my pen had bin as much out of frame, as my little witt ‹was› which us’d it. I will not therefore any longer abuse your patience, by telling you what a number of examples more I could produce, fit to justifie men’s being enamour’d on them; nor, that their new, and perpetuall successions do still enrich the Lotteries, and render them inexhaustible, with a thousand fine things besides: But, if you shall command it, converte my stile, and make you amends for this pleasant mistake, by saying such things of men, and of such as Mr Boyle is, as shall make the Ladys despaire of all their charmes, and the Married Persons deplore the folly of their præcipitancy, like ‹the silly› Fishes in your Instance; so you will allow me the benefit of a religious paenitent, which is that of your pardon and Indulgence for what is ‹already› past:a ‹But› Sir, it is ‹full› tyme to give you breath, and to seeke how I may6 commute for these greate impertinencys. I have now in my hands for you the Lapis Illuminabilis of Boulognia, and, which I had transmitted with this Letter did I not hope to have the honour of presenting it to you in person, at the long’d for approach which Mr Pet, and your owne promise, has given me expectations of:b Nor has the enjoyment of that, bin the least inducement to me of changing my Tabernacle this Winter; though, the continuall Indisposition of my Languishing Child, has also, bin some occasion of it.c Sir, I beseech you presente my humble services to Mr Barlow, to Mr Wren, and to all my worthy Friends in Oxon:d My Wife kisses your hands, and I beg allways the honour of this Cognizance by which I am knowne to bee Covent-Garden, 1 December 1659

Sir Your &c:

a

A reference to an allusion in the letter by Boyle to which this replies, which has not survived. The ‘Lapis Illuminabilis of Boulognia’ refers to Bologna stone, the naturally-occurring form of barium sulphide. In 1603, Vincenzo Cascariolo discovered that a sample of this dense white stone collected near Bologna could remain phosphorescent after some chemical preparation and exposure to the sun for a period of time; see Works, vol. 1, p. 310. Evelyn refers to Peter Pett (1630–99), Advocate-General for Ireland. c In Oct. 1659 Evelyn moved his family from Sayes Court to lodgings at the Three Feathers in Russell Street, Covent Garden, for the winter. The child he mentions is probably John Evelyn junior (1655–99), who had been very ill with a fever in Aug. 1659. See de Beer, Diary (above, p. 191), iii, 232–3. d For Thomas Barlow see above, p. 322n. For Christopher Wren see above, p. 178n. e For Evelyn’s wife Mary see above, p. 215n. b

395

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Endorsed by Evelyn at head: ‘To Robert Boyle Esquire’.

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

3 December 1659

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 557–8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 523.

December 3, [1659]1 My Brother, BEING able by this to let you know, that my brother Corke came safe hither yesterday, I hope by the next you will assure me, you will not be long from hence; and if I may know, how you mean to order yourself, and may be employed in getting you accommodated with lodging, either here in this poor house, as far, as its room will go, or near hereabouts, or where else you shall chuse, I hope I need not assure you, you do me but right in believing, I should gladly be set to work in your service, though of so inferior a nature in comparison.a Yesterday I received out of France from Mr. Oldenburg this relation, which he had from Montpellier, and which he desired me to communicate to you, and upon it to beg your thoughts, and those of your brethren philosophers, he assuring, that the matter of fact is indubitably true:b A woman of seventy years old, having lived about twenty four years a widow, and often complained to physicians of a heavy stony burden she carried in her belly, did precipitate herself out of a high window, and thereupon died shortly after; but being opened at Avignon, was found to have in her belly, where the intrails lie, commonly called abdomen, not in the womb, a child, of the bigness of one of six month’s ordinary growth, but with an extraordinary big head, which had begun to petrify, and especially his head turned into a gypsy or chalky substance. This is surely strange, and I long to receive your thoughts upon it. Our publick news you will for the most part find in print, in Monck’s last letter.c Commissioners are going down to Newcastle, /p. 558/ as he desires; and some talk here has been of a petition setting on foot by a great number of prentices, whereof notice was given by my lord mayor to Wallingford-house, and such order taken there, that they say a

Presumably Lady Ranelagh refers to her home in Pall Mall. Henry Oldenburg was travelling in France and Germany between 1657 and 1660 as tutor to Lady Ranelagh’s son Richard Jones. The citation from Oldenburg’s letter ends at the word ‘substances’. See Oldenburg, i, 336. c For Monck’s letter see C. H. Firth (ed.), The Clark Papers, Camden Society New Series, 4 vols (London, 1891–1901) iv, 129–30. b

396

UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT

to BOYLE, Dec. 1659

they are quieted.a Through rich mercy we yet continue in peace and quiet. A rational discourse with some very equal propositions I yesternight received out of France, which, if you give me not hopes of seeing you speedily here, shall, God willing, be sent you. I come just now from my brother Corke’s, where was also my sister Warwickb (and they all your servants) but alas! the entertainment of lords, ladies, and reasonable creatures, are yet several things, to the great grief of Your K. R. MY girls are your servants.c I AM with many thanks to acknowledge the receipt of the two books by the carrier, that you were pleased to send me for myself, and to be sent into France.d

UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT to BOYLE, December 1659. Miles’s list of letters (BP 36, fol. 161) records ‘Anonym[ous] Letter about the publick affairs of Sir H. Vane leaving Wallingford house & other matters of the time &c. Dec. 59’. For Sir Henry Vane see above, p. 340n. Wallingford House near Charing Cross, Westminster, was the residence of Charles Fleetwood, the commander-in-chief of the army. For Fleetwood see above, p. 229n.

a The apprentices’ petition for a free Parliament was said to have gathered 20,000 signatures. It was presented to the Commons Council of the City of London on 5 Dec. despite a proclamation from the Committee of Safety to the contrary. See Hutton, The Restoration (above, p. 328n.), p. 79. It was printed as To our right worthy and grave Senators, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and Commonality of the City of London in Common Council assembled, the Petition and of divers Young Men, on the behalf of the themselves and the Apprentices in and about the City (1659). For Wallingford House see above. The Lord Mayor was Thomas Alleyn (d. 1690). See Woodhead, The Rulers of London (above, p. 336n.), p. 17. b Lady Ranelagh refers to the 2nd Earl of Cork and Mary, Countess of Warwick, for whom see above, p. 31n. c For Lady Ranelagh’s daughters see above, p. 75n. d These books have not been identified.

397

— 1660 — Lost letters dating from 1660 are as follows: Wotton’s list (see above, p. xxvii) contains the following: No. 35 ‘Mr Clodius 60’. No. 361 ‘Lady Cork about 1660’. Miles’s list (BP36, fol. 161) contains the following: ‘Thomas about vitriol earth &c nothing material’. Thomas is possibly David Thomas, a physician from Salisbury, for whom see Works, vol. 5, pp. xxxvi, 495–6. Lost letters referred to in surviving letters from 1660 are as follows: Boyle to Sharrock, some time before 26 January 1660 (below, p. 399). Boyle to Jones, some time before 10 March 1660 (below, p. 405). Boyle to Sharrock, 7 April 1660 (below, p. 410). Boyle to Sharrock, 18 December 1660 (below, p. 440). Sharrock to Boyle, between 18 and 29 December 1660 (below, p. 441). For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, pp. 402–3.

ROBERT SHARROCKa to BOYLE

26 January 1660

From the original, signed by Sharrock, in BL 5, fols 81–2. Fol/2. The letter begins on fol. 82. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 418–19, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 319–20.

a

Robert Sharrock (1630–84), divine and author, and Boyle’s editorial assistant.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-22

398

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 26 Jan. 1660

Most honored Sir I humbly thancke you for the trouble I gave you in the conveyance of my Booke to the Learned Dr, and the inconvenience you pleased to incurre in the leaving your Noble freinds for the dispatch of your last answer, but most of all for the matter of the Answer it Selfe.a This day I consulted Mr Robinson about the printing of your piece, the paper and Character & time requisite for the worke. Who tells mee that the Same letter for Character is att Mr. Halls our printers wherewith Mr Moores booke you mention was printed:b That two sheets1 may weekely in that letter and paper bee printed off, and for need more; the performance of which by2 Mr Hall hee will undertake for. As to the correction and revise of the presse I am allready bound to give you my utmost assistance and shall faythfully doe it in your behalfe and shall questionlesse bee able to doe much more now for the fairenesse of the Copyes than when lately I had presse worke of mine owne not onely because I shall have lesse worke (for then the businesse of composing & transcribeing was upon mee) and a better presse but because I see the danger3 of doeing the whole businesse of the ordinary Corrector ‹by my Selfe› sometimes and otherwhiles trusting him to doe mine. What I shall doe as to the matter of printing I shall looke to it my Selfe and Send you patterns of paper and letter but act by Mr Robinson because I will have his care joyntly with my owne in the provisions for printing & his trade must bee used in the dispersing of the bookes as it is in my owne bookes with whom therefore the profitt must bee divided which as is easyly computed must not bee expected overmuch in 500 copyes What you speake of the translating of these Experiments into Latine is certainely most necessary and befitting the matter of the piece: and I ascertaine you of what you needed4 not to have bespoke any helpe or assistance that I may further you with herein or in any other matter within my Spheare: and that eyther by my Selfe or freinds, or both according as your businesse, mine or other circumstances shall require.c However the perfection and compliment of such translation [cannot]5 bee soe made [as to] bee publisht without your owne revise. My Faythfull humble service to Your [Honour] being duely presented I rest

a Sharrock probably refers to his The History of the Propagation and Improvement of Vegetables, dedicated to Boyle and published in 1660. The ‘learned doctor’ has not been identified. Boyle’s last letter to Sharrock is not extant. b Sharrock was overseeing the translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air. Both the English and the Latin editions of Spring of the Air were published by the Oxford bookseller Thomas Robinson. The Oxford printer used by Robinson was Henry Hall, printer to the university since 1644. ‘Mr Moores booke’ has not been identified. c Spring of the Air was the first of Boyle’s works to be translated into Latin, and it was translated in parallel with being typeset in English. On the Latin translations of Boyle’s works see Works, vol. 1, pp. lx–lxxiv. The Latin edition was published at Oxford in 1661, entitled Nova experimenta physicomechanica.

399

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Sir Your Honors in all dutifull and affectionate observance R. Sharrock

Jan: 26 1659/60 N. Coll.a

Dr Willis Dickinson & Mr Stahl present you with their Servicesb 6

These To the Honorable Robert / Boyle Esq att Mr Cookes’c att the white / house [in]7 the Pell-mell / London.

Seal: Oval. Damaged, and other traces of wax. Achievement of arms. Shield: a chevron between three obiects [?]. Crest: a lucy palewise [?]. Paper impressions of seals from other letters. Endorsed by Wotton on fol. 81v: ‘Dr Sharrock. Jan. 26 1659/60. concerning printing Mr Boyles Physico-Mechanical Experiments’. Also endorsed on fol. 81 in Birch’s hand ‘Dr Sharrock. No 1’ and ‘Dr Sharrock’. A further mark of ‘41:2’ is written near the seal in a different hand

BARLOWd to BOYLE

30 January 1660

From the original in BL 1, fols 27–8. 4o[?]/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 406–7. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 302.

Two dayes agoe, I receaved a letter from Dr Sanderson, with an Acquittance (here inclosed) for the receipt of those monyes your charity was pleased to give him, as an honorary stipend and incouragement for writeinge Cases of conscience.e If his forme (by him subscribed and sent) be not such as you would have, he will chearefully subscribe any other, which your prudence shall thinke more convena

i.e., New College, Sharrock’s college. For Dr Willis, see above, p. 204n., and for Peter Stahl see above, p. 292n. Edmund Dickinson (1624–1707), physician and chemist. c Conceivably the figure mentioned in Maddison, Life, p. 221n. d For Barlow see above, p. 322. e For Barlow’s mediation in Boyle’s sponsorship of Robert Sanderson see above, p. 370n. See also Michael Hunter, Robert Boyle: Scrupulosity and Science (Woodbridge, 2000), pp. 61, 63–4, 74–5, 99. b

400

ENCLOSED

with BARLOW to BOYLE, 30 Jan. 1660

ient. He further desires (as you will see by the inclosed peice of his letter)a to know your commands, in order to his progresse in the worke, which by your incouragement he has undertaken, that soe he may (as in reason he should) conforme himselfe and studies to your desires. If you have noe better way to communicate your commands to him, If you shall be pleased to convey them to me, I shall to him. My respects and humble service to your selfe, my love to Mr. Pett, (who I know will waite upon you).b God Allmighty blesse you, and all those generous soules who dare be charitable and good in bad times, who have munificence, and1 courage enough to imbrace Vertue though costly and dangerous. This is the harty prayer of (Sir) Q. Coll. Oxon Jan. XXX. M. DC. LIX.

Your most obliged humble servant. T: Barlow.

2

For the honorable Robert Boyle Esquire these

Seal: Seal missing: seal-shaped repair to paper. Endorsed with Miles’s crayon number ‘No II’ (28).

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: ROBERT SANDERSON to BARLOW

20 September 1659

From the original in BL 1, fol. 26a. This item is a fragment of a letter, the rest of which has been cut away. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 407, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 302.

I would willingly know Mr Boyles mind, whether he would rather I should proceede to finish this worke according to the designe exhibited in the Scheme prefixed before the Lectures or make choyce of some other argument; and whether a b

Evidently the enclosure that follows. For Peter Pett see above, p. 395n.

401

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

in Latine, or English: for I shall endeavour to apply myselfe to his direction for that matter, in anything within my sphere.a I desire my thankes and services may be presented to him; wish your prosperity, and rest Your affectionate freind and humble servant Robt Sanderson

Botheby Paynell.b 20. Sept – LIX

OLDENBURG to BOYLE 6 March 1660 This letter is known from Oldenburg’s memorandum in R.S. MS 1, fol. 62v (printed in Oldenburg, i, 357–8). Oldenburg recordsc ‘Le 6 March 1660 Je respondis à la derniere lettre de Mr Boile, et luy marquay des autheurs Allemans, Carrichter, Erker, Hauptman, Kesler, and Franken de arbore scientiae boni et mali.d De Astronomia Physica brevi finienda.e De libro Cartesii de Animalibus tardigrado ob defectum figurarum.f De mon opinion touchant le succes des verres hyperboliques, plus propres pour bruler, que pour esclairer. Du degoust de Mr Digby, qui pourtant peutestre une fauite [sic].g De Monsieur Burrhi et sa deification par le resident a For Sanderson’s De obligatione see above, p. 370n. The work was published first in Latin and in the same year translated into English by Robert Codrington. It was originally delivered as a series of lectures. b Sanderson was rector of Boothby Paynell in Lincolnshire from 1619 until he was sequestered in the Civil War. c ‘On 6 March 1660 I replied to the last letter from Mr Boyle and mentioned to him the German writers Carrichter, Ercker, Hauptmann, Kessler and Franck on the tree of knowledge of good and evil. About the completion shortly of the Astronomia physica. About the book of Descartes on animals making slow progress because of the lack of figures.) Of my opinion about the success of hyperbolic lenses, fitter for burning than for vision. Of the dislike of Mr Digby, which may be a mistake, perhaps. About Mr Borri and his deification by the French resident in Strasbourg. Of my desire to see the treatises on plants and on morals.’ d Oldenburg refers to the following: Bartholomeus Carrichter (fl. c. 1550), author of several Kränterbücher. Lazarus Ercker, whose Beschreibung der furnemsten mineralischen Erzt-und Bergtwercks Arten (1574) was several times reprinted. August Hauptmann, author of Neues chymisches Kunst-project und sehr wichtiges Bergk-bedenken (1658). Thomas Kessler, author of Vierhundert ausserlesene Chymische Process und Stücklein (1629) and Keslerus redivivus (1641). The proper name of the person Oldenburg cites as ‘Franken’ was Sebastien Franck (or Francus) (fl. c. 1550), Anabaptist and mystic. He published in 1561, in Latin and under the pseudonym Augustinus Eleutherius, De arbore scientiae boni et mali ex quo Adamus mortem comedit et adhuc cuncti homines mortem comedunt, of which there was an English translation in 1640. e For Jean Baptiste Duhamel and this work see above, p. 383n. f Apparently a reference to Descartes’s Primae cogitiones circa generationem animalium (above, p. 351n.) g For Kenelm Digby, see above, p. 99n.

402

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10/20 Mar. 1660

de France a Strasburg.a De mon desir de voir les traités des plantes ‹et› de la morale.b

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

10/20 March 1660

From the original in Early Letters OB 6. 4o/2. The entry in Oldenburg’s memoranda is in R.S. MS 1, fol. 63.c Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 302. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 145, and Oldenburg, i, 362–4.

Sir As I am much obliged to you for your liberality of presenting me with those two desired treatises of Plants and manners, and of sending them to My Lady Ranalaugh for me, so I am altogether assured of her Ladyship’s care in transmitting them hither, if a good occasion had presented itselfe ere this.d The explication of the Arabicke inscription was very welcome to those concerned therein, and they returne together with myselfe their humble thanks for it, and tell me, that it agreeth with the sense of what a Frenchman, most skilful in the orientall tongues, hath said of it; which confirmeth very much the owner of the Jasper in the interpretation of Mr Pocock, and derogateth nothing from the esteem, he is in.e Sir a The reference is to Giuseppe Francesco Borri (1627–95), alchemist and physician in Amsterdam. At this time he had just fled from Italy to Strasburg under the shadow of excommunication by the Inquisition for his activities with a secret society in Rome and Milan. The French resident at Strasburg was Robert de Gravel. b The works referred to were by Robert Sharrock, published in 1660 and dedicated to Boyle: The History of the Propagation and Improvement of Vegetables and ‘Υπόθεσις ’Εθική de officiis secundum humanae rationis dictata. c The memorandum reads ‘Le 20 Mars l’escrivis à M. Boyle, le remerciant de l’impression du Jaspe, luy envoiant la lettre de Digby, luy racontant le discours chez Aubery touchant le dissolvant de l’or; et les histoires de Digby touchant le plomb de la maison roiale, et le sel fixe de la terre de potiers changé en or: Du discours de Lienard; de peu de livres Cartesiens et Epicureens; de nostre desir de voir son epistre touchant les experiences pneumatiques.’ (‘On 20 March I wrote to Mr Boyle, thanking him for the impression of the Jasper, sending him Digby’s letter, telling him of the discussion at Aubery’s house about the dissolvent of gold; and the stories of Digby about the lead in the King’s house, and the fixed salt of potter’s earth changed into gold. Of the discourse by Liénard; of the scarceness of Cartesian and Epicurean books; of our longing to see his letter on pneumatic experiments.’) Oldenburg refers to Claude Aubery (b. 1596), physician and philosopher, and possibly to Nicolas Lienard, Dissertation sur le course de le purgation (1659). d For these books, see above. e Jasper, i.e., chalcedony, a semi-precious stone. This one was presumably worked into a seal or something of the kind. For Edward Pococke, see above, p. 327n. Oldenburg sent the inscription to Boyle in a letter of 3 Dec. 1659, now lost. The Frenchman has not been identified.

403

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Kenelm Digby will himselfe assure you by the annexed of his respects to you.a We met lately at the house of a Chymist,b where the question was agitated about the dissolvent of gold, whether the universal spirit of the world in its undetermined nature, ‹or› as it is specified and contracted to a minerall, be the menstruum of that noble metal? The discussion hereof being rather made by authority than reason, gave small satisfaction to the auditors; whereof the Learned knight being the chief, did moderate the action, but not determine the question; interlacing the discourses of others with several considerable relations, whereof two did ravish the hearers to admiration. The one was of a kings house in England /6 (1v)/ which having stood covered with lead for 5. or 6. ages, and being sold after that time, was found to containe ¾ of silver in the lead thereof. The other was of a fixed salt, drawn out of a certain potters earth here in France at a place called Arcueil; which salt being for some time exposed to the sun-beams became saltpeter, then vitriol, then lead, tin, copper, silver, and, at the end of 14 months, gold, which he assured to have experienced himselfe, and another able naturalist besides him. I must confesse, I would rather see this, than beleeve it, though the author be ‹a› very authentique gentleman. The name of the Cartesian author, that hath written of the cause of purgation, is one Monsieur Nicolas Lienard;c The Treatise is a very small one ‹in French›, containing but 20 leaves in 4to; which yet is too bigge to be sent by the post, or else you should not be long without it: I am confident, your experiments ‹about›1 this purging vertue of medicins will prouve more convincing, than his ratiocinations, though they be very plain and intelligible, yet not unmixed with some juvenile Schollarship.d I can learne nothing of any new books, treating of the Epicurean or Cartesian principles: and I am persuaded, that, if there be any new ones come lately abroad, the news thereof will sooner come from Holland, than these parts. We long much, Sir, to see your epistle, which giveth an account of certain experiments made about a pneumatical Engine;e but I doubt2 we shall not see it till we have the happines to see you; which is much wished for by Sir your faithful and very humble serv. Old.

Paris the 20 March. 1660.

a

For Kenelm Digby see above, p. 99n. Digby’s letter, which Oldenburg enclosed, is not extant. The ‘Chymist’ is identified in Oldenburg’s memorandum as Claude Aubery (see above, p. 403n.). c Nicolas Liénand was a physician at Paris. The title of his book was Dissertation sur la cause de la purgation, ou sur la maniere dont les medicamens purgatifs agissent sur les corps (1659). d For comments on purging medicines see Usefulness II, part 1, Works, vol. 3, p. 366. e The reference is to Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660); see Works, vol. 1, p. 141ff. b

404

JONES

to BOYLE, 10/20 Mar. 1660

To his noble friend Robert Boyle Esquire

Seal: Poor example; possibly same as Oldenburg to Boyle, 7/17 May 1659 (see above, p. 350). Endorsed at head of 6 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No VI’ and ‘No 6’. Birch ink number ‘No 6’ deleted on 6 (2).

JONES to BOYLE

10/20 March 1660

From the autograph original in BL 3, fol. 96. 4o/1. Not previously printed.

Paris le 20 de Mars 1660a Monsieur et mon tres cher Oncle Je suis bien affligé de voir par vostre derniere que l’importance de vos affaires, et l’embarras de la ville oú vous estes, me deprivent de la satisfaction que j’aurois d’entendre vos penseés sur cette belle question, si nous avons des Ideés neés avec nous.b Cette semaine dans la mesme compagnie on examina une question pas moins difficile, asc: du Concours de la Cause premiere avec les Secondes: Luy qui fist le discours suivit l’opinion de Durand,c qui soustient un concours seulement mediate, qui ne fait rien autre que conserver l’estre des Creatures et les vertus, que Dieu leur a une fois imprimeés dans la Creation: Mais il fust contredit par plusieurs Paris, 20 March 1660a Sir, and my very dear uncle, I am very sorry to hear through your last letter that the burden of your affairs and the troubles in the city where you are living have deprived me of the satisfaction which I would have felt at hearing your thoughts on the fine question of whether we are born with ideas.b This week, in the same company, was examined a question of no less difficulty, that is: the relationship between the prime cause and secondary causes. The gentleman who gave the speech was of Durand’s opinion,c who asserts that there is only a mediated relationship, which does nothing more than to preserve the existence of creatures and their virtues, given to them by God in the act of creation: but he was contradicted by several of the assembly, a Jones, Boyle’s nephew, was in Paris as part of his European tour, in the company of Henry Oldenburg. See above, pp. 205, 333n. b Boyle’s letter to Jones is not extant. c ‘Durand’ is possibly Durand de Saint Pourçain (d. 1332), bishop, theologian and philosopher.

405

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

de l’assembleé, considerant que la premiere cause donnant le premier mouvement á toutes les Creatures, concourt necessairement á tous leur mouvemens et actions, pas moins qu’un ressort concourt immediatement aux1 mouvemens de toutes les roües d’une machine, lesquelles s’arresteroient tout court á l’arrest du ressort. Ce qu’il vous a plû m’escrire d’un miroir, qui decouvre des choses cacheés et incognüés, m’a fait souvenir d’avoir entendu, que quelque chose de semblable s’est pratiqueé autrefois icy á Paris, dont je m’informeray plus particulierement, et vous en manderez des nouvelles au premier jour.a Vous aurez receu, je me promets, devant l’arriveé de celle-cy, le moyen de faire promptement venir une Salade, lequel je vous envoya par ma derniere. Je seray ravy, Monsieur, de voir2 cette lettre que vous avez la bonté de faire imprimer, á fin d’en tirer ma part du profit qu’elle portera indubitablement au public.b Je suis Monsieur Vostre tres humble et tres obligé Serv: et Neveu R. Jones A Monsieur Monsieur Robert Boyle

who considered that the prime cause, because it gave the first movement to all creatures, must therefore be related to all their movements and actions, just as a spring immediately affects the movements of all the cogs of a machine, which would stop immediately if the spring were to stop. What you had the goodness to write to me about a mirror which reveals hidden and unknown things, reminds me that I have heard that something similar used to be employed here in Paris, about which I shall find out more details, and shall send you the information as soon as possible.a I hope that, before the arrival of this letter, you will have received the means of bringing on a lettuce, which I sent you in my last letter. I should be delighted, Sir, to see the letter which you had the generosity to have printed, in order to gain my share of the benefit which it will indubitably bring to the public.b I am, Sir, your very humble and most obliged servant and nephew, R. Jones. To Mr Mr Robert Boyle

a

No further details about a mirror of this type have been found. This must be the Copy of a Certain Large Act of Yonkers L. de Bils (1659), for the publication of which Boyle was responsible; see Works, vol. 1, p. 41ff. b

406

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 2 Apr. 1660

Seal: Damaged and broken in two halves. Probably heraldic.

EVELYNa to BOYLE

2 April 1660

From the original signed by Evelyn in BP 27, fols 293–4. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Inke for the Rolling presse: The Quality of the black The best black is that which they call Germany Black, which comes from Frankfort, it lookes like velvet, & is easyly crumbled twixt the fingers like fine chalk: of this there is a Contrefeit,1 made of the lees of wine burnt, which is full of Gravell, & very ‹pernicious to›2 plates &c. The Vessell to seeth & burne the Oyle in: 3 You must have a pott of Iron, of a good greate size, together with its cover that may Shut very exactly. The quality of the oyle, & how to accomode it for the Inke. Take excellent nut-oyle, & put a good quantity theroff in the foresaid pot; but so as there remaine 3 or 4 fingers empty at least, cover it, make a good fire, hang4 the pot over, or set it on a Trevett till it has boild; but have a care that at first it boyle not over, nor yet when it boyles; for that would be very dangerous, & may set the whole house in combustion; therefor must you diligently observe it, & frequently stirr it with som yron Spatula &c, & so order it, that being now very hott the fire may take hold of it gently of it selfe, or else you may inflame it, with a piece of paper lighted, when it is hott to a fitting degree. ‹Having›5 thus taken fire, remove it from the Trevett, & set it in the Chimny Corner, continually stirring it whilst it burnes, which ought to be at the least halfe an hower: This oyle is calld the weaker oyle, compar’d with that which follows: which they name strong-oyle. When you would6 extinguish the flame, clap the cover to it, & ’tis don; but then must the lid be very just to ‹mouth of› the pott: otherwise you must apply a linnen cloth that no aire do enter: This don, let your oyle coole a little, then powre it into the vessell wherein you will preserve it. When this is don, put other ‹fresh & crude› oyle into the same pott, to make the strong-oyle we mentiond above; ordering it just as you did the weake: onely, a

For Evelyn see above, p. 212.

407

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

when you set the pot in the Chimny Corner, suffer it to burne a greate deale longer, stirring it from tyme to tyme, ’till it become very thick & gleuy, & So, as that dropping a little of it hott upon a Plate, & being cold, it be very gluy & capable of being drawne into threids like a thick Syrup. Som workemen put an Onion, or a crust of bread into the oyle whilst it boyls, & hold, that it helps to clense the greasinesse of it. If it hap, that the fire be too violently taken, cast in a ‹q[uarte]r of a› pint of crude oyle: ‹But› to prevent all accidents; It may be boyled in some open Court. To grind the Black for the plates of the Rolling-presse. Let your stone & Mullar be very cleane, then take as much blacking as you will use, as for example, halfe a pound. /fol. 293v/ this bruised smale, powre on it at severall tymes (more or lesse, as you see occasion) ‹about› halfe a pint of the weaker oyle, for some blacking will drinke up more then other, less thirsty: but be extreamely carefull to put rather to little, then too much: Thus, haveing grossly ground it with this oyle,7 range it together with the horne at one corner of your marble, or on some other ‹commodious›8 thing: & take of it in ‹reasonable› smale portions that you may regrind it perfectly, because you cannot reduce it to a convenient firmenesse, by grinding the whole masse together: put that now which is very finely ground on one corner of your stone, as you did before the grossely ground; & when all is thus curiously ground, spread it all upon the stone, & as you grind it a little, ‹put›9 into it, to the quantity of a smale hens egg, of the strong oyle: & when all this is exceedingly well blended together, put it into an Earthen ‹vessell or› dish ‹wel›10 glazed, & cover it with a paper to preserve it from dust & ordure. Thus have an oyle, or Inke ready for your plate & presse: Advirtisement: For plates that are now much worne, or that are not deeply graven, there neede not be so much strong-oyle put into the Inke but as you see fitting: It is highly requisite, that the black be good, & well ground for otherwise the Impression will be nothing worth, & it will soruze [?] and Spoyle the plates suddainely: & if the oyles be not well burnt, & made into due consistency, being too thin, the black onely will remaine behind, & stick in the hatches of the plates, & the Impression will be pale & worth little. I humbly request of Mr Boyle, that when he can conveniently send from Oxford; he lend me the remainder of Schottus workes:11 Le moyen de devenir riche, & the receipts of the two or 3 Cements which he promised;a & if he have any other seaa This is a reference to Gaspar Schott (1608–66), Jesuit professor of mathematics and physics. Evelyn probably refers to Schott’s Mechanica hydraulico-pneumatica (1657), which Boyle had seen himself only relatively recently; see Works, vol. 1, p. 158. Although Evelyn seems to indicate that he

408

BOYLE

to [EVELYN?], 3 Apr. 1660

crets, that he will communicate, which may concerne my designe of Gardining. Apr: 2d: 1660

Evelyn:

Endorsed in a seventeenth-century hand: ‘The Inke for the Rolling-presse for Mr Boyle.’

BOYLE to [EVELYN?]

3 April 1660

From the original in a 1650s rounded hand with a holograph signature, in British Library, Stowe MS 744, fol 37. 4o/1. Not previously printed.

Sir The only errand of these hasty lines is to desire that You would do me the favor to send to my Sister Corke at Sussex-house, at ii of the clocke to morrow in the morning, the Young man skill’d in Painting, of whom You were lately pleas’d to speake toa Sir Your most affectionate humble servant Ro: Boyle.

Sussex-house this third of Apr.

Mr Boyls going out of towne today, sent late last night to Mr Evelyn whoe desires to see you by ten of the Clock, or if that may not be, then that you will direct him at what signe and in what street Mr Josias lives.b Endorsed by Evelyn on fol. 37v: ‘Mr Boyle / Lond: 3d Apr / 1660’. Also marked ‘36’ in smaller figures after this and ‘54’ at head of letter.

wanted more than one book, it is clear from his letter to Boyle of 13 Sept. 1661 that he received only one. He also refers to Bernard Palissy’s Le moyen de devenir riche (1636). For Evelyn’s collection of recipes see Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy (above, p. 209), pp. 72–4. For Evelyn’s Elysium Britannicum, alluded to here, see above, p. 363n. a For Boyle’s sister-in-law, Elizabeth, Countess of Cork, see above, p. 111n. Sussex House has not been located. The painter referred to has not been identified. b This note is written in another hand between ‘Sir’ and the signature. Mr Josias has not been identified.

409

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

SHARROCKa to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

9 April 1660

From the holograph original in BL 5, fols 88–90. Fol./2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 419, and Birch (ed.) Works, (1772), vi, 320–1.

Sir In returne to Yours of April the 7th, after my humble Service this may confirme to you my intentions of abideing in Oxon this Spring & Summer by Gods furtherance & that I shall bee willing to Employ a very considerable part of my time upon any businesse you shall employ mee.b I have employed severall hands in your translation but ‹for› the Variety of Words and phrases that occurre proper to diverse Mechanique Trades; &1 the whole matter being Soe different from that they are ordinarily conversant with (which is generally the Vulgar Philosophy Humanity & Divinity) ‹it happens› that after much assistance given them as to words and phrases theire helpe is Soe inconsiderable that in some I have beene forced to alter every period in every sentence. However I hope & question not but this will bee translated for you ready for the presse by midsummer.c And Sir You are to consider that It is not very proper especially for mee that communicate the Copy to begin2 the translation before the English bee printed: and so the time of its being Sett forth will not bee Soe Soone as the Latine.d The thinge that I shall willingly promise shall bee that except onely some studies altogether necessry for mee, which will not take up one halfe of my studyeing time, I shall doe no other businesse but Yours in this Overlooking of Copy, the Presse, and rendring them in Latine. Though I shall notwithstanding employ Mr Robinson to Manadge the Copyes as his owne & require for this grant not much per sheet.e Nor can I when hee3 shall onely have 500 to dispose of. I have here sent you one sheet the other in not come off the presse to Your Honours humbly devoted Servant R: Sharrock

April 9 Pray Sir Send more Copy

These For the Honourable Robert Boyle / Esq: att the white House, one Mr Cooks att the Pell-Mellf / London. / Carriage paid4 a

For Robert Sharrock see above, p. 398. Boyle to Sharrock, 7 Apr. 1660, is not extant. c For the Latin translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air see above, p. 399n. d The Latin and English editions of Spring of the Air were printed in parallel. e For Thomas Robinson see above, p. 399n. Sharrock had informed Boyle that Spring of the Air was expected to have a 1st edition of 500 copies; see ibid. f For Mr Cook, see above, p. 400n. b

410

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 23 May 1660

Seal: Seal missing: seal-shaped repair to paper. Endorsed by Wotton on fol. 88, at right-angles to main text: ‘Apr. 9 1660 Dr Sharrock’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 2’. Also endorsed on fol. 89v with Birch number: ‘No II’.

SHARROCK to BOYLE

23 May 1660

From the original signed by Sharrock in BL 5 fol. 90. Fol/1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 419–20, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 321.

Sir These are onely to acquaint Your Honour that I have provided You a Man, whom I intend to Send up to You by the Waggon the beginning of th’ensueing Weeke. Hee was a Chorister with us but is somewhat overgrowne for his Company ‹the other Choristers›. hee is an honest wellbred Young man & writes a very good hand. Hee is without Father or Mother but otherwise has good Freinds, One of which Dr Gawen who is his Unckle, hee intends to aske leave of (he being now att London)1 that hee may accept Your Service if You thincke him fitt.a I remember Your Urine & Water. But it is the Spirit drawne from the Alcalizate Salt of unfermented Urine which is soe instrumentall for diverse of the Magnalia in Chymistry which I forgott to discourse to Your Honour of when I saw You last. If 2 Your Honour will pardon my hast now You shall receive a more particular answer ‹to Your last› by Your Man who intends for London on Munday from May 23 1660

Sir Your Honours most humble Servant Ro Sharrock

These For the Honourable Robert / Boyle Esq: att Mr Storyes The Stonecutters in the / Pell-Mellb a Boyle employed amanuenses from the mid-1650s onwards; see Works, vol. 1, pp. xxiv–xxv. Sharrock probably refers to Thomas Gawen (1612–84), Catholic writer and perpetual Fellow of Sharrock’s Oxford home, New College. Wood in his Athenae Oxonienses says that Gawen deserted his own child and made the children of his brother into his heirs. Presumably the young man in question was a member of this family. b In 1660 Lady Ranelagh took up residence in Pall Mall, where Boyle sometimes stayed, and later joined her permanently. It is not clear why Sharrock addresses this letter to Abraham Storey, a neighbour of Lady Ranelagh’s on Pall Mall, described by Maddison as a ‘speculative builder’; see Maddison, Life, p. 133.

411

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Seal: Circular. Damaged. Clear specimen, but of unidentifiable design. Possibly a scorpion. Not heraldic. Postmark: MA/24.

SAMUEL BOGSLAV CHYLINSKIa to BOYLE

1 June 1660

From the autograph original in BL 2, fol. 13. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Illustris et Magnifice Domine, Fautor officiosé colende Doleo vicem meam, quod Magnificentiam Tuam cum Schedula Reverendi Domini Doctoris Wallis, non offenderim in ædibus suis, cui animus ‹erat› præter delationem Servitiorum humillimorum, ostendere quantum in Opere meo Biblico in Linguam Lithuanicam verso, jam progressus sum.b Ne tamen frustra me iter insumpsisse videar, relinquo hic ‹cum› prædicta schedula Reverendi Viri, meos quoque sex octerniones Operis,c qui jam in totum sunt absoluti. Certo certius adspirante numinis divini Favonio colophonem imponam hoc mense toti Pentateucho Mosis, ad alia perrecturus alacrius calcar mihi & opem suam addente,d Mecoenatum piorum & promotorum insignium, Conatuum ad promotionem gloWorthy and generous Sir, Most worshipful patron, I lament my misfortune that I was not able to meet your magnificence with the plan of Revd Dr Wallis at his house; for he intended, besides the report of your most humble servants, that I show you how far I have now progressed in my task of translating the Bible into the Lithuanian language.b But lest my journey seem entirely in vain, I am leaving here, with the aforesaid plan of the reverend gentleman, six octernios of the work,c which are now entirely finished. Indeed with the blowing of the favourable west wind of divine will I am certain of putting the finishing touches to the Pentateuch of Moses this month,d and am ready to stir myself up more eagerly for other tasks, for He has given me His aid by means a

Samuel Bogslav Chylinski (c. 1634–68), Lithuanian scholar and translator. This is a reference to John Wallis, Oxford professor (for whom see above, p. 253n.). For the progress of Chilinski’s translation, see the report by Wallis in his letter to Boyle of 14 Mar. 1662, vol. 2, pp. 7–11. c The meaning of ‘octernio’ (lit., something which occurs in eights) is unclear. It very possibly refers to a sheet of paper folded in eighths to make a booklet of sixteen pages. d Given that Chylinski indicates that he has nearly completed the Pentateuch, we can assume that he refers here to the first five books of the Old Testament, plus his Account of the Translation of the Bible into the Lithuanian Language, printed in Oxford in 1659. b

412

CHYLINSKI

to BOYLE, 1 June 1660

riæ & Ecclesiæ ejus incrementum, liberalitate conspicuâ, Cujus cum et Tu Illustrissime Domine, non indubitata mihi Tua ex parte reliquisti1 indicia, dum modo Opus2 (tùm adhuc infieri) in actu sit. Quod quàm mihi gratum sit, et futurum, ubi magnitudinem beneficii auxerit gratia celeritatis, quærere noli? Senties olim bono cum DEO, Vir Magnifice, per latus meum,3 insigni Tua munificentia, Ecclesiam quoque Christi, in illis partibus ‹afflictam› (sed modo eheu! multo afflictiorem ob incursionem truculentissimi hostis Moschi)a cum quâ cum pares gratias, Tibi et aliis Literarum et Literatorum fautoribus, quibus recommendabis studium4 meum (rogo autem perquam humillimè illud facias, ubi dabitur opportunitas)5 referre non possum nec potero, precibus meis ardentibus cum illa apud divinam Majestatem retaliare studebo cordicitus, Cujus Te tutelæ sanctæ cum tota prosapiâ Tua illustri, quam religiosissimé commendo atque trado. Magnificentiam Tuam devoté colens. S. B. Chylinski. mg. p.[?]

Festinavi in Ædibus Tuis d. 1. Junii 1660

Illustri et Magnifico / Domino R Boyle Armigero Literarum et Literatorum / Fautori eximio. ad manus. of the conspicuous generosity of pious Maecenases and distinguished patrons of my efforts towards the promotion of His glory and the increase of His church. And you, most noble Sir, for your part, have left most undoubted proofs of the same liberality in your actions towards myself, while the work has been in progress. Immense, then, must be my present and future gratitude, when the benefit of speed is added to the magnitude of the benefits that you have conferred. May you see in the future, God willing, that through my agency and your wonderful generosity, the church of Christ in those parts, now afflicted (and, alas! much more afflicted of late due to the invasion of the savage Muscovite foe) [will have been restored?];a for which I cannot, and never shall be able to give sufficient thanks, to you and to the other patrons of letters and of authors, to whom you will recommend my endeavour (and I most humbly beg you to do so, whenever the opportunity is offered), for which I shall heartily strive to reciprocate with my most ardent prayers for success to the Divine Majesty. To whose holy patronage I commend you most religiously, with all your illustrious wisdom, Your Grace’s most humble servant, S. B. Chylinski, master of philosophy

In haste, at your house. 1 June 1660

To be given into the hands / of Robert Boyle, esquire, the most worthy patron of / letters and authors. a

Poland–Lithuania was at war with Russia from 1658 to 1667.

413

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

ROBERT CODRINGTONa to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

2 October 1660

From the original in BL 2, fols 21–2. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 631–2, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 636–7.

Sir, Before I suffer this pen to passe any further, I must return you my most humble thanks for the gratuity which about ten yeers since I received for the Book which I then dedicated to you. what heere inclosed I have now preferred to your observance, I must beseech you to grace with your acceptance.b It is a Pöem in Latin on a gratefull subject; I have taken some payns in the composure of it, and have bin induced by some worthy freinds who truly honour you to devote this service unto you, unto whom all learning oweth for a patron, and the world for an Example.c I doubt not but you have seen many books extant under this hand in prose; I am now printing all my Pöems, a great part whereof I have dedicated to many eminent personages amongst our Nobility, and Gentry; and to some Doctors as famous for theyr learning and theyr piety beyond the seas, as in our own Universityes; I must beseech you with the same candor that you will be pleased to accept of this which most precisely doth devote it self to you, and is proud to weare the honor of your Name on the forehead of it; may it return me any testimony of worth from your accurate Judgement, the many laurells which the world hath given me shall not so much crown me, as the honour I shall receive to have pleased you, and to expresse myself d (Sir) your most humble and devoted servant Robert Codrington.

Octob: 2: 1660

Sir, I have lately rendred into English a Book of my Lord Bishop of Lincolns, intituled the Obligation of Conscience; It is in the Originall Dedicated to you;e I was, indeed, offered to dedicate the translation to whom I pleased, but I have followed the Doctors Example, and it continues in the Translation still unto you, and in the Doctors a

Robert Codrington (1601–65), poet and translator. It is not clear what Codrington is referring to here, as none of his earlier works, mainly translations of religious treatises, are dedicated to Boyle. c For Codrington’s Latin odes see below. d There is no evidence that Codrington’s poems were printed. e Codrington translated into English Robert Sanderson’s De obligatione conscientiae praelectiones (1660), as Several Cases of Conscience, also published in 1660. b

414

CODRINGTON

to BOYLE, 2 Oct. 1660

own words, as may appeare by the Book which is now newly extant, and to be sold by Mr. James Allestry at the sighn of the Bell in Pauls Churchyeard; I thought fit in this place to acquaynt you with it,1 because I doe find it to be well pleasing ‹to the› Doctor who (I thank him) preferrs the Translation;a And I hope it will prove as acceptable, to you, for I am assured it had bin impossible for me to give it to a more Noble or a more letterd Personage.

For the Honourable Robert Boyle / Esquire these

Seal: Almost complete. Circular. Not obviously heraldic. Perhaps a sheaf of arrows with mullets or a shooting star with smaller stars surrounding it. Endorsed by Wotton: ‘Mr Codrington Oct. 2 1660’, and with number ‘5’ (probably by Wotton).

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTERb From the original in BP 36, fols 42v–4. Fol/1+2. Not previously printed.

Nil nimìs temerè timendum, Nil nimìs ambitiosè concupiscendum essec

Nothing should be too rashly feared, nothing too ambitiously desired.c

a Codrington refers to Sanderson as ‘the Doctor’. James Allestry (d. 1670) was a leading London bookseller. b In his letter, Codrington appears to refer only to a single poem; however, since two poems by him in matching format survive among the Boyle Papers, either or both of which could have been sent on this occasion, we have included both here. c The sentiment is conventionally Horatian, in keeping with Horace’s views on the ‘golden mean’ (e.g., Odes, II. 10).

415

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Ode Epodicaa In Honorem Viri Præclarissimi, nec tàm Stemmatis Nobilitate, quam literarum, Virtutumque omnium Panopliâ Illustris, ROBERTI BOYLE, Viro prænobili RICHARDO BOYLE Comitis Corcagiæ in Hiberniâ Fratris spectatissimi Horat: Carm: lib: 3o b Dignum laude Virum Musa vetat mori /fol. 43/ Nil nimìs temerè timendum, Nil nimìs ambitiosè concupiscendum esse 1 Et me Latinæ non solitum loqui Jussere Musæ, Nil popularibus Ambire votis, Nil timere, Nil nimiùm cupiisse, magnis An Epodic Odea In honour of that most renowned gentleman, illustrious not so much for the nobility of his descent, as for the panoply of letters and all the virtues, Robert Boyle, most respected brother of the very noble Richard Boyle, Earl of Cork in Ireland. Horace, Odes, book III [sic]b ‘The Muse forbids the man who is worthy of praise to die.’ Nothing should be too rashly feared, nothing too ambitiously desired. The Latin Muses have ordered even me to say something unusual: not to seek for popular support; to fear nothing; to desire nothing to excess. I speak first to great minds – I would

a This is a somewhat odd description, since strictly speaking odes and epodes are different verse forms (odes in 4-line stanzas as employed here, epodes in 2-line units, employing different metres). The form chosen here is the alcaic ode, Horace’s most popular metre, especially for serious topics. The metre is generally handled competently, although there are a number of errors, presumably the result of carelessness. The punctuation is erratic, and some has been inserted in square brackets, for clarity. b This is an error; the quotation is in fact Horace, Odes, IV. viii. 28. Codrington may well have been thinking that it came from Odes, III. 30, a famous poem on a related topic, and in the same metre as IV. viii.

416

ENCLOSED

with CODRINGTON to BOYLE, 2 Oct. 1660

2 Edico primùm mentibus, improbo Utcunque ponam fræna Cupidini Metumque dispensem, per omnes Invidiæ licet ire fluctus; 3 Præcogitati mitior ingruit Procella fati, sæpiùs omnium Perstare sub rerum tumultu Anticipem, studiumque in omnes 4 Præmittam casus, seu pelagus super, Seu fulminantis porta tonat cæli, Stabo, repentinamque mundi immobilis accipiam Ruinam; 5 At nec futurum sollicitus feram In pace bellum, qui patitur mala Ventura, præsenti timore Bis miser est, dubiamque victus 6 Est ante cladem, ne nimiâ tamen Virtute peccem, nec mala fortitèr Clamosus irritem, iuvabit Fortia continuisse verba;

put reins (however I could) on wicked desire; I would control fear, though I were to go through all the waves of envy. The storm of fate comes softer when one has thought about it in advance. Quite often I would anticipate standing firm under the tumult of all kinds of events, and I would send my concern forward to meet all disasters, whether upon the sea, or whether the gate of thunderous heaven resounds; I shall stand, and accept the sudden ruin of the immobile world. But nor will I worry about a future war in time of peace; he who suffers evils still to come, is twice miserable from present fear, and is defeated before a doubtful battle; nor however should I go astray with an excess of courage, nor stir up evils with brave-sounding noise – it will be helpful to have held strong words in check.

417

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

7 Arcem modesti pectoris innocens Fortuna transit, si revocem tamen, /fol. 43v/ Meoque non æquam duello Increpitem, redit atque ab imo 8 Quæ præteribat mænia succutit, Stringenda iam tùnc sunt sapientiæ, Et arma libertatis, infra Consilium cadit omne telum, 9 Quod fortuito cunque minabitur Fortuna nervo, seu genus impetat, Seu fortè Virtutem, cavebo Ne malus impetuosa foedis 10 Vindex reponam verba calumniis[.] Erit loquacis pulchra proterviæ Vindicta risisse, et sereno Magnanimum tacuisse vultu[.] 11 Se qualem quisque noverit, arguat Aut laudet intus, non ego Civium Ab ore pendebo, aut protervi Invidiæ dabo terga velis.

Fortune passes by the citadel of a modest heart without harming it; however, if I were to call her [i.e., Fortune] back, and accuse her of not being able to stand up to a fight with me – then she returns and blows up from below the walls that she had previously passed by. Now one must unsheathe the arms of wisdom and liberty: all weapons fall beneath good counsel. Whatever Fortune threatens with the bowstring of chance, whether she attacks one’s family, or perhaps courage – I shall beware lest, as a wicked avenger, I return impetuous replies to foul calumnies. It will be a dire punishment for talkative impudence to have laughed, and for a magnanimous person to have remained silent with a placid countenance. Such as each person knows himself to be, let him reprove or praise his conduct internally: I shall not hang on the mouths of citizens, or turn my back on envy [fleeing] with the sails of an impudent person.

418

ENCLOSED

with CODRINGTON to BOYLE, 2 Oct. 1660

12 HAC Lege iustus se teneat Timor, Nunc danda cæco Jura Cupidini, Externa vestigamus, at se Rarus habet vel habere quærit[.] 13 Hic plenus auri sed vacuus sui Infamat omnes naufragus Insulas Quo vivat, heu stulte, cruentum Alter emit sibi morte lucrum[.] 14 Hic dum supremas lustrat Iberiæ Partes, et gestit discere plurima Se nosse dediscit, diuque Ipse sui vagus exul errat 15 Alter reducto lentus in otio Paulùm sepulto distat, inutilis Belli, domique, et ante lethum Heu virides male perdit annos, /fol. 44/ 16 Hic hæret Aulæ, se tamen improbus Suosque mores vitat in omnibus Et quæ, suprema servitutis Poena palam miser esse non vult Let justified fear hold itself by this law; now laws are to be given to blind desire – we seek out external ones, but it is a rare man who controls himself, or seeks to do so. One, full of gold, but empty in himself, is a shipwrecked man that disgraces all islands on which he might live; alas, in folly, another purchases bloodstained lucre for himself at the price of death. While one man traverses the farthest parts of Iberia and desires to know very many things, he forgets his knowledge of himself, and wanders for a long time as an exile from himself. Another, living quietly in peaceful retirement, differs little from someone buried: useless in war, and at home, alas, he wastes his green years before his death. This man sticks to the Court; however, the reprobate avoids himself and his own morals among them all – and, as the final punishment of servitude, does not wish to be openly miserable, and so amid the torments of his dreadful heart he acts like a happy man: empty

419

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

17 Interque diri tormina pectoris Agit beatum, vanus adultero Se mæror in risu dolentis Dissimulat, variatque scenam 18 Livescit omnis lætitiæ color Sub nube curæ, perpetuus licèt Nimbus salutantum, et clientis Unda fluat, refluatque, vulgi, 19 Et tota servet limina Civitas, Desertus à se cuncta sibi gemit Deesse, torquent urbis illum Divitiæ, populique census; 20 Desideranti cuncta, potentiæ Commune nil est, esse suum putat Quodcunque pulchrum est, invidendo Me mea pauperies ab auro 21 Cautum removit, quæ pede proteram Sunt plura quàm quæ possideam manu Hoc magnus, Hoc æqualis uno Cæsaribus dominabor, omnes

sadness dissimulates itself in the false laughter of a man in pain, and varies the scene; Every colour of happiness becomes livid under the cloud of care – though there may be a perpetual cloud of well-wishers too, and the wave may ebb and flow of the following populace, and the whole state may preserve his threshold, the man who has been deserted by himself groans that he lacks everything: the riches of the city torture him, and the people’s possessions. For one who desires everything, no aspect of power is held in common; he thinks whatever is desirable, is his own. My own poverty has kept me cautious, far from envy-inspiring gold; the things that I would tread underfoot are more than those I would possess with my hands – great in this, their equal in this one respect alone, I shall have dominion over the Caesars; we are all able to have scorned everything in safety – no-one can ever [safely] pos-

420

ENCLOSED

with CODRINGTON to BOYLE, 2 Oct. 1660

22 Sprevisse tutò possumus omnia, Habere nemo, qui tumidus suo Se librat, attollitque regno Esse suum, populique nescit 23 Æquale lethum, vivimus impares Pares obimus, hunc alios supra Altè curules, hunc triumphi Extulerant, cinis æquat omnes, 24 Et urna quæ nos colligit, omnium Mensura rerum est, Demite sarcinas /fol. 44v/ Grandemque fortunam lacerto, et Solliciti grave pondus auri, 25 Dum non onustus, sed moriar meus[.] Iam nùnc perennes divitias mihi Nil concupiscendo paravi, Nil nimiùm metuendo, pacem. Amplitudini suæ ad Imperata Robertus Codrington In Art: Mag: et Poeta olìm Carolinæ Majestati. sess anything, who swells up and weighs himself by his own authority, and exalts his own being, and does not know that death is equal for the whole population. We live unequal, but die equal. The honours of office have raised this man above others, triumphs have raised another high: ashes level everyone, and the urn which collects up our remains is the measure of all things. Take off the burden and grand fortune from one’s shoulders, and the heavy weight of worrysome gold; while I am unencumbered, I shall nevertheless die my own. Already I have prepared external riches for myself by desiring nothing, and by fearing nothing to excess, have prepared peace. Obedient to your honour’s commands, I am Robert Codrington, M.A., formerly poet to his Majesty, King Charles.

421

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

ENCLOSED WITH CODRINGTON to BOYLE

2 October 1660

BP 35, fols 210v–12. Fol/1+2.

Sæculi ferrei in aureum Restitutioa Ode altera Epodica.b In Honorem Viri longè præclarissimi, et de Republicâ literariâ optimè meriti, D ROBERTI BOYLE, Fratris Viro prænobili RICHARDO, Comiti Corcagiæ in Hiberniâ. &c: Horat: Epist: lib: 2o: Primâ dicta mihi, summâ dicende Camœnâ Mecænas –c /fol. 211/ Sæculi huius ferrei in aureum Restitutio Nec satìs est nos posse mori quùm fata reposcunt, Aguntque morbi, lucis, et vitæ reos, The restoration of the Golden Age from that of Irona Another ode in epodic metre.b In honour of Robert Boyle, a man by far the most famous and deserving praise from the republic of letters, brother of the most noble Richard, Earl of Cork in Ireland, etc. Horace, Epistles, book 2 ‘Maecenas, to be spoken of in my first and final song.’c The restoration of the golden age from this one of iron It is not enough that we can die when the fates demand, and that diseases lead us to a [vain] defence of light and life: we also have ourselves destroyed our little life with wars, and broa Codrington is following an established classical tradition of poetry about a new golden age, including flattery of a patron. The chief model is Virgil, Eclogues, iv. b Codrington uses an epodic metre, here consisting of a dactylic hexameter followed by an iambic trimeter. In places towards the end Codrington makes metrical errors and forgets to check the scansion of his iambic lines, e.g., the last syllable of ‘praestabit’ in the last line is short, when the metre requires it to be long. These indicate some weaknesses in Codrington’s technique, or perhaps suggest inadequate checking of the fair copy. c In fact, Codrington’s source is Epistles, book 1, not book 2; he quotes lines 1 and 3 of the first epistle. The second word should read ‘dicte’, not ‘dicta’, presumably an error of memory or copying.

422

ENCLOSED

with CODRINGTON to BOYLE, 2 Oct. 1660

Ipsi etiàm exiguum bellis commisimus ævum, Omnémque ferro rupimus lethi moram, Iàm Thamesis, Rhodanus, Sabrinaque, Rhenus et ingens Shannon cruentâ decolór ripâ fluit, Iam tria lustra metunt rubras de sanguine messes, Nec dira avaram terruit falcem Ceres;a Intereà miserum gladijs divisimus orbem; Mundusque pugnas inter incertas labat, At meliùs (si tanta brevis fastidia vitæ Et una lethi cura mortales habet) Omnia terrarúm Superi convellite claustra, Omnesque dissipate littorum moras Omnia sint unus magnarúm campus aquarum, Nullique latam limites signent humum, Et maria, et magni perdant sua nomina montes Dùm mergat omne Thetis humanum genus; At Superi, nam vos et tùnc mortalia tangent Perire nostrum tàm sæpè passos genus, /fol. 211v/ Tùnc aliqua de gente pium servate nepotem, Sed ille gentis nesciat mores suæ Deucalionæisb iterùm qui credulus undis Ingens in unâ sæculum servet trabe, Nam simùl agglomerans sese super Amphitryte Humana terris eluat vestigia, ken all delay of death with swords. Now Thames, Rhone, Severn, Rhine and great Shannon flow discoloured with bloody banks. Now for fifteen years, they gather harvests reddened with blood, nor has terrible Ceres frightened the greedy scythe.a Meanwhile we have divided the sad world with swords, and the world totters between uncertain fights. Better (if we mortals are so sick of our short life, we care only for death) that the heavens should overthrow all the barriers of the earth, dissolve all the shorelines, so that all should be one single plain of great waters, and no boundaries should distinguish the hidden land, and seas and great mountains should lose their names while Thetis submerges the whole human race. But, O gods (for even then mortal things will touch you, who have so often allowed our race to perish), then save a pious descendent of some race – but let him be ignorant of the manners of his own race, who trusting again to Deucalion’s watersb will save a huge age [by floating] on a single beam [or ship], for at the same time Amphitryte [i.e., the sea], piling herself together all at once, will wipe human footprints from the earth. Now with a Codrington here alludes to Ceres, goddess of crops; the suggestion is that the grim reaper has been busy, while ordinary reapers have been idle. b Deucalion was the survivor of the flood in classical myth, and founder of a new race of mankind. Thetis was one of the sea nymphs, used to personify the sea.

423

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Iam parcente Deo, iàm subsidentibus undis, Iàm se refuso temperante Nereo, Incipient summi paulatìm emergere montes, Rarosque primum margines æquor pati, Tunc vagus oblitos ubi Sol respexerit agros Novisque aprica floribus pingi iuga, Protinùs ex unâ redeuntia sæcula puppi Latè patentis orbis implebunt plagas, Et virides ripas, et molle sedentia latè Ramalibus viretá distinguent casis, Sed tellus communis erit, sed nullus avaris Stabit colonis arbiter fundi lapis, In commune fluent sancti sine nomine fontes, Nascentur omni liberæ fruges agro, Tunc bona prospicient purgatas sydera terras, Tunc ægra nullo Sole pallebit Ceres, Non Aquilo graciles, non eruet Eurus aristas, Sed innocentes et calore languidi /fol. 212/ Mulcebunt violas, mulcebunt lilia Soles, Omnique pinguis annuet vento seges, Ergo suâ quivis luxum non noscere mensâ Suoque diues esse, nèc magno sciet, Nam neque marmoreas ingentia tecta columnas Nec æreas delubra lassabunt trabes, Frondibus implicitæ texent palatia silvæ, Aramque Divis cespes, aut saxum dabit, God’s mercy, with the waves now subsiding, with Nereus now turning back and controlling himself, the mountain tops will slowly begin to emerge, and the sea will first allow rare coasts; then, where the wandering sun shall have looked upon forgotten fields, and the spring-like hills are painted with new flowers, immediately the returning ages will fill the wide tracts that lie open on the earth from one single ship, and will deck out the green river banks, and softly lying greensward with twigs for cottages. But the earth will be common property; but no stone will stand as the arbiter of a farm for greedy settlers; sacred founts will flow in common, unnamed, and free crops will be born in every field. Then the good stars will look upon the purged earth; then sick Ceres will grow pale under no sun, no north or east wind will destroy the graceful ears of corn, but innocent and languid suns will soothe violets with their heat, and will soothe lilies, and the fat crop will nod to every wind. Therefore whoever does not know luxury on his own table, will be rich in his own modest possessions, for no huge roofs will strain marble columns, nor temples tire out bronzecovered beams; woods with woven leaves will make palaces, turf or stone will provide an altar for the gods; but piety will then be greater, when with the stars as witnesses we live

424

ENCLOSED

with CODRINGTON to BOYLE, 2 Oct. 1660

Sed pietas tunc maior erit, quum testibus astris Insons sùb alto turba degemus Jove,a Non impendebunt placidis laquearia somnis, Sed alta mundi signa labentur suprà, Et vaga præbebunt pictæ spectacula noctes Velox euntis transit dum scena poli; Intereà tacitam non rumpent arma quietem, Raucive pulsus æris, aut murmur tubæ, Non dubias navale nemus discendet1 in undas, Non ulla puppes bella trans pontum vehent. Quò me dulcis agis longo Dementia cantu? An et Poetas sæculi rapit furor? Quicquid id est, tamen arma piæ deponite gentes, Nudate fessæ lividum ferro latus, Angligenis placidus tandèm coniungat Iberus Deliberatâ fœdus æternum manu, Damnent sanguineos Anabaptistæque furores, Et molle discant vinculum pacis pati, /fol. 212v/ Pugna sit hæc ingens, lætos concordibus aris Quis sanctiore cælites voto colat, Cuius pulsa priùs terras Astræa revisat,b Quis æquiore temperet Iura manu; as an innocent crowd under high Jove.a No elaborate ceilings will overhang our quiet sleep, but the world’s high signs will slip overhead, and painted nights will offer wandering spectacles, while the swift scene of the moving heavens passes by. Meanwhile arms will not break the quiet peace, nor will the striking of noisy brass, or the sound of the trumpet; no grove of trees will be cut for naval purposes and go down onto the unsafe waves, no ships will carry war across the seas. Sweet madness, whither are you driving me in this long song? Is the age’s fury snatching even poets away? In any case, O pious nations, lay down your arms – in exhaustion, free your chafed side from the sword; at last let a peaceful Spaniard join with the English in an eternal peace, solemnised with a determined hand; let Anabaptists damn their bloody furies, and learn to endure the soft bonds of peace. Let this be the great contest, as to who will with holier prayer worship the happy inhabitant of heaven at peaceful altars; at whose impulse will Astraeab first revisit earth, and who will temper the laws with a more equal a Codrington presumably here means the Christian God, rather than his pagan classical counterpart; confusion of pagan and Christian terms and symbolism is common in neo-Latin. b Astraea was the goddess of justice. Her departure from earth signified the end of the golden age, and so her return would indicate the beginning of a new golden age; cf. Astraea redux (1660) by John Dryden (1631–1700), celebrating Charles II’s restoration.

425

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Non placeat Virtus pretio, non Curia censu, Non infideli septa Maiestas metu; Iura Voluptati sanctum præscribat Honestum, Tutoque Veritas pulset Aulam pede, Sic cecidita veterum quod Confidentia vatum Novus Britannæ gentis præstabit Honos. Amplitudini tuæ ad Imperata Robertus Codrington in Art: Mag: et Poeta olim Carolinæ Maiestati hand. Virtue should not ask for any reward, nor the senate act for rank or wealth, nor will Majesty be hindered by unfaithful fear. Sacred honesty should give laws to pleasure, and truth should walk safely at court. Thus, since the confidence of old bards has fallen,a a new honour of the British race will stand forth At your honour’s command, I am Robert Codrington, Master of Arts, and formerly poet to his Majesty King Charles.

EDWARD POCOCKEb to BOYLE

5 October 1660

From the original in BL 4, fols 132–3. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 421, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 323–4.

a This is the best sense that can be made of the MS text; however, if ‘cecidit’ (‘fell’) is given in error for ‘cecinit’ (‘sang’), the latter would give a clearer meaning, e.g., ‘what the old bards sang, new honour will maintain.’ b For Pococke see above, p. 327n.

426

POCOCKE

to BOYLE, 5 Oct. 1660

Most Honoured Sir I must in the first place intreat your pardon for my great incivility, in that I have not writen sooner to you, to give you thankes for a booke of your owne excellent experiments, that I received from Mr Robinson the Stationer by your appointment.a But I differred it hoping before this time to have given you account of the finishing of Grotius. though myn own distractions be great that I could not attend, as I desired, the businesse; (for wheras I had hoped to have found some settlement here I can yet find none, having still to deal with those that are too hard for me and keep me out of my right,) yet I must needes cast the blame of this delay on the Printer, though he wanted not for calling on.b I hope now that by the middle1 of next week all may be done. In the sixth booke I thought it necessary to put no other things for matter of history then will be acknowledged by the Mahometans. and indeed Grotius himselfe was of that opinion. and therfore I have left out what is sayd of the pigeon flying to Mahomets ear; and that the mouse was bred of the Camels dong, and that halfe the Moone came into his sleeve. and some few things are2 so altered as that they might rather agree with what they themselfes affirme, then what others Rhetorically descant on the story.c Sir that acknowledgment which ought to be made of your great good intentions in this worke, I suppose, will be better ordered, so as to be put in with those Copies which shall have the Latin bound with them, and be retained in Christian countries, then necessarily annexed with the Arabicke.d For I think it will be better that any which should be sent into those Easterne parts, should go without any name3 or title of Persons or place whence they come, lest the good therby intended might by some malitious men, under that pretence, be hindered. but if you please to order it otherwise, your commands shall be observed. Sir I must crave your pardon for all defects which will be found in the worke. My desires were to serve the Church and your noble selfe. wherin I have failed, I hope your Candor4 will impute it not to want of will, but ability.

a Pococke must refer to Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660), sold by Thomas Robinson, Oxford bookseller; see above, p. 399n. b For Pococke’s translation of Grotius’s De veritate religionis christianae into Arabic, published in 1660, see above, p. 382n. Boyle paid for the printing of this book. c Pococke’s preface to the Latin and Arabic edition indicated that he had made several changes to the 6th book. The miracle of the dove flying into Muhammad’s ear, he said, had no foundation in the writings of Muhammad’s followers. Grotius had acknowledged this at his meeting with Pococke in Paris in 1640–1; see Leonard Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr Pocock, in 2 Volumes. To which is prefaced An Account of his Life and Writings (London, 1740), pp. 36–42. According to W. M. C. Juynboll, Zeventiende-eeuwsche beoefenaars van het Arabisch in Nederland (Utrecht, 1931), p. 198, Grotius had derived these myths from Scaliger. d Pococke’s Arabic translation was printed as an annex to Grotius’s Latin, and it was this edition which carried the dedication to Boyle. The Arabic also appeared by itself in the same year, without the dedication.

427

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

I crave leave Honoured Sir Your most humble servant Edw: Pococke.

Oxon. Baliol Coll. Octobr 5th 1660.

For the Honourable Robert Boyle / Esquire. Leave these at Mr Story a / stone cutters house in the Palmal over against the Spring garden Londona

Seal: oval, non-heraldic, depicting a leafy branch. Superimposed over wax remnant. Endorsed ‘servd by Bartlett’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No I’.

SOUTHWELLb to BOYLE

10 October 1660

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 403–4. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 297–8.

Florence, Oct. 10, 1660. Most Honoured Sir, HAVING now passed three months at Florence, and the season giving me liberty to enter Rome, I shall, before I leave this place, give some account of the time I have here spent, as the person, whose favour my chiefest ambition has always courted.c At my first arrival here, observing so rare a frame of government, for order and harmony, more like that of a family, than of a commonwealth; and understanding, that all persons ought to live here as upon the stage; so exact a knowledge, and so common a resort is the prince’s ear, of all particulars that pass; I thought it requisite, for the arriving unto some kind of admission in the court, wanting the benefit of friends, to settle my reputation in a lower class. And obtaining entrance into a meeting of their virtuosi, I also put in an oar, and shot my bolt among them; and then got not only the occasion of choosing good acquaintance, but heard, that at a

For Storey see above, p. 411n. For Sir Robert Southwell see above, p. 285. c Southwell travelled on the Continent in 1659 and 1660, and spent over a year in Italy. For Southwell’s ‘Memoranda’ of his Italian trip, see British Library, MS Egerton 1632. b

428

SOUTHWELL

to BOYLE, 10 Oct. 1660

the court some favourable words passed of me;a so that thence I took hint to go and make my reverence to the Great Duke, and some time after to prince Leopold his brother; who certainly is a perfect Mæcenas, not only the patron to all that pretend to letters, but also admirably knowing, and illuminated himself.b The truth is, I was treated by his highness, according to the standard of his goodness, not my sorry merit; having admission by his favour to partake of the magnificent solemnity at his academy of the Crusca, where both the body and the mind had an incomparable regale.c Besides the invitation I had to come every night to the palace, and view the stars, especially Saturn; whereof his highness took special observations, according to Eugenius, having prospective glasses of nine ells long.d But, in fine, his highness’s darling study is that of natural experiments, for the prosecution of which he has a select company, that with him every morning make a private academy. He was pleased to ask me of those in England, that have the vogue, as to that kind of application. And having named two or three, I finally represented unto his highness, in those slender terms I was able, the imperfect character of Mr. Boyle; for whom I can assure you his highness expressed so great a passion to be acquainted, that, letting him /p. 404/ know, he was as much a matter of civility as knowledge, and that I believed I might be the mediator of a correspondence, his highness told me, that I would engage myself in a very grateful embassy. So that to tell you the naked truth, the enclosed, that I here send you, is written in Florence (though dated from abroad) with design to be sent unto you within this of mine; but with pretext directed to me, that so the prince may a little keep state, and yet secure your correspondence.e THE person, that writes the letter, is the duke’s chief mathematician, a person of an admirable clear head, very great sincerity, and much esteemed by them.f I having, by very great favour, obtained to be his scholar, for my introduction into the mathematicks, with the six first books of Euclid;g he desired my advice in the presenting some of his books to the English virtuosi; being a treatise in folio de maximis & minimis, and a divination or supplement of what is wanting of a The meeting referred to is the Accademia del Cimento, for which see W. E. K. Middleton, The Experimenters. A Study of the Accademia del Cimento (Baltimore, 1971). b The Grand Duke of Tuscany was Ferdinando II (1610–70). His brother, patron of the Accademia, was the Prince Cardinal Leopoldo de’ Medici (1617–75). c Southwell alludes to the Literary Academy in Florence, created in the 1580s. It became famous for its Vocabolario (1612). d The Duke’s interest had perhaps been stimulated by Christiaan Huygens’s Systema Saturnium (1659). e For the enclosure see below, pp. 431–5. f Southwell here refers to Vincenzio Viviani (1622–1703), Italian geometrist and mathematician to Ferdinando II. g Southwell was tutored using the famous Elements by Alexandrian mathematician Euclid (fl. c. 300 BC).

429

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Apollonius.a There are half a dozen sent away to be shipped at Leghorn, he having superscribed the first unto yourself. He was Galileus’s scholar three years, and the only one, that is now living.b I shall mention more of him to Mr. Oldenburg.c And being most confident, that if you shall please to embrace this occasion of correspondence with the prince, it will highly redound, not only to your own satisfaction, but even a general advancement of learning; and I shall number it among the felicities of my life, that I was but instrumental unto so great a good. I AM sure there will pass the communication of great secrets between you, although I do remember the prince told me, that they searched not so much after particular experiments, as those fundamental ones, that augmented the limits of nature. They are here at present very intent on extracting the salts from all kinds of things, and do, by the help of glasses, draw the perfect figures of all; and these observations at large are made, that the most pointed salts come from the more sour or bitter herbs or roots; and from sweet herbs more blunted salts are extracted. Those herbs, &c. that afford the most sharp and edged salts, are of fiercest operation in physick. The others, that have not so much edge to cut and penetrate the humours, are of less activity. And the duke’s design is, to find a way for the administring these salts in physick, mixing them with things more congenical unto nature, than their own drug, which operates nothing after this separation. I HOPE in my next to send you two or three very good experiments, which I have now in chace. And I am trying, if it be possible, to obtain the secret of the incombustible cloth; which is in the hands of a frier of Genoa, that made for the cardinal here many fine things, purses, hatbands, handkerchiefs, lace, &c. I have sent you a bit of the thread, and a shred of the paper he made.d But I understand, that he was wonderfully shy and secret when he wrought here. I HAVE one of the Bologna stones (spongia lucis) ready calcined, which truly I forgot to put into the box, or you had received it together with signor Viviani’s books. I have also fine stones uncalcined, which shall be at your service, given me, when I was at Bologna ( and seeing of Aldrovandus’s Cabinet) by Dr. Ovidio Montalbano, the antiquary, with whom I hold correspondence, and can serve you in that place in what you please.e a

Viviani’s De maximis et minimis geometrica divinatio (1659) was an attempt to restore the missing 5th book of Apollonius of Perga. b Viviani was the last pupil and collaborator of Galileo Galilei (1564–1642). He wrote his tutor’s biography and preserved his papers and letters. c There is no record of a letter from Southwell to Oldenburg at this time. Oldenburg’s first letter to Viviani was dated 28 Oct. 1661. See Oldenburg, I, 443–5. d This person has not been identified. e Southwell refers to Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522–1605), naturalist, professor at the University of Bologna and curator of the botanical garden there. At his death he bequeathed to the city his museum and library. Ovidio Montalbani (c. 1601–71), scientist and antiquarian, professor of mathematics and medicine in Bologna and keeper of Aldrovandi’s cabinet.

430

ENCLOSED

with SOUTHWELL TO BOYLE, 6 Oct. 1660

THE prince has correspondence with monsieur Bullialdus, and others of Paris, unto whom he punctually repays all their addresses.a So that if you please to write to the prince under cover to signor Viviani, for the first time, taking notice to this of the present of his book, and to the prince, of the notice I gave you, of his courteous inclination to your acquaintance, you will find all things afterward run in a prompt and smooth channel. For besides what I mentioned of you myself, they found afterwards a piece, that Dr. Wallis dedicated to you, the epistle whereof was very consonant with what I had said.b NOBLE Sir, I might have proposed this affair in more studied terms of my respect. But at this age of your acquaintance, and most benign condescension towards me, I cannot but know, how much your goodness outbids all my faults. If this winter, at Rome, I may receive your commands in any nature, you will infallibly find me, Noble Sir, your most devoted and most obedient servant, ROBERT SOUTHWELL.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: VINCENZIO VIVIANI to SOUTHWELLc

6 October 1660

From the original in BL 5, fols 166–7. Fol/2. Printed in W. E. K. Middleton, The Experimenters. A Study of the Accademia del Cimento (Baltimore, 1971), pp. 283–4 (English trans.) and 389–90 (original Italian).

a Ismael Boulliau (1605–94), scientist and antiquarian, corresponded with Prince Leopold between 1657 and 1667. b This is a reference to John Wallis’s Hobbius heauton-timorumenos (1662), addressed to Boyle. c For Viviani see above, p. 429. As is clear from the preceding letter, this letter was designed to open correspondence between the Grand Duke Ferdinando II and the English virtuosi, with Viviani acting as an intermediary. It was addressed to Southwell to disguise its purpose.

431

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Illustrissimo Signore mio Signore e Patrono Colendissimo Trovandomi quà con incertezza di poter tornarmene a servir la di presenza avanti il di lei partire per Roma, non voglio mancare a me stesso in tralasciar d’indurle a memoria l’intenzion data da VS: Illustrissima di far godere alla nostra Toscana gl’inesausti tesori della sua Inghilterra, introducendo tra questa, e l’Accademia filosofica del Serenissimo Principe Leopoldo una scambievole corrispondenza in materie fisiche, e filosofiche fondata sopra esperienze fatte o da farsi per la cognizione d’effetti naturali, e per lo scoprimento del vero,a e con tal mezzo stabilire una virtuosa e perpetua Amicizia tra quella nostra Adunanza et alcuni dei Signori Litterati di quel Regno. Cosa da noi Accademici grandemente ambita, e desiderata, e non meno dall’istesso Serenissimo Principe, il quale come è ben noto a VS. Illustrissima con sue cortesissime instanze a lei med[?]a hà fatto conoscer quanto grato gli sara questo nobil commercio, e principalmente con quel Signor Ruberto Boyle da VS: con tanti titoli d’Eccelenza piu e piu volte esaltatoci, e con quanta ansietà S. A. Serenissima attenda opportuna congiontura di palesare la sua generosa benevolenza verso Ingegno cosi peregrino e sublime; assicurandola che subito che per mezzo di lei si sia attaccato questo Commercio verrà ancora perpetuato forsi con sodisfazione di quei /fol. 166v/ Signori Inglesi non minore del frutto che dalla novità delle esperienze loro, e delle lor salde dottrine ci promettiamo. Confidasi dunque nell’impareggiabil prudenza et industria di VS: Illustrissima Illustrious Sir and distinguished patron, As I find myself here, uncertain whether I can return to say goodbye in person before you leave for Rome, I do not want to miss reminding you of your intention of making Tuscany enjoy the inexhaustible treasures of your England, introducing a mutual correspondence between it and the philosophical Academy of the most Serene Prince Leopold on physical and philosophical matters founded on experiments made or to be made for finding out natural effects and for the discovery of the truth,a and by such means to establish a virtuous and perpetual friendship between our Assembly and some of the learned gentlemen of that kingdom. This is a thing greatly desired and coveted by us Academicians, and not least by his Highness the Prince, who, as is well known to your most excellent self, has let you see by his very gracious requests how much he would enjoy this admirable interchange, and especially with that Mr Robert Boyle whose many titles to excellence you have so often held up to us. His most Serene Highness anxiously awaits a suitable juncture to reveal his generous benevolence towards such rare and sublime intelligence. He assures you that as soon as this correspondence is begun with your help, you will see it also perpetuated, so that the satisfaction of these English gentlemen will perhaps not be less than the benefits that we promise ourselves from the novelty of their experiments and their sound doctrine. It is therefore entrusted to your incomparable prudence and skill, in the hope that we may happily see this embryo, so to speak, soon born and come to perfection, or rather, a

For Prince Leopold and the Accademia del Cimento, see above, p. 429n.

432

ENCLOSED

with SOUTHWELL to BOYLE, 10 Oct. 1660

sperando che questo per cosi dire Embrione in breve si abbia a veder nato, e perfezionato, anzi che venendo del suo favorevol Genio raccolto, assisto, et educato, abbia ben presto a crescere, predendo vigore e forza sempre maggiore. A questa fine sarà da noi destinato in Lion di Francia qualche Mercante, che ricevendo le lettere di Firenze, e di Londra, le invii per il lor recapito quando occorra.a Io poi augurandole (in caso di mia assenza) fortunatissimo Viaggio, ricordole il favorirmi in ogni altro particolare ricercatole, e la supplico a far mie scuse con domino Signor Boyle dell’essermi preso ardire d’inviarle l’Opera mia de Massimi et Minimi, et anco del non averla accompagnata con mie lettere,b pregandola a far passare un simile offizio con gli altri Signori Barlow, Wallis, Wardo, et Oldemburg,c ai quali tutti desidero inoltre che sia fatto nota la mia singolar osservanza verso l’egregia fama di cosi illustri soggetti; e la brama che tengo di venire onorato col titolo di lor Servitore come /fol. 167/ io sono ossequioso Amiratore dell’Eminente dottrina loro nelle filosofiche, Geometriche, et Astronomiche discipline. Crederò che a quest’ora ella averà spedito a Livorno per Londra non solo i detti miei libri, ma quel ritratto ancora del mio tanto reverito Maestro Galileo, che VS: Illustrissima si compiacque di ricevere;d e goderò poi di sentire che per L’intercessione ‹e liberalità› di VS: il Signor Barlow ne abbia voluto ornare la sua famosa Libreria d’Oxfort, onorando il ritratto non meno di quel che cosi grata Nazione onori, e stimi l’opere del Vero.e being picked up, nursed and educated by your favourable genius, quickly grow, taking on an ever greater force and vigour. To this end some merchant in Lyons will be appointed by us, who, receiving letters from Florence and London, may deliver them when required.a So, wishing you (in case I am absent) a very happy journey, I remind you to favour me in all the other matters about which I asked you; and I beg you to make my excuses to Mr Boyle for having ventured to send him my work De maximis et minimis, and also for not having accompanied it with a letter.b Please perform a similar office with the other gentlemen, Barlow, Wallis, Ward and Oldenburg.c I desire that all these should be made aware of my particular reverence for the great fame of such illustrious people, and of my great desire to be honoured with the title of their servant, as I am the humble admirer of their lofty doctrine in the disciplines of philosophy, geometry and astronomy. I trust that by this time you have sent to Livorno, for London, not only those books of mine, but also that portrait of my so greatly revered master Galileo, which you have been pleased to receive.d I shall be very glad to hear that by your liberality and intercession, Mr Barlow has been willing to adorn his famous library at Oxford with it, honouring the portrait not less than such an agreeable nation will honour and esteem the works of truth.e a

This intermediary has not been identified. For this work see above, p. 430n. c For Thomas Barlow see above, p. 322n.; for John Wallis see above, p. 253n., and for Seth Ward see above, p. 3204n. d For Galileo see above, p. 430n. e Viviani refers to the Bodleian Library, where Barlow was the library-keeper. b

433

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Soggiungo, pregandola di significare in specie al Sig: Boyle quanto grato sia pascer al Serenissimo Principe l’intendere qualche particolar del progresso di lui intorno a quella comparazione ch’ella disse a S. Altezza aver egli alle mani circa alle Nozioni dell Atomi e gl’Esperimenti della Chimica, la quale detto Sig: và tuttavia meditando con averne già scritto non so che fogli.a Ohime Beato Signor Ruberto se per mezzo di VS: io giungerò in si gran distanza a possedere la grazia di tanti Eroi! ma più se una volta mi toccasse in sorte di potermi rassegnare a loro di pre[?]tesa quale io sono di VS: IIlustrissima fedelissimo Amico e devotissimo Servitore Obbligatissimo Pistoia li 6. Ottobre 1660 Vincenzio Viviani 1

al Signore Roberto Southwell Firenze

In addition I beg you to signify specially to Mr Boyle how pleased his Highness the Prince would be to hear some particulars of his progress in that comparison that you told his Highness he had in hand, about the ideas of atoms and chemical experiments, which he is meditating on all the time and on which he has already written any number of pages.a Ah! blessed Mr Robert [Southwell], if with your help I succeed at so great a distance in finding favour with so many heroes! but it were yet more if some day it may fall to my lot to be able to sign myself to them with the claim that I am Your most faithful friend and most devoted and grateful servant Pistoia, 6 October 1660 VINCENZIO VIVIANI to Mr Robert Southwell Florence No seal. Paper impressions of seals from other letters.

a

Evidently Viviani alludes to Boyle’s Sceptical Chymist (1661), for which see Works, vol 2, p. 254ff.

434

BAXTER

to BOYLE, 20 Oct. 1660

RICHARD BAXTERa to BOYLE

20 October 1660

From the original in BL 1, fols 31–2. Fol/2. Not previously printed in full. Summarised in N. H. Keeble and G. F. Nuttall, A Calendar of the Correspondence of Richard Baxter, 2 vols (Oxford, 1991), ii, 7,

Much honoured sir Having some speciall use for your favourable assistance in the worke of propagating the Gospell among poore barbarous infidells, I intreate you by this messenger to send me word when I may find you at home, that I with 3 or 4 of my friends may waite uppon you:b If you be not ‹at› home when the messenger bringeth this if you please to send a porter with the answer, I shall pay him & thankfully remaine Your much obliged servant Ri: Baxter

Oct. 20–60 From Mr Foleys house in Austin fryars in Broad streetc 1

For the Honourable2 Robert Boyle Esqr at little Chelsey this present

Seal: Missing. Impression in paper possibly heraldic. Endorsed (possibly by Wotton) ‘Mr Baxter’.

a Richard Baxter (1615–91), Presbyterian divine and a leading figure in the ecclesiastical politics of the Restoration. b Baxter was evidently canvassing Boyle for his potential involvement in the New England Company; see vol. 2, passim. He may allude to Boyle’s initiatives and financial support for promoting the Christian faith, such as Pococke’s translation of Grotius’s De veritate religionis christianae into Arabic, for which see above, p. 382n. c This is Thomas Foley (1617–77), ironmaster, who was celebrated in Baxter’s Reliquiae Baxterianae (London, 1696), iii, 93.

435

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

SHARROCKa to BOYLE

8 November 1660

From the original signed by Sharrock in BL 5, fol. 91. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Sir I have according to my promise now Sent You up the translation of the first sheet but I thincke it convenient that it bee transcrib’d before it bee return’d backe to for feare of miscarriage, Mr Whitaker, or Mr Hooke can read my Hand & truly I had gott it transcrib’d had not our House been much dislodg’d & discomposd by the Small pox comeing among us, & had1 much buisnesse my Selfe about perfecting the accounts for a Yeare of the receipts and expences of our whole House. after which account shall bee over I shall not desire to entermeddle with any Collegiate affaire, & so shall have more command of my privacy.b I have likewise sent Your Honour the medicine for convulsions in children & the fitts of Women. the dose is about 33ii [2 drams] or 3 ss [½ ounce] in Women in children 3i 3 [1 dram] or thereabout in blacke cherry water or any other appropriate liquor. I have sent about 3 v [5 ounces]2 that You may freely give it for I have twice as much my Selfe & may iisdem artibusc procure more that am Sir Your Honours humble Servant R Sharrock.

Nov: 8 1660

In the enclosed paper the matter whereof this medicine is made & the manner is specify’d I shall bee glad to have as returne of more Copy from Your Honourd 3 I have calcined the [tartar] very white & immediately ‹that it migh [sic] bee calcinatio sicca›e cast it into a Body with the s [spirit of wine] where the wine is now rectifyeing I request to know what You please bee done therewith after4 it is made Salt by Solutions and filtration through woollen & paper, whither Your Honour meanes more then that it bee then destilld in a gentle fire. Endorsed by Wotton on fol. 91 at right-angles to main text: ‘Dr Sharrock Nov. 8. 1660’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 3’. On fol. 91v in an early hand: ‘Mr Wootton’. a

For Sharrock see above, p. 398. Sharrock was overseeing the translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660) into Latin; see above, p. 399n. Sharrock refers to Boyle’s assistants, his Oxford colleague Robert Hooke (1635–1703), natural philosopher and inventor, and John Whitaker or Whittacre, Boyle’s servant. For Whitaker see Maddison, Life, p. 261. c ‘by the same methods’. d The enclosure is not extant. e A dry calcinate. b

436

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, [24] Nov. 1660

SHARROCK to BOYLE

[24] November 1660

From the original signed by Sharrock in BL 5, fols 101–2. Fol/2. The letter begins on fol. 102. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 419–20, and in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 321.

Sir I have long waited for this opportunity to give Your Honour an account of Mr Stahl’s next course in order to Your Lads improvement in Chymistry.a which ‹now› in short hee gives mee thus. That though he shall bee employ’d by some Drs on particular buisnesses Yet he shall not go through any exact course till after Xtmasse. & then hee promises, if You please to Send him, to make him Operate with his owne hands: which hee cannot doe now, the persons that employ him requireing him to Use their owne Servants.b I intend, God willing, by Moore next weeke to send Your Honour a packett, wherein to present You with (besides a trifle of my owne writing) Some of Your owne more nobly1 pen’d & more learnedly written sheets.c & withall a patterne of that pouder of Steel which I dissolv’d by destill’d may Dew. I have likewise enclosed sent You the copy of our processe when with M. St.d I made the Aqua cochleariæ Spiritualis. For as I remember You once2 mention’d a desire of the Sight of these toyes, if indeed the Spirit of Scurvy grass. deserve no better name. I intend for the Country if the Weather & my health serve me the beginning of the next weeke but must make it my most humble request that Your Honour would expedite the whole Copy (as Soone as it may stand with Your Honours convenience) of the tract. Of the Usefullnesse &c: For the paper has byen by as long as the booke3 would have been Sold in the time, It bearing the creditt of such an Author.e I hearken more to the requests of Mr Robinson because I know hee will4 bee a looser by having his Latine booke of the Physico-mechanicall Experiments printed smaller beyond Seas.f Though for that I have promis’d and intend him some amends The tract of Usefullnesse being for want of more Copy layd5 by, I have lately Sett the presse on worke with the English Physico-mecha

For Peter Stahl see above, p. 292n. The young laboratory assistant has not been further identified, but is also mentioned in Sharrock to Boyle, 16 Dec. 1660. b It is not known for whom Stahl was working. c Sharrock probably alludes to Moor the Oxford carrier. For the translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660) into Latin see above, p. 399n. d i.e., Peter Stahl. e For Boyle’s Usefulness, the 1st part of which appeared in 1663 with a preface written by Sharrock, see Works, vol. 3. f For Thomas Robinson see above, p. 399n. Sharrock refers to Boyle’s Spring of the Air by its longer title Physico-Mechanical Experiments. The Latin edition published at Oxford appeared in octavo, while the reprint of the same text was published at The Hague in 1661 in duodecimo. On the threat posed by continental printers see Works, vol. 1, p. lxvii.

437

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Experiments. which they have promised shall perfectly bee done by my returne after Christmasse soe that6 it lyes upon mee to make a Second request for the Supplement, or those other tracts You mention’d, which You thought would make the second Impression of the Physico-mech-Engine a competent quarto in which Volume it is now begun that it may beare a port answerable to Your other bookes I intend not to returne7 till the later end of January & therefore I Sett them on that printed (& upon my revise att the translation exactly letter’d & pointed) piece because therein they can’t erre though in my absence: which they would doe too frequently in Your written copy Notwithstanding all their Correctors.a I have putt them in hope that they shall have all their Copy att my returne I leave it to Your Honour (still with a proviso for Your greater Occasions) to mainteyne my reputation therein. The letter in behalfe of Mr John Master the Adventurer in Ireland to signify that the bearer is the person for whose case You desired Favour is expected here if Your Honour pleases to enclose it in a blancke paper to Mr Edward Master, here, Fellow of new Coll:b Your Honour will both Oblige him & the humblest of Your Honours servants Robert Sharrock 8

These For the Honourable Robert / Boyle Esq: att Mr Storyesc a Stone-cutter in the / Pell-Mell neere / Charing Crosse Seal: Remnant obscured by paper. Appears similar to the seal on Sharrock to Boyle, 7 Jan. 1664/5. Postmark: ‘NO / 28’[?].9 Endorsed by Wotton on fol. 101: ‘1661. Dr Sharrock. of printing useful[ness] of experimental Philosophy at Oxon:’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 9’.

a Evidently, Sharrock was overseeing work on Boyle’s Usefulness and the Latin edition of Spring of the Air at the same time. The 2nd impression of Spring of the Air appeared in quarto in 1662. b John Master has not been identified. A Richard Masters received 308 acres of land in Meath in the distribution of land to the Irish Adventurers, (see K. S. Bottigheimer, English Money and Irish Land (Oxford, 1971), p. 207). Edward Master (d. 1692), was at New College from 1650 to 1663. c For Abraham Storey see above, p. 438n.

438

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 16 Dec. 1660

SHARROCK to BOYLE

16 December 1660

From the original signed by Sharrock in BL 5, fols 92–3. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir I have sent Your Honour by my Brother (the fruit of my country paines since my coming for Adestock) the subsequent translation unto the 17th Exp: which I hope is not the worse because I was feine to doe it my Selfe those endeavours of my Young men serving mee to little steed, I wanted ‹here in the country› all bookes that should furnish me with Appellatives for terms of Art & Trades & was compelld to use my memory alone therein but I hope You need not greately trouble Your corrector with these or att least hee will not herein bee greately troubled with amendements.a I have taken a little liberty in the translation of Your plaister of Lime & cheese, but soe as to make it more intelligible,1 having often made it good & as often bad till I had learnt the Knack of ’tb I was sent to this returne & by this returne have denyed to undertake the translation of a piece that dos concerne the State, & truly upon the reason that till this piece of Yours be done I am resolv’d to take no other matter in hand: & afterwards I shall endeavour to make the Hypothesis of Christian Ethiques perfect by Gods helpe, for having often occasion to conferre with bookes of Antiquity & Languages in that matter it will bee easyest for me to doe it while I shall bee in Oxonc To morrow I shall goe from home & bee most of the next week in Northamptonshire to looke after a small Rent that my Father will bee pleased to settle upon me as an Augmentation to my fellowship upon my leaving my Bursarship & the office of a Tutor in change for study which is a better employment2d /fol. 92v/ Upon my returne I shall fall to it againe intending a sheet a weeke of the printed Copy ‹without faile› & no more: I would not have the London bookesellars robb us too much by printing Your pieces out of our hands, because I would have what I gett by printing bee ‹if possible›3 equivalent to the charge of my Laboratory, where I have left Mr Stahl & a boy att worke & hope to find them att my returne with a good product.e What Your Honour shall please to command me being deliverd to my Brother, Your obligee, & as I heare late made his Majestyes Servant a Sharrock refers to Adstock, Buckinghamshire, where his father held the rectorship. His brother was Edmond Sharrock (b. 1635), Fellow of New College Oxford from 1658 to 1670. For the translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660) into Latin see above, p. 399n. b For the ‘plaister of Lime and cheese’ in experiment 9 of Spring of the Air see Works, vol. 1, p. 184. c This is a reference to Sharrock’s ‘Υπόθεσις ’Εθική, for which see above, p. 403n. d For Sharrock’s father, also Robert Sharrock, see above. Presumably the activities described in this letter occupied Sharrock after the termination of his bursarship at New College. e For Peter Stahl see above, p. 292n. Stahl’s apprentice, a boy provided by Boyle, is also mentioned above, p. 437n.

439

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

in the life guard, will come4 safe hither to my hands. Our carryer comes out of London on Wednesday morning & lyes neere my Brothers house att the Goate in Pauls Church yard where Your letter being deliver’d will come Safe on Thursday to Sir Your Honours most faithfull & humbly obliged Servant Robt Sharrock

Adestock Comitu Bucks Dec: 165 1660 6

These / for the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq: att Mr Story’s a Stonecutters in the Pell-Mell neer charing Crossea

Seal: Remnant only. Oval. Possibly heraldic. Endorsed by Wotton at right-angles to the main text in the margin of fol. 92: ‘Dr Sharrock Dec. 16. 1660’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 4’.

SHARROCK to BOYLE

29 December 1660

From the original signed by Sharrock in BL 5, fols 94–5. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir The unwellcome cause you are pleas’d to suspect being the falling of one Sicke in the very chamber where my study and choice bookes were & the next to that wherein I lodg’d I am removd to my fathers house, where I lately received Yours of Decemb: 18. intimateing that You had not received any letter nor Sheet from the presse nor translation save 3 sheets onely.b Which I doe much admire att because before I left oxon besides what letters I sent to the post from my owne hands the day I left Oxon I writt one to You & inclosed therein the 4th sheet of the translation & sent to Mr1 Robinson to Send it up to You together with the first sheet of the Latine concerning the Engine ready printed which had then passed the last correction on2 both Sides, which it Seems You have not receivd, I have Sent to a

For Abraham Storey see above, p. 411n. Sharrock’s father’s home was at Adstock in Buckinghamshire. Boyle to Sharrock, 18 Dec. 1660, is not extant. Sharrock refers to his Latin translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660), for which see above, p. 399n. b

440

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 29 Dec. 1660

Mr Robinson to know where the fault lyes therein. a fortenight Since I Sent Your Honour likewise hence two sheets more3 of the translation directed to Mr Storyes to bee convey’d thither by my Brother in Pauls church yard, & now I adde the two following which haveing entirely passed my owne hands4 I hope will need the lesse correction.a But the truth is I write them but once & therefore desire Your care of the Copy because I have noe duplicate, for the papers of my Young Schollars have been Some of them So little assistant to mee that I have not used a phrase in a Sheet5b /fol. 94v/ However I intend to speed the translation according to the proportion of a Sheet in a weeke & intend for oxon6 a weeke after twelfth day, though possible I may lodge att Mr Crosses or else where & not att the Colledge unlesse wee are pretty cleare, & therefore I advise that the corrected Sheets bee Sent downe safe to Mr Crosses by that time & as many of the English as You please, for all that remaines will not make a perfect sheet of the English else You had received it ere this timec I must not forgett that whereas in the 138th page 1: 7. You mention a steam in Mines7 so grosse & thicke that it would oftentimes put out their candles if they did not seasonably prevent it, I suppose there may have beene left out by Your amanuensis after candles and theire lives too, & therefore as You may see have accommodated the translation8 thereto, which otherwise is emendable att Your pleasure, and I did it the rather because in the Colepitts in Staffordshire & elsewhere which I have been acquainted with they have Such damps which allways put ‹out›9 their candles upon which warning they immediately run to the mouth of the pit if it bee Sunck & they are lett downe into it by a Rope & drawne up by Engines, And if the entrance bee upon a level as some are as when by cutting through the side of a Rocke they passe to the Mine, then upon the extinction of the lights the10 workemen all run out which in those Mines they may al11 easily doe /fol. 95/ and soe save their lives in which escape if 12 they are prevented they are certainely Suffocated & that as it happens not unfrequently.d As to the salt of [tartar] Wee have oftentimes calcined it & upon more filtrations & solutions coagulated it againe our calcinations too have been ready make it flow; But I much question13 whither after (as Erasmus calls them) all our Chemicall processes in the way of cunctation) the salt will easily flow as You require with a Evidently, Sharrock wrote to Boyle between 18 and 29 Dec., a letter now missing. For Thomas Robinson see above, p. 399n. The ‘engine’ was the wind-pump, described at the beginning of Spring of the Air. See Works, vol. 1, pp. 158–9. Sharrock had directed an earlier letter, that of 23 May 1660, to Mr Storey in Pall Mall. It is not clear why Storey’s house was used in the transfer of copy from Oxford to London. For Sharrock’s brother, who lived at the sign of the Goat in St Paul’s Churchyard, see above, p. 439n. b Sharrock’s letter to Boyle of 9 Apr. 1660 shows that he deputed the work of translation to ‘several hands’. c For Mr Crosse, see above, p. 193n. d See Works, vol. 1, p. 204. No such addition was made in the 1662 edition.

441

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

a very gentle fire.a When I come to Oxon I shall Send You it Such as it is: when I came out of Oxon I gave Mr Stahl order to dissolve it once againe after calcination & to coagulate it that it might bee as exactly pure as possible. if You please to send mee any more punctuall orders (as You mention) eyther downe to my Fathers house or to Oxon to Mr Crosses together with the Translation as to this salt, they shall governe him in the sequel of this processe that isb Sir Your Honours most humbly devoted & affectionate Servant R Sharrock

Adestock Comitu Bucks Decemb: 29 1660

What you please to send to me if You ‹see it› deliverd14 to my Brother in Pauls Church yard on Sunday Munday Tuedsday or Wednesday Morning will come to my hands here on Thursday night or Friday morning I am glad to heare of & to congratulate to Your Honour the Earl of Corkes favour with the King of which the last news gives us noticec 15 In prudence I ought to enquire whither this16 favour the King has done to the Earl of Corke may not sine suorum incommodod bee possibly an advantage to Your Humble Servant R. Shar. 17

These For the Honourable / Robert Boyle Esq att Mr Storyes a Stone cutters in the / Pell Mell neere / Charing Crosse.e Endorsed on fol. 94 at right-angles to main text in top left corner by Wotton: ‘Dr Sharrocke Dec. 29. 1660’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 5’.

a

The source of Erasmus’s phrase has not been identified. For Peter Stahl see above, p. 292n. For Sharrock’s father’s house see above, p. 440n. The 2nd Earl of Cork, who supported the royalist cause throughout the Protectorate, was made Lord Treasurer of Ireland in 1660. d ‘without disadvantage to his own affairs’. e For Abraham Storey see above, p. 441n. b c

442

— 1661 — Lost letters dating from 1661 are as follows: Wotton’s list (above, p. xxvii) includes the following: No. 40 ‘Dr. Dickinson’. For Edmund Dickinson, see above, p. 400n. No. 41 ‘Mr. Willmaine’. This correspondent has not been identified. No. 43 ‘F. Clodius to Mr. Boyle’. No. 44 ‘Id’ [Clodius to Boyle]. No. 45 ‘Id.’ [Clodius to Boyle]. No. 46 ‘Bishop Boyle (primate) 61’. This is Boyle’s cousin, Michael Boyle, bishop of Cork, from whom a letter of 13 August 1662 survives; see vol. 2, pp. 41–3. No. 49 ‘Mr. Oldenburgh’. No. 51 ‘Mr. Paston’. This is Robert Paston (1631–83), Norfolk landowner and courtier, later Earl of Yarmouth, who was admitted to the Royal Society in December 1661. Two letters from the second Earl of Cork to Boyle are recorded in the second Earl’s diary (above, pp. xxvii–xxviii), dated 26 July and 13 August 1661, the latter sending bills of exchange ‘in part of the 1st payment I am to make him for Waltham’. This evidently concerns the mortgaging to Cork of the reversion of Harold’s Park Manor in the parish of Waltham, Essex, of which he was to take possession in 1677; see W. R. Powell (ed.), Victoria County History of Essex, vol. 5 (London, 1966), p. 158. Lost letters referred to in surviving letters are as follows: Boyle to Pococke, before 13 March 1661 (below, p. 449). Boyle to Moray, 2 October 1661 (below, p. 462). Sharrock to Boyle, about 3 December 1661 (below, p. 470). Boyle to Kildare Digby, late 1661 (below, p. 475). For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, pp. 445, 453. 443

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253839-23

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

POCOCKEa to [BOYLE]

1, 1636–61

3 January 1661

From the original in BL 4, fol. 129. Fol/1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 422, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 324.

Most Honoured Sir Your goodnes hath emboldned me to send up to you this inclosed note, desiring if opportunity may serve, by your mediation to procure them from Alepo. I have formerly written thither for them, but could never receive answer. which makes me desire the assistance of your credit which I hope may more prevail. the former are to be gotten from among the Jewes and by the hand of some Jew, with which sort of people the English Merchants there have continuall negotiation. and I doubt not but if any ‹of them› would make it a businesse they might be procured, either at Alepo or from Damascus or the like places. I conceive they are bookes which might be much to the common advantage of that sort of learning, more perhaps then those that ordinarily we have, which makes me much desire them.1 and among the other parts of R. Tanchum his booke that he calls Al Biyan which are notes on the scripture,2 especially his first part wherin he hath præmissa generalia to the rest of his work and concerning such things as ought to be heeded to in the interpreting of Scripture.b he often cites it under the title of or Generalia, in his other parts, some of which I have and wish for that and the rest. Cozari I heare is comeing forth in Hebrew and Latin at Basil, I wish therfore we could see it in Arabicke as it was by R. Judah first written.c The3 latter two bookes, the titles of which I have written in Arabicke are to be had from the Christians there. and I would our men could procure some other of their Ancient bookes. we know too litle of what is among them. Sir I beseech you pardon this great boldnes, I with more confidence begge it because my designe is not for private but publicke intereste. yet Sir I shall looke on what favour you do in this respect as a great heightning of those oblig‹ations›4 (if they may be heightned) in which I stand ingaged allready to you. Sir Your most humble servant Edw: Pococke

Oxon January. 3. 1660. Seal: Wax remnant only, obscured by paper. a

For Edward Pococke see above, p. 327n. Pococke refers to Rabbi Tanchum’s Cetab al bian, a collection of notes on the Old Testament. Præmissa generalia, ‘general promises’, i.e., preface. c Rabbi Judah’s edition of a work by Cozari, a Jewish author, has not been identified. b

444

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 16 Feb. 1661

Endorsed on fol. 129 up left-hand margin by Wotton: ‘Dr Pococke desire to send into the East for Arabic Books. Jan. 3. 1660’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 2’ . Endorsed on fol. 129v by Birch: ‘Dr Pocock 1660’ and with ink number ‘60’.

BOYLE to POCOCKE 24 January 1661 This lost letter from Boyle to Pococke is mentioned in Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr Pocock, (above, p. 427), p. 57. Twells records: ‘Mr. Boyle writes to Dr. Pocock, Jan. 24, 1660/1 that “He had discoursed with a very understanding and religious gentleman, a chief member of the Council for Trade and Plantations, and one that has a great interest in the merchants, who promised his assistance in getting this Translation properly dispersed.”a I find likewise, by the same letter, that Mr. Baxter strenuously imployed his interest with the Turky Company to the same purpose; that it was proposed at a meeting of the merchants trading to those parts, who well liked it, and readily offered to disperse, as discreetly as they could, as many books as should be put into their hands.’b Twells also notes that ‘By another letter of the same honourable person to Dr. Pocock, we likewise learn, that a quarter of a hundred of these Books had been already delivered to some merchants, and that a much greater number would be committed to their care, as soon as it should be determined at Oxford, what sort of binding would be most proper for the East.’c

SHARROCKd to BOYLE

16 February 1661

From the original signed by Sharrock in BL 5, fol. 83. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Sir I have here sent Your Honour your piece about Nitre which I hope upon Your review may bee returnd to our presse to augment the bulke of the Latine piece, with it I have sent two other bundles the one inscribed Vana & the other of Spirit a Boyle was active in the Council of Foreign Trade and Plantations in 1661–4 (Maddison, Life, pp. 102–2; RBHF, pp. lxvii, 27, 33); it is not clear who was the ‘chief member’ referred to. b For Richard Baxter see above, p. 435n., his links with the Turkey Company are unclear. c For the translation see above, p. 382n. For the binding, see below, p. 450. d For Robert Sharrock see above, p. 398.

445

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

of Hartshorne.a There has been but little progresse made in the latine att the presse as yett because I was faine to take a Composer from other latine worke to employ him on Yours. By the next returne Your Honour may expect two Sheets. By printing other sheets with a folio proper to them I meane that1 if You send any other pieces, to bee printed in the intervalls of Time when there may want Supply of Copy on the Subject of the Usefullnesse &c. the pieces So printed shall not follow in page or folio2 to the last sheet ‹then›3 printed of the Usefullnesse, but have a particular folio of their owne viz: if the last sheet now printed of the Usef: end pag 104, & you send any distinct Essay, that shall not continue the pag: 105, 106 &c but begin a new one Yet soe as to ‹bee› bound together att the last in Volume as appendants or distinct treatizes according to Your pleasure.b This is all att present besides my very humble Service that I have leisure to trouble Your Honour with That am Sir Your Honours very humble Servant R Sharrock

Feb: 16 1660

These / For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq: att Mr Storyesc / a Stone cutters in the Pell-Mell neere / Charing Cross With a bundle of Writings / per Moore.4

Seal: Circular. Initials ‘T.A.’ between branch of a tree. Not heraldic. Endorsed by Wotton: ‘Dr Sharrock Feb. 16. 1660’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 6’.

SHARROCK to BOYLE

21 February 1661

From the original in BL 5, fols 84–5. Fol/2. Letter begins on fol. 85. Not previously printed. a For the Latin translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air see above, p. 399n. Boyle’s ‘Essay on Nitre’ was not published in the Latin edition, but formed a key component of Certain Physiological Essays (1661), for which see Works, vol. 2, pp. 93–113. Sharrock possibly alludes here to Boyle’s work on the preparation of sulphur and spirit of hartshorn in Usefulness II; see Works, vol. 3, p. 505ff. b For the printing of Boyle’s Usefulness in conjunction with Spring of the Air see above, p. 438n. c For Abraham Storey see above, p. 411n.

446

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 21 Feb. 1661

Feb: 21. 1660 Sir I have been exceedingly puzzl’d and troubld in this Matter Mr Oldenburg having the emendation of your latine translation well advis’d that where1 in Your booke the Word sucker was Embolus should bee used: & ‹hee› mended it in2 Some places in others hee left the Word sipho to stand to Signify the Same thing. Now so it is that ‹in my absence› the first sheet and one Side of the Second are allready printed off, & therein Mr Oldenburg having not altered the Word Sipho into Embolus the word Sipho remains for the correction of which there are but these ways eyther to put the word Embolus as often in the errata as the mistake is in the first sheet & the ensueing halfe sheet, or to give a generall note of the mistake before the table of the Errata, which both will bee blemishes upon the Sale of Your booke & no credit to the translation, wherein for Your Honours sake I must not bee unconcern’d, or else to reprint this sheet and halfe the charge of which will bee att least. 30s.a Were it the printers fault I would make him reprint it att his owne charge, But his print is well ‹enough›3 according to the Copy. The Copy is as it was sent to Mr Robinson for the presse.b The onely mistake was in Mr Oldenburg who sent downe the Copy to Mr Robinson & neither mended the word Sipho nor Sent4 word to Mr Robinson nor mee that hee had omitted the emendation of that word & willd us to read over againe the translation with the ‹English› Copy & where Sipho stood for a Sucker to make it Embolus. Had these things been done this fault had not been committed. The remainder will most past my owne hand & hand writing, but however I desire that the translation bee returnd, as to verball faults, as correct from Mr Oldenburg as Your Honour expects it from the presse. And for the instant puzzle I have suspended the printing of the other Side of the 2d sheet till by the next returne5 I may heare6 whither You thincke fitt to have the sheet & halfe reprinted for the emendation of this mistake, if so I must putt the charge eyther upon Your Honour or defray it my Selfe. Monsieur Stahl is yett with mee and I suppose hee will not deny mee any of his Arcana. If You desire I should bee inform’d from him of any particular preparation, I pray but intimate it to mee & it may thereby accrue to augment the Small Store of his Chymicall Knowledge That isc Sir Your Honours most humble Servant R Sharrock a

For the Latin translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air see above, p. 399n. Like Sharrock, Henry Oldenburg acted as Boyle’s ‘publisher’ in the 1660s, and in a sense ousted Sharrock from the role. This letter reveals a degree of tension between the two men. The translation problems Sharrock describes occur in relation to the account of the air-pump, which consisted of ‘a hollow Cylindre, a Sucker, a handle to move that Sucker, and a Valve’. See Works, vol. 1, p. 161. b For Thomas Robinson see above, p. 399n. c For Peter Stahl see above, p. 292n.

447

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

If Your Honour would employ M. Stahl eyther as ‹an› instrument of Your Honours or as mine in any preparation in My Laboratory hee is att Liberty & without other buisnesse now with mee This intimation is from my Selfe. Your Honour shall receive more of my Translation by Moore the very next returne.a I pray lett me heare by the next whither You please the sheet ‹& halfe› bee reprinted I stop the printing of the backe Side till I heare from you, that the composing & presse worke bee not lost. I have sent the sheet & halfe that You may see how the case stands

7

These For the Honorable Robert / Boyle Esq: att Mr Story’s a Stonecutters in the / Pell-Mellb

Seal: Wax remnants only. Paper impressions of seals from another letter. Endorsed on fol. 85 at head of page by Wotton: ‘Dr Sharrock New Coll’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 7’.

SHARROCK to BOYLE

February or March 1661

From the original in BL 5, fols 86–7. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir I have here Sent Your Honour these mentiond pieces in two packetts 1 Loose sheets tackt. 2 receipts 3 Copys of letters 4 preface to promiscuous Exp. & two sheets more of the translation in the least packett which I desire may bee sent backe with Speed corrected, & that Your Honour hasten the Sending of Your resolution about the reprinting of the sheets where Sipho stands in steed of Embolus.c I have had Sometimes a thought to have Sent Your Honour some of my present animadversions upon some of Your writing which Suggest themselves to mee upon the reading as particularly pag: 166. Your Honour makes it a difference between Air & Water that ‹Air›1 as in the instances ‹out› of Acosta & Varenius corrodes Iron, a

For Mr Moore see above, p. 437n. For Abraham Storey see above, p. 411n. c For the Latin translation of Boyle’s Spring of the Air see above, p. 447n. For the decisions to be made on the translation of certain words see above, p. 447. b

448

POCOCKE

to BOYLE, 13 Mar. 1661

whereby You suppose that Water will not.a I once as Your Honour may remember presented2 You with some white Salt of May dew made from the remanency of that distill’d. The destilld water of which May3 dew did upon long digestions or rather frequent wettings dissolve filings of steel to a very small dust, which pouder I have a quantity of yett by mee. This could not proceed eyther from Salt, for4 that Your Honour had in Your Closett, nor from any other principles but the Aqueous as I Suppose I write in doubt of loosing the opportunity of this post & therefore shall crave Your Honours leave thus abruptly to rest Your Honours most humble Servant R Sharrock 5

These / For the Honourable / Robert Boyle Esq. att Mr Storyes a / Stonecutter in the / Pell-Mellb

Seal: Wax traces only. Paper impressions of seals from other letters. Endorsed at right-angles to the main text in the left margin of fol. 86 by Wotton: ‘Dr Sharrock Feb or March 1660’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 8’. Also marked on fol. 87v: ‘2d’, ‘8: 2d’, and ‘0–15–4’.

POCOCKEc to BOYLE

13 March 1661

From the original in BL 4, fols 130–1. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 422, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 324–5.

Most Honoured Sir After the receipt of your letter, as soone as I could speak with Mr Clarke (for he was not then in town) I desired him that 2001 copies of Grotius might be gathered by the Printer to be sent up to you. and being then to go out of the town hoped that at my returne I should have found them either to have been sent, or ready to be sent.d but it prooved otherwise. yet I hope to no disadvantage, the occasion for a Sharrock refers to José de Acosta, The Naturall and Morall Historie of the East and West Indies (1590; English trans. 1604) and Bernardus Varenius, Geographia generalis (1650). See Works, vol. 1, p. 214. b For Abraham Storey see above, p. 411n. c For Edward Pococke see above, p. 327. d Boyle to Pococke is not extant. Pococke refers to Samuel Clarke (1625–69), orientalist and the University of Oxford’s ‘Architypographus’ since 1658. For Pococke’s translation of Grotius’s De veritate religionis christianae into Arabic see above, p. 382n.

449

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

which that sending them was delayed, being (as he tells me) that s[uch]2 faults as were escaped in the [pri]nting might be mended with the pen. this day it is promised that some shall go forward towards London, and others follow. which I hope will come safe to your handes, as the rest allso when you shall see fit to have them thither. I shall Sir accept of your favour in making bold with some few copies. and have made bold likewise to send inclosed some more papers with the names of those bookes, according to that3 curteous intimation in your letter. having added to the former one other Grammaticall tract of Abu Walid. as likewise, Avicen ‹intitled in the Latin translation de Almahad.›4 de resurrectione, which last may perhaps most probably be had at Constantinople.a Sir give me leave to propose to you whit[her]5 at the end of the Turkish Catechisme it may not be conveni[en]t to have the Lords prayer, and the Creed printed in Arabicke.b I cease at present farther to trouble you, and take leave, desiring wherin I may, to approove my selfe Noble Sir Your most humble servant Edw: Pococke.

Oxon. March 13. 1661

I hope Sir, that together with your bookes you shall receive a copy of Togräis poem,6 here printed, though not worthy your ‹acceptance›, yet as a token of unfeigned respects.c 7 A bookebinder that promised to binde up a booke or two in imitation of the Easterne manner hath failed. but Sir if they be bound up either in leather or velume so as that they may open well, and litle of the Margin taken away it may do [well]8.

For the Honourable Robert / Boyle Esquire / these / present. Leave these at Mr. Stories / a stone Cutters in the Palmal. over against the / Spring garden.d a See above, p.444, for Boyle’s offer to procure Eastern books for Pococke from Aleppo. In addition to the titles mentioned in that letter, here Pococke requests Abu-Walid’s dictionary, which was not located until 1681 by Robert Huntington in Aleppo. See Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr Pocock (above, p. 427n.), p. 102. Huntington (1637–1701) was an orientalist and later Provost of Trinity College, Dublin. The Latin translation of the work by Avicenna (see above, p. 300n.) has not been traced. b For the first proposals for the Turkish Bible see above, p. 381. Pococke was consulted by the translator William Seaman about the propriety of Turkish words. He also corrected the translation and improved the Latin preface. See Twells, The Theological Works of the Learned Dr Pocock (above, p. 427), pp. 97, 99. c This Arabic poem by Husayn al-Tughra’i (1061 or 1062–c. 1121), was printed in 1661 with Pococke’s Latin translation and notes in a book entitled Lamiato’l ajam, carmen tograi, poetae Arabis doctissimi. d For Abraham Storey see above, p. 411n.

450

SOUTHWELL

to BOYLE, 30 Mar. 1661

Seal: as on Pococke to Boyle, 5 October 1660 (above, p. 428). Marked on fol. 131 ‘13: 14d’ and ‘4d’. Endorsed on fol. 131v by Wotton: ‘Dr Pococke March. 13. 1660. of Grotius de Veritate Arabic. 200 copies sent him from the Printer’, with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. 3’ and printer’s marks.

SOUTHWELLa to BOYLE

30 March 1661

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 404–5. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 298–300.

Rome, March 30, 1661. Worthy Sir, ALTHOUGH I have not the happiness to hear from you; yet the fresh resentment, that I have of your past civilities, keeps me still to an observance of my duty and gratitude. From Florence, the last summer, I wrote unto you; and at the same time the mathematician of the Great Duke, a person of excellent qualities, sent you one of his books; and I was in hopes, that long before this time there would have been a firm correspondence between you, for it is desired here; and on the other side I know you have no aversion to it, but rather a genius to confer with all persons, that are singular in their kinds.b THERE is certainly some unhappiness arrived in the business, and I am sorry for it. I HAVE now spent some months at Rome, and to my very great satisfaction, having visited and made acquaintance with several persons of great excellency in this place; of which hereafter I shall be ready to give you an account.c FATHER Kircher is my particular friend, and I visit him and his gallery frequently.d Certainly he is a person of vast parts, and of as great industry. He is likewise one of the /p. 405/ most naked and good men, that I have seen, and is very easy to communicate whatever he knows; doing it, as it were, by a maxim he has. On the other side, he is reputed very credulous, apt to put in print any strange, if plausible, story, that is brought unto him. He is philosopher enough, to give some kind of reason or other for whatsoever you will demand of him. He has often made me smile, to see how he will fetch about things; as concerning the Soland goose in a

For Southwell see above, pp. 285, 428. For this letter see above, pp. 428–31. Southwell refers to the opening of correspondence between Leopoldo de ’Medici and Boyle, with the Grand Duke Ferdinando II’s mathematician Vincenzio Viviani acting as intermediary. For Viviani see above, p. 429n. According to Southwell’s earlier letter, Viviani had addressed to Boyle his De maximis et minimis geometrica divinatio (1659). c For Southwell’s travels in Europe see above, p. 428n. d For Athanasius Kircher see above, p. 256n. b

451

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Scotland, he argues thus, that the Dutchmen, that went to Nova Zembla, saw on the ice near the North Pole such quantity of eggs, that were sufficient to feed all Europe; now the ice is coming to melt, and these eggs to drop into the sea, and there lye at the mercy of the waves, they turn the sea into such caudle, that those islands, that are most near, as in particular Scotland, come to receive some of these eggified waves dashing against them. Now if it happen, that certain trees are so favourably planted near the shore, as that the sparkling and drops of such waves light on and soak into them, it may so fall out, that, by the specifick virtue of the eggs, still inherent in such water, the natural vegetation of the tree, and the omnipotent influence of the sun, all these combining together, may hatch a Soland goose. What you will say to this pedigree, I do not know. The truth is, the father has strange stories, as to generation. He told me of a wench, that after long complaint, felt something crawling in one of the great muscles of her back; which being opened, there hopped out a frog. The reason he assigns, that the smock of this maid being where the frogs come to sport, some kind of sperma fell on it; which after, by the heat of the girl’s back (as girls are warm) was attracted in between some muscles, and there nourished, till the surgeon plaid the midwife. AS to the flower growing from its ashes, he had such a thing, but it is now spoiled; he made it not himself, but it was given him. However he has given me the receipt thereof, upon a swop, wrote with his own hand; it is long and intricate, and of a nice preparation. At our meeting you shall have it.a ALL the questions you bid me ask him, he affirmed to me in the same manner, as you find them written. As to the spelunca serpentum;b he is out, to attribute the cure to the licking of the serpents; for being, a while since, about twenty miles off, hunting with cardinal Ursino, his eminence shewed me the place, at some distance, on his own land; saying there was a hole, of some capacity, which, in the summer time, when the air was favourable, did make people sweat, that went into it, by a kind of mineral vapour, that does arise (as at Naples there are two or three.)c In the same place are also many serpents, which crawling about, and finding a man sweating, lick the moisture they find on him (he lying with a hollow glass over his face.) But all this does nothing; for if one would stand in the hole, with a stick, while the other sweat, and beat away the serpents, and wiped the body with a cloth, the same success would follow. This the cardinal himself told me, with

a

Kircher’s palingenic plant, grown inside a glass from the ashes of a plant, is also reported in Southwell’s letter to Oldenburg of 20 Oct. 1659; see Oldenburg, i, 324. Kircher’s claims regarding this plant are mentioned by Boyle in ‘A Discourse … about the possibility of the resurrection’ (1675), for which see Works, vol. 8, pp. 295–313. b ‘the grotto of serpents’. c Possibly Virginio Orsini (1615–76), cardinal.

452

POVEY

to BOYLE, 8 May 1661

whom I staid two or three days. He is a person of great curiosity and infinite civility. I FORGOT to tell you from Florence, of a pretty humour, observed in two flowers there; the one is yellow in the morning, and about noon turns red. The other has no smell at all till at an hour in the night, and then for an hour it begins to smell with great flagrancy; and so to cease till the night following. SIR, about the latter end of this summer, I hope to kiss your hands in London. Mr. Sidney, that lives very handsomly here, and in great esteem, since he quitted his charge in Denmark, talks often of you when we meet.a I much desire to hear from you, which I may do, if you send your letters to Mr. Stanye, merchant in St. Mary Axe, London.b SIR, I kiss your hands, and with all affection (and in very good health) I rest, your most humble servant, ROBERT SOUTHWELL.

BOYLE to POCOCKE late April 1661 This lost letter from Boyle to Pococke is mentioned in Twells, The Theological Work of the Learned Dr Pocock (above, p. 427n.), p. 64. Twells records: ‘The latter end of the month following [i.e., April], the Honourable Robert Boyle, Esq; desires Dr. Pocock to favour, with his advice and directions, Elzevir the Leyden printer, who was coming into England, and he thinks going to Oxford, to see what he can get out of our books and MSS. touching a new edition of Josephus.’c

THOMAS POVEYd to BOYLE

8 May 1661

From the original in BL 4, fols 146–7. Fol/2. Significant space left between salutation and rest of the text. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 632, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 637.

a This is a reference to Algernon Sidney (1622–83), republican politician, who was obliged to remain in exile on the restoration of Charles II. He moved from Denmark to Italy in 1660. b ‘Mr. Stanye’ has not been identified. c In fact, no edition of Josephus by the great Dutch printer Elzevir was to materialise. d Thomas Povey (c. 1615–c. 1702), virtuoso and courtier.

453

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Sir I consider my-self to bee verie unhappy that I was not at home to receive you, aswell as your Booke. for, although I esteeme your Essaies according to the value which is given them by such as are best able to judge; yet, you being in yourself a full and noble Librarie; and my waie of readinge and my improvements (if I have been capable of any) being by Conversation and by the living Discourses of Such as are worthie to bee Studyed: I have reason to preferr what I lost by my Absence, to what I found, when at my return, your excellent volumn was delivered to mee by my Servant:a which nevertheless I thank you for, as for a thing rare and praetious, although not soe desirable, or soe beneficiall to mee, and to Mankind as your-own Societie, and Example; by which it is more easye, and more delightfull to advance towards Learning, and virtue; the qualifications by which you are as eminently known to the world as by your name. Much of this I had said to you, if I had found you, where I intend to leave This in your Absence; with which you will receive a small quantitie of Pepper of Jamaica: I can only say of it, that it exceedingly Satisfyes my Smell and Tast; and seemes a proper Seasoning to any that affect Cloves, Nuttmeggs or Mace; the aromatick richness of 1 all which Spices being plainly imparted by this generous Berrie. I could wishe you would throughly examine it, by making Such experiments, that the qualities of it may bee well discovered, and understood; for I am readie to beleive that it is not of a2 lowe or ordinarie degree. I have praied Sir Robert Murrey that Hee alsoe will attempt something upon it.b And, if you shall hold it worthie of your favour and approbation, I shall serve you with a greater quantitie. I am Sir Your most humble Servant Tho Povey

Lincolns Inn feildes May. 8th. 1661.

For the honourable Robert Boile Esq

Seal: Remnant of wax only but visible through paper and depicting antique head surmounted by garland or motto. Not heraldic. Paper impressions of seals from other letters. Endorsed by Wotton: ‘Mr Povey: May. 8. 1661’ and ‘No. 3 Letters of several Hands from 1661 to 70 inclusive’. Also endorsed with ink number ‘6’. a

Povey refers to Boyle’s Certain Physiological Essays (1661). On the dissemination of this work among the English intelligentsia see Works, vol. 1, p. xvi. b This is a reference to Sir Robert Moray (1608–73), Scottish politician and founding member of the Royal Society.

454

DU MOULIN

to BOYLE, 4/14 July 1661

SOUTHWELLa to BOYLE

22 May 1661

In the hands of a private collector. Sold at Sotheby’s, 27 January 1987.

The two page autograph letter introduced Boyle to two ‘worthy friends’: Dr Bacon, ‘who beares in his name that high recommendation, as nothing can augment the Esteeme you could have for him’; and Bacon’s nephew Dr Walgrave:b ‘I have … a particular ambition that you should be the Maecenas and Protectour of soe worthy a person’.

PETER DU MOULINc to BOYLE

4/14 July 1661

From the autograph original in BL 2, fols 141–2. 4°/2. There is a third of a page space between text and subscription. Not previously printed.

Monsieur Je vous ay veu si souvens vous railler de nos pauvres compliments françois que de crainte d’en laisser eschapper quelqu’un je ne marresterai point a vous renouveller des protestations desja vieilles & en vous parlant du respect1 & de la veneration que jay pour vostre illustre personne vous redire ce que vous scavez desja. Je vous apprendray seulement qu’apres quelques deux mois de courses me voicy presentement en repos & en assez bonne santé pour proffiter de mon loisir & ne le pas rendre Infructueuse. dans ce dessein vous scavez Monsieur que la premiere chose que Je me suis proposée est de faire part a ma patrie des thresors que Sir, I have so often seen you protest at our poor French compliments that for fear of allowing one to escape, I shall not pause to renew to you already old protestations, nor speak to you of the respect and veneration in which I hold your illustrious person, as it would be to tell you again what you already know. I shall simply inform you that after some two months of travel, I am currently resting, and in sufficiently good health to profit from my leisure and to make productive use of it. To this end, you know, Sir, that the first thing which I have decided to do is to offer to my country the treasures which you destined only for your own, a

For Southwell see above, pp. 285, 428. Matthew Bacon, MD Padua 1642, was admitted Honorary Fellow of the College of Physicians in 1664, as was William Waldegrave, MD Padua 1659 (W. R. Munk, Roll of the Royal College of Physicians (new edn, 3 vols, London 1878), i, 333, 335). Waldegrave was later physician to Ann Hyde (1637–71), Duchess of York, wife of James, Duke of York. c For Du Moulin see above, pp. 269n., 291. b

455

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

vous ne destiniez qu’a la vostre & que nous autres estrangers sommes contraints de luy des-rober: mais comme Je souhaitte le faire tout de la meilleure maniere, & que veu ma grande foiblesse jay besoin pour cela de secours. Il vous souviendra sil vous plaist que la traduction latine qui s’est desja faitte de vos oeuvres mest necessai[re]2 /fol. 142/ ou que du moins Je m’en passerai difficilement, & ainsi comme vous avez eu la bonté de me la promettre, Je prens la liberté de vous supplier de la donner en tous ou en partie a celuy de mes amis qui vous presentera cette lettre, & y Joindre ce que vous aurez de la traduction du traitté de la fluidité & de la fermeté que vous m’avez dit estre commencée & que peut estre on imprime desja.a Si outre cela vous aviez la bonté de maccorder vos instructions Je vous en serois infiniment redevable & pour peu que je vous eusse pour guide je ne croirois pas pouvoir m’egarer, mais cette faveur seroit si grande que je noserois ni me la promettre ni mesmes vous la demander, ce sera simplement de vostre bonté que cela dependra & en attendant je demeurerai Monsieur Vostre tres humble & tres obeissant serviteur P. du Moulin

a chasteaudun ce 14/4 de Juillet 1661

and that we foreigners are obliged to steal from it, but as I hope to do everything in the best possible manner, and in the light of my great weakness, I have need of help in this. You will remember, if you please, that I require the Latin translation which has already been made of your works, or, at least, it will be hard for me to manage without it. Therefore, as you had the goodness to promise it to me, I am taking the liberty of asking you to give all or part of it to my friend who will give you this letter, and to supply with it what parts you have of the translation of the Treatise on Fluidity and Firmness, which you told me had been begun, and is already at the printers.a If, in addition to this, you would be so good as to grant me your advice, I should be most grateful, and for as long as I have you as my guide I believe I shall not go astray, but this favour is so great that I neither hope to expect it, nor to ask it of you, it will simply depend on your generosity, in the meantime, I remain, Sir, your very humble and most obedient servant, P. du Moulin.

at Chasteaudun 4/14 July 1661.

a Du Moulin is referring to the first Latin edition of Boyle’s Certain Physiological Essays (1661), for which see Works, vol. 2, p. xv. ‘A History of Fluidity and Firmness’ was published as part of this work; see Works, vol. 2, pp. 115–203. Du Moulin’s friend has not been identified.

456

[SOUTHWELL] to [BOYLE], [before Sept. 1661]

A Monsieur Monsieur de Boyle A Londres To Mr Mr Boyle at London

Seal: Two identical seals (incorporating remnants of silk cord). Oval. Monogram of symmetrical design incorporating letters ‘M’ and ‘O’.

[before September 1661]a

[SOUTHWELL] to [BOYLE] From the original in BL 6, fols 54–5. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Noble Sir I am very unfortunate in the addresse of my respects unto you; an old dated letter unto you from Rome, is recoyled into my hands agen.b however I will charge the Post once agen, and reinforce that, with this new compagnion, hoping in fine to be soe happy as to lett you know the esteeme and passion I carry about me for you. and with this occasion I will take the freedome to tell you that amonghst my Roman acquaintance, I had one, a very sober Gentleman, and a traveller, fill’d with a very great devotion for the Philosophers Stone; but very retired in declaring himselfe soe, and the rather, in that he concludes a kind of Speculation, to be as good as practice, and that a little blowing, may serve, after a great deale of thinking.c I being entred into a great Signe of confidence with him, he discoursed Copiously, but much out of my reach, on the matter, and at last gave me a kind of Recapitulation of1 all ‹in›2 writing, yett after I had left Rome. and because it seemes to me at least to argue some handsome observations in the person, I doe here make bold to enclose it unto you.d /fol. 54v/ a By Sept. 1661 Southwell had returned from the continent and was residing at his seat in Kinsale, Co. Cork. See Oldenburg, i, 433–5. b This is probably Southwell’s letter to Boyle of 30 Mar. 1661; see above, pp. 451–3. c This person has not been identified. d The observations of Southwell’s Roman friend are transcribed by Southwell below. The annotation he includes refers to a diagram in R.S. MS 248, Southwell Papers, no. 21, endorsed ‘Draft of a Concerted Tube at Florence’. A further copy is to be found in R.S. Classified Papers, 20, which has the references and is reproduced here.

457

Tinted wash drawing of the telescope at Florence described in Southwell’s letter, keyed with the references given there. This copy of the drawing survives among Robert Hooke’s papers, Royal Society Classified Papers, 20, 61 (last item); it is endorsed ‘Figure of a way to manage Long Telescopes. II. 31. N[ot] P[rinted]’. The drawing in MS 248, no. 21, is almost identical, but it lacks both the wash tinting and the references.

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

458

1, 1636–61

[SOUTHWELL] to [BOYLE], [before Sept. 1661]

The last Summer while I was at Florence I had the honour to be invited by Prince Leopoldo, to come every night and see the observations they tooke with severall Prospective glasses, of Saturne.a the longest being of some 18 braces, or 9 french-aunes. but because the Cannons were very boisterous of that length, and Somewhat unmanegeable;3 one of the Company found out a pretty invention; of making a kind of Bow, which being bent the String of it served to convey the sight. I have sent you here a designe of the Experiment, which was found very practicable, and of good use. and shall vent[u]r4 to make Some rude construction of it, that you may better understand the parts; although I am utterly a Stranger to the proper termes of such Instruments. (.a.c.) Are certaine rings of Iron of 4 or 5 inches broade, with Six angles, and a little ring in each angle, on one side; thorough one of these rings, or loopes, you passe a small Cord from (a) into one of the loopes of (c) and then repasse it to (a) where being againe in an other noose, your [sic] returne it to (c) and soe you lace these two (a) and (c) together: but at such distance as you have designed for the length of your Tube. These rings of Iron of (a)c) have certaine socketts by their Sides as (b.b.) into which if the two ends (d.d) of a long Stubborne pole5 well plyed be putt. the Pole to /fol. 55/ returne to its naturall Straightnesse will carry (a.c) to such an extent, that all the Cords that hold them in correspondence will be fully streched, and stand as it were the wires of a round cage; which if you then cover over with a thin black oyled cloth, tyed on as (Llll &c) your Sight is very well conveyed from one ring (a) to the other (c) thorough this darke passage. (e.e.)6 are certaine peeces of pastboard putt in to maintaine the equall distance of the Cords. (f)7 is a peece of the pole, which stands in equilibrio, as8 the whole is to doe. and because one Pole9 would be too short, there are two joyned together with the vice (.g) H.H.10 is the figure of all the bow; and the mast (J) has a pully in the top by which this bow is raised or lowred; all the instrument (K) going upp alsoe together. and as the bow stands in equilibrio on (K) to plant the end higher or lower. soe (K) turnes either to the right hand or the left being loose as to those motions. Into the first rings (a.c.) are placed certaine peeces11 of Tubes with the glasses fitted in them. and the little Scrues (n.n.) are to thrust then [sic] ends of these short peeces putt in, this way or that, till boath the glasses of (a.c) stand unto each other exactly opposite. (m.m.)12 are certaine Supporters to helpe the string from flaggling. /fol. 55v/ I will onely mention one thing more now I am writing and Soe deliver you from this pennance; and it is an experiment of Prince Leopoldos,13 against any positive a

For Southwell’s contact with the Tuscan court and Prince Leopoldo see above, pp. 428–31.

459

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

Levity. They take a weather glasse, and with the great end downeward they fill it with Quick Silver, then turning it up the Q.S. runs out to a certaine degree ‹(of a brace and a quarter)› which you know is the common argument to proove vacuity. Now the head of this glasse being empty, even of Aire its selfe; it is a fitt place to see wheather therein Smoake will ascend or descend; and to this purpose they make a very combustible composition of Storax and other kind of things, coloured black, to be the more apt to burne, and in the beginning they contrive, with wires, to make this stand in the middle of the14 head of the glasse. Soe then pouring in the Q.S. and then pouring it out agen, that is, as farr as it will descend into the Shanke. they take a burning glasse, and collecting the rayes of the sun, they peirce the head of the weather glasse, and make the combustible matter burne: the Smoake whereof does perfectly descend and not ascend. Prince Leopoldo is entred into Commerce with the Philosophicall Academy of Paris, and having but received a few sorry observations from them, is now ready to returne some 20 sheetes of severall tryalls he has made.a Your academy in London begins to be much talked of here, and the Prince Ses you make great advances as he understands it15 b Seal: Paper impressions of three seals from other letters. Endorsed on fol. 5416 with Miles’s crayon number: ‘XVIII’ and in pencil ‘Cf. Southwell / Papers So 21’.

EVELYNc to BOYLE

13 September 1661

From the original in the British Library, Add MS 4293, fols 71–2. 4°/2. A copy also survives in Evelyn’s Letterbook, British Library, Evelyn Papers JE A, no. 184, with which this text has been collated and significant differences of wording noted. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 401–2; reprinted in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 294, and in Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence (above, p. 209), iii, 133–4.

a

Presumably this is a reference to the Académie de Montmor at Paris, for which see above, p. 351n. b Southwell refers to the fledgling Royal Society. c For Evelyn see above, p. 212.

460

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 13 Sept. 1661

Says Court: 13. 7b: 61. Sir, I send you the Receipt of the1 Vernish; and believe it to be very exact; because it is so particular, and that I receiv’d it from the hand of a curious person, who having made trial of it himselfe, affirmes it to have succeeded.a I send you also another trifle, which has a neerer relation to me; and you will easily pardon myne indignation, however you pitty the rest of my Errours, to which there is superadded so greate a presumption: Not that I believe, what I have written should produce the desir’d effects; but to indulge my passion, and in hopes of obtaining a partial Reformation: if at least his Majestie pursue the resentiment, ‹which› he lately express’d against this Nuisance, since this pamphlet was prepar’d.b Sir, I am your Creditor for Schotti, and shall faithfully render it when ever your summons ‹calls›: My leasure has not yet permitted me to transcribe some things2 out of it, which concernes ‹me on› another subject: but if the detaining of it longer be no prejudice to you, it is in a safe depositum.c Sir, I have not bought two of your last Bookes, and yet (possibly) I could render you some accoumpt of them:d My thirst, and impatienc3 is too greate to shew the least indifferency,4 when any thing of yours is to be had:5 This dos not absolve you from making him a present, who (it may be) takes no greater felicity in the World, then to see his smale Library enrich’d with your illustrious Workes, and they to come to me6 ex dono Authoris.e Dearest Sir, pardon this innocent stratagemme, and the presumption of, Sir, Your most faithfull and most obedient servant J. Evelyn Sir, I must take this opportunity to give you thankes for your greate Civilities to my Cousin Baily, and to supplicate the continuance of your favour to him, as by which, you will infinitely oblige an industrious and deserving Gentleman.7f

a For the varnish recipes see BP 26, fol. 141, also dated 13 Sept. 1661. For Evelyn’s recipe collections see Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy (above, p. 209), pp. 72–4. b Evelyn refers to a tract he presented to Charles on this same day, Fumifugium: or the inconvenience of the aer and smoak of London dissipated (1661); see de Beer, Diary (above, p. 191), iii, 295–6. c For Gaspar Schott and the work which Evelyn requested, see above, p. 408n. Evelyn presumably wanted it for use in Elysium Britannicum. d For Boyle’s works published in 1661, to which Evelyn must refer, see Works, vol. 2. e ‘from the gift of the author’. f Evelyn’s relative has not been traced, and is not identified in his Diary.

461

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

For the Honourable Robert Boyle / Esqr: at his Lodging in the Pall-maille / in St James’s London Seal: Same as that on Evelyn to Boyle, 13 April 1659 (above, p. 336). Endorsed on fol. 72, not in the same hand as the letter: ‘Est medicinalis medicorum regula talis ut dicant da da cum clament linguidis ha ha’. Also endorsed on fol. 72v in same hand as letter: ‘man of’. With Miles’s crayon number ‘No. VI’, with ‘No.’ gone over in black ink and ‘5’ added. The MS contains printer’s marks.

SIR ROBERT MORAYa to BOYLE

7 October 1661

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 510. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 452–3.

October 7, 1661. My Noble Friend, THE bearer delivered me yours of 2. in your sister my lady Ranelagh’s presence, where I could neither handsomly read it, nor question him concerning you.b I mean to know all he can tell me, when I give him this, and furnish him what to say, when you question him concerning your friends here; only one thing I shall say for us all, if you did but wish us to be with you, as strongly as we wish you to be with us, I am somewhat disposed to be of the opinion you would draw Gresham college to Oxford.c But I could find in my heart to quarrel with you upon the publick account, of your resolute depriving us too long of your company, if I had not a singular indulgence for you. Therefore I will rather entice you hither, than force you. The king hath been most graciously pleased to grant the desires in our petition, and you should not be away from the finishing what you helped to contrive and promote.d We could allow those at Oxford any thing with less envy, than the fruition of those persons, whose presence with us can only turn the scales on our side: but if justice alone prevail not to make you haste to us, let your affection to a

For Moray see above, p. 454n. Boyle to Moray, 2 Oct. 1661, is not extant. The identity of the bearer of the letter is not known. c Moray refers to Boyle’s residence in London for most of the time from Jan. to Oct. 1661 prior to his return to Oxford, playfully referring to the mutual relations of the ‘Oxford’ and ‘London’ groups. d Moray refers here to Charles II’s agreement to the petition for a grant of incorporation; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 45, 50, 88ff. b

462

MORAY

to BOYLE, 11 Oct. 1661

the promoting of our business work: and if kindness may be allowed any place in the account, remember there is nobody at Oxford, nor perhaps any where else, hath so sincere and intimate an affection for you, as, My noble friend, your faithfulest humble servant, R. MORAY. THE friends you remembered in particular, return your kindness heartily. You should not mind of so cutting misfortunes, as being out of the way, when you were to see me. I know you are not to be charged with forgetfulness, and I dare trust your discretion, without scruple. Our main business sticks still where it did.

MORAY to BOYLE

11 October 1661

From the original in BL 7, item 18. 4°/2. Not previously printed.

Oct 11. 61. Now that wee know one anothers hands, let us write sans façon.a Finding Your man here still, I adde what I ommitted in my Other.1b I chide You there, but Gently. Now I shall tell you, I am affrayed you shall have much adoe to justify your self for leaving us, to be busie at Oxford, about things, might have been done here. take off the severity that may follow upon this, aswell as you can for I will suspend it, till you endeavour to pacify me. I send you here Mr Hugens’s letter, as my best way to performe the Commission he gives me. keep it till wee meet. I send you also, one of the three bookes he sent me, which were not to be had here, when I bespoke them.c Wee have had a large debate about changing the houre of our meeting, from 3. ‹afternoon› to 9. in the morning. I for my own part considered nothing said against the change, during the winter season, so much, as the apprehension it might incommodate you, though some of the Doctors of physick /18 (1)v/ said diverse things against it. there is nothing resolved in it as yet. but it a

‘without ceremony’. Moray must refer to his letter to Boyle of 7 Oct. 1661 (above, p. 462). Presumably the letterbearer he mentions here is the one referred to in the earlier letter. c Moray refers to Christiaan Huygens (1629–95), physicist, geometer and astronomer, whose letter, dated 24 July 1661, was read at the Society’s meeting of 9 Oct. (see Birch, Royal Society, i, 47–9). The book which Moray received from Huygens was perhaps Huygens’s Brevis assertio systematis Saturnii, published at The Hague in 1660. Huygens visited England in 1661 and took part in the meetings at Gresham College. b

463

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

is lyke there will be no change without your Concurrence. The patentees are not yet come to a close in their Mine bussiness: but will, at next conference with Sir Philip Warwick:a and I am induced to stay till I see what issue it takes, partly because I think wee shall get better conditions from them, than from the Treasurer; partly because our agreement with them, will lykewise be of quicker dispatch, & with less trouble, & expence. The stick is, whether the patentees shall have all England, & Wales, or not. You shall know what is further done in it. My Lord Brunker is busie about motion of bodies, in Air & water.b Gretorix hath not yet performd what was promised in his name, about Compression of water.c last day was spent in discourses about Saturne, falling of bodies, and the cause of differences of the heate, ‹in›2 summer & winter Doctor Ent produced a pretty short discourse of it.d But his expectation was frustrated in an experiment /18 (2)/ made of the rouling of a ball of lead, & another of Cork ‹of the same size› down a Sloping Table. He thought they would both move with equall swiftness, but the lead outwent the other considerably, at severall positions of Inclination observe how I court You with things, & not words. 3

For The Honourable / Robert Boyle / Esquire at Oxford. Seal: Oval seal obscured by adhering paper. Achievement of arms. Shield: a chevron between three objects. Crest: a mullet.

a This is probably a reference to a grant made by Charles II to a group led by Sir George Hamilton of the Mines Royal north of the Trent in 1661; see William Rees, Industry Before the Industrial Revolution, 2 vols (Cardiff, 1968), ii, 464. Moray refers to Sir Philip Warwick (1609–83), politician and historian. The allusion is to Warwick’s office as secretary to the Lord High Treasurer, the Earl of Southampton. b Moray refers to Sir William Brouncker (c. 1620–84), first President of the Royal Society. Brouncker’s experiments on the velocity of sinking in water and air, carried out with pendulums and balls of wood, stone, tin and lead, took place on 25 Sept., 2 Oct. and 16 Oct. 1661. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 46, 49. c Moray refers to Ralph Greatorex (d. 1712), London mathematical instrument maker, and presumably to the fact that Boyle had set Greatorex and Robert Hooke to work to produce the apparatus that was to become the air-pump; see Spring of the Air (1661), Works, vol. 1, p. 159. Greatorex’s failure with these experiments was recorded at the Society’s meeting of 16 Oct.; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 50. d This is a reference to George Ent (1604–89), London physician and original F.R.S. At the Society’s meeting of 9 Oct., Ent is recorded as having ‘brought in his reason of the heat in summer, and cold in winter’. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 47.

464

[BOYLE] to POVEY, 14 Oct. 1661

[BOYLE] to POVEYa

14 October 1661

From the version in Oldenburg’s hand in R.S. MS 1, fol. 175v. Not previously printed.

Liter Domine B. ad Mr Th.1b Oxf. 14. Oct. 1661. Sir, I hope, your servant hath done me the right to let you know that if I left London without the honor of your commands, twas because I could not receive them at your owne house, where I went to seek them, but could not find2 him, that should have given them me. But loosing by your absence not only the satisfaction, I promised to myself in kissing your hands, but the opportunity of learning what answer was returned you by my Lord of Peterborough to the motion I beggd you to make him in favor of an inquisitive stranger, who is desirous to travell into those parts, to see, what manuscripts or other books, likely to illustrate theologicall or secular learning, are to be met with there, And hearing, that his Lordship may probably begin his journy from London, before my course of physick will permit me to wait on you there, I have ventured to desire the worthy bearer, who is the strangers particular friend (and consequently better able than I to acquaint you with his desires) to beg in my steed your advice and assistance in a busines, which I presume your wonted love to piety and learning will make you very ready to promote, as far as you shall Judge it conducive to those Excellent things.c And tis well, theer nature qualifies them to speak for themselves. For having taken physick, that is now working, I am fit to say nothing more3 to you, save that I can tell you with as litle premeditation or disguise, which is, that I am without complement Sir Your very Affectionate friend and very honoured servant

To my much honoured friend Thomas Povey Esq receiver generall to his Highnes the Duke of York at his house neer Lincolne Inne fields

a

For Thomas Povey see above, p. 453. ‘Letter of Mr B[oyle] to Mr Th[omas]’. c Boyle refers to Henry Mordaunt (c. 1624–97), 2nd Earl of Peterborough, who was appointed governor of Tangier in Sept. 1661. The identity of the ‘inquisitive stranger’ is not known. b

465

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

[c. October 1661]a

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

From the original in Early Letters OB 88. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 391–2, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 278–9, and Oldenburg, i, 440–2.

Sir, I cannot yet obey you in delivering your letter for Sir John Finch, nor the book to be sent Prince Leopold, because the one is not yet returned to London, nor the other come to my hands.b Neither have I given your letter to Mr Povey, wherein the Ethiopian Gentleman is concerned,c finding that by reason of my long silence, which made him diffident of the successe of his desires, he hath let fall the dessein of that voyage, and before the arrivall of your intended favour (which notwithstanding he is very sensible off) engaged himselfe another way for this winter. The other stranger, which is a hard student in Physick and Chymistry, and a great friend to that Philosophy, that explicates things by mechanicall and intelligible principles, will be very glad to heare your objections against his Menstruum, and will be found, I think, pretty ready to satisfy some of them; though he pretends not, to make that liquor to be the same with the Grand Alkahest, but analogous thereunto.d Another Gentleman, that came not long agoe from Paris hither, presented me with a small Treatise,e but ‹of a›1 big title, bidding all the world to make bonefires, because henceforth marchants and seamen shall be enabled to saile against /88 (1)v/ wind and tide, husbandmen to plough without horse or oxen, all that use waggons, mills, watches etc. to make all these machines mouve uncessantly and of themselves: To the perpetuum Mobile he Joynes the promise of the Quadrature of the Circle, the Secret of Longitudes, the Causes of the Reciprocation of the Sea, of the winds and of Intermitting Feavers. I beleeve, himselfe was in a continuall raving one, when he wrote this peece, considering the commonnes of what he saith and the flatnes of his Style, especially the confidence and ostentation, wherewith he delivers all, pretending that he carries away the bell from the renowned Prince of Mirande, that answered upon all things knowne, and saying, that himselfe can answer to things not known and untye Gordian knots, and a For dating clues concerning this letter see below, especially the quarrel between the ambassadors. b The reference is to Sir John Finch (1626–82), MD and diplomat, who became ambassador to the Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1665. For Prince Leopoldo see above, p. 429n. Correspondence with the Prince had been opened in 1660, with Robert Southwell and the Italian mathematician Vincenzio Viviani as intermediaries. The book that Boyle intended to send was his Spring of the Air (1660). The Latin edition of Spring of the Air appeared in 1661. c For Thomas Povey see above, p. 453n. The ‘Ethiopian Gentleman’ has not been identified. d It is not clear who the ‘other stranger’ is. e The identity of this book and its author are not known.

466

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, [c. Oct. 1661]

resolve insoluble questions.a Yet the Philosophers stone he will not medle with, because he esteems that secret, if discovered ‹and divulged,› would prouve more pernicious, than beneficiall. But I will leave this Advocat (for that is his profession at Rouën), to plead for his owne dotage, and tell you, what is more credible, videl. that the Spanish Ambassadour, the Count of Fuensaldagne, refused the King of France his present, which was a diamant of 50000 livres, because that king refused to see him by reason of the late cerimonious shuffle between the two Ambassadours here at London:b And that Fouquet is rendred every day /88 (2)/ more and more odious, by reason of the further discoveries, that are made of his desseins and intrigues, to remouve the Queene Mother of France for the compassing of his ambitious ends.c Severall of the chief of our Gresham-society,2 and among them the President, being out of towne, I went not yesterday thither, thinking there would be litle or no company.d I hope, we shall shortly enjoy yours here, and have then a share in that, which your Physick will not permitt him3 to have now, who is Sir Your faithfull and humble servant H. Oldenburg Mr Herringman presents his humble service to you, and saith, that Mr Browne is so inconsiderat, as to offer him, in good earnest, lesse for the Latin booke of Essayes: whereupon I told him, that he needs not to be hasty, nor pin the book upon any, being sure, ‹he›4 will wante no opportunity, in time, to disperse it with great advantage.e When I was going to seall this, a porter brought me from Warwick lane two Copies of your Latin pneumaticall book, whereof I shall immediately deliver one to Mr Herringman, to have it Princely bound up, the other I know not, whom it is for, seing you left one, with me very handsome bound up for Signor Viviani.f

a

Oldenburg refers to the humanist Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463–94). The quarrel between the Spanish and French ambassadors occurred on 29 and 30 Sept. 1661. The Spanish ambassador in France was Luis Perez Vivero, Count of Fuendalsaña. His death was reported early in Dec. 1661; see CSPV, 1661–4, p. 74. c This is a reference to Nicholas Fouquet (1615–80), marquis de Belle Isle, Surintendant des Finances since 1653. In 1661 he was sent to the Bastille on charges of corruption. For Anne of Austria, the Queen Mother of France, see above, p. 282n. d For Gresham College see above, p. 79n. For the president, William, Lord Brouncker, see above, p. 464n. e Henry Herringman was the London bookseller who sold the Latin edition of Boyle’s Certain Physiological Essays (1661); see Works, vol. 2, p. xv. Mr Browne has not been identified. f Oldenburg refers to Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660), which as the last line of the letter makes clear was due to be sent to Prince Leopold via Viviani. b

467

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

To his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esq, at Mr Crosses in5 / Oxford.a

Seal: Red wax, traces of black. Oval. Damaged. Example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 5 November 1664 (see vol. 2, p. 393). Endorsed at head of 88 (1) by Miles: ‘A letter of uncertain date I imagine about 1667.’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘88’.5 Birch ink number ‘No. 88’ on 88 (2)v.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: [OLDENBURG to BOYLE

c. October 1661]

Early Letters OB 16, first item. 4o/1. Note: this document comprises Early Letters OB 16 in conjunction with a further paper headed ‘P. S.’, which we have followed the editors of Oldenburg in appending to Oldenburg’s letter to Boyle of 29 Sept. 1664 (OB 14; see vol. 2, pp. 334–8). It is endorsed by Miles ‘‹The first part of› This letter not found but by the post mark and the contents this ought to come in hereabouts’; this relates to the ‘P. S.’ and its postmark (see vol. 2, p. 338). The current item is ignored in Oldenburg, but it clearly relates to one of the topics discussed by Oldenburg in his letter to Boyle of c. October 1661 (OB 88), and it is possible that this item could have been enclosed in that letter, since the fold-marks to the relevant MSS imply that this was folded to a size that would have fitted within that. Not previously printed.

Liquorem quendam, Alkahesto analogum, in animalibus reperiri Si verum, esse liquorem Alkahest, eumque his pollere proprietatibus, ut 1. tantum menstruum universale, omnia, etiam carbones et lapides, in cremorem lactenum resolvat, adeoque Extracti naturam obtineat: 2. rursus possit abstrahi, et in naturam menstrui pristinam redigi, salvâ manente et quantitate et qualitate: Tunc omnino videtur, si non eundem Liquorem, saltem Analogum quondam, in That a certain liquor analogous to the alkahest is found in animals. If it is true that the liquor alkahest exists and that it has properties such that 1. it is like a universal menstruum which dissolves everything, including coals and stones, into a milky juice in such a way that it preserves the nature of the extracted body and 2. it can be abstracted again and restored to its original nature as a menstruum, remaining undamaged in quantity and quality, then it seems indeed that an analogous liquor, if not the very same a

For Mr Crosse, see above, p. 193n.

468

ENCLOSED

with OLDENBURG to BOYLE, [c. Oct. 1661]

Animalium inveniri corporibus. Nam vasa Lymphatica et Chylifera, maximé insignis iste canalis, à musculo, qui Psoas dicitur, incipiens, et ad superiora tendens, quantum hactenus observare licuit, non differunt nisi ratione contentæ materiæ, quæ diversitas nec aliam habet causam, quàm ventriculi vel vacuitatem vel repletionem Etenim ventriculo vacuo, liquor in dictis vasis contentus, instar puri menstrui gratissimæ aciditatis sapore, sese habet, et cochleari uno vel altero exemtus, quamvis cadaverosus (quoniam extravasatus,) unius tamen noctis spatio impositis coralliis colorem, aliàs rubicundissimum, sine notabili proprii coloris immutatione, abstulit, friabiliaque ‹corallia› reddidit. Ventriculo autem cibo potuque repleto, liquor ille, quod in esculentis est optimum, separat et secum confundit; hocque ipsum Extracti instar lactei venas intrat, postmodum Cor, quò id, /16 (1)v/ quod separavit, in sanguinem vertatur, donec, per crebras sanguinis circulationes, varias partes et viscera permeando,1 id omne deponat, ipseque separetur, atque ita manente salvâ et quantitate et qualitate (respectu tamen ætatum et aliarum circumstantiarum) primam subeat sui perfectionem et menstrui naturam. Rursusque, urgente necessitate, ventriculum suæ aciditate stimulans (unde fames) ingesto cibo potuque sese imprægnat et sic consueta, ut hactenus dictum ad mortem usque secundùm naturam peragit. one, is found in animal bodies. For so far as has been observed hitherto, the lymphatic and chyliferous vessels, and most of all that notable conduit beginning from the muscle which is called psoas and which passes into the higher parts, do not differ except by reason of the contained material, and this difference has no other cause than the emptiness or fullness of the stomach. For when the stomach is empty, the liquor contained in the aforesaid vessels is like a pure menstruum with the most gently acidic taste. When a spoonful or two of it is taken out, even though it is then cadaverous (since it has been taken out of the body) nevertheless, being placed upon corals it removes their colour (which is otherwise extremely red) in the space of one night without any notable change of its own colour, and it makes the corals friable. Likewise, when the stomach is full of food and drink, this liquor separates whatever is best from the food that has been eaten, and mixes this with itself. Then this mixture enters the veins like a milky extract, and afterwards arrives at the heart where everything which it has separated [from the food] is converted into blood until, by permeating through the various parts and viscera of the body by means of frequent circulations of the blood, it gives up everything [it had taken up] and is itself separated, and so it returns to its original perfection and its nature as a menstruum, remaining undamaged in both quantity and quality (in respect nevertheless of age and other circumstances). Then when need urges it on, it stimulates the stomach by means of its acidity (this is the origin of hunger) and impregnates itself again with the ingested food and drink, and so it continues to act in this manner, as described above, according to nature even until death.

469

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

SHARROCKa to BOYLE

1, 1636–61

13 December 1661

From the original in BL 5, fol. 51. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Decemb: 13:1 1661 Adestock Comitu Bucks Sir I suppose Your Honour has received the letter & packett which I sent from Oxon about the 3d of this moneth, before my diversion into the Country; where among other Exercises (Such as are competent with my being here) one has been the2 reviewing of Your sheets concerning the Usefullnesse of Experimentall Philosophy, especially that part which last past the presse during my Sicknesse, when I could least & worst attend correction.b In which though my cheife end was to find the Scapes & errata of the presse yet I found in that relection a delight farre more then equivalent to the trouble. Your Honours exception against the Aphorisme of Hippocrates (or att least its interpretation & Use) did putt mee in mind of a pretty strange truth.c Tis this. A Chirurgeon3 in Northampton, of good reputation for practise & Skill in his art & Medicine also, related to a good freind of mine, before his wife’s face, that hee had lett her bloud eleven times, during her late child-bearing ‹of one child›, & withall shewed my freind the child of that birth, as the Example of a lusty one. And I remember that about fower or five Yeares ago a good Woman in Oxon complaining to mee of her frequent miscarriages for many Yeares together, I orderd her to bee lett blood, shee being then with child of a birth which is now to her great delight her onely Son. And as to the Curablenesse of Cancers I have heard a Story from a person of creditt, & I long to heare it Seconded, that so it may bee to mee (according to the Jesuiticall canon of judging) a doctrine of probability It was of one who being a Doctors man cur’d an inveterate cancer by taking a great & most venimous Toad & Squeezing it betweene a paire of Tongues red fire hott, and anointing the Sores with the pisse it copiously voided during its anguish. And such other Storyes4 were regusted by me in this reading. But these being too large for the narrownesse of my Paper I shall onely adde That my present Leisure & the opportunity of having here my Notes concerning M. Stahls practise mostly seen, partly communicated in Writing, invites5 mee to propose to Your Honour that if any of them may bee desired by You, that I am free to communicate them – some I remember I gain’d by Your Honours advise to aske them particularly of a

For Sharrock see above, p. 398. This letter is missing. For Sharrock’s role in the printing of Boyle’s Usefulness (1663) see above, p. 438n. For Usefulness I see Works, vol. 3, p. 189ff. c Sharrock refers to Boyle’s Usefulness II, in which Boyle quotes from the Aphorisms of the medical philosopher Hippocrates (c. 469–399 BC), and refutes Hippocrates’s assertion about miscarriage in pregnancy caused by bloodletting. See Works, vol. 3, pp. 296–7. b

470

BOYLE

to WINTHROP, 19 Dec. 1661

him:a As the Calcination of Gold so as to be soluble in Vineger. The making of Mercury from Antimony, The destillation of Salt & dulcification of Spiritus Salis, and whither Your Honour mention’d his Aqua Roris Solis, or Operations with Coralls I know not.b These Your honour as Pater & Patronus artisc may command, Otherwise I remember the præcept of the fam’d Abbot Tritemius to Cornel: Agrippa ut Vulgaria vulgaribus, altiora vero & arcana altioribus tantur & secretis communicet amicis,6 I doubt whither this Secrecy, prescrib’d were meant by the Father as a preparation requisite to his obteining the Universall medicine; though his words foregoing are Te Divinitas …d

BOYLE to JOHN WINTHROP e

19 December 1661

From the scribal original, with holograph signature, at the Massachusetts Historical Society, formerly Winthrop Papers, 11, 35. 4o/2. Second leaf partly cut away. Not previously printed.

Sir Having endeavour’d1 to see You at Your owne Lodging, & remembering that You were pleas’d to desire a Meeting with me, to discourse of some of the Affaires, & Rarity’s of Your Countrey; my being to goe out of towne God permitting before to morrow noone, obliges me to send this Bearer to let You know, that if You can without ‹much› Inconvenience meet me at the signe of the Bishops head a Bookseller in Pauls church Yard, to morrow about nine of the clock, or a litle after, or els if You2 please to stay at home till ten I hope then & there to waite on You & discourse both of the matters newly mention’d & some others, till when I remaine (in hast) Sir Your very humble servant Ro: Boyle

Thursday night 10ber 19th 61. a

Peter Stahl was assisting Sharrock in the establishment of a laboratory; see above, p. 442n. For these experiments see Certain Physiological Essays (1661), Works, vol. 2, pp. 201–2. c ‘Father and patron of art’. d Sharrock quotes from the letter of the neo-philosopher, Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516), to the ocultist Henricus Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim (1486–1535), which the latter published in his De occulta philosophia (1531). Trithemius advises ‘that one should communicate common things to common people, but higher arcana to higher, and indeed, secret friends only’. The last line of the letter is illegible due to the wearing away of the edge of the paper. e John Winthrop (1606–76), Governor or Connecticut in 1657 and 1659–76. He was in London from Sept. 1661 until early 1663, procuring a new charter for his colony. b

471

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

I beg Your Answer may be sent in a litle Ticket which the Bearer has order to leave for me by the way. If You cannot meet to morrow I shall gladly speake a word with You at the Councill for forraigne Plantations sitting in the Court of Wards at Westminster on Munday next between 2 & 3 in the afternoone if Your occasions will permit which whether they will or noe I desire to be inform’d.3a For my Esteemed Freind Mr Winthropp lodging / neare the Church in Coleman Street

Seal: Arms: two lions passant. Also, drop of sealing wax. Endorsed: ‘Mr Boyle: 1661’ and in nineteenth-century pencil ‘Printed’.

BOYLE to WINTHROP

28 December 1661

From the scribal original with holograph signature, in the Massachusetts Historical Society, formerly Winthrop Papers, 1a, 144. 4o/1. The address is on a panel pasted onto the back of the letter; it is evidently a remnant of a conjugate leaf. Not previously published.

10ber the 28th 1661 Sir These hasty lines are only to let You know that my Lord Chancellor desires that You would meet me at his house betwixt nine & ten on Wednesday next (being new Yeares day) where he has likewise commanded the Attendance of another freind besidesb Sir Your very affectionate & very humble servant Ro: Boyle If You thinke fit to bring along with You any of Your Mineralls You & I may chance have some opportunity to discourse of them betwixt our selves1 a b

See above, p. 445n. The Lord Chancellor was Edward Hyde (1609–74), 1st Earl of Clarendon.

472

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 30 Dec. 1661

For my much Esteemed Freind Mr Winthropp / these Seal: Arms: two lions passant. Endorsed: ‘Mr Robert Boyle 1661’.

JOHN WALLISa to BOYLE

30 December 1661

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 511–12. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 453–5.

Oxon. Dec. 30, 1661. SIR, THIS, I suppose, may be at you time enough to wish you a happy new-year; and many more to ensue. It brings with it a part of that in print, which you had before an account of in writing (for it was thought fit by friends that it should also appear in this dress.) You might have had the whole ere this, had the press been as much at leisure, and as diligent (or rather not so much at leisure, but as diligent) as I could wish.b I AM now upon another work; as hard almost, as to make Mr. Hobbes understand a demonstration. It is to teach a person dumb and deaf to speak, and to understand a language.c Of which if he could do either, the other would be more easy; but knowing neither, makes both the harder. And though the former may be thought the more difficult, the latter may perhaps require as much of time. For, if a considerable time be requisite for him, that can speak one, to learn a second language; much more for him, that knows none, nor hath so much as the advantage of speech. YOU may think perhaps, that it is not a piece of mathematicks, to teach either speech, or language; as Mr. Hobbes, that the attendants of Jupiter were not found out by algebra.d But, though I am in this fully of his opinion, yet I must in that a

For Wallis see above, p. 253. Wallis refers to his Hobbius heauton-timorumenos (1662), which was addressed to Boyle. c Wallis’s invention of a method for imparting the art of speech to deaf-mutes followed his tract De loquela, appended to Grammatica linguae anglicanae (1652), in which he described the modes of production of articulate sounds. d Wallis here alludes to his polemics with Hobbes on mathematics, particularly concerning Hobbes’s objections to analytic geometry. Wallis’s publications on this subject included Elenchus geometriae Hobbianae (1655), Due Correction for Mr Hobbes (1656) and Hobbiani puncti dispunctio (1657). See D. M. Jeseph, Squaring the Circle: the War between Hobbes and Wallis (Chicago, 1999), esp. chapters 4–5. b

473

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

except to yours, at least thus far, that I find it wherein no small advantage to have been versed in mathematicks. I WAS the more willing to attempt it, because the person was represented as very ingenious and apprehensive (and at least so much of a mathematician, as to limn very well, being taught it by some of the best masters in London.)a And I was the more confident, that the defect was not in the organs of speech, (though possibly not so pliable as in a child, to the forming of unacquainted sounds) not only upon the common presumption, that the defect of speech in deaf persons is but an accidental consequent of their want of hearing: but also because he could once speak (though so long since, that he does not remember it) till that about five years of age, having by accident lost his hearing, he thereupon lost his speech also: not at once, but gradually; that is, he was about half a year in losing it. HE had, before he came, learned to write, I mean, as an English scrivener writes Greek; of which he knows neither the sound, nor sense; and thereby hath saved me so much labour as the teaching him an alphabet. But hears either so little, or not at all, that I cannot, as I hoped, make any advantage of it. He cannot from the back-side of my house, (which is a little more than a stone’s cast, and no obstacle between) hear St. Mary’s great bell ring; nor, in Christ Church choir, hear the organs. Close at his ear, he can hear a sound, but not a voice, (unless I should rather say he feels it:) I mean, he discerns a noise, but not the articulation; and of a smart sound, rather than a loud. When, a coach at night rushing close by the window, I perceived he discerned it; asking whether he heard it, he signified, no, but he felt it, by the shaking of the ground. HE hath now been with me a fortnight, and somewhat more. In which time, as to the language, he hath already learned many words, and somewhat of the Syntax. And, as to speech, hath pronounced all the sounds of our language (even those of L and R; and those of th in thy and thigh, which the French and others complain of as most difficult, and can hardly attain unto) which secures me, that the organs of speech are not indisposed to the forming of articulate sounds. And at some of these he is very ready, though he cannot at pleasure command them all. IF you ask, what my conjecture is as to the issue, or what I do design in it; I must confess, that as to the matter of speech, though I doubt not but he may come to speak any thing, yet I do not expect, that he shall make the like advantage of it as those, that hear. Because that, neither hearing himself nor others, he will be subject to forget or mistake in forming sounds; and not to correct those mistakes, because he hears them not. For as one, who knows very well how to write, and hath a good command of his hand, yet if he want either sight or light, will hardly write well; the like must be expected in a deaf man’s speaking; for, as then, the eye a This is possibly Daniel Whaley, son of the mayor of Northampton, who was instructed by Wallis in 1661. See Wallis, Grammar of the English Language, ed. J. A. Kemp (London, 1972), in which is printed Wallis’s autobiography, on pp. 2–72.

474

DIGBY

to BOYLE, [c. 1661]

guides the hand, so here, the ear the tongue. /p. 512/ But, as to the language, I know not but that he may, by writing, both express his own, and understand the conceptions of others, as well as other men; and so converse with men, as we do with the ancients, or persons distant, which is no small advantage in human affairs: and may very much supply the defect of speech. YOU may please to acquaint Sir Robert Moray with this adventure, (who is himself so much a virtuoso, that he is the more inquisitive what others are doing; and will not allow me to be unimployed:) but whether he will infer, that I am busy, or, was much at leisure, I cannot tell.a Nor that I further trespass on your present affairs, than to say, that I am, Your honour’s affectionate and humble servant, JOHN WALLIS.

KILDARE DIGBYb to BOYLE

[c. 1661]c

From the original in BL 2, fols 126–7. 4o/2. Not previously printed

Deare Uncle: Yours dated the 14th: instante, and the inclosed from Mr Graham I received, my Brother Dilke was gone to London before, but is shortly expected backe here;d at his returne you ‹shall› receive speedily an accounte of that buisinesse from: Youre reall servaunte: Ki: Digby: a

For Sir Robert Moray see above, p. 454n. Wallis presented the cases of Whaley and another student, Alexander Popham, to the Royal Society in 1662. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 83, and below, Wallis to Boyle, 14 Mar. 1662. b Kildare Digby (c. 1631–61), only son of Robert Digby, Lord Geashill, and Sarah Boyle. c The date of this letter is unclear. Kildare Digby died on 11 July 1661, but the letter is addressed to Boyle at Lady Ranelagh’s house in Pall Mall. Pall Mall was only being laid out at this time and the earliest date at which Lady Ranelagh is recorded as living there is 1662 (see Maddison, Life, p. 128; F. W. H. Sheppard (ed.), Survey of London, Vol. 29: the parish of St James Westminster. Part 1 (London, 1960), pp. 322–3). This is the earliest extant letter addressed to Boyle at Lady Ranelagh’s lodgings; earlier letters had been forwarded to other addresses, usually that of the stone cutter, Abraham Storey, perhaps indicating that building work was going on in the area. Because of the uncertainty over its date, we have placed this letter here. d Boyle’s letter to Digby is not extant. Mr Graham is possibly Richard Graham (d. 1691), employed by Boyle as a lawyer and later MP. Digby’s sister Lettice had married William Dilke in c. 1654; see above, p. 246n.

475

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

My sister, and wife, are youre servaunts, as wee all are, to my Aunte Ranalaugh, and two1 cozens:a These for the Honourable / Robert Boyle Esqr. At the La: Ranalaughs / lodgings in Pell mell: / neare Charinge Crosse: London: Seal: Wax missing, design barely visible, shield. Impressions of seals. Endorsed adjacent to address: ‘Post Paid 3d’.

a Digby married Mary, daughter of Robert Gardiner in or before 1652. His sister, Catherine, died in 1661. It is not clear which of Lady Ranelagh’s children Digby refers to here, see above, p. 75n.

476

Textual Notes Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 18 Feb. 1636 1 followed by only deleted, as if Boyle initially intended to write only center, but accidentally omitted center and later decided to dispense with only. 2 followed by Frank deleted. Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 29 Apr. 1636 1 altered from here. Four words later, incourage altered from incorage. 2 followed by my deleted at end of line. Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 16 Nov. 1640 1 damaged. Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 28 Mar. 1641 1 altered from is. Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 5 May 1641 1 damaged, resulting in loss of date. Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 25 May 1642 1 altered from hath when shall inserted. 2 altered in composition from w [?]. Boyle to Viscount Kinalmeaky, 1 Aug. 1642 1 2 3 4

followed by sp deleted. o altered from w. In desengage, five words later, n altered from i. This postscript is written in the margin of the page. altered from no. Boyle to 1st Earl of Cork, 30 Sept. 1642

1 missing in the MS.

477

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

26–49

Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, [late 1645] 1 I altered from he. 2 altered in composition. 3 The remainder of the letter is written on fol. 29v at right-angles to the top of the page. 4 written on fol. 29 at right-angles to the top of the page. Boyle to Annesley, 28 Feb. 1646 1 altered from adds [?]. 2 followed by for deleted. 3 followed by the deleted. Boyle to 2nd Earl of Cork, 14 July 1646 1 The salutation and signature are in a larger script and are here underlined. 2 This address block is written in the margin. 3 This line is in much smaller script. Boyle to Unknown correspondent, 19 Oct. 1646 1 altered from 29. [Boyle] to [?Worsley], [late Feb. 1647] 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

replacing extreamely deleted. replacing Spunges deleted. replacing will deleted. followed by do I looke deleted. replacing so deleted. The insertion two words later, radicated, replaces ripen’d deleted. The next word, my, is followed by wel inserted and deleted. The catchword that follows, had, replaces were pleas’d the deleted. replacing Implore deleted. replacing more un deleted. followed by we deleted. Ten words later shall is followed by very deleted. replacing Leasure & Froth deleted. Eight words later the insertion unobivous replaces Different, itself replacing Troublesome, both deleted. followed by a- deleted. replacing Returnes deleted. followed by Your deleted. followed by bu deleted. replacing some deleted. Five words later makes replaces dos deleted. Two words after this Sunne is followed by when deleted. replacing this deleted. replacing under Your Di deleted. replacing Slo deleted. This makes sense here and there is an insert mark without an interlineation; they come is actually squeezed in at the start of the writing line.

478

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

49–76

20 followed by as d deleted. 21 Both songbooke and Instrument are preceded by a superscript o in MS. The insertion two words later replaces cannot get one deleted; within the insertion, is altogether replaces is wholly deleted. 22 followed by ne deleted. The insertion three words later replaces Ba gr unwelcome deleted. 23 From here on the text is all written down the left margin. 24 followed by particularly deleted. Ten words later, the is followed by Latt deleted. 25 replacing next deleted. In the next word -move is duplicated by -paire. 26 followed by expresse the deleted. Four words later & is followed by exp deleted. Two words after this, the is followed by R deleted. Boyle to Unknown correspondent, 6 July 1647 1 This word was subsequently heavily deleted. Boyle to Lady Ranelagh, 13 May 1648 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

replacing illegible deletion. altered from likelger [?]. followed by I [?] deleted. followed by der deleted (at the end of the line in the MS). After the end of the paragraph verte appears to be written (at foot of the page). altered from deversion. altered (possibly) from resolution. Boyle to Lady Elizabeth Hussey, 6 June 1648

1 altered from f. 2 followed by of deleted. 3 As in other letters, some of the words have been written in a larger script. These are italicised in the present text. 4 followed by gave me the honor of a visitt this morneinge deleted. 5 followed by be deleted. Boyle to Countess of Monmouth, 7 July 1648 1 After this word another hand has inserted an opening bracket. Two closing brackets in the same hand are inserted after of and my, two lines later. In the left-hand margin alongside this section the same hand has written oud or out. 2 written upside down at head of fol. 118. Boyle to [Lady Ranelagh], 13 Nov. [1648?] 1 2 3 4

replacing greate deleted. replacing ourgou [?] deleted. followed by ‹Excuses› deleted. this word, and Franke in following line partially obscured by a small piece of attached paper.

479

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

76–83

5 altered from happynesse. 6 followed by & justify deleted. 7 written in another hand? Boyle to Unknown correspondent, 26 Mar. 1649 1 replacing by deleted. 2 altered from presented. 3 followed by to deleted. The next word is followed by at it’s deleted. Two words later, Exhibit is altered from Exhibiting. 4 replacing as Little deleted. Three words later, ‹then› replaces as deleted. Two words after that, to altered from no; eight words after that, in altered from on. 5 altered from equally. Six words later ‹Prerogatives› replacing Buty deleted. The next word is altered from gives. 6 replacing Favor deleted. Two words later, Opportunity altered from Opportunitys; two words after that, the insertion replaces one deleted. 7 replacing will deleted. Eleven words later Intercessor is altered from Intercession. 8 replacing my Brother Broghill &3 deleted. Later in the same sentence, To & Fro altered from to & fro. 9 replacing nothing prejudicial to the Power deleted. Ten words later, suspect is followed by Your deleted. Five words after this the insertion replaces so many deleted. 10 followed by his Desseins elsewhere deleted. Three words later, the altered from this. 11 replacing doubt deleted. Five words later, Lessen followed by the deleted. Two words later Meritt is followed by of it deleted when it’s was inserted. Four words after this the insertion replaces Prerogatives deleted. 12 followed by the deleted. 13 replacing already deleted. Two words later You is followed by by bespeaking me Long since to be deleted. 14 replacing obedient deleted. 15 From … 1649 all deleted. Boyle to Lady Ranelagh, 2 Aug. 1649 1 Words or parts of words in square brackets throughout this letter have been supplied where the ink has faded. 2 followed by superscript ink mark. 3 altered in composition from broq. 4 P- altered from p-. 5 The rest of this letter is written down the left-hand margin. Boyle to [Lady Ranelagh], 31 Aug. 1649 1 2 3 4 5

E- altered from e-. followed by pre [?] deleted. after opening bracket, short illegible deletion. U- altered from u-. altered in composition.

480

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

83–102

6 replacing being deleted. Boyle to [Broghill], 20 Dec. 1649 1 followed by mee deleted. 2 final s deleted or smudged. 3 B altered from b. Boyle to [Dowager Countess of Barrymore], 21 Dec. 1649 1 There is no corresponding closing bracket. 2 letters supplied in square brackets here and in the following five lines because of deterioration of right edge of leaf where it is mounted in guardbook. 3 altered from Eppectations. 4 P- altered from p-. Boyle and others to Dymock, 15 Mar. 1651 1 Turnbull prints dismayed. Starkey to Boyle, after 19 Apr. 1651 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

replacing of deleted. altered in composition. altered from ingrediants. followed by -ed deleted. followed by ink blot. replacing the . [silver] deleted. An asterisk appears in the margin at the beginning of the next line. this sentence annotated with an asterisk in left margin. replaces Regulus deleted. The Locke MS has out for aut. The Locke MS reads accidentalum. replacing of deleted. The Locke MS does not contain the units of pounds; this has been supplied from the German, fünff und siebenzig Pfund Weinstein. The Locke MS reads torro; the German retains the correct thoro (p. 450). The German text reads tinctura Lilii, essentia antimonialis, i.e., tincture of Lili, an antimonial essence. The Locke MS reads this phrase as English, producing thorow inviolably. The correct form used here is found in the German translation, p. 452. The Locke MS has Gold. The Locke MS here reads Confortio, while the German gives the more sensible Consortio, p. 455. German reads ferment des Goldes. replacing of deleted. German reads Drey und eine halbe Untze, p. 457. This sentence is lacking from the German translation. seemingly an erroneous scribal repetition.

481

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

102–34

24 Locke MS reads will, presumably in error for which. The German translation ends with this sentence. Boyle to Mallet, Nov. 1651 1 2 3 4 5 6

altered in composition, as is unfitted seven words later. altered in composition. altered in composition from &. followed by Victorys [?] deleted. followed by my in deleted. This postscript is written in the margin of fol. 180v. Starkey to Boyle, 16 Jan. 1652

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

altered from Newportensis. altered from Dividem. altered from Newportensis. The beginning of this word is hidden under the seal. replacing decubuerat deleted. written in the margin of fol. 131, at right-angles to head of the page. replacing Mercurii deleted. This section is written in the margin of fol. 132, at right-angles to head of the page. followed by an illegible deletion of one or two characters. Starkey to Boyle, 26 Jan. 1652

1 2 3 4

followed by accepi deleted. altered from laboratorium. reading sale for salem. altered from pretenderem. Starkey to Boyle, 3 Feb. 1652

1 followed by perficiat deleted. 2 reading fortè as forte. 3 This word is written with significant space between it and the rest of the address. Boyle to Mallet, 2[3] Mar. 1652 1 2 3 4 5 6

See below, n. 9. followed by are deleted. followed by mo [?] deleted. 2 illegible letters deleted before forwardnesse. altered from as.... The remainder of this paragraph and the signature block is written in the margin of the page. 7 altered from write. 8 followed by do [?] deleted.

482

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

134–49

9 The paper is repaired at this point; this reading is supplied from the British Library Catalogue and RCHM, 5th Report. 10 postscript written upside down at the head of the second page. 11 written on fol. 294v. Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 14 Sept. [1652] 1 2 3 4

written over the start of another, illegible, word. altered from rettraind. replacing which deleted. altered from Warr. Boyle to Mallet, Jan. 1653

followed by to find deleted. replacing herein consists deleted. altered from preticous. replacing try’d deleted. In the following line Grammar altered from Grammer. followed by (in my g deleted. followed by mu deleted. altered in composition. Text continues down the left-hand margin. replacing leaves deleted. written upside down at head of fol. 143v. followed by lesse deleted. The last part of the word is torn and written on part of the corner turned back on itself. 13 partly obscured by mounting in guardbook. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Boyle to Mallet, 23 Sept. 1653 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

followed by why [?] deleted. followed by there deleted. altered from he. followed by an deleted. followed by Wr deleted. replacing Titles deleted. The year is written in a different ink and in a different hand. The postscript is written down the left-hand margin. letter torn and damaged here. partly obscured by mounting in guardbook. Boyle to [Clodius], 27 Sept. [1653]

1 partially obscured by ink blots. This also applies to further words or parts of words in this paragraph which are supplied in square brackets. 2 followed by tho deleted. 3 altered from &. 4 followed by sud deleted.

483

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

5 6 7 8

149–87

Word ends under guardbook mounting. at and three words later it obscured by blots on the other side of the paper. Word ends under guardbook mounting. a written over a deleted (within the word). Boyle to Mallet, 22 Jan. 1654

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

MS damaged here and two words later. MS damaged here and nine words later. altered from so. altered from they. altered from a when too inserted. replacing Taxe deleted. now obscured by an ink blot and damage to MS, as is the case in the following lines. The remainder of the letter is written in the margin of the second page. written upside down at head of fol. 319. followed by scribble deleted. Hartlib to Boyle, 28 Feb. 1654

1 reading taedet for taedit. Brün [Unmussig] to Boyle, 1 Mar. 1654 1 altered in composition. Boyle to Clodius, Apr./May 1654 1 punctuation as in Birch’s copy. [Boyle] to Hartlib, 25 Apr. 1654 1 replacing of deleted. 2 altered by Hartlib but without changing the reading. The same is true of unworthy (in fact written unwortly) two lines later. Hartlib to Boyle, 8 or 9 May 1654 1 We have substituted this for Birch’s obvious misprint, low. Mallet to Boyle, 27 Mar. 1655 1 2 3 4 5

followed by ellex deleted. letter supplied in square brackets where paper edge is damaged. first letter partially obscured by ink smudge. -on- written over in thicker ink. replacing No. 4 deleted. Brün [Unmussig] to Boyle, 3 Sept. 1655

1 altered from emere [?].

484

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

188–96

2 altered in composition. Boyle to Mallet, 5 Sept. 1655 1 2 3 4

altered from [?]. followed by un [?] deleted. Four words later, condition altered from conditions. altered in composition. This line written up the left-hand edge of fol. 122. [Boyle] to [Hartlib], 14 Sept. 1655

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

followed by made my Jo deleted. altered in composition. followed by lea deleted. followed by so deleted. replacing be deleted. followed by of deleted. altered from be. followed by so... [?] deleted. altered from say. followed by pessuaded deleted. replacing as little deleted. altered from gives. altered from mentioning. Followed by a certaine Vir Consularis (as he calls him) deleted. followed by 1 par deleted. followed by tha deleted. followed by suffer’d deleted. Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 12 Oct. [1655]

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

altered from geaden. altered from proffesed. replacing co deleted. altered from me. altered from the. The date and the following sentence are written upside down at the head of fol. 31. written upside down on fol. 31v. written upside down in the lower right-hand quarter of fol. 31v. followed by Family Lrs. from 52 to 82 & many without Date, in Wotton’s hand, deleted. Clodius to Boyle, 3 Mar. 1656

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

followed by per deleted. Sic; read proelio. altered from deflegma. followed by a short illegible deletion, c. half an inch. followed by tibi deleted. followed by adm[?] deleted[?]. followed by a short illegible deletion.

485

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

8 9 10 11 12

196–215

illegible deletion, c. 1 inch. altered from Liminum. written in the left-hand margin. followed by a short illegible deletion. followed by funs deleted. Schlezer to Boyle, 14 Mar. 1656

1 2 3 4

albo preceded by n. Its meaning is unclear; perhaps a false start. letters supplied in square brackets where word obscured in MS. written in the left margin. letters supplied in square brackets here and in the following four lines because of damage to paper obscuring words in MS. Mary Rich to Boyle, [late 1656]

1 followed by w [?] deleted. Three words later, following littull, text continues at rightangles to head of page on fol. 185v. 2 letters supplied in square brackets because of damage to paper along top edge of sheet. Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 7 Jan. [1657?] 1 2 3 4 5

altered from with. altered from that. followed by to deleted. altered from hee[?]. altered from hee. Evelyn to Boyle, 9 May 1657

1 preceded by together in Letterbook. 2 followed by a small illegible deletion: an[?]. Letterbook lacks this entire bracketed phrase. 3 Letterbook lacks also and here has suffer deleted. Eleven words later it has so before debase. 4 Letterbook lacks the bracketed phrase; nine words later it has deserved for desired. 5 Letterbook has onely. 6 followed by whatsoever I deleted. Letterbook here has I possesse, who am. 7 This postscript is written sideways down the left-hand margin of fol. 52. It is lacking in the Letterbook version. Boyle to Evelyn, 23 May, 1657 1 followed by En deleted at end of line. 2 altered from finding. 3 written at right angles to the subscription, in the margin.

486

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

216–19

Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 3 June [1657] 1 altered from things. Oldenburg to Boyle, 24 June/4 July 1657 1 followed by ocation deleted. Next word affaires followed by et deleted. Four words later, je trouvois replacing il m’estoit possible deleted. Followed by de acheter une demy heure de temps, where de acheter replaced by de trouver also deleted. 2 followed by ‹loisir› deleted. 3 replacing mie deleted. 4 altered from trouvons. Four words later pendant altered from pendantq. Next word followed by nous deleted. 5 followed by dela deleted. 6 followed by privé deleted. 7 altered from d’en. Next word, Jouir followed by plus frequemment deleted, replacing dornavant deleted. 8 altered from permeteront. 9 followed by plustôt deleted. 10 followed by vos deleted. 11 replacing assoirement[?] deleted. Two words later, l’ altered from la. Four words later, ay followed by de deleted. 12 replacing vostre santé et deleted. Next word followed by et pour ta ‹quelque› conoissance de ce que vous faites deleted. Four words later, et followed by tr ‹de vos› genereux deleted. 13 replacing ‹faire la requeste de vouloir›, replacing au de la de a [?] importunite de quel debaucher a deleted. 14 followed by na meille deleted. 15 followed by Quoyque c’en soit deleted. 16 followed by au deleted. Next word, à followed by Angleter deleted. 17 replacing il faut confiser deleted. 18 duplicated by ‹la glo› deleted. Two words later, l’eslargissement followed by de son Nom et deleted. Two words later, sa followed by verité deleted. 19 duplicated by ‹sous› deleted. 20 altered from connoissance. Seven words later bon followed by et deleted. Four words after this et followed by Et si delicieux deleted. 21 replacing et se deleted. Next word followed by le[?] prevaloir deleted. Four words later, ‹à› replacing à nous en deleted. Countess of Cork to Boyle, 26 June [c. 1657] 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

written to edge of leaf. followed by lay deleted. altered from of. altered in composition. After & the text continues down the left-hand margin. altered in composition. altered from probably. altered from is deleted.

487

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

9 10 11 12 11

219–28

altered from which. Four words later, ‹it› replacing by example[?] deleted. altered from fro. followed by heer att deleted. written down the left-hand margin. written on fol. 49v. Clodius to Boyle, 7 July 1657

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

followed by illegible deletion. ua deleted. altered in composition. altered from terras. followed by du deleted. Six words later dabo followed by Pegi[?] deleted. word written in margin and keyed in place by a cross. altered from propinet. The following word, sanatque altered from sanetque. altered from meos[?]. followed by absque deleted. followed by pre deleted. Next word inter followed by reliquos quoque deleted. followed by creb[?] deleted. Two words later Nitro altered in composition. altered from essentio. followed by reve deleted. followed by atque deleted. altered in composition. followed by cæterr[?] deleted. The text from non insulse to this point in written in the left-hand margin. The paper is torn here, affecting a line of text; letters in square brackets are conjectural, based on context. followed by nihil mali deleted. altered from convenit, the next word alia also altered in composition. Six words after this translata altered from translate. altered from que. Next word cuncta altered from cancto[?]. altered in composition. These two lines are written in a different hand to the first three lines of the address. Oldenburg to Boyle, 30 Aug./8 Sept. 1657

followed by of yours deleted in MS 1 draft. followed by ‹yet more› in MS 1 draft. replacing of deleted. altered from desira. MS 1 draft has abroad. Five words later, will followed by I doubt in MS 1 draft. with patience lacking in MS 1 draft. followed by occasion to in MS 1 draft. MS 1 draft lacks ad ann. 1548. Four words later MS 1 draft lacks then; besieging followed by Ao 1548 in MS 1 draft. 9 MS 1 draft has Hadria. 10 followed by with all the force he had in MS 1 draft. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

488

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

228–40

11 MS 1 draft has the Scottish for his Generall. Seven words after this, following bit, MS 1 draft has by the ‹enraged› teeth of the Englishman in shoulder, he going half naked, from which wound he failed as the author saith, very little of having been killed. It instead of in his shoulder … that wound. The story. 12 to greater rage lacking in MS 1 draft. 13 followed by but deleted. 14 (humanitus loquendo) lacking in MS 1 draft. 15 followed by whence the same person added that the said Pope was thought to have kept his Popedome, so long as he did, deleted in MS 1 draft. 16 followed by that so you may prove a Johænnes de Temporibusque in MS 1 draft. 17 dated in MS 1 draft subscription D. 7 Sept. 1657 Saumurio. Nicholls to Boyle, 12 Sept. 1657 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

altered from his[?]. followed by or heyres males deleted. followed by s deleted. followed by other deleted. altered by whereb[?]. altered from Boothe. followed by J[?] deleted. followed by and the assignement thereof be deleted. followed by ink blot. written on fol. 86. Six words later, after Esqr, the ink changes from brown to black. followed by be deleted. written in another hand. Oldenburg to Boyle, 12/22 Sept. 1657

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

followed by with deleted. followed by with deleted. MS 1 draft has I got it at last by that for yet he did it at last for that. MS 1 draft has which breaketh through all for perrumpit omnia. MS 1 draft has And ‹not knowing whether› you have it already where ‹not knowing whether› replaces such, as this deleted, for And thinking, you have not this way. altered from inclosed. ‹among others› lacking in MS 1 draft. replacing an unseen deleted. Three words later succours followed by unseen and deleted. unsuspected by the besiegers lacking in MS 1 draft. followed by the besi deleted. followed by passing through them in MS 1 draft. MS 1 draft has learning. lacking in MS 1 draft. followed by f deleted. MS 1 draft has for the end aforesaid. The draft ends at this point. followed by be deleted. replacing doe deleted. followed by leg deleted.

489

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

240–62

19 followed by avec deleted. 20 followed by l’ancre deleted. 21 followed by lignes deleted. Hartlib to Boyle, 2 Feb. 1658 1 The significance of the square brackets, which appear in Birch’s text, is unclear. 2 It would appear that the word with is missing from Birch here. Oldenburg to Boyle, 19/29 Mar. 1658 1 From We are to condition at that time supplied from MS 1 draft where OB 4 mutilated. OB text begins on 4 (1)v. 2 altered from hearing. 3 followed by of deleted; letter followed by from deleted. 4 followed by must in MS 1 draft. 5 MS 1 draft has henceforth ‹by Mr Hartlib› for Geneva for only, as formerly, to Mr Hartlib. MS 1 draft then lacks who hath … to Geneva. 6 replacing am deleted. 7 MS 1 draft has where we are like to take up our quarters for this Summer and to assist the Imperial Coronation for which will be … of other considerable transations. 8 followed by his ocular demonstration of the Seas’ ‹flux and reflux› by an elliptique glasse ring, filled ‹part› with Mercury in MS 1 draft. 9 MS 1 draft has production. 10 followed by yet deleted. Four words later, to followed by enquire deleted. 11 MS 1 draft has get the certainty of by an ocular inspection for have the satisfaction to be ‹punctually› informed about. 12 MS 1 draft has meantime. 13 MS 1 draft has pray. 14 lacking in MS 1 draft. 15 This sentence follows the draft in MS 1 (on fol. 34), but it is not clear it pertains to this letter. 16 replacing and, if deleted. Followed by f deleted. Five words later had altered from hade. 17 followed by it then deleted. Jones to Boyle, 20/30 Mar. 1658 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

written upside down. final -s deleted. altered in composition. Five words later, reelle followed by qui deleted. altered from qui. altered from recomdable by insertion of men. altered from vyrayment by deletion of vy and insertion of v. followed by b deleted. written down the left margin. Boyle to Mallet, 17 Apr. 1658

1 text written at right-angles from this point onwards.

490

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

262–300

2 MS damaged. 3 This postscript is written upside down above the beginning of the letter. Hartlib to Boyle, 27 Apr. 1658 1 square brackets in Birch. Hartlib to Boyle, 13 May 1658 1 square brackets in Birch. Digby to Boyle, 22 May 1658 1 altered from padagra. Digby to Boyle, 19 June 1658 1 altered in composition. 2 altered from merè. Southwell to Boyle, 16 July 1658 1 written on fol. 115v. 2 altered in composition. Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 Sept. 1658 1 2 3 4

replacing Aug. deleted. followed by it deleted. altered from ourselfes. followed by oe[?] deleted. Hartlib to Boyle, 14 Sept. 1658

1 sic. For expecting read excepting. Clodius to Boyle, [c. 1658] 1 followed by A deleted. 2 altered from [?]. Three words later, the ending of the verb is conjectural due to the paper being torn away. 3 obscured by seal wax. 4 altered from aceto. 5 written in the left margin, replacing illegible deletion. 6 written in the left-hand margin. Boyle to Hartlib, end of 1658 1 The version in HP 14/5/10 here has ei. 2 The version in HP 14/5/10 here has sed. 3 altered in composition.

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4 The version in HP 14/5/10 has the following marginal addition at this point: extra dubium quod enim præstare possunt membranulæ eius interiores (nisi ad stomacharum onerandum) nemo Mortalium noverit, ‘without doubt, no mortal has recognised what things their interior husks are able to perform (without burdening their stomachs)’. At the end it also has the following note in English: The oil of sweet almonds is often usd with good success (& so may the bitter too) to lubricate the urinary passages that the stone may more easily be discharged. On the other hand, this version lacks the endorsements that appear in HP 65/ 12/1A–2B. [Worsley?] to [Boyle], [late 1658–early 1659] 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

altered in composition. altered in composition. altered from motions. This insertion appears in the left and lower margin. altered from directions. replacing of deleted. followed by from deleted. repeated and the second deleted. The insertion appears in the left margin. altered from cou/for. altered from order. altered from mentioned. altered from unto. followed by say deleted. inserted in Hartlib’s hand. repeated and the second deleted. actually written Method is; six words later, atroCHymicorum altered in composition. replacing case deleted. Ten words later, disagreable altered from disableable. followed by or Judicious; so none of them doe thincke deleted. altered from Hysforyes. altered from Rhewbarb. altered from tor. altered in composition. altered from rootes. replacing of deleted. altered from greatest. altered from better. Six words later, stomacke altered in composition. altered from mention. Originally, a stroke was drawn across the line after dseperate to denote the end of the paragraph, but then the further sentence was added. altered in composition. altered from that. repeated and the second deleted. altered from learneth. altered in composition. altered from which.

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36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

313–23

MS damaged. followed by that deleted. replacing great deleted. followed by or deleted. followed by offereth deleted. Eleven words later, his is followed by owne deleted. MS damaged, as is also the case with a two lines later. followed by w deleted. Five words later, higher is effected by damage to MS. inserted in a different hand on a line marked in the text, with a matching line in the margin. The word is perhaps intended for ‘precursor’; the transcriber evidently had difficulty reading the original at this point. followed by & deleted. followed by honest [?] deleted. inserted in left margin. Six words later, Deorganization duplicates an earlier attempt at the same word, altered in composition. replacing Psykykcall deleted. followed by fall deleted. followed by first deleted. altered from incomprehensable. replacing craine [?] deleted. followed by world deleted. followed by it deleted. followed by our deleted. altered in composition. followed by to hinder another deleted. followed by now deleted. altered from dessolving. followed by also deleted. Thirteen words later, decree altered in composition. altered from nere. altered in composition. here and in the next line MS damaged. altered from Varties. Three words later, discepancies altered from descrepancies. altered from nor. written at end of text, but keyed to this point in it. Boyle to 2nd Earl of Cork, 29 Jan. 1659

1 to Dublin and 8d added in another hand. Boyle to Hartlib, Jan. 1659 1 The whole of the passage from against to Drinck is underlined, possibly as part of the original version of the letter. 2 P altered from B. 3 At this point the text continues up the right-hand margin. Boyle to/from Hartlib, 5, 12 Feb. 1659 1 apparently altered from Ox.

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2 followed by S smudged. 3 MS damaged; this has also led to the loss of the word supplied hypothetically seven words later. Boyle to 2nd Earl of Cork, 26 Mar. 1659 1 2 3 4 5

altered from has. From here to & now the text is written in the margin of the same page. Here about three words are illegible due to moisture damage. written in the margin of the first page. to Dublin 6d written in another hand. Oldenburg to Boyle, 11/21 Apr. 1659

1 replacing good deleted. 2 followed by y[?] deleted. Five words later, your followed by ‹last› deleted. The next word, favor followed by one deleted. 3 followed by the pr deleted. 4 replacing my deleted. 5 followed by and hearty deleted. Two words later, for followed by your deleted, and the next word your followed by what you have been pleased to impart on to me deleted. 6 replacing goe deleted, replacing spread deleted. 7 replacing he put to it and deleted. Eight words later, your followed by ‹can and do› pursue deleted. 8 followed by afflicts deleted. 9 followed by yo[?] deleted. The next word, I followed by presume deleted. 10 followed by your such as hea deleted. Eight words later, your followed by As deleted. Three words later, particulars followed by ‹contained in your letter› deleted. 11 replacing of deleted. Next word, I followed by can tell shall let deleted, and the next word followed by tell you deleted. 12 followed by bu deleted. 13 followed by A person, that seems knowing deleted. The next word followed by have deleted. 14 altered from deriving deleted. Five words later, ‹any› replacing Ch. the deleted. 15 replacing too deleted. Three words later followed by and deleted. 16 altered from remain. Two words later in followed by in the work of deleted. Six words after this dark followed by by from deleted. 17 followed by a diligent reading and [?] weighing good books deleted. 18 followed by My deleted. 19 followed by at deleted. 20 followed by perce deleted. Three words later, him followed by and others that knew him deleted. Three words later, kind replacing preparation deleted. 21 replacing h say, it may be reduced into deleted. Four words later such followed by because it deleted. 22 replacing such, as desire him deleted. Seven words later ‹he› replacing either deleted. Followed by w s deleted. 23 replacing or deleted. 24 followed by our[?] deleted. Three words later followed by grow deleted.

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25 altered from whom. Followed by I wish to deleted. Four words later, like replacing similis deleted. 26 replacing idem, qui scribet deleted. Two words later he followed by will deleted. The next word is followed by I beleeve deleted. 27 replacing Rouen deleted. Eight words later, Roüen replacing Caen deleted. 28 followed by an deleted. Six words later, ‹and› replacing and de belles cures, qu’il which he hath done here and elsewhere, affirming deleted. 29 replacing have deleted. Six words later, I followed by find him deleted. 30 replacing can deleted. 31 followed by he h[?] deleted. 32 altered from thinking. Eight words later, Fabry followed by his deleted. 33 followed by of deleted. Four words later the middle letters of containing deleted to leave coning. 34 followed by The ten books are de Impetu, motu locali dore[?] deorsum, motu violente sursum, motu in plani one of many deleted. 35 followed by finding deleted. 36 followed by videl spatia deleted. Three words later, quid replaces that deleted. 37 replacing habeant among quis[?] deleted. 38 replacing demetinor [?] deleted. 39 followed by ut si deleted. 40 replacing but deleted. 41 followed by be deleted. and taxed accordingly replacing which e[?] deleted. 42 followed by h deleted. Four words later, to followed by com deleted, replacing come deleted. 43 altered from report. 44 followed by company deleted. 45 followed by G and Mr Mallet are deleted. Four words later, famous followed by theformer th deleted. 46 replacing am afraid to deleted. Followed by ‹Sir› deleted. 47 followed by because deleted. Nine words later, Hyperboles followed by f deleted. 48 following Au deleted. Evelyn to Boyle, 13 Apr. 1659 1 2 3 4

followed by than deleted. altered in composition, perhaps from hereof. altered from ln. This postscript is written sideways, in the left-hand margin of fol. 54. Oldenburg to [Boyle?], 28 Apr./7 May 1659

1 altered from congaler. 2 altered from parcée. Hartlib to Boyle, week ending 30 Apr. 1659 1 possibly mistranscribed.

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Oldenburg to Boyle, 7/17 May 1659 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

replacing you deleted. altered from My. followed by which deleted. followed by and deleted. followed by being deleted. followed by to deleted. followed by oleum deleted. altered from IV. Boyle to 2nd Earl of Cork, 19 June 1659

1 The date in the subscription is not easily legible as there is a hole at a fold. The second digit could conceivably be 4. For Cork’s endorsement see above, p. 360. 2 From this word onwards the text continues at right-angles to the previous text. 3 altered from Your. 4 written upside down adjacent to My dearest Brother. 5 altered from I. Four words later, You is altered from Your. Oldenburg to Boyle, 23 July/2 Aug. 1659 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

followed by you have left deleted. Seven words later the followed by sw deleted. followed by for deleted. Four words later, states followed by with wond deleted. followed by cont[?] deleted. Four words later, and followed by strang deleted. This short paragraph was apparently a false start, and is thoroughly deleted by Oldenburg. followed by latel deleted. Twelve words later so followed by to the end. I is then followed by cannot omit to addres deleted. followed by my deleted. Five words later ‹since› replaces agoe deleted. Three words later, have followed by by perchance deleted. replacing made of him deleted. Eleven words later the followed by strange deleted. followed by and to deleted. duplicated by ‹to mak›[?] deleted. followed by sober and discreet deleted. Five words later, engaged replaced by ‹invited› deleted, but engaged marked for reinstatement. followed by and withall deleted. Two words later, enterlaced altered from enterlacing. Followed by severall deleted. Three words later, upon followed by th deleted. replacing written to scripta deleted. deleted in error. seu[?] in error. Four words later, The followed by 2d deleted. followed by to be deleted. followed by quid uti Ars imitatur[?] naturam, ita n deleted. followed by philosofer deleted. followed by in deleted. Two words later, in followed by aqua deleted. followed by et deleted. followed by y deleted. followed by qui deleted. Six words later be followed by a deleted.

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362–6

22 followed by to get a tr deleted. Two words later, get followed by a deleted. 23 replacing communicate it whole unto you deleted. Seven words later please followed by Which is all I have to assure you of ‹at present› but a save that I am deleted. 24 followed by hr[?] deleted. 25 followed by learne deleted. 26 followed by and deleted. 27 followed by Wherefore I shall make it study to approve myselfe deleted written in left margin at right-angles to main text, as is the text from this point onwards. Eight words later, be followed by in effect rather deleted. Evelyn to Boyle, 9 Aug. 1659 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

followed by still in Letterbook. lacking in Letterbook. Letterbook has understand. Letterbook has breath. followed by cannot but in Letterbook. Letterbook has have. Three words later, Letterbook lacks a step:. Four words after this Letterbook has regret for grief. Two words later, it has many replacing greate deleted. lacking in Letterbook. lacking in Letterbook. Letterbook has temeritie. Letterbook has cause. Eleven words later it has private for short. replaced in Letterbook by joyn’d with following and deleted. Letterbook has a few particulars. Letterbook has was. Five words later, after I Letterbook has here transmitt you instead of I have … communicate to you. Letterbook here has most. After supplicate it lacks the rest of this sentence. From here to the end of the letter Letterbook reads: for I desire nothing more than to preserve the reputation and dignitie of science, and by emulating your perfections, to approve my self Sir, your &c. Says-Court 8 Aug: 59. It also lacks the postscript. Pope to Boyle, 31 Aug./10 Sept. 1659

1 2 3 4 5

altered from longe. sic. Mech written at the end of one line, while the next line begins chaninicks. altered from weiys. altered from knowlege. written on fol. 145v. Evelyn to Boyle, 3 Sept. 1659

Letterbook adds & perfective of felicity. followed in Letterbook by a one inserted. Letterbook has do protest. Letterbook has my little fortune (be it what it will) here, with little replacing small deleted. 5 Letterbook omits this phrase and has altogether for now. 1 2 3 4

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6 Letterbook has encounter. In the next line, it adds and agreeable after blessed. 7 altered from probabilb[?]. Two lines later, it has declare for you for give you an accoumpt of, and made for deduc’t. At the start of the next line, it has I suppose for I propose. 8 Letterbook omits this entire phrase, and also the reference to larders and cellars later in the sentence. 9 Letterbook has destining for for we suppose, and, seven words later, halfe within ground for to be … ground. 10 altered to honorably in Letterbook, which lacks very. 11 replacing noble deleted. 12 Letterbook has Societie. In the next line, it has or for fore. 13 Letterbook has thinke fit for please. In the next line it has smale after pretty. 14 altered from we. 15 Letterbook lacks roome, a. 16 Letterbook has Olitary Garden. 17 Letterbook has What all this amount to, take thus. Six words later, it has Cells for Apartement. 18 Letterbook has the. After appurtenances it has of this colledge. 19 obscured by the binding, as is the case with the subsequent punctuation marks. In the next line Letterbook has ayde for advantage. 20 Letterbook adds here an Artist that can be usefull in the Elaboratory, and turne his hand to any ingenious worke. It also has servant for man. In addition, the wages given there are £35 as against £15, and £20 is taken off the sum laid up in the treasury to compensate. 21 Letterbook has a Coach or Charriot. Two lines later, 9 is there altered to 10. 22 Letterbook omits this rather pessimistic proviso. It also has slight differences in the next sentence, stipulating But if any, who hath no relation to the Society, a single man, and qualified, shall be admitted to an empty apartement, paying for their proportion, and their aboude be considerable, it will yet much deminish the expense, and of such there will neede no institution. 23 Letterbook has fit. At the end of this sentence it adds and according to the compact which shall be made in this particular. 24 Letterbook has if faire. Thirteen words later, it has indisposition for sicknesse. 25 followed by a deleted. 26 Letterbook has Oxford here. 27 altered in composition. 28 Letterbook here adds: If the modell be smale, it appeares the more practicable, and you know what comes e parvis principiis, rightly conducted, it will be facile to enlarge. It opens the next paragraph But. 29 Letterbook has interests. 30 altered from exlulte[?]. 31 Obscured by mount. The date has here been supplied from the Letterbook, where the postscript is differently worded, as follows: If you stay in London, and that I have the honour to kisse your hand, before you returne to Oxford, I will bring you the plot of this fabrique and designe, as I have heretofore scrabbled it out in Perspective, and the Ichnography, the better to fix the Idëa.

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Barlow to Boyle, 13 Sept. 1659 1 This postscript is written down the left-hand margin of fol. 29. Evelyn to Boyle, 29 Sept. 1659 1 Letterbook here has, superimposed on I deleted: … it is but the tribute which I owe you for the Present you lately made me of your imcomparable Booke, with a marginal note: his book of seraphic Love. 2 Letterbook here has here. 3 Letterbook has and for But certainly it was. 4 who was the son of David lacking in Letterbook. 5 altered to 1600 in Letterbook. 6 lacking in Letterbook. 7 followed by to us in Letterbook. Two lines later, Letterbook has realler for nobler. 8 this phrase lacking in Letterbook. 9 gratâ … adstrictus lacking in Letterbook. 10 Letterbook has Type. 11 Letterbook has seraphic. 12 Letterbook has be for account ourselves. 13 followed by ‹religiously &c› in Letterbook. 14 lacking in Letterbook. 15 Letterbook has a a subscription Says Court: 1 Octob 1659. Boyle to Hartlib, 3 Nov. 1659 1 expansion given in printed text. Oldenburg to Boyle, 10/20 Nov. 1659 1 followed by De deleted. 2 followed by des deleted. Hartlib to Boyle, 15 Nov. 1659 1 Boylius was probably added by Birch or by Hartlib to explain the unusual Latinised form of Boyle’s name. 2 reading tam for tum (as would be more natural; if tum perhaps ‘to be silent for a long time on that occasion’). Evelyn to Boyle, 1 Dec. 1659 1 2 3 4 5 6

followed by at all deleted. altered from avery[?]. replacing which deleted; within the insertion, And altered in composition. replacing Though deleted. replacing brought deleted. followed by now deleted.

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396–410

Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 3 Dec. [1659] 1 editorial insertion by Birch. Sharrock to Boyle, 26 Jan. 1660 followed by in that letter deleted. followed by H deleted. followed by eyther deleted. from here the text is written at right-angles to the main text, in the left margin and continues onto fol. 81v. The bottom left of the page has been stuck over with adhesive tape and is difficult to read. 5 words supplied in square brackets here and in following two lines, where tape obscures text. 6 written on fol. 81. 7 words supplied in square brackets where tape obscures text. 1 2 3 4

Barlow to Boyle, 30 Jan. 1660 1 The subsequent part of this letter is written down the left-hand margin of fol. 27. 2 written on fol. 28. Oldenburg to Boyle, 10/20 Mar. 1660 1 replacing of deleted. 2 followed by we deleted. Jones to Boyle, 10/20 Mar. 1660 1 altered from au. 2 followed by vo deleted. Evelyn to Boyle, 2 Apr. 1660 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

altered from Contrefait. replacing rough for the deleted. followed by peat yron[?]. The following word is altered from yron. followed by over [?] deleted. replacing When it has deleted. Three words later fire is followed by ta deleted. followed by quen deleted. Two words later the is followed by fire deleted. altered from olyly. replacing o[?] deleted. replacing poure [?] deleted. Nine words later hens is followed by heg deleted. replacing lea [?] deleted. followed by & the deleted. Sharrock to Boyle, 9 Apr. 1660

1 followed by of deleted. 2 altered in composition. 3 from here the text continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin.

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4 written in another hand. Sharrock to Boyle, 23 May 1660 1 parenthesis extends into left margin. 2 altered from H [?]. 3 written on fol. 90v. Chyliniski to Boyle, 1 June 1660 1 2 3 4 5

followed by nuper[?] deleted. followed by ej deleted. followed by & o[?] deleted. followed by le[?] deleted. followed by a small vertical ink mark, not forming a letter. Codrington to Boyle, 2 Oct. 1660

1 followed by because deleted and a small hole in the paper. Enclosed with Codrington to Boyle, 2 Oct. 1660 1 for discendet read descendet. Pococke to Boyle, 5 Oct. 1660 1 2 3 4

altered from midst. followed by a letter or mark [?] deleted. followed by of deleted. altered in composition. Viviani to Southwell, 6 Oct. 1660, enclosed with Southwell to Boyle, 10 Oct. 1660

1 written at bottom left corner of fol. 166. Baxter to Boyle, 20 Oct. 1660 1 written on fol. 32v. 2 followed by Mr deleted. Sharrock to Boyle, 8 Nov. 1660 1 2 3 4

altered from have. followed by or deleted. This paragraph is written at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. followed by short illegible deletion. Sharrock to Boyle, [24] Nov. 1660

1 followed by written deleted. 2 followed by mention deleted.

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3 followed by who deleted. 4 followed by bear deleted. 5 From this word the text continues at right-angles to the text in the left margin and onto fol. 101v. 6 followed by b [?] deleted. 7 followed by t deleted. The next word, till followed by l deleted. 8 written on fol. 101v. 9 heavily smudged. Sharrock to Boyle, 16 Dec. 1660 1 2 3 4 5 6

altered from intelligle. verte [‘turn over’] written at the bottom of fol. 92. replacing att least deleted. followed by s deleted. altered from 15. written on fol. 93v. Sharrock to Boyle, 29 Dec. 1660

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

altered from to. Three words later, Send altered from Sent. altered from one. repeated in MS. followed by & soe deleted. verte [‘turn over’] written at foot of page. followed by ( deleted. followed by a steam deleted. altered from translations. replacing up deleted. altered from they [?]. word smudged. followed by a small illegible deletion, c. ½ inch. followed by wit [?] deleted. altered from deliverded. This paragraph is written at right-angles to the main text in the left margin of fol. 94. followed by advancement deleted. written on fol. 95v. Pococke to [Boyle], 3 Jan. 1661

1 2 3 4

followed by esp deleted. altered from scriptures. altered from this. -ations replaces -ements deleted. Sharrock to Boyle, 16 Feb. 1661

1 followed by see deleted. 2 followed by with the deleted.

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3 written in the left margin. 4 written in a different hand to that of the address, just below address. Sharrock to Boyle, 21 Feb. 1661 followed by sipho was deleted. Seven words later, was followed by Sipho deleted. altered from it. written in the left margin. altered from Send. from this word onwards the text continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin and continues onto fol. 84v. 6 altered from hence. Seven words later, the altered from these. 7 written on fol. 84.

1 2 3 4 5

Sharrock to Boyle, Feb. or Mar. 1661 1 2 3 4 5

replacing Water deleted. Five words later ‹out› replacing of deleted. followed by with with deleted. altered from may. The following word altered from due. altered from from. written on fol. 87v. Pococke to Boyle, 13 Mar. 1661

1 followed by of deleted. 2 letters supplied in square brackets here and seven words later where loss caused by tear in paper. 3 followed by I [?] deleted. 4 written in the left-hand margin, insertion point marked by a cross in the text. 5 letters supplied in square brackets here and twelve words later because of deterioration of paper surface. 6 followed by with deleted. Seven words later ‹acceptance› replaces perusal deleted. 7 This postscript is written down the left margin. 8 word supplied in square brackets where loss caused by hole in the paper. Povey to Boyle, 8 May 1661 1 followed by which deleted. 2 altered from an. Du Moulin to Boyle, 4/14 July 1661 1 followed by qu deleted. 2 letters supplied in square brackets where paper edge is torn. [Southwell] to [Boyle], [before Sept. 1661] 1 altered from in. 2 replacing of deleted. 3 altered from unmanegable.

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4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

letter supplied in square brackets where paper damaged. followed by be deleted. written in the left margin. written in the left margin. altered from and. followed by p deleted. written in the left margin. repeated in MS. Five words later, glasses altered from glassed. written in the left margin. s altered to s. altered from there. This word is written in the bottom left-hand corner of the page, possibly intended as a catchword. The remainder of the letter is missing. 16 written in the top right corner. Evelyn to Boyle, 13 Sept. 1661 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Letterbook here adds Jappon. Letterbook has a period or two for some things, and a while for of it. altered from impatiency. altered from indifference. Letterbok has come to be publique for is to be had. Letterbook lacks to me. The postscript is written down the left-hand margin, and is lacking in Letterbook. Moray to Boyle, 11 Oct. 1661

1 altered in composition. 2 replacing of deleted. 3 written on 18 (2)v. [Boyle] to Povey, 14 Oct. 1661 1 followed by Povey deleted. 2 followed by you deleted. 3 altered from to. Oldenburg to Boyle, [c. Oct. 1661] 1 2 3 4 5 6

replacing of deleted. followed by being deleted. altered from his. replacing it deleted. This line is written in a different hand to the remainder of the address. altered from LXXVIII. Enclosed with Oldenburg to Boyle, c. Oct. 1661

1 followed by ea o deleted.

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Sharrock to Boyle, 13 Dec. 1661 altered from 12. followed by revieiw [?] deleted. Three words later Your altered from You[?]. altered from chirurgeon. followed by wh deleted. From this word onward the text continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. 6 altered from amicos.

1 2 3 4 5

Boyle to Winthrop, 19 Dec. 1661 1 altered from indeavour’d. 2 From this word onwards the text continues down the left-hand margin. 3 The postscript is written upside down at the top of the page, above the beginning of the letter. Boyle to Winthrop, 28 Dec. 1661 1 The postscript is written down the left-hand margin. Digby to Boyle, [c. 1661] 1 short illegible deletion.

505

Biographical Guide The following are mentioned frequently in the text of this volume. Whereas those mentioned only occasionally are dealt with in footnotes, with cross-references back to the place where they are initially identified, it seemed preferable to introduce these more fully here. Beale, John (1608–83). Beale, who came from a Herefordshire family, was educated at Eton and King’s College, Cambridge, where he trained for the ministry, becoming a Fellow of King’s in the 1630s. Subsequently, he held various cures in Somerset and Herefordshire, notably, from 1660 till his death, that of Yeovil. In the years prior to the Civil War Beale had links with figures like Sir Henry Wotton (see above, p. 3). In the 1650s, he emerged as an enthusiast for agricultural improvement, and his tract, Herefordshire Orchards, A Pattern for All England, was published in 1657. At this point, he began to correspond with Samuel Hartlib (see below), and his epistolary contacts subsequently extended to include Henry Oldenburg (see below), John Evelyn (see above, p. 212) and Boyle. These contacts meant that, although a somewhat isolated figure in his rural setting, Beale played a significant role both in the circle associated with Hartlib in the 1650s and, after 1660, in the Royal Society. He continued to advocate improvements in a wide range of fields until his death. The fullest study of Beale is provided by Mayling Stubbs, ‘John Beale, Philosophical Gardener of Herefordshire, Part I. Prelude to the Royal Society (1608–63)’, Annals of Science, 39 (1982), 463–89, and ‘John Beale, Philosophical Gardener of Herefordshire, Part II. The Improvement of Agriculture and Trade in the Royal Society (1663–83)’, Annals of Science, 46 (1989), 323–63. Studies of him also appear in Michael Leslie and Timothy Raylor (eds), Culture and Cultivation in Early Modern England (Leicester, 1992). Broghill, Roger Boyle (1621–79), Baron, created Earl of Orrery in 1660. Fifth son of the 1st Earl of Cork by his second marriage, he was born at Lismore on 25 April 1621. He was knighted and created Baron of Broghill in 1628, and in 1630 was admitted to Trinity College, Dublin. Later in the 1630s, he and his brother Lewis travelled on the continent with Isaac Marcombes. In 1641 he married Margaret Howard (1623–89), daughter of the 2nd Earl of Suffolk. He saw active service during the Civil War, playing an important role in Irish affairs thereafter. His literary career also began at this stage with his romance, Parthenissa, of which the first volume appeared in 1651. Subsequently, he was prominent in the political affairs of the Protectorate, becoming President of the Council in Scotland in 1655 and being the prime mover in the offer of the crown to Cromwell in 1657. He played an important role in the transition of Ireland to monarchic rule in 1660, when he was created Earl of Orrery, and he continued to play an important political role until his impeachment

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in 1669. After the Restoration, he established himself as one of the leading dramatists of the day. A definitive account of Broghill’s early career is now provided by Patrick Little’s London Ph.D. thesis, ‘The Political Career of Roger Boyle, Lord Broghill, 1636–60’ (2000). On his literary career, see K. M. Lynch, Roger Boyle, First Earl of Orrery (Knoxville, 1965). Burlington, Richard Boyle (1612–98), 2nd Earl of Cork and 1st Earl of. He was born at Youghall in 1612, the second and eldest surviving son of the 1st Earl of Cork by his second marriage. He travelled abroad from 1632–4 and on his return married Elizabeth, Baroness Clifford (1613–91). In 1641 he became Governor of Youghall and he played a prominent role in the Civil War. At this point he was styled Viscount Dungarvan, but he succeeded his father as Earl of Cork in 1643, in which year he also succeeded to the estates of the Clifford family on the death of his wife’s father, the 5th Earl of Cumberland. Having been a staunch royalist in the 1640s, he collaborated with the Cromwellian regime in the 1650s. At the Restoration he was highly favoured, holding the office of Lord Treasurer from 1660 to 1695, and being created Earl of Burlington in 1664. As one of the wealthiest landowners of the day, he played a central role in Anglo-Irish landed society. He was Boyle’s executor and inherited his estate by virtue of the provisions of the will of the Earl of Cork, despite the slight distance between the two noted by contemporaries (see RBHF, p. xli). The fullest available account is T. C. Barnard, ‘Land and the Limits of Loyalty: the Second Earl of Cork and First Earl of Burlington’, in T. C. Barnard and Jane Clark (eds), Lord Burlington: Architecture, Art and Life (London, 1995), pp. 167–99. Clodius, Frederick. Clodius was of German extraction; his exact date of birth is unknown (as is his date of death). His early career seems to have been spent as a kind of roving art dealer, and one of Boyle’s few published references to him illustrates that role (Works, vol. 3, p. 341). Subsequently, in c. 1653, he travelled to England and was closely associated with Samuel Hartlib (see below), whose son-in-law he became. He was one of the most active Helmontian chemists in England in the 1650s, when he became an associate of Sir Kenelm Digby (see above, p. 99n.), who financed his laboratory. Boyle was friendly with Clodius at this time, and they exchanged various letters on their mutual interests. Subsequently, relations between them seem to have deteriorated, possibly for similar reasons to those underlying Clodius’s estrangement from Henry More. The last that is heard of Clodius is a letter from him to Boyle dated 12 March 1670 (now lost) in which he ‘Represents his low Circumstances; intendes to dedicate his Works to Mr B. of whose Resentment against him he complains’ (see vol. 4). There is no full-length modern study of Clodius. Some critical references appear in The Conway Letters, ed. M. H. Nicolson, revised by Sarah Hutton (Oxford, 1998), esp. pp. 94–7, 102–6. On his career as a chemist see Charles Webster The Great Instauration (London, 1995), p. 302ff., and the forthcoming study by W. R. Newman and L. M. Principe of Boyle’s relations with George Starkey, Tried in the Fire (above, p. xvi). Cork, Richard Boyle (1566–1643), 1st Earl of. Boyle’s father, known as ‘The Great Earl of Cork’, was born in Canterbury in 1566. Seeking his fortune in Ireland, he became deputy escheator in 1590 and started to acquire huge estates. Knighted in 1603, made Baron in

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1610 and becoming Earl of Cork in 1620, he was Lord Justice of Ireland from 1629 to 1632 and remained a prominent figure in Irish and English affairs until his death. His first wife, Joan Apsley, whom he married in 1595, died in childbirth in 1598. In 1603 he married Catherine, daughter of the Irish secretary, Sir Geoffrey Fenton, and by her he had fifteen children, ten of whom survived his death. Cork was extremely ambitious for his offspring, taking great trouble over their upbringing and seeking prudent marriages for them. The success of various of his children in their different spheres is a tribute to his tenacity on their behalf. The Earl’s special solicitude for his youngest son, Robert, is illustrated by his extensive bequests to him, including the manor of Stalbridge. Cork’s autobiography, ‘True Remembrances’, was published in Birch’s ‘Life of Boyle’ (above, p. xiii), pp. 1–5. An arresting modern study of him is provided by Nicholas Canny’s The Upstart Earl: a Study of the Social and Mental World of Richard Boyle, First Earl of Cork, 1566–1643 (Cambridge, 1982). We have also made extensive use of Dorothea Townsend, The Life and Letters of the Great Earl of Cork (London, 1904). Hartlib, Samuel (c. 1600–62). Hartlib was born at Elbing in Prussia. He came to England in the 1630s, and soon came to the fore as part of a circle of thinkers who combined an appetite for religious and political reform with an enthusiasm for the advancement of learning. During the Long Parliament, along with his mentor, the Czech savant, J. A. Comenius (1592–1670), he became the chief architect of parliamentary policy on such matters, and he continued to play this role through the period of Puritan supremacy in the 1650s. Hartlib aspired to formal institutions for the organisation and dissemination of knowledge through his proposed ‘Office of Address’, but in fact his activity mainly took the form of profuse, informal efforts, as evidenced by his encouragement of a wide range of thinkers, including Boyle, through his correspondence with them. He also kept an extensive diary in the form of his Ephemerides, now preserved, along with his other papers, at the University of Sheffield. After the Restoration in 1660, Hartlib rapidly fell from grace. There has been a good deal of study of Hartlib in recent years. See especially H. R. Trevor-Roper, ‘Three Foreigners: the Philosophers of the Puritan Revolution’, in his Religion, the Reformation and Social Change (London, 1967; 2nd edn, 1972), pp. 237–93; Charles Webster, Samuel Hartlib and the Advancement of Learning (Cambridge, 1971) and The Great Instauration (London, 1975); and Mark Greengrass, Michael Leslie and Timothy Raylor (eds), Samuel Hartlib and Universal Reformation (Cambridge, 1994). Marcombes, Isaac. Marcombes was born in Mersenac in the Auvergne. In 1637 he married Madeleine Burlamacchi, widow of Antoine Drelincourt, and thus became nephew of the famous Protestant divine, Jean Diodati (1576–1649). This gave him contacts with various prominent figures in international Protestantism, and it was apparently thus that he was recommended to the 1st Earl of Cork as an appropriate governor for his sons, Roger and Lewis, when they went on a tour of the Continent (see above). Subsequently, he was appointed to a similar position in relation to Robert and Francis Boyle, not only taking them on their travels, but also tutoring them in Geneva, where Marcombes had for some time been domiciled, and where Robert spent over three years between 1640 and 1644. At that point, Marcombes gave significant financial assistance to Boyle, who clearly felt a con-

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siderable financial and emotional debt to him thereafter, which is reflected in what survives of their correspondence. See Margaret Rowbottom, ‘Some Huguenot Friends and Acquaintances of Robert Boyle (1627–91)’, Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, 20 (1960), 177–94, on pp. 178–82; R. E. W. Maddison, ‘Studies in the Life of Robert Boyle, Part VII: the Grand Tour’, NRRS, 20 (1965), 51–77, esp. pp. 53–4. Oldenburg, Henry (c. 1618–77). Oldenburg originally hailed from Bremen. He came to England in the 1650s, initially as an envoy of his native city. However, he seems to have decided at an early stage to make England his home, and he found employment as a tutor to the children of members of the aristocracy, including the Boyle family. It was evidently thus that he met Boyle, and their correspondence begins in the late 1650s. In 1660, Oldenburg was associated with the steps to form a new, national scientific institution, the Royal Society, and (with John Wilkins) he was appointed first secretary to the Society in 1662. Thereafter, Oldenburg came to the fore as the Society’s chief epistolary agent, and his correspondence forms one of the chief chronicles of the intellectual life of his day. His letters to Boyle are among the most profuse, and also the most intimate, of any that he exchanged. These predominantly date from the period before 1668, when Boyle moved to London. The key source for Oldenburg’s career is the edition of his Correspondence already referred to. A. R. and M. B. Hall, its editors, provided two ancillary biographical studies, ‘Some Hitherto Unknown Facts about the Private Career of Henry Oldenburg’ and ‘Further Notes on Henry Oldenburg’, NRRS, 18 (1963), 94–103 and 23 (1968), 33–42, while the same journal contains an important study of Oldenburg’s formative years by Iordan Avramov, ‘An Apprenticeship in Scientific Communication: the Early Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg (1656–63)’, NRRS, 53 (1999), 187–201. Ranelagh, Katherine Jones, Lady (1615–91), was born Katherine Boyle at Youghal on 22 March 1615, fifth daughter of the 1st Earl of Cork by his second marriage. In 1630, she married Arthur Jones, eldest son and heir to the 1st Viscount Ranelagh; her husband succeeded his father to the Viscountcy in 1643. In the 1640s, Katherine’s family connections brought her into contact with the parliamentary party, and not least with Samuel Hartlib and his circle, and it may well have been thus that Boyle first became associated with Hartlib. In the mid to late 1640s she lived in London, but in the 1650s, a time of financial crisis for her and her husband, she seems to have lived partly in Ireland. After 1660 she settled in London in a house in Pall Mall, where Robert came to live with her in 1668, continuing to share the house with her until her death in 1691. She was a remarkable woman in her own right, the closeness of whose relationship to Boyle is indicated by Burnet’s funeral sermon. There is currently no satisfactory modern account of Lady Ranelagh. For a brief account see Kathleen M. Lynch, ‘The Incomparable Lady Ranelagh’, in John Butt (ed.), Of Books and Humankind (London, 1964), pp. 25–35, and for further information, see Lynette Hunter and Sarah Hutton (eds), Women, Science and Medicine, 1500–1700 (Stroud, 1997), esp. pp. 178–89. For Burnet’s evaluation of her, see RBHF, pp. 52–3.

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Worsley, Benjamin (1618–77). Worsley was an associate of Samuel Hartlib, and it was clearly thus that he became known to Boyle. He was described at the time as a Doctor of Physic, though the source of his qualification is uncertain; he was appointed Surgeon General of the King’s Army in Ireland in 1641. In 1646 he petitioned Parliament for a patent for saltpetre, a project that clearly grew out of the concerns of the Hartlib circle. Subsequently, he obtained various offices in Ireland, namely Secretary to the Commissioners in 1651 and Surveyor General of Forfeited Estates in 1654. He was also involved in various natural philosophical enterprises, some overlapping with Boyle’s. After the Restoration, Worsley continued to play a part in government, becoming a member of the Council of Trade in 1668 and secretary and treasurer of the combined Council for Trade and Plantations in 1672. The fullest account of Worsley is to be found in Charles Webster, ‘Benjamin Worsley: Engineering for Universal Reform from the Invisible College to the Navigation Act’, and Antonio Clericuzio, ‘New Light on Benjamin Worsley’s Natural Philosophy’, in Greengrass et al., Samuel Hartlib (above, p. 509), pp. 213–35 and 236–46. See also W. R. Newman and L. M. Principe, Tried in the Fire (see above, p. xvi).

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Glossary On the rationale of this section, including comment on what words are included and why, and on the sources used, see vol. 1, p. xliv. acetum philosophorum: ‘vinegar of the philosophers’, a term applied to various real or putative corrosives capable of radically dissolving other substances acetum radicatum: ‘radical vinegar’, concentrated acetic acid; or more broadly in some contexts, a concentrated or highly corrosive liquor ad siccitatem: to the point of dryness aelopile: a pneumatic instrument illustrating the force with which steam generated in a sphere rushes out of a narrow aperture aes: copper album graecum: ‘greek white’, dried dog dung used in pharmaceuticals alcalisate: alkaline alcool: an essence, or spirit obtained by distillation, or a very fine powder alcool vini: alcohol of wine, pure or rectified spirit of wine alembic: an apparatus formerly used for distillation, consisting of a cucurbit or gourdshaped vessel, containing the substance to be distilled, surmounted by the head, or alembic proper, the beak of which conveyed the vaporous products to a receiver, in which they were condensed alexipharmic: having the properties of an antidote alkahest: Joan Baptista van Helmont’s universal solvent, which was supposed to reduce all substances first into their essential ingredients and then into water altey plumbi: acetate of lead or sugar of lead, a sweet tasting salt of lead alumen-plumosum: asbestos amausen: counterfeit gems amianthus: asbestos amma saturni: bandage made with lead, used for a rupture anatomia essata: preparation of medicaments made with parts of human body aniada: in Paracelsian philosophy, astral powers promoting longevity in men anodine sulphur of vitriol: a putative preparation from copper vitriol promised by van Helmont in De lithiasi (1644) which had curative and narcotic properties. anthos: rosemary antiloimoides: prophylactic against disease antimonium diaphoreticum: a sweat-inducing and laxative mixture of antimony oxide and potassium antimonate prepared by deflagrating antimony sulphide (the native ore) with saltpetre in a red-hot crucible

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antimonium rosatum: antimony trisulphide aporrhea: a morbid exhalation, emanation, or effluvium aqua carbunculi: ‘water of carbuncles’, perhaps a neutralized solution of the semiprecious stone in acid aqua cinamonii: water of cinnamon, an aromatic beverage prepared with cinnamon, acting as carminative and restorative aqua cochleariae spiritualis: water of snail-shells aqua fortis: literally ‘strong water’, a corrosive acid, usually nitric acid aqua limacum: water distilled from a mixture of herbs and snails; used as a pharmaceutical aqua mirabilis: literally ‘wondrous water’, a cordial distilled from a mixture of various spices and aromatics with alcohol aqua persicaria: water distilled from the herb persicaria (arsmart) aqua regia: a mixture of nitric and hydrochloric acid, so-called for its ability to dissolve the ‘noble’ metal, gold aqua reginae Hungariae: ‘water of the Queen of Hungary’, made by steeping rosemary flowers in alcohol, and distilling the mixture aqua roris solis: water of sundew aqua sulphurata: sulphureous water arcanum: secret; often used to refer the hidden preparation of a particularly precious secret substance arcanum corallinum: a Paracelsian medicine also mentioned by van Helmont; see J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, 4 vols (London, 1961–70), ii, 176 archeus: the vital, immaterial, principle which Paracelsus and his followers claimed ruled over all animal and vegetable life and natural processes aroph: one of the pharmaceutical arcana promised by Paracelsus and mentioned by van Helmont; its composition remains uncertain aspera arteria: the trachea assa foetida: a gum resin prepared with the roots of fetula assa. It was used to cure nervous distempers and as a sudorific athanor: a digesting furnace in which a steady heat was maintained continuously, often by means of a tower which provided a self-feeding supply of charcoal aura seminalis: seminal spirit, the vital principle contained in animal seed auripigmentum: ‘auripigment’, a bright yellow mineral, the trisulphide of arsenic, used as a pigment and in chemistry aurum fulminans: ‘fulminating gold’, an easily explosive powder made by precipitating gold from its solutions with an ammonia compound aurum rosatum: possibly potable gold, a controversial medicine, described as gold dissolved in aqua regia (q.v.) balm of Gilead: this balm, from the mecca balsam, a small evergreen tree, was proverbial, being cited in the Old Testamnet as a symbol of luxury. See vol. 6, p. 21 balneum Mariae: ‘bath of Mary’, hot-water bath, a vessel of water in which another vessel is heated; named after an alleged Jewish alchemist of the first century balsam: a name given to certain resinous and odorous substances, often procured by making an incision in the bark of plants. It was believed to have the power to preserve substances from putrefaction. Also used to refer to any thick, syrupy medicinal preparation used as a salve

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balsamic spirit of salt: see spirit of salt balsamus sulphuris terebinthinati: ‘balsam of therebinthated sulphur’, a balsam for chest afflictions made from sulphur and turpentine digested and distilled together basilicon/unguentum basilicum: an ointment containing olive oil, beeswax, colophony (q.v.), pitch and turpentine bezoardum minerale/bezoar minerale: an oxide of antimony used medicinally, generally made by digesting butter of antimony (q.v.) with aqua fortis (q.v.) bezoardic: having the properties of a bezoar, an antidote Bologna stone: phosphorescent barium sulphide boracite: a mineral composed predominantly of magnesium borate borage water: water distilled from the herb borage, used as a cordial Boreas: the north wind Bristol diamonds: transparent rock-crystals found in the limestone deposits near Bristol, resembling diamonds in their brilliancy butyrum antimonii: ‘butter of antimony’, white crystalline antimony trichloride, made by dissolving antimony trisulphide (the native form of the antimony ore) in hydrochloric acid and distilling it, or by distilling a mixture of the antimony ore with corrosive sublimate (mercuric chloride) cacochymick: unhealthy or depraved cadmia/cadmian earth: calamine (zinc oxide and carbonate) calcination: reduction by fire to a calx, powder or friable substance, by subjecting a substance to a roasting heat calx: a powder or friable substance produced by roasting calx murarica: lime cantharides: a genus of coleopterous insects of the family Trachelidae. The species used in pharmacy (Spanish fly) has golden-green elytra caper: a privateer caput mortuum: ‘dead head’, the substance remaining at the bottom of the retort after distillation carduus benedictus: ‘the blessed thistle’, a bitter and astringent Mediterranean plant used medicinally as a tonic and universal antidote Castile soap: a fine hard soap made with olive oil and soda, also called Spanish soap castor: preparation made from beavers cathartical: cathartic, purgative, promoting evacuation cephalic: situated in the head, pertaining to the head cerussa: white lead, i.e., a mixture of carbonate and hydrate of lead chalcanthum: blue vitriol (sulphate of copper) chalcanthum viride: green vitriol (sulphate of iron) chauldron: a measure of coal chinchona: peruvian bark, also the drug prepared from it, used to reduce fever chyle: the white milky fluid formed by the action of the pancreatic juice and the bile on the chyme clyssus: in Paracelsian chemistry, the reunion of chemical principles through long digestion; also used to describe the product of the detonation of nitre with any other substance cochineal: a dye-stuff consisting of the dried body of the insect Coccus cacti which is found on several species of cactus in Mexico

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cohobation: the repeated distillation of a material, done by pouring the distillate back onto the residue colcothar of vitriol: the brownish red iron or copper oxide which remains behind after green or blue vitriol have been strongly roasted. Often the residue left in the retort after the distillation of sulphuric acid from iron sulphate colophony: a type of resin condize: to preserve conservatum pæoniarum: conserve of peonies contrayerva: a name given, in general use, to the root stock and scaly rhizome of species of Dorstenia, native of tropical America and used as a stimulant and tonic cornu cervi: hartshorn (q.v.) corallatus Paracelsi: see arcanum corallinum corpora fixa: fixed bodies cortex mediana ebuli: the middle bark of sambucus ebulus, a plant of the family Caprifoliaceae, i.e., danewort Coventry blue: a kind of blue thread manufactured at Coventry and used for embroidery crabs’ eyes: concretions of carbonate and phosphate of lime found in the walls of the stomach of river crayfish, which, when powdered, were used medicinally as an absorbent crasis: in medicine, the due distribution of the bodily humours in a healthy person; in chemistry, a mixture or the totality of the virtues of a given substance cremor tartari: cream of tartar, tartar purified by crystallisation creta: chalky earth crocus: any of various yellow or red powders, often obtained by calcining metals either alone or with sulphur, especially iron cucurbite: a vessel or retort, originally gourd-shaped, forming the lower part of an alembic (q.v.) daze: mica decumbiture: lying down due to illness, taking to a sickbed diachylon: a plaster made with white lead and olive oil diapalma: a drying compound plaster containing olive oil, litharge, white wax, hog’s lard, and sulphate of zinc diaphoretic: causing sweat diascordium: confect of scordium, or water-germander, a cordial medicine made with scordium, cinnamon, bistort, galbanum, gum arabic and several other ingredients diathesis: condition of the body which renders it liable to certain diseases ductus communis: ‘common duct’, the common excretory duct of the liver and the gall bladder duelech: term used by both Paracelsus and van Helmont to mean the urinary calculus. According to van Helmont, it was not tartar, as Paracelsus claimed, but made from spirit of urine and spirit of wine. See Partington, History of Chemistry, ii, 233 edulcoration: sweetening, the process of eliminating corrosive principles elaterium: a laxative medicine prepared from the juice of wild cucumber elixiacus: spirit of salt

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elixir proprietatis: Helmontian medicine, made by dissolving aloes, myrrh and saffron in a solution of salt of tartar (q.v.), and evaporating, then extracting with spirit of wine; see Partington, History of Chemistry, ii, 300 emplastrum Vigonis: plaster of Giovanni de Vigo (1450–1525), an Italian surgeon; an external, curative application which was solid or semi-solid and became adhesive at the temperature of the body empyema: a collection of pus in the cavity of the pleure, the result of pleurisy emunctory: pertaining to the blowing of the nose, or a cleansing organ or canal ens veneris: essence of copper, a copper compound with medicinal properties mentioned by van Helmont and prepared by George Starkey and Boyle; see Usefulness, II, sect. 1 (1663), in Works, vol. 3, pp. 500–5 ens primum: first essence, the material containing the essential properties of a substance enula campana: common elecampane erysipelas: a local febril disease accompanied by diffused inflammation of the skin esurine (acid): ‘hungry acid’, i.e., corrosive; it was a medicament of an acid nature, often comprising mineral acid salts extractum cardiacum: medicine supposed to stimulate the heart, a cordial febrifuge: a medicine to reduce fever fisgig: a kind of harpoon fitch: vetch flores: ‘flowers’, sublimates fluor albus: ‘white flux’ or ‘white fluor’, in mineralogy, a white mineral used as a flux in the melting and refining of metals; in medicine, the whites (q.v.) flux-pox: an abnormally flowing of blood; excrements from the bowels or other organs fritta/frit: a partly fused mixture of sand and fluxes ready to be melted in a crucible to form glass; also shreds or fragments genethliac: one who casts horoscopes genus nervosum: a general term used to denote the nervous system glossopetra: a stone said to have the shape of human tongue. It was often employed to indicate fossil teeth gorgonick principle: lapidific principle implanted in the earth, an idea employed particularly by Walter Charleton, and alluding to the myth of the monster slain by Perseus which was capable of transforming onlookers into stone gum dragon: the viscous substance obtained from the plant tragacanth, used in plasters, ointments, etc. gutta serena: amaurosis, a disease of the eye hartshorn: the horn or antler of a hart, the substance obtained by rasping or slicing the horn. Distilled, it is the chief source of ammonia haustus: dose hemicrania: headache confined to one side of the head hemiplagia/hemiplegia: paralysis of one side of the body hyle: matter icterial/icterical: affected with jaundice ignis fatuus: a phosphorescent light seen hovering over marshy ground

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ignis lambens: see ignis fatuus infundibulum of the brain: a funnel-shaped prolongation downwards and forwards from the third ventricle at the extremity of which is the pituitary gland jejunum: the middle section of the small intestine, between the duodenum and ileum Jesuits bark: the medicinal bark of cinchona, a Peruvian tree, introduced into Europe by the Jesuit missions in South America lactification: the making or secreting of milk lapis osteocolla: a deposit of carbonate of lime forming an incrustation on the roots and stems of plants found in sandy ground, especially in Germany lapis calaminaris: calamine stone, a corruption from the Latin cadmia, zinc ore, used in medicine since antiquity, mainly for the healing of ulcers lapp: a seed vessel or bur laudanum: a remedy made from opium laurine: oil of laurel leucophlegmacy: a dropsical tendency, denoted by a pale and swollen condition of the body lignum rhodii: candle wood lilium or lily: A powerful medicinal arcanum promised by van Helmont, and of unknown composition. liquor salis: spirit of salt (q.v.) litharge: lead oxide lithostratum: mosaic pavement lixivium: water impregnated with alkaline salts extracted by washing or dissolving a substance, often wood ashes lixivium saponis: ‘lixivium of soap’ ludus: a mineral purportedly able to dissolve the stone (renal or urinary), mentioned by Paracelsus and adopted by his followers. J. B. van Helmont claimed that ludus, when calcined and dissolved by the alkahest, produced the most powerful remedy against renal calculi lues: plague or pestilence, especially syphilis lumbrici sati: intestinal worms lusus naturae: ‘a play of nature’, a supposed sportive action of nature, to which the origin of marked variations from the normal type were ascribed. In the Renaissance it also meant fossils lypothymia: fainting mace-ale: ale brewed or infused with the spice, mace magistery: a concentrated essence, or the residuum obtained by precipitation from an acid solution. In Paracelsian chemistry, a preparation of any material in which there is no separation of parts, but rather the reduction of the entire substance into a new form marasmus: wasting away of the body, especially in undernourished children maxy: marcasite medicamenta alterantia: medicaments producing an alteration and purification of blood medulla oblongata: ‘prolonged marrow’, a part of the brain megrim: migraine mel anthasatum: honey prepared with rosemary flowers

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menstruum: ‘solvent’, a term popularized by the medieval alchemists of the Lullian school and employed by van Helmont and many others menstruum peracutum: a solvent developed by Boyle himself, made by distilling aqua fortis with butter of antimony (antimony trichloride); Boyle claimed that it could volatilise gold and transmute a portion of that metal into silver. See Laurence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept (Princeton, 1998), pp. 80–6 mercurius diaphoreticus: a mercury compound, sometimes red mercuric sulphide, used as a sudorific mercurius dulcis: ‘sweet mercury’, i.e., calomel, mercurous chloride; also known as sweet sublimate. It was used as a laxative or purgative mercurius sublimatus corrosivus: mercury sublimate, mercuric chloride, a poisonous white powder prepared by subliming mercury, vitriol and common salt. It was also known as corrosive sublimate, white sublimate, or sublimate and was used in various preparations to cure venereal disease mercurius vitae: ‘mercury of life’, antimony oxychloride, a poisonous and violently emetic white powder made by precipitating butter of antimony (q.v.) with water; later known as algaroth, or pulvis Algarotti mercurius cum sulphur: ‘mercury with sulphur’, mercury sulphide meseriacal: mesaraic, mesenteric mildew: a morbid destructive growth upon plants, consisting of minute fungi mineral bezoardick: see bezoardic minium: red lead oxide, made by roasting lead or litharge (lead monoxide) in air; also known as red lead mislin, maslin: mixed grain, usually rye or wheat Mithridate: a compound substance consisting of myrrh, saffron, ginger, cinammon, spikenard, and several other odoriferous spices and resins, and used as a universal antidote; also known as the Mithridate of Damocrates or Venice treacle mummia/mummy: a medicine prepared in various ways. The most popular was made with bitumen and pitch, other recipes include myrrh and aloe, others human blood. Paracelsus used this term to signify the spirit supposed to exist in all bodies and to remain some time after death. It was used for various purposes, such as dissolving coagulated blood and curing epilepsy mundick: a name given by Cornish miners to iron pyrites and pyrites in general Mynsicht pilulae Alephanginae: pills made with aloe and other aromatic substances, recipe devised by Hadrian Mynsicht (c. 1603–38) nardinus: oil of nard, was prepared from the roots and leaves of nard. It was highly regarded as a diuretic nephritic: pains and diseases affecting or having their origin in the kidneys nodosa podagra: gout non-naturals: in Galenic medicine the non-naturals were a mixture of physiological, psychological, and environmental conditions held to affect health, air, exercise and rest, sleep and waking, food and drink, repletion and excretion, and the passions of the soul nubecula: ‘little cloud’, light particles swimming on the urine octroi, octroy: privilege; exclusive right of trade

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1, 1636–61

offa alba: a white precipitate formed by mixing spirit of urine (ammonium carbonate solution) with spirit of wine. See W. R. Newman, Gehennical Fire (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), pp. 182–3 offatim: ‘in little pieces’ oil of benzoin: oil obtained by distillation of benzoin (a resinous substance obtained from the Styrax benzoin, a tree from Sumatra), used in medicine as an antiseptic and in perfumery oil of caryophill: oil of cloves oil of Saturn: any oily substance prepared with the use of lead (the name alludes to the traditional association of lead with the planet Saturn) oil of terebinth: oil derived from the turpentine tree (q.v.). It was used as a diuretic oleum ligni rosii: oil of rose wood oleum philosophorum: ‘oil of the philosophers’, often referring to the substance prepared by soaking brick dust in olive oil and distilling oleum rosarum: oil of roses oleum succini: oil of amber oleum vitriolium: oil of vitriol, concentrated sulphuric acid omrah: a lord or grandee of the Muhammadan court orichalcum: yellow bronze orpiment: see auripigmentum Orvietan electuary: an antidote against venoms, see treacle os petrosum: ‘petrous bone’, a part of the temporal bone osteocolla: a deposit of carbonate of lime forming an incrustation on the roots and stems of plants, used as a treatment in setting broken bones paronychia: a genus of herbaceous plants, whitlow-wort. In medicine, an inflammation about the finger-nails caused by trapped pus parotydes: the parotid gland pars corticalis: in plants, the bark; in animals, the external part of an organ, esp. of the brain, the cortex per campanam: ‘by means of a bell’, a method of preparing oil of sulphur by suspending a glass bell jar over a dish of burning sulphur and collecting the liquid which condensed on the walls of the jar per deliquium: a hygroscopic salt was said to ‘run per deliquium’ when it changed from solid to liquid by extracting water from the air Peruvian balsam: the balsam of Peru was obtained by boiling twigs of the yroxylon peruvianum in water. It was used as an expectorant phrenitis: brain fever, inflammation of the brain or its membranes, attended with delirium and fever pia mater: the delicate innermost membrane enveloping the brain and spinal cord pill of property: pill made from elixir proprietatis (q.v.) pilulae alaephanginae: pills made with cinnamon, clove, cardamom and other ingredients pilulae aloe lota: pills of purified aloe, a drug of bitter taste and purgative qualities pilulae lunares: ‘lunar pills’, silver pills, made from silver dissolved in nitric acid, evaporated into crystals and mixed with a solution of nitre in water; used for dropsy and headaches pilulae Ruffi: Rufus’ pills, made of myrrh and aloes, said to have been invented by Rufus of Ephesus (end of the 1st century AD)

518

GLOSSARY

plaster of Paracelsus: styptic plaster, containing oil, myrrh and litharge amongst its ingredients plate cobs: a type of silver currency, used in the Spanish New World in particular plica polonica: a matted filthy condition of the hair due to disease Pope’s eye: the lymphatic gland surrounded with fat in the middle of a leg of mutton porraceous: of the nature or colour of the leek porus biliarius: the hepatic duct, the trunk of the biliary pores PP: ‘praeparare’, to prepare ptyalism: excess of salivation pulvis chrysopoeius: the alchemical powder of projection pulvis of Joannes de Vigo: powder containing mercury, from Giovanni da Vigo (1450– 1525), Italian surgeon pyrethrum: the plant Anacyclus Pyrethrum, the pungent root of which is used in medicine radix jacobi: root of Jacobea radix virginiana: Virginia snakeroot red sudorifick: see mercurius diaphoreticus regulus antimonii: metallic form of antimony prepared without the use of other metals regulus martis: ‘regulus of Mars’, metallic antimony, reduced from its native sulphide ore by the use of iron (the name alludes to the traditional association of iron with the planet Mars) regulus martis stellatus: ‘stellate regulus of Mars’, regulus martis whose surface is covered with a striking crystalline pattern resembling a star resina jalapii: resin of jalap, used as purgative sachem: Indian ruler sacculus: a small sac, or bag. The smaller of the two vesicles or sacs in the membranous vestibule of the internal ear. saik: a type of a Turkish sailing vessel sal armoniac: a mixture of ammonium salts, predominantly ammonium chloride sal circulatum (of Paracelsus): often used as a synonym for the alkahest (q.v.) sal commune: common table salt, sodium chloride sal gem: rock salt, sodium chloride in its native mineral form, found as crystals in the earth sal prunellae: a salt (usually potassium carbonate) prepared by casting a small burning coal (prunella) into melted nitre; used medicinally to soothe the throat salt of cornu cervi: a volatile salt distilled from hartshorn (q.v.); generally ammonium carbonate salt of tartar: potassium carbonate, prepared by the calcination of tartar salt of urine: term applied to all ammonium salts, especially those isolated from urine sanies: a mixture of thin foetid pus with serum or blood scoria: slag or dross remaining after the smelting of a metal from its ore scorzoneras: black salsify (scorzonera hispanica) sectator: disciple, follower secundinae: afterbirth, the placenta with the membranes and umbilical cord shode: fragments of iron, tin or copper ores mixed with earth on the surface of the ground, which indicate the proximity of a seam of ore smut: a fungous disease affecting various plants, esp. cereals

519

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

1, 1636–61

species: appearance, outward form spermaceti: a fatty substance found in the head of the sperm-whale and some other whales; it was applied outwardly against ulcers spike oil: oil made from spike lavender, or spikenard spirit of bread: a corrosive liquor prepared by the dry distillation of stale bread spirit of hartshorn: an aqueous solution of ammonia obtained from the dry distillation of hartshorn spirit of lavender: a distillate from flowers of lavender spirit of nitre: nitric acid spirit of salt: hydrochloric acid spirit of sulphur: an acidic fluid (largely sulphureous and sulphuric acids) prepared by burning sulphur under a moistened bell jar (campana) and collecting the condensed fumes; also known as oil of sulphur or oil of sulphur per campanam (q.v.) spirit of vitriol: sulphuric acid made by distilling one of the vitriols, either iron or copper sulphate spirit of wine: ethyl alcohol spiritus ardens Saturni: ‘burning spirit of lead,’ a flammable distillate, predominantly acetone, prepared by the dry distillation of lead acetate (the name alludes to the traditional association of lead with the planet Saturn) spiritus Clodii urinae: solution of ammonium carbonate spiritus cornu cervi: spirit of hartshorn (q.v.) spiritus fuliginis: ‘spirit of soot’, an ammonia-contained liquid prepared by the dry distillation of soot spiritus lignum rhodii: spirit obtained from the distillation of rhodium, i.e., the sweetscented wood of two species of convulvulus or bindweed, used for perfumes spiritus microcosmi: the vital spirit, or spirit of blood, a volatile liquid prepared by the destructive distillation of blood spiritus mundi: spirit of the world. In Neoplatonic cosmologies a semi-material substance diffused in the universe. It was conceived as the origin of life in the world stanch thermometer: a watertight or weatherproof thermometer standish: a inkstand statera: a steelyard or balance stellate regulus of mars: see regulus martis stibium: stibnite, antimony, used as an emetic struma: a goitre-like growth or tumour sugar of Saturn: a sweet-tasting salt of lead, lead acetate (the name alludes to the traditional association of lead with the planet Saturn) sulphur antimonii: the putative combustible component of antimony; Basil Valentine claimed to extract this substance from glass of antimony by acetic acid. See L. Principe, ‘“Chemical translation” and the role of impurities in alchemy’, Ambix, 34 (1987), 21–30 sulphur martis: the essential Sulphur putatively extracted from the metal iron supressio mensium: suppression of menstruation tarras: a type of rock used for making mortar terra damnata: see caput mortuum terra sigillata: ‘sealed earth’, a type of clay used medicinally for its astringent and sudorific properties

520

GLOSSARY

terrella: a spherical loadstone or magnet theriaca andromachi: see Venice treacle tinctura opii: laudanum, a medicine made from opium and alcohol tinctura proprietatis: see elixir tincture of coral: coral dissolved in a corrosive solvent, often vinegar tincture of gold: potable gold (q.v.) treacle (theriac): an ancient polypharmaceutical preparation, especially an antidote against poisons. The Orvietan was a somewhat similar highly multiple preparation, considered a great remedy against venoms, poisons, and plague trochisci Alhandal: tablets made with Colocynth, or bitter cucumber (Alhandal), used as a purgative tunica cornea: the cornea turbeth/turpith mineralis: turpeth mineral, a hydrolysed form of mercuric sulphate, a lemon yellow powder used as an emetic, purgative and treatment for syphilis unguentum alabastrinum: ointment with alabaster and resin, used to cure the stomach and gums unguentum tutiae: tutty ointment, a crude oxide of zinc used as an astringent lotion and ointment universal solvent: see alkahest urinator: a diver usquebagh: whisky, Gaelic for ‘water of life’ vasa lactea: the lacteals or lymphatics, a network of vessels carrying lymph fluid from the tissues into the veins vasa thoracica: possibly the thoracic duct, conveying lymph and chyle into the blood. It is the common trunk of all the lymphatic vessels of the body vena cava: a major vein of the body vena porta: portal vein venereal alcali: alkaline salts of copper Venice treacle: also known as treacle of Andromachus, a compound mixture consisting of a wide variety of ingredients which was used as a universal antidote vinca pervinca: periwinkle, the common name of plants of the genus Vinca vinum medicatum: ‘medicated wine’, a solution of medical substances in wine Virginian snakeweed: snakeweed is the plant bistort. The roots of the Virginian snakeweed were used against plague, pox and poison ‘virgula divina’ or divinatoria: a divining rod, with which miners claimed to discover where the ores of metals lay vitriolum martis: ‘vitriol of Mars’, iron sulphate (from iron’s identification with the planet Mars) vitrum antimonii: glass of antimony, a vitreous material composed mostly of antimony oxide, obtained by roasting antimony trisulphide (the native form of the antimony ore) and fusing the resultant ‘ash’; used as an emetic vitrum hyacinthynum: yellow glass, vitrum antimony (q.v.) volatile spirit of vitriol: see spirit of vitriol whites, the: leucorrhea, a secretion of whitish or milky mucous from the membrane lining the uterus

521

T HE C ORRESPONDENCE OF R OBERT B OYLE

Principal translators DAVID MONEY TERESA BRIDGEMAN Principal editorial assistants BEN COATES ROSALIND DAVIES SARA PENNELL

THE C ORRESPONDENCE OF R OBERT B OYLE Edited by Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio and Lawrence M. Principe

VOLUME

2

1662–5

First published 2001 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © Taylor & Francis 2001 All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. BRITISH LIBRARY CATALOGUING IN PUBLICATION DATA

The correspondence of Robert Boyle, 1636–1691. – (The Pickering masters) 1. Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691 2. Scientists – England I. Hunter, Michael II. Clericuzio, Antonio III. Principe, Lawrence M. 509.2 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691. [Correspondence] Correspondence of Robert Boyle, 1636–1691 / edited by Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio and Lawrence M. Principe. p. cm. – (The Pickering masters)

1. Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691 – Correspondence. I. Hunter, Michael Cyril William. II. Title.

2. Scientists – Ireland – Correspondence.

Q143.B77 A4 2001 509.2 —dc21 [B] 2001021813

ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-125-2 (set) DOI: 10.4324/9781003253846 Typeset by P&C

Contents List of abbreviations

vii

1662

1

1663

59

1664

235

1665

448

Textual notes

615

Biographical guide

660

Glossary

664

v

List of Abbreviations Birch, Royal Society BL BP Commons Journal Lords Journal CSPC

CSPD CSPI DNB F.R.S. GEC Gunther, Early Science in Oxford Kellaway, New England Company JBC JBO LBC LBO Maddison, Life NRRS OED Œuvres complètes

Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society of London, 4 vols (London, 1756–7) Royal Society Boyle Letters Royal Society Boyle Papers Journal of the House of Commons, 1547– (London, 1803– present) Journals of the House of Lords, 1509– (London, 1846–present) William Noel Sainsbury, Sir John William Fortescue, Cecil Headlam, Arthur Percival Newton and K. G. Davies (eds), Calendar of State Paper Colonial Series, 44 vols (London, 1860– 1969) Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, 1603–70, ed. C. W. Russell et al.,13 vols (London, 1870–1910) Dictionary of National Biography Fellow of the Royal Society G. A. Cockayne, Complete Peerage, new edn, 14 vols (London, 1910–59) R. T. Gunther (ed.), Early Science in Oxford, 14 vols (Oxford, 1923–45) William Kellaway, The New England Company 1649–1776. Missionary Society to the American Indians (London, 1961) Royal Society Copy Journal Book Royal Society Original Journal Book Royal Society Copy Letter Book Royal Society Original Letter Book R. E. W. Maddison, The Life of the Hon. Robert Boyle (London, 1969) Notes and Records of the Royal Society Oxford English Dictionary Christiaan Huygens, Œuvres complètes, 22 vols (Amsterdam and The Hague, 1888–1950) vii

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

Oldenburg Phil. Trans. RBHF RBO RCHM RS Stubbs, i Stubbs, ii

Works Wotton’s list

2, 1661–5

A. R. and M. B. Hall (eds), The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 13 vols (Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1965– 86) Philosophical Transactions Michael Hunter (ed.), Robert Boyle by Himself and his Friends (London, 1994) Royal Society Original Register Book Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts Royal Society Mayling Stubbs, ‘John Beale, Philosophical Gardener of Herefordshire. Part I. Prelude to the Royal Society (1608– 63’, Annals of Science, 39 (1989), 463–89 Mayling Stubbs, ‘John Beale, Philosophical Gardener of Herefordshire. Part II. The Improvement of Agriculture and Trade in the Royal Society (1663–83)’, Annals of Science, 46 (1989), 323–63 Michael Hunter and Edward B. Davis (eds), The Works of Robert Boyle, 14 vols (London, 1999–2000) William Wotton’s list of Boyle letters, published in vol. 6, pp. 397–414; see also vol. 1, p. xxvii.

viii

— 1662 — Lost letters dating from 1662 are as follows: Wotton’s list (see vol. 1, p. xxvii) contains the following:a No. 55 ‘Caspar Schottus’. Gaspar Schott (1608–66), Jesuit professor of mathematics and physics. For Boyle’s reply to this letter, see below, p. 56 One letter to Boyle from the second Earl of Cork is recorded in the second Earl’s diary (see vol. 1, pp. xxvii–viii), dated 9 October 1662; he sent him ‘a bill of Mr Langer … as part of the payment for Waltham’. The reference is evidently to John Langer (d. c. 1671), alderman of Youghall (see Sir Arthur Vickers (ed.), Index to the Prerogative Wills of Ireland, 1546–1810 (Dublin), p. 277); for Cork’s purchase of the reversion of Harold’s Park Manor, Waltham, see vol. 1, p. 443. It is presumably this letter that appears as no. 362 in Wotton’s list: ‘Burlington, then Lord Cork’. The following letters, referred to in surviving letters, are no longer extant: Boyle to Lower, before 18 January 1662 (see below, p. 1) Boyle to Michael Boyle, before 13 August 1662 (see below, p. 41) For lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, pp. 5, 25, 51.

RICHARD LOWERb to BOYLE

18 January 1662

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 517–18. Also printed in Birch (ed.) Works (1772), vi, 462–5.

Christ-Church, Oxford, Jan. 18, 1661. Honoured Sir, I RECEIVED your letter, and should have wrote to you sooner, but that the doctor was not at leisure till of late to make those dissections of the brain, which he hoped; but at length we have had the opportunity of cutting up several, and the doctor, finding most parts of the brain imperfectly described, intends to make a whole new draught thereof, with the several uses of the distinct parts, according to his own a b

For no. 53, a possible further letter from Frederick Clodius (see below, p. 59), see vol. 6, p. 400. Richard Lower (1631–91), physiologist and physician.

1

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253846-1

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2, 1662–5

fancy, seeing few authors speak any thing considerable of it;a so that at present I shall suspend my thoughts which I had of sending you a relation of the discourse we had in the several dissections, and only tell you, that, according to his opinion of the use of the cerebellum for involuntary motion, he shewed me several times the nerves (which authors call the sixth conjugation) to proceed out of a stalk or stem, which comes down out of the cerebellum, and makes a great half circle under the medulla oblongata, and so returns and ends in that nerve, on each side; which half circle is clearly distinct from the medulla oblongata, by comparing the several texture and position of their fibres, as well as their outward line and figure; so that one may very well conceive, that circle to serve for a distinct and particular use, and to differ from the medulla oblongata, as well as to conceive the spinal marrow, with the medulla oblongata, to be really distinct organs (which is certain from palsies of half the body) and yet they are not throughly divided, but only superficially along the middle. The auditory nerves also, which lye next behind the other, and go into the os petrosum on each side of the scull, seem to arise out of another ring, though less than the former; into which ring descends also that stem out of the cerebellum. And Varolius formerly affirmed, that the auditory nerves came out of the cerebellum.b The doctor likewise observed the cerebellum to be distinguished into two medullary parts, the middle part (which being cut, does so elegantly resemble a tree with branches) being as it were the pars corticalis dividing between the two medullary parts, for what use you may hereafter hear. He shewed likewise the optick nerves plainly to ascend on each side of the bottom of the brain into those two parts on each side the rima, about the middle of the medullary substance of the brain, where he thinks imagination to be performed, whence he judges to be that quick and most perfect communication between the sight and the fancy, there being no sense so certain and quick as that. In the cutting up the eye of a little dog, we held up the eye (after we had cut off all the muscles, and fat, and skins, from the outward coat of the eye) to the sun, and a candle, directing the cone of the light to the very optick nerve, and though it have no cavity as some affirm, yet it appeared very light, even as the flame of a fire, a pretty way up the nerve. Whether it may be seen in the eyes of greater animals, we have not yet tried, but suppose it will: and I believe the eye of a creature newly dead will be best to make trial, lest the humours should turn thick, as they do in a day’s time. We took likewise the vitreal humour out, and dropped it into a glass of fair water, and could not find it again, or see it in the water; so that Dr. Wallis would not believe, that the vitreal humour was in the glass, till the water being poured away, it appeared in the bottom. We have likewise dissected the ear, and I have prepared a bone full of the bones and parts of the ear for him, when he shall be at leisure to consider of a Lower refers to Thomas Willis (1621–75), physician and anatomist. Boyle’s letter to Lower is not extant. b This is a reference to Costanzo Varolio (1543–75), Italian physician and anatomist. His work on nerves is De nervis opticis (1573).

2

LOWER

to BOYLE, 18 Jan. 1662

it. But in all the dissections we made, we could not discern or find that passage from the ear to the mouth, which anatomists mention to be so large, that juglers commonly take tobacco, and force the smoke out that way. And there is one Mr. Henshaw, a fellow of All-Souls, who, by stopping his mouth and his nostrils, can blow out a candle at either ear, or both at once; which several of the fellows have seen him do very often.a He is much deaf, and cannot hear, unless the voice be loud, which perhaps may be from that large passage or cavity into his mouth, so that the tympanum is not affected so smartly with the sound, as in others, who cannot shew the same trick. Some of the dogs, which we dissected, we killed after the butchers way, by cutting in two the spinal marrow in the neck, just under the occiput, to see if the parts below the wound would retain any motion for a little while, because some affirm, that since the spinal marrow is nourished with arteries, as the brain is, that spirits are generated in it, for the motion of all the parts along as it goes; but the dogs never stirred any part below the wound, (for we did not tie them down to the table on purpose to try, but had a strong fellow to hold them down, till execution was done) but the eyes moved and the eye–lids; but whether the heart did beat, because its motion depends upon the nerve of the sixth conjugation inside the skull, we did not think of trying. I enquired of the doctor, what he thought of the nourishment of the liquor, which is thought to be in the nerves; and he told me, he did not think it did much nourish, if at all; yet, that there is a liquor in the nerves, he does believe, because he hath often observed in those men and women, that usually are troubled with convulsions, epilepsies, or hysterical fits, three or four days together, without any long intermission, all that while their urine is little and very red, but afterward, when they recover from those fits, they make water for the like space of three or four days in very large quantity, and very clear, though they drink as little or less than formerly, when their fits were on them: the former urine he thinks to come from the blood, the latter he takes to be the water of the nerves; for when this water is made, there is a perfect solution of the disease, and /p. 518/ their heads become clear and light, which were before heavy, dull and turbulent. THE doctor does likewise intend, when he shall have opportunity, to syringe in some kind of liquors, tinctured with saffron, or other colours, into the arteriæ carotides, the brain being first opened, just after the creature is dead, and warm, to try how the blood moves, and how the tincture may be separated in the brain; in the mean time tying some of the nerves, to see, if they will swell above the ligature.b Upon your relation of your experiment of Tunbridge water being syringed a This is either Thomas Henshaw (1631–80), fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, from 1653, or Thomas Henshaw, son of Joseph Henshaw, bishop of Peterborough, who was a fellow of the college from 1661. b On injections see R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1980), pp. 170–5.

3

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into a dog, a little while since I syringed into a dog’s jugular vein about two quarts of warm water, and, in a little space, his bladder was much distended with urine, though a little while before he had discharged himself that way very freely, as usually they do in such solemn frights.a I had not the opportunity of doing it again, but intend to try it with several liquors; and I have a fancy to try, how long a dog may live without meat, by syringing into a vein a due quantity of good broth, made pretty sharp with nitre, as usually the chyle tastes taken out of your common receptaculum; for though it be not so finely prepared as chyle is, yet I have a belief, that it may serve turn a pretty while; and since I read the story in Sneider de Catarrhis, in quarto, of a man being drunk and bruised with a fall, when he was let blood, at the first tapping of the vein, they that were present immediately smelled the wine more strongly, than if it had been stewed over a fire;b I do think, that many liquors may consist with the blood as well as that; broth being nearer to chyle than sack, and consequently more fit to nourish: and doubtless a bitch’s milk syringed in the same manner would preserve the life pretty well, if it be done in just time and proportions, were it not, that the milk loses much of that tartness and nitrosity, by circulating in the blood before it is separated again in the breasts, which it had in the vessels before it went into the blood; and if it were not for this change, the chyle and milk would be still the same; and therefore, being syringed in often in small quantities might perhaps preserve the life, as the continual instilling of it in, out of the vasa thoracica, into the axillary vein, doth: and, in children, or other persons, who suffer a fluxus chylosus, or diarrhæa, because the glandules of their mesenteries being scrophulous or schirrous, by compressing the venæ lacteæ, hinder the farther passage of the chyle, and so, consequently, starve the patient, a woman’s milk syringed in may somewhat supply the want of their chyle, provided the nurse eat such meats as the patient formerly did, so that the milk may not be too weak or strong for his blood: and this in men might be done better than in beasts, because they can tell, when they are faint, hungry, or thirsty, and so may be satisfied accordingly. When I am in the country, if I can have leisure to attend it, I shall try it in a dog, and I shall get a tin pipe made, about two inches long, and about the usual bigness of the jugular vein, and hollow, which I may put into the vein, by cutting the vein asunder, and drawing on the two ends of it upon the pipe, and tie it round with a thread there to remain, and, in the middle of the pipe, must come out a smaller pipe, fit for the small end of a syringe to go into, which, may be stopped with a cork, to take out when need shall require: the figure of it is thus. There be many inconveniences would dissuade the trial

a

Boyle’s description of an experiment with Tunbridge water has not been located. This is a reference to Conrad Victor Schneider (1614–80), and his Liber primus de catarrhis (1660). b

4

BOYLE

to MORAY, Mar. 1662

hereof, as namely, that for want of chyle and liquor in the guts, to dilute and mitigate the choler all along in its passage from the duodenum, the guts may be ulcerated and inflamed, with many more; but howsoever I shall try, either what good or harm will follow. In the mean time, I have nothing more to tell you, but, that when I return, I shall bring with me (God willing) those odd kind of stones and minerals, which the miners cannot give an account of; as there be some, which are as heavy as lead, and of several colours, which they cannot tell what they are. But, Sir, I am sensible of the great trouble I give you by this long letter, and beg your pardon; which I hope I may the more easily obtain, by the assurance I give you by my long journey, that I shall not offend in the like for a good while. I therefore take my leave, and remain, your most obliged, and very humble servant, R. LOWER.

January 1662 DICKINSON to BOYLE Miles’s list of letters records ‘Dickenson from Merton Coll: about a Chemical Liq: NW. Jan. 61/2’ (BP 36, fol. 144). It is also recorded on Wotton’s list as no. 54 ‘Dr. Dickenson 62’. The reference is to Edmund Dickinson (1624–1707), physician, chemist and author.

BOYLE to SIR ROBERT MORAY

March 1662

From the original in hand D in the Christiaan Huygens Collection, University of Leiden, HUG 45. 4o/2. Previously printed in Œuvres complètes, vi, 581–2.

I am sorry the arrivall of unexpected company robs me of the time I design’d to answer that part of Monsieur Zulicum’s letters which concern’s me; as1 particularly as I intended.a But not wholy to disobey you and him, I shall wave the solemne acknowledgment his advantageous & obleiging character of my Scepticall a Boyle refers to Christiaan Huygens van Zuylichem (1629–95), physicist, mathematician and astronomer. On Huygens’s pneumatical experiments, see A. Stroup, ‘Christiaan Huygens and the Development of the Air-Pump’, Janus, 68 (1981), 129–58. Boyle’s and Huygens’s experiments with the air pump are examined in S. Shapin and S. Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump (Princeton, 1985), pp. 235–56.

5

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Chymist, would exact of me if I had as much leisure as resentment.a And I shall hasten to acquaint You in few words, that though I dare affirme nothing till I have made further tryalls of the descent of water in the exhausted Receiver; yet in the meane time I confess it seemes not improbable to me that the non descent of the water observ’d by Monsieur Zulicum might proceed from this /fol. 1v/ that the air was not sufficiently pumpt out. and on this occasion I cannot but recommend to him the making use of a gage ‹(if I may soe call itt)› or stander or index within the Receiver by which he may know how far it is evacuated & how well it keeps out the air. sometimes we have imployd a bladder with a very litle air in it whose neck being strongly ty’d, the swelling of the bladder in some measure discover’d the degree of expansion of the air in the Receiver.b But this may be better done by a slender crooked glasse filld with water all except a small bubble of air of a known quantity. for by convenient divisions upon the outsides of this2 glasse ’twill be easy to see, to how many times its bulk (whether 50, 100, 150, or 200 times) the included Bubble is rarifyd. And by the shrinking of this bubble both the leaking of the vessell may be concluded & the quantity of the admitted air may be ghest at. A more particular description, I neither have the leisure to Set down, nor need to suggest to such a Person as Monsieur Zulicum. And one reason /fol. 2/ of my mentioning it here, is, that I suspect for want of such a gage he may have thought his Receiver better exhausted then indeed it was. for though he sayes that the engine held stanch for many howres yet that does necessarily inferre noe more then that noe new air got in. But ‹not› that the præexistent air was all drawne out: now in case the Receiver were not sufficiently emptied the remaining air though little may well, in a small glass, have spring enough to keep the water suspended in such short tubes as he made the tryalls in. For I remember that when we thought we had carefully enough emptied our Receiver there remaind in the tube about an inch of Quicksilver which you know answers to 14 inches of water. As for the Reason Monsieur Zulicum gives of the depression of the water in the tube when that liquor was not first freed from air I think; it very good, and it agrees very well with what I relate3 in the experiment concerning ‹the measure of› the air’s expansion. That Phænomenon of the great bubbles rising noe higher with its’ lower surface then the levell of the externall water, I should ascribe to the want of pressure in the water unassisted by the air, but that I have not you know his letter by me, and may mistake some circumstance. wherefore to comply with my hast I shall /fol. 2v/ adde noe more, save my humble thanks to Monsieur Zulicum for the great Civility vouchsafd me in his letters, & shall deferre the ‹making further› reflections on this subject till further tryall made either by him or me, for I am as well hopefull as willing to receive instruction from such teachers as Experience and He. a Huygens’s eulogy of Boyle’s Sceptical Chymist is in Huygens’s letter to Moray of 30 Dec. 1661, Œuvres complètes, iii, 437–8. b For Boyle’s air pump see Spring of the Air (1660), Works, vol. 1, pp. 159–65.

6

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 14 Mar. 1662

These / For Sir Robert / Moray Seal: Non-heraldic. An antique figure on an oval ground playing pan pipes or shooting a bow.

JOHN WALLIS to BOYLE

14 March 1662

From the original in BL 6, fols 11–12. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir I have, as you desired, considered of Mr Chilinski’s businesse, & perused the Papers & Letters by him produced, (many1 of the particulars being allso otherwise known to my self to be true as he relates them.)a And the case, according to the best estimate I can make of it, stands thus. 16542 Mr Samuel Boguslaus Chylinski, being sent out of his own country (of Lithuania) for that purpose,3 studied Divinity in the University of Franeker in order to fit him the better for the service of the church at home, for the space of Two Years, being so long supplyed by means allowed from those Churches.b 1656 The Wars then4 breaking forth & wasting those Churches, and hindering all supplies from thence, he was afterward forced to subsist on5 the Benevolence of such as pittyed his condition.c 1657 Hee came to Oxford with Letters of Recommendation from the University of Franeker, and there for some years hee lived piously & studiously, on like Benevolence of divers there. 1657 In this condition, considering how hee might best imploy his study for the service of those churches, he thought of Translating the Bible into the Lithuanian Language; into which (though the Gospel have been there received for about 300 years) it was never yet translated.d a

Wallis refers to Samuel Bogslav Chylinski (c. 1634–68) and his publication of the Bible in Lithuanian. Chylinski had approached Boyle for assistance in this matter in 1660. See vol. 1 pp. 412–13. b The University of Franeker, in the Low Countries, was founded in 1585. Chylinski matriculated as a student of theology in 1654. There is no evidence that he got a degree. See Album Studiosorum Academiae Franekerensis (1969) and Album Promoturum Academiae Fraenekerensis (1972). c The wars referred to are the Russo–Polish wars of 1654–6, during which the Russian army occupied much of Lithuania. The names of those who supported Chylinski financially, including Wallis, are appended to the ‘Testimonial given to the Translator’, in An Account of the Translation of the Bible (London, 1659), pp. 7–8. d Lithuania received the Christian faith in 1387 during the reign of King Jagello. See An Account of the Translation, p. 4.

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1657 In June 1657, he began the Translation of the New Testament; & finished it the year following; But, having nothing but Benevolence to live on, was not able to get it Printed.a 1658 In September 1658, hee began the Translation of the Old Testament, & finished it about the end of the next year.b 1659 His ‹Translatinge being›6 finished, divers in Oxford, of the most eminent persons there, approving this design, gave him ample Testimonialls,7 as well of his life & conversation, as of approving so good a work, recommending the promoting of it: And many of them subscribed towards the Impression of it divers summes of mony (which were8 afterwards payd, & imployed therein,) but far short of what were necessary for the compleating of it. 1659/60 In March following,9 hee began the Impression at London, (hopinge that other Benefactors would afterwards be found, for the perfecting of it;) and carried it on, as far as the monies collected, and his own ‹credit would reach.›10c /fol. 11v/ 1660 In September following, the monies collected being all imployed in that work & there being farther due to the Printer about £100,11 (about one ‹halfe› part of the Bible being ‹then› Printed:) The Printer was not willing to12 proceed further; but required Bond of him for the rest of the mony due for what was allready done; which was given him. 1660 In this condition, applying himself to divers of the London Ministers soliciting farther contributions for that work, they Recommended him to the Lord Mayor & Court of Aldermen; who so far resented his condition, & that pious work, that they were willing to Recommend his case to the King for a Publike Collection; & made an Order of the Court to that purpose.d 1660 Having thus far promoted this affair upon his private account, & the interest of those friends that were willing to favour him in it: When the Petition to his Majestie was drawn, & ready to be signed; as the Desire of the Lord Mayor, the Court of Aldermen, & the Ministers of the City, & the day appointed for that purpose; Mr John ‹de› Kraino Krainski, coming over as an Agent from those Churches to desire Relief for them, occasioned a stop therein for the present.e a

Chylinski’s New Testament was not printed until 1958, as Biblia Litewska Chylinskiego. For progress on Chylinski’s Old Testament see Chylinski’s letter to Boyle, 1 June 1660 (vol. 1, pp. 412–13). Wallis’s account of the translation does not quite tally with Chylinski’s letter to Boyle, which refers to the completion of the Pentateuch only. c The printed text has no title-page, and it is not known where or by whom it was printed. d The Lord Mayor of London 1659–60 was Thomas Alleyn (d. 1690). For Alleyn and the aldermen see J. R. Woodhead, The Rulers of London 1660–1689 (London, 1965). The ministers involved have not been identified. There is no record of an approach to the king in the State Papers. e This is Jan Kranski, chief of the delegates from the Lithuanian brethren, who came to England to solicit help for the Protestant churches in Lithuania. See G. H. Turnbull, Hartlib, Dury and Comenius (London, 1947), p. 382. b

8

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 14 Mar. 1662

1660 This Agent, suspecting that it ‹might› prove disadvantageous to his desired supplies, if this collection for the Translation should proceed; & yet understanding how far it was ‹promoted & that so›13 many considerable persons were allready ingaged in it, that ‹he› could not well hinder it; pretended a readynesse to promote it (hoping thereby the better to carry on his own businesse;) suggesting (though unknown to Mr Chylinski) that those Churches had procured this Translation, & caused it to be thus far printed; & desiring ‹a Collection›14 for the carrying it on, and for the further Relief of those distessed [sic] churches. 1660/1 Mean while, Mr Chylinski not finding a supply of means here to ‹carry› on his Impression, did in March following, go over into his own Country, & acquainted the Synod there, what hee had done, & how far he had proceeded, who approved the work & incouraged him to goe ‹on›; as appears by the order of the Synode to that purpose, bearing date Sept. 1. 1661.a 1661. In his Absence, the Agent (whose design was, rather to hinder than promote the Work, as appears by his own Letters, & the whole sequele,15 though he pretended otherwise) had upon suggestion that this was the Churches Work (who as yet knew nothing of it) and the Translation procured by them, obtained Letters Patents16 for a publike Collection, for carrying on this Impression, & for the Relief of those churches; bearing Date July 12. 1661.b 1661. In November following,17 Mr Chylinski returning to London (having heard of a Collection granted for that work,)18 and willing to ‹go› on with the Work; the Printer upon credit of those Letters Patents, was willing to go forward with /fol. 12/ the Impression; & proceeded therein as far as the Psalmes. The Agent understanding it; in stead of promoting the Work, or taking care to pay ‹what› was due to the Printer for what was allready done; gives expresse Order to the Printer not to proceed. Whereupon the work is at a stand. The Printer, thus Inhibited, writes a Letter to Mr Chylinski, demanding his mony due, & threatening to Arrest him, if he did ‹not› by the next day put in Bail to Answer an Action commenced against him: The Agent having disclaimed the Work. Mr Chilinski repairing to ‹the› Agent with this Letter, told him that hee must be forced to complain to his Majestie ‹& the Counsell› for relief, if he did not otherwise take care of it.19 The Agent, though first he told him that before he should be able to20 make friends there, to have it represented to the Counsel, it would cost him as much time as himself had allready spent in getting the Letters Patents; Yet, thinking it necessary to prevent such Complaint; & being to Petition the Counsell for other a

Chylinski was a member of the Protestant churches of Lithuania and employed in the translation of the Bible by the authority of the Lithuanian Synod. See An Account of the Translation, p. 7. b No record of Kranski’s letters and patents has been found.

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monies, obtained an Order (amongst other Payments) for £50 to be payd to the Printer in part of his debt, (whereas he might as well have obtained an Order for the whole, if he had desired it;) & for allowance of £4 per mensem to the Translator for his Subsistence. The Printer having received his £50, (& £20 more upon another Petition of his own,) being not yet satisfied for the whole of what21 is allready due, (nor the Agent willing to Undertake or Own the Work,) Mr Chilinski can neither have his Bond delivered; nor22 can the Work of the Impression go on, (being still inhibited by the Agent;) nor can he get any of that £4 per mensem for his Subsistence; the Treasurers refusing to pay any, without an Acquittance signed by the Agent, which is not to be had; And the Agent now gone out of Town, to solicite Collections in other places is not likely to return for divers Monthes. And the Agent, more effectually to retard the Work; would now have Mr Chylinski go back again into his own Country, to have the Translation23 examined & reviewed there: sometimes pretending, that he was not24 imployed by those Churches in this work, and therefore not the Translator intended in the Letters Patents; Sometimes, that he will25send or hath sent himself for other Translators; sometimes, that26 there is more necessity of relieving their poor, than printing the Bible; Sometime, wishing that he may perish, & his work with him: Notwithstanding that he had before suggested to his Majestie, (& thereupon obtained the Letters Patents,) that27 those Churches had procured this Translation, &, as a Testimony thereof, a Copy of so much thereof as /fol. 12v/ was then Printed, was presented to his Majestie. Mean while, the Person who upon his own charge, with the supply of his private friends, & his own Study & Credit, hath hitherto carried on that work, wants subsistence to live on (having28 been forced to pawn what he hath;) & the work of Printing the Bible in that Language, which seemes to be the first Intention of the Letters Patents, (the Surplusage onely of that Collection being ordered for the relief of the Poor in those churches) is actually hindred. Having thus given you account of what I take to be the true state of the businesse; I know not well,29 (considering this Disagrement between the Agent & him,) what is more advisable for perfecting the Intended Edition of the Bible in that Language, (which the Letters Patents do30 expressely direct,) than that by Order of his Majestie & Counsel, or by such ways as they may think fit, so much out of the monies collected for that purpose, be payed to Mr Chilinski or the Printer (upon the Acquittance of both of them) by the Treasurers immediately (without dependence on the Agent,) as shall be necessary for that work. I have nothing farther to adde to it, than that I am

10

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 14 Mar. 1662

Your Honours Very humble servant J. W.31

March.14. 1661./2.

Endorsed on fol. 12v (apparently by Boyle): ‘The Businesse about the Bible’.

WALLIS to BOYLEa

14 March 1662

From the printed version in Phil. Trans., 5 (1670), 1087–97 (no. 61 for 18 July 1670). Also printed in Richard Boulton (ed.), The Theological Works of Robert Boyle, Epitomiz’d, 3 vols (London, 1715), i, 292–9.

SIR, I Did acquaint you a while since, That (beside the consideration of…….,1 which I had in hand;) I had undertaken another Task, (almost as hard as to make Mr…… understand Reason,) to Teach a person /p. 1088/ Dumb and Deaf, to speak and to Understand a Language.b Of which if he could do either, the other would be more easy: But his knowing neither, makes both harder. And though the Former may be thought the more difficult; the Latter may perhaps require as much of Time. For if a considerable Time be requisite, for him that can speak One, to learn a Second Language; much more for him that knows None, to learn the First. I told you, in my last, that my Mute was now at least Semivocalis, whereof because you desire a more particular Information, I thought my self obliged to give you this brief Account of that whole Affair: that you may at once perceive, as well, upon what considerations I was induced to Attempt that Work, and what I did propose to my self as Fesible therein, as what Success hath hitherto attended that Essay. The Task it self consists of Two very different parts; each of which doth render the other more difficult. For, beside that which appears upon the first view, To teach a person who cannot Hear, to Pronounce the sound of Words: There is that other, a In Phil. Trans. this letter is printed with an editorial summary as follows: ‘A Letter of Dr. John Wallis to Robert Boyle Esq, concerning the said Doctor’s Essay of Teaching a person Dumb and Deaf to speak, and to Understand a Language; together with the success thereof: Which Letter though written many years since, was but lately obtain’d to be inserted here, it being esteemed very well worth to be preserv’d and communicated for Publick Use.’ b For Wallis’s work on speech and language see Wallis to Boyle, 30 Dec. 1661 (vol. 1, pp. 473– 5). In that letter Wallis refers to his student, Daniel Whaley, son of the mayor of Northampton, and it is Whaley who is discussed here; see John Wallis, Grammar of the English Language, ed. J. A. Kemp (London, 1972), p. 12.

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of teaching him to Understand a Language, and know the signification of those words, whether spoken or written, whereby he may both express his own sense, and understand the Thoughts of others: without which latter, that former were only to speak like a Parrot; or to write like a Scrivener, who understanding no Language but English, transcribes a piece of Latin, Welsh, or Irish; or like a Printer of Greek or Arabick, who knows neither the sound nor signification of what he printeth. Now, though I did not apprehend Either of these impossible; yet, that each of them doth render the other more hard, was so obvious as that I could not be Ignorant of it. For, how easily the understanding of a Language is attain’d by the benefit of Discourse, we see every day; not onely in those, who knowing one Language already, are now to learn a second; but (which doth more resemble the present case) in Children, who as yet knowing none, are now to learn their First Language. /p. 1089/ For it is very certain, that no Two Languages can be so much different the one from the other, but that the knowledge of the one will be subservient to the gaining of the other: not only because there is now a common Language, wherein the Teacher may Interpret to the Learner the signification of those Words and Notions which he knows not, and express his own Thoughts to him; but likewise (which is very considerable,) because the common Notions of Language, wherein all or most Languages do agree, and also so many of the Particularities thereof as are common to the Language he knows already, and that which he is to learn, (which will be very many) are already known; and therefore a very considerable part already dispatched, of that work which will be necessary for the teaching of a First Language, to him who as yet knows none. But to this disadvantage (of teaching a First Language,) when that of Deafness is super-added, it must needs augment the difficulty: since it is manifestly evident from Experience, That the most advantageous way of teaching a Child his First Language, is that of perpetual Discourse; not onely what is particularly addressed to himself, as well in pleasing divertisements, or delightful sportings, (and therefore insinuates it self without any irksom or tedious labour,) as what is directly intended for his more serious Information: But that discourse also which passeth between others; where, without pains or study, he takes notice of what Actions in the Speaker do accompany such words, and what Effects they do produce in those to whom they are directed; which doth, by degrees, insinuate the intendments of those words. And, as that Deafness makes it the more difficult to teach him a Language: so on the other hand, that want of Language, makes it more hard to teach him how to speak or pronounce the Sounds. For there being no other way to direct his Speech, than by teaching him how the Tongue, the Lips, the Palate, and other Organs of speech, are to be applyed and moved in the Forming of such sounds as 12

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 14 Mar. 1662

are required; to the end that he may, by Art, pronounce those /p. 1090/ Sounds, which others do by Custome, they know not how; it may be thought hard enough to express in writing, even to one who understands it very well, those very nice Curiosities and Delicacies of motion, which must be observed (though we heed it not,) by him, who without help of his Ear to guide his Tongue, shall form that variety of Sounds we use in speaking: Many of which Curiosities are so nice and delicate, and the difference in forming those Sounds so very subtile, that most of our selves, who pronounce them every day, are not able, without a very serious consideration, to give an account, by what Art or Motion our-selves form them; much less to teach another how it is to be done. And if, by writing to one who understands a Language, it be thus difficult to give Instruction, how, without the help of Hearing, he may utter those Sounds, it must needs increase the Difficulty, when there is no other Language to express it in, but that of Dumb signs. These Difficulties (of which I was well aware) did not yet so far discourage me from that undertaking, but that I did still conceive it possible that both parts of this Task might be effected. As to the First of them; Though I did not doubt but that the Ear doth as much guide the Tongue in speaking, as the Eye doth the Hand in writing, or playing on the Lute: and therefore those who by accident do wholly lose their Hearing, lose also their Speech, and consequently become Dumb as well as Deaf; (for it is in a manner the same difficulty, for one that Hears not, to speak well; as for him that is blind, to write a fair hand:) yet, since we see that ’tis possible for a Lady to attain so great a Dexterity, as, in the dark, to play on a Lute, though to that variety of nimble motions, the Eyes direction, as well as the Judgment of the Ear, might seem necessary to guide the Hand; I did not think it impossible, but that the Organs of Speech might be taught to observe their due Postures, though neither the Eye behold their Motion, nor the Ear discern the Sound they make. And as to the other; That of Language might seem yet /p. 1091/ more possible. For, since that in Children, every day, the Knowledge of words, with their various Constructions and Significations, is by degrees attained by the Ear; so that, in a few years, they arrive to a competent ability of Expressing themselves in their first Language, at least as to the more usual Parts and Notions of it; Why should it be thought impossible, that the Eye (though with some disadvantage) might as well apply such Complication of Letters or other Characters, to represent the various Conceptions of the mind; as the Ear, a like Complication of Sounds? For though, as things now are, it be very true that Letters are, with us, the immediate Characters of Sounds, as those Sounds are of Conceptions: yet is there nothing, in the nature of the Thing itself, why Letters and Characters might not as properly be applyed to represent Immediately, as by the Intervention of Sounds, what our conceptions are. 13

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Which is so great a Truth, (though not so generally taken notice of,) that ’tis Practiced every day; not onely by the Chineses, whose whole Language is said to be made up of such Characters as to represent Things and Notions, independent on the Sound of words; and is therefore differently spoken, by those who differ not in the Writing of it: (like as what, in Figures, we Write, 1,2,3, for One, Two, Three; a Frenchman, for example, reads Un, Deux, Trois:) But, in part, also amongst our selves; as in the Numeral Figures now mentioned, and many other Characters of Weights and Metals, used indifferently by divers Nations to signifie the same Conceptions, though expressed by a different Sound of words; And, more frequently, in the practice of Specious Arithmetick, and operations of Algebra, expressed in such Symbols, as so little need the Intervention of Words to make known their meaning, that, when different persons come to express, in Words, the sense of those Characters, they will as little agree upon the same Words, though all express the same sense, as two Translators of one and the same Book into another Language. And, though I will not dispute the Practical possibility /p. 1092/ of introducing an Universal Character, in which all Nations, though of different speech, shall express their common Conceptions; yet, that some Two or Three (or more) persons may, by consent, agree upon such Characters, whereby to express each to other their sense in Writing, without attending the Sound of words; is so far from an impossibility, that it must needs be allowed to be very Fesible, if not Facile.a And, if it may be done by new-invented Characters; why not as well by those already in use? Which though to those who know their common use, may signifie Sounds; yet to those that know it not, or do not attend it, may be as immediately applied to signifie Things or Notions, as if they signified nothing else: And consequently, so long as it is purely Arbitrary, by what Character to express such a Thing or Notion; we may as well make use of that Character or Collection of Letters, to express the Thing to Eyes of him that is Deaf; by which others express the Sound or Name of it to those that Hear. So that, indeed, that shall be, to Him, a Real Character, which expresseth to Another a vocal Sound; but signifieth, to Both, the same Conception: Which is, To understand the Language. To these Fundamental Grounds of Possibility in Nature, I am next to add a Consideration which made me think it Morally-possible; that is, not impossible to succeed in Practice. And, because I am now giving an Account to one who is so good a Friend to Mathematicks, and Proficient therein, I shall not doubt but this Consideration will have the force of a great swasive. Considering therefore, from how few and despicable Principles the whole Body of Geometry, by continual consequence, is inforced; if so fair a Pile, and curious Structure may be raised, and a Wallis refers to the plans for producing a rational, natural language with which Boyle had been associated in the 1640s and 1650s; see vol. 1, pp. 52, 245.

14

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 14 Mar. 1662

stand fast upon so small a Bottom; I could not think it incredible, that we might attain some considerable success in this Design, how little soever we had at first to begin upon: and, from those little Actions and Gestures, which have a kind of Natural significancy, we might, if well managed, proceed gradually to the Explication of a compleat Language, and withal, direct to those curiosities of Motion and Posture /p. 1093/ in the Organs of speech, requisite to the Formation of a Sound desired; and, so to effect both parts of what we intend. My next Inducement to undertake it, was a consideration of the Person, (which, in a work of this nature, is of no small concernment;) who was represented to me as very Ingenious and Apprehensive, (and therefore a fit subject to make an Essay upon;) and so far as least a Mathematician as to Draw Pictures; wherein, I was told, he had attained some good ability, which did induce me to believe that he was not uncapable of the Patience, which will be necessary to attend the Curiosity of those little varieties in the Articulation of Sounds; being already accustomed to observe and imitate those little Niceties in a Face, without which it is not possible to Draw a Picture well. I shall add this also, That, once, he could have spoken, though so long ago, that (I think) he doth scarce remember it. But having, by accident, when about five years of age lost his Hearing, he consequently lost his speech also; not all at once, but by degrees, in about half a years time: which though it do confirm what I was saying but now, How needful it is for the Ear to guide the Tongue in Speaking, (since that Habit of Speaking, which was attained by Hearing, was also lost with it,) and might therefore discourage the undertaking; yet I was thereby very much secured, that his want of Speech was but a consequent of his want of Hearing, and did not proceed originally from an Indisposition in the Organs of Speech to form those Sounds. And though the neglect of it in his younger years, when the Organs of Speech, being yet tender, were more pliable, might now render them less capable of that Accurateness which those of Children attain unto: (whereof we have daily experience; it being found very difficult, if not impossible, to teach a Forraigner well in years, the Accurate pronouncing of that Sound or Language, which in his tender years he had not learned:) yet, if he can attain to speak but so well as a Forraigner, at his years, may learn to speak English; what shall be farther wanting to that Accurateness which a /p. 1094/ Native from his Childhood attains unto, may, to an indifferent estimate, be very well dispensed with. Having thus acquainted you with those Consideration which did induce me to attempt it; least you may think I build too confidently thereupon, and judge me guilty of too much vanity, in promising my self a greater success than can, in reason, be hoped for; It will next be necessary to give you some account, what measure of Success I might propose to my self as probable, in such an undertaking. And as to the first part of it, (that of Speaking;) Though I did believe, that much more is to be effected than is commonly thought Fesible, and that it was possible 15

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for him so to speak as to be understood; yet I cannot promise my self, that he shall speak so Accurately, but that a Critical ear may easily discern some Failures, or little differences from the ordinary tone or pronunciation of other men; (since that we see the like every day, when not Forraigners only, but those of our own Nation in the remoter parts of it, can hardly speak so Accurately, as not to discover a considerable difference from what is the common Dialect or Tone at London.) And this not onely upon the consideration last mentioned; (concerning the Organs of Speech less pliable to those Sounds to which they were not from the first accustomed;) but especially upon that other consideration, concerning the Ears usefulness to guide and correct the Tongue. For as I doubt not, but that a Person, who knows well how to Write, may attain, by custome, such a Dexterity, as to write in the Dark tolerably well; yet it could not be expected, that he should perform it with the like Elegancy, as if he saw the Motions of his hand: so neither is it reasonably to be expected, that he who cannot Hear, though he may know how to speak Truly, should yet perform it so Accurately, as if he had the advantage of his Ear also. Nor can I promise, nor indeed hope, that how Accurately soever he may learn to speak, he should be able to make so great Use of it as others do. For since that he cannot hear what others say to Him, as well as express his own Thoughts /p. 1095/ to Them; he cannot make such use of it in Discourse as others may. And though it may be thought possible, that he may, in time, discern, by the motion of the Lips, visible to the Eye, what is said to him; (of which I am loth to deliver a positive judgment, since much may be said conjecturally both ways;) yet this cannot be expected, till at least he be so perfectly Master of the Language, as that, by a few Letters known, he may be able to Supply the rest of the Word; and by a few Words, the rest of the Sentence, or at least the sense of it, by a probable conjecture, (as when we Decipher Letters written in Cipher:) For, that the Eye can actually discern all the varieties of Motion in the Organs of Speech, and see what Sounds are made by those Motions, (of which many are Inward, and are not exposed to the Eye at all,) is not Imaginable. But as to the other Branch of our Design, concerning the Understanding of a Language: I see no reason at all to doubt, but that he may attain This, as perfectly as those that Hear; and that, allowing the like Time and Exercise, as to other men is requisite to attain the Perfection of a Language, and the Elegance of it, he may Understand as well, and Write as Good Language as other men; and (abating onely what doth directly depend upon Sound, as Tones, Cadencies, and such Punctilio’s,) no whit inferiour to what he might Attain to, if he had his Hearing as others have. And what I speak of him in particular, I mean as well of any other Ingenious person in his Condition; who, I believe, might be taught to use their Book and Pen as well as others, if a right Course were taken to that purpose. 16

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 14 Mar. 1662

To tell you next, What Course I have hitherto used towards this Design, it will not be so necessary. For should I descend to Particulars, it would be too Tedious; especially since they are to be used very differently, and varied as the present Case and Circumstances do require. And, as to the General way, it is sufficiently Intimated already. As to that of Speech; I must first, by the most significant signs I can, make him to understand, in what Posture and Motion I would have him apply his Tongue, Lips, and /p. 1096/ other Organs of Speech, to the Forming of such a Sound as I direct. Which if I hit right, I confirm him in it: If he miss, I signifie to him, in what he differed from my Direction; and, to what Circumstances he must attend to mend it. By which means, with some Trials, and a little Patience, he learns first one, then another Sound; and, by frequent Repetitions, is confirmed in it; or (if he chance to forget) Recovers it again. And for this Work, I was so far prepared before hand, that I had heretofore, upon another occasion, (in my Treatise De Loquela, prefixed to my Grammar for the English Tongue,) considered very exactly (what few Attend to) the Accurate Formation of all Sounds in Speaking, (at least as to our own Language, and those I knew:) without which, it were in vain to set upon this Task.a For, if we do not know, or not consider, how we Apply our own Organs in Forming those Sounds we Speak, it is not likely, that we shall, this way, Teach another. As to that of Teaching him the Language: I must (as Mathematicians do from a Few Principles first granted,) from that little stock (that we have to Begin upon) of such Actions and Gestures as have a kind of Natural significancy, or some Few Signs, which himself had before taken up to express his Thoughts as well as he could, Proceed to Teach him, what I mean by somewhat else; and so, by steps, to more and more: And this, so far as well I can, in such Method, as that what he Knows already, may be a step to what he is next to Learn; as, in Mathematicks, we make use, not of Principles only, but Propositions already demonstrated, in the Demonstration of that which follows. It remains now, for the Perfecting the Account which at present you desire of me, only to tell you, what Progress we have already made. Which, had not your Desires commanded from me, I should have respited a while longer, till I might have made it somewhat Fuller. He hath been already with me somewhat more than Two Moneths. In which time, though I cannot be thought to have Finished such a Work; yet the Success is not so little, /p. 1097/ as to Discourage the Undertaking: but as much as I could hope for in so short a time; and more than I did Expect. So that I may say, the Greatest difficulty of Both Parts being almost over; what Remains, is little more a In fact, Wallis’s De loquela was printed with his Grammatica linguae anglicanae (1652); see Wallis, Grammar of the English Language (above, p. 11), p. 128ff.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

than the work of Time and Exercise. There is hardly any Word, which (with deliberation) he cannot Speak; but, to do it Accurately, and with Expedition we must allow him the Practice of some considerable Time, to make it familiar to him. And, as to the Language; though it were very Indifferent to him who Knew none, which to begin withal; yet, since it is out of Question, that English, to him, is like to be the most Useful and Necessary; it was not adviseable to Begin with any other. For though he can Pronounce the Latine with much more Ease, (as being less perplexed with a multitude of concurring Consonants;) yet this is a Consideration of much less concernment than the other. To this therefore having applyed himself, he hath already Learned a great many Words, and, I may say, a considerable part of the English, as to Words of most Frequent use: But the whole Language being so Copious, though otherwise Easy, will require a longer Time to Perfect what he hath Begun. And this, Sir, is the full History of our Progress hitherto. If you shall hereafter esteem our Future Success, worthy your taking notice of, You may Command that, or what else is within the power of SIR, Your Honours very humble Servant, John Wallis.a

Oxford, March 14, 166½

a In the Phil. Trans. this letter is concluded on pp. 1098–9 with the following editorial note: ‘THE Person, to whom the foregoing Letter doth refer, is Mr. Daniel Whaley (Son of Mr. …… Whaley, late of Northampton, and Mayor of that Town.) He was (soon after the date of this Letter) on the 21 of May, 1662 present at a Meeting of the R. Society (of which the Register of that days proceedings takes particular notice,) and did in their presence, to their great satisfaction, pronounce distinctly enough such words as by the Company were proposed to him; and though not altogether with the usual Tone or Accent, yet so as easily to be understood: Whereupon also the said Doctor was, by the same Assembly, encouraged to pursue what he had so ingeniously and so successfully begun. About the same time also (His Majesty having heard of it, and being willing to see him) he did the like several times at Whitehall, in the presence of His Majesty, His Highness Prince Rupert, and divers others of the Nobility, though he had then employed but a small time in acquiring this ability. In the space of one year, which was the whole time of his stay with Dr. Wallis, he had read over a great part of the English Bible, and had attained so much skill as to express himself intelligibly in ordinary affairs; to understand Letters written to him, and to write Answers to them, though not elegantly, yet so as to be understood: And in the presence of many Forraigners (who out of Curiosity have come to see him,) hath oft-times, not only read English and Latin to them, but pronounced the most difficult words of their Languages (even Polish it self,) which they could propose to him. Since that time, though he hath not had opportunity of making much further improvement for want of an Instructour, yet he doth yet retain what he had attained to; or, wherein he may have forgot the niceness requisite in the pronunciation of some Sounds, doth easily recover it with a little help. Nor is this the only Person on whom the said Doctor hath shewed the effect of his skill, but he hath since done the like for another (a young Gentleman of a very good /p. 1099/ Family, and a fair

18

BOYLE

to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES, 15 May 1662

BOYLE to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLANDa

15 May 1662

From the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 4 September 1662, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1659– 1701), fols 32v–4. Previously printed from the Plymouth copy of the minutes in D. Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New England, 12 vols (Boston, 1855–61) x, 272–4, with which the Hartford text has been collated and significant differences noted.b Also printed in T. Hutchinson (ed.), A Collection of Papers Relative to the History of the Colony of Massachusetts-Bay (London, 1769), pp. 374–7; D. Gookin, Historical Collections of the Indians in New England (Boston, 1792), pp. 214–16; and E. Hazard (ed.), Historical Collections: Consisting of State Papers, and other Authentic Documents; Intended as materials for an History of the United States of America, 2 vols (Philadelphia, 1792), ii, 453–5. The Hutchinson version was reprinted in The Hutchinson Papers, 2 vols (Albany, 1865), ii, 97–100.

Estate,) who did from his birth want his Hearing. On this occasion I thought it very suitable to give notice of a small Latin Treatise, of this same Authour, first Published in the year 1653, intituled De Loquela [of Speech,] prefixed to his Grammar of the English Tongue (Written also in Latin,) In which Treatise of Speech (to which he refers in this discourse, and on confidence of which he durst undertake that difficult task) he doth very distinctly lay down the manner of forming all Sounds of Letters usual in Speech, as well of the English, as of other Languages, which is, I think, the first Book ever Published in that kind, (for, though some Writers formerly have here and there occasionally said something of the Formation of some particular Letters; yet none, that I know of, had before him undertaken to give an account of all.) Whether any, since him, have with more judgment and accurateness performed the same, I will not take upon me at all to determine. In his Grammar of the English Tongue (to which this of Speech is prefixed) he hath so briefly and clearly given an account of this Language, as may be very advantagious, not only to Strangers; for the easy attainment thereof, but even to the English themselves for the clear discovering (which few take notice of) the true genius of their own Language.’ The ‘young gentleman’ described here as a student of Wallis’s was Alexander Popham, son of Lady Anne Wharton by her first husband Edward Popham (1610–51); see Wallis, Grammar of the English Language (above, p. 11), p. 12. For a related letter from Wallis to Sir Robert Moray which survives among the Boyle Letters see vol. 6, pp. 428–9. a The New England Commissioners were instituted in 1643 when the four New England Colonies, Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Haven, and Plymouth formed a confederacy for their mutual defence. Each colony elected two representatives who met annually. The 1649 Act which established the Society for Propagating the Gospel in New England appointed the Commissioners the society’s representatives in America; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 62. This letter was subscribed by Boyle in his capacity as Governor of the New England Company, but was probably drafted by Henry Ashurst. b Here and in subsequent letters from this source, we have noted places where Pulsifer’s text has words that do not appear in the Hartford one, adopting readings from that version when they make better sense. However, we have not felt it appropriate to note the numerous places where the Pulsifer text is inferior to the Hartford one.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Honourable Gentlemen A Letter of yours beinge brought hither some months agoe directed to Mr Ashhurst and Mr Huchinsona though the former of those Two Gentlemen did by the last1 ship as he tells us acknowledge /fol. 33/ the receipt of it and intimate the reasons of our Silence yet we now think it fit also to assure you our selves how acceptable it was to us to be enformed partly by that letter of yours and partly by the Relations of some learned Ministers that came a while since from New England That you continue your care & concerne for the propogation of the Gosple of Christ amongst the poor Indians And we are glad that throw the goodnes of God: we are now in a Condition to informe you that since the receipt of your Latly mentioned Letter It hath pleased the Kings Majesty in Councell to Grant a Charter of incorporation;2 Wherby many of the Nobility and other persons of Quallity and most of those Gentlemen that were3 imployed in the like worke are Authorized and appointed to endeavour the carrying on that pious designe of converting the heathen natives wherin they deservedly4 esteemed both an honour and advantage be imployed in this new establishment, being among other perticulers enjoyned to appoint Commissioners in New England5 to prosecute ther by our directions his Majesties pious intentionsb we judge this to be a matter of the highest concernment that belongs to the worke intrusted to us for all our endeavours here and all the supplies we may procure from hence wil be but ineffectuall though not to our owne soules yet to the worke we would promote unles there be a prudent & faithfull mannadgement of what we send over by the Comissioners we shal appoint in N: England and of those whom they shal imploy & therfore since haveing obtained the best information we can and seriously considered the matter we have pitcht upon the same course that hath bene formerly taken in pursueance of the same ends and have6 accordingly determined at present to desire you to take upon you againe the same care and manadgement of this worke upon the place c we hope you wil discerne7 how great a trust we repose in you and we doubt not of your readines to comply (as formerly you have done) with our directions herein, The a This is a reference to a letter sent by the Commissioners to Richard Hutchinson and ‘William’ Ashurst, 12 Sept. 1661. The letter was addressed to them rather than the company because the act of 1649 which created the society had become void at the Restoration. Hutchinson (1597–1670), was a member of the Society from its creation in 1649. Kellaway assumes that Mr Ashurst is Henry Ashurst (c. 1614–80), a London draper and merchant who was elected to the Court of the New England Society in 1658 and became Treasurer in 1659. The confusion may have arisen because Henry Ashurst’s signature looks like W. Ashurst. See Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 259–64 and Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 18, 20, 41, 74. b The charter incorporating the New England Company was sealed on 7 Feb. 1662. Among the 45 named in the new charter nine had been members of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, although seven previous members were omitted. Boyle, who had not been active in the Society, was appointed Governor; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 45–7. c The 1662 charter left the Company free to appoint whom they chose as their agents in New England but the Company preferred to continue to work with the New England Commissioners. See Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 62, 74–5.

20

BOYLE

to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES, 15 May 1662

busines wherein we desire to engage you being such as we think it truly honourable to bee engaged in our selves and the designe being of a nature to which the /fol. 33v/ greatest8 promises are annexed, besides that the Converteing & Civilizeing your barbarous & unbelieveing neighbours is that whose success wilbe in some regards of more imediate advantage to your selves then to us [.] Our good wishes to soe ‹Christian›9 a worke makes it much our trouble to see that the meanes to carry it on are noe greater then we at our entrance find them which wee10 mention not by way of reflection11 upon those to whose hands the mannadgment of them was committed before the Grant of the Charter [but]12 because it is necesary for us to acquaint you with the Condition wee are brought to partly by the great charge you and we have bene at on severall necessary occasions and partly and (indeed cheifly) by the injurious dealing of some who take advantage of the Letter of the Law against all Justice and Equity to repossess themselves of what they formerly sould wherby the greatest part of our revenue is at present deteined which wil prove we feare very Expensive and somewhat difficult13 to recover,a and Therfore we desire as little money as may be drawen on us for this yeare to come as wil possibly consist with your not neglecting of what is necessary to be done. we say for this next yeare, because we cannot be soe dispondent as not to hope that the providence of God wil by some meanes or other provide for the supply of a worke tending14 soe much to his owne glory & so acceptable to those that are soe hartily concerned for it, The Bill of £800 drawn for the use of the Indian worke is for the ‹most parte›15 payd and should have bene intirely soe ere now were it not for want of present money: that which is from time to time layd outb we desire according to your Commendable practice, be sent us over in a particuler within the yeare and it may assist us in regulateing of our expences. If you would be pleased to let us know by the first conveniency what further charges you judg you shalbe put to by perfecting the printeing of the Bible the use of that divine booke and also a Constant use of Catachisme we judg most necessary for the Indians instruction in religionc and we also think it may conduce to Unity and order if the same a The 1662 charter failed to confirm the company’s ownership of the property previously owned by the society. In 1653 Colonel Thomas Bedingfield, a former royalist soldier, sold lands in Suffolk to the society but after the Restoration he re-entered his former property and disputed the validity of the sale; although the company obtained a decree in chancery in their favour in 1663, in the interval the company was denied a key part of its revenue; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 37–8, 43, 54–5. b On 10 Apr. 1662 the Court of the New England Company ordered Ashurst to write to the Commissioners concerning the payment of their bill of exchange. This letter of 15 May was presumably the draft approved by the Court. For a copy of the Bill of Exchange see Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 263. c The Bible was translated into the Natick dialect of northern Massachusetts (northern Algonquian) in the 1650s by John Eliot (1604–90). The New Testament was published in 1661 but the Old Testament was not completed until 1663. Eliot also brought out a catechism in the same language in 1654. Another catechism in the Quinpi language of the Indians near New Haven by Abraham Pierson was published in 1658; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 103, 124–33.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Catachisme be generally16 taught amongst them, If our Stock doth increace /fol. 34/ which we hope hereafter it may Espesially since his Majestie himself hath gratiously pleased particulerly to countenance this worke and to secure both what hath bene and what may be given17 to this worke by a Legall Settlement which before18 was wanteing if (we say) our meanes increase we should consider of some imployment by way of Trade or manufacture to imploy the Indiansa or if in the interim there occuress [sic] to you any thinge about this or any other matter that you judge may tend to the promoteing of that good worke wherin we have the happines to be joyntly engaged your information and advice wilbe as well as your assistance very welcome to us.

London May 15th 62.

Signed in the name and by the appointment of the Corporation for the propagation of the Gosple19 per Robert Boyle Governor.

For the Worshipfull the Commissioners for the united Colonies in New England

BOYLE to MICHAEL BOYLEb

27 May 1662

From the draft in hand D in BL 1, fols 158–9. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 243–4, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 56–7.

May the 27th 1662 My Lord You will not I presume think my Silence strang, when I shall have acquainted Your Lordship, that the Reasons of it have been, partly that I was inform’d that the Parliament of Ireland had adjorn’d it selfe for a long time, & partly because an honest Gentleman of publick Employments, & very well vers’d in the Affaires of that Countrey, did some days after Your Lordship’s Departure hence, undertake to procure me with all convenient speed,1 an Account how those Impropriations which a It was an article of faith among those concerned with converting the Indians that they must first abandon their nomadic life and take up European working practices. Although schemes for providing them with work were devised, the company’s lack of funds prevented them from being implemented; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 8, 107–9. b Michael Boyle (c. 1609–1702), bishop of Cork from 1660, who in 1662 became archbishop of Dublin. Michael Boyle was the son of Richard Boyle (d. 1645), cousin to the 1st Earl of Cork.

22

BOYLE

to MICHAEL BOYLE, 27 May 1662

are within the Grant made me by his Majesty are, or are like to be provided of Ministers & Maintainance.a And though the procuring me this Account would I knew require some time, Yet the Requisitnes ‹of it› to assist me how to order my selfe on this unhappy Occasion, made me unwilling to write to Your Lordship till I had receiv’d it, & the Adjornment of the Parliament made me hope I might receive it seasonably enough: But being surpriz’d since the last Post ‹with the News› of the Parliaments being met againe, & of the quick Progresse that is making in the Act for the Setlement of Ireland, the Promise I made Your Lordship at our Separation, forbids me to delay to say somthing to You about the Bysines we then discours’d of,b But it is now soe late at night that I must not till ‹a fitter›2 opportunity enlarge upon Particulars but must make hast to informe Your Lordship That having as /fol.158v/ I told ‹You› I intended, apply’d my selfe to that excellent Prelate the Bishop of Lincolne for his Advice on soe nice an occasion, I came upon the whole Matter to this Result, That the Kings Grant made to me having preceded both the Grant made in the Act to the Church, & ev’n the Churches Application to his Majesty for that Grant, I might ‹justly› challenge the Impropriations mention’d in my Provisoe (For as for the Reference made by the King upon the Conventions Addresse to the Lords Justices & Councill in Ireland, they having never made any Returne upon it to the King, it signify’d nothing to debarre anothers Right,) And therefore I would not have what I intend to doe reflect upon those Persons of Honour that (though unknowne to me) made use of my Name to obtaine the Grant from the King, Since in such disputable Cases, Persons that act very differently from one another may yet ‹all›3 satisfy their owne Judgments & Consciences in their Proceedings.c But in regard my Intention in generall, was to apply an Addition of Revenue, if my freinds procur’d any for me to good Uses, though I confesse I design’d it rather for the Advancement of reall Learning then to any other purpose, Yet since it soe falls out that unknowne to me it is cast upon Impropriations,4 ‹’tis very likely that by the Accompt I expect of the State of them, a The second session of the 1661 Irish Parliament ended on 22 Mar. 1662, the third session began on 17 Apr. 1662. The gentleman referred to is Sir James Shaen (d. 1695), who sat for Clonmel in the 1661 Irish Parliament, and was married to Boyle’s niece Frances Fitzgerald. Charles II gave all tithes in his disposal to ministers of the parish from which they derived; see CSPI, 1660–2, p. 91. On the impropriations that were granted to Boyle see Michael Hunter, Robert Boyle 1627–91: Scrupulosity and Science (Woodbridge, 2000), ch. 4. b By the date of this letter the Act for the Settlement of Ireland had been passed by the Commons and was introduced in the Lords on 23 May. See Journal of the Irish House of Commons, 8 vols (Dublin, 1753), ii, 14, 16, 25, 26, 28; Journal of the Irish House of Lords, 2 vols (Dublin, 1779–80) iii, 301. c Robert Sanderson (1587–1663), bishop of Lincoln from Oct. 1660, was provided with financial assistance by Boyle in 1658 to prepare his lectures on casuistry for publication. Boyle refers to the king’s grant of the impropriations to the Church; the Irish Convention, elected largely on the basis of the traditional Commons constituencies, met in Dublin in Mar. 1660 and advised the newly restored Charles II to confirm the existing Cromwellian land settlement. See K. S. Bottigheimer, ‘The Restoration Land Settlement: A Structural View’, Irish Historical Studies, 18 (1972), 1–21, on pp. 6, 9.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

I may see Cause› to make the ‹more› immediate Service of Religion5 ‹(by releeving the Poore in those Places, & contributing, if need be, towards the Maintenance of Ministers there, or6 promoting other ‹good› workes (there or elsewhere as from time to time occasion may require)7 the Principall of those Good› Uses, to which I have ‹thoughts to› apply ‹about 2 thirds of› what will, de Claro,a come to me out of my share of this Grant.8 (Hoping ‹also› that the other Persons of Honour that are concern’d in it, ‹will have a care› that the Impropriations whose Revenues are given them, be provided with Ministers),9 And I should ‹possibly› employ the other 3d part alsoe the same way, but that his Majesty has been pleas’d without my seeking (or soe much as Knowledge) to appoint me Governour to a Corporation for the Propagating10 of the Gospell among the heathen Natives in New-England, & other parts of America.b And this Corporation being at great charges /fol. 159/ for severall necessary Workes & especially for the translating & Printing of the Bible in the Indian tongue, above one halfe of their11 Revenue is injuriously detain’d from them by a Person who had sold it to a Corporation erected for the same purposes with our’s, under the late usurping Powers, & now has repossess’d himselfe of his Land, because those that he sold it to were not legally qualify’d to have a sale made to them.c By which Meanes soe pious a Designe ‹as› is12 pursu’d by this Corporation is now in danger to miscarry for want of Maintainance, Soe that the Worke being soe charitable13 & I having a peculiar Call to promote it, I think after having [a]dvis’d14 with the Bishop of Lincolne in the Case, that it becomes me on such a Juncture of Circumstances, to apply the other 3d part or thereabouts of what the Kings Grant will yeild me for 6 or 7 Yeares at least, to the carrying on of soe unquestionab‹ly› good a worke. Soe that the ‹maine› Benefit I intend to derive from the Kings Bounty is the Opportunity of doeing some Good with what if my freinds had not obtain’d it, might have been beg’d by others, who would have otherwise employ’d it. And by this I hope Your Lordship will be confirm’d in the Beleife of what I formerly assur’d You of, Namly, that had I knowne that any thing was ask’d for me whose Grant would have been prejudiciall ‹or unwelcome› to the Church I should not have consented to have my Name made use of for a much greater Matter then the Provisoe is like to yeild me. And the same day Your Lordship did me the Honour to informe me of the State of the Case I offer’d some of the Party’s concern’d to relinquish the Grant though it had already pass’d the King & Councill soe I nor my Name might have nothing to doe with it, But one of the Interested Partys being then too farre off to be consulted, the Proffer was declin’d. From all which I hope Your Lordship will doe me the Right to conclude that I was farre from designing the Prejudice of the ‹Church›,15 a

i.e., clearly; used here to denote what came, after all deductions were made, to Boyle. On Boyle’s appointment as Governor of the New England Company see above, p. 20n. For the translation of the Bible into the Algonquian language, and for Thomas Bedingfield’s repossession of the lands he sold to the Company, see above, p. 21n. b c

24

BOYLE

to [MORAY], [July 1662]

& that though it cannot in reason be /fol.159v/ expected that I should doe any thing to hinder the other Persons concern’d in my Provisoe to pursue the having it pass’d & to enjoy the Benefit of it, Yet I doe not at all desire that either Your Lordship or any other Person, that thinks the Provisoe may be justly excepted against upon the Churches behalfe, should for my sake at all abstaine from acting & speaking as his Judgment & Conscience shall direct him, ‹For›16 as my Partners are, & I thinke not causlesly, confident of being able to carry on in Ireland that which has already pass’d the Scrutiny here, Soe for my part all I pretend to by this Grant is to have the Power in my owne hands to see that the Proceed of it be carefully employ’d to the good Uses whereto I designe it. And if in the Management of this17 Busynes my Ignorance of the Affaires of Ireland ‹in which You know how much I have been of late Yeares a stranger› has in any thing misguided me, I hope Your Lordship’s Goodnes & the Fairnes of my Intentions will incline You to make, & perswade others to doe the like, the best Construction of the Action of a Person that is soe much May 27 May the 27th 1662

My Lord Your Lordship’s Most humble and most affectionate Servant

Endorsed on fol. 159v with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. II’.

JOHN EVELYN to BOYLE June 1662 This lost letter from virtuoso and diarist John Evelyn (1620–1706), is recorded in Birch’s list (BL MS Add. 4229, fol. 71v) in the form ‘[Evelyn] sends his Chalcography’. Evelyn’s Sculptura: or The History, and Art of Chalcography and Engraving in Copper (1662) is dedicated to Boyle. Evelyn presented the work to the Royal Society on 10 June 1662 (Diary, ed. E. S. de Beer, 5 vols (Oxford, 1955) iii, 325), so it seems likely that Boyle would have received his copy at a comparable date.

BOYLE to [MORAY]a

[July 1662]b

From the original in hand D with Boyle’s signature in the Christiaan Huygens Collection, University of Leiden, HUG 45. 4o/2. An undated copy is RS LBO 1, 39– 43, with a further version in RS LBC 1, 42–8. a On the right-hand side of the letter is written in Moray’s hand: ‘Cette lettre s’adresse a moy’, ‘this letter is addressed to me’. b The date is evident from Moray to Huygens, 1 Sept. 1662, Œuvres complètes, iv, 216.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Previously printed in Œuvres complètes, iv, 217–20.

SIR I perceive by Monsieur Zulychem’s Letter which by your favour I have now receiv’d, that my former bookes I ventur’d to trouble him with, have not exhausted his partiality for my writings, since he is pleasd to make you such a mention of my last1 that I can much better resent & blush at then deserve, which you will obleige me to let him know the next time you write to him.a But because I presume you & perhaps he may expect that I should say something to the particulars in my book on which he animadverts, especially since his objections are soe few, as well as soe judicious, that as they highly deserve a serious reflection, soe I may give you my thoughts of them in this cover wherein I inclose you his letter,b I shall take notice to you in few words (having not now time to trouble you with many) that the particulars in Monsieur Zulycheim’s letter that require to2 have something sayd to them by way of answer, are these fowre. The first is my having made such solemn Answers to my two adversarys Linus & Mr: Hobbes whose arguments he is pleasd to speak soe slightingly of.c But though to this I might represent that I could not hope to finde many readers that understood those controversys half soe well as Monsieur Zulichem, And though I might adde what els I say in the prefaces & beginnings of the books them selves, to give an account of my proceedings, Monsieur Zulychem’s Civility has furnisht me with an answer, that I should not els have made use of in saying that he finds I have done what Indeed I indeavourd to doe, bye taking occasion from the objections I answerd to offer somethings to the Reader, towards the further illustration of the Doctrine it self of the spring of the air. As to what he sayes touching the hypothesis assumed to make out the phænomena of Rarefaction, it will not be requisite for me to inlarge upon it, The Proposer3 of the Hypothesis being himself ready /fol. 1v/ to give you an account of it.d And Monsieur Zulichem though (cheifly through the Printers fault) he mistakes the proposer of it, Yet rightly apprehends both that the Hypothesis is plausible enough, and that tis propos’d but (as his letter speakes) as a project or a possible a Boyle refers to the letter sent by Huygens to Moray, 14 July 1662, Œuvres complètes, iv, 171. Presumably Boyle refers to his Sceptical Chymist, the subject of earlier letters between Huygens and Moray; see above, pp. 5–6. The other work referred to is Spring of the Air; see ibid. b The enclosure is not extant. c This is a reference to Franciscus Linus or Francis Line (1595–1675), Jesuit and scientific writer, and Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), philosopher. Boyle’s answers to Linus and Hobbes appeared as Defence and Examen (1662); see Works, vol. 3. d Boyle alludes to Robert Hooke, whose hypothesis based on the circular motion of corpuscles was presented as part of Boyle’s Defence; see Works, vol. 3, pp. 83–93. The implication here is that the work had been intended to be signalled as Hooke’s more clearly than was in fact the case in the published version; see Works, vol. 3, pp. xii–xiii, 83. See also Antonio Clericuzio, ‘The Mechanical Philosophy and the Spring of the Air: New Light on Robert Boyle and Robert Hooke’, Nuncius, 13 (1998), 69–75.

26

BOYLE

to [MORAY], [July 1662]

way of salving the phænomena of Rarefaction without having recourse to the unintelligible way of Aristotle.a Of the two other & more important particulars, that Monsieur Zulychem objects. The first you know is that he conceives not either by Linus his hypothesis or ours there can be a sufficient Reason rendred, why in the Torricellian Experiment, the finger that stops the orifice of the tube when it has neer 29½ inches of Mercury, should lift it4 up & stick soe close to it as to need some force though but a litle to sever it from the Orifice. But here I first take notice that he judiciously observes, that the difficulty to explicate this phænomenon is as great in our adversarys hypothesis as in ours. Next You may remember that in my book I inform’d you, that upon severall tryalls we could not finde the experiment to succeed, Nor does Monsieur Zulichem mention it as a thing duly tryed, by himself or any of his freinds. But however let us in the third place consider whether the phænomenon if granted sometimes to happen may not be well enough salved by our hypothesis. For Monsieur Zulichem as A person that very well understands it, does himself allow that (to use his words) the finger being prest from above (Let me add & laterally too) by the weight of the atmosphere & the Mercury from beneath, they ought for this reason to continue joynd together. Now5 In case it happen as it often does without being heeded, that the glass being unæqually blown the orifice contiguous to the finger be broader then the rest, The atmosphericall cylinder that presses against the finger will have a greater Diameter then the Mercuriall, And consequently be able to sustein a greater weight. But, setting aside this case if the pressure of the air can sustein a cylinder all of Mercury whose height is 30 inches, it may well be concived [sic] to be able, more then barely to sustain such a Cylinder, in case part of it be not of Mercury, but of a farr less ponderous body of glass whose weight by comparing it with exact schales6 /fol. 2/ we finde to be ‹to that of the water of the same bulk› as 1 to 2 2⁄3 . And consequently its weight to that of Mercury is as 1 to 5¼. not now to examine whether & how far the close adhæsion of the finger to the tube may be promoted by the spring of the pulp, thrust into the deserted part of the tube, and there expanding it self, as I have often observed the parts of living creatures to doe in our exhausted Receiver. The Last thing which Monsieur Zulichem findes a Difficulty in being the same which he also formerly proposd, is that shutting up in the Receiver a short glass tube filld with water, and inverted into a jar7 containing some of the same liquor, if it were common water it would upon the exhaustion of the Receiver subside in the tube or rather be deprest by the expansion of the aeriall particles latitant in the water. b But in case the water were before the8 operation freed from such aeriall particles then noe pumping would make it subside. The experiments in tubes of 5 a

See A Defense of New Experiments, in Works, vol. 3. See Huygens to Moray, 3 Feb. 1662, and Huygens to J. Chapelain and Moray, June 1662, in Œuvres complètes, iv, 23–5 and 174–5. b

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or 6 inches I have severall times made which lessens not my resentment of Monsieur Zulichem Favour in imparting it to me. But I confess I am still of the opinion which you may perchance remember that I proposd some monthes agoe in our Assembly of Gresham Colledge[.]a For Monsieur Zulychem indeed does as he is wont argue very rationaly, wher he concludes this to be a capitall difficulty. But his whole reasoning is built upon supposition that the Receiver is quite void of air, and that he collects from his not being able to pump out any more. But we must confess that hitherto we have not been able to bring our engine to that passe as to free it perfectly from air, though we now make use of one whose pump being under water is probably lesse subject to leake then Monsieur Zulichem’s, though otherwise I question not but9 very exact as can be. Yet having purposely made tryalls in short pipes with Quicksilver insteed of water, we unwillingly found, that if we first freed it from air, /fol. 2v/ we could scarce make it subside in the tube soe low as within half an inche or thereabouts of the surface of the externall mercury. Soe that if the pipe had been filled with water freed from air, that litle air that yet remained in the Receiver, would have kept it from descending, though the aqueous cylinder had been 7 or 8 inches high, And in case our care & diligence had been less or our pump had not been placed under water to keep it more stanch tis very likely that there would have remaind air enough to keep up a cylinder of water of at least twice or 3 that length. These Sir are my present thoughts concerning this phænomenon, which I offer you with the less scruple because they question not Monsieur Zulychem’s Ratiocination, but only the stanchness of his pump, And will I presume10 appear allowable, ’til a far more perfect exhaustion of the Receiver can be cleerly made out.b Yet I would not by these conjectures divert either him or my self from further inquirys. For though the hypothesis it self of the spring of the air, be I hope sufficiently establisht: Yet by reason of the peculiar texture of some bodys, or some unheeded circumstances there may happen some odd phænomenon or other, very difficult to be accounted for, As I observe in the Experiment concerning the permanent expansion of Spirit of Wine. But my hast forbids me add any more to your trouble, save that renew’d request that when you write to Monsieur Zulychem you would assure him of my recentment of the favour of his letter and especially of that part of it that conteines his animadversions, which comming from such a one as He, cannot be unwellcome to a person who knowes how much fitter for him ’tis to be instructed, then applauded. And if in this paper you finde your self any thing of scruple, You may command my Indeavours to remove it at your next being waited on by a

i.e., the Royal Society. On the differences between Boyle and Huygens on this subject see Shapin and Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump (above, p. 5), pp. 235–56. b

28

[HOOKE] to BOYLE, July 1662

Sir Your most affectionate & most humble servant Ro: Boyle. My hast made me forget to returne my humble thanks to Monsieur Zulychem for what he offers about the experiment to be made at Westminster.11a

[ROBERT HOOKE] to BOYLEb

July 1662

From the scribal version, evidently in hand D, in the Christiaan Huygens Collection, University of Leiden, HUG 45. 4o/1. Previously printed in Œuvres complètes, iv, 221–2.

SIR The objections of Monsieur Hugens (which you were pleasd to acquaint me with) as they may be very well made against my hypothesis, before it be more fully explicated, then it is in that short attempt which I presum’d to trouble you with, concerning the rarefaction of the air.c Soe I doubt not but upon a more copious explication they will very easily be remov’d, by the ingenious Objector himself. For my first hypothesis (in1 which it is the difficulty lyes) being Epicurean, supposes first an internall motion in the particles of bodyes especially of such as are fluid (a principle generally granted by that sect) which therefore though it may be retarded by the occursion of ‹other› bodys, either contrarily moved or at rest, yet those impediments are noe sooner remov’d, then the freed particles begin again their naturall and congenite motion, which in the particles of the air is here suppos’d circular. Next the parts them selves being supposd much of the shape of a watch-spring, or coyle of wire, And to have a circular motion, like that of the meridian of a Globe2 upon it’s poles doe thereby become potentiall sphæres or globules (if I may soe speake) that is, they defend a sphæricall space from being entred into by any other of the like globules, unless they3 be thrust on with a sufficient strengh [sic]. By which meanes the coyled particles when by externall pressure they are driven into lesse room doe not loose their naturall circular motion, and consequently not their power of maintaining a globular space, though a We have not been able to discover whether a replication of Torricelli’s experiment did take place in Westminster; see Shapin and Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump (above, p. 5), p. 163. b In the margin of the letter, in the hand of Robert Moray are the words ‘Cette lettre s’adresse a Monsieur Boyle.’ For the date of this letter see above, p. 25n. c For the differences between Hooke’s hypothesis and Huygens see above, pp. 26–8. Hooke’s views on the rarefaction of air are published in Boyle’s Defence (1662); see Works, vol. 3, pp. 83–101.

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now indeed made less & much contracted. That is, both the one and the other have4 almost the same propension or aptitude to slide by each other without sticking, as by reason of their internall motion they are noe ways fitt, whilst that remaines, to compose a solid body. Soe that whether we consider them as crowded together by some externall pressure (in which state each particle having less room to perform its circular motion in, will consequently maintain a less sphære) or expanded by being left more at their liberty, they5 may still be supposd potentiall sphæres or Globuls, Now smaller & more massy, and consequently /fol. 1v/ more difficult to be remov’d, and soe composing a more sluggish or retarding medium, such as we find comprest air to be by its hindring not only the motion of light descending bodys, but even that of light as appeares by its greater refraction, such are water and other liquors which in this hypothesis are suppos’d to consist of the same kind of Particles though specificated by some other proprietys, not necessary here to be mentiond; whereas at other times these potentiall globules when bigger are consequently more spongy (if I may soe speak:) and soe compose a fluid body that does more readily yeald to the transcursion of the rayes of light, or ‹to› the vibrations of a Pendulum made with wooll or feathers. But though the composd body be sometimes more dens at other times more rare yet may it as properly be call’d a fluid body ‹then› as now6. As quicksilver is as properly termed a fluid body as air it self. This is in short Sir what I have to reply to the Ingenious scruples of Monsieur Zulichem. In defense I say not of my opinion, but hypothesis, whose Principles I doe not here undertake to vindicate, but only that those being granted, I suppose not only all those which7 Franciscus Linus has instanced in, But even all the phænomena of rarefaction may be at least as well, if not more intelligibly explicated then by that of Aristotle.a Whose hypothesis that newly mention’d authour soe far maintaining, as not only to assert it the most probable, but to brand all other with impossibility, I w[as]8 a litle transported with zeale for the honour of some moderne Philosophers as well as of some that præceded Aristotle (And Particularly because he had oppos’d it to your Doctrine of the spring of the air, soe firmly founded on those numerous experiments & reasons which you had alledg’d for it, And that without bringing any considerable either reason or Experiment against it.) And at some leasure howres drew up & præsented to you the sum of my thoughts on that particular. Which since they have passt your severe scrutiny, and tha[t]9you were pleas’d to honor soe far as to publish with some of your owne, I think my self now obleig’d to vindicate, at least by a further explication10 of it as to the resolving the Doubts of that Noble Virtuoso. which is the occasion of the trouble that is at present given you by

a

For Franciscus Linus see above, p. 26n.

30

WINTHROP

to BOYLE, 27 July 1662

Sir Your Honours most obleig’d & most humble servant

JOHN WINTHROPa to BOYLE

27 July 1662

From the original in BL 5, fols 197–9. Fol/2. Not previously printed in full.

Honorable Sir I had the inclosed twice transcribed, before It could be fitt for your perusall ‹there› being some such mistakes in the former copy, that I was necessitated to blott it in severall places, for amendment of those errata, which had passed the hand of a young scribe: this was the cause, that it hath beene delaied so long:1 there will appeare many impertinencies, as to the cheife matters that concerne that subject (the husbandry of it being, as I remember cheifly desired, together with the manner of the bread & beare made out of it), what is added impertinently was intended to obviate some questions, & make knowne some other things that are only occasionall, which I was the bolder to doe being intended only for your honours private view, and an other honorable friend then present when I had your commands about it:b you may be pleased to pick out what may be pertinent to the matter of the discourse, & the rest, or anything unsutable wilbe fitt to be obliterated, that ‹there may be› the least satisfaction to your honour from any part,2 its all that was intended, & desired by Your much obliged & most humble servant John Winthrop:

London July 27:3 1662

For the honorable / Robert Boyle Esqr at / Chelsy dd a John Winthrop, jr (1606–76), Governor of Connecticut in 1657 and 1659–76. He was in London from Sept. 1661 until early 1663 procuring a new charter for his colony. During this time he was enrolled as one of the original fellows of the Royal Society. See R. C. Black, The Younger John Winthrop (New York, 1966), p. 212ff. b This person has not been identified, although Fulmer Mood, who printed a substantial extract from this letter in his ‘John Winthrop, jr., on Indian Corn’, New England Quarterly, 10 (1937), 121–33, speculates on p. 123 that it might be Henry Oldenburg.

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Seal: Oval. Not heraldic. Full-length antique figure. Endorsed on fol. 99 in contemporary hand[?]: ‘Mr Winthrop’s Letter about husbandry’.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER From the scribal original (written in a different hand to the letter) in BL 5, fols 199– 202. Fol/2+2 folded together. Previously printed in Fulmer Mood, ‘John Winthrop, jr., on Indian Corn’, New England Quarterly, 10 (1937), 121–33. A shorter revised version is printed in Phil. Trans., 12 (1678), 1065–9 (no. 142 for December 1677–February 1678).

The Corne which was used in New England before the English inhabited any of those parts, is called by the Natives there Weachim, and is the same which hath beene knowne by the Name of Mays in some Southerne parts of America This sort of Corne is generally made use of in many parts of America for their food. and although in the Northerne Plantations, where the English and Dutch ‹are›1 settled, there is plenty of Wheat, and other Graine, yet this sort of Corne is still much in use there both for Bread, & other kind of food made out of it 2 It seemes in those times before it was ‹so› well knowne3 Mr Gerard had beene informed of it, as if it were a Graine, not so pleasant or fitt to be Eaten by mankind, as may appeare by what he writeth of it in his Herball pag 83 that it is hard of Digestion, and yeildeth little or no Nourishment &c, (yet acknowledgeth, there had beene yet no certaine proofe or Experience of it.)a yet it is now found by much Experience, that it is wholsome and pleasant for Food of which greate Variety may be made4 out of it The Composure of the Eare is very beautifull, being sett in Even Rowes, every Graine in each Row over against the other, at equall distance, there being commonly Eight Rowes upon an Eare and sometimes more, according to the Goodness of the Ground. It hath also usually above thirty Graines in one Row, the number of Rowes & Graines being according to the Strength of5 the Ground, the Eare is commonly about a Spann long. Nature hath delighted it selfe to beautify this Corne with greate Variety of Colours, the White, and the Yellow being most common, being such a yellow as is betwene a Straw Colour, and a pale yellow; there are also of very many other Colours, as Red Yellow. Blew, Olive Colour, and Greenish, and some very black and a Winthrop refers to John Gerard (1545–1612), botanist, and author of The herball or Generall Historie of Plants (1597); the edition referred to here is that of 1636.

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some of Intermediate degrees of such Colours, also many sorts of mixt Colours and speckled or striped, and these various Coloured Eares often in the same field and some Graines that are of divers Colours in the same Eare. This Beautifull noble Eare of Corne is Cloathed and Armed with strong thick huskes of many doubles, which provident nature hath made usefull to it many wayes, for it not onely defends it from the Cold, and too much moisture of unseasonable Raine (which sometimes may happen) and the Cold of the Nights which might hinder the Ripening of it (being the later End of September in some parts before it be full Ripe) and possibly the Injury of some blasting Winds, but also defends it from the Crowes, Sterlings, and other Birds, which would otherwise devour whole fields of it before it could come to it’s full maturity, These Birds especially Sterlings come in greate flights into the fields, when the Eare beginneth to be full, before it hardneth, and being allured by the Sweeteness of the Corne, will sitt upon the stalke, or the Eare it selfe, and so pick at the Corne through the huske at the top of the Eare (for there it is tenderest) and not cease that worke till they have pulled away some of the huske that they may come at the Corne, which wilbe plucked all out so farr as they can come at it. There groweth within the Huske upon the Corne a matter like small threads which appeare out of the top of the Eare like a tuft of haire or Silke: The Stalke of this Corne groweth to the Height of 6 or 8 foote more or less according to the Condition of the Ground, and kind of Seed The Stalkes of the Virginia Seed grow taller then that of New England, or the intermediate places: But there is another sort which the Northerne Indians farr up in the Countrey, use, that groweth much shorter then the New England Corne, the Stalke of every sort is Joynted /fol. 199v/ like to a Cane and is full of sweete Juice like the Sugar Cane, and a Syrrop as sweete as Sugar, Syrrop may be made of it which hath beene often tryed, and Meates Sweetned with it have not beene discerned, from the like sweetned with Sugar, some trialls may make it knowne6 whether it may be brought into a dry Substance like Sugar, but it is probable7 it may be done. At every Joynt there are long Leaves like flaggs, and at the very top there is a bunch like Eares as if it were some kind of small Graine, and Blossoms like the Blossoms of Rye upon them but are wholy Barren, and an Empty huske conteyning nothing in it; The time of planting this Corne in that Countrey is any time betweene the middle of March and the beginning of June, but the most usuall time is from the middle of Aprill to the middle of May; The Indians observe in some parts of that Countrey a Rule from the comeing up of a Fish called Aloofes into the Rivers and Brookes for the time to begin their planting, in other parts they observe the Leaves of some trees beginning to put forth;a a

Aloofes, i.e., ‘Alewives’. See Mood, ‘Winthrop on Indian Corn’ (above, p. 31), p. 126n.

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In the Southerly8 parts of that Continent as Virginia, and Florida they have their sooner Seasons, and in the more Northerly parts, and Upland9 parts are later, where they use a peculiar kind of that Corne which is called Mowhawkes Corne, which though planted in June wilbe Ripe in Season, the Stalkes are shorter then the other Sorts, and the Eares grow neerer the bottom of the Stalke, and are generally of divers Colours The Manner of planting every kind of this Corne, is in Rowes at equall distance every way about five or Six foote asunder, they open the Earth with an How, takeing away the Superficies three or fower Inches deepe and the breadth of the How which is used, and into the midle of that hole they throw in fower, or five Graines of that Corne, a little distant one from the other, as they may fall and place themselves, accidently covering them with Earth. Of these Graines if but two or three grow up it may do well, for some of them are usually plucked up by the Crowes or Birds, or Mouse-Squirrells (a little Creature, that doth much hurt in some Fields newly planted) After the Corne is growne up, the length of an hand, it wilbe time to weed about it, which is done by a broad how, which cuts up the Weeds, & looseneth the Earth; and this Labour is so often performed as the Weeds do grow up in any Quantity. When the stalke beginneth to grow high, they draw (at the second weeding) a little Earth about it, and afterwards, as it groweth higher, and puteth forth the Eare, they draw so much Earth about those stalkes, that maketh a little hill like hopp hills, useing the10 same manner, as they doe hopp grounds with broad Howes, After this they have no other business about it till Harvest, when they gather it, which doth not require greate haste, (if11 it be secured from Cattle) when it is gathered it must be as soone as may be stripped from the Huskes, except it be laid very thin, otherwise it will heate and grow mouldy, and sometimes sprout in the huskes: where they have Roome enough to spread the Eares thin, and keepe them dry, they onely pull off the huske, and lay the Eares thin, in their Chambers12 or Garretts, but the Common way is to weave it together in long traices by some parts of the husks left upon the Eare (this worke they call traicing) and these traices they hang upon Stages, or other bearers without doores, or within, for it will keepe good and sweete hung in that manner all the Winter after, though13 it be in all weathers without. The Natives commonly thresh it out as they gather it, and dry it well upon Matts in the Sun, and then bestow in holes in the Ground (which are their Barnes) well lined with Withered Grass, and with Matts, and then covered with the like and over that covered with Earth, and so it keepes very well till they use it; this /fol. 200/ was the way of planting used by the Natives, and English also, But now the English have found out an Easier way of raising Quantity of that Corne by the helpe of the Plough, which is performed in this manner. In the planting time there are single furrowes ploughed through the whole field, about Six 34

ENCLOSED

with WINTHROP to BOYLE, 27 July 1662

foote asunder more or less, as they will plant in distance, then they plow such like furrowes Cross at the same distance, and where the Cross furrowes meete there they throw in the Corne as before mentioned, and cover it with an How, or with Running an other Furrow by the Plow, and that’s all14 till the Weeds begin to overtop the Corne, then they plough over the rest of the field betweene those furrowes, where they planted, and so turne in the Weeds, and this is done only a second time, about the time of the Summer, they used to begin to hill the Corne with the How, and so the Ground is better loosened then with the How, and the Rootes of the Corne have more Liberty to Spread. So as there is not so much need of that kind of hilling, as is described before, Yet they doe cast up the Earth about the Corne as well as they can with the Plow, and some will after helpe it a little with the How15 neere the Hill, though others do not regard that way; where any Weeds escape the Plow, a little worke of the how16 will mend that defect. where the Ground is not very good, or hath beene long planted and worne out, the Indians used to put two or three of those forementioned Fishes under each place upon which they planted their Corne, or if they had not time before planting, then they would put them afterwards into the Earth by the sides of those Corne hills, and by these meanes had far greater Crops then that ground would otherwise produce, many times more then double, the English have17 learned this good husbandry of the Indians, and doe still use18 it in places, wher[e] those Aloofes come up in greate plenty, or where they are neere the fishing Stages, haveing there the heads and Gurbage of Codfish in greate plenty at no Charge, but the fetching,19 Some also have tried the Dung of their Cattle well Rotted, and putting a little under every place, or hill, & covered it with Earth, and the Corne throwne in upon it, have had very good advantage in their Cropps by it; the Fields thus plowed for this Corne after the Cropp is off, are almost aswell fitted for English Corne, especially Summer Graine (as Peas or Summer Wheate) as if lying fallow they had an ordinary Summer tilth: The Indians and some English also (especially, in good Ground Or20 where it is well fished as before) at every hill of Corne will plant a kind of Beans with the Corne (they are like those here called French Beans or turky Beans) and in the Vacant places and betweene the Hills, they will plant Squashes, & pumpions, loading the Ground with asmuch as it will beare; The Stalkes of the Corne serveing in stead of poles for the Beanes to Climb up, which otherwise must have poles to hang upon: Many English also after the last Weeding their Ground sprinkle Turnep-Seed between the hills, and so have after Harvest a good Crop of turneps in the same Field The Stalke of this Corne cut up in due time (before too much dried) and stacked up or laid up in a Barne drie, are good Winter Fodder for Cattle but they usually leave them upon the Ground,where the Cattle in the Winter will feed upon them, and leave onely the hardest part of the Stalkes next the Ground; which are pulled up by hand before the Land be againe planted or sowed: Those Stalkes which are 35

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about the Eare, are also /fol. 200v/ good Fodder for Cattle given them for Change sometimes after Hay, The Indian Women make Basketts with them, Splitting them into narrow parts, weaveing them artificiaally [sic] into severall fashioned Basketts. This Corne the Indians dress it in severall manner for their food sometimes they boyle it Whole, till it swell, and breake, & become tender, and then Eate it with their Fish, or Venison in stead of Bread, or onely that without other foode, sometimes they bruise it in a Morter, and then boyle it and make good food of it:21 Sometimes they beate it small, and make a kind of Bread of it, bakeing it under the Embers &c, but a very Common way of dressing of it is by parching it amongst the Ashes, which they do so artificially, by putting it amongst the hott Embers, and continually stirring of it that it wilbe throughly parched without any burneing, but be very tender, and turned almost quite the inside outward, which wilbe almost white and Flowry, this they Sift very cleane from the Ashes, and then beate it in their wooden Morters with a long Stone for a pestle, into fine meale, which is a constant food amongst them, both at home, and especially when they travell, being put up into a Bagg for their Journey, being at all times ready, and may be Eaten either drie, or mixed with water; they find it a strengthening ‹and› wholsome diet, and is not apt to breed wormes in their Children, or others, this is the food which their Souldiers Carry with them in time of Warr. The English sometimes22 for Novelty will procure some of this to be made by the Indian Women, and adding Milke, or Sugar, and Water, will make it much more pleasant to be taken. The English make very good Bread of the Meale, or Flower of it being Ground in Mills, as other Corne, but to make good bread of it, there is a different way of Ordering of it, from what is used about the Bread of other Graine, for ‹if› it be mixed into stiff past, it will not be so good as when it is made into a thinner mixture a little stiffer then the Battar for Pancakes, or puddings, and then baked in a very hott Oven, standing all day or all Night therein, therefore some use to bake it in panns like puddings. But the most ordinary way is this, the Oven being very hott they have a greate Wooden Dish fastened to a long Staff, which may hold the Quantity of a Pottle, and that being filled, they Empty it on an heape in the Oven, upon the bare Floore thereof cleane Swept, and so fill the Oven, and usually lay a second laying upon the top of the first, because the first will otherwise be too thinn for the proportion of a Loafe because it will spread in the oven at the first pouring of it in: if they make it not too thinn it will ly in distance like23 Loaves, onely in some parts where they touch one another will stick together but are easily parted but some will fill the whole Floore of the Oven as one intire Body and must then cut it out in greate pieces;24 In such manner handled it wilbe (if baked enough) of a good darke yellow Collour, but otherwise white which is not so wholsome nor pleasant, as when well baked of a deeper Colour. There is also very good Bread 36

ENCLOSED

with WINTHROP to BOYLE, 27 July 1662

made of it, by mixing halfe, or a third parte, more or less of Rye or wheate-Meale, or Flower amongst it, and then they make it up into Loaves, adding Leaven or yeast to it to make it Rise, which may be also added to that other thinner sorte before mentioned. /fol. 201/ There is also another sort of Bread which they used to make before they had Mills, which was in this manner, they beate the Corne in Morters of Wood, first watering of it a little, that the huskes may come cleane off by the beateing, When it is beaten they sift the Meale out and then ‹they› Winnow the Course parte, Seperating the loose hulls by the Wind, this Course parte which is seperated from the finer Meale, they boyle it till it be thick like batter, and then Cooleing of it, mix so much of the finer Meale, which was Sifted out, as might make it into a past, of which they make Loaves, and bake them as other Bread. This kind of bread is very well tasted and wholsome, but the best sort of Food which the English make of this Corne is that they call Sampe, which is made in this manner. They first Water the Corne, if with Cold Water a little longer, if with Water a little warmed a shorter time about halfe an hower more or less, as they find it needfull, according to the driness of the Corne, then they either beate it in a morter as beforementioned but not so small, As for that use of makeing bread of it, but to be about the Biggness of Rice, though some wilbe a little smaller, and some a little greater, or Grind it gross as neere as they can about the bigness of Rice in handmills or other Mills, out of which they Sift the Flower, or Meale, very cleane (for whether they beate it or Grind it there wilbe some little Quantity of Meale amongst25 it) then they winnow it in the wind, and so seperate the hulls from the rest this is to be boyled or Stued with a gentle Fire, till it be tender, of a fitt consistence, as of Rice so boyled, into which if Milke, or butter be put either with Sugar or without, it is a food very pleasant and wholsome, being easy of Digestion, and is of a nature Diurectical and Clensing and hath no Quality of binding the Body, as the Herball supposeth, but rather to keepe it in a fitt temperature, but it must be observed, that it be very well26 boyled, the longer the better, some will let it be stuing the whole day: after it is Cold it groweth thicker, and it is Eaten commonly by mixing a good Quantity of Milke amongst it: This was the most common diet of the planters, at the first beginning of planting in those parts and is still in use amongst them, and may be taken as well in Sickness as in health, even in Feavers and other acute Diseases: A learned Physitian that not long since lived in London (Doctor Wilson) had every yeare some Quantity brought over ready beaten, and fitt to be boyled, and did order it to such Patients, as he saw cause for it:a It was observed that at the beginnings of the Plantations, where this foode was most in use it was very rare that any were troubled with the Stone, and amongst the Indians that Eate no other sorte of a Mood suggests that Dr Wilson was Edmund Wilson, fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, who died in 1657; see Mood, ‘Winthrop on Indian Corn’ (above, p. 31), p. 131n.

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Corne but that, The English that have beene most acquainted with them, have beene informed by them, that the disease of the Stone is very seldome knowne amongst them. It is accounted also a good meanes against the Scurvie. The Indians have another sort of Provision out of this Corne, which they call Pondomenash — the english27‹call it› sweete Corne, Which they prepare in this manner: When the Corne in the Eare is full, whiles it is yet greene it hath then a very sweete tast, this they gather and boyle a convenient time, and then they drie it, and put it up into Baggs or Basketts, for their store, and so use it as they have Occation boyleing of it againe, either by it selfe, or amongst their Fish or Venison or Beavers Flesh, or such as they have, and this they account a principall Dish, either at their Ordinary Meales or Feastivall times, they boyle it either whole, or beaten Gross, as was formerly mentioned concerning their other ripe Corne. These Eares while they are greene and sweete /fol. 201v/ they roast before the fire, or covered with Embers, and so Eate the Corne, picking it off the roasted Eares as they Eate it, therefore at that time of the yeare, when this Corne beginneth to be thus full in the Eare, they have sufficient supply of Food, though there store be done, and their Soldiers doe then most commonly goe out against their Enemyes, because they have this supply, both in their Marches if it be in places inhabited, and also in the28 Fields of those Enemyes against whom they make Warr, but this is observeable amongst them, that they do not Cutt downe, or spoile their Enemies Corne more than they gather to Eat. The English have found out a way to make very good Beere of this Graine, Which they doe either out of Bread made29 of it, or by Maulting of it, that way of makeing Beere, of Bread, is only by makeing the Bread in the manner as before described, and then breake it or Cutt it into greate Lumps, as bigg as a mans Fist or bigger (for it must not be broken small) then they Mesh it and proceed every way about brewing of it, as is used in Brewing Beere of Mault, adding hopps to it as to make Beere In makeing Mault of it to make it good there is ‹a› singular way must be used; The Maulters that make Mault of Barly have used all their skill to make Mault also of this Corne, but cannot bring it the ordinary way to such a perfection that the whole Graine is Maulted, and tender, and Flowry, as other Mault; Nor will the beere made of it be well Coloured, but whitish, the Reason that it doth not come to the perfection of good Mault in that usuall way of Maulting as of other Graine, is ‹this›: It is found by experience, That this Corne before it be fully changed into the nature of Mault, must sprout out both wayes a greate length the length of a Finger at least, but if more its better, so as it must put out the Roote as well as the upper sprout, and that it may so do, it is necessary that it be laid upon an heape a convenient time will it doth so Sprout. but if it lieth of a sufficient thickness for this purpose, it will quickly heate and mould, if it be stirred and opened to prevent the too much heating of it, those Sprouts that are begun to shoote30 out (if spread 38

ENCLOSED

with WINTHROP to BOYLE, 27 July 1662

thin cease growing, and consequently the Corne ceaseth to be promoted to that mellowness of Mault if left thick till they grow any length they are so intangled one in the other & so very tender that the least stirring and opening of the heape breaketh those axells of, and every Graine that hath the sprout so broken ceaseth to grow to any further degree towards the nature of mault, and soone groweth mouldy if not often stirred & spread thinn, To avoid all these difficulties, and to bring every sound Graine to the full perfection of good Mault, this way was tried, and found a sure and perfect ‹way› to it. In a Field or Garden or any where, that there is loose Earth take away the top of that Earth two or three Inches for so31 greate a space as may be proportionable to the Quantity of Corne intended to be made into Mault, the Earth may be throwne up halfe one way, and halfe the other, for the more facility of that, and the following labour, Then upon the even Bed, or Floore of Earth where the upper part is so taken off, there lay the Corne intended to be maulted all over, that it may fully cover the Ground, then cover it over with the same Earth, that was taken thence, and then you have no more to doe till you see all that plott of Ground like a Greene Field covered over with the sprouts of the Corne, which within32 tenn dayes, or a Fortnight, more or less according to the time of yeare wilbe growne greene upwards, and Rooted downeward, and then there is no more to be done but to take it up and shake the Earth from it and drie it, It will by the Insnarlements of the Rootes one with another /fol. 202/ be like a Matt and hang so together that it may be raised in greate peices and the Earth shaken off from it (which is best to be done in a dry time) and then to make it very cleane, it may be washed and presently dried upon a Kill or in the Sun, or in that Countrey. of 33 it selfe, spread thinn on a Chamber floore; This way every Graine that was sound, and good will grow and consequently become Mault, and no part of the Graine remaine steely (as is alwayes in the other wayes of maulting it) but be mellow and Flowry and very sweete, and the Beere that is made of this Mault wilbe of a very good browne Colour, and be ‹a› pleasant, and wholsome drinke But because the other way of makeing Beere out of the Bread, as before sett downe, is found to be as well Coulered, and pleasant, and every way as good and very wholsome, without any windy Quality, and keepeth better from Sowring then any other Beere of that Corne, therefore that way of Brewing is most in use in that Countrey, that way of Maulting being also yet little knowne Seal: Paper impression of the seal on the covering letter.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

ROBERT SOUTHWELLa to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

12 August 1662

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 405–6. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 300.

Dublin, Aug. 12, 1662. Noble Sir, I AM easily convinced, that I cannot do myself a greater courtesy, than to manifest, at what distance soever I am, the signal value and veneration I have towards you; especially considering how happy a portion of your civilities, and peculiar kindness, have fallen, as the success of those passions, unto me. I AM only unhappy, that I am in no hope of having any other title to your friendship, than that of a long acquaintance; since an unfortunate backwardness makes me unuseful to you in any point of commerce: and if you had not that rare practice of self-denial, whereby you unbend yourself to the level of ordinary conversations, I should not reach the least degree of that interest I am now so fortunate in. I WISH, that I might have the honour of hearing from you, while I am here, to redeem the longing I had at London; and, to know, in fine, what is the product of our secret for the fusion of crystal.b I know your great curiosity for all trials, besides the particular passion you had for the knowledge of that, has shewed you, by this time, the full extent of it: and, for my own part, I have so high an expectation from it (considering the manner and terms on which it was entrusted to me) that I should have continued pudderingc myself till I had seen the end, if I had not met the warrant of so great and inviolable a secresy, besides the singular dexterity you have for it. And I was not a little confirmed in the attestation and effect thereof, given me by signior Borrhi (when he persuaded himself obliged to reveal something considerable unto me) that at your reading of /p. 406/ the process, you found no matter of exception, which would have certainly been obvious to you, having made some adventures and essays on that subject before.d IF you have made any pieces of the matter, you may please, by the opportunity of Mrs. Johnes, or any other, that comes sooner this way, to let me have a share of it, and I shall be very glad to see it.e SIR John Percival, his lady, and my father, who is now here, present all their humble services unto you; and thus, with my true respects unto the noble family, where a

Sir Robert Southwell (1635–1702), statesman and diplomat. The nature of ‘the secret’ alluded to by Southwell has not been elucidated. c Lit., stirring with a stick. Here the meaning is probably more figurative, i.e., pottering about. d Giuseppe Francesco Borri (1627–95), an Italian physician and alchemist, living in Amsterdam; see Oldenburg, ii, 71. e This is likely to be a reference to Boyle’s niece, Frances Jones (1639–72). b

40

MICHAEL BOYLE

to BOYLE, 13 Aug. 1662

you sometimes are, I kiss your hands, and ever am,a Noble Sir, your most humble, and obedient servant, ROBERT SOUTHWELL.

MICHAEL BOYLE to BOYLE

13 August 1662

From the original in BL 2, fols 41–2. Fol/2. The subscription is spaced in order to fill the remainder of fol. 41v. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 632–3, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 638–9.

Dublin 13th. August. 1662. Honoured Sir, I receaved the honor of two1 of your letters since I left England, and both uppon the same accompt.b I had long since made you my acknowledgements for that noble favour attended with some returne to the particulars of those letters had not my desires to acquainte the Earl of Orrery with them (who being then in Dublin and I in the country) occasion’d my delay all this time, for which I humbly beg your pardon.c As to the business it selfe I am perfectly satisfyed that your designe (if you had any, for I cannot yet imagine you to be any otherwise than passive in the whole matter) in acquiring those Impropriations was charitable and relligious; for you cannot doe any thing that is otherwise; I must likewise very much applaud your pious intendments for the advancement of reall learning and especially for the extensiveness of your charity towards the poore Heathen natives in New England. but yet I must humbly take leave to acknowledge my selfe unsatisfyed why that additionall revenue which his Majesty designed & promised for the better support of the Clergy here that they may with greater comforte attend the cures of their severall churches should be diverted to any other use though in it selfe it be a Southwell refers to Sir John Percivall (1629–58), MP for Cork from 1661 to 1665. His wife was Southwell’s sister, Catherine Southwell (1637–79). Their father, Robert Southwell, sr (1607–77), was Collector for the port of Kinsale. b One of these letters must be Boyle to Michael Boyle, 27 May 1662 (see above, pp. 22–5). The other is not extant. The matter dealt with in both these letters is evidently the impropriations that were granted to Boyle; see p. 24n. c Boyle’s brother, Roger Boyle (1621–79), Baron Broghill, had been created 1st Earl of Orrery in 1660.

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generous & hansome.a Especially when I consider how many congregations depend uppon the service of those parishes; how destitute they will be of a Church to resorte [un]to,2 how the poore people will be compeld to wander through the Countrey to finde out an opportune place for the performance of there publick dutyes & devotions unto God; For although at present your pyety provides all that possibly you may to prevent those sad consequences, yet you know not how they shall be minded who shall succeed you; Nor are you certaine that those other persons (whoever they be) that have obteined this graunt under your patronage will be as inclinable uppon that account as you are; If they be not; (as it is greate odds on your side against most men living) It will not then be unworthy your consideration whether something of their fault will not be chargeable upon you by whose only meanes they were inabled to doe the prejudice.b As to that advice & resolve which was given you by the most excellent prelate (whose piety & learning makes him deservedly honnord by all that have eyther /fol. 41v/ knowen or read him) I must necessarily bileeve it was founded on a very great mistake;c for in case the difference be otherwise then it is stated in your letter; If that blessed Martir Charles the first did in his life time solemnly devoate all Impropriations unto the church that should be any way invested in him; If his most gratious Majesty that now is should as an early3 evidence of his gratitude to God for his miraculous restauration imediately after his access into his4 Kingdom engadge himselfe in the like bounty to this Church of Ireland; If his Majestie had not onely promisd but actually graunted them under his privy signet before any concession (of what your graunt conteines) was made unto you (whereof each particular may as I suppose be made somewhat conspicuous) then certainly you will think it worthy some farther consideration whether you will insist uppon that Graunt or no. Dear Sir I humbly beg your pardon for this freedom having no other obligation thereunto but my faythfulness to the Truth & to your selfe; I am now freed from that publick Trust which was incumbent on me while I was in England, and have not the least pretence to any of those particulars included in your provisoe which I presume will secure me from any misinterpretation of being less then I am obliged to be, or less than I profess to be, Dear Sir. Your most faythfull & most affectionate humble Servant Mich Corke a Michael Boyle refers to the King’s grant of revenues from impropriations to the parochial clergy; see above, p. 23n. b For the grant of tithes to Boyle see above, p. 23n. c The prelate referred to is evidently Robert Sanderson, bishop of Lincoln, for whom see above, p. 23n.

42

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES

to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1662

5

For his much Hono[ure]d6 / Cozen Robert Boyle Esq at the Lady Ranaloghs / house uppon the Old Mall in St James’s / London / These7

Seal: Mostly missing. Design illegible. Paper impression of seal from another letter. Postmark: ‘AU / 29’. Endorsed on fol. 42v by Wotton: ‘Primate Boyles Lre. Aug. 13. 1661’. The MS also contains printers’ marks.

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLAND to BOYLE 10 September 1662 From the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 4 September 1662, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1659– 1701), fols 34–5. Previously printed from the Plymouth copy of the minutes in Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 274–6, with which the Hartford text has been collated and significant differences noted. Also printed in D. Gookin, Historical Collections (above, p. 19), pp. 216–18, and Hazard, Historical Collections (above, p. 19), ii, 455–7.

Right Honourable We receaved yours of the 15 of May 62 intimateing your receipt of ours directed to Mr Ashurst as also of a Letter from him in answer therto which is not as yet come to our sighta That it hath pleased the Lord to put it into the heart of our dread Soveraigne the Kings Majesty with his most Honorable Councill to cast a favorable aspect upon these soe farr remote parts of his dominions not only to the owneing of his subjects the people of his owne nation with priviledge of protection and confirmation of our wonted ‹liberties to the rejoyceing›1 of the hearts of many (the Lords poore people here that were before sad and to the shame of those who were the enemies to the peace of our Sion, but also as by the information given us by your Honour’s Letter, extendeing his Royall favour to (our neighbours) the Barbarous natives that by such wise as no other interest or concernment can be any motive therein to his Majesty save onely his unfeigned love to the Honour of God and bowels of compassion to poor mankind the expression not only of a Kingly but also a

For this letter see above, pp. 19–22.

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2, 1662–5

of a truly Godly spirit espetially considering the objects of this his Bounty who were such of whom it may be truly said (they being beheld in theire owne savage2 wayes and Customes) there is very little more then of the Relicts of that glorious Image put upon our first Parents to be seen in them then this that they are of that race. /fol. 34v/ The consideration whereof together with the Gentlenes and candor of your Generous mindes expressed in yours to us breatheing forth your unfeigned desires to advanc the interest of our Lord Jesus; soe that the labour and difficultyes inevitably accompanying such an undertakeing have not deterred your truely noble spirits from the exceptance thereof cannot but greatly oblige us as the expression of our thankfulnes to the Lord and to your selves to study the faithful discharge of soe great a trust reposed by your Honours on us for the improvement of the meanes aforesaid for the instructing the Barbarous natives in the true knowledge of god that so through his rich blessing thereon a people among whom3 Satan hath had his throne may now become the Lords and his name may be known and exalted by those who for soe long a time have sat in darknes and in the shadow of death. The time of the restablishing & resetlement of these weighty affaires by his Majesties influenceing therof and puting the royall stamp of his Authority thereon being such wherein the Adversary was seeking to undermine all former indeavours to the utter disappointeing of 4 our future hopes by the subtil and powerfull attempts of his Instruments even of those of whom we may truly say they feare not the Lord nor honour the King: That at such a season the Lord should raise up his majesty to bee a horne of Salvation to these poor natives it doth greatly encourage us to hope and beleive that he hath even amongst them some that are of those other sheep whom in his time wil cause to hear his voicea and that he wil continue to blesse5 the endeavours of his people for that end Touching the progression of this worke at present your Honours may please to be informed that as we have formerly related we are stil waiting on the Lord in the use of meanes afforded The laborours in that worke for the instructing the Indians in the severall Collonies are stil continued together with the Education of sundry Youth Two whereof have bene the yeare past brought up at the Colledge in Cambridge where they6 have a good Comendation of the President and their Tutor for their proficiency in learneing[;] alsoe two others are at the grammar schoole and two more at the English schoole /fol. 35/ where they learne to read and write one whereof is now fitted for the Grammer schoole. besides many others that are instructed by SchooleMasters in other places to read and write.b a God is spoken of as the ‘horn of salvation’ in 2 Samuel 22, 3, and in similar style elsewhere in the Bible. b A college for educating the Indians was established at Harvard in the mid 1650s by the Society. The two students referred to were probably Caleb Cheeshahteaumauk and Joel Jacoomes. In Nov.

44

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES

to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1662

It hath pleased the Lord to frowne on our indeavours in this kind takeing away by death at sundry times six youths or more on whom a considerable cost had bene expended for their education wherein it very well becometh us and all herein concerned humbly to submit to his soveraigne pleasure The number of lecturers7 with their schoolmasters that constantly attend that worke in the respective places of the Indians abode Your Honours may more perticulerly discerne by theire names inserted in the Account inclosed together with their respective saleries and allowance of the same.a We are informed by the Reverend Mr. Eliot8 that he is soe far satisfyed concerneing the Lords effectuall workeing with his word on the hearts of sundry of the natives that he hath proceeded to administer the sacrament of Baptisme to them at Two of their plantationsb one called Martins Vinyard the other called Natick being above one hundreth miles distance.c The Bible is now about halfe done and a constant progres therein is made[;] the Printer hopes it wilbe finished within a yeare[;] the future charge is uncertein by estimate not less then Two hundred pound we have herewith sent Twenty Copies of the new Testament to bee disposed of as your Honors shall think meet. The trust youer9 honours hath seen meet to repose in us for the manageing of this worke we shal endeavour with all faithfulnes to discharge,d The Account inclosed tels you to whome in what manner and to what ends the moneyes sent over have bene distributed wherby you wil plainly see that neither our Colonies nor perticuler concernements are any deminishers thereof but the whole is improved according to the will of the Doners and for the future we shalbe ready to observe the10 Directions of your Honours humbly intreating this favour that noe information or complaint may be received against us to the prejudice of our trust until we have first /fol. 35v/ had the advice thereof with a seasonable opertunity to returne answere therto 1663 Winthrop sent Boyle orations in Latin written by them (see below, pp. 168–70). The college was unsuccessful and pulled down in 1698; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 111–13. Indians were educated by Elijah Corlet (d. 1687), master of the Cambridge grammar school and others studied with Daniel Weld at Roxbury. See Samuel Eliot Morison, Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century, 2 vols (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), i, 353. The president of Harvard from 1654 to his death was Charles Chauncy (1592–1672). a This enclosure is not extant. b For John Eliot see above, p. 21n. He was one of the first pioneers of the efforts to convert the Indians, and played a key role in establishing the Society. He learnt the Natick dialect of Massachusetts (Algonquian) and began preaching to the Indians in 1646; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 81–5. c Missionary work was begun at Martha’s Vineyard in the 1640s by Thomas Mayhew, jr (c. 1621–57), son of Thomas Mayhew, snr (1593–1682), the Governor and proprietor of the island. Natick in Massachusetts was established by Eliot as a settlement for converted Indians in 1651, and the first Indian church was established there in 1660; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 86– 90, 96–7. d For the printing of the Bible in Algonquian see above, p. 21n.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

We only crave leave for the present for the preventing an objection that may arise concerneing the particuler charges for the Printeing where you will find Twenty one sheets att 3 10s11 and the rest att fifty shillings per sheet the reason whereof lies here[:] it pleased the Honoured corporation to send over one Marmeduke Johnson A Printer to attend that worke on Conditions as they will informe you who hath carried it here very unworthily and hath bene openly convited and sensured in some of our Courts although as yet noe Execution of any sentence agaynst him Peculiar favour haveing bene shewed him with respect to the Corporation which sent him over[.] But notwithstanding all patienc and Lenity towards him he hath proved very idle and naught and absented himself from the worke more then half a yeare at one time a for want of whose assistance the Printer by his Agreement with us was to have that allowance of £21 the which is to12 be defaulcated out of his Salery paid in England by the Honored Corporation. The sum at present resting in hand the foot of the Account doth declare, which wilbe more then all expended before the returne of the yeare, Lesse then £500: we could not charge Bills to be paid this Yeare without which the worke will inivitably be interrupted if not broken in peices: We shal not give your honours further trouble But comend you to the Guidance and protection of the Almighty resting Your Honours to serve in this work of Christ The Comissioners of the united Colonies in New England

To the Honourable Robert Boyle / Esquire Governour of the Corporation / for the / Propogation of the Gosple in New England / these present; London

ACCOUNTS ACCOMPANYING PRECEDING LETTER 10 September 1662 From the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 10 September 1662, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial a Marmaduke Johnson (c. 1628–74) was sent over to New England by the society in April 1660 to work on the printing of the Indian Bible with Samuel Green (1615–1702), printer to Harvard College. He was subsequently accused and fined for seducing Green’s daughter. See Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 130–2 and B. Franklin (ed.), Boston Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers, 1640– 1800 (Boston, 1980), pp. 303–9.

46

ACCOUNTS

accompanying COMMISSIONERS to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1662

Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1659– 1701), fols 36–7v. Previously printed from the Plymouth copy of the minutes in Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 277–9, with which the Hartford text has been collated and significant differences noted.

Boston in N: England: September 10: 62. The Honourable Corporation for the Indians is Debtor To Bookes for Indian Scholars as per Account inclosed £19 12s 00d To sundry disbursments per Printeing the Bible per Bill of particulers 237 5 00 To the Diet and clotheing and Tutoridge of Indian Youths at the Colledge for one yeare past with their extraordnary Expences at theire entring 44 13 06 To Mr Daniell Wels att Roxbury for diet clotheing and schooleing of Two youths the year past abateing a1 Third part of the yeare for one of them ending the 20th December next 25 00 00a To Mr Damforth of Cambridge for diet and clotheing Two Indians youths the yeare past 030 00 00b To the diet and clotheing of Mathew Mahu one year past 013 00 00c To the Schoolmaster at Cambridge for two Indian Youths and Mahu 008 00 00 To the maintainance of Mr. Stantons sonne for one yeare past 025 00 00d To Mr Peirson of N.Haven for his paynes and Travell and instructing the Indians in those parts in severall Plantations 0302 00 00e 3 To Mr John Eliot for his Salery the year past 50 00 00f To his Interpretor Job & Three schoolmasters viz: Robert sometime a scholler at Cambridge John Magus Tonnampum ten pound a peice 40 00 00g To Mr John Eliot Junior for salery for year past 25 00 00h To Mr Mahu at Martins vinyard his salery for one year past 30 00 00 a Daniel Weld (1642–90) was a schoolmaster at Roxbury; see J. Savage, A Genealogical Dictionary of the first settlers of New England, 4 vols (Boston, 1860–2, repr. Baltimore, 1977), iv, 435. b For Thomas Danforth see below, p. 121n. c Matthew Mayhew (d. 1710), son of Thomas Mayhew, jr, for whom see above, p. 45n. d John Stanton (b. 1641) was sent by his father Thomas to Harvard in 1661 to be educated as an Indian interpreter and teacher. See Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, iv, 166. e Abraham Pierson (d. 1678) was the first minister to preach to the Indians in New Haven; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 103. f For John Eliot see above, p. 21n. g Job Nesutan, an Indian of Long Island, was taught to write by Eliot in 1650. The other Indians mentioned have not been identified; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 123. h John Eliot, jr (1636–68), elder son of John Eliot, sr, was the minister of an English church in Cambridge, Massachusetts

47

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

To eight Indian schoolmasters att4 Vinyard Jacoms: Manakekem, Takanaz Keesquish, Sam nanasco, James and Amawanit 30 To Mr Born in Plimouth Pattent his salery 25 To two Schoolmasters imployed in those parts 05 To Capt: Googin for instructing and Governinge the Indians 15 To sundry well deserveing Indians in Plimouth Conecticut & New Haven Colonies per order of the Comissioners there 15 To Mr William Tomson for instructing the Indians about Pequot one year past 20 5 To Mistris Mahu relict of Mr Mahu deceast 06 To Mr Alcock for Phisick for Indian Schollars and other Indians 7 To two Indian Coats for the Sachems of Pequot Indians 00 /fol. 36v/ To Mr James of EastHampton his salery for instructing Indians on Long Iland 20 To Capt: Georg Denison for time and expence amongst the Indians at sundry times by order of the Comissioners 06 Sum : total

728

00 00a 00 00b 00 00 00 00c 00 00 00 00 09 16

00d 00e 056f 00

00 00g 4h

13

08 06

Per Contra Corporation Cred: Impr: per the foot account made up September 612 Resting then in Mr Ushers handi £414 04s 03d To soe much payd to Mr Usher by Bills of Exchang paid to the Corporation Sept: 61 800 00 00 1214 04 3 Debt Rest

0728 0485

08 15

6 00

By ballance of this Account there rests in Mr Ushers hand 485 5 9: a

The Indian schoolmasters have not been identified. Richard Bourn (d. 1682), pastor of Sandwich church in the Plymouth Colony; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 105. c This is Captain Daniel Gookin, see below, p. 74n. d William Thomson (d. 1665), missionary; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 103. e For Jane Mayhew see below, p. 74n. f This may be John Alcocke, a physician who practiced in Roxbury. He was a graduate of Harvard and a classmate of the alchemist, George Starkey, with whom he carried out transmutation experiments in 1645–7; see W. R. Newman, Gehennical Fire (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), pp. 8–50. g Thomas James (d. 1696), first congregational minister of East Hampton Long Island; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 104. h George Denison (c. 1620–94); see Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, ii, 36. i For Hezekiah Usher, see below, p. 118n. b

48

STILLINGFLEET

to BOYLE, 6 Oct. 1662

Which wilbe daily draweing out of his hands for the carrying on the Printeing and those that make disbursment on the Account for those Youth that are brought up to learneing and others7 A Bill of Exchang of £500 was drawen upon the Corporation to be paid unto Mr John Harada or his assignes for the use of Mr Hezekiah Usher which he is to pay to the Comissioners here according to former Agreement together with the ballance of this yeares Account A coppy of the Bill of Exchang now sent. Boston September 12: 62 At twenty daies sight after the first of March next of this our first Bill of Exchang our second or third of the same date and tenour not being paid we pray you pay to Mr John Harwood or his order for the use of Mr Hezekiah Usher of Boston in New England Merchant the summ of £500 which is for the like summ to be received of the said Hezekiah Usher here according to former agreement with him by the Comissioners of the United Colonies of New England and is for defrainge the charges of printeing the Bible in the Indian language and other necessary disbursments for the propagateing of the Gosple amongst the natives there at the day make good payment Your Lo[ving] freinds and servants. The Comissioners of the united Colonies in New England; Daniell Denison presidentb To the Honourable Robert Boyle / Esquire: Governor of the Corporation / for the propagation of the Gosple / in New England

EDWARD STILLINGFLEETc to BOYLE

6 October 1662

From the original in BL 5, fols 127–8. Fol/2. a This is a reference to John Harwood, London merchant, resident in Boston c. 1645–57. See Kellaway, New England Company, p. 52 and J. Savage, A Genealogical Dictionary of the first settlers of New England, 4 vols (first published Boston, 1860–2, Baltimore, 1977), ii, 371. For Hezekiah Usher see below, p. 119n. b Daniel Dension (c. 1612–82), Assistant of Massachusetts from 1654 until his death; see Savage, Genealogical Dictionary, ii, 36. c Edward Stillingfleet (1635–99), Latitudinarian divine and author, later to become Bishop of Worcester from 1689 until his death.

49

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 516. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 462.

Sir I hope my distance from home (since the time You were pleased to honour mee with that greate testimony of your respect in that excellent discourse You sent ‹mee›,) will pleade somethinge by way of Apology for my incivility, in beeing soe backward in expressinge my high resentments of soe greate an Honour.a Sir as there is noe person in our nation hath more obliged the world then Yourselfe have done in the discourses You have lately made the world acquainted with, soe it is the earnest desire of all such who value reason & knowledge that You will please still to imploy Your excellent pen in a further discovery of those rich mines of experimentall philosophy, which with soe greate happynes & successe You have beene Conversant in. And although the privacy & retirednes of my abode hath made me somewhat uncapable of those high improvements which others have the advantage of, yet it is here my happynes & delight to converse with those excellent persons, who have endeavord to make the world the wiser for their beeinge in it.b Amonge whom Your greate Name is deservedly placed, not onely for Your deepe search into nature, but your successfull pains in vindicatinge the Honour of Religion. Sir I could heartily wish You would please to communicate to the world those papers You are somewhere pleased to mention, in behalfe of Christianity (against Hobbs p: 11.) that it may bee seene yet further, that those greate personages who have courted nature soe highly, that her Cabinets are open to them, are ‹far› from lookinge on Religion as meane & contemptible.c But I should bee injurious to yourselfe & the world to exercise your patience with a tedious letter. The onely Favour I desire is, that you will please to account amonge the traine of those who most honour Your person & undertakings Sir Your most obliged servant. Edw: Stillingfleet

Sutton 8ber 6 1662 1

For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq. These

a

The discourse sent to Stillingfleet was the second edition of Spring of the Air (1662), together with Defence (1662) and Examen (1662). See Works, vols 1 and 3. b Stillingfleet lived in Sutton, Surrey, where he held the rectorship. c Stillingfleet refers to Boyle’s Examen; see Works, vol. 3, p. 122.

50

POWER

to BOYLE, 10 Nov. 1662

Seal: Oval. Damaged. Shield: a chevron between two annulets in chief. Endorsed on fol. 127v by Wotton: ‘Mr Stillingfleet. Oct. 6 1662 Thanks for one of Mr Boyle’s Books’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 1’. Endorsed on fol. 128 in Boyle’s hand beneath address: ‘From Mr Stilling-fleet’.

LOWER to BOYLE 20 October 1662 A letter from Lower to Boyle is recorded in two of Miles’s lists of letters (BP 35, fol. 134 and BP 36, fol. 153). In the former it appears as ‘20 Xbr 1662’, and in the latter as ‘Oct. 20 1662’. It seems unlikely that there are two lost letters, and we here take 20 October as the likelier date.

HENRY POWERa to BOYLE

10 November 1662

From the retained copy in Power’s letterbook, British Library Sloane MS 1326, fol. 100.b Not previously printed.

Most honoured Sir Your excellent piece against Linus I have not only had the happynesse to see, but also to receive A1 Coppy thereof transmitted by your order to mee from our worthy accquaintance Mr Croone.c Worthy Sir ‹give mee leave without any vanity to say this much of it that the more I reade the more I understand how much I am oblieg’d to you for it.›2 I wish I may live to deserve so great a favour at your hands, & to be as well accquainted with their Authour, as I am with3 your Ingenuous Productions. I have another utinamd also, that either our Countrey or Inhabitants here a Henry Power, (1623–68), physician, F.R.S. 1663 and author of Experimental Philosophy (1664). On Power’s pneumatical experiments see C. Webster, ‘The Discovery of Boyle’s Law and the Concept of the Elasticity of Air in the Seventeenth Century’, Archives of History of Exact Sciences 2 (1965), 441–502. b The notebook which contains this letter is entitled on fol. 1 ‘Copyes of Letters sent by Hen: Power to severall Person’s of Qualitye.’ The letter is prefaced with the note ‘the Letter I returnd to the honourable Mr Boyle for his worthy toaken sent mee, which was his Booke against Linus.’ Another version of this letter appears on fol. 33v of the MS, with some variations in wording which are noted here when significant. c For Boyle’s Defence, and Franciscus Linus, see above, p. 26n. Power refers to William Croone (1633–84), physician, F.R.S. 1663 and professor of rhetoric at Gresham College 1659–70. Fol. 32v of the MS is a copy of the letter from Croone to Power enclosing a copy of Boyle’s book against Linus ‘from Mr Boyle himselfe (who desired me to doe it)’. d i.e., ‘wish’.

51

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Could any way Contribute to your heroick designes something I dare promise you from the former by the singular advantages wee have here of Mountaines, vallyes, Colemines &c as for the latter I beseech you to looke upon us,4 as CountreyDrudges of much greater Industry then reason, fitt only to Collect experiments for abler heads to emprove & make use off.a & if under that Notion you please to5 make use of any of us ‹here› none shall be more ambitious to serve you then (Sir) Yours Honours most6 humble servant H. P.

Hallifax 10th 9ber 1662.

LOWERb to BOYLE

26 November 1662

From the original in BL 3, fols 207–8. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 518–19 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 465.

Most Honoured Sir I should have sent you this enclosed sooner, but that I have beene out of Towne soe that I had not the opportunity of transcribing it till now. The Doctor hath now perfected the Anatomicall part likewise, but being not satisfyed in some thinges I suppose hee will hardly bee induced to publish them yet a good while.c Since my returne hither I have received some Cornish Diamonds, which I have sent you together with this letter. Those which I gave Mr Stall were very dull & thicke & but ‹little› more transparent then Alum, soe that I did not thinke them worth sending to you, though I purposely procured them for you:d I have sent into Cornwall for those minerall peices which I mentioned to you, & assoone as I receive them, I shall acquaint you with it. And when you certifye mee what Authors you have already collected, you may direct mee what other you would have mee first collect & I shall employ all the leisure I have to answer your expectation therein: And if you please in your next to communicate unto mee those præparations of Laudanum spirit of Harts-horne & that Specifick for the Ricketts I shall faithfully observe those conditions, on which you part with them and remainee a

Power lived in Halifax, Yorkshire. For Boyle’s use of his work, see Works, vol. 3, p. xi. For Richard Lower see above, p. 1. The enclosure to which Lower refers is a MS version of what was to be published as Thomas Willis’s Cerebri anatome cui accessit nervorum descriptio et usus (1664). d Lower refers to Peter Stahl (d. 1675), Alsatian iatrochemist, who taught chemistry at Oxford. e For the treatment for rickets with ens veneris, see Works, vol. 3, p. 392. b c

52

POCOCKE

to BOYLE, 2 Dec. 1662

Sir your ever most Obliged & most humble servant. Rich: Lower.

26 Novemb. 62. Christ Church Oxon. 1

For the Honourable Robert Boyl / Esqr Leave this with Mr Story a / stonecutter in the Pel-mell To bee delivered with a little boxe / From Mr Lower. / Westminster2

Seal: Broken in two. Shield: a chevron between three roses, a crescent for difference. Other remnants of wax. Endorsed by Wotton: ‘Dr Lower Nov. 26. 1662’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 2 [?]’.3

EDWARD POCOCKEa to BOYLE

2 December 1662

From the original in BL 4, fols 134–5. 4°/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 422. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 325.

Most worthily Honoured Sir It was my unhappines in my short stay at London not to have opportunity of waiting on you. I made bold to leave at the Lady Raynela’s a copy of Gregorius Arabick and Latin, which I hope is come to your handes.b If at leasure you shall please to cast an eye on it, and find it in any thing to answere expectation, your good word and approbation will helpe vindicat it from that contempt which with other men used to writings of another kinde, it is likely to finde. however I doubt not of your favourable acceptance and pardon of those defects which will be found in it. Those to whome the Edition belongs are yet in dispute whither they shall print some Index to it. which being a matter of delay, and I having done as (I suppose) my worke, I was willing it should come among the first to your noble handes.c a

Edward Pococke (1604–91), student at Christ Church and orientalist. Pococke refers to his translation of Abu al-Faraj Grighor, called Bar Hebraeus, Historia compendiosa dynastiarum, 2 vols (1663), passed to Boyle via Lady Ranelagh. c The text was printed by Richard Davis for Henry Hall at Oxford. The Latin section (vol. 1), has a substantial index. b

53

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Sir I crave leave Your most humble Servant Edw: Pococke.

Oxon Christ Church December 2 1662 1

To the Honourable Robert Boyle Esquire present these

Seal: Remnant only, obscured by paper. Paper impression of seal from another letter. Endorsed with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. 4 / No. IV’.

JOSEPH GLANVILLa to BOYLE

[1662]b

From the original in BL 3, fols 17–18. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 627–8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 628.

Honourable Sir, I know ’tis not usuall for strangers of no name or consideration thus boldly to Addresse to those of your Quality; And persons of the rank you hold, of such great worth & accomplishments are as uncommon as such Addresses. But you have disclos’d so many eminent excellencyes to the world, that ’tis impossible to know any thing of you with out respect & wonder; and unjust, not to pay you some of the Tribute due to a great vertue. You have a Nobleness that invites affection, as well as that which commandes distance; And I shall not dishonour the splendour of your extraction & family by saying, That you doe more honour your birth, then you are honour’d by it; and are less illustrious by the Nobility of your bloud, then by that you derive from your proper perfections. Therefore, had I not had an Assurance of your goodness, equall to my Apprehensions of your Quality & merit, I had suffer’d my ambition to preferre this little trifle to your eyes, to have languish’t without the releif of so Criminall a boldness. But Sir, your native sweetness is my excuse for this fault, as it was the Motive; And you can not expect to bee free from such troublesome importunityes, except you had less worth to occasion them, or less goodness to incourage such applications. This small Discourse that now a

Joseph Glanvill (1636–80), divine and author. Glanvill refers to his Preexistence of Souls (1662), and so this letter presumably dates from around the time that the book was published. b

54

BOYLE

to SCHOTT, [1662]

beggs the favour of your acceptance, can acquaint you with nothing New, but the Respects of the Author. Nor hath it any thing to excuse its aspiring to such handes, but the devotion where with ’tis offer’d you. I’me confident your Free & inquiri[ng]1 genius is no enemy to Præexistence; or at least to a Modest Proposall of those Platonick Notions.a Your mind is too great & generous to boggle at uncommon opinions; And I’me secure that you’l appoint no other Judge of those Theoryes, but an uninteressed [sic] & impartiall Reason. /fol. 17v/ If such as you cherish those Beames of restored Platonism, they’l shine more & more to a perfect Day; otherwise this Light will sneak back to it’s forgotten Darkeness, & be buried again in its old obscurity. I begge no favour for any of my mistakes or errours; If you use them roughly, ’tis no more then my selfe would doe did I know them. I intreat you therefore to be just to the Notions, but candid to the management. upon the Credit of those Great Men that have owned them, I dare bee a Little confident of the former; though for the Latter I dispaire of any tollerable treatment, but from Ingenuity & sweetness. What my Motives were to this ingagement I cannot acquaint you with out being uncivill to your Patience; Nor can I detain you any longer by my impertinencyes for feare of unmannerly distressing it; wherefore least my intended Civilityes should prove rudenesses, and my respects, Injuryes, I dare adde no more but the Assurance that I am Sir, An Eternall Honourer of your vertues. 2

These / For The Honourable / Robert Boyle Esq.

Seal: missing. Seal-shaped repair to paper. Endorsed by Boyle: ‘From Mr Glanvill’ and by Wotton: ‘from Mr Glanvile sent with his Discourse of Præexistence to Mr Boyle’. Also endorsed with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. 1’.

BOYLE to GASPAR SCHOTTb

[1662]

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 247. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 62–3. a The preexistence of souls was based on Platonic ideas. Glanvill’s letter presumably accompanied a copy of his work. b For Schott and his letter to Boyle of 1662, which was seen by Wotton but is now lost, see above, p. 1. We have placed Boyle’s reply here since it is likely that he replied before the end of 1662.

55

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Minutes of a letter to Schottus. THAT his welcome letter, of such a date, was, I know not by what accident, long detained by the way, as I presume our learned friend, Dr. Schroter, may have informed him.a THAT this is the reason, why I did not sooner let him know, that I thought it a great happiness, that my poor endeavours have met with so much acceptance among the virtuosi abroad, and particularly, that they should procure me the honour of so obliging a letter, from a stranger, so famous and learned, as he, to whom I am glad of this opportunity to return my humble thanks for those learned writings, wherewith he has obliged the curious; and particularly for his Magia Mechanica.b THAT I long to see his works encreased by the accession of his Technica curiosa; towards which, I fear, I shall not contribute much, both because of my being no better stocked with rarities, than I am, and because I know not what particular subjects he treats of in it. But since he is pleased to express a desire of making use of my newmatical [sic] epistle therein, I shall freely leave it to his discretion, to preserve as much of my book, as he thinks fit, in a work, that will be so lasting, as that he designs.c And since he is pleased to express a curiosity, which I fear they discern not, of honouring the rest of my books with his perusal, I shall take care to put as many of them as are translated into Latin into the hands of Dr. Schroter, to whom Schottus’s recommendation, as well as his own merit, will make me a servant. In the mean time, I have obeyed his commands to our assembly (now called, the Royal Society)d to which, I can assure him, that his great civilities have been very welcome, and that they are very thankfully resented by it.

WINTHROPe to [BOYLE]

[1662?]f

From the version in Winthrop’s hand in Connecticut State Archives, Trumbull Papers, vol. 22, item 58 (a–d). a

Boyle perhaps refers to Wilhelm Schröder, virtuoso and traveller, who became F.R.S. in 1662. Boyle probably refers to Schott’s Magia universalis naturae et artis, 4 vols (1657–9). c Schott’s Technica curiosa was published in 1664. It includes a section, ‘Mirabilia Anglicana’, which comprises a paraphrase of Boyle’s Spring of the Air (1660). d For the adoption of this title by the Society in 1662, see Michael Hunter, Establishing the New Science (Woodbridge, 1989), pp. 16–17. e For John Winthrop see above, p. 31. f This item is undated but the original was written while Winthrop was in London between Sept. 1661 and early 1663, and it probably dates from after the issue of the charter incorporating the New England Company in Feb.1662. It was evidently addressed to Boyle as governor of the Company. b

56

WINTHROP to [BOYLE],

[1662?]

Previously printed in ‘The Trumbull Papers, volume 1’, in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, fifth series 9 (Boston, 1885), 45–7.

Honorable Sir The proposalls I mentioned concerning the businesse of imploying the Indians in our parts of New England depending upon a large stocke may probably be unseasonable considering what I now understand of the diminution of the stock of the corporation & there disappointments of monies for necessary occasions,a yet having mentioned somthing to your honor concerning the same as also to the treasurer I shall breifly hint something further about the same:b Those ‹westerne› parts of New England betweene the Narogansett Bay, & the River of New London are most populous of Indians, and a people more civill, & active, & industrious then any other of the adjacent parts:c amongst them also there are a people, which live very neere the English, and doe wholy adheare to them, and are apt to fall into English imployment, therefore I have thought it an oportunity for the civilising of them & thereby the1 bringing them to hearken to the Gospell may be the easier effected, and there is one Mr. William Tomson,2 a minister who speaketh their language very well, applyeth himselfe wholy to instruct some of themd /fol. 58b/ The proposalls concerning the imploying the Indians in New England. first the benefitt to themselves would be 1. The civilising of them3 2. They would thereby be in a neerer way to ‹service›4 & the knowledge of the Christian religion, which is that great work this honorable corporation intends 3. They would be furnished with such necessaries as may make their lives more comfortable, as5 civil people have. 4. It would be a great benefitt to the English people heere, in a way of vending store of their commodities[,] especially drapery ‹of which now the Duch have the greatest trade in those parts› for there be many thousands which would willingly weare English apparell if they knew how to purchas it, which must be easily done by the improvement of their owne labour in a due way; & besides many other manufactures would be vended a For the financial problems of the Corporation and its interest in providing work for the Indians see above, p. 43–9. b The New England Company’s Treasurer was Henry Ashurst, see above, p. 20n. c The area to which Winthrop refers is now in Connecticut. At the time it was divided between Connecticut and Rhode Island and inhabited by the Narragansett, Mshegan, and Pequot peoples. d Winthrop refers to William Thomson (d. 1665), one of the earliest missionaries in Connecticut. In 1659 he received money from the Commissioners for learning the Indian language but he was employed for only three years; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 103, 301.

57

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

5. England would be supplied with substantiall commodities as hempe, flax, several sorts of other things, as pittch, tarre, ‹wheat & rice & peas›6 ‹& some other severall commodities very proper to that country.› 6. A revenue for the maintenance of ‹the›7 chief ‹businesse of› the corporation may therby out of their owne labour be raised without any charge to the people of England which is a principall part of the intendment of this proposall. /fol. 58c/ Propositions to the honorable the8 Governor & corporation for the propagating the Gospell in New England: tending to the fitting the Indians for that mercy by civilising them in a way of imployment. First a considerable stock must be provided[.] The stock9 proposed for the carrying on the worke is £3000 this yeare and next yeare, £2000 or what more can be procured: this stock shalbe paid back the third ‹or 5th› yeare at farthest10 either with interest if the corporation ‹or others› doe not adventure it: or with such proportion of the cleere profitt, as shalbe thought fitt, which proportion of profitt may be laid out in some purchase there, or further imployed to profitt, the yearely produce to be returned as it ariseth in such commodities, as shalbe11 raised by their labour, but returned back in commodities, only the interest diducted, till the three, or 5 yeares be expired, & after that the thing being sufficiently put in a way there may be a continuance of future supply upon reasonable & certaine allowance of profitt to those that have thus supplied the stock for the beginning, or a continuance only of the supply out of the returnes of the produce. The way to raise such a stock may be ‹by›12 motion from the corporation (not as in the former transactions by a13 collection against a stock in a free gift by way of charity) but only a supply, for valuable consideration which shall be yearely be paid out of the produce, at first for the further incouragement to the worke upon bare interest & insurance and14 after ward when that terme shalbe expired of thre ‹4› or five yeares then the usuall allowance as other traders give for their commodities. Of this stock about £1000 in mony15 the rest only in goods at mony price[,] security to be given for the principall stock: & interest. but if any persons for the forwarding such a good worke will contribute to such16 a stock…… principall returned, without consideration, it may be the greater incouragement. Endorsed on fol. 58d: ‘Ruff draught of proposalls to the Corporation for New England Indian business. The more perfect draught I left with them at their meeting at Coopers hall which they intended to transcribe & give me againe.’

58

— 1663 — Lost letters dating from 1663 are as follows: Wotton’s list (see vol. 1, p. xxvii) contains the following items: No. 59 ‘Clodius’. Frederick Clodius was a chemist and Samuel Hartlib’s son-inlaw. See vol. 1, passim. No. 61 ‘Mr. Fairclough’. This is either Nathaniel Fairclough, intruded to the rectory of Stalbridge 1649–56; or Samuel Fairclough (1594–1677), Nonconformist minister, previously rector of Kedington, Suffolk; or his son Richard (1621–82), Nonconformist minister, previously rector of Melly, Somerset. Miles records the following letter (BP 36, fol. 145v): ‘Murray Private Aff.’ Tom Murray was a servant on Boyle’s estate at Stalbridge, Dorset. Five letters to Boyle from the second Earl of Cork are recorded in the second Earl’s diary (see vol. 1, pp. xxvii–viii), dated 22 April, 20 May, 3 and 10 June and 17 August. The last three enclosed bills, specified in that for 10 June as relating to Cork’s purchase of Waltham (see above, p. 1). That of 22 April was ‘about the Exchange of his moneyes by Sir Dalzell Bellingham’, i.e., Sir Daniel Bellingham (c. 1620–72), alderman of Dublin, knighted 1662. One of these letters appears as no. 363 in Wotton’s list: ‘Lord Burlington’. The following letters, mentioned in surviving letters, are no longer extant: Randall Clayton or Cleyton to Boyle, before 20 January 1663 (below, p. 60). Boyle to Leichner, c. late May 1663 (vol. 5, p. 173). Boyle to Oldenburg, about 20 June 1663 (below, p. 95). Boyle to Beale, before 29 September 1663 (below, p. 128). For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, p. 78. A letter from Boyle to Sir Robert Moray of November–December 1663, enclosing Boyle’s ‘Observations about Mr Clayton’s Diamond’, has not been included here since it has already been published in Boyle’s Colours (1664); see Works, vol. 4, pp. 187–96 (for the date see p. 188n.) 59

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253846-2

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

BOYLE to RICHARD BOYLE, SECOND EARL OF CORK

20 January 1663

From the original in hand D, signed by Boyle, at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 32, no. 155. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

My dearest Brother. Having soe latly troubld You with one of my scribbles I am halfe asham’d to second that soe soone with another, But having receiv’d a pressing Letter from our Worthy Cousin Colonel Clayton to bring the Busynes that has been soe long depending betwixt his Kinsman Mr Brady, and me, to an Issue, And my Cousin Brady himselfe much urging the same thing, I who desire to deale fayrly, & above board in the Busynes, have consented to referre the whole Matter to freinds,a And He having made choice of Colonel Clayton on his part, I must beg that You on mine, would be pleas’d to discourse the Matter with him, & make whatever Agreement or Propositions You shall think, that in Justice & Equity all things consider’d, it would becom me to assent to, or offer. And one Advantage besides the doeing what is fit, will certainly accrue to Your /155 (1)v/ Conference, that my Cousin Clayton will see by my Fathers Rentall, that both He & his Kinsman misaprehend the State of the Case, For I cannot make Mr Brady sensible that there were great Arrears due from the mortgag’d land, before the Rebellion, & consequently payable to me by whoever shall pretend a Right to redeeme the Land.b And now I speake of Mortgages I must put You in mind again of what I formerly remember’d to You concerning the Mortgages You purchas’d of me neare Fermoy for which You have not yet calld to me for a legall Conveyance which Yet to prevent all Casualty’s were very fit to be perfected, Especially because I having as I divers Yeares since inform’d You, made long agoe a Conveyance in Trust to Yourselfe, & some other freinds of severall Lands, whereof those bought by You are1 apart, I have spoken to my Trustee here at London who is ready to signe & seale for feare leat if any of the Trustees should dye, it may2 be more troublesome to procure a good Conveyance from their Executors. If You please to order Mr Graham, or any other You shall think fit to employ here in his Absence, toward the perfecting of Your Assurance, The Trustees here & I will think it our Duty to be ready to doe what is a This letter is not extant. Randall Clayton or Cleyton (d. c. 1681) may have been an agent for and tenant of Boyle’s father, living on a farm near Cork; see Lismore I, 2, entry for 10 Apr. 1628. Alternatively, he may have been a man of this name who came from a Cheshire family and served in the parliamentarian army in Ireland, rising to the rank of colonel. In the 1660s he commanded an infantry company quartered in Limerick, where he purchased lands, and he held various offices in the civil administration; see C. Dalton (ed.), Irish Army Lists, 1661–1685 (London, 1907), pp. 5, 6, 17, 26, 32, 54, 65, 70; CSPI, 1660–2, pp. 110, 120, 161. Boyle’s mother had a nephew called Luke Brady, and the Brady mentioned here is probably a relative of his; see Dorothea Townshend, The Life and Letters of the Great Earl of Cork (London, 1904), pp. 68–9. b It is not clear to which property Boyle here refers.

60

BOYLE

to SECOND EARL OF CORK, 20 Jan. 1663

requisite on our parts.a As for Tib & Thom, there is a certain verball Promise of mine, of granting some Interest in it, alledg’d to have been made divers Yeares before You made any Mention of it to me.b But I am & have /155 (2)/ been endeavouring, & I think I shall doe it successfully to satisfy the Person concernd; And however if we should not agree, tho that will be unwelcome to me, Yet it could not legally prejudice You, And therefore You need not upon that Account forbeare proceeding in the Bargaine You intended. And since You will not allow me to referre the Nomination of the Rent to my Lord of Cork & I have noe Reason to expose my selfe to the Temptation of Partiality in my owne case, I will if You please referre it to my Lord of Massereen or any other equitable, & intelligent Person, that You shall please to appoint, Provided that You reserve to Your selfe a perfect Liberty, to except against any thing You dislike in the Agreement there being none to whom the whole Matter shall be more willing referr’d, then to Your selfe, byc My Dearest Brother Your most affectionate most faithful most & humble servant Ro: Boyle

Jan: the 20th 62/63 3

My most humble service to my Brother & sister Orrery I forgot to beg a word of Confirmation what is become of Capt Smith, For I have not yet receiv’d from him a peny of 9ber Rents, nor soe much as a Bill to receave any though at a months sight.d Endorsed by second Earl of Cork ‘Jan. 20th 62. From my brother Robin about Tib and Tom’. Also endorsed in an eighteenth-century hand ‘(Robert Boyle)’.

a Boyle inherited the estates of the dissolved monastery of Fermoy, County Cork, from his father; see Townshend, Life and Letters, p. 480. Mr Graham is Richard Graham, Boyle’s London lawyer. b Tibb and Tom were lands and tenements mentioned in the will of the 1st Earl of Cork, situated near Hoggenbutt, outside Dublin; see Townshend, Life and Letters, p. 484. c Sir John Clotworthy (d. 1665) was created Viscount Massereene in 1660; he was married to Katherine Ranelagh’s sister-in-law. d Boyle refers to his brother Roger (1621–79), Lord Broghill and 1st Earl of Orrery, and his wife, Lady Margaret (1623–89). Captain John Smith or Smyth (d. c. 1688) was the grandson of Sir Richard Smyth and Mary, sister of the 1st Earl of Cork. A Captain John Smith is mentioned in a list of militia troops and companies to be raised in Ireland as the commander of a Dublin company, although Smith’s letters to Robert Southwell are usually addressed from Ballynetra; see A Genealogical and Heraldic History of the Landed Gentry of Ireland (London, 1904), p. 557; RCHM Ormonde, II, p. 247; British Library, Add. MS 46949, fols 127, 148, 172.

61

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

JOHN BEALE to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

23 February 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 98, pp. 5–8. Fol/2. There is a partial transcript of the part of the letter that follows the poem by Henry Oldenburg in Early Letters, B 1, 23. Poem not previously printed in this form (see also below, p. 68). Letter not previously printed.

Domino Illustrissimo Roberto Boyl &c J. B. S[alutem] P[lurimam] D[icit].a Feb 23 62 I, pete, Musa, Virum, purâ qui mente colendus. Quid tibi suffusis ignibus ora rubent! Tu mollis nimium, nimium licet ille severi Judicii censor, cum juvat, esse potest. Non tamen arbitrium vereare subire faventis, In caput haud stringet tela,1 obelumque tuum Dumque litas animi grati lætique lepore, In Te nil juris triste tribunal habet. Ex merito possit te quamvis ore verendo Excipere, et tetricâ spernere fronte levem, Te,2 non officio dedignaturus amici, Asseret amplexu, propitiaque manu. [In]ceptumque3 tuum pacatâ mente fovebit, Nec renuet quamvis spargere es ausa sales. [No]n4 tibi, Musarum Magnum Decus, ilia adurit Virus amicitiam suspicione gravans. To the most illustrious gentleman, etc., Robert Boyle. J[ohn] B[eale] sends his greetings.a Feb 23 62 Go, my Muse, and seek out that man, who is to be worshipped by a pure mind. Why do you blush, with fiery red suffusing your face? You are too soft – even though he can, indeed, be too harsh in his judgements, when he so wishes. You should not, however, be afraid to undergo the judgement of someone who favours you: he will not aim his terrifying shafts at your head. And while you are making your acceptable offering to him, with the wit of your grateful and happy mind, he has none of that grim aspect that he has when sitting in judgement. Although he could with good reason receive you with a frighteningly harsh appearance, or scorn you, as being a trivial thing, with an angry frown, in fact he will condescend to fulfill the office of a friend, and will welcome you with an embrace, and a gracious handshake. And he will lend support to you as you begin in a peaceful frame of mind; nor will he disapprove, even if you dare to scatter about some witty remarks. You [i.e., Boyle], the great glory of the Muses, are not burned up in your vitals by that poison that weighs down friendship with suspicion. Nor do you curl your eyebrows up into a The following poem is presumably by Beale himself, in contrast to the Latin epigram which he sent to Boyle in a subsequent letter of 2 Mar. 1681 (vol. 5, pp. 243–4).

62

BEALE

to BOYLE, 23 Feb. 1663

Neve supercilium curvos confringis in orbes, Cum mea sunt manibus scripta recepta tuis. Exul abi timor omnis, habet securus amator, Quo sua cuncta potest condere sensa sinum. Cur ungues saperet demorsos ter repetitis Ante tuos tornis litera trita pedes! Artificem temnit limam complexibus apta Simplicibus, pulsat quæ tibi Musa fores. Inque tui cordis penetralia rectius ibunt, Quæ subito fundam nec meditatus ego. Nec mirum est pedibus si cespitet illa, citatos Quæ superat cursu læta Thalia Notos. Vatibus æthereus justis exundet oportet Spiritus, et pleno Nectar5 in ore fluens. Mens mihi nodosi gyaris compressa Lycæi6 Sic respirandi gestit habere moram. Tu quoque quid senium paucis accersis in annis! Verna quidem lux est anteferenda nivi. Ipse vacat quandoque jocis, nucibusque December, Et sua Bifronti Janua clausa Deo est. [N]eque3 in scopulis Non sum ego subducti furtim mihi conscius ignis /p. 6/ [vu]lturibus devoAbque aliis præstat, quod mihi Phoebus idem[.] ran[du]s Prometheus Meta suo sunt astra loco me nulla monente, neque ut Æsculapius. Nec reprimunt cursum, nec mea vota citant circles [i.e., act superciliously], when my writings are received in your hands. Therefore, let all fear depart – and run off into exile! An admirer who can be relied upon possesses a lap in which my Muse can place all her feelings. Why should this letter be polished up too neatly by being turned three times on a lathe, and nibble at its nails, that have been bitten down [by anxiety], as it lies before your feet? The Muse that knocks at your door scorns to be polished artificially with a file, and is fitted for simple friendly embraces. And the things that I shall pour out, not with premeditation, but on the spur of the moment, will go more directly to the bottom of your heart. Nor is it to be wondered at, if her feet should stumble on the ground, when my happy Muse surpasses the swift south winds in her dancing. It is fitting that a heavenly spirit should overflow in virtuous poets, and there should be nectar flowing in their full mouth. My mind, oppressed by the gyrations of the knotty Lyceum, longs to have a pause in which to catch its breath. And why do you also seek old age in the first years of life? The light of spring is indeed to be preferred to snow, since December itself is devoid of fun and games, and its portals are closed to the god with two faces. I am not conscious of any fire appropriated to me by stealth and from others (so I am neither to be devoured on the crags by vultures like Prometheus, nor like Aesculapius:), because Phoebus himself charges me with it. The stars are in their places without me telling them to be so. My prayers neither restrain their course, nor stir them up. The companion of Happiness is

63

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

Provoco ad Dom. Cancella. orationem

Sic ille.

Sic ille.

Utinam

Utinam

2, 1662–5

Lætitiæ comes est Risusque, Jocusque, Venusque, Ipse Cupido puer, nudaque trina Charis. Tristitiæ comites, Livorque, Horrorque, Furorque, In cædem et rutilis anguibus acta soror. Vos O Rectores populi queis cingitur auro Frons Augusta, oris Vos prohibete minas. Hinc lites, hinc insidiæ, nec ab hospite tutus Hospes, ubi est luctu fas violare Lares. Majestatis item reus est, mihi credite, si cui Non largus madido risus ab ore fluit Unus habes veniam stringendi pectora nobis Et corrugandi, tu Gelasine, genas. Ille suis fatis injurius, ille benignis Ingratus, cui non ampliat ora lepos. Invidus et patriæ qui seclo debita nondum Agnoscit Britonum gaudia fixa solo. Ecce et adhuc Magnus durat Conventus, abestea Quotquot in his damno creditis esse locum. Pallet Iber, trepidat Gallus, caput improba Roma Dejicit, et lentè coccina longa trahit.b Nunc licet amoto sordes velamine totas Cernere, nunc oculis ulcera nuda patent.

laughter, and jokes, and Venus, and the boy Cupid himself, and the three naked Graces. The companions of sadness are malice, and horror, and fury: this sister is also driven to slaughter by red snakes. You, o rulers of the people, (I am making a speech to the Lord Chancellor:) whose noble brows are surrounded by golden crowns, speak out and forbid all threats. Let disputes go away from here, let treachery depart from here! [Let there be no more] a guest who is not safe from peril at the hands of his own host, when it is considered right to commit a grievous outrage against the household gods. (He says:) He is guilty of treason, believe me, if one large smile does not flow from his moist mouth; you, o dimple, do us the favour of moving our breasts and wrinkling our cheeks. (He says:) That man does harm to his own fortunes, that man is ungrateful to those who show him kindness, for whom wit does not open up his mouth. And that man is envious of his own country’s success, who has not yet recognised that (Let it be so!) the joys of the British people are destined to be firmly fixed in this present age alone. Look, that great meeting is still holding fast;a let any of you depart, who think that there is anything that can be considered to have failed in these events. The Spaniard (Let it be so!) is growing pale [with fear], the Frenchman is trembling, wicked Rome lets her head droop, and drags her long scarlet garmentsb along slowly. Now it is possible to remove the covering, and to see all that is foul: and now, there are no sores a b

This appears to be a reference to the national unity promoted at the time of the Restoration. i.e., cardinals’ robes.

64

BEALE

Utinam

Ad scripta

Facta

to BOYLE, 23 Feb. 1663

Debellata suos fastus jam ponit Iërne,a Vis infida, ultra nec recidiva, cadit. Jamque Tago uberiora tument æraria Regi, Nunc et opes Indus fundit uterque suas.b Hoc qui contractâ meditatur fronte, malignus Credatur, Legum fulchra ruenda studet. Te quoque Seraphicos tinxisse lepore calores Æterno agnoscet Lindamor obsequio c Nec minus aptus eras vel in aere prendere pondus Et quibus unguiculis urget ubique solum.8 Sic, ubi perpetuis conduntur vellera gyris, /p. 7/ Arctè comprimitur qui petit ima glomus. Quis modus, et quantum est auræ vitale, et inane Quid valet, ipse oculis per tua vitra probas.d Ignis ad astra licet pernicibus avolat alis, Spargit et Eoos Hesperiosque simul, Sistis, et arte tuâ proprios affigis ad usus, Ne superet jussum, deficiatve tuum.

that lie open to the eyes. Ireland has been defeated in war, and puts aside her arrogance;a and faithless force falls down, since it is not going to return any more. And now (Let it be so!) richer treasuries are swelling up for our King on the Tagus, and now both East and West Indies are pouring out their wealth [for him]:b Let any person who considers all this with a furrowed brow be thought of as a malignant: he is someone who is eager to undermine the foundations of our laws. (To your writings:) And Lindamor will recognise with eternal respect that you too have tinged your seraphic heat with wit.c You were no less fitted to take hold of a weight either in the air, or when it pushes down on the ground everywhere with its little toes.d Thus, when fleeces are spun by a continually whirling wheel, the ball of thread, which seeks to fall to the bottom, is pressed closely together. (To your deeds:) What is the manner [in which it works], and how much of the air is life-giving, and what are the properties of the empty parts of the air: to all these questions you can give a proven answer, having seen it with your own eyes by means of your experiments. Although the fire flies to the stars on swift wings, and scatters [light] on both the east and the west at the same time, you can bring it to a halt, and by your skill you can force it to serve your own purposes, so that it neither surpasses your orders, nor fails to carry them out in full. And you squeeze all of the a This is probably an allusion to Virgil, Aeneid, vi, 853: ‘et debellare superbos’, ‘and defeat the proud in war’. b This is an allusion to Charles II’s marriage in 1661 to Catherine of Braganza (1638–1705), daughter of John VI of Portugal. c The poet also alludes to Boyle’s Seraphic Love (1659), addressed to ‘Lindamor’, who has not been identified. See Works, vol. 1, p. 54n. d The poet refers to Boyle’s experiments with the air pump, for which see Works, vol. 1, pp.159– 65.

65

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Omniaque ex omni extorques elementa elemento, Nec manet exuccus, te prohibente, cinis. Quidlibet ex quovis, opifex divine, recudis, Si non materiam suggeris, ipse facis. Ornatu polles Sophiæ, Virtutis, et Artis, Nulla tamen frontem ruga morosa fodit. Clara Bouylorum proles, ignosce fatenti, Majus es, et nostris viribus impar onus. Succumbendum igitur, sed in hoc mihi gloria restat Quod fari nequeo, mente animoque colo. Tibi ex animo humillime Addictissimus B. elements out of each one of the other elements; nor does even ash remain lifeless, when you forbid it to do so. You can make what you wish out of any ingredients you choose, o divine workman; if you cannot get hold of the necessary material, then you make it yourself. You are made strong, and are adorned by the possession of wisdom, of virtue, and of skill; and nevertheless no fretful wrinkle digs into your forehead. O distinguished offspring of the family of the Boyles, forgive me when I admit that you are a great man, and thus that the weight [of giving you the praise that you deserve] is too much for my strength. Therefore I must fail in my aim; but my glory rests in this fact, that I can revere you in my mind and my heart, even though I am unable to express the true depth of my feelings. I am, sir, your most obedient servant, B.

Honourable Sir Instead of the returne of those thanks which I must ever owe you for very many greate favors & long continued kindnesses, in present I can only redouble a late fault & send you a light vindication of former Levitys Sir you see I have my Lord Chancellors fluent oration on my side. And His tells us, That his Majesty hath soe much skill in physiognomy, That He can discerne treason in the bottome of an austere looke.a And when I came first into this Countrey (about 24 yeares agoe,) Mr John Coventry, Who was the Wit of the West gave me the Nic Name of Erasmus Junior, (& possibly then I had much of his notion in religion, having borrowed more from the a Beale refers to Edward Hyde (1609–74), 1st Earl of Clarendon, who became Lord Chancellor in 1658. Beale was probably repeating an oral anecdote about the king.

66

BEALE

to BOYLE, 23 Feb. 1663

Greeke fathers than from the Romane or Novelists:)a but it was allso my custome, That what I could not support against a streame in serious undertakings, I would scatter in the way of Droliery: by which methode Erasmus residing /p. 8/ with in the Confines of Rome gave a stronger stroke for a true & reall Reformation, than Luther by leaving the Scene & falling into passion.b And wee have our Proverbe Ridentem dicere verum Quis vetat.c But Erasmus lived in the Age of droliery, which held out from the witty chancellor Mores dayes to Owen, Hoskins, Donne, & our deare Sir H Wotton.d And wee allso may submit to our Lord chancellors salting.e And besides I have shewd Mr Oldenburgh in a rurall note, That the dull oxe feedes not without a kind of mustard & pepper as sauce to his lusshious herbs.f Sir Now I have enabled Mr Oldenburgh under the Rose to shewe you Mr Pells testimony (I could not ‹aske›9 a better in answere & confirmation of my proposalls for supply of Aqua vitæs by the fruite of Ortyds:g And that eager & wild apples & peares (such is10 the Redstrake) yield a wyny & sprightfull liquor.h Allso in Hartlibs Legacy written by child defic. 16 you may see thiese words. Seaweedes are not to be slighted, for in Jersey they have no other [fuel]11 amongst them and This may seeme a kind or degree of that sea weede specifyed in my trifle of fuell &c.i a

Beale refers to the county of Somerset, which had been his home since 1640, when he accepted the sinecure rectorship of Sock Denis in Somerset. Beale’s native county was Herefordshire; see Stubbs, i, passim. Sir John Coventry (d. 1682), MP for Weymouth, had family connections in Somerset. The nickname ‘Erasmus junior’ bears witness to Beale’s admiration for Erasmus of Rotterdam (c. 1469–1536), the greatest of the Renaissance humanists; see Stubbs, i, p. 467. b Beale’s comparison between the two reformers, Erasmus and Martin Luther (1483–1546), confirms his preference for the classical and Christian humanism of Erasmus, epitomised in the Dutch scholar’s Praise of Folly, dedicated in 1511 to the ‘witty chancellor’ Thomas More, whom Beale cites in the next paragraph. c ‘Who prevents a laughing man from telling truth?’ Beale slightly misquotes the original text from Horace, Satires, 1. 1. 24–5, which has ‘quid’ (what) rather than ‘quis’. d Beale refers to Sir Thomas More (1478–1535); John Owen (c. 1560–1622), Latin epigrammatist; John Hoskins (1566–1638), satirist and parliamentarian; John Donne (1572–1631), poet; and Sir Henry Wotton (1568–1639), diplomat, poet, and provost of Eton when Beale was a pupil there. e i.e., pungent, stinging wit. For the Lord Chancellor, see above, p. 66n. f Beale may here refer to one of the fragmentary treatises or memoirs that survive in Early Letters B 1, alongside Beale’s letter to Oldenburg; see Oldenburg, i, 320. g i.e., orchards. h This is a reference to John Pell (1611–85), mathematician and colleague of Samuel Hartlib (c. 1600–62), the intelligencer and Boyle’s correspondent in the 1650s. The phrase ‘under the rose’ (sub rosa) implies ‘confidentially’. Beale’s published work, Herefordshire Orchards, A Pattern for all England (1657), stemmed from his correspondence with Hartlib, initiated in 1656. In this and elsewhere Beale argued for the superiority of the Redstreak apple. For the technique of drawing out ‘aquavitae’ or alcoholic spirits from fruit see Beale’s correspondence with Oldenburg, in Oldenburg, ii, 16–20. i Beale refers to Robert Child (d. 1654), whose regional surveys in New England and Ireland included in a letter to Hartlib known as the ‘Large Letter’, formed the bulk of the 1st edition of Hartlib’s Legacy of Husbandry (1651); see Webster, Great Instauration, p. 432. Beale’s own ‘trifle of fuell &c.’ has not been located.

67

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

In another transcript from Capt. Wheeler &c you will see good ground for my proposall of the search of Tarras.a And having specified How my selfe & others that followed my example have found some subterraneous wealth by a dull auger, I doe wish our noble Mechanics would devise us some better engine, which undoubtedly would easily be done, & that would awaken many to examine their grounds & to search deeper for their owne treisures. But tis a heavy taske to be engaged in a verball controversy about matters that are in some places confirmed by epidemicall experiences. And now for my last verses which relate to your selfe, I confesse I was over planyed, because it is easier for you to do things that were never done before, than for me to write in the Latine tongue (& in verse of the softest kind) that which was ‹never› spoken in Latine before. But I am allways Noble Sir Your most humble & most obedient servant J B.

BEALE to BOYLE

25 February 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 99, pp. 9–10. Fol/1. There is a transcript of the letter by Henry Oldenburg in Early Letters, B 1. 24. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 423–5 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 326–9.

Domino Illustrissimo Roberto Boyl &c J B S P Db Tui observantissimusc J B.1

E coene Somersetensi Feb: 25. 1662/3

Honourable Sir I have made thus bold with you, for which I begd pardon by munday carrier in a ruder draught. for then I was constraind to force my Pegasus to outrun the carriers horse. And thus wee deal with God & good men all over. Wee beg pardon, & a Beale probably refers to William Wheeler, inventor, who devoted himself to perfecting a drainage mill. In 1642 he patented a mechanism for boring timber with a wooden auger. b This letter opens with the Latin poem which has already been given in Beale to Boyle, 23 Feb. 1663. This second version of the poem is found in OB 100, and has clearly been misbound, because the last four lines of the poem appear at the top of the first page of item 99. See above, pp. 62–6 for its text and translation. c ‘Written from the mud of Somerset. Your most obedient servant’.

68

BEALE

to BOYLE, 25 Feb. 1663

commit the same faults in the same breath. Nowe I am to acquaint you, That there are in my hands five very large parchments of strange Alphabets, titles, & notations, which old Mr Hartlib bestowd upon mee, as the devise of Caleb Morley, Who (at a greate Age) shewd the most wonderfull specimen of Artificiall Memory, that ever was shewed, as I thinke.a And the English Courte (for many yeares) sawe the prooffe of it. But by his death, (which was suddaine by a fall from his horse,) These rolls are layd aside as unintelligible; & the Art deplored, as irrecoverably lost; Or the Author suspected of Magic. Nowe, by casting my eye on the rolls, I am become confident, that I can interpret every line, title, & blot, (for those allso ‹are›2 severall kinds of Mnemonicall Markes) And I can point out in which order every parcell is to be learned, (for that is allso no small difficulty, & no remarque left by which wee might discerne, Which roll is 1, 2, 3, 4, or 5.) And there are some blinds, which for some time my eye had not discerned; Nowe I have found them & knowe their use. And that thiese rolls were apprehended by Dr Goad (then chaplain to the Archbishop & famous at Dort, a stiffe & staunch persone,) to be usefull, may appeare by thiese wordes in the close of the laste roll under his hand. b This Alphabet consisting of five pieces of parchment, & being a disposure of Vowells, & Consonants tending to an Art of facility & methode invented by Mr Caleb Morley, & Presented by him to the Kings Matjesty, I have perused, & thinke it convenient, & profitable to the purpose of the Author, & therefor fit according to his desire to be printed & published by his appointment & to his use. Thomas Goade Croyden Sept 17. 1623.c Sir /p. 10/ This I refer to your owne private thoughts, not offering to engage the Royal Society in it. For I take notice what prejudice most learned men have against all discourses of Artificiall Memory. Yet wee cannot deny it the suffrage of the greatest Wits that ever were. Aristotle, Cicero, Quintilian, Aquinas, Muret, Lord Bacon, to thise I could adde hunderds.d And I know I could once boaste of a naturall memory a Caleb Morley is listed as a medical practioner in 1586 in Stalbridge in Dorset; see J. H. Raach, A Directory of English Country Physicians 1603–43 (London, 1962), p. 67. Beale had circulated a revision of Morley’s memory treatise to Boyle and John Worthington in 1661; see Stubbs, i, 483. A fuller description of Morley’s manuscript is found below, pp. 140–1. b Thomas Goad (1576–1638), domestic chaplain to the then archbishop of Canterbury, George Abbot (1562–1633). Goad was sent to the Synod of Dort in 1619. Goad would have passed for the press Morley’s treatise in his capacity as a representative of the archbishop. c Croydon was where the archbishop’s palace was located. The King was James I. d As on so many topics, the philosopher Aristotle began the debate on this issue, using artificial memory in an illustrative rather than expositive fashion. In his De anima the theory of memory is part of Aristotle’s theory of knowledge; hence the image-making faculty of the mind, the storehouse of subject matter, makes possible the higher processes of thought. The Roman statesman and scholar Cicero (106–43 BC) tells the story of the invention of the art of memory in his De oratore, as does Quintillian (AD 35–c. 100), in Institutio oratoria. The Dominican philosopher and theologian, Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225–74), dominated the memory tradition in the medieval period. His memory

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beyond beliefe, but I found it true, that Mr Hales foretold mee, The first grey hayre would signify the decay of it; And since I have had some reguard, & ayde from some Methodes of Artificiall Memory.a But above all in present I take notice what vaste ayde might be to the Memory in the very printing of bookes that are worthy to be learned in the reading. And for this cause, I doe accompt, that by our prints wee are at some losse in that wee have omitted the beautifying letters, which in MSS did very distinctly adorne the fronts of Chapters, & Sections. And other golden & fine colored ornaments they had, which gave Mnemonical Remarques to maine joynts & thiese were (in Solomons language) as studs & nayles to fasten the Memorandum.b Neyther were they of old at soe greate coste only to please children, as with painted babyes. Therefore I am sorry The Elivirian, & other excellent printers, have despised thiese beautyes.c And that you may see I have primitive antiquity, zelous fathers, & first ecclesiasticall Historyes on my side for this, & more sacred uses, I have herewith sent you a transcript out of St Hieroms preface to the newe Testament.d Which, besides the flourish of the cut, may bring Caneparius de Attramentis in some request for variety of beautifying colors.e And though I love picture very much, yet this I prefer (for the substantiall ayde) before Mr Blooms Ornaments.f And this may be soe devised as to be noe greate charge nor much interruption to the presse. And for some bookes, they deserve (by a round value) to be soe far guarded from proletary use. To thiese I would recommend the Mnemonicall characters of Publicius, & those rules and commentaries on Aristotle were widely quoted by 17th-century authors. The reference to Muret is to Marc Antoine Muret (1526–85), renowned French humanist teacher and author of commentaries on Cicero’s orations. Francis Bacon (1561–1626), Lord Verulam, philosopher and statesman, identified memory as a part of knowledge as traditionally understood by Aristotle, although he criticised the attitude of rhetorical humanism in its exploitation of the arts of memory for mere effect; see Frances Yates, The Art of Memory (London, 1966). a This is a reference to John Hales (1584–1656), humanist scholar and from 1619 a fellow at Eton. Beale entered the college in 1622. b King Solomon, paragon of wisdom in the Bible, to whom a magical art of memory was often attributed; see Yates, Art of Memory, p. 43. The proverb, found in Ecclesiastes 12, 11, is ‘The words of the wise are as nails and pins driven in and fastened by the masters of assemblies’. The writer of Ecclesiastes says he is King of Israel, but nowhere says that he is Solomon. c A reference to Bonaventura and Abraham Elzevir, booksellers and printers in Leiden between 1621 and 1652. d Beale alludes to the biblical scholar of the ancient Latin church, St Jerome (c. 346–420). Jerome was commissioned to produce a uniform and dependable text of the Latin Bible, using the Greek original. e Pietro-Maria Canepari (b. 1563) was an Italian glassmaker and physician, author of a book on inks, De atramentis cuiuscunque generis (1619). See vol. 1, p. 274. f This is a reference to Jacob Blome, bookseller in London between the years 1619–61. Beale is referring to woodcut ‘ornaments’ here, although no evidence for Blome’s reputation as a printer of engravings has been found.

70

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 27 Mar. 1663

added by Jean Prepp in his Artificiosæ Memoriæ fundamenta.a Tu hujusmodi Alphabetum ex instrumentis a Publicio excogitatum accipito, sed si ex bene feriatis fueris, ac hujus artis avidus, facile proprio Marte melius formabis.b Tis easy to propose variety of excellent & divine efficacy. And this can be noe hurt to naturall Memory. Sir, I hope you will sometimes give mee leave ‹thus› to whisper into your owne eare, What I dare not offer to the whole body of the R[oyal] Soc[iety]. Honourable Sir Your vowed servant B

Feb 25.62.

WALLIS to BOYLE

27 March 1663

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 512. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 455–6.

Oxon, March 27, 1663. SIR, THE enclosed is in obedience to your commands laid upon me, when I waited on you at London.c If it be too large, you may extract out of it as short a one as you please; and if it may seem in ought too short, there is scope of enlarging it as far as you shall think fit. The design is so ordered as to obviate the inconveniences, and to reserve as much of convenience as well may be. The other command, which I received in order to Dr. Pocock, I have endeavoured to observe so far as was in me.d I acquainted him with your desire; but he tells me, that to give account of all the longitudes and latitudes in Abulfeda, is, in a manner, to transcribe the whole book; for it contains little else but the longitude and latitude of places, with some very brief descriptions of them in two or three lines, and not digested into distinct tables, but to be collected out of the text.e But he tells me, that Mr. Clark is designing somewhat out of him and other geographers compared; which perhaps a

The Oratoriae artis epitome by Jacobus Publicius was printed in 1482. It contained in an appendix the first printed Ars memorativa treatise. See Jan Paëpp, Artifiosae memoriae fundamenta ex Aristotele, Cicerone, Thome Aquinate, aliisque praestantissimis doctoribus (1618). b ‘Having learned the kind of alphabet perfected by the skills of Publicius, you will be making good use of your leisure and, being keen on these arts, you will learn better how to defend yourself in a fight.’ c The enclosure is not extant. d For Edward Pococke see above, p. 53n. e The work in question is Taqwim al-buldan, written between 1316 and 1321, by Ismail Ibn Ali Imad Al-Din Abu al-Fida (1273–1331), Syrian geographer and historian. A part of it was edited in the West in 1650.

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may better satisfy the desire of the gentleman, than a bare account of Abulfeda alone.a I hoped to have given a speedier account of both, had not somewhat else so often interposed. Your goodness, I trust, will excuse the delay, and accept the endeavours of, SIR, your honour’s very humble servant, JOHN WALLIS. Since I had written thus much, Mr. Hyde (the under-library-keeper) tells me, that if you please, he will collect out of Abulfeda the longitudes and latitudes, and transmit to you (I suppose he will expect some gratuity for his pains.)b He hath lately, for the bishop of Exeter, transcribed out of Uleg Beig the longitude and latitude of all the fixed stars, according to his observations.c If you think it tanti,d and give me such order, I will desire him to undertake it.

BOYLE’S GARDENER to BOYLE

before 8 April 1663

From the original in Early Letters B 1, 79. Fol/1 (second page missing). Emendations, including some of the punctuation, have been made in a different hand.e Copies also exist in LBO 1, 83–4, and LBC 1, 99–101. Previously printed from the LBO version, in Birch, Royal Society, i, 216–17.

Right honourable, I1 have according to your desire sent A box of potato-rootes my ceare [sic] hath been to make choice of such that are fitt to sett without cutting for many that have not small ones Enough are Constrained to cut the great ones but I doe not Aprove of that Husbandry neither doe I make use of it because when they are cut the wormes doth feede on them & soe devowring the substance the branch groweth the weaker & the Roote small the grownd2 which they thrive best in, is A light sandy Earth where fearne or briers doth naturally grow their Nature is ‹not to› grow fruitfull in A rich soile because they will spring forth many a

Wallis refers to Samuel Clarke (1625–69), orientalist. His transcript of Abu al-Fida’s Taqwim is in Clarke’s manuscripts at the Bodleian Library. b This is a reference to Thomas Hyde (1636–1703), orientalist and divine, under-keeper and later chief librarian of the Bodleian Library. He succeeded Edward Pococke as professor of Arabic at Oxford in 1691. c Seth Ward (1617–89), astronomer and divine, was bishop of Exeter from 1662 to 1667. Hyde published the text and Latin translation of a Persian version of an Arabic astronomical treatise written by Ulugh Beg Shahrukh as Tabulae longitudinis et latitudinis (1665). d i.e., ‘worth it’. e The letter is headed in Oldenburg’s hand: ‘An Extract of Letter about Potatos written to Mr Boyle and read in the Society April 8 165’. Within this, ‘of’ is altered from ‘from’, and ‘to’ replaces ‘by’ deleted. The whole replaces ‘About ‹Potatos› [replacing ‘Cyder’ deleted]’.

72

BOYLE

to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES, 9 Apr. 1663

branches & soe incumber the grownd that they will have but small roots you may Cause them to be sett A foot Apart or somthing better,3 whole as they are, & their will be great increase, and the branch will bringe forth fruit which wee call the potato Apple, they are very good to pickle for winter sallets and allsoe to preserve[.] I have tasted of many sorts of fruit & have not Eaten the like of that, they are to be gathered in September before the frost doth take them, if you are minded to have great store of small roots which are fittest to sett you may Cause them to lay downe the branches in the month before named & cover them with Earth three or four inches thick & the branch at Every Joynt will bring forth small roots in soe great A number that the increase of one yorde of grownd will sett twenty, the next season and it must be the ceare [sic] of the Geardner to cover the grownd where the roots are with fearne or stra halfe4 A foot thick ‹or Better› at the begining of the winter otherwise the frost will destroy the Roots, & as they have occation to dig out the great roots they may uncover the grownd & leave the small ones in the Earth and cover them as before to preserve seed, now, the season to dig the grownd for the next yeres fruits is in April, or may, but I holde it best the later Ende of April, and when they dig the grownd let them pick out as many as they can ‹find› small and great & yet their will be Enough for the next Cropp ‹left› let the Covering which they are Covered withall be buried in the grownd & that is all the improvement that I doth bestow[.] I could speake in the praise of the root what A good and profittable thing it is & might be to A Comman wealth could it generally be Experianced as the inhabitance of your Towne can manifest the truth of it but I will be silent in speaking in the praise of them knowing you are not Ignorant of it.5 but onely aquainting you that I am saving of som Burch water and before this month is out I shall send seven or Eight quarts which6 Endorsed on fol. 79: ‘Entd. L. B. 1. pag. 83’, and on fol. 79v: ‘An Extract of a Letter to Mr Boyle about Potatos 63’ and ‘Mr Boyle of ‹Potatos› [replacing ‘Cider’ deleted.]’a

BOYLE to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLAND

9 April 1663

From the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 3 September 1663, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial

a For this meeting see Birch, Royal Society, i, 216–17. See also Michael Hunter, Establishing the New Science: The Experience of the Early Royal Society (above, p. 56), pp. 77–8.

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Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1659– 1701), fols 43–4. Previously printed from the Plymouth copy of the minutes in Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 290–2, with which the Hartford text has been collated and significant differences noted. Also printed in Hazard, Historical Collections (above, p. 19), ii, 470–1.

Honoured Gentlemen, Yours of the 10th of September 1662: wee have received with an account of your disbursements for the yeare past, as also the Bill of exchange drawne for £500:a which wee accepted, and have paid the greatest part therof, Your prudent and carefull management of this worke, we have much reason to acknowledg especially when we consider the greatnesse of your Publique Employments for the whole plantation, Wee hope it will not be offensive unto you if wee desire you to alter somthin[g] of your accustomed course,1 for so it is that wee have not any money in2 Cash; our present revenew beeing not above £320 per Annum; And besides officers saleries wee are engaged in a Chargeable suite for an estate wee bought at above £4003 per Annum: of which wee gave you an accompt /fol. 43v/ more fully in our last,b by which meanes wee are Constrayned to improve that little we have for the best advantage, that if it be possible we may carry on what ever is absolutely necessary tending to the good designed; and yet keepe within our4 Compasse; & for that end we desire that for the present, as few bookes as possible may be bought, as also Concerning the Charge of Mrs Mayhu5 Mr. Stantons Son Captain Gookin[,]c extraordinary gifts To Indians (or any other Expence that you upon the place shal thinke fitt to be spared) may be forborne; unlesse it be thought by you that some unavoidable prejudice might happen to Your Worke for want thereof, wee have thought Good in persuance of the trust committed to us, & for the Improvement of the little we have; to send you over 433 pillar peices of eight something better than standerd ›beinge› 31: 10 ounces and 12 pence the which Cost us £100 Sterling heere; having obteined this priviledge in our Charter, that a For this letter see the Commissioners to Boyle, 10 Sept. 1662, above, pp. 43–6. For a copy of the Bill of Exchange see Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 279. b This is a reference to the company’s chancery suit with Colonel Thomas Bedingfield concerning land they had purchased from him in 1653. See above, p. 21n. c Jane Mayhew was the widow of Thomas Mayhew jr (for whom see above, p. 45n.), who died in 1657. The New England Commissioners paid her £20 in 1658, £10 per annum until 1661 and £6 per annum subsequently. See Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth, x, 205, 218, 245, 262, 278, 296, 318. The Commissioners also paid for the education of Jane Mayhew’s eldest son Matthew Mayhew, and for that of Thomas and John Stanton, the sons of Thomas Stanton, the Commissioners’ official interpreter. The Commissioners’ reply to Boyle of 18 Sept. 1663 indicates that it is John Stanton who is specifically referred to here. Captain Daniel Gookin (1612–87), was the Massachusetts Assistant, 1652–76, 1677–87. He supervised the civil government of the settlements of converted Indians which accepted the jurisdiction of Massachusetts Colony. See Kellaway, New England Company, p. 106.

74

BOYLE

to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES, 9 Apr. 1663

what wee shall send over shal be without any charge or Custome paid for the same,a& we hope that the Coynage therof into your Coyne, & accordinge to your Standard will make a Considerable ‹advance›6 for your ‹supply› the next yeare what shall be short besides this the £100 we desire that you take up moneyes with the allowance, others have in such cases for bills of exchange paid hereof your Coyne their which we understand is about £15 or 20 per 100 by these wayes: we are enformed theire will be more gayned to [the]7 Corporation, then by making returnes, as of late hath been done; wee are not at present sencible of any inconvenience, that can accrew hereby except the trouble it might occasion unto yourselves, wee hope your Bible will be finished by the Return of the Ships, & then and not before wee desire to receive some from You; It is matt[er] of great Joy unto us to hear of the Lords effectual work upon the hearts of soe many of the natives of those Two plantations you mention in your Letter: which doth not only affect our hearts but we hope also will quicken our Indeavours, so that nothing shall be wanting to further so truely desireable a worke, Concerning Marmaduke Johnson the printer, we are sorry he hath so miscarryed by which means the printing of the Bible hath bene retarded: We are resolved to default the £21 you mention out of his sallary[.]b Mr. Eliot whose Letter beares date 3 months after Yours writes that Mr Johnson is agayne returned into the work, whose Brother also hath been with us & gives us great assurance of his brothers reformation & following his businesse diligently for the tyme to come,c & he being as Mr. Eliot writes an able and usefull man in the presse we have ‹thought› fitt farther to make triall of him for one yeare longer, & the rather because upon ‹Mr.› Eliots motion, & the Goodnesse of the work we have thought fitt, & ordered that the Psalmes of David in Meter shal be printed in the Indian Language, & so we hope the said Johnson performing his promise of amendment for the time to Come may be usefull in the furthering this worke /fol. 44/ which wee soe much desire the finishing of, wee have no more but commend you to the Lord:d Sighned in the name & by the Appointment of the Corporation for the a The 1662 charter granted the company the right to export not more than £1,000 worth of pieces of eight; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 73. b For Marmaduke Johnson, see above, p. 46n. For the printing of the Bible in the Algonquian language see above, pp. 21–2. The plantations mentioned by Boyle were Plymouth and Massachusetts. c For John Eliot see above, p. 21n. Thomas Johnson, brother of Marmaduke, was an influential London bookseller. He appealed to the company on his brother’s behalf; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 132. d For the printing of the Psalms see below, p. 319.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

London the 9th Aprill 1663

2, 1662–5

propagateing of the Gospell in America by me Robert Boyle Governor

LOWERa to BOYLE

27 April 1663

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 519. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 465–6.

April 27, 1663. Most Honoured Sir, HAVING received your letter, I went to the register of the university, who keeps the records of all things acted in the convocation, and registers the names of all persons, who take any degrees; and, by the information I gave him of the time, he presently found the gentleman in the register of that year, recorded to have been admitted batchelor of physick, the very first convocation after the earl of Pembroke’s coming to visit the university; but he could not find any thing of his taking a master’s degree that year, or any other; for he searched several years before and after: so that I have sent what I found (and which, I suppose, will be sufficient for the gentleman’s purpose) attested by the register, or publick notary, whose name is authentick in any certificate; for he being a sworn officer, his testimonial cannot be refused: and there is none, that takes any degree, who has any more than his single certificate, or else I should have sent it confirmed with more hands, but that it had not been the usual way.b As for Mr. Hewes’s powder, I inquired of Dr. Willis concerning it (having seen two sad examples of it myself) and he told me, that though he had seen it used sometimes successfully enough, yet since he hath known so much harm done by it, that he would never advise any one to venture to take it any more, especially if the person be of a lean habit of body; but if the person be fat and full, there is not so much hazard or inconvenience to be feared.c Madam Walton made a sad experiment of it last year; for with one dose of his powder (which she was persuaded to take by Dr. Lamphyre for the scurvy, and fits of the spleen) she fell into a great flux, and salivated a full half year, without any intermission, which could not be stopped with all the drying diet-drinks, purges, a

For Richard Lower see above, p. 1. Boyle’s letter to Lower is not extant. The person Lower was trying to trace has not been identified. Presumably Lower refers to the visit of Philip Herbert, 4th Earl of Pembroke, to Oxford University on 11 Apr. 1648. c For Thomas Willis see above, p. 2n. The nature of ‘Mr Hewes’s powder’ has not been elucidated. b

76

LOWER to BOYLE,

27 Apr. 1663

bleeding, baths, or any thing, which the doctors at London could invent.a At length she came down hither, and being reduced to a mere skeleton, and not being able to sleep above an hour or two in a week’s time, Dr. Willis persuaded her to drink milk, and nothing else, which she did with much refreshment; but the cold weather coming suddenly on, put her again into her former flux, which in three weeks time after ended her misery: and when she died, I never saw a more exact skeleton, except that it was clothed with skin. Sir, if it may not be a trouble, Dr. Willis and myself shall be very much obliged to you for those passages of Regius, concerning Dr. Bills’s experiment, which he nor I ever saw yet, unless it be in his Hepar Redivivum, which Bartholine wrote against, and which N. Stenon makes mention of in his tract De Glandulis.b If the meaning of the passages be easy to comprehend, without the scheme, the Dr. would by no means give you the trouble of sending it. Sir, I am very sorry, that I can give you no account, as yet, of what I promised you; for I have been wholly diverted by Dr. Willis, whose desire it is, that I should be present at his operations, which now are very near finished, and I hope will make some apology to you for my idleness before long; for the Dr. intends, before Midsummer, to put his book into the press;c which is all, that I can tell you at present, but that I am, SIR, your most obedient, and humble servant, R. LOWER. I RETURN you many thanks for the laudanum, which you sent, and for those other preparations, which you were pleased to communicate to me. I have not had much opportunity of trying them as yet, but as soon as I can, I shall give you an account of the success. Dr. Willis presents you his service. Dr. Bathurst is in London.d a

Lower refers to Anne Walton (1610–62), daughter of Thomas Ken, who married Izaak Walton (1593–1683) in about 1646. John Lamphire (1614–88) was Camden professor of history in 1660 and from 1663 to 1688, principal of Hart Hall. b The reference is to Lodewijk de Bils (1624–71), Dutch anatomist. Henricus Regius was professor of medicine at Utrecht. The experiment Lower also refers to was published as Waarachtig gebruik der tot noch toe gemeende gijlbuis, beneffens de verrijzenis der lever (1658), partly translated into Latin as Epistolica dissertatio…que verus hepatis circa chylum… (1659). The reference to Regius appears to be an error on Lower’s part, as no reference to Bils’s experiment has been found in his work. Lower also refers to Thomas Bartholin (1616–80), Danish physiologist and anatomist, author of Dissertatio anatomica de hepati defuncto (1661) and Responsio de experimentis anatomicis Bilsianis et difficili hepatis resurrectione (1661); and to Nicholas Steno (1638–86), author of De musculis et glandulis observationum specimen (1664). c This is a reference to Willis’s Cerebri anatome (1664). d Ralph Bathurst (1620–1704), physician and prominent member of the Oxford Experimental Philosophy Club, was made F.R.S. in Aug. 1663.

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You will take notice of perscrutatisa taken passively, which I desired the register to alter for examinatis; but he told me, it was the word used in the ancient certificates, and therefore was more authentick, than a better word, and truer Latin.

LEICHNER to [BOYLE] 15 May 1663 Birch’s list (British Library, Add. MSS 4229, fol. 73) records ‘Leichner, May 15 1663 With a Book’ (cf. Wotton’s list, no. 60: ‘Mr. Leichner 63’). In April 1663, Eccard Leichner (1612–90), physician and theologian, professor of medicine at Erfurt from 1646, presented the Royal Society with his De apodictica scholarum emendatione, printed in the third edition of his De philosophia scholarum emendatione isagogicon in 1666. Leichner’s letter, which probably accompanied the book, was read at the Society’s meeting of 26 August. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 296. Presumably Boyle also received a copy, with a separate letter now lost. For his reply see above, p. 59, and vol. 5, p. 73.

BOYLE to POCOCKE 28 May 1663 This letter is mentioned in Leonard Twells (ed.), The Theological Work of the Learned Dr Pocock, 2 vols (London, 1740), i, 65. Twells wrote that ‘on the 28th [of May], Mr Boyle sent a Paper to Dr. Pocock, wherein Mr. Oldenburg, then Secretary to the Royal Society, begs, on the behalf of an ingenious French Gentleman, his Correspondent, our Professor’s Thoughts upon a certain Inscription, found at Persepolis, among some Ruins, which, adds Mr. Boyle “intelligent Travellers of my Acquaintance, that have visited them, profess to be the noblest and most worthy of Observation, they ever met with in Europe or Asia.”’

LOWER to BOYLE

4 June 1663

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 519–20. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 466–8. a ‘scrutinised’ or ‘examined’. This postscript would seem to suggest that Lower transcribed the entry for the person Boyle was interested in and enclosed it with this letter.

78

LOWER

to BOYLE, 4 June 1663

June 4, 1663. Most Honoured Sir, I RECEIVED your papers inclosed in Mr. Hook’s letter long since, but have not had an opportunity of returning you my thanks till now; and I hoped, that Dr. Willis would have excused it, when he went to London, but it seems he had not the happiness of finding you at your lodgings.a We have read those papers, and find but little considerable in them, except only what he mentions about the ventricles of the brain, and that he describes very obscurely; yet it being somewhat agreeable to the doctor’s description, hath made him resolve to print his anatomy forthwith. Dr. Wren hath drawn most excellent schemes of the brain, and the several parts of it, according to the doctor’s design, and the next week he will have finished the scheme of the eighth pair of nerves, and then all the work is at an end.b I shall not trouble you with the manner or description of any part of it, but only acquaint you with one or two observations we lately made: one was in a gentleman’s head, (whose body we opened /p. 520/ for another disease more fatal to him) in which the carotidal artery in the right side (inside the scull) was wholly choked up and obstructed with a yellow substance, perfectly hardened into a stone, whereby the course of blood being totally hindered on that side of the brain, did probably come in more vehemently into the other artery on the left side of his head, which tormented him very much a quarter of a year before his death, and made him much more impatient of his other disease. And this reason of his hemicrania seems more probable by what we have several times observed in others; for in some, whom we have opened, we have found both the carotidal arteries all along from the very heart into the brain almost filled with a rope, as it were, of congealed blood, turned yellow by long stagnation (which is commonly found in bodies, which lye languishing under chronical diseases) so that but very little space was left for any blood to pass through those vessels; yet both being equally obstructed, the persons never complained of any such symptom as the man before mentioned. Since that we have made another experiment, which is this. Whereas several anatomists, and particularly Webfer in his book De Apoplexiâ, finding in several bodies dead of apoplectical fits the carotidal artery full of such a congealed substance, as I mentioned before, have made it the chief cause of apoplexies; because, as he supposes, the influx of blood into the brain being by that means totally intercepted, consequently the spirits for want of supply must extinguish, and so all sense and motion perish.c All which need not at all to be feared, granting, that both the carotidal arteries were choked up, so that not the least drop of blood could pass through a

Robert Hooke’s letter to Lower has not been found. For Thomas Willis see above, p. 2n. Lower refers to Christopher Wren (1632–1723), architect, who executed the drawings for Willis’s Cerebri anatome (1664). c Lower must refer to Johann Jacob Wepfer (1620–95) and the 1658 edition of his Observationes anatomicae ex cadaveribus eorum, quos sustulit apoplexia. b

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either of them: for the carotidal and vertebral arteries have so many anastomoses, so divinely contrived inside the dura mater, before they go up into the brain (as you will see exactly described in the doctor’s scheme) that if three arteries were quite obstructed, the fourth would convey blood into all parts of the brain and cerebellum, sufficient enough for life and motion. And to confirm this, this week we took a young spaniel, and tied both the carotidal arteries in the neck very fast and close with silk, and the dog was not at all altered by it, but continued very lively and brisk, and was so far from taking unkindly what was done to him, that within a quarter of an hour after, he got lose and followed the doctor into the town, as he visited his patients. In this pleasant humour he continued two or three days, and then we opened his head and found all the vessels of the brain as full of blood as usually they are in other dogs, who did not suffer the same experiment. But this I might have told you in a shorter time; for if one artery be syringed with any tincted liquor, all the parts of the brain will equally be filled with it at the same time, as several times we have tried[.] The other experiment is this. Whereas all authors, and particularly Mr. Delbaoe in his Theses, say, that the water falls from the ventricles of the brain by the infundibulum upon the throat and palate, &c.a we experimented it quite otherwise lately in a calf’s head, after this manner: under the glandula pituitana in a calf’s scull, there are commonly one or two holes, which receive vessels from the glandule, into which hole we syringed in milk, and immediately it came out of the jugular veins more slowly or fast, according as the milk was injected; but looking into the mouth, we could not discover the least drop of milk; whereupon we tried the same with ink, and it came all out of the jugular veins, but not a drop appeared any where about the mouth or throat, nor the least tincture of ink: and to be more sure, we continued syringing and opening the jugular veins, until we followed it to the side of the bone, whereon the glandula pituitana lies, and there we found a pretty great vessel come out of the hole in that bone (in the outside of the bone) into the very cavity of the jugular vein: and it being thus in that animal, the doctors next work is to search and inquire how it is in men, there being great hopes in the mean time, that they both agree, that so the old doctrine of catarrhs may be washed away.b There are very many like experiments in the doctor’s book, but I shall not give you any farther trouble at this time, but only return you very many thanks for the glass of laudanum you sent me, which I have used with very great success and credit in the cholick, gout, &c. and more particularly in those grievous torments of the belly and stomach proceeding from the scurvy, to all which it hath given present ease, by causing great and sudden sweating. I never observed the utmost dose of it to give sleep, but only a This is a reference to Disputatio medicarum pers prima (1663) by Franciscus de le Boë (Sylvius) (1614–72), professor of medicine at Leiden and a major figure of the iatrochemical school. b According to Galenic medicine, catarrh was a by-product of the generation of animal spirits in the brain. It was discharged through the base of the skull in form of mucus.

80

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 5 June 1663

a pleasing drowsiness and inclination to rest, which usually ceased with their sweating. As soon as this glass is spent, I shall earnestly desire another from you, and I will tender you a particular account of both together. In the mean time I beg your pardon for giving you this diversion, and haste to remain Your most obliged, and most humble servant, RICH. LOWER.

HOOKE to BOYLE

5 June 1663

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 530–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 481–3 and in Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 132–5.

London, June 5, 1663. Ever honoured Sir, I HAVE put up and sent the things you gave order for, together with four pair of gloves Mr. Whit. spoke for;a and should have come away my self, but that having received a particular favour from the Society, and also an extraordinary injunction to see the condensing engine in a little order against the next Wednesday, I did hope you would be pleased to dispense with my absence from attending on you for two or three days longer, till the next Wednesday be past, and that because those extraordinary days being holidays, you may perhaps have other avocations, especially being but newly come thither.b For I remember you were pleased to say, that you thought it would be a week before the ceremony of visits would suffer you to settle about any business, and so should have little use of me till then; and if your occasions would permit a dispensation for my stay here any longer time, I should endeavour to improve the time the best way I am able to serve you. But, Sir, I make it no further my desire, than the convenience of your affairs permit, having wholly resigned myself to your disposal. Nor should I have presumed to have trespassed your commands thus far, had I not thought, that the Society might have taken it a little amiss, if, at the very next meeting, after so great an honour done me, I should be absent. There was nothing of experiment, but only a trial of the a Hooke possibly refers to Christopher White (c. 1650–95), chemist and laboratory technician, who was Boyle’s assistant and later operator of the chemical laboratory at the Ashmolean Museum: see Maddison, Life, pp. 260–1. b For the experiment with the air pump at the Royal Society see Birch, Royal Society, i, 23.

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2, 1662–5

condensing engine, which only held enough to shew us, that it would not hold long enough with that kind of cement we used; for after the air was condensed into about half its dimensions, it forced its way through the cement of the covers, though laid very thick in the joints. But I think that inconvenience will be easily remedied against the next day. Dr. Bates, I understand, was chosen by the council a member of the Society, who thereupon returned a great compliment, together with a present of ten pounds in new coined silver.a There happened an excellent good discourse about petrefaction; upon which occasion several instances were given about the growing of stones: some, that were included in glass viols; others, that lay upon the pasture ground; others, that lay in gravel walks; which was known by putting a stone in at the mouth of a glass viol, through which, after a little time, it would by no means pass. Next, the story of a field’s being filled with stones every third year, was confirmed by some instances. And that the stones in gravel walks grow greater, had been often proved by sifting those walks over again, which had formerly passed all through the sieve, and finding abundance of stones too big to pass through the second time. Upon this, mention was made of the production of stones or lapidious concretions in the bodies of animals, and abundance of very strange instances were alledged of the finding of stones in several parts of a man’s body, as in the joints of his fingers and toes, and of other parts of his body; and it was generally agreed to by all, that those people, that drink petrifying waters, are extremely subject to the stone. A place was mentioned in Oxfordshire, where there is such a water, and the people round about are extremely plagued with that disease.b Mr. Pell and some others mentioned to have read somewhere an observation, that there were more such concretions taken from one man, than the weight of his whole body amounted to. c Mr. Palmer related a story of a French physician (whose name I have forgot) who landing sick at Dover, and taking a glister, voided an incredible number of small and great cockle-shells.d The matter of fact was confirmed by very many of the Society, who had either had very good relation of it, or seen some of the shells. Dr. Charlton added, that they had lain a good while upon sea, and fed upon nothing but cheese (made of the milk of goats, which fed upon the mountains of Bononia, which are very full of such shells) and brandy.e Monsieur Monconis related a story of a woman in France, who for a long time together every month voided the perfect a This is a reference to George Bate (1609–69), court physician. For the Society’s meeting of 3 June 1663 see Birch, Royal Society, i, 250, 324. b In fact the place where people were troubled with the stone was in Gloucestershire, not Oxfordshire; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 251. c For John Pell see above, p. 67n. d Hooke refers to Dudley Palmer (c. 1617–66), lawyer, F.R.S. and member of the Council of the Royal Society. The French physician has not been identified. e Hooke refers to Walter Charleton (1620–1707), F.R.S., physician and author.

82

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 5 June 1663

bones of children instar menstruarum purgationum,a and has promised to send over some of those bones. Another very strange story he related of a woman, who, being opened, was found to have a child petrified in a certain bag or appendix distinct from the uterus. Upon this several instances were added by many of the Society, about conceptions extra uterum.b Dr. Clark told of a woman in London, who had carried a child eighteen years in her belly, and that she had in the mean space several children, one whereof he said was eleven years old, when, by an impostume on the side of her belly, all the bones of the child came from thence.c There were several of the Society, who had seen the bones, and talked with the woman, and Dr. Clark named the physician, who extracted those bones. Collonel Long added, that a very noble lady, now alive, had told him, that a child remaining in her a good while, she knew not how, she was afterwards delivered of it per sedem,d and added, that he had seen the bones. Dr. Charlton upon this mentioned Densingius’s little book about a petrified child found in the abdomen. To which Dr. Clark added, that the book was lately reprinted with the opinion of several learned men, most of which judge it a fiction, from several contradictions it contains.e Dr. Clark likewise told a very odd story, which the duke of Albemarle told him, of one of his officers, who was grievously tormented with the stone in his kidnies, of which he was perfectly cured merely by chewing tobacco; and that the duke commends it to the world, as an excellent remedy for most kind of diseases.f Sir Robert Moray brought in a petition, that was presented to his majesty, wherein /p. 531/ the petitioners desired a patent for an invention of meliorating all kinds of grounds, so as to make the worst to bear any kind of grain; and for another of making all kinds of fruits and flowers better, and the bearing plants more fruitful.g Much was argued for and against the steeping of corn, and several ways were mentioned, by which it had been done, and with what successes. It was generally concluded to preserve corn from smut; several other ways were hinted of preserving corn from smut. Mr. Henshaw mentioned a way of shaking off the mildew from the ears of corn, by a rope drawn over the a

‘in the manner of menstrual purgations’. The reference is to Balthasar de Monconys (1611–65), French traveller and virtuoso, who took part in the activities of the Paris Académie de Montmor. He was in England in May and June 1663. These accounts are also related to Boyle in Oldenburg’s letter of 10 June 1663 (below, pp. 85–7). b ‘outside the uterus’. c Timothy Clarke (c. 1620–85), F.R.S., physician to Charles II and member of the council of the Royal Society. d ‘by siege’. Lower refers to James Long (1617–92), royalist and F.R.S., who became 2nd Baronet in 1673. e The book in question is Historia foetus extra uterum in abdomine geniti (1661) by Anthony Deusing (1612–66), professor of medicine at the University of Groningen since 1649. It was reprinted as L. Strauss, Resolutio casus Mussipotani foetus (1662). f This is a reference to George Monck (1608–70), 1st Duke of Albermarle, statesman and honorary F.R.S. in 1664. g For Moray’s petition see Birch, Royal Society, i, 252.

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2, 1662–5

tops of them by two men at either end of it; which mildew was found to make the corn hidebound.a Mr. Long told of a strange increase, that was received from corn sown in bad ground with the husks on. Mr. Parker affirmed, that there was a gentleman in Sussex, that had a way of chusing the ears of corn, whilst in the blow, for his seed wheat, which is so excellent, that he will be bound to forfeit a great matter, if any of his seed corn yield smut, though sown in the same ground several years.b Mr. Long related the improving of many thousands of acres of land, from sixpence an acre to fifty shillings, by means of conveying water to overflow it. The drying and singeing, and ripening of corn was mentioned, as likewise the way of preserving corn in the husk for very many years. Several other observable particulars were mentioned. But they would be too long to trouble you with, you having already received too much by this long scribble from, Honoured Sir, your honour’s most affectionate, most faithful and most humble servant, RO. HOOKE. I HAVE here inclosed a letter I received from the amanuensis of the Society.c DR. Kuffler’s wife has been here to enquire of me about an engine for distilling water, of which I told her I would acquaint you, when I next wrote.d SIR, my lord Br. and Sir R. M. present their humble service to you.e And Sir R. M. says, he has a quarrel with you, because you would not let him see you, before your leaving the town. I HAVE not been able to meet with doctor Sydenham all this morning, and so cannot send any of the sage, for there was none left at my lady’s house. f

a

The reference is to Nathaniel Henshaw (1628–73), physician and writer. Mr Parker is possibly Philip Packer (c. 1620–86), barrister and Kentish gentleman, F.R.S. 1661 and member of the council of the Royal Society. c Probably a reference to the Society’s clerk from 1662 onwards, Michael Wicks or Weeks. d Catherina, daughter of Cornelius Drebbel, married Johann Sibertus Küffler (1595–1677) in 1627. Küffler studied medicine in Padua and became physician to the Duke of York. See Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform, 1626-1660 (London, 1975), pp. 240, 388–91. e i.e., Brouncker and Sir Robert Moray. f This is a reference to Thomas Sydenham (1624–1718), physician. Hooke also presumably refers to Lady Ranelagh. b

84

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 June 1663

HENRY OLDENBURG to BOYLE

10 June 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 7. 4o/2. There is also a transcript by Miles in BL 4, fols 87–8. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 302–3; Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 145–7; Oldenburg, ii, 65–8 and Œuvres complètes, iv, 357–9.

London the 10 June 1663. Sir, I could not forbeare by this occasion to give you notice of some particulars, imparted to me since your leaving London, especially such, wherein yourselfe and the other English Virtuosi are concerned. My correspondent in his last from Paris saith with a great deal of franknes:a il faut avouer, que les Anglois l’emportent, et ont l’avantage par dessus les autres peuples de l’Europe, nous ayans donné quantité de choses curieuses et particulieres, outre les grands ouvrages qu’ils ont donné au public. Au contraire, les livres, qui s’impriment à Paris, ne meritent pas d’estre leus, au moins la pluspart, ny ayant que des redites ou des allegations; mais rien de particulier, qui contente l’Esprit. Then he passeth on to a gentleman, called Mr Boyle, and saith;b On l’admire plus que jamais et Monsieur Ozou (that is one of the considerablest members of the Monmorian Academy, and a very mathematicall head) a une estime tresparticuliere pour luy.c Le mesme est grand admirateur de vostre societé, et ne se peut lasser de louer le genie des Anglois, pour avoir fait grande quantité de belles choses. Nous serions bien aises de scavoir, si on continue dans la mesme curiosité. In the end of his letter he mentions, that he hopeth to get the Observations made by Borelli upon your Chymista Scepticus, which being obtained he promiseth to send me speedily.d This afternoon we had no ordinary meeting: There were no lesse than 4 strangers, ‹two›1 French, and two Dutch Gentlemen; the French were, Monsieur de a ‘It must be confessed that the English carry all before them, and have an advantage over all other peoples in Europe, considering the number of curious and particular things which they have given to the public, besides large works. On the other hand the books now printed at Paris, or at least most of them, do not deserve to be read, as they are only rehashes or bare assertion; they contain no details to please the mind.’ The editors of Oldenburg’s letters suggest that his correspondent was Jean Pierre Martel, a Protestant physician in Paris. Little is known of him except that he was a member of various scientific groups in Paris. However, no evidence for Martel’s authorship of a tract entitled De calore, mentioned below, p. 90, has been found. b ‘Everyone admires him more than ever and Mr. Auzout […] has a very special regard for him. This last is a great admirer of your Society and never tires of praising the genius of the English, who have done so many fine things. We should be pleased to know whether they continue in the same vein of curiosity.’ c Adrien Auzout (1622–91), astronomer and later one of the original members of the Académie Royale des Sciences. d There were two Latin editions of the Sceptical Chymist in 1662. ‘Borelli’ is presumably Pierre Borel (c. 1620–71), chemist and physician; his ‘Observations’ were never published. It is unlikely to have been the later academician, Jacques Borelly (d. 1689).

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Sorbiere, and Mr Monconis; the Dutch, both the /7 (1v)/ Zulichems, Father and Son: all foure, inquisitive after you.a They were entertained ‹first› with some Experiments, which the bearer hereoff will give you a good account off:b and afterwards with good store of occasionall observations, discoursed of promiscuously, pro re nata;c which the strangers (as well as our Company) seemed to be much more pleased with; than with set and formall discourses: They were, 1. of various Petrifications, even of childern in the wombe; item in the Lungs, in the Plexus Choroides, and in all ‹the› parts of human bodis. 2. Of persons altogether movelesse, but that they could speak, and eat and drink, whereof one was alledged by Sir R. Moray, seen by himselfe at the Spaw; out of whose fingers and cheeks also he had observed a chalky matter to issue: another was mentioned by Mr Beale in a letter to me, of his owne kinswoman, that lived some years as unmoveable as a stone, unable to move finger or toe, yet her mouth she could move, and had a good stomach ‹and was› recovered at last by Bathes.d I doubt, Sir, here is matter for an occasional meditation.e Next, there were very odde relations made of women, voiding bones, together with their menstrua, every month: of others, bringing away bones of childern (they had been severall years afore big off) by siege, or out of their sides.f Then there was occasion ‹given›,2 by a petition made to the king for a patent to practise a secret for the improving of any barren ground, and of flowers, Plants and young Trees, and among them, of Vines and Orange-trees, to make those grow as plentifully as in France, and these, as in Portugal:g By this, I say, occasion was given to speake of the smutting of corn, with the description of it: its differences from other vices in corne; with the /7 (2)/ conjectures of the Cause of it, and the probable means to avoid it. Concerning all which Mr Long brought in a handsom discourse; which I have by me, for your service, when you please.h Much also was spoken of the advantage of sowing corn with the huskes: and of planting ‹fruit-›-stones with some pulp about them. a The meeting is reported in Birch, Royal Society, i, 256, and also by Balthasar de Monconys in his Journal des voyages de Monsieur de Monconys (1665). Oldenburg refers to Samuel Sorbière (1615–70), active in the Académie de Montmor, Christiaan Huygens, for whom see above, p. 5n., and his father Constantijn (1596–1687). All four were in London at this time, and visited the Royal Society together. Oldenburg appears to have telescoped the events of this meeting and that of the week before (3 June). b The bearer of the letter was Robert Hooke. c ‘as they arose’. d Oldenburg’s allusion is to Boyle’s Occasional Reflections, which were to be published in 1665; see Works, vol. 5, p. 3ff. e Beale’s kinswoman has not been identified. His letter to Oldenburg does not survive. f This relation was given by Monconys; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 257. Boyle also received details of these accounts in a letter from Robert Hooke, 5 June 1663; see above, pp. 81–4. g For this petition see above, p. 83. h For James Long, elected F.R.S. 1 Apr. 1663, see above, p. 83n. The observations on corn were conveyed in the letter from John Beale which is not now extant.

86

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 June 1663

Monsieur Monconis was so obliging, upon the Societie’s desire to leave them in writing his way of knowing the difference of the weight of liquors: as also, the manner of ordering silkworms in France and Italy; where are contained some very pretty and not obvious observations.a But, Sir, I forget, to whom I write, and by whom. I should have told you some news, and I would write more, but that I have written too much. Yet this I must adde, that the Treaty with Rome advanceth not; that ‹the› considerabler sort of French Protestants are tempted to apostasy; that Spaine hath had some succes upon Portugall; and that Sweden is grown jealous off France, because of the French kindnes ‹to,› and allyance with Denmark.b Tis after midnight, Sir, that I write this; which will, I [hope],3 the more prevaile with you to pardon this undigested scribble to Sir your faithfull humble servant, H. Oldenb. Seeing the abovementioned Strangers are like to continue here yet a while, at the least4 some of them, the Society shall much stand in need of a Curator of Experiments; which, I hope,5 Sir, will the sooner procure from your obligingnes a dispensing with Mr Hook for such a publick use.c

For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at / Leesed

Seal: Damaged. Oval with shield only: paly of seven on a fess (or possibly a mullet for difference); three roses, in chief a caltrap. Endorsed on 7 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No VII’, and with ‘No 7’ and ‘no.7’ (altered from ‘6’); on 7 (2)v Birch’s number ‘No 7’ has been deleted. a

The account by Monconys is printed in Birch, Royal Society, i, 257–8. Oldenburg refers to the negotiations between Louis XIV and the papacy to resolve a dispute which had arisen in 1662 over the claims of the French ambassador to the papacy to diplomatic immunity. He also refers to the Spanish capture of Evora, Portugal, in May 1663, part of the 1640– 68 war between Spain and Portugal, and the 1663 treaty of mutual defence and trade between France and Denmark. c Hooke had been curator since Moray proposed him for that office on 12 Nov. 1662, and had been active at the Society’s meetings since that date. He was, however, with Boyle for about 2 weeks in June and so absent from his duties. He presumably left London on the 10 or 11 June and had returned by 3 July. d Boyle was staying with his sister Mary (1624–73), Countess of Warwick, at her home, Leese Priory in Essex. The next letter is written by Boyle from this location. b

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BOYLE to SECOND EARL OF CORK

2, 1662–5

15 June 1663

From the original in hand D, signed by Boyle, at Chatsworth, Lismore MS 33, no. 44. 4o/2. The text is faded in places due to damp. Not previously printed.

Leeze June the 15th 1663 My Dearest Brother: Having written You of late divers Letters, since I had the happynes to receive any from You; I should not noe soone trouble You with this paper were it not, that in Your last You mentiond the Conveniency of having Capt Bents Lease confirm’d by me at this time.a Wherefore because the other day I had not leisure to give You any particular Account of the Matter; I must now acquaint You, that the Writing You were pleas’d to send me, from the Capt has been endorsed pending a /44 (1v)/ Lease ‹with only such an›1 alteration of a word or two in his Expressions, as I thought requisite for me to make, & as he will find noe way prejudiciall to the fullnes of my allowing his ‹Lease.›2 The Endorsement has been sign’d some while since but I know not yet how to get a safe conveniency to transmit the Lease to You, I say to You, because I desire it should first come to Your hands that before it be deliver’d You may be satisfy’d that all things proceed according to Your Agreement. In the meane time because You intimate that ’twere well You could early satisfy Capt Bent of what I have done, I returne You inclosed his Paper it selfe, with the inconsiderable Alteration I mention, sign’d for him to see & if You think fit to receive. I have been desir’d by a Letter from Capt Smyth to write one to Sir Arthur Gore & those other Gentlemen that have taken Leases of my land in Connaught, ‹to encourage them & excuse, their not yet receiving their Leases,› but coming out of London hither as Men usually begin Journeys out of that great City in a hurry, I omitted to take with me those /44 (2)/ Papers that might supply me with the names of all those I suppose tis desir’d I should write to, & with some other Particulars which twere convenient I had distinctly in my Eye to comply with Capt Smyths desires.b But if You see or have occasion to, Sir Ar: Gore or any of the rest, I beg the favour that You would be pleas’d to encourage Him3 or them, to fall to the Improvement of the lands You have lett them, by letting them know how4 ready I have been (& have seen cause to be) to confirme any Bargaines or Agreements You have been pleasd to make for me; & by assuring them that they shall a Boyle’s letters to the 2nd Earl around this time are not extant. Richard Bent (d. 1680), probably leased property Boyle inherited from his father in Inchinebacky (variously spelt); see Townshend, Life and Letters (above, p. 60), p. 480; CSPI, 1669–70, p. 207; W. H. Philmore and G. Thrift (eds), Indexes to Irish Wills (Baltimore, 1970), p. 122. b Sir Arthur Gore (d. 1697), member of the 1661 Irish Parliament for County Mayo, created Baronet April 1663. For Captain Smith see above, p. 61n.

88

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 22 June 1663

find from5 me very fayre equitable dealing, this coming from a Person, whose word they have soe much cause to rely on, as they have upon Your’s, will I presume ‹sufficiently›6 satisfy them for the present, and if You thinke that any further Letters of mine or any others are requisite, You may be pleas’d to ‹command›7 Capt Smyth to draw up the substance of it which if approv’d by You & transmitted hither ‹it›8 shall God willing be put into words & sent back by My Dearest Brother Your most affectionate most faythfull & most humble servant: Ro: Boyle My humble service I beseech You to my Deare sister & all the young Tribe.a Your frends here are all God be Thanked very well & my sister Warwick very much your servant.9 Endorsed by second Earl of Cork ‘15th June 1663. From my Brother Robert about Capt Bents busines.’

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

22 June 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 8. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 303–4; Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 147–8; Oldenburg, ii, 75–8; and Œuvres complètes, iv, 366–8.

London the 22 june 1663 Sir, Your receipt for Monsieur Monconis came, after he had taken his leave from us: but I shall not faile, God permitting, to send it after him by the first conveniency. On Wednesday last there were admitted into the Society My Lord Craford Lindsey, Messieurs Hugens and Sorbiere.b An Experiment was tryed in the Compressing Engine, but again without successe; the force of the Air, thrust in, breaking the Cement, ‹that› fastned the Glasse.c In the Experiment of the precedent meeting a The 2nd Earl’s wife was Elizabeth (1613–91). The Earl had eight children, two of whom died young. The others were Frances (dates not known), Charles (1639–95), Richard (1641–65), Elizabeth (c. 1638–1725), Anne (d. 1671), and Henrietta (1645–87). b ‘Last Wednesday’ was 17 June, while the 22nd was a Monday. John Lindsay (1596–1678), 17th Earl of Crawford and 1st Earl of Lindsay, Christiaan and Constantijn Huygens, and Sorbière all signed the Register Book as Fellows on 22 June. Oldenburg may refer to the proposed nomination of these as Fellows on the Society’s meeting on the Wednesday before, which is not otherwise recorded. For Christiaan Huygens see above, p. 5n. For his father and Sorbière see above, p. 86n. c This experiment is not mentioned in Birch, Royal Society.

89

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

(whereof, no doubt, you had an account from Mr Hook) the Air, put into the place of the Buble, remaining in one bolthead, was vanisht aswell, as the Buble, that was left in the other bolthead.a After this, petrifications were again discoursed off; and the Colors of insects: There were also a couple of letters read, sent to me, one from de la Quintinye,b containing a further account of Melons; the other from Mr Beale, relating his observations of the smut of Corne.c I had a 3d letter from Paris, written by the same Gentleman, that is the author of the discourse de Calore, and hath so particular an esteeme for you, as I mentioned formerly.d He tells me now, that the King of France hath bestowed a largesse of 80000 livres /8 (1v)/ upon severall learned men, but most poets and Romancers, except Huygenius and Hevelius, and La Chambre; having neglected1 Roberval, Fermat, Frenicle, Rohaut, Ozou, and such like, qui colunt musas severiores.e This friend sheweth himselfe so much concerned for you, that he writeth thus:f Il faut plus attendre de Mr Boyle,2 à mon advis, que de tous les autres ensemble: C’est pourquoy je suis fort affligé de ce qui le menace. Exhortez le puissament à avoir soin de sa santé: Je suis persuadé, que s’il s’y applique, il fortifiera sa constitution et se garentira d’une maladie lente.g Un de mes amis, avec qui je plaignois ce malheur, m’a assuré, qu’un Seignor Anglois, menacé de mesme, fut conseillé de passer en France, ou l’air seul restablit si bien sa santé apres quelque sejour, qu’il retourna en Angleterre, sans qu’il retombat de sa vie en aucun peril de sa premiere a Oldenburg refers to the Society’s meeting of 10 June 1663. At low pressures, it was observed, little bubbles of air collected in the top of a glass vessel filled with water. The idea was to replace the bubble so formed in one vessel by the external air, to see if it would be reabsorbed as quickly as a similar bubble left untouched in another vessel; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 254–5. Robert Hooke was present at this meeting, then left London to visit Boyle at Leese Priory. b Jean de la Quintenye (1626–88), lawyer and horticulturalist. One of his works was translated by Evelyn as The Compleat Gardiner (1693). c This reference is to the meeting of 17 June 1663; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 263. The letter from Beale has not been found. d For Jean Pierre Martel see above, p. 85n. e ‘who cultivate severer Muses’. The complete list of Louis XIV’s pensionaries is printed in Œuvres complètes, iv, 405–6. The sum total was rather more than Oldenburg supposed. For Christiaan Huygens see above, p. 5n. Oldenburg refers to Johann Hevelius (1611–87), German astronomer. Marin Cureau de la Chambre (1594–1669) was Médecin Ordinaire du Roy. Pierre de Fermat (1601–65), a member of the Parlement de Toulouse, was one of the greatest of French mathematicians. Oldenburg also refers to the mathematicians Frénicle de Bessy (1605–75), Jacques Rohault (1620–75), Gilles Personne de Roberval (1602–75 and Adrien Auzout (see above, p. 85n.). f ‘In my opinion we must pay more attention to Mr Boyle than to all the others put together. That is why I am so troubled by his affliction. Urge him strongly to take care of his health. I am sure that if he takes pains he will strengthen his constitution and insure himself against a chronic illness. One of my friends, with whom I was bewailing this misfortune, has assured me that an English gentleman, with the same trouble, was advised to go to France, where, after some time, the air alone so improved his health that he returned to England without ever again in his whole life experiencing any danger of a return of his first illness. Propose this to him: he will be able to practise philosophy everywhere, and build up his health so as to philosophise longer.’ g For Boyle’s ill health see Works, vol. 1, p. xxiv.

90

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 22 June 1663

maladie. Proposez luy la chose: il pourra philosopher par tout, et faire provision de santé pour philosopher pour plus long temps. You see, Sir, his kindnes for the advantage of your health, though such3 absence would turne to the disadvantage of your friends here, pro tempore.a He prayeth me, to intreat you to communicate unto him, if it may be, the way, which Dr Willis mentions in his Treatise de Fermentatione p. 64. (supposing, your Curiosity hath prompted you to ‹get›4 it from the said Author) vid. to draw without any corrosif, solo calore lento,b the Tinctures of bodies with all their vertu. I dare engage for him, as well as for myselfe, that it shall remaine a secret, if it be one.c There is going for France a friend of mine, by whom I could send a good packet, with safety; if you should think fit to present /8 (2)/ Monsieur Thevenot, the Author of the late Voyages in French, with one of your Books, of the Usefulnes of Natural Philosophy, he understanding5 English pretty well.d I intend also, God willing, to send him one of your Latin reply to Linus, and another to Monsieur Martel, the writer of the forementioned discourse of Heat:e For this cause, have I taken 2 or 36 Exemplars of this latter piece from Mr Crook, supposing your leave to doe so;f that I might not neglect so fair an opportunity of sending, as is now offred to Raptim.g

Sir your very humble and faithfull servt H. Oldenburg.

The friend, that is going for France, purposeth to goe ‹hence› on Friday next.

For his Noble Friend Robert Boyle Esq at / Leese. a

‘for a time’. ‘by a gentle heat alone’. Thomas Willis (for whom see above, p. 2n.) experimented with ways of rendering hard bodies more easily soluble. Oldenburg refers to Willis’s Diatribe duae medico-philosophicae, quarum prior agit de fermentatione (1660). d The 1st volume of Melchisédec Thévenot’s Relations de divers voyages curieux was published in 1663. The 2nd and 3rd volumes followed in 1664 and 1665. Oldenburg also refers to Boyle’s Usefulness I (1663); see Works, vol. 3, p. 189ff. e The reference is to Boyle’s Defensio doctrinæ de elatere & gravitate aeris, propositae a Dno. Rob. Boyle, in novis ipsius physico-mechanicis experimentis, adversus objectiones Francisci Lini (1663). The English version had appeared with the 2nd edition of the Spring of the Air in the preceding year; see Works, vol. 3, pp. xiv–xv. For Martel, see above, p. 85n. f John Crook was a London bookseller at the sign of the Ship in St Paul’s Churchyard. g ‘hurriedly’, i.e., in haste. b c

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Seal: Good example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663 but partly overlaid by mount. Endorsed at head of 8 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. VIII’ (altered from ‘7’). Also endorsed with ink number ‘7’ altered to ‘8’. Endorsed on 8 (2v) with Birch number ‘No 8’ deleted.

S[AMUEL] C[OLLINS] a to [BOYLE]

[summer 1663?]b

From the original in BL 2, fols 33–4. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir The little time that I have1 left upon my resolution for Russia has made such a Crowd in my affayres that they can hardly passe which I make for my Apology att this time ‹in› that I shall not be able to returne my answer suitable to the expectations and meritt of a person of so much honour Candor & learning as your selfe and therfore shall not adventure to enlarge to any thing of that subject you are about, onely referre my selfe to the experiments that I shall make a fresh à propos as soone as I can in the Country & by february or march next I shall be able to informe you what I have done in2 it, if that bee soone enough. Recieveing some of your bookes lately printed I was hugely tempted to write to you from Russia presumeing to have obtaynd an oportunity to that honour by my Lady of Warwicke who was a noble patronesse to my deceased father & I hope will be so to mee allthough I hav[e]3 little reason to expect any such happinesse from any thing that I can deserve:c My businesse in Russia was to gett an Estate to subsist upon in my later dayes being left as a younger brother upon my absence att the makeing of my fathers will and Cosen’d out of a fayre estate of my uncles (to which I was executor) by a Banckrupt:d so that I had little leysure to be Curious, & for the first yeare I a Samuel Collins (1619–70) was physician to Tsar Alexis Romanov from 1660 to 1669, and author of the posthumously and anonymously published Present State of Russia (1671). See L. Loewenson, ‘The Works of Robert Boyle and “The Present State of Russia” by Samuel Collins (1671)’, Slavonic and East European Review, 33 (1955), 470–85. See also Works, vol. 5, p. xviii. b Boyle approached Collins in the summer of 1663 in connection with materials he was gathering for Cold (1665). This letter was evidently written shortly before Collins’s departure for Russia, which took place in early July 1663. c As Collins indicates, he could claim acquaintance with Boyle through Boyle’s sister Mary, Countess of Warwick, who was the patron of Collins’s father. Collins’s next letter to Boyle refers to a conversation which took place at Leese, and it is possible that Collins and Boyle first met at the Countess’s Essex seat. Collins probably refers to Boyle’s Usefulness I, which was published in June 1663. d It has not been possible to confirm these details of Collins’s family.

92

C[OLLINS]

to [BOYLE], [summer 1663?]

was so hurried being as it were a Candidate, & tryd with all the difficultyes of the Country among some of which I had so good fortune as to be thought a very R ozomno¯y Cheleve¯rk, which by Interpretation may be sayd a Notable fellow, or an understanding man. A noble mans daughter of 44 or 5 yeares old Paralyticke from 2 yeares old so that she had no use nor allmost any motion of hands or feet, very cold in those parts & emervate: after a months preparation by Aperitives, specifickes & Baths, I gave her a lusty dose of Currers Tinctura Antimonii as hee Calls it, which wrought violently & effectually, most upon a5 Porroceous flegme, and mixd with much gray sand which I questiond might bee before in the basin, but they affirmd it was very cleane, (For you must know they are pharisaeicall in the washing of their potts).a The thinner part was a blew inclining to greene & would Corrode a knife blade as much if not more than juyce of lemmons, For it made her Swate very soure. She recovered immediatly upon it, and in a weeke Could use a needle, & in a 14 night goe with leading, but weakely, in her joynts. /fol. 34/ I shall allso give you an account of there Witchcraft which is as evident as relations Can make out, & no doubt searching further into the businesse I shall procure relations from the partyes themselves: for instance one told mee that haveing beene wanton with a neighbour of his, the husband either jealous, or informd by some witch who wanted worke Hee had a suddaynely growing ‹just› over the Penis which grew most monstrouslike, beyond the time for Wens, or any Inflammations allmost, but first I should have told you hee was rendred Impotent as to his owne wife, or any other, & by all relations hee was & now is as stout a souldier that was as any in Russia; but being very much perplex’t with this active & passive affliction, hee applyd himselfe to a Witch or Wizard I know not whether, For those they advise with as ordinarily as wee doe with Doctors or Chirurgeons, & hee was told hee was bewitchd, & that by whom & by what meanes & for what reasons, which hee thought none but a spirit Could reveale If my friend lyes I doe not upon my reputation in any thing of the relation; Not to trouble you any further till I Can furnish my selfe with enough to make any reasonable man believe there are such kind of reallityes in the world as they talke of about spirits. I was formerly very Incredulous but Russia has satisfyed mee. my humble service to my Lady of Warwicke to Whom I am a great debtor for many Civilityes & in particuler for her Ladyships last, & kind invitation when I was Come away; If it please god to give mee as much as with the addition of my small rents att Brayntryb may amount to pay Taylours Bills, I shall be very ambitious to wayt6 upon her Ladyship as a meniall servant, For I know shee will allow mee the Russe Courtesy, Bread & Salt; which is allwayes given to servants allthough att Board wages, but in a larger sence ˆ ˆ

ˆ ˆ

a This young girl has not been identified. Collins refers to the physician William Currer (c. 1617– 68). ‘Pharisaeicall’, lit., ‘like the Pharisees’, here meaning fastidious. b i.e., Braintree in Essex.

93

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Comprehends, all food. I would if I had leysure attempt to write the Hystory of Ivan Vasilovidge the great Tyrant But reflecting upon my owne weakenesse, & the imperfect accompt of occurrences among these people, who indeed have Hystoryes7 of him & many others as Tamerlane &c. of whose townes I will give you account, that tis hard to write any thing of truth or method.a I forgott to tell you of a petrifyed towne, like that of Barbary which is sayd to be 300 versts from Bielogorad the great City on the Tartarian Borders, whither the Russes scout and leave a tickett under an old womans heele for the next Comer to take up & so successively, which I have heard from soldiours very Confidently, but att 2d or 3d hand.b I will better informe my selfe. My humble service to your selfe. Adio è non v[…]8c Sir Your most humble servant S. Colins. 9 Mr Adamson of much Leighes Comes or sends next munday early to mee att Graves end, My lord Carlyle goes downe that day.d 10

Sir I humbly thanke you for your booke, which I shall fetch to day And make enquirey about the Medicaments you were pleasd to discover And give you an account of the operation.e London Saturday11 morning.

yours. S. C.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

2 July 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 9. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 304; Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 148–9; and Oldenburg, ii, 78–80.

a Collins refers to Tsar Ivan the Terrible (1530–84), and Tamerlaine or Timur Leng (1336–1406), the Turkish warrior who carved out an empire in central Eurasia and much of the Near and Middle East. In his preface to The Present State of Russia, the publisher Dorman Newman states that Collins was working on a life of Ivan at his death. b Collins refers to Belgorod in southern Russia, near the Ukrainian border. c The paper is torn away here. However, Collins’s customary valediction to in his letters to Boyle is Adio e viva vita d’oro, ‘farewell, and live the golden life’. d Charles Howard (1629–65), 1st Earl of Carlisle, was sent on a diplomatic mission to Russia, Denmark and Sweden in 1663–5. Carlisle and his retinue (presumably including Collins) departed in early July 1663. Mr Adamson has not been traced. e The book in question was evidently ‘Tome I’ of Usefulness; see below, p. 104.

94

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 2 July 1663

London July 2d 1663 Sir, Though I hope, this will meet you on your way London-wards, the 8 or 10 dayes, which you allowed yourself in your letter1 for ‹the residu of your stay at› Lees, being now elapsed;a yet the mixture of my fear, least the influence of that constellation, you then named, should arrest you longer, where you are, I thought, I would try, whether the operation of the2 starrs (since they are held but to incline) might ‹not› be diverted by the power of a Royall Society, who are now freshly set upon it, to give their royall Founder and Patron3 a Philosophicall entertainment, as soon as possibly they can make one ready, fit for him. In order to which, their Counsell have set a part an Extraordinary day, which is Munday next the 6 of july, to agree upon the Experiments and discourses, proper for his Majesties reception: at which meeting they will be very glad to have your presence and contributions, as highly valuable to this purpose.b The Book of the Usefulnes of Experimental Philosophy was presented according to your desires, and receaved with applause and thanks, but to be returned, not to an Anonymus, but to Mr Boyle: /9 (1)v/ whom I also intreat to accept of my humble thanks for the present ‹of one of the books›4 to me.c I have let my friend passe to Paris without an exemplar thereof to Mr Thevenot, upon the consideration suggested in your letter.d What was done yesterday at our meeting, I suppose, Mr Hook giveth you an Account of, by this same carryer.e The surprising victory of the Portugals is so great, that the king of Spaine5 acknowledgeth in a letter written by his owne hand to the Queen Mother of France, that his army of 18000 men is reduced to 6000.f This will give a Tanto di Nasog to his Holines, whose heart did so swell upon the succes of the Spaniards in the taking of Evora, that he dispatched away new orders to Rasponi, which did so disgust6 the French, that the Treaty thereupon is broak off pro tempore; which certainly cannot be resumed, but with great disadvantage a This letter, no longer extant, is mentioned in Oldenburg’s reply of 2 July 1663; it evidently instructed Oldenburg to present a copy of Usefulness (1663) to the Royal Society. A copy of the book was possibly enclosed with the letter. Boyle had been staying at Leese Priory with his sister Mary since early June. For Mary, Countess of Warwick, see above, p. 87n. b The council met as appointed (see Birch, Royal Society, i, 271), but Boyle was not present. Plans for the royal reception went on for some time, but there is no record that Charles II ever attended such a meeting at the Royal Society. c See Birch, Royal Society, i, 265. Boyle’s Usefulness I was presented to the Society on 24 June 1663 by Oldenburg. The title-page of the 1st edition does not bear Boyle’s name; see Works, vol. 3, p. 189. d Boyle had evidently declined Oldenburg’s suggestion that he present Thévenot with a copy of Usefulness I. See above, p. 91. Boyle’s letter dating between 22 June and 2 July is not extant. e See below, pp. 96–9. f Oldenburg refers to the battle of Ameixal (8 June 1663), in which the Spaniards were soundly defeated in their attempt to occupy Portugal, which had recovered its independence in 1640. Also referred to is Anne of Austria (1601–66), the Queen Mother of France . g ‘punch on the nose’.

95

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

to the Pope, who now runs the hazard of seeing a Patriarch set up not only in Portugal, in case he refuse any longer to confirme their Bishops, but also in France: which if it happen, I shall then looke upon the Pope, as litle better than the king of Spaine’s Chaplain.a And I’ll let any conscientious man Judge, whether he deserveth not to be covered with confusion, who offers, ‹as the Pope doth,› (if my information be true) Charta biancab to all those, that will only agree, 1. not to dispute his Superiority, 2. not to give scandall; leaving them ‹for the rest› to believe and doe, what they list. If /9 (2)/ the Christian Church had no other head, but such an one, who would be a Christian? Certainly not he, that is Sir Your faithfull humble servant, H. Old. If peradventure the starres should prove so powerfull, as to keep you beyond the mentioned time; the Counsell will take it extream kindy, to receave your symbolum of Experiments in writing, as speedily as may be, since they would faine goe about the tryal of them immediatly.c For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at / Leese

Seal: Example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Endorsed at head of 9 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No VIIII’ and with ink number ‘8’ altered to ‘9’. Endorsed on 9 (2v) with Birch number ‘No 9’ deleted.

HOOKE to BOYLE

[3 July 1663]

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 533–4, where it is dated ‘1663’. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 484–5; Œuvres complètes, iv, 381–3; and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 139–41. An additional copy of the a Reference is made to Alexander VII (1599–1667), pontiff between 1655 and 1667. For the capture of Evora and the negotiations between the Papacy and the French government see above, p. 87n. The papacy did not recognise the independence of Portugal from Spain until 1668 and consequently refused to confirm the bishops appointed by the Portugese crown. Rasponi may be Cesare Rasponi (d. 1675), an aristocrat from Ravenna, who was made a cardinal in 1666. b ‘blank cheque’. c This document evidently failed to materialise as it is not referred to in Birch, Royal Society.

96

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [3 July 1663]

first part survives in volume 1 of John Ward’s ‘Miscellaneous Collection relating to Gresham College’, British Library, Add. MS 6193, fols 68v–9.

Friday 10 in the morning, from Pall-Mall, Honoured SIR, I HAVE not received any of your commands since I took my leave of you for London. I know not, whether there has any thing miscarried, nor have I written any thing since this day sev’night, there having happened little or nothing considerable in that time; only I should have sooner given you an account of an interview I had of Mr. Hobbes, which was at Mr. Reeve’s, he coming along with my lord De. to be assistant in the choosing a glass.a I was, I confess, a little surprised at first to see an old man so view me and survey me every way, without saying any thing to me; but I quickly shaked off that surprizal, when I heard my lord call him Mr. H. supposing he had been informed, to whom I belonged. I soon found by staying that little while he was there, that the character I had formerly received of him was very significant. I found him to lard and seal every asseveration with a round oath, to undervalue all other men’s opinions and judgments, to defend to the utmost what he asserted though never so absurd, to have a high conceit of his own abilities and performances, though never so absurd and pitiful, &c. He would not be persuaded, but that a common spectacle-glass was as good an eye-glass for a thirty six foot glass as the best in the world, and pretended to see better than all the rest, by holding his spectacle in his hand, which shook as fast one way as his head did the other; which I confess made me bite my tongue. But indeed Mr. Pell’s description of his deportment, when discoursed with about mathematicall demonstrations (which he gave the last Wednesday) surpasses all the rest.b There was very little done this week at Gresham college, the whole stay being not much above an hour.c My lord B. Sir R. M. and Monsieur Zul. were very inquisitive when you would return.d There was an account read of Monsieur Le Fevre’s trial to volatilize salt of tartar with burnt alum, which you have long since heard.e Monsieur Zul. tried his own experiment, but it succeeded not, though he confessed the engine was very tight, a For Thomas Hobbes see above, p. 26n. Hooke refers to Richard Reeves (fl. 1641–79), optician and instrument-maker, who made perspective glasses for the king. See E. G. R. Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners in Tudor and Stuart England 1485–1714 (Cambridge, 1907), pp. 223–4. Hooke presumably also refers to William Cavendish (1617–84), 3rd Earl of Devonshire, F.R.S. and Hobbes’s former tutee. Hooke implies that this was his first introduction to Hobbes, who in this year would have been 75 years old. b For John Pell see above, p. 67n. Hooke evidently refers to an informal discussion with him. c For the meeting of 1 July 1663 see Birch, Royal Society, i, 268–71. d By ‘Monsieur Zul.’ is meant Christiaan Huygens, who was in London for the second time from June to Sept. 1663, and elected F.R.S. on 22 June 1663, see above, p. 5n. See M. Boas Hall, ‘Huygens’ Scientific Contacts with England’, in H. J. Bos et al. (eds), Studies on Christiaan Huygens (Lisse, 1980), pp. 66–82. Hooke also refers to Brouncker and Moray. e Hooke refers to Nicaise le Febure (Nicaise le Fevre) (c. 1610–69), apothecary to Charles II and a member of the Society’s ‘chymical’ committee.

97

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

and it will be tried again the next day according to his ordering. The accounts which I acquainted you with the last week, were not brought in as was expected. Sir R. M. gave in the measure of an infant of sixteen weeks old,a which was sent him out of Scotland, a pattern whereof I have here enclosed.b There is a meeting of the council upon Monday, where your presence is much expected and longed for.c There is very little in Dr. Power’s microscopical observations but what you have since observed; only there is a pretty experiment he tried with the leeches in vinegar, that survived the freezing of the vinegar they lived in; and another pretty experiment he has in his philosophicall reflections upon his observations, which is of making a certain kind of coals kindle into a fire and flame, by throwing water on them, when newly dug out of the mine.d I am sorry to see, that he intends to publish several experiments about colours, which I am confident might be originally yours. He will likewise publish the experiment of freezing an eye, to find the shape of it, whose invention he ascribes to another. There is not much more besides, that is very considerable in it, and therefore I shall refer the further account of it till your return, till when I shall keep the book by me. I have made a microscope object glass so small, that I was fain to use a magnifying glass to look upon it, but it did not succeed so well as I hoped; but I suppose it might be, because this being the first I had made, the tool was not very true, nor my hand well habituated to such an employment. And therefore I despair not of better success in my next attempt. Mr. Lower was to have waited on you, and was sorry to miss you here in town.e He had Dr. Willis’s service to have presented to you, whose book he tells me is within a little while to come forth, and he added, that Dr. Wren had drawn the pictures very curiously for it; and I am glad to hear it will afford such considerable discoveries, which I doubt not but you know.f I question not, but that Mr. Oldenburg has acquainted you with the news, that is extant, in this enclosed, and therefore I shall not trouble you with that particular.g Nor has there occurred any thing else since my coming worth your knowledge; otherwise it should have been sent you by, Honoured Sir, your most affectionate, a b

270.

i.e., Moray. See the minutes of the meeting of 1 July 1663 for these measurements; Birch Royal Society, i,

c

Boyle did not attend the meeting of 13 July 1663. For Henry Power see above, p. 51n. Hooke may refer to Power’s Experimental Philosophy in Three Books, Containing New Experiments, Microscopical, Mercurial, and Magnetical (1664), of which the Royal Society perhaps saw an advance copy. e For Richard Lower see above, p. 52n. f Hooke refers to Thomas Willis’s Cerebri anatome and its illustrations by Wren, for which see above, p. 79n. g Hooke refers to the European news in Oldenburg’s letter of 2 July, which evidently accompanied this one; see above, pp. 94–6 d

98

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [c. 10 July 1663]

most faithful, and most humble servant, ROB. HOOKE. I /p. 534/ SUPPOSE Mr. Murray has told you, that Mr. Nicolls desires to speak with you.a I JUST now received a letter from Mr. Whit. to send down the horse; but it is so lame, that it is altogether unable to perform a journey.b

[c. 10 July 1663]c

HOOKE to BOYLE

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 531–2. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), 485–6; Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, iv, 142–4; and Œuvres complètes, vi, 385–7.

Right Honourable, I DID expect and hope, that you would have been in London before this; nor are your friends at Gresham college less sollicitous after your return; I being asked by every one almost, when you would be here. There was but little done this last Wednesday, because of some papers which were read, which took up almost all the time.d The one was sent in from Sir Paul Neile, being an account of his way of making, ordering and bottling of cyder, and his judgment of the cause of the fermentation of it, &c. wherein indeed were very many new observables, though several of them were contradicted by Mr. Waller and some others, Sir P. being very much against the fermenting of cyder very much; and Mr. Waller and some others of the contrary opinion.e There was likewise read a relation sent from the coast of Coromandell in the East-Indies, by a person of credit, and one, who had lived a governor there above eleven years.f The sum was this, that for three or four months, in the summer time, the wind did all day, from eight in the morning to four in the afternoon, blow so extremely hot from the land, that the people are hardly able to endure it, but are fain to sit in tubs of cold water, up to the neck, to preserve thema The reference is evidently to Boyle’s stewards at Stalbridge. For John Nicholls see vol. 1, p. 231n., and for Tom Murray see above, p. 59n. b For Christopher White see above, p. 81n. c This letter was written between the Royal Society’s meeting of 8 July 1663 and that of 16 July 1663. Birch dates it ‘About July 1663’. d Hooke refers to the Society’s meeting of 8 July 1663; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 272–4. e The members of the Society here in question are Sir Paul Neile (1613–86), courtier and astronomer, member of the council of the Royal Society, and Edmund Waller (1605–87), poet, courtier and Surveyor General, who was elected F.R.S. on 16 Jan. 1661. f For this relation see Birch, Royal Society, i, 273.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

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selves from being stifled; that every night the wind blows directly contrary, namely, from the sea, with as great an excess of cold. But this is not so strange, because it happens in several other parts of the world; but what he added further is sufficiently strange to an European, viz. that their way to preserve their drink cold in this extremity of heat, was to put it up in their earthen vessels (what form they are of I know not) and expose the bottle, hung by a stake, or the branch of a tree, to the scorching sun and suffocating winds; for by that means they find the contained liquor, at four in the afternoon, excessively cold, and extremely pleasant and refreshing; nor would the relator himself, nor any that he had heard of, venture to give a reason for it. We made a trial of monsieur Zulichem’s experiment, where indeed it succeeded so far, that with the pumping, that was used about it, the water would not descend, though I am very confident, if the pump had been longer plied, the event would have been much otherwise; and we shall this next week try with a pipe of five or six foot long, whether it will remain suspended or not.a We have lately likewise tried two other experiments:b the one was, there were two boltheads full of water inverted into restagnating water, out of which, when the air was extracted, there remained in each a small bubble at the top: into the place of one of the bubbles of extracted air as much common air was put, and then both of them set aside and observed. The event was, that both the bubbles vanished into the water, but that of the common air remained longest. Since that, we exhausted the air out of one of those boltheads, and put common air in the place of it; then the other was filled with common water, and a bubble of air, equal to that in the other, was put into it, and it was found, that the air was vanished into the exhausted water, but that the other remained almost intire in /p. 532/ bulk.c I am taking order about the engraving of my microscopical pittance, which I hope will be very well done.d I this week observed a creature newly come out of the egg, which by comparing it with the biggest old one I have seen of that kind, I found to be above 130000 times less than the bulk it was likely to come to, if it survived; of which, I believe, we shall not find many other examples in nature. I have now procured the new Jamaica nuts; and had I not been advertised, that your return would be either this Saturday, or the following Monday, they had been sent you by,e Right honourable, your honour’s a In the Society’s meeting of 16 July 1663 Huygens was ordered to make the pipes, but the experiment was only performed on 19 Aug. 1663. For Huygens see above, p. 5n. b For these experiments, undertaken in the Society meeting of 17 June 1663, see above, pp. 89– 90. c See Birch, Royal Society, i, 274–5. d Hooke refers to his Micrographia (1665). e Boyle was staying with his sister Mary, Countess of Warwick (for whom see above, p. 87n.), at Leese Priory in Essex.

100

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [c. 18 July 1663]

most affectionate most faithfull and most humble servant, ROB. HOOKE. I HAVE sent a small bag of the nuts, understanding by Mr. Wh.’s letter, that you will not be here till Thursday.a The two foot perspective I also sent, the box was delivered to the carrier the last week before he went away. Mrs. Kuffler is very earnest to know, when you will give order about the engine, and seems to be a little angry, and wonders you should be worse than your word, and such kind of speeches; though I had given her the reason, why you could not do it before you went hence.b

[c. 18 July 1663]c

HOOKE to BOYLE

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 532–3. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 486–7, and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 146–8.

I WAS very sorry to find the coach return from Leez without bringing you in it; but I am glad however to hear, that your return will be the beginning of the next week.d There was but little done this Wednesday at Gresham college, much of the time being taken up in observing the experiment, which was made with the glass tubes of forty five foot high, in which there was little remarkable, but what you will easily predict must necessary follow; that is, that the water, upon the turning off the lower stop-cock, fell down to between thirty two or thirty three foot from the bottom; that as it fell, and a good while after, abundance of bubbles appeared near the top of the water; that as those bubbles rise for a good while, so all that while the water continued to descend a little; insomuch, that when we were coming away, I observed it to be about 29½ foot high, and it is likely it would afterward descend lower.e That one of our tubes consisting of several pieces, leaked. That upon these observables, several things are ordered to be tried the next day; as first to fill the tube with exhausted water to * * *1 the bubbles that rise; to make a device to close the stagnant water so, that the air may not get in: to make the other tube tight, and so to join both together by a bended pipe at the a

For Christopher White, see above, p. 81n. For Catherina, wife of Johann Sibertus Küffler and her visit to Hooke see above, p. 84n. Although Birch dates this letter ‘July—, 1667’, it clearly dates from within a few days of the meeting of the Royal Society of 16 July. d For Boyle’s stay at Leese Priory in Essex see above, p. 87n. e For the Society’s meeting of 16 July see Birch, Royal Society, i, 275. b c

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top, and the like. After we returned from this experiment, Sir R. Moray presented the Society with an engine sent to them by prince Rupert;a being for raising water, such a one as, I am sure, you have seen and taken notice of in Scottus his mechanicks, whose contrivance is, continually to raise water, by turning round a cylinder with a sliding board in it, included in another hollow cylinder or barrel. The engine has not been tried, but it will be the next Wednesday.b But I find, that it goes exceeding hard with the several grating and sliding motions, that it has, so that it is more likely to prove a pretty curiosity than a useful engine. But this gave an occasion of producing the definition or description of the marquis of Worcester’s water-commanding engine, which is so purely romantick, that it would serve one rarely to fill half a dozen pages in the History of Fortunatus his wishing Cap.c A transcript of some of the most observable passages, because I could not procure the book itself to send you, I have here enclosed, which if it should chance to perform but the least part of what is therein specified, my lord Brereton is likely to pay 5 l. towards the revenue, that is to accrue thereby to the marquis, he having wagered so much against him.d I was since my return to London to see this engine, where I found Caltrop, his chief engineer, to laugh at it; and as far as I was able to see of it, it seemed one of the perpetual motion fallacies. Of which kind Caltrop himself, and two or three others, that I know, are labouring at this time in vain, to make, but after several ways; and nothing but costly experience will make them desist.e We had next Sir R. Moray and Mr. Oldenburg’s relation of the excellent French lithotomist, which gave occasion to Sir Anthony Morgan to relate the history of an Irish lithotomist that does the same thing, though, if it be according to his description, by a more easy and expedient way.f And Dr. Whistler affirmed the same to be done by a Scotchman, and calls it cutting by the gripe, the more perfect relations of which are to be given in by those persons in writing.g Sir R. Moray likewise proa

A sketch of Prince Rupert’s engine is in RS Classified Paper 20, item 21, and is published in Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 148–9. Prince Rupert (1619–82) was a former Royalist commander, courtier and virtuoso. b For Gaspar Schott see above, p. 1n. The work Hooke refers to is Mechanica hydraulico-pneumatica (1657). c Hooke’s derogatory reference is to Edward Somerset (1601–67, 2nd Marquis of Worcester), author of A Century of Inventions (1663), and to the 15th-century comical romance Fortunatus. Von Fortunato und seynem Seckel auch Wünchhütlein (1509), which was translated into many languages throughout the 17th century, including English. For Somerset see Webster, Great Instauration (above, p. 84), pp. 348–9, 365. d The enclosure is not extant. Hooke refers to William Brereton (1631–80, 3rd Baron Brereton), nobleman and virtuoso, F.R.S. and member of the council of the Royal Society. e Presumably this is a reference to Caspar Kaltoff (fl. 1626–64), Dutch skilled mechanic, who worked for Edward Somerset at Vauxhall; see Webster, Great Instauration, pp. 347–8. f The French lithotomist was Monsieur Raoux, a native of Languedoc; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 277. Hooke also refers to Sir Anthony Morgan (1621–68), soldier and courtier, member of the council of the Royal Society. For Morgan’s relation of the Irish lithotomist see Birch, Royal Society, i, 279. g This is a reference to Daniel Whistler (1619–84), Gresham professor of geometry, Linacre reader since 1648 and original F.R.S.

102

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [c. 18 July 1663]

duced the stone cut out of the heart of the Scotch nobleman I formerly told you of; it was very hard, and of a mishapen figure, and looked in colour like a flint.a Mr. Pell brought in a bag of sand, which he affirmed would be baked into a substance like Flanders jugs.b It looks and feels like clay beat to dust, and I guess it to be a substance between both; that is a sandy clay, or clayish sand. I cannot find any peculiarity in it with a microscope. Dr. Charlton gave a description of Aubery in Wiltshire, which seems indeed by his relation a very strange piece of antiquity, and more admirable than Stoneheng, which he hopes to make an argument to confirm his hypothesis about that Chorea Gigantum.c Dr. Pope is going for Italy, but I suppose will not be gone before your return, who will be very glad to be charged with inquiries by you.d Some things about the growth of salmons were handed to and fro, some /p. 533/ flatly contradicting others. The last thing we had was a relation of Sir W. Petty’s ship new modelled, upon which he has already laid 50 l. that it shall go safe to Holy-Head and back again; and it was set forward on that attempt before he writ that letter, which was read.e I have sent you likewise a new book of philosophy, but I fear it contains but little of that subject worth any thing.f I but just now received it, and have not had time to look it over. There is nought else worth your knowledge, only this enclosed, which I suppose contains several things, which should else have been sent you byg Right honourable, your honour’s most affectionate, most faithful, and most humble servant, R. HOOK.

a

For these stones taken from the Earl of Balcarres’s heart see Birch, Royal Society, i, 276. For John Pell see above, p. 67n. For his sand see Birch, Royal Society, i, 275. c For Walter Charleton see above, p. 82n. For the description of Avebury that he presented, recorded in the minutes of the meeting for 8 July, together with a plan of the antiquity which survives as RS Classified Paper 16, item 18, see Peter Ucko et al., Avebury Reconsidered (London, 1991), pp. 17– 19. For the background to Charleton’s interest, see ibid., pp. 14–17. d This is a reference to Walter Pope (c.1627–1714), Gresham professor of astronomy 1661–87 and member of the council of the Royal Society, who travelled to Italy for two years from 1664. e This is a reference to William Petty (1623–87), political economist. The account of Petty’s ship was presented to the Society in the form of a letter read by Moray; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 279. f Hooke perhaps refers to Eccard Leichner’s De apodictica scholarum emendatione, which Leichner sent to the Royal Society in Apr. 1663; see above, p. 78 g This final enclosure is also not extant. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

COLLINSa to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

1 September 1663

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 633–5. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 639–41.

Colmogoro, 60 wersts from Archangel, Sept. 1. 1663. SIR, THE noble present of your learned book has extremely obliged me.b Indeed the defects and difficulties, which I have found in our profession, have so much disheartened me, that I had quite deserted that design, if my narrow estate had not necessitated me to make use of that art to an honest subsistance. Not to instance in the grand reproaches of the gout and the quartans, and some other horrid monsters; I could never find any author, that gives an account of some sorts of stinking breaths, nor of the cure. The rectifying of that one distemper surely were enough to make a man richly famous. Another is, the cure of red faces, in which I have known methodists travail a long time, without success. To be quit of either, I know some persons would part with the better half of their estates. We grope also in the cure of Lues Venerea, both in that tedious mild way of decoctions, &c. and that other slovenly, uncertain, dangerous way of salivation. I have had several times, unexpected success in ten or twelve days by that slight preparation of mercurius cum sulphure. And for giving ease to those sharp nocturnal pains, I have used only an infusion of mercury nitre (in spirit of wine) well made almost your way, by drying it and a proportion of tinctura opii exhibited at night going to bed, which hath gently sweated the patient, and in two nights taken away those torments; and finding it succeed so well, I proceeded to fifteen or twenty nights successively, to which I ascribe most of the cure. As to the cure of quartans, methodists and others use vomits, diaphoreticks, and an ecphractickc course, chalybiate &c. frustra,d when it is easily effected by restringents, as tormentile with gentian in electuaries, decoctions, which strengthen the relaxed parts, and given before the fit, with a grain of well prepared mercurius nitre; it vomits not, but is as valid as the pulvis patrum, which I can affirm experimentally. But not to trouble the sun with a candle, I shall only beg your assistance at your best leisure, de causis & cura fœtoris oris;e I mean not that, which is so manifest, as in ulcers of the lungs, or crudities, but in one, that seems to be every way sound, &c. A nobleman very near the emperor has a red face, who is often upbraided with drunkenness, and none will believe but he a

For Samuel Collins see above, p. 92n. Collins probably refers to Boyle’s Usefulness I (1663), which he said he had received in his earlier letter to Boyle of summer 1663; see above, p. 92n. c sic, probably meaning ‘caphratick’. d ’in vain’. e ‘on the causes and cure of foulness of the mouth’. b

104

COLLINS

to BOYLE, 1 Sept. 1663

drinks in private (for publickly he does not) has confessed to me, he hath been, and still is, the most abstemious person in the world, and has run a course with the German doctor now in Moscow for six weeks; and after much blood-letting and purging hath been a little paled, but naturam expellas furca licet &c.a Now to come to what concerns your commands; in these cold parts, I can only promise my best endeavours, when the frost comes. I fear, I shall not have the conveniencies, that I would have, if I am confined to the embassador’s quarters, which I shall be, till I conclude, whether I will engage to serve his majesty, or not; in which I shall use some demur, till I see, whether there will be a good conclusion in our embassy about the restoration of the privileges, and what hopes of peace in these parts; for as yet they are embroiled with Pole, Tartar, and Swede.b YOU may please to remember, we were at Lees talking of their witchcraft, in which the Russe are very studious (especially the nuns) whether imaginary or real, I know not, only what men have confessed to me has been acted upon themselves in visible wens and bladders set upon some, on their foreheads;c on others sopra’l cazzo,d others disabled for months and years, and then restored, as one of my friends a Russ does now acknowledge at /p. 634/ Archangel, I say, to those I am bound in civility to give credit; nay, they will so disable a woman, as her husband for some time shall find her uncapable. They are nevertheless too credulous as to the business of withcraft [sic], that they ascribe all unusual accidents to fascination; and if they have any about them, that they suspect (especially old women, who are most obnoxious) they torment them worse than Hopkins the witch-finder in Essex, till they extort their queries out of the old wretches, to their utter ruin.e An instance of which I have newly received from Moscow, where the empress’s father* lately married to a second wife, not finding himself so vigorous in his amorous engagements as formerly, or rather as he desired (forgetting, that now he is not far *

Elias Danelourdge. [The Empress was Maria Miloslavskaya (d. 1669); her father was Illya Danilovich Miloslavsky (d. 1668); his second wife has not been identified. See Joseph T. Fuhrmann, Tsar Alexis, His Reign and his Russia (Gulf Breeze, Florida, 1981), pp. 14, 88, 173.] a ‘though you drive nature out with a pitchfork [she’ll be back]’, a quotation from Horace, Epistles, I. xi. 24. Neither the Russian nobleman nor the German doctor has been further identified. b Collins refers to Tsar Alexis Romanov, whom he served as physician from 1660 to 1669. Russia was at war with Poland from 1658 to 1667 but had been at peace with Sweden since 1660. Conflict between Russia and the Crimean Tartars was endemic at this time. For Charles Howard, ambassador to Russia, Denmark and Sweden 1663–5, see above, p. 94n. c Boyle left Leese Priory in Essex, the home of his sister Mary, Countess of Warwick, in late July. For Collins’s relations with the Warwicks see above, p. 94n. d ‘on the penis’. e The allusion is to Matthew Hopkins (d. c. 1647), a minor gentleman from Manningtree in Essex who came to prominence as the instigator of the East Anglian witch trials of 1644–6; see J. A. Sharpe, ‘The Devil in East Anglia: the Matthew Hopkins Trials Reconsidered’ in Jonathan Barry et al. (eds), Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 237–54.

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from seventy) he conceived, that a former mistress his menial slave (who was shadowed by a husband, to prevent inconveniencies) I say, he suspected she might in reason malign his lady, that came to eclipse her happiness, and so had contrived this suspected fascination, which was attended also with some distempers broken out in his legs, nocturnal lassitudes, and his lady surprised with an angina, all which conspired to rivet their jealousies on both sides, so that she sustained all the exquisite torments of Russia, in which also her husband was concerned, and all the old wives thereabouts, that had any deformity, or disposed to look sourly or melancholick. I fear at my arrival in Moscow I shall be tormented with the relation, as much as they with the whip, and my opinion must be asked, which will not give satisfaction, if not compliant with their vain fantasies. SINCE I began writing I heard from Moscow, that a Tartar, a friend of mine, hath procured me out of Siberia the skin of that beast, which affords us the musk out of Siberia;a the musk is the navel, as they say, but when I have it, I will give you a true account, and the rarity itself. If your leisure permit to write the latter end of December, or beginning of January, pray give your letter to Mr. Buttersby at the great Helmet in Fenchurch-street, who does provide our medicaments for us, and is a very honest man and able apothecary.b My humble salutes to my lady Warwick, lord Rich’s lady, with my humble petition to your self for this trouble I give you in the reading so much ill writing. Adio e viva vita d’oro.c Your humble servant, SAMUEL COLLINS. SIR, I beg your pardon once more for this trouble, which may very much tend to my advancement, if you can assist me in the whitening of copper, that may abide the fire and hammer: it is no matter, whether it will the water of separation;d for I was desired by a great favourite here to procure such a slight, to get a fictitious counterfeit plate made, which no doubt would be gainful in these parts, or any other; not to design a cheat, but certainly it might be a great saving of silver, which lies dead in noblemens houses. I went thus far by purifying the copper with powder of glass, that it became ponderous and fine, like silver; for the glass served to wash her ladyship’s foul smock, which was taken off as oft as it became black with its fusion together; now when we came to the blanching, either we knew not the proportion of arsenic, or the preparation, for it was either white enough and brittle, or yellowish and not brittle.e I desire your advice about fixing of arsenic a ready cheap way. One Smart, that dwells in Dorchester-house, a drudging operator, made a

This friend has not been identified. Mr Buttersby, an apothecary, has not been further identified. c The reference is to Lady Warwick’s husband, Charles Rich (1616–73). Collins’s valedictory turn of phrase is ‘farewell, and live the golden life’. d i.e., nitric acid. e The details of this process have not been elucidated. b

106

COLLINS

to BOYLE, 1 Sept. 1663

me pay ten pence for an ounce, but it was well fixed, and may be given inwardly, in a dose of three, four, or five grains, and decocted loses no weight, but imparts a balsamick virtue.a Now I talk of balsams, methinks some better use might be made of the film or husk, that covers the shell of pistachios: it hath an excellent balsamical odor, and is clammy, and a handful being close griped, leaves many resplendent crystal parcels in plicis palmæ;b this I made trial upon the way, they were very new. I intend to try it for a vulnerary. There are some things used by the Russes experimentally, which I shall impart; they come out of Siberia; by which way they bring radix Chinæ teuh, or chayè anisum Indicum stellatum, which the Persians here drink with their teuh, and is scented just like our anisum, but methinks more grateful and very oleaginous.c Here is a certain wooden ware, which the Russe call capua, the Dutch Mazer, the gummy droppings from birch, which, as they say, lies many years consolidating in the ground, of which they make cups, very thin, light, and almost transparent; being put into warm water will turn inside out, like leather, and are sold the weight of silver for wood, and according to their largeness, the larger the dearer, twice, thrice, or more the weight of silver.d I brought three at Archangel, with intent to send them to you, but I find by one skilful in that trade, that I was deceived, and they were counterfeits, with the feet cunningly set and glewed, and patched up in several places with varnish; so I was discouraged from sending them, but shall procure some at a place called Totma, on the river above Ustiga, where they have mineral salt waters.e Sir, if I stay here, pray assist me with some rarities in our art. I shall be remote enough to do no man injury by the use of them. What I shall find worthy of a person of your learning and experience, I shall contribute, as an humble acknowledgement of your civilities. I HAVE forgotten to mind your opinion about the Irish slate, which abounding with so much salt, I suppose may serve to many uses in physick, besides the vulgar, viz. contusions, which how it poisons, I know not, but it is much used for that purpose in the West of England; and I have given it with ecphracticks, and I think it hath done well.f a When melted with saltpetre, arsenic gives an arsenicum fixum, which on deliquescence gives a liquor of fixed arsenic – a process described by Paracelsus; see J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, 4 vols (London, 1961–70), ii, 147. Thomas Smart was a Vauxhall chemist working for the Marquis of Worcester. Hartlib had sent Boyle information about his cures in 1657; see vol. 1, p. 230. b ‘stuck to the palm’ [of the hand]. c For Collins in Russia see above, p. 92n. Radix chinae teuh, ‘root of china tea’, supposed to have medical virtues. Anisum indicum stellatum is the spice star anise. d For mazer wood see below, p. 127n. e The towns of Totma and Velikii Ustiug are in north-western Russia, on the Sukhona river. From the late 16th century, Totma was a key river port for trade with England and Holland, as well as an important centre for salt production. f Earlier in the sentence ‘Irish slate’ is probably alum slate, used medicinally in the form of powder.

107

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

WHEREAS you hint in your book about a farther enquiry and use of the pulvis patrum, I did, upon my own fantasy, give a dose of it to /p. 635/ Knex Peter Brosorofsky, the Russe embassador, when he was very sick of a very violent fever, and thought in himself he should die; it gave him sudden relief the third day, and we expected no other crisis; I suppose it may do good in the gout, strengthening the parts, and stopping the fermentation.a IF I had time, I would give you an account of their dressing their hides here; the odd smell, which Russia leather has, it takes from the deogat, which is a kind of tar made of the roots of birch, and serves for many uses, &c. THAT operator Smart at Dorchester-house sold me a stinking sulphurous balsam, that I have used with miraculous success in sore eyes. I forget what he calls it; Mr. Buttersby can help you to it.b He makes sulphur martis. If you know the making of sulphur martis, pray impart it.

WALLIS to BOYLE

10 September 1663

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 512–14. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 456–8.

Oxon, Sept. 10, 1663. SIR, I HAVE with very great content and satisfaction gone through that book of yours, wherein you have so very charitably obliged mankind.c You will easily believe, though I should not tell it you, that in so short a time it were not possible for me to consider so much variety of good matter, suitably to the worth of it. Which though it be true, yet doth not arise from want of respect to it, but from mine impotence and utter inability to pass a particular judgement of chemical processes, being so nothing of a chemist myself. And therefore, the animadversions, which you invite me to make, you may be secure, will not concern any thing of that kind. The papers enclosed come so rudely, because I could not judge what is in them to be worth writing twice, which I fear you will have reason to think not worth reading once. And if after (or before) you have once read them, you will a Collins refers to Prince Peter Prozorovosky, Russian ambassador to England in 1662–3. See I. Lyubimenko, Les relations commerciales et politiques de l’Angleterre avec la Russie avant Pierre le Grand (Paris, 1933). He also refers to Usefulness. b For Mr Buttersby see above, p. 106n. c Wallis refers to ‘Tome I’ of Boyle’s Usefulness (1663), for which see Works, vol. 3, p. 189ff.

108

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1663

please to let them help make a fire under one of your learned furnaces, it will be a greater honour than they deserve. For by that means, they may give some light to some of your works.a BUT your mention of some specificks you have for distempers in genere nervoso, minds me of what I thought to have discoursed with you, but neglected, when I had the opportunity /p. 513/ concerning some very odd and dangerous symptoms in a relation of mine (my brother’s wife) so good a person, and so useful, that her life and health are very well worth the preserving.b In order to which I have transcribed the account of her case, as her physician (a good chemist, and successful practitioner, the same I mention in the enclosed papers) did upon my request draw it up to send to Dr. Willis; together with what afterwards I did myself observe.c If you have any arcanum, which you judge proper in the case, by communicating the medicine (though you keep your secret) you will not only do a great work of charity to her, and in her to many more, and very much oblige, SIR, Your honour’s very humble servant, JOHN WALLIS Inclosed in the preceding.d 25o Julii, 1663. UXOR Dom. Wallis Ashfordiensis, Cant. habitus mediocris, temperamenti melanophlegmatici, quadragesimum agens annum, victu euchymo ut plurimum utens, ab incunabulis plerumque valetudinaria existens, rarissimè cum morbo ullo acuto (exceptis variolis) tentata, semperque pro scorbutica suspecta; post varia et innotata symptomata leviora, quæ annis præteritis quandoque passa fuit, sub autumni superioris initio, dolore lateris dextri, pleuritico haud multum dissimili, prehensa est: cui, phlebotomiâ præsidiisque aliis levibus, pacato, paulatim a

For Wallis’s comments on Usefulness, enclosed with this letter, see below, pp. 112–19. Wallis had two brothers, Henry and William, who have not been further identified. Wallis, Grammar (above, p. 11), p. 5. The first of this letter’s enclosures is a Latin copy of an account of the health of this lady, prepared by her physician, dated 25 July. See below, pp. 109–11, for the text and its translation. c For Thomas Willis see above, p. 2n. d ‘The wife of Mr Wallis, of Ashford in the county of Kent, was in her fortieth year; she was of a moderately healthy disposition and had a partly melancholic, partly phlegmatic temperament; she used to eat well-flavoured food for the most part. She had been rather sickly since childhood, but very rarely was she tried by any acute illness (with the exception of pustules) and she was always suspected of being scorbutic. After various minor and unrecorded symptoms, that she had suffered from time to time over previous years, she was seized in the autumn of last year by a pain in her right side, not much dissimilar to pleurisy; this pain was quietened by letting blood and other minor treatments. But a short time afterwards a very sharp pain succeeded to it; this pain was biting, and b

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successit dolor acutissimus, mordicans & pungens, sub mucronatâ cartilagine, quandoque ad umbilicum fere, quandoque ad costas nothas dextras, quandoque ad ilia dextra se porrigens; unâ vel alterâ post pastum horâ delapsâ‚ ægrotam invadens: quem gradatim supervenit oris ventriculi (post sumptum cibum, ut antea) superioris morsus acerbissimus, animi fere deliquium secum trahens, per circuitus revertens, cum respiratione frequenti, & fere interceptâ, oscitatione, ructatione, vellicatione, & sæpissimè totius quasi ventriculi convulsione; nunquam illam jejunum invadens, neque post sumptum panem neque frumentacea edulia inhausta; sed tantummodo quum victitasset carnes fere quascunque: unde per totam hyemem, frumentaceo & triticeo victu, vinoque generoso, contenta remansit; sæpissime etiam per mensem ampliusve temporis, tali regimine, immunis evasit, solitis fungens muneribus domesticis, placideque noctes trahens, satisque hilariter inter vicinos se gerens; paroxysmis prædictis (quando invasere) magis magisque sensim minuentibus. Vere ingrediente, omnia mitiora facta, prædictis symptomatibus in totum fere evanescentibus. Ingruente æstate, corporis illius status non procul à naturali & eucratico videbatur, eduliisque quibuscunque ut placuit viscens, sineque molestia ferens. Attamen sub mensis præteriti calce subito post pastum paroxysmo præteritis dissimili correpta est; cum dolore hypochondrii dextri, tum gravativo tum pungitivo, cum frequentissimâ respiratione, & metu suffocationis, febriculam secum habente, cum urinis coloratis, anxietate insueta, subitaneoque virium lapsu, ut vix loqui vel se de loco in locum movere potuit, loquelâ interim gemitibus insolitis interrupta, & summotam, in ultimum vitæ discrimen adstantibus redacta videbatur, ita ut per plures dies in cubiculo vel leoto se continebat, unoque eodemque statu per quinque vel sex dies penetrating, and beneath the sharply-pointed cartilage, at some times afflicting her almost as far as the navel, at other times as far as the false ribs on the right side, and at other times as far as the right side of her groin. It attacked the patient when one or two hours had passed after she had eaten. Then an extremely sharp, biting pain gradually came on at the top of the belly (as before, this happened after she had taken food); this pain almost took her breath away, and returned periodically with breathing that was rapid and almost cut off, with gaping of the mouth, belching, twitching, and very often a convulsion of what seemed to be the whole stomach. This never happened to her when she fasted, nor after she had eaten bread, nor when she had consumed food that was made from grain; but it took place only when she had eaten meat of some sort or other. And so she remained contented throughout the whole winter with food made from grain and wheat, and with wine of good quality; and very often, when she followed this diet, she remained safe from attacks for as long as a month or more, during which time she continued to carry out her usual household tasks, and slept quietly at night, and behaved with good humour enough among her neighbours. In the meantime, the abovementioned paroxysms, when they did attack her, did so with noticeably smaller and smaller force. At the beginning of spring, things had become much easier for her in every way, and the abovementioned symptoms had almost disappeared. When summer began, the state of her body seemed to be not far away from a natural and well-ordered condition, and she could even happily eat food of any sort, without suffering ill effects from so doing. However, at the end of last month, she was suddenly seized after she had eaten a meal by a paroxysm that was different to the ones that she had previously suffered from. This paroxysm was accompanied by pain in her right abdomen, which was as strong as it was piercing, together with very rapid breathing and the fear of suffocation; the pain brought a little fever with it, along with coloured urine, an unaccustomed anxiety, and a sudden loss of strength, so that she was scarcely able to talk or to move herself from place to place, and in the mean time her speech was interrupted by unwonted groaning; and in the end she seemed to the onlookers to be reduced to the last crisis of her life, to such an extent that for a number of days she kept herself

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permansit, usitato interim victu utens uti placebat; sine appetitus dejectione, ventriculi retentricis vel expultricis vitio, vel coctricis imbecillitate; videbatur autem coctio depravata, sicque se habebant facultates stomachi per totum morbi decursum. Hoc insuper notandum, quod medicamenta purgantia nunquam ferre possit. Nunc temporis, omnia leviora sunt facta, cibos (uti arrident) capit, sine ullorum prædictorum symptomatum insultu, vitamque trahit (quam antea) beatiorem sine dolore vel tristitia. Hæc sunt præcipua, quæ in nostrâ ægrotâ se produnt. THIS is verbatim the account, which I had from her physician (her brother) who had diligently watched her, as you may discern by the so particular account he gives.a Upon discourse with him, he tells me, he had sometime thought the cause of those strange symptoms to have been in the coats of the stomach (because digestion in the stomach, and other faculties there, seemed not to be much impedited;) since that it was rather in the ferment of the stomach, but from whence injected (from the pancreas, or whence else) was dubious. Her head not molested with fumes or aches, nor is she wont to be feverish, or otherwise (save as is related) discomposed. Her stomach he complains of as troubled with viscous matter, or such, as that he can hardly make any medicine fasten on it, which he would willingly move by vomit, but dares not, knowing how deadly sick she hath been some years since with that physick. Yet once he ventured on a gently vomit, but durst not stir from her all the while it worked; and is not willing to venture again. And some time a pipe of tobacco doth not only repel an approaching fit, but bring up matter seemingly as clear as water, but (whether presently, or after some time, I remember not) if stirred with a stick is ropy and viscous like the whites of eggs. The most of evacuating physick, that he useth, is now and then some very gently pills, scarce more than to keep the body soluble. But (beside what others I know not) the chief remedy he applies (and with good success) is an arcanum (which my other papers mention) much of kin to spirit of harts horn; but, he saith, more prevalent than either that or soot (for he useth them all very frequently with his patients;) and I suppose it is some animal spirit, but from some other animal (yet not spirit of blood neither,) of which she hath taken abundance, I think constantly, about an hour or two before dinner, and before supper. To which he attributes what confined to a bed or to a couch. She remained in the very same condition for a period of five or six days, during which time she was able to eat her usual food as much as she wished; she did not lose any appetite, or have any problem with her stomach unduly retaining or expelling food, or suffer from any feebleness of the stomach. Her digestion however, did seem to have been disrupted; and the capabilities of her stomach remained thus throughout the whole course of her disease. It should be noted above all that she could never bear the use of purgative medicines. At the present time, things have become much less painful for her in every way, and she takes food (that seems to agree with her) without being attacked by any of the abovementioned symptoms; and she carries on her life in a happier manner than before, without pain or unhappiness. These are the chief facts that stand out in relation to this patient of ours.’ a Wallis’s sister-in-law’s brother has not been identified.

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of preservation or cure is wrought. Dr. Willis (upon the account above) hath delivered his judgement of it to be a disaffection in genere nervoso; and adviseth spirit of hartshorn, /p. 514/ or of soot, which agrees well enough with the judgment and course already taken. He tells me of a peculiar juice he apprehends to be conveyed by the nerves, quite different from the circulation of the blood. While I was in the country with her (after the date of the paper, which gives account of it) she had ever and anon rather attempts of fits than perfect fits, but severe enough, if she had not known worse, if at any time she did eat either more freely, or more hastily than ordinary (for she is forced to be very moderate, and very deliberate in eating.) Any sudden surprise of passion (whether joy, grief, or other) is very apt to discompose her. These fits keep her very faint and feeble, though not sick. If they return with the winter, as they were last winter, they must needs be very dangerous: if but as they are, they must weaken, and must needs threaten very ill consequents.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: WALLIS’S COMMENTS ON BOYLE’S USEFULNESSa From the original in BP 44, fols 23–7 (originally paginated 1–10). 4o/2+2+2. Final leaf blank.

I know you will smile; when you shall ‹see› mee descant upon words of one so much master of them, & so well skilled in proprieties. Yet here & there one, you will give mee leave to animadvert upon, that you may at lest be perswaded I have read the book. Your1 Conducive (which I have sometimes stuck at, because such terminations are usually deduced from Supines, according to which analogy it should be Conductive; which yet, because we make use of 2 Conduct & Conduce, both from Conduco, but in different senses, would not so well serve3 your turn; for which cause Conducing hath been wont to be more used:) I am now reconciled to: Because I find Nocious (though possibly not by Tully;b or very ancient Latinists) used in that form from Noceo, instead of Nocitious, which were4 analagous; for which I suppose Tully would rather say Nocuus and Noxius; &, in the compound, Innocuus (not Innocious) & Innoxa

This document is written entirely in Wallis’s hand. The underlined words and their accompanying citations of page and line numbers refer to the two parts of Boyle’s Usefulness (1663); see Works, vol. 3, pp. 189–561. The sentences to which Wallis refers are given in full below, along with the corresponding page numbers in Works, vol. 3. b i.e., Cicero.

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ius. And in the same form we use Coërcive;5 though yet I question whether Coërcious be to be found in any good Latine Author; but rather Coercitious, or6 Coerctious, as there is Coercitio, and Coerctio, (from coercitus or coerctus) & instead of 7 Coerctio, is creapt in coertio, & from thence Coercio, whence coercious for coerctious. Which two words,8 nocive & coercive, (beside which I do not /fol. 23v/ remember any other in that form) which use hath made passant rather than analogy; will the rather justify conducive, from Conduce,9 that conductive may accompany his cognate Conduct. p. 140. part. 2.10a But Aperitive (though modern Physicians use it) I should not choose to use, ‹because›11 Apertive may as well be sayd, which is Analogous; Aperio making12 the supine not Aperitus, but Apertura, whence Apertio, Apertura, &c. ‹And so I find you use it p. 155. l. 12. Apertive.›13b part. 1. p. 2. l. 7. Perfectionated,c I think might as fully have been expressed by the ordinary word Perfected; as well because it looks like a needlesse affectation of a new coyned word; as allso because Perfectionari will hardly be found in Latine; but they would content themselves with Perfici, or complevi, to which answer the English, Perfected & compleated. p. 62. l. 25. I ignore not, that;d though analogous inough; yet might as significantly, & more usually, bee expressed by I am not ignorant, that. ‹p. 28. l. 5.›14 And not altogether ignor’d,e had been as fully sayd, not altogether unknown. p. 24. That excellent quotation out of Seneca, de Otio sapientis; because I found the sense impedite, ‹made me›15 consult the Author (but with somewhat the more difficulty, because I could ‹in› my Seneca find no such Title; but at length found it to cohere with that other, De Vita Beata;)f where I find the obscurity to arise from omission (in the transcribing) of a line or more. For it should thus be read, /fol. 24/ ‘Ut scias illam spectari voluisse, non tantum aspici, vide quem nobis locum [dederit.16 In media nos sui parte constituit, et circum spectum omnium nobis]g a

[l. 23] ‘Parsley is a very usual ingredient of aperitive and diuretick Decoctions and Apozems’ (p. 378). b ‘But my having found them [millipedes] in my self very diuretical and aperitive’ (pp. 386–7). c The soul ‘is blest and perfectionated by Knowledg’ (p. 199; see below, p. 115n., for another reference to this passage). d ‘And though I ignore not, that not onely several of the Socinians following their Master Socinus, but some few Orthodox Writers’ (p. 241). e ‘Truth … has not been altogether ignor’d’ (p. 217). f Boyle (mis)quotes a passage that the marginal note on the page assigns to Seneca, De otio, ch. 32. But at the end of Part I (p. 281), where Boyle provided a translation, he assigns the passage to De vita beata, ch. 32. The reason for this apparent confusion is the fact that Seneca’s De otio survives only as a fragmentary continuation of the De vita beata. The latter ends in the middle of book 28, whence commences De otio. Thus ch. 32 is the same location in both works. In the system of reckoning used by modern scholars, the passage quoted comes from De otio, v. 3–5. Wallis clearly saw this. As Wallis notes, in copying the text Boyle’s amanuensis must have accidently skipped from ‘dederit’ to ‘dedit’, thereby omitting the words enclosed by Wallis in square brackets. The translation of the passage given on p. 281, which Wallis here completes and emends, includes the rendering of ‘aliquid ipso mundo Antiquus’ as ‘somewhat more Ancient even than the World it self’. g Square brackets in the original.

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dedit. Nec erexit tantummodo hominem; sed etiam, ad contemplationem factum, ut ab ortu sidera in occasum labentia prosequi posset, et vultum suum circumferre cum Toto, (meaning the Universe, not his whole Body, as the translator takes it,) sublime fecit ei caput, et collo flexibili imposuit.’ where,17 ad contemplationem factum, must agree with Caput which comes after, not be referred to hominem before; which if intended it should have been facto, because in this clause the structure is changed by the verb fecit ei;18 so that it should be, sed etiam ad contemplationem facto, fecit ei. & so that I should rather have rendered it. ‹That you may know shee intended not onely to be seen, but to be looked upon, consider the place shee hath assigned us. She hath placed us19 in her midst, & given us a prospect round about on every thing.›20 Nor hath she onely made man in stature upright; but, having designed his head for contemplation, to the end he might follow with his Eye the moving stars from east to west, & turn about his face, together with the universe (or, as the world turns about;) she hath placed it high (or set it in the highest place) and on a flexible neck (a neck fitted to turn about:) or, shee hath made it his highest part, & set it on a neck fitted to turn about. Whereas, had, Vultum circumferre cum toto, been meant of turning his face together with his whole body, that which follows, of a flexible neck, had not been to the purpose. Then in the close; aliquid ipso mundo Antiquius, might I think be as well rendered somewhat more venerable21 than the world itself; according as that phrase Quo nihil Antiquius is wont to be used. /fol. 24v/ p. 30. l. 1. disprovided;a why not unprovided? Disprovided, as it sounds somewhat harsher being lesse used, so it seems rather to insist more than is intended; viz.22 not barely a want of provision, but a being despoiled of provision, which it is supposed to have had. p. 10. l. 3. are beholding;b I should rather say beholden. From Hold (teneo, obligo;) the passive participle is Holden, (tenatus, obligatus;) & Beholden is but the same, with a usual prefix be, frequent with verbs & especially participles; as besmeared,23 befouled, bespattered, bespangled, and the old womens country proverb, Blessed is the Corps that is berained, & the Bride that is beshined, so bepissed, bespread, & an hundred ‹more› (in which be seemes to import upon.) Beholden being the same sense precisely with Obliged, not Obliging. But this note, I perceive, might be spared; because afterwards I find it usually so written. p. 2. penult. inconsiderablest instanse.c p. 59. l. 1. incomparably transcendenter degree.d p. 60. 2. glorify God exactlyest:e & some other seemingly harsh comparatives a

‘… but send them to Sea disprovided of Sea-Charts and mariners Compasses’ (p. 218). ‘… and if we … are beholding for that we know’ (p. 204). c ‘Of whose potent inclining us to the Contemplation of Natures Wonders, it is not perhaps the inconsiderablest Instance’ (p. 200). d ‘… even God’s mutest works being capable of being said to praise him in the same sense (though in an incomparably transcendenter degree) that Solomon said of his virtuous Woman’ (p. 239). Here Wallis underlines just the ending of the first word, to emphasise it rather than the root word. e ‘… when we shall questionless glorifie God exactliest’ (p. 239). b

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& superlatives, though analogous inough: I should rather (for the most part)24 expresse by the pariphrasis of more, & most, (as in divers cases the Latins do by magis et maxime; for they do not vary all Adjectives according to the degrees of comparison; most inconsiderable instanses. incomparably more transcendent. glorify God most exactly. &c. Yet p. 2. l 7. I am ‹p. 2. l. 7›25 content you should say Lovelyest & most improving,a to avoid repeating most twice; though, if aloud, I should rather26 say most lovely. /fol. 25/ p. 59. l. 18. All equal, because all infinite.b Quære, whether that consequence will allways hold. An infinite number of men, will have more eyes, yet but infinite. Anni futuri to eternity, are in number infinite, yet the Days are more, & the Hours yet more, yet but infinite. And yesterday, or at the worlds beginning, were more future than now are. A Line supposed infinitely long, being in any point divided, each part will be infinite, yet lesse then the whole. p. 69. l. 28. depends upon the pressure of the Air,c the table of Errata, addeth against the suckers chest. which emendation I think were better spared; for it is rather the pressure of the Air upon the stagnant liquor. p. 73. end.d I am not satisfyed that the Sagacity of Foxes, Bees, &c is not Homogeneous with the like in man, (as well as sense, & local motion, digestion, &c.)27 notwithstanding what is to be sayd for the immortality of rational souls. But whether to28 call it Reason, or no; is onely lis de nomine:e Depending upon what you shal arbitrarily Desire, to be the meaning of the word. I should sooner assent to somewhat like Plato’s Anima Mundi, than to think Beasts to be meer Engines,29 not cogitant (Ingenia sine ingenio.)f For what if it should ‹be› sayd, that there were, equally originall; two substances, Matter & Soul,30 of which according to different proportions of the one & the other, & various tendencys several degrees of Animalls do arise; & upon the dissolution thereof, the component parts be variously disposed of into other concretes. /fol. 25v/

a

The will’s ‘Loveliest and most improving property is Goodnesse’ (p. 199). Perfections are ‘all of them equal, because all of them infinite’ (p. 239). c ‘…the ascension of Liquors upon Suction, rather depends upon the pressure of the Air’ (Works, vol. 3, p. 247). As Wallis notes, an erratum alters this to ‘the pressure of the Air against the Suckers Chest’. The 2nd edition reads, ‘the pressure of the Air (against the Liquors and the Suckers Chest)’, indicating that Boyle failed to follow Wallis’s advice. d ‘And the Industries of Foxes, Bees, and divers other Beasts, are such, that ’tis not much to be wondered at that those Creatures should have Reasons ascrib’d to them by divers Learned Men, who yet perhaps would be less confident, if they considered how much may be said for the Immortality of all rational Souls. And that the subtle Actings of these Beasts are determined to some few Particulars requisite for their own Preservation, or to betray their want of Reason, and by their Voice and Gestures seem to express nothing, but the Natural Passions, and not any Rational or Logical Conceptions’ (p. 250). e ‘a quarrel over words’. f ‘Engines without their own cleverness’, Plato, Timaeus, 34B–37C. b

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p. 75. l. 13. Meteora,a I find translated p. 121. Meteors: I should rather have rendered Sublime Bodies; for the Greek word is wont to be so used; (though the English bee not;) & it is here evidently meant of the Stars, & Sun, moon, &c. which we are not wont in English to call meteors. part. 2. p. 32. l. 10. putrification,b read petrification. part. 2. p. 114. An Instrument for weighing liquors.c Monsieur Monconits shewed us at Oxford a very ingenious one; I suppose you saw it at London.d p. 151. Spirit of Soot.e A good Chymist & practitioner of my acquaintance, commends it as an excellent specifick in a Pleurisy, upon his own experience; & he says he knows none better. p. 152. Stone-horse dung,f I have heard commended as a specifick in a Pleurisy; & used with successe. p. 153. l. 9. Ancient,g I find corrected in the Errata, Antient: yet, of the two, I should prefer the former spelling. For I suppose it comes from31 Antiquus or Anticus (in the same forme as Posticus,) whence allso our English word Antick (for odde kind of shapes & gestures,) And as from Physicus, Physicien, &c (for so the French form their32 termination from the Latine Cus,) so from Anticus, Anticien, (so that the last t might be spared,) thence Ant’cien, & (by a further Syncope of t before another consonant) Ancien, rather than Antien, or Antient. And upon the same account I choose to write Physician, Mathematician, &c. rather than -tian. p. 155. millipedes;h I have been told (by one who knew her) were33 much used & with good successe, ‹by an old Woman› for her eye indangered by Catarracts.i p. 336. et alibi. Scent. Scituate.j Why not Sent, Situate? For that comes from Sentio; this, from Situs. /fol. 26/ a Boyle quotes from Epicurus’s letter to Herodotus as found in Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers: ‘Quod ad Meteora attinet existimari non oportet, aut motum, aut conversationem, aut Ecclipsin, aut ortum occasumve, aut alia huiuscemodi ideo fieri quod fit Praefectus aliquis, qui sic disponat, disposueritve ac simul beatitudinem immortalitatemque possideat’ (p. 251). This is translated on p. 121ff as: ‘As to the Meteors, you ought not to believe that there is either Motion, or Change, or Ecclipse, or the rise or setting of them, because of any superior President, which doth, or hath so disposed of it, and himself possesses all the while Happiness and Immortal Life’ (p. 282). b ‘… those putrefactions out of the bodies of men, which we elsewhere mention’d’ (p. 314). c This exact phrase is not found on p. 114 in Part 2; Boyle does however discuss ‘a small slight Instrument’ that was designed for measuring the specific gravities of liquids (p. 362). d For Balthasar de Monconys see above, p. 83n. e Some medicines ‘have the Spirit of Soot for their principal Ingredient’ (p. 384). f ‘… the Juice of Horse-dung, especially of Stone-horses’ (p. 385). g The uncorrected text reads, ‘That I knew ancient Gentlewoman’, which is corrected by an erratum to read, ‘… an antient …’, adding a necessary article (p. 385). Wallis takes this erratum too literally, seeing it as a point about the spelling of the word rather than the provision of the article. h This refers to the end of ch. V in Part II, Essay V, where Boyle devotes three paragraphs to a discussion of the value of millipedes for treating cataracts and fistulas (pp. 386–8). i The identity of this woman has not been established. j Boyle used the word ‘Scent’ at the end of a sentence on p. 336 in his Appendix (Works, vol. 3, p. 500). The word ‘Scituate’ has not been found.

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p. 382. Spirit & Salt of Soot, & of kin to those of Harts horn & Urine.a The Chymist I mentioned above; give mee this difference (amongst others) observed in his practise; between Spirit of Soot, & another Arcanum of his which I have reason to think neerer of kin to that of Harts-horn, though he assures mee it is not the same: That of Soot he finds excellent in Pleurisies, but will not at all fix an Epileptick fitt: in which his other (though perhaps not so good at pleurisies) is extremely successeful. And from my own experience of it (who have commonly some of it by mee) I have to divers given of it in such fitts (whom it hath never failed, ‹at lest› after twice or thrice taking, to cure) but at another time (not having of it) I gave spirit of soot, which had no successe. p. 174. Your mention here, of Malleable Glasse, makes mee here mention what I meant to have put by itself. One, now with mee (but no Chymist) tells mee a story (how probable34 I cannot say) that an Apothecary about six weekes ‹agoe› carrying (I think, to a patient) in his pocket (where it was for 24 hours together) a Medicine, or what else, which he says to be prima solutio Turbeth Mineralis; when he went to take it out of his pocket, found the Glasse soft & flexible into any form.b /fol. 26v/ p. 177. I suppose I need not tell you that Distillers of Strong Water in London, do it with Sea-coal uncharred.c p. 178. Iron & Steel (I am told at least) if but put into a coach-mans box, rusty,35 will (with the moving of the Coach) in a few days become very bright.d p. 285. Corall ----- to sower humours in mans Body.e I have been apt to think, that Magisteryes of Coral & Perl used in Convulsions of little children (&, may be, the like of Ungula Alcis &c) may do the good it doth, onely by being a prey for such sowr humours to fall upon, &, ‹as› by precipitation, disarm them. After this (though not to the present purpose) I shall tell you of an Observation I made. About a year since, turning an Armillary Sphere, I chanced to pinch,36 (between two of the heavy brasse circles,) the fore-finger of my right hand very sorely about the midle space between the two uppermost joints; Which having37 extricated leasurely, by turning back the movable circles, (for had I offered to snatch my finger away, as people are apt38 hastyly to do on a suddain pain, I had hurt it worse, than39 by induring the pressure for about a quarter of a minute;) a ‘… if we may judge of the Vertues of the Spirit and Salt of Soot (which I am wont to make without addition) by their sensible Qualities: they must be much of kin to those of the Spirit of Hartshorn, and of Urine; (though these be animall Substances.)’ (p. 527). b The source of Wallis’s story has not been identified. c Wallis refers to Boyle’s discussion of the economic advantages of using charred ‘pit-Coale’ and ‘Sea-Coale’ instead of ‘Char-Coale’ for sustaining fires (pp. 399–400). d On the page cited, Boyle notes that considerable heat is generated by rubbing iron and steel together (p. 400). Wallis notes that pieces of those two metals, when placed inside a box and carried on a coach, would remove the rust from them by friction. e Coral ‘has been observ’d to do to Sower Humours abounding in Humane Bodies’ (p. 468).

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pulling of my glove, I found, on the back side of the finger, (for the in-side was more defended with flesh, & met with a blunter edge,) the sharp edge of the brasse, had, without breaking the skin, made a dint as deep as the bone would suffer it, (&, I suppose, had bruised the bone itself,)40 as if a notch had been cut in a stick; & did not suddenly fill up. I applyed to it, as soon as I could get home, a plaister (as I remember) of Paracelsus: /fol. 27/ And continued it on for some weeks. For, though the pain were much sooner over, (saving41 a dull aking about the bone;) yet, a numnesse continuing, I thot it necessary to preserve it from the outward air. This numnesse (which is the thing for which I mention it,) though principally at the place pressed, did extend itself through the nail & so to the fingers end, especially on that side of the fore-finger against which my pen leaneth, though the hurt were rather on the other side, where the knuckle of the middle finger beares against it. The bone though not ‹quite› ridde of the pain for a month or more: the Numnesse continued much longer. But I observed it leasurable to shift forward from the place hurt toward the fingers end, over the joint & so towards the naile; (& over that42 in the pulp of the finger where the pen lyes, moved thither allso;) when it was come as high as the nail, (whereby the nail & parts immediately covered by it were in a manner wholly senselesse,) it still moved43 on-wards, & till it came by little & little to be pared away with the nail. Which slow journey it was at least half a year in dispatching, I think I may say 3 quarters; or rather that there is somw little symptome of numnesse about the edge of the nail even yet remaining. (You will excuse mee for being so teadious in relating circumstances, some of which might perhaps bee spared; because an errour on that hand you are wont to account lesse blamable than on the other hand an errour of omission.) If you ask, what I gather from this Observation; Perhaps not much: but yourself possibly may more. The /fol. 27v/ Numnesse, I presume, was from the pressure of some Nerves, or Tendons, or both. Whether the promoting of it to that part of the nail where it is pared off, were44 a thrusting forward of some hurt matter in those Nerves or Tendons; or of those nerves or Tendons themselves; I cannot determine. Because I am not yet clear what that substance is whereof the Nail is made; But it seemes to be a protrusion or succrescence of tendonous matter grown hard & callous, in the room of which succeeds new & fresh made: so that the very substance of what was before deeper in the finger, seems to be thrust forth & pared off45 at the fingers end. And the benummed matter being there quitted, the next succescent, is clear of it. Whether hurts further off, as in the Arm or higher, (& the like of the leg or thigh) will be thus protruded ad extrema, as to the Nails of the Fingers, or Toes; may be yet of further inquiry. And, whether the Gout, & some such diseases, may not be occasioned by the impediting of some such protrusions. The rather because in the Nodosa podagra, ’tis sayd that at joints (where such protrusions are aptest to be hindred) hard chalky matter doth oft break forth; which had it kept on its 118

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES

to BOYLE, 18 Sept. 1663

course till it had been pared off with the Nail, had been inoffensive. But I forget myself, in tyring you beyond measure: Having at first intended, onely in half a dozen lines, to set down what I had observed to happen; & leave it to your thoughts.

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLAND to BOYLE 18 September 1663 From the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 3 September 1663, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1659– 1701), fols 44–5. Previously printed from the Plymouth copy of the minutes in Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 292–5, with which the Hartford text has been collated and significant differences noted. Also printed in Hazard, Historical Collections (above, p. 19), ii, 472–6.

Right Honourable ‹Yours› of the 9th Aprill 1663 wee have receiveda wherby we understand the great care and readynesse you have to advance the propogation of the Gospell amongst the poore Natives here, a worke truely honourable and acceptable to God and all good Christians, an increase whereof as we earnestly desire & hope for, soe it shal be our Studious indeavour, to promote according to the power & oppertunitie put into our hands, your honours accepting our Bill of £500 and sending over a farther supply of £100 in peices of eight we humbly acknowledge and have Improved the said peices to the utmost we could the produce wherof by minting or otherwise in our Money is £117 00s 07d by which your honour may see what advance may be made to the Stock, by sending over such peices[;] upon this occasion we have had some farther discourse with Mr. Usher, who hath formerly been imployed to receive the monyes there & pay the Saleryes, here alowing 6 per Cent for what he payes in money, & what he payes in goods at 3d per shilling profitt: as it cost in England,b which generally chosen being much better then our money, & esteemed by those that receive it as good as payment in England considering the freight venture & other charges, as to the taking up of Moneyes here in case of a

For this letter see Boyle to Commissioners, 9 Apr. 1663, above, pp. 72–6. This is a reference to Hezekiah Usher (1615–76), Boston bookseller and merchant who acted as agent for the New England Commissioners; see Franklin, Boston Printers (above, p. 46), pp. 473–6. b

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want we feare it will be difficult & inconvenient, for though sometimes there is such allowance given as you mention, yet it is not alwayes to be had, but many times the exchange is upon even termes, besides there will be a necessity in that waye to have some agent or officer to receive pay & keep accompts who must have some allowance for the same which will lessen the Advance, & not give so good satisfaction, as the former way hath done, then they might goe into a large Warehouse and furnish1 themselves with what they want at least 3d per shilling cheaper then they could buy it in any shop with ready money, we have therfore drawn Mr. Usher to be willing to allow Twelve per Cent advance for what he shal receive in England & keep the account gratice which we conceive will advance the stock as much as sending money, the Adventure, freight &c Considered /fol. 44v/ We are very desirous thereof (if it may stand with your honours pleasure) for the satisfaction of others, & preventing our owne trouble of making perticular payments & keeping accounts which we cannot with any Convenience attend Living dispersed in the country and Seldome meeting togther above once in a Yeare, thus haveing been humbly bold to present our own thoughts herein we leave the determination therof to your honours pleasure: we were much affected to hear of so great a losse like to befall2 Your Stock, but some lettars from private freinds of a Latter date, gives us hope that it is since recoverd, for which wee rejoyce & are thankfull, Wee shall be ready to attend Your honours advice as to the particular abatements propounded in your Letter for the future, so farr as may be expedient, but the sallaries & charges for them all (except Mrs Mayhew) is due at this3 time by Agreement for the year past, & soe must necessarily be allowed, we are much solicited by Cordiall freinds to this worke, to continue that smale alowance to Mrs Mayhew, her husband being the first, or one of the first, whose heart God4 stired up effectually to labour In this work, & that severall years of his owne Charges without any recompence for the same, & ‹one› whome God made Instrumentall for the spirituall Good of 5 many poer Natives of Martins vinyard,a we have therefore for this year past thought it most expedient (least it should be a discouragement to others as well over grevious to her selfe, yet remaining a poer & desolate widowe with six children) doe allow her six pound as formerly; but shall let her know shee must expect noe more either for her selfe or sonne, without your Honours farther order,b sometime after our last letter Marmaduke Johnson returned to the presse & hath carryed himselfe Indifferently well since so farre as we knowe, But the Bible Being Finished, & litle other worke presenting, we dismissed him, at the end of the Tearme we6 Contracted with him for, but understanding the Honourable Corporation hath agreed with him for another yeare, we shall endeavour to Imploye him7 a

i.e., Martha’s Vineyard. For Jane Mayhew see above, p. 74n. Her eldest son Matthew was being educated at the expense of the company, see above, p. 74n. b

120

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES

to BOYLE, 18 Sept. 1663

another year, as well as we can by printing the psalmes, & another little Treatise of Mr. Baxters, which Mr. Eliott is Translateing out into the Indian language, & is thought it may be very usefull & proffitable to the pore Natives,8a & yet there will not be full Imployement for him,9 for after times our own printer will be sufficiently able to print up any other worke that will be necessary for their use, soe that at the years end he may be dismised or sooner If he shall desire it, & If there be occation ‹farther› to Imploye him, it were much Better to contract with him hear to print By the sheete then10 to alowe him a yearly sallery, we are forced upon his earnest request, to let him have five pounds in part of his wages to supply his present necessities which must be defaulcated there by your Honours with his Brother,b This his last year By agreement with him Begineth the Twentieth of August last11 from the end of his former Contract till that time he was out of this Imployement, & followeing his own occations; The Instruments Imployed in this great worke are Continued & Improve theire laboure therein except Mr. Tompson who hath deserted the worke, & so his salary abated,c /fol. 45/wee are much sollicited by some to augment their allowance, but upon your Honours advertisement have forborne to doe any thing therein12 Wee have spoken with Mr. Eliott & others Concerning Captaine Gookins Imployement amongst the Indians In Governing of them in severall plantations ordering their Towne affayres, which they are not able to doe of themselves,d takeing account of theire laboures, expence of theire13 time, & how their children proffitt in learning, with many things of like nature, & finde it to be of much use & Benifit to them, and therefore could not but desire him to goe on in that worke, and have ordered fifteen pounds to bee payd towards his expencess for the yeare past, We are Informed By Mr. Eliot & others that there is an hopefull progression of this worke in severall partes of the Countrey, The Two students at Cambridge14 follow there study dilligently, & are Good proficients therein, & five other hopefull youths at the Inferioure schooles which are all that are mayntained out of the stocke, John Stanton & Mathew Mayhue Being according to your Honours advice discharged; the accounts of the last years disbursments we have herewith sent,e By which your Honours may see what hath Bene payd out & what is remayneing, which possible [sic] may defray most of the charges for the payments of the a This is a reference to Richard Baxter (1615–91), Presbyterian divine and author of A Call to the Unconverted (1658). Eliot asked Baxter for permission to translate it in July 1663, which he duly gave. Eliot had finished the translation by Dec. and it was printed in the following year, despite some misgivings in the company about propagating the work of a prominent dissenter; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 134–5. b For Thomas Johnson see above, p. 75n. c For William Thompson see above, p. 57n. d For John Eliot see above, p. 21c, and for Daniel Gookin see above, p. 74n. e For John Stanton see above, p. 74n. The two Cambridge students were presumably Caleb Cheeshahteaumauk and Joel Iacoomes, for whom see above, p. 45n.

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ensueing yeare, yet findeing it to be great encouragement to those that are imployed, & such as are to receive payment for dyate cloathing &c. To know15 where they may receive it here, not only for the present supply, But for the future allsoe, we have therfore made Bold to charge Bills of Exchange for Fower Hundred pownds, yet soe as it shall be noe damage if16 (notwithstanding what we have Intimated) your Honours shall please to Transmitt it some other wayes, But less then that summe with what is in hand will17 not defraye all charges, till another supply can be had from England Wee have ordered Mr. Usher to present your Honours ‹by the next ships› with Twentie Coppyes of the Bible, and as many of the psalmes, If Printed off before the Shipps Departure hence,a Craveing pardon for giveing your Honours this trouble we shall Humbly take leave, Comitting your selfe, & that Honourable Society Into the armes of his mercy whose Faythfullness is engaged to reward your labour of Love to those his other sheep In this vast & remote wildernesse which is the earnest prayer of (Right Honourable) your ‹most› Humble Servants the Commissioners of the United Colonies New England; John Winthropeb John Tallcottd Willam Leetef Benj: Fennh

Symon Bradstreetc President Tho: Danforthe Tho: Princeg Josi:Winslowei

a Boyle presented a copy of Eliot’s Algonquian translation of the Bible to Charles II on 21 Apr. 1664. See below, p. 267. b For John Winthrop see above, p. 31n. c Simon Bradstreet (1603–97), Assistant of Massachusetts 1629–78. d John Talkott or Talcott (d. 1688), Assistant for Connecticut in the 1660s and 1670s and often elected Commissioner for the United Colonies. See D. L. Jacobus, List of Officials, Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical of Connecticut Colony from March 1636 through 11 October 1677 and of New Haven Colony throughout its Separate Existence (New Haven, 1935), p. 54. e Thomas Danforth (1623–99), Assistant of Massachusetts 1659–79. f William Leet (1613–83), Governor of New Haven 1661–4. g Thomas Prence (1600–73), Governor of Plymouth 1634–5, 1638–9 and 1657–73; see J. W. Raimo, Biographical Directory of American Colonial and Revolutionary Governors, 1607–1789 (Westport, Conn., 1980), pp. 358–9. h Benjamin Fenn (d. 1672), Assistant of New Haven 1645–65 and of Connecticut 1665–72, Commissioners for New Haven for 1663. See Jacobus, List of Officials, pp. 17–18. i Josias Winslow (c. 1629–80), Assistant of New Plymouth 1657–73, Commissioner for the United Colonies 1658–72.

122

ACCOUNT

attached to COMMISSIONERS to BOYLE, 18 Sept. 1663

These For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esquire Governor of the Corporation for the propagateing of / The gospell in New England London

ACCOUNT ATTACHED TO PRECEDING LETTER

3 September 1663

From the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 3 September 1663, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1659– 1701), fols 48v–9. Previously printed from the Plymouth copy of the minutes in D. Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 296–7, with which the Hartford text has been collated and significant differences noted.

Boston in New England September 3d 1663: The Indian Stock in the dispose of the Honourable Corporation is Debtor: Imprimis To Sundry disbursments In full for printing the Bible Bookes for the Indians Scholers Tuterege of Two Indian Students, as by severall Bills of particulers £140 To the Dieat & cloathing of Two Indian studients at the Colledg & for three others at the grammer schole In Cambridge, & for cloathing & dyate for Mat: Mayhue with some other disbursments for the year past as By account of Perticulers 094 To the Dieat1 Cloathing & schooleing of Two Indians with Mr Wells of Roxbury for one year past 030 To the Gramer Schole at Mr Corbetsc In Cambrige for three Indians & Mahue 011 To2 John Stanton for one yeare past To Mr John Eliott senior his salery for the year past To his Interpreter Job & 3 scholemasters3 John Magus &c a

For Matthew Mayhew see above, p. 74n. For Daniel Weld see above, p. 47n. c For Elijah Corlet see above, p. 45n. d For John Stanton see above, p. 47n. e For John Eliot see above, p. 21n. f For Job Nesutan see above, p. 48n. b

123

25 50 40

12s 6d

00

6a

00 00b 00 00 /fol. 49/ 00 00d 00 00e 00 00f

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To Mr John Eliot Junior To Mr Tho: Mayhue at the Vinyard4 To eight Indian Teachers & scholemasters on the Vinyard To Mr Borne of Sandwidge in Plimouth Jurisdiction his salary To Two scholemasters Imployed in those partes Charles ‹and William› To Mr Peirson his salary for the year past To Captain Gookins for his paines & expences in Governing the Indians in severall plantations To Mrs Mayhue Widow of the Vinyard To Mr James of East Hampton his salery To Capt: Georg Denison for Governing & ordering the affayres of severall Companies in the pequit Country5 To the Laying out & Bounding five Indian Townes6 To Marmaduke Johnson in part of his wages for the year now entered on & to be abatted by you in your payment to his Brother

00a 00b 00 00c

25 30 30 25

00 00 00 00

06 30

10 00d 00 00e

15 06 20

00 00f 00 00g 00 00h

05 10

00 00i 00 00

05 – 00 – 00j 598 – 03 – 00

Bostown September 19th : 63: Bills of exchange were drawn upon the corporation for payement of £400 to Mr John Harwood for the use of Mr Usher as followeth At Twenty dayes sight (after the first of march next) of this our third Bill of Exchange, our first or second of the same date & Tenour not Being payd,k We pray you paye to Mr John Harwood Merchant or his order for the use of Mr Hezekiah Usher of Bostoun7 merchant the summ of £400 Which is for the like summe to be received of the said Hezekiah Usher here according to agreement made with him By the Commisioners of the United Colonies of Newengland, & it is for defraying of necessary disbursments, for propagating the gospel among the Natives here, at the day we pray make Good payment a

For John Eliot jr see above, p. 47n. For Thomas Mayhew see above, p. 45n. c For Richard Bourn see above, p. 48n. d These schoolmasters have not been traced. e For Abraham Pierson see above, p. 47n. f For Daniel Gookin see above, p. 74n. g For Jane Mayhew see above, p. 74n. h For Thomas James see above, p. 48n. i For George Denison see above, p. 48n. j For Marmaduke Johnson see above, p. 46n. k For John Harwood and Hezekiah Usher see above, p. 49n. and p. 119n. b

124

BEALE

to BOYLE, 28 Sept. 1663

Sir; Your loveing freinds & servants the Commisioners of the united Colonies in Newengland. To our much Honoured freind Mr Henry Ashurst Treasurer of the Honourable Corporation, for the propagation of the Gospell in Newengland;a The Corporation is Per Contra Creditor Imprimis By the Ballance of the last account Septem: 1662: By soe much paid to Mr Usher in 62 By produce of 433 peices of eight8 £31 – Ten ounces

£485 500 117 1102

15s 00 00 16

9d 00 079 4

Creditor 1102 – 16 – 4 Debtor 0598 – 3 – 0 rests 504 – 13 – 4 & remaynes in Mr Ushers hand John Winthrope John Tallcott Wm Leete Benj: Fenn

Symon Bradstreet Presedent Tho: Danforth Tho: Prince Josi: Winsloweb

BEALE to BOYLE

28 September 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 101, pp. 15–18. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 425–6 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 329–30.

Honourable Sir I have in my heart an ambitious desire to render you some acknowledgements of your favors: but I have no language for it; & am under many restraints, which seeme to forbid it. For if I should expresse my apprehensions, I should not gratify, but rather afflict your countenance, & mine owne alsoe. And though wee may & ought to make the largest of our offerings to God for his wondrfull workes, yet I am not certaine, That wee ‹may› give due applause in the same fullnes to any Mortall; But that wee should much rather blesse God for the Guifts which hee hath given to Men; & make a right use of such blessings, as He comunicates by humane a b

For Henry Ashurst see above, p. 20n. For these signatories see above, p. 122n.

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aydes, for our selves, neighbours & posterity. Sir, In your behalfe I praise God, Who taught you in your childhood to offer to him the best of Sacrifices, far better than innumerable Hecatombs; & then for putting it into your Hearte to aske for the wisdome Which Hee was pleased to grant to you; And then for enabling you in the first blossoming of your Youth to instruct the wisest How they allso may offer a like acceptable offering to the father of all Wisedome; & in a factious age to direct all dissenters to the most reasonable Leitourgy. And nowe you have exemplifyed1 to the Liveing & to all posterity, Howe they may receive from Heaven into one Center, &, Communicate to each other, all the oblieging beames of Nature, Grace & Arte: And Howe wee may heale our animosityes, verball quarrells, divisions, & distinctions by freely tasting of the pure fountaine of all good, & by freely distributing what wee have freely received: That ‹wee› neyther2 divide the Author of all Graces from the [Author] of all good Artes & naturall operations, nor divide ourselves about [fruit]lesse Verbosityes. But withall Sir, you cannot forbid mee to be much raysed in my hearte to find such Universall obliegings to condescend to particular & personall favors towards mee. Yet I see I can doe no better than some devoute Cowards, Who say That their prayers gave good assistance for the Victory, which was gotten by other mens valiant atchievements. Being thus far at a losse (till I was better directed by a surprising Kindnesse from you on Saturday) My best & intended designe of gratefulnesse, was not unlike a poore mans shift in Cambrige who finding himselfe unable to pay Dr Winterton for his Medicall Care of him in his sicknesse, bestowed by Legacy his body on the Dr for the best payment He could make:a And our later experience (from Lord Bacons advertisements) confirming, That the Anatome of the living is more /p. 16/ instructive than of the dead, I began to make haste, Whilst I drewe breath, to give you the best & fullest inspection, that could be devised, of my most reserved physiognomy.b And truely I thinke that kind of Medicall ayde is somewhat wanting. For if persons, that have ran many hazzards of life by various diseases or sickly complexions, should shewe their abilityes herein, as faythfully as I was willing to shewe my affections, This would sometimes explaine some of the causes, Why many medicines prove soe fickle, & would discover many specificall Medicines, which are not yet vulgarly knowne; especially, if arrivd to my yeares, Which are ripened under the proverbiall dilemma of a Physician, or a foole. Being allso many times brought to the Elysian borders by Consumptions, that affrighted the Doctors;c & sometimes by unsatiable Fevers and chronicall Inflamations for a Beale refers to Ralph Winterton (1600–36), physician. Winterton was a fellow of Beale’s college, King’s, at Cambridge in 1620. b This is a reference to Francis Bacon, The Advancement of Learning (1605). c In Greek mythology, the ‘Elysian fields’ were the home of the blessed after death. We have not located the proverb to which Beale refers.

126

BEALE

to BOYLE, 28 Sept. 1663

many yeares together, becoming a fit Engine, on which (as on your pneumaticall glasse) you might receive an answere to all your demands, & see visibly the difference of all Waters, drinks, dietes, And remarke all correspondency of parts, How by outward applications to operate on the Entrayles; Howe by inward reliefes to allay outward griefes. And I beleeve you would accept of this service, if it were offerd by a more happy hand, as from some acute persone, whose spirit held a more intelligent correspondence with the more elementary parts of his body throughout. And truely this was in my thoughts, when I comunicated studyes with our most ingenious Vertuosi Mr E Waller at Beconsfield; When He had a full family of Wife, Himselfe, his Mother Mrs Tomkins, & his other sister, his Niece Crooke (nowe the Lady Speke) All complaining against the winds of the spleene; yet most of them surviving to confirme my paradoxe, That a Venice glasse by such assiduous & carefull preservation may last as long as a strong Mazor chalice.a And I have ofttimes observed athletic & sturdy persons, by a puffe of furious ayre, blasty vapour, or poysonous fog, & a distemper thereby willfully acquired, & obstinately neglected, sent hastily to their graves, Whilst others (far more faynt, & feeble,) have taken the first touch, as a seasonable advertisement for their escape, or cure. But this argute imployment were fitter for the happy pen of your acute neighbor Mr Waller, then for my dullnesse. Sir, I feare I have tyred you allready, before I have made answere to your commands. And nowe I can only promise to give you a weekely trouble with some of the rudest rudera, Which, in the best of my hopes /p. 17/ may possibly some of them serve in that Sylva of promiscuous Experiments,b Upon which you may discharge such of your papers & informations, as are impertinent, or supernumerary for your other arguments in hand. And tis allmost necessary, That such a Worke should be rejoyned to your Physiologicall Essayes which were abroad by Herringman, 1661.c And I have a sollicitousnes, That Daniel, (who is both a Londoner & Cantabrigian) should receive some of your commands for the publique.d His a

Beale here alludes to vessel glass made in Venice, particularly on the island of Murano, where they produced a very fine and delicate kind of glass. His reference to a ‘mazer chalice’ is to a drinking vessel made of hard ‘mazer’ wood, traditionally maple, often richly carved and used for liturgical purposes. For Edmund Waller see above, p. 99n. Beale’s friendship with Waller probably stemmed from his years at Eton. Waller’s 2nd wife was Mary Bracey (his 1st wife died in childbirth in 1634). His mother was Anne, his sisters were Mary and Cecilia who was married to Nathaniel Tomkins. Waller’s father died when Edmund was ten years old. Waller’s niece, Lady Speke, has not been traced. Beale himself was related to the wealthy family of the Speke’s through the marriage of the daughter of Sir Robert Pye to Sir George Speke. b rudera, ‘rubbish’; sylva, lit., ‘forest’, here used figuratively, to signify an abundance, by allusion to Francis Bacon’s collection of natural history, his Sylva sylvarum (1627). c Beale refers to Boyle’s Certain Physiological Essays (1661), for which see Works, vol. 2, p. 3ff, and to Henry Herringman, London bookseller. d Roger Daniel was a printer and bookseller in London and Cambridge who printed Beale’s Herefordshire Orchards in 1657.

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character is very fayre; And it somewhat pertaineth to the advance of politicall conduct. For there you have a fayre regiment of Disciples. And, though Oxford bee your Right Hand, yet why should not ‹you› use your both hands in such a noble worke? Sir I doe heartily wish you very much Happines, but not much reste from thiese your Troubles, thiese halfe hunderd yeares. Sir your most entire, & truely faythfull servant JB Of Mnemonicalls I must give you a fuller accompt, When you can be at more leysure From Yeavill Somersets. Sept 28. 63. For the Honorable & my most / honoured friend Robert Boyle Esqr / with my most humble service.

Seal: Seal missing but there is a seal-shaped repair to paper; possible traces of wax or glue. Endorsed by Miles ‘Sept. 28 166( )’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. III’.

[BEALE] to [BOYLE]

29 September 1663

From the holograph original in Early Letters OB 102, pp. 19–30. Fol/ 2+1+1+2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 426–32 and Birch (ed.) Works (1772), vi, 330–9.

Τα΄ Μνηµονικα΄a

Sept. 29. 1663

Sir Obedience is better than sacrifices the best that my poore fold can yield. Therefore my first reguard is to your commands. You require Animadversions, Supplements, & chiefely Mnemonicalls. I begin with the laste.b Tis a very Trifle, as if it were to make pins, & to place them in rowes, or to wyer chards for the cloathiers. Which without the right Art is an ugly hard worke, And the Art it selfe is but a slight & contemptible devise a b

‘The Mnemonics’. Beale evidently refers to a letter from Boyle that is now lost.

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If you shall please to examine What Aristotle, Cicero, Quintilian, & Aquinas have written with greate Wit & Diligence recomending the Arte, & specifying all the parts of it, you will find it consiste of as fewe & simple elements, as does the Turkish Music:a Two strings, or three at most: Two notes or three in all. Ordinem esse maxime qui Memoriæ lumen afferret, sayth Cicero from his owne experience, & upon the Authority of Simonides:1b Itaque iis qui hanc partem ingeii exercerent locos esse capiendos et ea quæ memoria tenere vellent, effingenda animo, atque in his locis collocanda; Sic fore ut ordinem rerum locorum ordo conservaret, res autem ipsas rerum effigies notaret, atque ut locis pro cerâ, simulachris pro literis uteremur.c Thiese fewe being all the parts, & thiese being soe argutely illustrated by those foure forenamed Leading Wits, soe fully & most elaborately by Quintilian, There remaines nothing for any sober man to Undertake; Only the practise is our part & Dutye, & that is indeed the Summ Totall. And Truely in my childehood I found, That all the Art was a kind of clocke worke, or wheele engine, as Aristotle describes it.d The joyning of Spring, Wheeles, & other parts of the Watch in such coherence That by the touch of any parte The whole & every part may be put in motion, & yet all in order. And by reading Ovids Metamorphoses, & such slight Romances as The Destruction of Troy, & other discourses & historyes, which were then obvious, I had learnt a promptnes of knitting all my reading & studyes on an everlasting string.e The same practise I continued upon Theologues, Logicians, & such philosophers, as those times yielded. For some yeares before I came to Eton, I did (in secrete corners, conceald from others eyes) read Melanchthons Logiques, Magyrus his Physica, Ursins Theologica which was the best I could then heare of.f And (at first a

For Aristotle, Cicero, Quintilian and Aquinas see above, p. 69n. The story of how the poet Simonides (c. 556–468 BC) invented the art of memory is told by Cicero in De oratore, II. lxxxvi. 352–3. ‘the best aid to clearness of memory consists in orderly arrangement’. c ‘He inferred that persons desiring to train this faculty must select localities and form mental images of the facts they wish to remember and store those images in the localities, with the result that the arrangement of the localities will preserve the order of the facts, and the images of the facts will designate the facts themselves, and we shall employ the localities and images respectively as a wax writing tablet and the letters written on it.’ Cicero, De oratore, II. lxxxvi. 353. d Beale evidently refers to some of Aristotle’s ideas on memory. e Beale alludes to Ovid (43 BC–AD17 or 18), Roman poet and author of the Metamorphoses, and Virgil (70 BC–AD19), Roman poet. The story of the fall of Troy was extracted from the 2nd book of The Aeneid and published in Latin and English as The Destruction of Troy, or the Acts of Aeneas in 1620. f Beale was at Eton College from 1622–7. Beale’s reference to his school days shows how he supplemented the traditional curriculum by reading the works of such moderate reformers as Philipp Melanchthon (1497–1560) German educationalist, philosopher and author of Compendiaria dialectices ratio (1520), and Zacharias Ursinus (1534–83), reformed theologian, author of Volumen tractationum theologicarum (1584). The Physiologiae peripeteticae libri sex, cum commentariis (1611) of Joannes Magirus (c. 1560–96), German Lutheran philosopher and physician, went through four editions between 1611 and 1642. b

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reading) by hearte I learnt them, too perfectly, as I nowe conceive.2 Afterwards in Cambrige proceeding in the same order, & diligence with their Logicians, philosohers, & Schoolemen, I could at last learne them by hearte faster than I could read them:a I meane, by the swiftest glance of the eye without the Tediousnesse3 of pronounceing or articulation what I read. Thus I oft times saved my purse by turning[?]4 over bookes in Stationers shops: And good reason /p. 20/ when I grew to the Maturity of discerning, That much more was published under greate Names, & high pretences, than was fit to be recorded. Constantly I repeated in my bed (Evening & Morning) what I reade & heard,5 that ‹was› worthy to be remembered. And by this Habitude & Promptnes of Memory I was enabled, That when I read to the students of Kings College Cambridge, (which I did for 2 years togethr in all sorts of the current philosophy) I could provide my selfe without notes (by meere Meditation, or by glancing upon some booke) in lesse time than I spent in uttering it: yet they6 were then a Criticall Auditory, Whilst Mr Bust was Schoolemaster of Eton.b This was noe more paynes then to empty the honey into the Combs, which are prepared ready. And to him, That considereth Howe every perfect reader devoures the whole periode in a moment, before hee can pronounce the first syllable with true emphases, It wilbe no strange or incredible matter, That one should string up any discourse, & sort it to knowne Topiques, and provide appendent Topiques for Noveltyes with an undisturbed dispatch.c In thiese beginnings I accusd my Memory as much as any man, as defective for strange Names, Words, Alphabets & languages not fully undrstood; but observeing howe in the Prints of those dayes The Names were printed in a bright Romane printe (all over the pages liquidly distinguished from the blac English print) I reviewed them ‹a parte›7 & learning ‹them› in order, made such as I had learned a kind of Topiques to assiste me in the learning of the reste, & made them, & the paragraffes The handles on which I did hang the particular branches of the storye. Thus by the Alphabet consisting of fewe Elements, & those having their compartitions or rests upon the Vowels8 (The leading letters linking9 their formations into syllables, as they fell out to be one, two, or more ‹syllables›) I found a regular ayde, which aftrwards would indifferently serve for the further acquest of any Words, Names, or strange language; & the Spirite delighting in order, relations, parallells, similitudes, & Noveltyes, I did dayly learne the Names of places, persons, or things, soe as to annexe them allwayes to some former Impresse; which renewed the former impression, & secured the newe; And thus, by impressing The a In July 1629 Beale matriculated at King’s College Cambridge. Beale lectured in his capacity as tutor and fellow following the award of his BA in 1633. b This is a reference to Matthew Bust, headmaster of Eton from 1611 to 1630. c Aristotelian in origin, ‘topics’ are places or marks to which to attach subject matter for the purposes of memorisation.

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Parcæ, Cyclops, Furyes, Charites, Muses, Sibyllæ &c Their names, Significations, Order, & Number; One fastend another, & gave encouragement ‹for› the like promptnes in other like matters.a Of thiese, & other Mnemonicall Matters, I gave some accompt by way of long letters & essayes to Mr Hartlib some yeares agoe.b 1. In some of thiese essayes I observd10 the Mistakes of some, Who blame their Memoryes without just cause. 2. In others I specifyed What easy & obvious aydes many that complaine /p. 21/ of this want may acquire: allwayes (by particulars) exemplifying the peculiar aydes & occasions by which some were eminently famous for Vaste Memoryes, & howe others became notoriously defective. 3. In some I distinguished The Art, Habitude, or promptnes of Takeing a quic & deepe Impression of Arts, Notions or Languages to retaine all firmely, from the Versatile Activity of rallying, or calling to order, & ranke, backwards or forwards, Names or Things, Whether before knowne or, unknowne at first or second hearing. To abbreviate a little of this for further illustration, I will here11 put downe a fewe of those propositions. 1.12 To the First I note That some blame their Memoryes, When they did not take care enough to give a sufficient charge to their Memoryes, nor a due depth of Impression, as when the Wiefe forgot to advertise her husband to avoyd an ambush. Had she had a due care & tendernes for her husbands life, It had wrought strong enough on her phansy to warme all the bloud about her hearte to attend her husbands safety. In many such cases The default is more from stupidity & dullnes or carelessnes, then from Want of Memory. 2. Some comit the Trust to outward & false aydes that are ‹Irrational›13 & cannot move, ‹rather› then to their owne spirits & imagination, which is allwayes active, stirring, & at hand. Thus the Thread tyed at the finger, or ring, may deceive, if the care of tying did not helpe the impression; & Thus Topiques & Comon places in books, & not in the braine, may make a learned Dunce. And for this cause, Men should take heede of engrossing in Table bookes what they ought to learne by hearte, except it be with purpose to take it off the Table booke into the Memory. Otherwise, They may find Plato as true as an oracle, Μεγι΄στη δε φυλακη` το` µη γρα΄φειν αλλ’ ’εκµανθανειν, ου’ γα`ρ ’εστι τα` γραφε΄ντα µη` ου’κ ’εκπεσειˆν. Fieri enim non potest quin scripta nobis excidant.c That learning is our a

Beale’s example of the mnemonic method employed mythological figures as topics. Beale’s correspondence with Hartlib is documented in Hartlib’s letters to Boyle in vol. 1. c Beale takes his quotation from Plato, Epistles, 2, 314. 44–6: ‘The greatest security is not to write but to learn; for writings must inevitably fail us’ (Beale’s Latin paraphrases the end of the Greek quotation). b

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owne, which wee carry about us, & out of the reach of fortune. He that trusts to his Table bookes, more then to the Tables of his Minde, hath tempted his phantsy to be treacherous or lazy: And is referred to his booke in the houre14 of his neede. And hence are some ‹shepheards & clownes›15 better provided of Memory, than some more promising Doctors. 3. Some excellent Wits blame their Memory, ‹When tis their nice & hotspur phantsy is in fault›.16 Let me name Mr Waller. When wee comunicated studyes at Beconsfield, He told me, That He could not truste his Memory with the Lords prayer or a Benediction for the Table, yet I then admird his prompt sagacity both for Elegancyes of Language & for depth17 of Matter.a And since those dayes the greatest Assemblyes of England have found his Haranges impregnable, & the politest Wits doe find enchantments in his poems. His Case was this, He rode on a Winged horse, Pegasus, Whose flight was soe swift & fervent in a progresse for fresh acquests (as the /p. 22/ bees on mount Hybla), That He could not endure to taske it, or to fetter it upon repetitions of knowne things.b Or it was the curiosity, delecacy, or nicenesse of his Spirite, Which did rather constraine him to Blanke his Mentall Tables, Then to leave there any records that were not choice, & singular, And this in calmer style was the Case of Dr Andrewes & other very profound persons.c And every mans Memory is soe neere of kindred to his owne Spirite, That tis generally fit & proper for the engagement of his phantsy & affections. 4. Some doe blame the ficklenes & unconstancy of their Memory. They confesse They can recover frequently, but not at call, nor in time of neede. Tis the Case of ‹a› well stored Salter or Merchant Whose wares are not placed in order, Or He seldome in his owne shoppe or Warehouses. His store confounds him, When the Fayre comes.18 Soe that Memory ‹1› bears the blame for the faults of a dull apprehension which should be awakened by Interest or concernment, or ‹2› ‹is weakened› by aliening19 the charge, & Truste, of which by oft miscarriages wee should take Warning, Or ‹3› by a hot & heady hand, Which does sometimes fire the Limbec ‹with›20 too much haste for the extract.d Or ‹4› by meere Negligence, & can never be cured but by assiduity, & diligence. Ad 2um21 To the 2d. For easy & obvious aydes. Tis the first rule, That whatever is not offered to the Memory upon very easy Termes, is not duely tenderd. For phansy is the receiver & impressor. And that is a coy & humourous faculty. It must not be surcharged with violence, or obstruction gently, gently, by degrees. a

Edmund Waller’s family home was at Beaconsfield. For Waller see above, p. 99n. Virgil’s Eclogue, I, contains a reference to the ‘ever feeding Hybla bees’. Hybla was a town in Sicily famous for its honey. c This is likely to be a reference to Lancelot Andrewes (1555–1626), Bishop of Winchester. d ‘Limbec’, i.e., alembic still. b

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2dly We should affect, & inwardly glory in the improvement of our owne Minds & lay up there evry valuable advertisement, as fitter to adorne our Insides, than Frontispices, Walls, and Paper-bookes. 3 Reasone should wayte the most acceptable seasons of disswading phantsy from the adventures of Phæton, & offer some entertainements in the moste22 pleasing reviewe.a And yet here the phantsy (to Poete, Orator, or other composers) is to be allowed much freedome & Curiosity. For He that does not love to sing, Avia Pieridum peragro loca nullius ante Trita solo, but permits his Memory to be soe stiffe, as to give us the same (Though from the best of Inspired Writers) ‹rather› then the result from his owne Alembec, his stomac is bad, & his egestions nauseous.b I meane, When hee undertakes, as a Composer & Penman. 4. Let evry man Love his owne home, & adorne his owne Sparta, & find seasons to put his owne Ware in Order, before He oppresseth himselfe with a greater burden. And by sorting his Ware in fit places, Hee may find in these Immense chambers roome, & fit places for much ‹more›23 that ‹henceforth may be› produced at Comand. And a little at ready call, in time of neede, is better than a greate deale out of reach, or unusefull. I knewe an Industrious student (his name was Deans & Combe too) He studyed Dictionaryes, & had them by Hearte, but another with a fewe hunderds of Words would have written better than Hee, both in Prose & Verse.c For Use & practise enables us to have our Wardrobe at full Comand. Evry Poete & orator finds, /p. 23/24 That when his spirite & Imagination is heated, He hath such a briske power over all his newe & old notions, & readings, Words, & Conceipts, & such variety throngs upon him (beyond his owne Expectation) That he is constraind to confesse Inspiration. To helpe Memory wee must not attempt to mend Divinity. 5. The Memory of Words, Names, & unknowne language is indeed a nicer needle-worke, & too like the primers Arte; And it sheweth, and requireth the strongest Vigour, and firmenes of a Naturall Memory, as the perception of the smallest object requireth the clearest eyesight. And When the Cells of Memory are replete with phlegme, or debilitated with age, Then we remember nothing, but long storyes; & Wee have neede of Table bookes to register the names of our freends & acquaintances. In this Case I refer to the Physician, & his elixirs, which may quicken frozen, benummed, & blunt fingers to handle small needles, & such a In mythology Phaethon was granted a wish by the sun, which was to guide the solar chariot for a day. But he was too weak to control the horses which bolted and were likely to set the world on fire until Phaethon was killed by a thunderbolt from Zeus. b Beale cites a well-known line in Lucretius, De rerum natura, from the start of book 4, also found in book 1, ‘I go through The Muses’ untravelled ways, places trod before by no man’s foot’. c This is possibly George Deane, who was at Eton between 1616 and 1624. The student by the name of Combe has not been traced.

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minute particles. Of this (Whilst nature is capeable of receiving a Remedy) I have offerd a touch ‹of supply› allready, & shall further prosecute ‹it› in the following discourse. And noe man will despayre of a fayre progresse in it, When He shall see all imaginable25 formations of syllables, & Words reducible to a fewe heades in a facile & obvious order, & in a brief modell at one viewe, ‹as in my following designe› especially when the studdes or Nayles were engrafted in our childehood, as is the Alphabet generally to all that knowe letters. And when Memory is at the worst in decay,26 We remember those younger dayes better than the last27 houre that paste. And the smallest syllable may sometimes in some language signify the bigst ‹of› creatures. And phantsy is as speedy at her worke as any spider, to tye the smallest particle to a thread long enough to make a clue28 for all the folds of any Labyrinth. And tis a greate helpe to a decaying Memory, If wee frequently reviewe our first impressions in any matter of Art, knoweledge or experience; And thiese will be the best Topiques upon which wee should ‹hang› all our later Memoranda. Tis as the rivetting & better fastning of the boxes & pegs in the shop & ‹warehouse›.29 6. Tis a greate helpe to Memory, if wee accoustome30 ourselves to search evry thing inquisitively, as if wee would find out the most immediate individuation, & all circumstances. My Mother (after 80 yeares age) was very famous for an incredible Memory.a Many would resorte to her to enquire of old matters but that was a kind of delusion, since all of us doe remember the affayres of our childehood best. Yet to mee It was very strange, That she should soe exactly31 remember all things from her Infancy. At all conferences I made secrete trialls many hunderds of times to starte up questions, Which I guesed might never be discoursed by ‹her to› others, & she would allwayes immediately (& with some pleasure to have it renewed) give me answere, as freelly & punctually, as if it /p. 24/ were then befor her eyes, allthough it seemd not to be revolvd in her Minde since her childehood, allmost I might say Infancy. But in her (& in others of extraordinary Memory) I noted Twoe32 Things. 1. She would describe every thing by persone, place, order, posture, motion; Soe as (if it related to any persone) to describe the persone by figure, stature, voice tone & dialect in any humor that might be singular or remarkable, & she did allwayes take deeper impression, & more of the character of every persone than others comonly doe. This may advertise To take in every circumstance as soe many nayles to secure the impression,33 & to make a small particle beare a bigger bulke. 2dly, I oft times observed, That her accompt was generally according to the first Information that she received, because that made an over-deepe impression. She would not easily yield to a second fame, though sometimes it might have more

a

Joanna Pye (1576–1660) was 84 years old when she died.

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of truth. And this may advertise to practise a little The Art of Oblivion, Which in due place may be more worth, than Memory. 7 And hence I arrive to this paradoxe, That some To helpe their Memoryes must begin (& make haste) to forget. He that would forme a blocke or stone into the Image of a breathing Man, must with his cheezell cutt away much off the superfluous matter. No wonder, ‹that› He cannot write legibly in such Table bookes, as are all filld with scrawlings. Let him wipe all off, & then engrosse what is fit to be recorded: & Phansy will never fayle to provide fresh Tables with alacrity. 8 And to this note I may rejoyne, That When thiese Combes are once put in order, you can never surcharge them with honey. The more wee acquire, & the more often wee visite & imploy Memory, the firmer & stronger wee find it. For example, If I began in Geography, & (aftr the rules of Longitudes & Latitudes) should remarke some fewe of the Grand partitions in Af, As,34 Eu, Am,a & the polar Islands, The more I advance in the knowledge of more provinces, & rivers, mountains &c, The more I doe fasten & settle my first rudiments by entring my newe store; For to find the fit place, The minde hath still some glance of viewe upon the whole, & particularly upon the recent supplyes. And hence by order & degrees doe some men become soe learned to the admiration, or beyond the beliefe of others; And without thus much of the Art of Memory, Noe man ever became famous or sound in any kind of Usefull Learning. And some by this Arte have become Universally learned in a far larger compasse than the old reputed Encyclopedy. Thus our Selden, Grotius, Salmasius, & other learned men by continuing their progresse secured their possessions.b And thus others Who doe nowe addict to the more oblieging & better instructive Experimentall Philosophy, Though their matter & object seeme as infinite, endlesse, & /p. 25/ immense, as all Gods workes, & all the secrete & wondrfull Curiosityes of Gods Workemanship; If they shall accustome35 to rally their studyes in any Order of Nature, Conceipt, or received Methode, Their progresse cannot burden but ayde their Memory. Yet in this, The felicity of Methode, as it does more ingratiate the Conceipt, may be the greater Ayde. For example, If a man has 50 or 100 businesses, or affayres to a Fayre, & shall thinke to direct & secure himselfe by the Tale or Number,c He will find himselfe much perplexed: but if he first reduceth these hunderds to soe many heades of Uses, (And all things in arte & nature are primarily or subsequently for the use of Man, & will answere Cui bono:d If the provender be for the horse, the horse ploughes, harrowes, or36 carryes goods, or the mastr, friende, &c) & subdivides a

i.e., Africa, Asia, Europe, America. Beale refers to John Selden (1584–1654), English jurist and orientalist, Hugo Grotius (1583– 1645), Dutch theologian and jurist, and Claude de Saumaise, known as Salmasius (1588–1658), professor at Leiden, a renowned philologist, jurist and critic. c i.e., by using a tally, or simple arithmetic. d ‘to whose profit’. b

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every use with the remarke of concernement & the losse that oblivion may cause, This will give fullest security for the maine, & may bee branched from37 fewe heades into such cleare Order, as cannot be a burden. And nowe tis not the string on the finger (which may be it selfe forgotten) but38 the places that must be visited, & the persons Who must be inquired, Which are the fittest objects for remarks. When I heare a servant famous for remembring innumerable mercatea errands I doe not disdeigne to enquire his Topiques, & remarks; & by enquiry I doe oft times make him more perfect in his owne arte, then he was before, or then he was aware of. And thus allso by enquyring The Methode of every Studious persone (for every39 intelligent hath a Methode,) Wee revive, & confirme ‹his Memory› & lead him to make reflections upon his owne Arte. 9 I have said it allready, but will urge it as a fresh rule, That every mans studyes & businesses are his most proper Topiques for Memory. Especially being in their owne elements, & imployed according to their affections. And though many learned Men doe not discerne in themselves or doe not acknowledge any Arte of Memory, Yet this is their Arte. For example, If one should make a very considerable discourse of Mathematics to a Mathematician, of History To a historian, of chymistry40 or other Experimentall philosophye to an Experimentallary philosopher, Will not eyther of thiese in their severall Arts remember much more, than any persone of the best Memory that naturally can be, if destitute41 of all Arte order or elements in any of thiese Arts. And every of thiese is more apt to remember, ‹by howe much› The more he hath his owne Arte in perfect Methode. My uncle Sir Walter Pye (sometimes Attorney42 in the Courte of Wardes) was famous for his Memory.b His Lectures were in greate Estimation,43 & attended with greate resorts: Besides his greate skill in the confused Masse of our Voluminous & Cobweb Lawes, /p. 26/ they that were most intimate with him doe repoute That hee could name Every English Gentleman, (Yeoman too would some say) his ancestors, pedegree, Coate44 of Armes, their chiefe Mansions & other revenues. Being sometimes a follower of the Judges in their Circuites, pleading in all Courts, & at laste for many yeares imployd in that office, which made search into all estates, He was well feed to remember names, familyes, & estates, & the coate of Armes was a farther remarke to guard the Name in firme Cognisance. As oft as I wayted on him, He would diligently enquire, Whence, through what townes, by what Howses45 of note I past, & could better describe my way, than I that had soe lately viewd it. This was the practise of his Memory. 10. Tis good to lay the strongest foundations for a Vaste Memory upon the Senses. Tis one of Lord Bacons rules, (& in all Mnemonicall writers recomended) a b

i.e., ‘business’. Beale refers to Sir Walter Pye (1571–1636), brother to Beale’s mother.

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Deductio intellectualis ad sensibile.a I never loved Fayres, being too weake to beare the croudes & josslings of Men, yet I have sometimes Walked over greate Fayres, & enterd many shops, with little Wellcome, For I had more of the Minde of Diogenes to see Howe many things I had noe neede of, than to buye.46b Nowe having a family, I have another Second end, To see howe many accomodations may assiste frugality. But my third & chiefe ‹ayme› was to practise my Memory in recompting all particulars in all places, as I should be demanded for Triall. And in this kind our experimentall Inquisitions have the advantage. When Mr Langley was Schoolemaster of Gloucester, I met him at Kiderminstr, Where with much affection hee led mee along with him into all shops of such artificers as were not in Gloucester, This gave mee some initiation to attend to Artifices & Mechanics;c And what Memory can easily forget what the senses have entertaind. yet the phantsy will assiste the impression of Sense, & exalt to a deeper apprehension than outward sense. I thinke I felt a deeper wound when I saw a Mans skull47 trepand, than He that sufferd the chirurgians Operation. To assiste the practise of Memory I had once devised a hunderd storyes, as pertinent to that purpose, as I could suggest, & had engaged Captain Taylors brother to furnish ‹mee›48 with 100 Comprehensive Pictures that might Introduce, or allure, but his affayres49 presently altering, my notes were throwne into a chaos of Waste papers.d Another may hereafter doe it better. And Omne Tulit punctum, Whoever hath built the treasury of all Arts, knowledge & languages for an entertainment, as in an open Summer house to refresh us in our Walkes50 & pastimes.e Tredescans51 shop may be a Modell.f 11 To discover, Howe some impression is deeper than from sense, I can specify, Howe Consciensce hath rowsed up the Memory to doe Wonders. My youngest sister (nowe living as I hope neere Cambrige, The Widowe of the Judicious Cradoc Who was chaplaine to his late Majesty) had /p. 27/52 in her very young yeares some blame from us for neglecting her bookes of devotion.g But assoone as her owne a ‘A deduction of the intellectual towards the sensible.’ In The Advancement of Learning, Bacon wrote ‘Emblem reduceth conceits intellectual to images sensible, which strike the memory more’. See J. Spedding, R. L. Ellis and D. D. Heath (eds), The Works of Francis Bacon, 14 vols (London, 1870), iii, 399. b A reference to Diogenes of Sinope (c. 400–c. 325 BC), founder of the cynic school. c Beale refers to John Langley (d. 1657), grammarian and master of the college school at Gloucester between 1617 and 1627. d Silas Taylor’s brother has not been traced. e Beale alludes to Horace, Ars poetica, 343, ‘he has gained every point [who has mixed the useful and the sweet]’. f A reference to the house of John Tradescant (1608–62) in south Lambeth with the Tradescant Museum, a collection ranging from objects d’art to medical specimens. See Musaeum Tradescantianum; or a collection of rareties (1656). g This is possibly the Puritan academic Samuel Cradock, although he has not been identifed as a royal chaplain. The connection to Beale via his youngest sister has not been further elucidated.

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spirite felt the checke in deepe earnest, on a sudden she had all the Bible & many other devotionall bookes soe perfectly by hearte, That she was indeed a Wonder. In that horror of her Conscience every worde of the Scripture ‹sounded› louder within her, than all the Vaults at Delphos. Tis best to receive the Oracles of God with such deepe reverence, as if wee entertaind them for the Oracles of God. Thousands of other wayes may occurre to engage the Memory to a perpetuall practise, & That does all the wonder, but nowe I must hasten Ad 3um53 To the Third pointe of distinguishing Memory, And this is not an easy54 Matter, nor for every capacity. 1 For Who can exactly distinguish When the Memory is naturally good, & when soe only by industry, habite, practise & arte. For Wee see That the shepheard, Who excells the Dr, had used, trusted, & imployed55 his Memory, more then the Dr. And some Men have naturally such a rationall & well proportioned phansy, as will receive & lay up in this storehouse in better order, & better for comand than others perchance, Whose braines or minde have a firmer retentive faculty. And Who will assure us Howe much sway The Agent Intellect or phantsey doth beare over Memory? Or howe much share ‹they have› in the Essense ‹or›56 substance of Memory? If wee attribute Divinity to this Agent Intellect, or to Memory (as some of the Acutest Schoolewits both Christians & Mahamedans have done) what shall wee say of the Memory of Dogs & other animals, Who (if we trace their Sagacity) may seeme to challenge us for the better Memory? I am sure I have ofttimes trusted more to my horse & dog, then to my selfe for the remembrance of my way. The kindnesse & unkindnes of millions of persons, with a remarke of every individuall savour, they will remember a long day, & put it to57 the Teste of their Noses, Whether this be not the same person, that did the Injury, or kindnes; & I never sawe them mistaken in the result, though sometimes they dislike another the more for some resemblance or affinity in approach to the Enemy. To be breefe, I must call that a good naturall Memory Which is apt to reduce & lay up all things in order, ready for all occasions; & to devise Images fit to make a lasting Impression. Secondly The practise that hath beene hitherto encouraged is fit & proper for busines, ‹&› for Schollars, To acquire easily & speedily, & to retaine firmely & indelibly. And since all men have not the same /p. 28/ capacity, nor the same firmenes of Memory, Metiri se quemque suo modulo ac pede verum est.a No man can damnify himselfe by this Arte, or by his frequent practise upon Order & Image or Impresse. But Let us keepe some bounds in all the serious perambulations of our Minds. He that hath noe true relish of harmony in Music, Verse or Prose may well betake to some other imployment (for what hath a blind man to doe with colors,) a

‘It is true that each measures himself by his own measure and foot.’

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but that man who is not in some capacityes accomodable to human Society is degraded belowe the beasts, & dullest Inanimates. Tis a sad soule Who by this Mother & Nource of all disciplines58 may not be expert in some usefull profession. And this Art (as thus far recomended) is serviceable in any condition. The naturall aptnes first mentioned becomes more apt by thiese59 practices. Thirdly, There is a further Art of Memory, Or (it may be I shalbe required to call it) a higher degree in the prompt use of The Arte of Memory. For all this makes not an Orator ready to repeate his Adversaryes unexpected60 Arguments, nor to enable to the performances of Antony Ravennas mentioned by Sabellicus, or of the Corsic youth admird61 by Muretus, or of Terentius, Skenkelius & Morley more lately.a I answere, That these fewe rules reguarded, & the Memory made Vigourous by Morning & Evening examinations, ‹&› Those old instructions recorded by Quintilian reduced to practise in those two points of regular place, & Image, Will enable for truer Wonders, & more valuable, than those named in the late Examples.b Of which kind of abilityes Lord Bacon speakes contemptibly in his Advancement of Learning, both in English & Latine l.5.c.5.c And Howe can wee justify soe much waste of Time to the only purpose of raysing Wonder? And what a trifle it is to repeate Words, Alphabets, & syllables, In infinitum, if compared to that Which our famous Lawyers doe dayly performe before our eyes, even When they doe not soe much as ‹discerne›62 That their Memory is assisted with any Art, but only by practise. Generally all Mr Busts scholars that were of the ‹higher›63 formes in Eton (& soe I beleeve it was in other chiefe Schooles) could allmost at a glance of the eye learne about a score of Virgills Verses, or a larger portion of Ciceroes Orations.d And for the Enterludes of christmas, without intermission of our dayly exercises many did learne volums for the stage in very fewe dayes. My selfe Who had then noe other sense of Art, than in ‹the foregoing›64 clause I declared, nor could boaste of any peculiar Verball Memory, did in a fewe dayes learne every line That is put in the Mouth of Æneas by Virgill in all his Æneades, And acted it severall times before Sir H Wotton.e And I embrace this occasion to applaude Action, as a peculiar Helpe to enliven, & strengthen Memory: And hence from a The authors in question here are Marcus Antonius Coccius (Sabellicus) (1436–1506), whose Opera published in 1502 contained the Orationes; Marc Antoine Muret, author of Orationum (1601), see above, p. 70n.; Joannes Terrentius was the author of a work on the Old Testament book of Job published in 1663. ‘Skenkelius’ is John Skelton (c.1460–1529), Beale derived the name ‘Skenkelius’ from the array of alternative versions and spellings. In 1488 Skelton was made laureate in rhetoric at Oxford University. He later translated a selection of Cicero’s letters and became orator regis at the court of Henry VIII. For Caleb Morley see above, p. 69n. b For Quintilian see above, p. 69n. c Beale paraphrases Bacon’s The Advancement of Learning quite closely here; see Spedding, Ellis and Heath, Works of Francis Bacon (above, p. 135), iii, 398. d For Matthew Bust see above, p. 130n. e For Wotton see above, p. 67n.

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experience I can answere fully, That soe much of these Funambulary trics of Memory (as Lord Bacon calls it) as may be of any Comendable use, may easily, & by thiese two rules be learned.a /p. 29/ In the last place I must relate, Howe Mr Hartlib having received such of my Essayes upon the Arte of Memory, sent mee his Whole store of Mnemonicall bookes, and in a large letter gave accompt of Mr Morleyes very incredible performances. In following letters I pressed him to all particulars ‹concerning Morley› as far as hee could give mee any answere; Only He told mee of a Scroll of Parchment which he bought in Ducke-lane, That it was Morleyes, but soe unintelligible to all mortalls, That he had caste it amongst his Waste papers. For a viewe of this Scroll I sollicited some weekes or monethes before he could be at leysure to find it out. Assoone as he sent it, at first caste of my eye, I sawe it was a very costely & elaborate ‹Modell›. Conteining betweene 40 & 50 foote length in Parchment, engrossed in a beautifull hand, subdivided & glewed into five rolls of differing importance; Viewd examined, & approved by the Testimony & subscription of Dr Thomas Goade, a very sober & acute persone;b & with Royall Countenance of highest applause recomended to all Schooles, as Mr Hartlib further signifyed. Dr Goads Testimony ‹imported› That He undrstood the accomodablenes of Morleyes Contrivances. And Dr Goad was himselfe famous for many literary peculiarityes. And by perusall I sawe howe to interprete his Contrivances, tittles, remarkes & defacements at least by guesse, & to mine owne satisfaction. And nowe tis time I should acquainte you, Howe much further I ‹have›65 advanced. Being encouraged, & frequently prest on by the Importunity of Mr Brereton to explaine those rolls, & to prosecute That argument, I determined & proceeded as followeth.c 1 I intend God willing to leave Those rolls & all the Mnemonicall bookes & other Accompts of the Arte (which Mr Hartlib sent mee) in Gressam College for the use of the Royall Society.d 2 The bookes (as I take it) are all out of printe & the best of them never were printed for common use, but being published by the chiefe Masters of that Arte, were by characters soe intricated, That the Masters might not loose the game by the Comon sale of them. The best of them is soe anonymous, That Mr Hartlib could not tell the Author, or the publisher. I would parte in present with any of the bookes to be published, which by the annexed keyes may easily be done by any Academicall corrector. But for me to make Collections, or Newe Methodes of the same thing, It were but Actum agere,e & the world is too full of such folly. Yet I see a

See above, p. 139. For Thomas Goad see above, p. 6n., where Beale cites Goad’s superscription on the manuscript. For William Brereton see above, p. 102n. Brereton inherited Hartlib’s papers. d In its early years, the Royal Society met at Gresham College, inaugurated in 1597 through the endowment of Sir Thomas Gresham; see also above, p. 27. e ‘to do what is already done’. b c

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greate Cause to Wish, That in all Universityes There were professed, & able Teachers of the Arte of Memory: As there ought allso to be such as did well teach the Arts of Rhetoric, Oratory, Action, as did Roscius, & Æsope.a /p. 30/ What I have scribled66 in thiese letters is aloofe or aparte for the most parte from what I find in The bookes of Arte. And I see three or 4 ‹bookes of Memory› are allready abroade in English, perchance with small applause, & to little behoofe.b 3 I have deposited Morleyes ‹rolls› for a Time in Mr Brereton custody, & Mr Hartlibs Accompts of it, To this end, That He may enquire, Whether He can find any persone That will undrtake The Explication. 4 I have in hasty scribles made offer at some explication; And this allso I have debarred from the viewe of others upon the engagement of Mr Breretons Word Which I knowe hee does highly ‹valewe›.67 This I leave in his Custody, & yet bind from others eyes, That if another interpreter undertakes it, It may be compared, Howe far in our guesses We doe agree. 5. Hearing by Mr Hartlib That Morley had a Secrete Key, or more portable breviary for the use of his larger contrivances, which was deplored by Mr Hartlib as the Maine Mystery & irreparably loste, I have exemplifyed, Howe those Contrivances may be abbreviated into small Manualls, & for more easy practise. 6. Since Practise does all the Wonder &, is all the difficulty, To ease the burden of practise, & to insinuate the Art & Habite unawares, I have devised a Mnemonicall character (Of which I formerly acquainted the Honourable Mr Oldenburgh & other noble friends) By the use of which character only as for Cryptography,c One may soone get a facility in ranging all imaginable formations of letters, syllables & words, So, as the Memory, Tanquam Uno intuitu aut nictu oculorumd may without labour viewe & receive them in whatsoever possible forme or order phansy or occasion may suggest, alter, or range them. 7 I exemplify, How the use of That peculiar cryptography does performe Lord Bacons Designe Touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers, & may by an

a Quintus Roscius (d. 62 BC), celebrated comic actor at Rome and friend of Cicero who in his younger years received instruction from Roscius. One of Cicero’s extant orations is entitled Pro Q. Roscio Comoedo. Claudius or Clodius Aesopus (d. c. 55 BC), a famous tragic actor at Rome also in the Ciceronian period. Along with Roscius, Aesopus was considered to be the master of expression and gesture. b For example, Robert Copland, trans., The Art of Memory (1545); Robert Turner, Ars Notoria: The Notary Art of Solomon, shewing the cabalistical key of magical operations, the liberal sciences, divine revelation, and the art of memory (1657); John Willis, The Art of Memory (1621) and Mnemonica, or the art of memory (1661). c Beale differentiates his mnemonics from cryptography and, in the following paragraph, universal grammar. d ‘as by one glance or blink of the eyes’.

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immediate68 transition with the same or like operation serve for an Universall character. 8 I urge, & shewe, Howe by the same process The spirite is enabled for a promptnes in the acquisition of Languages. In which Operations neverthlesse any man may decline the tumbling trics of the minde and Memory reproached by Lord Verulam, or take them in his way as he pleaseth.a To resume the pinners rowes.b All the operation is a trifle. Neyther have I any zeale for the character as Cryptographall, or Universall, or yet for the Mnemonicall ayde, Otherwise then complicately, Soe as the one may suborne ayde to the other, & both may envigourate the Activity of the Minde to a very Usefull promptnes. Neyther should I specify all the Uses or powers of it, but in due places: For if I should open my utmost ayme, noe man will looke upon it as fesible, but guesse it to be Obscurum per obscurius,c & The Helpe to be the greater burden. And soe it wilbe indeed, If the faculties of the Mind be not raysed, strengthned, & habituated to it, by a very gentle, & orderly processe of degrees. The manuscript has various printers’ marks.

BEALE to [BOYLE]

2 October 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 103, pp. 31–4. Fol/1+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 432–7 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 339–41.

Honourable Sir Haveing tyred you with long Congratulations, & my selfe allso with that & other scribles on munday laste, I had thoughts of giving you more reste at this time.d But on Tuesday Morning I dranke your health in a dose of Essense of Balsame, by which I was inspired with strength to undergoe your Comands for Mnemonicalls: And When you have seene what is here drawne, & what lyes in other hands wayting for a fewe houres of your leysure, I hope you will rather say, I have done too much & superabundantly, than too little, & defectively. This is, in my hearte mine owne judgement upon the matter. a

See above, pp. 137n., 139n. Probably an allusion to the pinmakers art, and used here by Beale to suggest the return to a linear, organised argument. Elsewhere, he refers to nails and pins to hang arguments on. c ‘an obscure thing through what is more obscure’. d Beale refers to his letter of 29 Sept. 1663. See above, pp. 128–42. b

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But I cannot devise, How you should peruse my scribles, For I have neyther strength, nor leysure eyther to compose or to transcribe; & since I reviewd my hasty draught, I find soe many defective expressions, as are uncapeable of any other Helpe, than your Pardone. If this were of soe much Worth, I would intreate, That the Amanuensis would prepare it fitter for your eye or eare before you afflict yourselfe about it; And then if you should thinke fit to commute thiese sheetes for some writings which are nowe in the hand of my honoured friend Mr Evelyne, These letters & those Writings will mutually assiste for the explication of each other to you both.a And I humbly desire, That neyther may bee much spread abroade, till they have received the laste hand, & the seasone be ripe & fit: & besides (in thiese) you will find some domesticall storyes, though to honest purpose. I resigne all to your prudence & Conduct. But you may interrogate, Why & howe I can give such full applause (as in the beginning of those sheetes I doe) to Quintilian, & others of the ancient, & yet offer for the publique more of those writings, eyther those I have in custody, or mine owne.b To this I may answere, That Libraryes had long agoe beene empty, if that rule had beene oblieging, & in force; & I doubt Wee shall never leave off the ranke humor of adding ‹even› to the Oracles of God, till the Crescent sworde makes us more humble, & more reasonable.c But my better answere is, That Modern Masters in the Moderne expressions doe beste agree with the moderne times. And1 allso, I consider, That there was more Care & pretence to the Arte of Memory in former dayes, (as appeares by the remarkes, ornaments, rubriks in MS, & by Mnemonicall Verses fitted for Arts) but there is much more of the Arte it selfe, (than wee seeme to be aware of,) in Use in thiese dayes, as appeares by our progresse in all kinds of Literature. For though he takes noe notice of it, yet every linguist, before He can be perfect in many languages, gets2 in minde such Topiques as /p. 32/ are most proper for the acquisition of languages, by which He does afterwards get more of like kind with such facility, That he advanceth with ease & speede; & in a serious pursuite of other deeper knoweledge (upon the by, & with imperceptible diversion) gets more languages dayly. However, there is greate force in this, Qui monet ut facias &c.d For every man that reads a booke, finds himselfe in some degree apt to turne to the page, Where he found Novelty, & Excellency, or disguste, & some (by a small ray of their spirite) will turne with the finger to the place, tanquam aliud agendo,e Whilst their more a

For Evelyn see above, p. 25n. For Quintillian see above, p. 69n. c ‘Crescent sworde’, possibly a specific reference, in the context of Beale’s religious observations, to the crescent as a military and religious symbol of Muslim power opposed to Christendom. d ‘who advises that you should do’. e ‘as by doing something else’. b

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serious thoughts are otherwise imployed. But, if upon advertisement, They fixe and accustome the Memory, To take the first impression of the Title, chapters, Sections, Methode & Paragraffes, & peculiar remarks of pages, by this precaution ‹& habite› they may find their Memory much more vivide, & firme. But to prevent in you, & Mr Evelyne, & other friends, such greate expectations, as doe soyl my spirite, & cloude my endeavours, I doe often Inculcate, Howe slight the meanes is. For example, It may seeme incredible, or ridiculous to engage the Memory in a prompt use of One hunderd & sixe thousand distinct places for Alphabets, syllables & words; but in practise it will be but two easy operations, Which a young Factor will suddenly catch up in an houre or two: being assisted by a comon slight of the easist part of Arithmetic. The characters being reduced (by coloured lines of partition) to a briefe viewe of one page in 4o. For twenty times twenty makes 400: And (in the same manner of operation) 400 times 400 makes 160000. Soe like it is to the making, & rowing of pins: He that can make & rowe one paper, finds noe other worke, or difficulty for as many thousands as hee pleaseth. And twentty letters may suffice for an Alphabet. Or if for curiosity, He would practise upon Morleyes Alphabet, which (to take in the sounds of all the languages) hee made Thirtye, by multiplying thirtye times thirtye, it comes to the same manner of operation.a Sir, Comenius, to expedite pedagogye & Didactics, wrote a large folio Which he sent mee, & ‹Hee› hath since added many more Volumns:b But I thought it better to adhere to my old rules, than to begin with this Folio. I must not comit the like errour; If a very fewe rules & a sheete, or two Exemplifyed, does not serve this turne, I shall have nothing to say. For the world is allready oppressed with didacticall bookes. /p. 33/ It may be you have heard of one Hercules, Who in late yeares in some parts of Germany taught all sorts of people, Men, clownes, & ploughboyes; all the learned & devoute languages, in fewe weekes, by practiseing3 their Memorye upon a roll, which he turned by screwes upon a Table, for which he was arraigned, as a Magician.c If I undrtooke pedantry, It should be my ambition to prefer such brevity before huge Volumnes. Example is the best Teacher; & performance a suffici[ent] prooffe, & demonstration, as you have throughly taught us in your excellent philosophy. Sir, I cannot be very well pleasd with any of thiese first draughts, being hasty worke, (And that man must be very phantasticall, Who gives not some precedence to his Second Thoughts & riper judgement, before his First Conceipts) But I am a

For Morley see above, p. 69n. Jan Amos Comenius (1592–1670), Czech philosophical reformer, who ranked nearest to Bacon in the estimation of the Hartlib circle. Beale is referring to various pedagogic writings from 1627 onwards, collected in Comenius’s Opera didactica omnia (1657). c It is not clear whether Beale is using ‘Hercules’ as a literal or a metaphorical name. b

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soe much unsatisfyed & displeasd with the Third sheete on the Top remarqued 3, That if in the whole there be any thing worthy a reviewe, I must humbly crave your favour for the returne of that sheete for a chastisement. I hope to give a clearer distinction both of naturall Memory from Artificiall, & of the Arte, Which is the Treasury of All Arts & Sciences from That which pretends to the Wonder. Let mee put a note of Reduplication upon that, which you doe well knowe, you knowe some, That are soe perfect in many languages, That they would blush to be told of any phrase,4 idiome, or allmost ‹of any› authenticall worde, (in any of those languages) to them unknowne; The same persons to be in a like degree prompt in all history & geography, & many other Arts, Sciences, & Voluminous Writeings; as ‹are›5 some that have the Truste of Greate Libraryes; Noe expression poeticall, or rhetoricall noe notion seemes newe or strange to them: I say of such Memoryes, which must have more of Arte, industry, & practise, then of nature, (& yet much allsoe of an inquisitive reasone, of an impressive Conceipt, & of a serene & firme Minde,) /p. 34/ That they are highly to be preferd before those quic returnes of Memory, Which are soe much admired. For what is it to Tyre all the company with repetitions of Words & Sentences, (If it should hold out for some houres, dayes, or weekes) in comparisone of this Arte, which heapes up, digests, & firmely retaines whole Libraryes. In my poore designes I have offerd aydes of both kinds, but cheefely to the first, & collaterally to the Second, as far as any man shall please to concerne himselfe in it. But Sir all this is but a kind of Pedantry, & very much belowe your affayres. Godwilling, in my next Essayes I shall endevour to serve you in your more noble, & publique engagements. For though noe man can make lesse lustrous6 prooffe of it, Yet I assume the confidence to averre it, That noe man liveing can more deepely & more syncerely honour you, than Honourable Sir Your most oblieged servant Joh. Beal.

From Yeovill Oct. 2. 1663

Endorsed by Miles ‘No V. October 2d 1663’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No IV’. The MS has printer’s marks.

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17 October 1663

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 437–8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 341–3.

Oct. 17, 1663. Honourable Sir, I AM now under your commands for animadversions:a but I must first interrogate. Can your commands justify any such attempt? Or will you bid a man demolish temples, and deface shrines and monuments? To say truth, you may safely bid envy try her teeth upon such marbles and diamonds. For they came from the heart of the best rock; the substance is all divine, and the foundation divinity itself: and he, that shall assault a person for vindicating God’s glorious attributes, and the interest of mankind, (and with so much lustre and solidity) he must be guilty of theomachy, and renounce humanity. SIR, the deepest of theologues say, that we want the same hand, and the very same method for the restoration of theology; and we cannot spare your labours for philosophy, till our safe passage for heaven be secured. And surely we had never so far divided, and dashed against each other upon pretences of purer Christianity, or of holy truth, if we had adhered constantly to that theology, which is operative, practical, and experimental, according to the safe and liquid rule of shewing our faith by our works. Now by our lofty flight in logical or rather sophistical terms, and school-notions, we have lost the foundation, and cannot agree, where to find the old plain and Christian faith, which was heretofore always pregnant of good manners. Our king James had the applause of learned Casaubon, and other judicious reformers for this sound sentence, Pauca illa sunt, quæ absolute necessaria sunt ad salutem, et fere ex æquo omnibus probantur, qui se Christianos dici postulant.b We protestants do say the holy scriptures are full and clear; the Romanists (notwithstanding all councils, synods, and school-decrees) give us comfort in our implicit faith, and blind obedience. And as well the prophets of old, Micah vi. 6, &c. as the apostles, Heb. viii. 8. have abbreviated for us in very fair and legible characters, which are also engraven in us: yet like Jacob’s sons we fall out on the way, till by this breach we do at last lose our way in sad earnest.c Sir, you are by divine endowments consecrated a chief in that priesthood, which is bound to offer sacrifices to heal these transgressions. And those great discoveries, which God in late ages hath made, not a

In this letter, Beale comments on Boyle’s Usefulness I, published in 1663; see Works, vol. 3. Beale refers to King James I and to Isaac Casaubon (1559–1614), a Genevan classical scholar who came to England in 1620 and soon became popular with King James, who paid him a pension. James’s advice was ‘There are few things which are absolutely necessary for salvation, and these are approved almost equally by all who wish to be called Christians.’ c Beale refers to the twelve tribes descended from the sons of Jacob, i.e., the Jews. b

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only by great effusions of beams and light of art and nature, but also of that holy light of the grace of reconciliation, may give us many grounds of good hope, that God makes haste to finish some great work in a more glorious display of so much of his lustre, as is fit for this world. In which notion /p. 438/ I indulge no more, than was modestly undertaken by Bodine some years ago in Meth Hist. C. 7. Confutatio eorum, qui quatuor Monarchias aureaque sæcula statuunt, where he shews, that it is we and our posterity, that are of the golden age.a BUT you expect I should descend to particulars, and I must remember, that I am under the authority of your commands, which puts me to the distress of suggesting, how calumny may frame some argument against you. FIRST then, page 59. though you speak very warily and timorously of the immense perfection, and therein equality of the divine attributes, and our φιλαντι΄αb hath a very just check, I can move in behalf of some tender or curious spirits, that you would vouchsafe to secure that paragraph with a marginal note, as a double express, that you acknowledge God’s mercy to be his great and most obliging attribute, not only as our nearest concernment in the great mystery of the gospel, but as extended in chief over all God’s works, which were created all very good, but by our transgression were rendered under a curse. For you may justly urge, that as our revolts and transgressions were the sad occasion of the emergencies and supereminences of the attribute of mercy; so by our redemption and restoration, we are singularly bound to offer the sacrifices, which are due to God by the claim of all his other attributes, and particularly for his framing, creating, and governing the world, and all parts of it in such perfect harmony. For the works of creation are not eclipsed and darkened, but illustrated by the restoration, &c. In this caution, you may decline some endless disputes, which sharp men do daily raise, how the attributes are distinguished, which are essential, and wherein the prerogative, &c. In which the greatest wits may sooner lose themselves, than clear all points to others; and a wise man said too truly, that the Jewish superstition at the name of God was less faulty than our presumption upon the nature and attributes of God. SECONDLY, ad pag. 62. It is best, that you do not (since you need not) engage yourself expressly against the interpretation of Socinus.c And your margin may add, that however the interpretation of Socinus may seem specious and coherent to his principles, yet the other sense is more catholickly received, and very proper for the apostolical inference, that the Gentiles might see so much of God in the large a Beale quotes Jean Bodin (c. 1529–96), French humanist and jurist, author of Methodus ad facilem historiarum cognitionem (1566), who wrote ‘Confutation of those, who claim there were four Monarchies and a golden age’. b ‘self-love’. c This is a reference to Fausto Sozzini or Socino (1539–1604), known in Latin as Faustus Socinus, an anti-Trinitarian theologian.

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volumes of Creation and Frame of the World, as might oblige them to more unblameable conversation; and the sin of idolatry there reprehended, verse 23, as the leading transgression, was not peculiar to that age, but was the sin of the old world. And it is not contrary to the remarks of Socinus, that the same scriptures should sometimes have a depth and latitude comprehensively reflecting both upon the creation and the gospel. SIR, I must not trouble you with all the reasons of these overtures, but I find it safer (and fitter for the dispatch of these Essays) to call for experimental theology, than to engage in any heats against Socinus. For, though he never had the credit to raise a national church, as Luther and Calvin have done, yet all parties (as well Romanists as our English hierarchy, or others, the deepest of them) do all confess him to be the acutest, the smoothest, and yet the most dangerous of their adversaries:a and as a mere virtuoso he hath, raised in all ingenuous persons, that read him, a greater admiration, than either of those leaders, or than Erasmus, who was indeed greater than both. And H. Grotius and other his strongest adversaries have so often rendered up their cudgels to him, that we may fear his growth to a great name in the next age, and especially by the weakness of most of his adversaries,1 who do commonly undertake him before they have wit enough to understand him.b The Romanists do think, that all other their adversaries are at their retreat, and fading flowers, as Balzac called them.c And we all confess, that no man ever disputed better against Jews, Mahometans, and Romanists, nor better defended the authority of scriptures. And though he challengeth all mortals at the single rapier of holy scriptures, yet no man enters the lists against him, but with some advantage of cloak and rapier, fire and thunder on his side. And I fear he makes, too full proof by visible examples, that our native metaphysicks will not convince all human nature of the Godhead (for all are not so deeply reasonable) without the help of divine revelation, or some parental tradition, which hath a reverend and obliging force, or right to awaken all human regards. But I doubt also, that his mind is not in this argument fully opened by himself, or understood by others: for such as write his life do deplore the loss of his plea against atheists, which was by himself esteemed the most elaborate of his works, and his master piece. There we might have seen what he esteemed the fittest arguments against such as had no belief of any revelation, as divinely authentical. SIR, In this I commend your prudence, that you keep the garb that is proper for a person of honour, and leave us choleric men of the lower region to answer to chala

The reference is to Jean Calvin (1509–64), the greatest Protestant reformer in the generation following Martin Luther. For Luther see above, p. 67n. b For Erasmus see above, p. 67n., and for Grotius see above, p. 135n. c Beale refers to Jean-Louis Guez, Sieur de Balzac (1595–1654), French author. Beale may be quoting from one of Balzac’s letters which were translated into English in 1654.

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BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 29 Oct. 1663

lenges, and to fight in duels. And by this emptiness you will see, that if I could have darted any objections against you, I should not have spared you. And this I dare doom, that whoever prosecutes this task, gets no more credit by it than Milton got by his Iconoclastes.a And therefore this is all you must expect from me for animadversions. Of wild notes and promiscuous experiments, I am like to send you a great deal more than enough, of which the first exemplar may be medical, the rest more extravagant, at random over the whole mass of the creation.b Honourable Sir, your most obliged servant. J. BEAL.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

29 October 1663

From the original in hand D in Early Letters B 1. 81. Fol/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 123–7 and (in Latin) in Œuvres complètes, iv, 437– 40.c

October 29th 1663 Sir, To comply with the Curiosity You express’d last night to receive from me some short Narrative of the occasion & Progresse of the new Mercuriall Experiment that has soe much surpriz’d & perplex’d both our Philosophers, & our Mathematicians I think my selfe oblig’d to informe You, in a few words, my hast not now permitting me to imploy many, That that Eminent & justly famous Virtuoso Monsieur Zulichem having in Holland made one of my Pneumaticall Engines a little vary’d & therein try’d severall of the Experiments mention’d in the Booke wherein I had describ’d it, among others the 19th, in which the water is made to descend in a short Tube by the withdrawing of the incumbent aire he found that when he made a This is a reference to John Milton (1608–74), poet and author. Milton’s Eikonoklastes, published in 1649, the year of Charles I’s execution, was designed as a counter-attack to the late king’s Eikon basilike (1648). b Beale probably refers to papers referred to at the end of his letter to Boyle of 2 Nov. 1663 (see below, p. 154), and also to the lengthy enclosure with his letter of 9 Nov.; below, p. 172ff. c This version is entitled ‘Roberti Boylii Epistola ad Henr. Oldenburgium scripta de Novo Experimento Mercuriali’ [‘letter written by Robert Boyle to Henry Oldenburg about a new experiment with mercury’]. Two copies of the Latin translation of this letter, one written by Oldenburg, the other in a scribal hand, survive in the Christiaan Huygens Collection at Leiden University (both in HUG 45). A draft of this translation survives as Early Letters O 1, 4. All of these lack the final sentence of the English text.

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use of common water the Experiment succeeded with him, as it had done with me but if instead of that he employ’d water that by a long stay in the same Engine had been freed from the aire the water would not descend, though the Pipe were above halfe a Yard long.a Of this Experiment he was pleas’d with his wonted Civility to send me Notice in a Letter to our highly Ingenious freind Sir Robert Moray, To which Your having seen my Answer at Gresham Colledge makes it needles for me to tell You what I reply’d.b Since that the Busynes was suffr’d to rest till Monsieur Zulichem himselfe coming over toward the end of the Summer, the Experiment was try’d againe before the Royall Society by Him1 and by the worthy President ev’n of That Assembly My Lord Brouncker with Tubes above 3 foot long & yet with very good successe.c Whereupon You may remember that I represented that in regard they had noe Gage to try how farre they had exhausted the Aire in the Receiver it seem’d not absurd to conjecture that there might remaine in the Receiver aire enough to keep up in the Tube 3 or 4 foot of Water (a Cylinder of that length being not soe heavy as one of Mercury of the like number of Inches) when the descent of the water, freed from aire, was not, as that of unpurg’d water is wont to be, assisted by the Spring of any aeriall bubbles got up to the higher part of the Tube. And because for wont of a Gage twas difficult either to evince or disprove this Conjecture satisfactorily I propos’d to those 2 eminent Virtuosi I have nam’d the having the Experiment try’d with Mercury instead of Water because in case the Mercury could be kept suspended in a Tube of any considerable length it would appeare that the externall Aire alone did not keep it up, the whole /81 (1)v/ Pressure of that being determin’d by the Torrecellian Experiment to be equivalent to that of a Mercuriall Cylinder of but 30 Inches high.d This Motion was soe farre rellish’d both by my Lord Brouncker & Mr Zulichem that his Lordship & I were desir’d by the Society to prosecute it & give them an account of the successe which those two great Virtuosi conjectur’d would be like to that of the Tryalls that had been made with purg’d Water, which I mention to doe Them righte For I ingeniously confesse that having not had the opportunity by reason of my owne Engines being either out of the way or out of order ‹to make tryalls› in Tubes, with water, of divers lengths as they had frequently & curiously done, the sustentation a

For Christiaan Huygens see above, p. 5n. Huygens’s experiments with the air pump are described in Œuvres complètes, iii, 437ff and iv, 8–9; for their relationship to Boyle’s experiments, see Shapin and Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump (above, p. 5), ch. 6. The book in which Boyle described his pneumatical experiments is Spring of the Air (1660), for which see Works, vol. 1. For the 19th experiment see Works, vol. 1, pp. 205–6. b See Huygens’s letter to Moray of 14 July 1662, and Boyle to Moray, July 1662, in Œuvres complètes, iv, 171–3 and 217–20. See also above, pp. 25–9. Boyle thought at first that the little column of water in Huygens’s experiment was held up by the pressure of the residual air in the receiver. c After several failures, Huygens’s experiment of anomalous suspension was successfully repeated before the Royal Society on 19 Aug. 1663. Birch, Royal Society, i, 295. d For the Toricellian experiment see Works, vol. 1, p.157. e This took place at the meeting of 9 Sept., see Birch, Royal Society, i, 301.

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to OLDENBURG, 29 Oct. 1663

of tall Cylinders of Mercury in the Engine seem’d to me to have soe litle Analogie with all the Experiments that have been hitherto made about those of Torrecellius that, though I was myselfe the Proposer of the substituting of Mercury for water twas cheifly my Reverence for 2 such Persons that made me much diffident of the Event But having too high a Respect for them & the Commands of the Royall Society to disobey them, as soone as I came home I apply’d my selfe with ‹the›2 Assistant ‹you know› to try what could be done.a But considering that twould be to litle purpose to make use of the Engine till we were first satisfy’d that in the open aire the Mercury might be kept suspended in a Tube longer than 30 Inches we try’d severall times to make the Mercury rest at a greater height then that in which we employ’d water the better to discerne the Particles of aire that are wont to be in Mercury & to free it from them. But the 1st and ev’n the 2nd day we were able to doe litle but free the Quicksilver & water from good store of their Bubbles by letting them rest suspended in the Tube. And twas the 3rd or 4th day before we could bring the matter to that passe that the Quicksilver & water would not subside upon the Inversion and unstopping of the Tube ‹(the least Bubble left at the top, or emerging within 20 or 25 inches of it, sufficing to hinder that Effect).› My Lord Brouncker too had successfully pursu’d the same Experiment & as it happen’d by the same way soe that the next meeting day we both brought in our Accountsb His Lordship informing the Society that he had brought the Mercuriall Cylinder to remaine suspended at 34 Inches his Tube being noe longer & I acquainting them with my having brought it to be kept up to the height of 52 Inches besides some water that reach’d from the top of the Mercury to that of the Tube. But I always observ’d ‹which is a Principall Phænomenon,› that when upon a litle Motion or the Emersion4 of a Bubble neare the top the Mercury began to subside; it fell ‹(how little soever the Bubble were that was generated or did emerge)› to the usuall Station of between 29 & 30 Inches By all which as my Lord convinc’d me that it was not only the weight of the externall aire that kept the Mercury suspended to the greatest height soe his Lordship seem’d convinc’d that the externall aire was that which kept the Mercury from subsiding beneath 30 Inches. Soe that without laying aside an Hypothesis that dos soe well agree with & explicate all the Phænomena of the Mercuriall Experiments we were both of opinion that though this new & strang Phænomeon doe not overthrow our former Hypothesis yet it ought to invite us to adopt or take in somthing els to solve this surprizing Circumstance & account for the Sustentation of as much Mercury as we can bring to be suspended above 30 Inches, as upon the new Experiments exhibited by our Engine we did not think fit to reject the Hypo‹t›hesis of the weight of a b

i.e., Robert Hooke. This happened on 7 Oct. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 310.

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the Aire mantain’d by Torrecellianists but added to it the Spring of the Aire to improve a Theory which these new Discovery’s shew’d to be not false but insufficient. Since that both my Lord Brouncker & I have indeavoured to carry the Experiment further & further as alsoe to make it succeed with Mercury alone without the help of Water And as his Lordship has already brought the Mercury to remaine /81 (2)/ suspended at the height of 55 Inches soe we that make use of longer Tubes have not without an Assiduity tedious enough reduc’d it to keep up to the height of three score & fifteen Inches & better & which we think considerable though I have kept it at this prodigious height (bating the litle it may loose by leaning against a wall) for above 4 whole days & nights And though here & there the inside of the Tube appeare to be bedew’d with litle dropps of Water yet I cannot discerne but that the top of the Mercury is soe close to that of the Tube that there is noe water sensibly got in between them. To this I shall add that to be able to satisfy others rather then my selfe about a considerable Particular relating to the Suspension of the Mercury I bethought my selfe of one tryall which perhaps ‹some›4 will not think altogether unworthy the mentioning And it is that having caus’d an assistant to lift up the Tube gently toward but not quite soe high as the surface of the restagnant Mercury I slipp’d my finger betwixt the bottome of the vessell & the orifice of the Tube which I stopp’d with the pulp of it & then causing the Tube to be lifted up quite out of the Mercury I found as I expected that5 there was noe sensible Pressure of the Mercuriall Cylinder upon my finger or if You please noe sensible Endeavour to thrust away my finger from the Orifice which it stopp’d6 which argu’d that the upper part of the Mercury amounting to 45 Inches was strangly sustain’d by somwhat els then the Pressure of the externall aire; Since I have elswhere shewne that this7 single Pressure of the ambient aire will enable a finger plac’d as mine was to sustaine the weight but of 30 Inches of Quicksilver without keeping it insensible of a weight or Pressure superadded unto That. And for further satisfaction, having, whilst the Tube, which was but Slender, was thus held quite above the restagnant Mercury, withdrawne the finger, wherewith I had thitherto stopp’d its orifice, we found, as we look’d for, that the Mercury did not for all that flow out of the Tube but continued suspended in it. How much further we shall be able to advance these Experiments will be better guess’d when we shall have procur’d longer Tubes, if any will prove long enough to shew us the utmost possible Suspension of the Mercury In the meane time what is already done will I doubt not be welcome enough & perhaps somwhat surprizing to the Curious abroad ‹(to whom I am very free to have it communicated;)› & appeares as yet I confesse to me soe difficult to explicate ‹satisfactorily› that I am not at all sorry to have had the Excuse of Avocations to divert me from applying my selfe seriously to the Search of an Hypothesis to explicate it by8 But though I be not troubld at those Diversions yet I have cause to be soe for Your sake that I am reduc’d to give You this hasty account 152

BEALE

to BOYLE, 2 Nov. 1663

when Physick that has not done working has I fear discompos’d as well the thoughts of my mind as the Humors of my Body. Endorsed at head of 81 (1) ‘Entered in LB. Suppl.’ and on 81 (1)v ‘Mr Boyle of the ial [mercurial] Experiment’. The copy of the text in HUG 45 in Oldenburg’s hand has the following endorsement by Huygens: ‘viri illi Regiae Societatis mandabant[?] ad experimentum numquid fieri posse mecum expendens parum ad rem fore’ [‘the men of the Royal Society commissioned me to execute what experiments I could to assess the matter’].

BEALE to BOYLE

2 November 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 104, pp. 35–52. Fol/1+1+1+2+2+2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 439–45, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 343–52.

Honourable Sir I seeme for a while to owe you a trouble once a fortnight: Of which kind the annexed is a parcell. But you may justely aske mee, What I meane by this, And Whether any thing can be more triviall or more vulgar than this; or Whether any Physician or Chirurgeon cannot discover much better & nobler things than thiese. To all which I answere, That when I have explaind my ayme; I shall not be ashamed to say, That the more vulgar the things are, the better & more usefull they may be to the generality of people. And the Vulgarity of thiese Generalityes doe not exclude, but introduce the more reserved Experiments of professed Chirurgeons & Physicians. And above all things I would decline the affectation of telling wonders, & Rarityes. For it is a Temptation to step beyond the juste proportion of Truth, And can signify noe more than penes authore sit fides.a To discover the bottome of my thoughts, I must recollect to your Memory, The Beverovician Industry Which compiled a volume of Letters or Adresses from the learned of those dayes to determine this Question, Whether Medicall Art or other Care could adde to the length of a mans dayes, Which related then chiefely to the hot questions then on foote Concerning Prædestination.b All this volumne1 brought foorth a

‘trust should be placed in the author.’ Beale alludes to Johann von Beverwyck (1594–1647), also known as Beverovicius, who wrote many medical works, including Epistolica quaestio de termino vitae (1634). b

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nothing, but dashes of greate Wits. But Honourable Sir, If you, or any other persone by your appointment would engage & receive the addresses of honest & intelligent persons in the way of their experiments, selecting & expunging, as you sawe needefull, to avoyde impertinencyes, & repetitions, (to which freedome I would not only allowe from my hearte, but intreate your spunge,) This might soone arise to a far more profitable discourse, Than the cavills about /p. 36/ prædestination; though that be called Theology This a meere Regiment of Health. Sir I owe you another kind of Thankes for the sheepe Medicine. But first I would be dischargd of this poore mite. Of which kind I sent you two2 sheetes a fortnight agoe. Herewith two more sheetes, & I thinke one sheete more will exhaust my small stocke of vulgarityes. And thiese bearing the Title of Experiments, must beare some shape of his adresse, Who engageth his Fidelitye. The Messenger makes me abrupt, but allwayes Honourable Sir your most faythfull servant J Beal /p. 37/

Yeovill. Nov: 2. 63.

Experiments most part Medicall or chirurgicall 1 About 30 yeares agoe, Tho Day (an honest Apothecary of Cambrige) assurd mee That a patient then came to Mr Eade a3 Practitioner then in Physic, ‹there› & told him, That his bloud was white.a The [sic] trye the truth, Mr Eade, or T Day opened a veine in his arme, & the bloud as it ran from the veine had a pallid reddishnes, but on the floure, & in the dish was as white as milke. Mr Ead guessed by that & other circumstances, That if he had not then used remedyes, He had proved a Leper. 2. Sir R P was there my pupill, & had most horrid fits of hypochondriacall, & allmost epilepticall passions, holding him many houres togethr,4 his senses alienated, his mouth speechlesse, & a strange murmour in his bowells, which some thought to signify Obsession:b Mr Eade proposed a Cooping glasse & scarification on the hanch part ‹or over part of the outside› of his thigh. Dr Glisson & all other Physicians despised, & indeed derided that proposall.c I spent a good stocke of money in the way of Dr Glisson & others with noe visible benefit, for the fits increased in violence, & durance; at laste in a fit I tryed the cupping glasse & found the benefit immediatly, & by takeing off the glasse, the rageing fit returnd. After some prooffes in this kind, the place was scarifyed, & a drawing playster applied. a Thomas Day has not been traced. Robert Eade (1603–72) practised at Cambridge University; see Raach, English Country Physicians (above, p. 69), p. 43. b This is Robert Pye (d. 1701), Beale’s cousin. c Francis Glisson (1597–1677), perhaps the leading Cambridge physician of the 1650s; see R. French, William Harvey’s Natural Philosophy (Cambridge, 1994), ch. 10.

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to BOYLE, 2 Nov. 1663

And thus by carrying a glasse in my pocket to apply it, as oft as the fit tooke ‹him›, The malady was in fewe weekes cured. 3. Mr Tho Mountague (nowe Schoolemaster of Eton) when about 21 or 22 years old, being then studious, (yet of ‹a› very active body & very sober, & allmost beyond example of spare diete) was taken with an extreme gout in his greate Toe. Dr Nic of Cambridge directed He should open a veine5 in his Toe, by which he was cured totally, as He told mee ten yeares after.a Quære 4. When I was a child, I flead frogs in sporte to see what shift they would make, when flead.b By mistake as I practised on a Toade, I found his throate swelld, & the dusky spots, & therupon did caste him out of my hands. I was not bitten, but soone after both my hands & handrists were coverd with a scab, I could not then guesse what else might be the cause. I was cured by contused planton leaves, c or the oil of it. /p. 38/ [5.]6 (At Eton I threwe many frogs into the Tems to see howe far they could swim.d Some did reach to cloate leaves there growing upon the shallowe Water & were there saved, others were drowned, as wee could well observe: Yet I have seene other frogs in other places live under water, & gender there, soe as to stic together fastned, as Dogs when limed to Bitches. Soe as not suddenly to part at a blowe with a staffe.) 6. About the beginng of thiese Civile wars I was over-whealmd in Melancholy & griefe to see the publique Confusions & ruines, (my neerest alliances & dearest friends being engaged & many loste on both sides).e This broke out into the blind piles, stoppage of my stomac hypochondriacall torments, Jaundices,7 but nothing did more molest mee, than a Teter, f which did seise on the back of my hand, sometimes both hands, sometimes both handwrists allso far upon my armes, & seeming to have devourd the Epidermis. I submitted punctually to the advise of many intimate & friendly Doctors for inward & outward applications. I changed ayre & diet from Herefordshire (my native countrey) to Shropshire & backe againe to Herefordshire. Notwithstanding all clensings, & care, The Teter reproacht mee & my Physicians more then seaven yeares. In all which time this Uggly Teter was a diall to tell me what foode, drinke, ayre, diet or exercise was more kind then other to mee; And what Medicine inward, or outward had most effect, of which I will here give a briefe accompt of three. a Thomas Montague, headmaster of Eton College from 1661–71. The doctor who treated Montague was John Nichols (1582–1646) who practised in Cambridge; see Raach, English Country Physicians (above, p. 69), p. 69. b i.e., flayed. c i.e., plantain leaves. d For Beale’s residence at Eton see above, p. 129n. e The Civil War was a difficult period for Beale who was forced to return to Herefordshire and therefore was isolated from his interests in London; see Stubbs, i, 475. f i.e., tetter.

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7. A good Gentlewoeman promised mee8 all things from the oyle of wheate. Thus it was drawne. The blacsmith heates his anvile red hot, drops the wheate on, Which burnes to coale, & the moysture wiped of is the oyle, as blac as ynke. At first touch of this Oyle, I found it burne like a fire coale; but I would be Scævola & layd it all over the bac of my right hand; & /p. 39/ imediatly9 my Torments were as greate as those of Scævola.a It did put mee in mind to suspect the liquor of Wheate to be more outragious, then that of Jucca, b yet Mars might have a stroke in the Injury. The swelling hastned up my arme, & shoulder, the kernells under my Arme pits, & my breaste became very sore swelld & inflamed, till It grewe to an outragious fevour. A skillfull Doctor came speedily, & opened a veine, & by other linitives under God cured mee. At the beginning of a Teter this oyle may be applyed, & will burne out the Teter, & leave a firemarke behind. But when the Teter is spread, & the humour resorts, & abounds, & the epidermis deepely pierced, This Medicine is too violent. 8.10 To omit my triall of pigeon-dung, verjuice, Vitriols, Mercuryes, & thousand of others, My second remarke is of a healing Spring very famous for curing many frets, ulcers, impostumes, & had lately done a greater cure upon a poore mans rotted legs, than our Physicians or Chirurgions could doe. This Water I tryed often, & by warming it in my mouth (by which in the morning it was mingled with fasting spittle) I did let it fall warme upon the Teter. It would in a moment visibly close up the rawe flesh, gathering a thin skin over it, as speedily as milke gathers a skin upon the fire. And as the skin did spread all over the Teter, a moisture would ascend in round drops through large pores, Which being wiped off, & more water poured on, at the second, or third time, the pores were allso healed up. And this Course I tooke as oft as I went to other Tables, to hide the ulcer from giveing offence. But this was false daubery, & within a day, or two I was constraind to make satisfaction 9. This seemed to note, That the Cure must begin within dores. And some from greate Experience extolld Betony, some Fumiterry for the purgers of bloud, or brayne from Melancholy, some Elder as the best calmer of hot inflamations, & angry humours. I tryed all, & with long constancy, but without successe. What cured mee I cannot confidently affirme, but an intelligent gentleman did soe highly /p. 40/ extoll Sanicle with soe many prooffes of his owne, & other mens experience. That by the Infusion of it in drinke, It would heale all ulcers within & without, That I usd it, & found the Teter much abated; & casually reading in Horto Sanitatis, That the gum of plumtree dissolved in Vineger would heale teters, I tried it, & found this benefit, That it would cover the sore as with a glasse, soe that I a

An allusion to the heroic Roman, Gaius Mucius Scaevola who showed his indifference to pain by holding his right hand in fire. b i.e., the yucca plant.

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could weare a glove:a Soone after it came allso in my minde to draine out the moysture with Vine-leaves, a day or two, & then to apply this gum, & with the use of Infused Sanicle in the ‹same›11 time I was cured. Upon abuse of diete I have had some red spots giving12 me ‹many times since› warning to be carefull. And in want of Vine-leaves I had (but with some inflamation) a like benefit from raysins cut, & spread over the sore. 10. But every yeare, or second yeare since, I am in Sumer visited with some hot inflamation, which begins in one or both of ‹my legs about› the small. And water gruell, in which the buds, inward rind, or some part of Elder is decocted, is my best remedy. 11 In thiese & other maladyes I have tryed the operations of many Vegetables in pottages, & in drinke, Which being a little warmed would drawe foorth the spirits of the Vegetables. But for Cordials can prefer noe leafe before Baulme, (Which is allso highly recomended by Dr Smith of Shrewesbury,) Nor any blossome before Gilloflowers, & Cowslips.b And for Lenitives, & Longevity, I prefer Elder. I wish some triall were made in a cup of Bau[lme]13 ale, Howe agreeable it would be to the persone Who finds an offe[nce]14 at honey. Because Baulme hath beene allwayes esteemed the chiefe of Honey flowers, best beloved, & most friendly to Bees. 12 Dr Sheafe (now Arch deacon of Wells) had a wound in his heele by an arrowe.c For which (being my chamberfellowe at Eton) he suffered, (& I in my hearte) all the horrors of chirurgery for more then a yeare. At last there was noe hope but his leg must be cut off. A good /p. 41/ woeman of Windsore desired leave to make one triall of her salve, This Salve soe fermented the wound, That it wrought out some yerne of the stockin, which the forked arrowe carryed thither. And soone aftr all was healed. I sawe the flesh soe often eaten away to noe other purpose ‹but to search the bottome & to›15 his horrid torture, That it gave mee a better esteeme of a good salve, then of a famous chirurgion. For he had the advise, & handling of the best Chirurgions that were then of Note. 13 That the flesh of some persons is much more apt to heale then of others, I well knowe. And doe thence allso conceive That inward applications may conduce far towards the healing of an outward wound. As burstnes ‹or rupture› is heald by the pouder of consounds, & dislocations in the head, & bones by Osteacolla. 14. When I was a childe I noted, That the clawings & deepe biteings of a parrote, (which did it in love & fondnes) were suddenly healed, truely to my greate wonder; but a ferret, in a high rage, & swelling about the head, like a serpent, bit the very end of my finger, which presently wrought upon my body as if it had a This is a reference to Ortus sanitatis. De herbis et de plantis (1490), compiled from the German Hortus sanitatis (1485) written by Johann von Cube. It is also referred to below, p. 554. b Dr Smith has not been traced. He is also referred to below, p. 203. c Grindall Sheafe, who appears in the Eton register for 1622–6, was archdeacon of Wells between 1660 and 1680.

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beene the biteing of a serpent: Which begat in me ‹a› sore wound, & long sickenesse. 15 In turning the key, the middle joynt of my middle finger rased on a nayle in the locke. It did scarse bleed, and was ‹of no depth›,16 Yet it swelld up my arme, till it layd mee in a violent burning feavour above a fortnight. Whethr the ruste of the nayle, or the ill temper of my body was more obnoxious, I cannot17 say. But a small sparcle may fire a tinder boxe. 16 A lady of my acquaintance did frequently cure her greate paines of her Teeth by tying a leafe of Water pepper, or arsesmarte about her little finger, till it raysed a blister there; Which she healed after with a leafe of Woodbind; if that were not to be had, Ale hoofe or other good medicine for burning healed it. The leafe should be tyed betweene the first & second joint of the finger. /p. 42/ [17]18 When a sharpe defluxion19 hath endangerd the sight of the eye, I have seene it often-times suddenly diverted by20 raysing a blister in the pit of the necke ‹behind›, & drawing off the moisture that way. 18 A Vineleafe, or a leafe of a tender young Coleworte have (‹both›21 of them) a strong faculty of drawing; And I have seene many greate cures of divers kinds done by their seasonable applications. 19 Oft times, when I have felt my vitalls in danger of some greate disease breeding within mee, I have rubd off the skin on the bac of my hands, hand-wrists, or22 small of my legs, I have discussed ‹or drawn off› the more horrid malady, freed my spirits, & then aftr I have drawne off some tarte moisture, I have safely healed the rased, & fretted parts againe. 20 A Gentlewoeman (a neere friend of mine) had a very greate, & dangerous Wen on the side of her Necke, Which with hasty growth deformed her, & discouraged her Physicians & Chirurgions, Who applyed for many monethes diverse Medicines of best accompt.a I sent to Mr Hartlib for advise & my good friend Dr F Cl directed, That she should for some time hold & presse hard on the Wen the hand of a dead man; who died some violent death.b She observd it punctually, & she sayd, The coldnes of the hand cooled her hearte, And the Wenne presently withered, & shrunke soe small, That it is not visible, nor much bigger than a nut kernell. 21 William E of Northampton, Grandfathr to this present Earle chid his Cooke for his scabby hands, as He calld it, For his hands were all coverd with Warts, very greate & uggly.c The Cooke answered, That He could get nothing that would drive away his Warts. The Earle bad him rub them with a dead mans hand, & He would a

i.e., a sebaceous cystic tumour under the skin. This is a reference to Frederick Clodius, chemist, and Samuel Hartlib’s son-in-law, for whom see above, p. 59; see vol. 1, p. 468. c Beale refers to William Compton (d. 1630), 1st Earl of Northampton. His grandson was James Compton (1622–81), 3rd Earl of Northampton, F.R.S. in 1673. b

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warrant the /p. 43/ cure. Soone aftr the Earle dyed suddainely: And then the Cooke remembring his Lords words, whilst he watched the Corps, stroke all his warts with the dead hand, & soone ‹found› his Lords Warrant, & word to be very good. This I received from my brother T B, who was personally privy to the truth in all points.a 22. Wee find & feelle, That colds,23 coughes, rhewmes, fevers, cholic palsyes & other dangerous & mortall diseases are begotten by the violence of damps, windes, or other contusing operations entring at the handwrists, pit of the necke, codpiece, soles of the feete, head &c. And thiese diseases are sometimes drawne off by fomentations & applications to thiese parts. 23 Mr Harrison (the Schoolemaster of Eton) told mee That when the greate plague was in London, In a Taverne He fell downe mortally sicke, And thinkeing it was the plague He tooke as much as a walnut of Venice treacle & sweating on it recovered.b A fortnight or moneth aftr He returns to the same Taverne. The people all wonder to see him alive, & tell him, That when he fell ill, there was one in the house dead of the plague, Which fell ill in the same manner as he did. This was noe good newes to Mr Harrison. And before he parted he fell againe as formerly; & useing the Treacle recoverd againe. But within a moneth fell into a violent & long lasting feavour, Which (as his Physicians told him,) He might have prevented, If 24 aftr the former fits, he had breathed a veine & purged. 24 Dr Wedderburne gave mee this Medicall Counsayle (as wee returnd together into England) That I should not be sicke before I was sicke, Noteing the puling spirits of some, & generally of Scholars, who doe allwayes phantsy themselves to be sicke, or sickly, & by phantsye & frequent medicines doe make themselves sicke indeede.c And I was not much guilty of it. For I never tooke vomit yet, Nor ever tooke a purge, or opened a veine, till I fell /p. 44/ into a burning feaver in Orleans by advise of Dr Du Chesne, being then 33 years old.d But Sir H Wotton said It was prooerbially noted To be the English mans folly, That He is the ‹laste›25 That betakes to his Couch, & the first, that riseth up. And our Covetous clownes doe commonly cast their lives away to save charges:e They will not be perswaded to send for the Physician, till it be too late. Yet wee commonly find, That aftr the 3 of 4th dayes rage of sickenes, The Physician is put to an aftr game, & seldome recovers ground by his slowe methodes, & Galenic or more presumptuous Compositions. a

Thomas Beale, possibly named after Beale’s father. John Harrison was headmaster at Eton from 1630–6 and a fellow of the college from 1636–42. c This is a reference to Sir John Wedderburn (1599–1679), physician. d This story of Beale’s illness is told at greater length below, p. 203. The doctor in question cannot be Joseph Duchesne (1544–1609), known as Quercetanus; it also seems unlikely to be JeanBaptiste Duchesne (1616–1707), but was perhaps an intermediate member of the same family. e For Wotton see above, p. 67n. b

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25 As some flesh is more apt to heale then other, soe are some bodyes more pliant or more compliable to Medicine. And though I cannot comend Judge Rumsyes Provang for any but drunkerds gluttens & such monsters, yet if ‹one›26 should surcharge ‹or› offend his stomac, (Which no vertuous person will often doe) ‹tis›27 a felicity, & a kind of exercise of the body, To have a facility in discharging the stomac by Vomite, Which may prevent worse diseases.a And the like of purgation by stoole, urine, sweate, perspiration, exercise. &c 26 After long fasting, a moderate proportion of foode hath surcharged my stomac, more than twice as much at an ordinary meale, & soe is wine or strong drinke very heady in a fasting stomac or greate thirst. 27 When Physicians tell mee, I must open a veine or enter into a course of Physic, then I fall to Elder pottage in the morning, & a spare diete, & find this my surest physic. 28 From my childehood I have a corne on the inside of my little toe, which torments mee, & cripples mee more then some are tormented with their goute. tis soft, & hath a blac eye, & the touch of the shoe or of any artists hand that cuts it, yea the unavoydable compression of the next Toe, gives mee a deeper torment then any other incision; In all sharpe weather of heates, frosts, or long rayne, tis my Almanake. I tryed soe many remedyes, That I lost all hope & beleefe, & feard some Cancer or Gangrene from it. About 15 monethes agoe, I bound to it a leafe of Elder morning & evening for a Moneth. This hath alterd the nature of it, & restord mee to my feete & legs better than ever I had from my childehood, Notwithstanding that the blac eye remaines & must be cut sometimes. &c &c /p. 45/ Experiments Medicall chyrurgicall &c Nov: 2. 63. About 27 years agoe a Gentleman of Quality in the prime & beauty of his Youth had a most afflicting Ulcer on the backe & all about his hand, Which for many yeares was obstinate against all applications, & Medicines, And disgraced him in all companyes, (He being then in good lustre amongst the Gentry & in the English Courte;) And it was thought to be a Teter; As I sate with him in private conference, He fell to his usuall rubbing; And the rage of the Ulcer constraind ‹him› to breake up the skin with his Teeth in the very middle of his palme: And then examining the orifice, Hee told mee, Hee discovered a bright Jewell there. Wee examimed it, & found it a chrystall as big as the nayle of a mans hand; Which being taken out, He was soone healed; And then could remembr Howe hee broke a Venice-glasse with his hand on a Table soe long ago ‹as his hand had beene maymed,› but it was a far distant part of his hand, That struc the glasse, but a piece beeing sunke a Walter Rumsey (1584–1660), in his Organon Salutis, An Instrument to Cleanse the Stomach (1657), described a provang, a whalebone instrument for clearing the throat and stomach. John Aubrey also described the instrument in his Brief Lives, ed. John Buchanan-Brown (London, 2000), p. 277. Beale sent this treatise to Henry Oldenburg in Apr. 1663 (Oldenburg, ii, 51).

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though the Epidermis might easily by the motion of joynts & sinewes remove the place. And He that notes the28 anatomicall Mechanics of the hand, will discerne ‹what› mischiefe29 a Jewell would doe in that place. Mr Butler of Cambridge got much credite by his witty search into such circumstantiall accidents;a And I have oft times seen a chirurgeon doe more good with his Wit & hand, than with his playster. And He that hath read Wierus de Lamiis & de præstigiis will find strange remoovalls within the Epidermis.b A chirurgeon of my acquaintance finding himselfe at losse about the cure of an Ulcer neere the knee, by diligent search found a small pin there. Another time being in the same case about an Impostume under the short ribs, by a bold search found a pin there allso, They conceivd the pin to come thither, through the stomac, being swallowed by chance. /p. 46/ Sir R P falling downe a narrowe stayres bruised his backe & breast, & immediatly swelld inwardly that his breath was stopped.c I caused a veine in his arme to be opened, & presently He recoverd breath, & was afterwards cured by fit medicines. The helpe of phlebotomy in falls, bruises & coutusions, & in deepe percussions of the ayre, which beget violent feavers, pleurisyes &c. is well knowne, but not soe commonly or vulgarly30 published, but that I have knowne many lives loste by the ignorance or willfull neglect of it: And as many lives loste by unseasonable phlebotomy. Both thiese extremityes deserve a public advertisement. I road in the company of a fat big man that was very drunke. On a suddaine He fell from his Horse flat on his backe a heavy fall, & imediatly expired. I lept off my horse & more by Art then by strength I drewe up the forepart of his body, head & stomac to leane forwards on my body. After a long pause as I shooke him on my backe, I felt him begin to drawe breath, which he drewe with a very long stroke, & loud noyse through his nostrills, as some doe snore in their sleepe. With long patience I brought him home to his owne house alive, leaving mine owne roade & busines. I could not perswade him to the opening of a veine (some Countrey people are very averse to it) but by wrapping him in a warme sheepeskin taken speedily from a live sheepe, He recovered in fewe dayes. I have oft times noted, That if a persone falls on his head When He is drunke He is much more apt to expire looseth his Senses & dyes away as some doe in their vomite, if not carefully attended. An old man cut a deepe cleft in his foote betweene his instep & his toes by the glance of his Axe & lay expiring by the waste of his bloud. Assoone as I sawe his Case, I caught up his foote, & joyning both sides of the wound together with my hands, I soe held it, till the bloud turnd & stayd, & the wound was in time heald. a Mr Butler is probably William Butler (1534–1618); see Raach, English Country Physicians (above, p. 69), p. 33. b Beale refers to De Lamiis and De præstigiis dæmonum (1577) by the Flemish physician, Johann Wier (1515–88). c For Sir Robert Pye see above, p. 154n.

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Some lives I have saved by closeing the orifice or covering it, aftr I had reade it in my Lord of St Albans.a And some lives I came too late to save, Which were lost by the want of this advertisement. /p. 47/ A reaper in this neighbourhood strooke his reapehooke in that part of his Leg, which is here called The popes eye. Noe man could devise Howe to stop the effusion of blood: a chirurgeon dips linnet in Vitriol, & soe stops it suddenly, but the wound festers, & the man dyes soone aftr. About 3 yeares before Sir H Wotton dyed, there ascended into his Nostrills some hypochondriacall vapours, which He & his Physicians conceivd to arise from his Spleene, & much care they had to cure his spleene, but the vapours were in his owne nose soe offensive, That he thought ‹them› much worse ‹& more odious› than31 any carrion, & That they gav[e] the like offence to all others; for which cause for some weekes, Hee admitted noe persone but Nic Oudart & Will Knat to come into the roome.b After he was satisfyed of his mistake And that noe offensive smell32 came from him, He went all abroade for advise & cure. Then I heard the judgements of all famous physicians Concerning Spleene, Melancholy &c. And had the first notice, Howe the Scorbute had a large yet secrete dominion, & sent more to the grave, than all other maladyes; & ever since it hath soe appeard by my computation; & nowe it is mine owne lot. My Lady Phelips tells mee (oft-times repeating it) that when her husband Sir Robert Phelips was sent to the Tower, The scorbute tooke away all her Teeth.c (This was about 40 yeares agoe,) Yet she still survives (in the conflict with that disease) in a healthfull condition, with rosye cheekes, haveing beene for many yeares only a water drinker, & driven thereto to allay the heate which then boyled in her stomac. If Water gives Health & Longevity, Why doe wee take soe much paines, & send soe far for soe many sorts of drinkes? I confesse, That the Scorbute did justly punish mee for defaults in ‹the best› philosophy. My inward discomforts begot the disease. But why33 should a man yield to any such discomforts, as long as he can keepe fayth alive & hope of a receptacle in heaven? If the hearte were cheerefull & fixed on Gods goodnesse & Mercy, The simple diete, of the long living age (Water & wholesome graine) would be our beste Medicines, & preservatives, And this may rayse a resolution rather to embrace poverty, then to feare it. /p. 48/ I fed some yeares at the best sauced Table (as fame spoke it) in England, & made a For Francis Bacon see above, p. 70n. Bacon was made Viscount St Albans in 1621. A parallel reference to this recollection is found in the Hartlib Papers, in Beale’s ‘Memo on Medicine’, 11 Feb. 1659 (HP 51/74A–75B). b Wotton died in 1639. Nicholas Oudart (d.1681), was Latin secretary to Charles II and protégé of Wotton. William Knat has not been traced. c Through Sir Robert Pye’s family Beale was related to the Phelips family of Montacute in Somerset. Beale refers to Sir Robert Phelips (c. 1586–1638) and his wife Bridget; see Stubbs, i, 466. Phelips was imprisoned in 1622 for attacking Spain in Parliament and supporting a Commons petition against Catholics.

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a suddaine change to a Collegiate diete; And such like alteration I have more than thrice made, not by fits, but by habitude for some yeares in eyther kind, Yet with noe alteration of my health, but rather for the better at the jejune diet; & for five yeares or thereabout I dranke meere Wine or mingled34 with water, the reste of my life I dranke a middle sorte of beere. But what is this, if compared with their change of diet, Who travayle in long voyages by sea, or advanture upon Newe plantations unprovided of their usuall diete, & lodgings. Such is the extensivenesse of humane capacity for the shorte Tenure of our dayes to the measure which hath beene common thiese 4000 yeares, or neere it. Tis but a Vertue of 40 houres patience, to reduce the most luxurious pallate to be satisfyed & delighted in the coursest rurall fare; And that begets the firmest strength, & most constant health. But to passe from one extremity to the other by gentle degrees, is the safest motion. And a rurall imployment fits the stomac for rurall fare. And then a man Tasts the truth & sweetenes of Horace his Epodon Beatus ille ----- Dapes inemptas apparet.a In my childhood I had the measells Which (as I did than & doe nowe guesse) I caught, as I passed through a Gatehouse where in an inward chamber a servant lay sicke of the Measells. For I seemd to smell a noysome smell, as if it had beene from a bores-stye (& that smell continued in my nostrills for a weeke together, & soe long it was before the symptomes appeared) loathing all foode, & offended at my owne breath. I was then much addicted to running, leaping, & such athletic exercises. The only Medicine in those dayes for that disease & for the small poxe in all those countreyes, was a small handfull of the reddle with which there they reddle sheep ‹(drunke up in our ordinary beere)›. I tryed it both for measells & small poxe, & sawe it used by many others of which not one miscarryed, Which makes mee say, That eyther the small poxe of latter dayes is more malignant, or the medicines more dangerous. /p. 49/ The measells I had in a Countrey villiage, & the next Summer in Worcestr I caught the small poxe, & I thought I smelt the same offensive smell as before in an Apothecaryes shop; & returning to the shop to enquire the matter, I was there informd That a woeman came then into the shop, Who attended one that was sicke of the small poxe. If I had not my wound before, This answere might helpe phantsy to beget it. Assoone as wee suspect the Infection Wee drinke of this reddle in a draught of beere fasting before & after. My braine was distemperd. For a day or two I thought my selfe all the while tossed in the ayre by the cloudes, which were as winnowing sheetes forceing mee above ground as chaffe flyes by the winde, & I ‹utterd›35 grave lectures of Mortality, being then about 12 yeares old. After two a

The elision is Beale’s. This an allusion to the Roman poet Horace (65–8 BC). Horace’s Epode, ii, on the joys of country life, begins ‘Beatus ille, qui procul negotiis’ (‘happy is the man who is far from business cares’). Beale links this first line with l. 48 of the Epode ‘dapes inemptas apparet’, so that his quotation is translated as ‘Happy is the man / … To spread a banquet all unbought’.

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dayes I could rise out of my bed; & by foolish guides was imediately put on horse backe, & carryed about 20 miles, The red pusles riseing all the wae [sic], as I road, & a very giddy & weary journey I found it. Greate care was taken, That I did not increase heate, Nor take cold after I alighted from my horse; And that I conceive should be the chiefe care, & perchance all the Medicine in those diseases, in which the bloud is in a Tumult. And this reddle I should not despise in pestilentiall infections, at least to clense the body of man, as it clenseth swine. And this I joyne to Honourable36 Mr Boyles observation. Useful: of Exp. pt. 2d. c. 3. pag. 132.a Countrey folke have many sluttish medicines, Which serve their turne, & savour to them better than the Apothecaryes shop. For a bruise, ach, tumour impostume or rankled breasts, Cowes-shard ‹best when the Cowes feede in their kindest pastures &› taken hot as it comes from the body of a Cowe, & fryed with boares grease: for a stich in the side, as they call a pleurisye, the juice of horse dung as that comes hot from the body of a horse pressed & drunke in their ordinary beare, That of a stone horse feeding high upon provender being preferd. Pigsdung, or rather boares dung to stop the blood at the nose. For the eyes the white of hen dung. For sore throates Album Græcum &c &c Their owne Urine &c. /p. 50/ When the pestilence raged in London (about 35 yeares agoe) I was amongst them for some weekes, & tooke much care ‹to prevent› That I might not smell that borish smell, which seemed soe nauseous, When I tooke the Infection of the Measells, & small poxe; To which purpose I did contuse rue in my nostrills & eate rue & sage dipt in Vinegar with a morsell of bread & butter in the mornings. When I am afflicted with deepe sorrowe, or have eaten freely of porke or any hogs flesh, The foresaid unpleasant vapour returnes into my nostrills, or my left nostrill is soe stopt by the thicknes of the vapour, That I cannot breath throwe it, but with difficulty. I was about 50 years old before I made triall, or much beleevd the greate power of Elixirs, Paracelsian Laudanum, or other richest Medicaments.b Nowe I have tried severall of them both upon my selfe, & upon many others, & will give a briefe accompt in one or two examples. Mr H at severall times sent mee three small Violls of Elixir Proprietatis Helmont;c The last violl far more excellent than the two former. Two or three drops of the laste was more effectuall than thrice as much of the other. To my selfe it was cordiall, cheering, & restorative. I [sic] never fayld to recover immediatly from fits of the Mother, hypochondriacall, & convulsive fits. An old woeman walking a

See Works, vol. 3, p. 373. Here Beale refers to Paracelsus (1493–1541), German chemist, physician and philosopher. c presumably Samuel Hartlib. For the elixir proprietatis of the Flemish chemist and physician J. B. van Helmont (1579–1644), see ‘Arcana Paracelsi’ in his Ortus Medicinae (Amsterdam, 1648), p. 788. b

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abroade earely in the morning was smitten, as they call it, e cælo tacta,a There was noe visible blaste upon any part of her body, but downe she fell, & the pangs of death were upon her, her pulses ceaseing, & her breath allmost stopped. In a spoonefull of sacke I forced downe a fewe drops, & in the time of a short prayer, shee recovered, calld for her37 cloathes, & shee seemed to give us The guise of the Resurrection. Another38 Woeman (aged above 80) had kept her bed (unable to sit up) a weeke, & lay hopelesse. When I enterd her chamber those that attended her sayd that39 her feete, legs & thighes were dead allready some houres agoe, /p. 51/ & her breath departing, but allmost assoone as shee [received]40 the dose of elixer She spake with a strong voice, & cheerefully, & within an houre or two calld for her cloathes, rose up, & recovered, & lived about 2 yeares after. An Apothecaryes wiefe of this towne by many discontentments fell into sownding & hystericall fits. The Apothecary invoked all his Galenicall Art in vaine for some weeke[s].41 With one dose of this elixir shee recoverd for a moneth, & after a relapse was recovered with one more dose, & soe hath continued these 2 yeares. The Laudanum, which I used was Helmontian & drawne,42 as I guesse by the same hand, which drewe the elixir, Dr F. C:b To stop violent defluxions, & to appease tumultuous spirits, & to give sleepe, two or three drops of it in beere hath raysed more of my wonder, than the elixir did. And I have spent three or 4 violls never fayling of my expectation, but indeed surprised with the issue far beyond my Expectation. I have tryed a fewe ounces of Spiritus Cornu Cervi & found it a rare restorative. But lately takeing each morning 3 or 4 drops of Essence of Balsome in a spoonefull of sacke, I find it very effectuall to stop or ease a consumptive cough, & to strengthen nature. About 8 weekes agoe I had a virulent ulcer in the overpart of my nostrill, under the corner of my left eye, It had there continued above a Moneth, increaseing the paine, goeing to bed I tooke a pill of 8 or 9 graines of Rd Matthewes, Who justly & honestly, (as his unelegant booke shewes) calls himselfe The Unlearned Alchymiste:c Within an houre I found it worke strongly upon my nostrill, opening that passage, which is wont to be stopt by Melancholy vapours, & distending it wider than ever I felt it before, & the grissles seemed to make a creaking noyse all /p. 52/ the [while],43 My stomac had a deepe payne, & I conceive the dose was too much by 2 or 3 graines, some gentle sweate I had, & a kind stoole on the morrowe morning. And that very day the ulcer in my nostrill was healed. But another ulcer of the like malignant kind was in the same nostrill neere the end of my nose. This was not healed, I tooke another pill of the same weight, & a

‘struck from heaven’. i.e., Frederick Clodius; see above, p. 59. c Beale refers to Richard Matthew, The Unlearned Alchymist his Antidote (1660). See Newman, Gehennical Fire (above, p. 48), p. 192ff. Further references to Matthew’s pills appear below, p. 202. b

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with like operation the ulcer abated, but was not quite cured. I tooke a third pill, & it was throughly cured. Nowe I seeme to discerne, That thiese Ulcers proceeded from a Scorbuticall44 malignity. And surely this Unlearned man hath found a Medicine, That doth assiste nature allmost universally against any Malady, & very proper, When the disease is radicate, or complicate with severall disaffections, that cannot beare a knowne Name, or is of one kind, or ‹of one› nature. I sawe a childe of sixe yeares old soe swelld about her head & face, that she had noe resemblance of the Countenance, which she had 2 houres before, My mother guessed what the matter might be; & forced her to Vomite, & with it there came up a spider soe contused & broken that wee sawe little more then the legs.a After vomiting, the childe tooke sallade oyle, & was suddenly well againe. I have often debated Why some Medicines might not operate as strongly & speedily for Health, as some poysins doe for death & destruction, & in my small experience the chymiste alone seemes able to manage the question, & by their ayde I have seene such suddaine & unexpected recoveryes, as may be compared with the dispatch of strong poysone. John Cary a chirurgeon of this Towne had mingled in one violl for his chirurgicall use about 4 dramms of sublimate with allum & lime; a woeman drunke it up, & was very sicke, & swelld (or she phantsyed soe) immediately.b This noble Erle of Marlebourough came by chance thither, & finding her case poured his boxe of Tabacco into a posnet of water, stird it, & straind it assoone as45 the water was lukewarme, she dranke it, & vomitted, & was well.c The MS contains various printers’ marks.

WINTHROPd to BOYLE

3 November 1663

From the text printed in R. C. Winthrop (ed.), ‘Correspondence of several of the Founders of the Royal Society in England with Governor Winthrop of Connecticut’, in Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series, 16 (1878), 206– 51, on pp. 218–19. The original MS was formerly in Massachusetts Historical Society Winthrop Papers 5, 39, but the relevant catalogue slip is marked: ‘Not in volume 15 Jan. 1960’. Reprinted as R. C. Winthrop, (ed.), Correspondence of Hartlib, Haak, Oldenburg and others of the founders of the Royal Society, with John Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut, 1661–1672 (Boston, 1878), pp. 16–17. Printed in ‘The Winthrop Papers’, part 4, in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, fifth series, 8 (1882), pp. 84–5. a

For Beale’s mother, Joanna Pye, see above, p. 134n. The surgeon John Cary has not been traced. c This is a reference to James Ley (1618–65), 3rd Earl of Marlborough. d For John Winthrop see above, p. 31. b

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WINTHROP

to BOYLE, 3 Nov. 1663

HONORABLE SIR, When the Commissioners were mett at Boston in September last, the Widdow of Mr Mayhew, who had beene in his life-tyme a preacher to the Indians at a place called Martha’s Vineyard, desired me very earnestly to recomend hir condition to the consideration of your [Agents] here for some continuance of allowance for hir selfe & education of hir son; but because they could give hir no assurance for the future, I make bold to write to your Honor in hir behalfe, that she might by your favour be considered by your honorable Corporation for some allowance for the future.a Hir husband was one who had wholly devoted himselfe to that Indian worke, & laid such a foundation among those natives of that Iland before mentioned, that the fruit thereof hath beene very great, towards the conversion of those poore heathen many of them, & as I have beene informed it was some respect to that worke that made him (though possibly not only that) undertake that voyage when he was lost: he might certainly have beene setled in a better place & condition for the more comfortable supply of his family, if he would have beene taken off that employment. I beseech your honor to consider hir condition, & to recommend it to the gentlemen of the Corporation for what further continuance of supply shalbe thought fitt to be allowed hir. It cannot be bestowed upon an object more interested in suffering for the promotinge of that pious worke. I make bold to send heere inclosed a kind of Rarity, the first perhaps that your honor hath seene of that sort from such hands; it is two papers of latin composed by two Indians now scollars in the Colledge in this Country, & the writing is with their owne hands.b If your honor shall judge it worth the notice of the Gentlemen of the honorable Corporation & the Royall Society, you may be pleased to give them a view of it. Possibly as a novelty of that kind it may be acceptable, being a reall /p. 219/ fruit of that hopefull worke that is begun amongst them, and therewith may please to give me leave to have my humble service presented to them, testifying thus much that I received them of those Indians out of their owne hands, and had ready answers from them in latin to many questions that I propounded to them in that language, and heard them both express severall sentences in Greeke also. I doubt not but those honorable fautores Scientarum will gladly receive the intelligence of such vestigia doctrinæ in this Wildernesse amongst such a barbarous people:c I humbly crave your excuse for deteining your honor with these Indian matters, it is but fit once this being first of such kind that has beene represented from this remote parte of the world, otherwise should not have presumed upon your patience. I shall not add but my humble Service to your honor & the other Gentlemen of the Corporation, & rest a

For Jane Mayhew see above, p. 74n. Her son was Matthew Mayhew. For these scholars see above, p. 45n. For the enclosures see below, pp. 168–70. c Winthrop refers to the commissioners as ‘patrons of the sciences’, and cites the ‘evidences of teaching’ displayed by the enclosures. b

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HARTFORD, in New Engl: Nov: 3, 1663.

2, 1662–5

Honorable Sir, Your most humble and faithfull Servant JOHN WINTHROP.

To the Honorable Robert Boyle, Esq., Governor of the Corporation for propagating the Gospell in New England, at his house at Chelsy. d.d.’ Endorsement (recorded in ‘The Winthrop Papers’, p. 85n.): ‘Copy of letter to Mr Boyle.’

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: CALEB CHEESHAHTEAUMAUKa to [THE GOVERNOR AND COMMISSIONERS OF THE CORPORATION FOR PROPAGATING THE GOSPEL IN NEW ENGLAND] From the original in BL 2, fol. 12. Fol/1. Previously printed in Samuel Eliot Morison, Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century, 2 vols (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), i, 355, with a photograph of the MS facing p. 345. Also printed in Wolfgang Hochbruck and Beatrix Dudensing-Reichel, ‘“Honoratissimi benefactores”; Native American Students and Two SeventeenthCentury Texts in the University Tradition’, in Helen Jaskoski, (ed.), Early Native American Writings: New Critical Essays (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 3–4, with a translation on pp. 5–6.

Honoratissimi benefactores Referunt Historici, de Orpheo musico, et insigni Poeta quod ab Apolline Lyram acceperit, eaque tantùm valuerit ut illius Cantu sylvas, saxumque moverit, et Arbores ingentes post se traxerit, ferasque ferocissimas mitiores rediderit. imo, quod accepta Lyrâ ad inferos descenderit, et Plutonem et Proserpinam suo CarMost honoured benefactors, Historians tell of Orpheus, the musician and outstanding poet, that he received a lyre from Apollo, and that he was so excellent with it that he moved the forests and rocks by his song. He made huge trees follow behind him, and indeed rendered tamer the most ferocious beasts. After he took up the lyre he descended into the nether world, lulled Pluto and Proserpina with his song, and led Eurydice, his wife, out of the underworld into the upper a

See above, pp. 44–5.

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mine demulsurit, et Eurydicen uxorem ab inferis, ad Superos erexerit:a Hoc symbolum esse statuunt Philosophi Antiquissimi, ut ostendant quod tanta et vis et virtus doctrinæ et politioris literaturæ ad mutandum Barborum1 Ingenium: qui sunt tanquam arbores, saxa, et bruta animantia: et eorum quasi matesphorisin2 efficiendam, eosque tanquam Tigres Cicurandos et post se trahendos. Deus vos delegit esse Patronos nostros, et cum omni Sapientiâ, intimâque Commiseratione vos ornavit, ut nobis Paganis salutiferam opem feratis, qui vitam, progeniemque à Majoribus nostris ducebamus. Tam animo, quam Corporeque nudi fuimus, et ab omni humanitate alieni fuimus, in deserto huc et illuc variisque erroribus ducti fuimus. O terque, quaterque ornatissimi, amantissimique viri, quas quantasque, quam maximas, immensasque gratias vobis tribuamus: eo quod omnium rerum Copiam nobis suppetitaveritis propter educationem nostram; et ad sustentationem Corporum nostrorum: immensas, maximasque expensas effudistis.b Et præcipuè quas quantasque Gratias Deo Opt: Max. dabimus, qui sanctas Scripturas nobis revelavit, Dominumque Jesum Christum nobis demonstravit, qui est via veritatis et vitæ. Præter haec omnia, per viscera misericordiae divinæ, aliqua spes relicta sit, ut instrumenta fiamus, ad declarandum, et propagandum evangelium Cognatis nostris Conterraneisque ut illi etiam Deum Cognoscant et Christum.c world.a The ancient philosophers say that this serves as a symbol to show how powerful are the force and virtue of education and refined literature in the transformation of the nature of barbarians. They are like trees, rocks, and brute beasts, and a substantive change must be effected in them. They have to be secured like tigers and must be induced to follow. God delegated you to be our patrons, and He endowed you with all wisdom and intimate compassion, so that you might perform the work of bringing salvation to us pagans, who used to derive our life and origin from our forebears, We used to be naked in soul and body, alien from all humanity, led around in the desert by all sorts of errors. Oh, threefold and fourfold most illustrious and most loving men, what kind of thanks, if not the greatest and most immense, we should give to you, for you have supported us with an abundance of all things, for our education and for the sustenance of our bodies. You have poured forth immense – the greatest – resources.b And we will especially give great thanks to God the most excellent and highest, who has revealed the sacred scripture to us, and shown to us the Lord Jesus Christ, who is the way of truth and of life. Besides all this, another hope is left us through the depths of divine mercy: that we may become instruments to spread and propagate the gospel among our kin and neighbours, so that they may also know God, and Christ.c a The Orpheus myth, as Cheeshahteaumauk uses it, shows Orpheus in both a classical guise, as the bringer of civilisation; and in an early Christian form, as a proselytising Christian missionary. See Hochbruck and Dudensing-Reichel, ‘“Honoratissimi benefactores”’, p. 6. He also sanitises the story, omitting Orpheus’s failure to save Eurydice and his own savage death. b The beginning of the paragraph alludes to Virgil, Aeneid, i. 94, ‘O terque, quarterque beati …’. c Alluding to John 14, 6.

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Quamvis non posumus par pari redere vobis, reliquisque Benefactoribus nostris veruntamen speramus. nos non defuturos apud Deum supplicationibus importunis exorare pro illis piis miserecordibus viris, qui supersunt in vetere Angliâ, qui pro nobis tantam vim auri, argentique effuderunt ad Salutem animarum nostrarum procurandam: et pro vobis etiam, qui instrumenta, et quasi aquæ ductus fuistis: omnia ista beneficentia nobis Conferendi Vestræ Dignitati devotissimus: Caleb: Cheeshahteaumauk. Even though we cannot commensurately reciprocate your kindness and that of our other benefactors, we do hope, however, that we should not fail in praying before God with importunate supplications for those pious and merciful men who are still in old England, who disbursed so much gold and silver for us to obtain the salvation of our souls, and for you as well, who were instruments like aqueducts in bestowing all these benefits upon us. Most devoted to your dignity: Caleb Cheeshahteaumauk

BEALE to BOYLE

9 November 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 105, pp. 53–4. Fol/1+blank. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 445–58 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 352–74.

Honourable Sir You cannot beare Words, but require Deedes. Nefas Verba tibi dare, Rem præstare oportet.a But what offering shall I bring? My poore storehouse hath nothing Worthy of your Altar yet they were accepted, who brought goates hayres & badgers skins, for the Tabernacle. This is my Case. About 15 yeares of thiese late bad times I have beene a poore farmer. And my hereditary interest was upon the Mountains of Seir amongst Edomites (old Britains & Kymbrians)b Here, as concernd, I conversed with Cato, Varro, Columella, Palladius, Crescentius, Collet, Palisius, & such as I could get of French Spanish & Italian rustics, Googes, Heresbachius, Marlbanryning Tusser, Sir H Plat, & G Plats, & as far as Mr Hartlibs a

Beale’s Latin repeats the opening English sentence. The mountainous land of Seir was occupied by the Edomites, descendants of Esau. See Genesis 32, 3 and 36, 20–1. ‘Kymbrians’ may be a reference to the ancient Welsh. b

170

BEALE

to BOYLE, 9 Nov. 1663

correspondence would helpe my information.a I tryed all things, Newe & old by the event What might be done for improvement of English pasture, by English or forreigne Seede, or Arte, Water or Ashes, Clover, St Foine. I tryed the wayes of finding springs, & conducting them of healing bogues or draying uliginous land. I tryed divers sorts of graine. I examined the use of Marle. howe far & by what wayes, earth or soyl might be altered or improved. divers Composts. Howe vegetables & animals might be tamed, improved or imployed for humane use, Howe the wildest may be trained to be most accommodable. I enquired Howe far Asses & Mules might be fit for England, Scotland &c &c. And hence I here send you a wild sheete of Sheepe, & Goates, Where you will read, That, in old accompt, Sheepe were the soundest of Cattell, Goates never sound: & if wee reguard the old rules, (of which you find salt in use for sheepe) our flocks wilbe safe, & our heards of goates a peculiar riches in the land of Misery, & barrennes. Of bogues, Springs Marle Pasture &c I intend in Order. But what helpe from thiese rusticall affayres for mans dominion? Very little I confesse from my hand in this rude way. For I have noe leysure to pollish, or to finish: but if I had a residence in Gressam, I should rejoyce to be a collector, & compiler of others fuller informations.b Nowe I can only advise, That you caste a slight glance upon thiese to taste, Whether any line may be fit for your pallate (for that is the best preferment it can have) & then speedily /p. 54/ to rid your mind of it, by putting it into the hands of some1 persone, Who undrtakes this agrestic affayres. Yet if I did affect high language, & to make greate promises, I would tell you That by thiese Clownish Advertisements, Wee can give man dominion over the Winds, Ayre, Water & Lands. Wee can rayse coole winds in the2 extreamest Sumer heates; & conduct them for the best of humane uses: Wee can dissolve the frozen Winds of rigourous Winter. At noe charges wee can search the bowells of the Earth, & by our springs discover all her treasures, Minerall, metalline, Coale &c, More by one mans Arte, & experience, than by the labour of Thousands of pioners with spade or picke axes &c &c. a Beale lists several writers on agriculture, several of which he quotes from later in the letter: Marcus Porcius Cato (234–149 BC), Roman statesman; Marcus Terentius Varro (116–27 BC), soldier and author of De re rustica; the agricultural writers Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella (fl. 1st century AD), Rutilius Taurus Aemilianus Palladius (4th century AD), both of whom wrote texts entitled De re rustica; Petrus de Crescentiis (Pierre Crescenzi) (b. 1230), author of Scriptores rei rusticae; John Colet (1467–1519), English humanist; Bernard Palissy (1510–90), French potter, minerologist and chemist; Barnabe Googe (1540–94), English landowner, poet and government servant in Ireland; Konrad Heresbach (1496–1576), German humanist and government official serving the Duke of Cleves; Thomas Tusser (c. 1524–80), agricultural writer and poet; Sir Hugh Plat (1552–1608), inventor and agricultural writer; Gabriel Plattes (d. 1644, according to inscription in his book Subterraneal Treasures); Marlbanryning has not been further identified. b For the establishment of the Royal Society’s Georgical Committee in 1664, specialising in agricultural matters see Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 56), ch. 3, and below, p. 313n. For Gresham College, the meeting place of the Royal Society, see above, p. 138n.

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And let me say to you, That if you give thiese things in charge amongst your acquaintance, That each man in his way may adde to the Search of Others, Than you doe fully prosecute the Verulamian designe;a Than our Labour is joynte, & Collegiate, & not allwayes runing in the narrownes of single endevours. And what had Cæsar, Alexander or Solomon done, The first in War, or the last in peace, If they had not imployd more hands, than their owne?b Sir Ease your owne hands the more, That you may the better oversee the Maine Worke. And for us, That are in stresse of busines, & distance, Tis well, if wee be hewers of woode & drawers of Water. I pray that mine may not tempt you to further trouble, or divertisement, then sometimes to distill from you a shorte line of directions, Howe I may in my best capacity serve your commands. Thiese & the annexed I have not time to reviewe. Honourable Sir, Your most oblieged servant J Beal.

Yeavill. Nov 9. 63.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER BEALE to BOYLE From the original in Early Letters OB 106, pp. 57–88. Fol/2+2+1+1+2+1+1 +2+2+2. Enclosed with preceding letter. Previously printed Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 445–58 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 352–74.

Honourable Sir The annexed are only a Continuation of the former argument of Medecine & Sheepe;c And this letter must be only a duplicate of my laste boldnes & importunity. You can better endure such rudenes, whilst it doth heartily prosecute philosophicall designes, than Complements which import nothing but affections & opinion. I urge then againe, That you knowe many hunderds, Who can produce more experiments, than I can, & of a far more noble nature. And your Countenance, or beckning of your finger, will set them all on worke. In fewe weekes I can fill up a quire of such goates hayre, as you find. Assoone as your collector hath culld out from many Contributers, as much as will fill a quire in the Presse, This beeing a

For Francis Bacon see above, p. 70n. Beale uses Julius Caesar, and Alexander the Great as examples of great military leaders. For King Solomon see above, p. 70n. c The reference is probably to papers now lost alluded to at the end of Beale’s letter of 2 Nov. 1663, as well as the paper on medical experiments which survives. See above, pp. 154–66. b

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printed in 4o, soe that wee that labour in the worke, & all others may viewe & reviewe it; by our correspondents, & further experience, Wee shalbe1 prægnant for more of the same or like kind, & perchance (by oppositions) much improved. And thus it will growe like a snoweball by rolling. And this is like Collegiate worke.a The Quarto will in shorte time be many volumns, Which any man may buy by parcell, or in grosse at his pleasure; & joyne, or divide, in volumes, as he listeth. I tooke noe care of choice, because I refer that as anothers busines, & (as I said before) He that brings mortar commits noe greate fault if he brings rather too much, than too little; & tis better to bee too plaine, than too curious. And this will discourage noe hand that is layd to the worke, when every ‹one› can doe better. For Methode, I declind it, & oft times broke it of purpose, because change is sweeter than a continued series of the same, or like. & præter expectationem more pleasant than chorda qui semper oberrat eadem;b & Thus allso thiese are Topiques for the practise of Memory, Which is one of my engagements, & if in the end of the Experiment there be a Vide for further reference, This will string them to a fixed methode, or note them for various uses, as far as they deserve.c The maine point wilbe in this, That you choose a fitte collector Who resides within your reach, That He may receive your frequent directions & /p. 58/ Castigations; And then wee shall all expect the Countenance of your preface: But because it is not reasonable, That your honour & credite should be concerned in other mens reports of their Experiments, I should yield that our parcells shoald beare a Letter for a remarke of his name, Who would poysone such a noble enterprise with an untruth: And in the meane time, You may require further search or evidence in any particular, as you see cause. For example, I thought a cuppingglasse an easy remedy for such horrid epilepticall agonyes, as seemd to all spectators diabolicall. I made the prooffe oft-times upon Sir R P, That is (in your eare) Sir Robert Pye of the Equiry.d Wee are indeed of neerest affinity, but for private reasons I hold noe correspondence with him. Another may enquire of him the place & the matter, & see the marke on the place. I conceive it proceeded from a checque that was then put upon his Luste, When the body was pamperd with high diete, & other provocations, or Temptations. And it may shewe the way of Evaporating those tumultuous Winds & Spirits, Which are oft-times deplored, as incurable. And I leave to your selfe the larger inferences. I have sometimes interlaced small parcells of history. That all might passe like a Tale that is told without much affection, & yet improve for some benefit. And thus it may answere to Lord Bacons Title, Historia &c There is naturally something a

i.e., a corporate work, implying the activities of the Royal Society. Beale alludes to Horace, Ars poetica, 356, praising Method which is ‘beyond expectation … better than … [a musician] who always blunders at the same chord’. c On ‘topiques’ and the art of memory see above, p. 129n. d Sir Robert Pye held the post of Auditor of the Exchequer. See above, p. 154n. b

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of more smoothnes & sweetenes in story, then in argument.a The first carryes the liquid evidence of things done, & paste, & therefore paste dispute. The other may have nayles, or Talons for the battle, but must not anticipate Victory, & Triumph. Sir, Doe not you nowe aske mee, Whether you have not other busines more than enough, or Whethr you neede such a simple Taske master? I can truely answere, That this I had offerd for under worke at your service, if in reasone or modesty I could have thought one Note Worthy of your Enterprise. If you can rayse any line to such advancement, it is beyond & above my ambition: And yet I doe still keepe hope, That in some following discourses, I may serve you in some small measure. And doe not you observe the most curious artificers lay aside that which serves not for their Master piece, & yet not caste it away? This frugality is all my suite. But yet I must increase my boldnes, & intrude upon your owne proper Taske. I have sometimes treated with Mr Oldenburgh of the Conduct, by which the Froth of false litterature, & spawne of the printing-presses may be enforced to give Way to true Light, & sound information. The Terme is allmost paste, & yet I find not all the effects of my poore advise. Is not the united & constant ‹activity›2 of the royall Society able to communicate /p. 59/ the most seasonable information of what is abroade? Howe fewe Members, or howe easily one member by fewe correspondents may give intelligence to all the Innes of Courts, See their stationers fully furnisht with a fit store for the buyers? Soe in the Exchanges, Westminster Hall, & all places of considerable resorte. The like from Pauls to the Universityes, & all over England.b And backe againe the like activity form all stationers in the skirts of England to the Metropolis. Here a poore man can awaken Bristol, Bath, Wells, Dorchester, & more on the other side of Severne. This diligence revivd every Terme, & every Fayre, & in all Acts & Comoncements of our Universityes, will continually increase in force. If wee call it Modesty to despise these Condescentions, Wee must allso call it Modesty to renounce our Maine Worke. I thinke I see you easily, & without any straine of Violence, or the least appearance of ambition ‹give› influence ‹to› both the Universityes: And then, though Gressam hath noe settled Revenues, yet the Colledges of under-workemen have fayr revennues. And I thinke it lawfull to interrogate, Why all our best English presses are not allready imployed upon old, & fresh Treatises of noblest use? Some to revive, compare, & advance Pancyrolus by later discoveryes.c And as I have moved allready for Medecine & Georgiques, (Where I doe yet want the reprinting of Crescentius, Of which I have seene a better coppy in the Library of Hereford, than the common impresa

A reference to Bacon’s works on natural history. Beale refers to the Inns of Court, where lawyers were trained and Westminster Hall where they practised. Also mentioned are the Exchanges, which were places of trade, and St Paul’s Cathedral. Beale’s interest is in these institutions as places where people of influence congregated and where information could be disseminated. c Beale refers to Guido Panciroli (1523–99), author of Rerum memorabilia libri duo (1599). b

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sion, & others)a Soe I sollicite the like historicall collection in all our affayres of Art, & Nature, Mathematicall &c I thinke our Credite might extend for the Reprinting of these Latine authors in the forreigne presses of the Lowe-Countreyes, Paris &c: And to take up the English, at least the Academicall Presses besides. Thiese High adventures wee must sollicite with constant activity, & resolution, To stop the current streame of impertinent bable, or wee shalbe carryed downe the streame. Sir, When you first sawe mee at Eton, I was reputed a Schooleman, (Though I had then read throughly much more of Lord Bacon, than is yet printed, haveing seene in MS all his Embryos, His gradus rerum & gradus verborum; And the prefaces, and joynts, & anacephalæosis to all his Judgements, as Lord chancellor; which raysd mee a little above a meere Schooleman)b Yet Sir H Wotton would often please himselfe in lashing the Schoolemen upon my backe; and would often dr[ive] [?] it as a serious prædiction, That in this age their reputation should yield to more useful philosop[hy.]3 /p. 60/ (And in his reliquiæ you may find some letters, wherof 2 or 3 were to my selfe, & more of the like I have in my possession, ‹in which›4 he had our relishes, but with more addiction to curiosityes,)c Soe long agoe I had my encouragements for this boldnes; & nowe the Seasone is in full Maturity, And you have charged in the Van, And wee cannot doe lesse, than to wish you good speede. Honourable Sir, your most faythfull servant J B.

Yeavill Nov 9. 36. [sic]

The sheete of Goates should followe the 4th of sheepe as introduced in the laste clause of the 4th. I tooke little care to transcribe Columella exactly, My booke being a very false print, false in most periods.d And the foure old Romane Georgicall writers being long ago out of print, excellent matter & authenticall Latine, They deserve an

a

It is not certain to which edition of Crescentius Beale is referring; Piero Crescentio de agricultura (1495) went through three Latin editions before 1536 and was not published again in Latin until 1671. The work did not appear at all in English. b For Beale’s Eton career see above, p. 129n. In referring to his access to Bacon’s manuscripts, Beale indicates that he was able to trace the steps of Bacon’s subject and exposition (i.e., gradus rerum & gradus verborum). Bacon gained the position of Lord Chancellor in 1616. c For Wotton see above, p. 67n. The Reliquiae Wottonianae (1651) is the main collection of Wotton’s works. d The next five sections of Beale’s letter are dominated by quotations from Columella, whose major work was the Res rustica (1475). This is the most comprehensive and systematic treatise of Roman writers of agriculture. In this letter Beale quotes from the 7th book of Res rustica, on the subject of smaller domestic animals. Contrary to his statement, Beale’s transcription is largely accurate. Translations are from the Loeb edition, On Agriculture, eds H. B. Ash, E. S. Forster and E. H. Heffner, 3 vols (London, 1941–55). In the following footnotes, references to the Loeb edition are given after the original citations.

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Academicall diligence for the best impression, for which the edition of Stephanus, which I guesse to be the best, will give good ayde.a Sir In the paper of coated sheepe There is an Exemplar to a clause at the discourse. /p. 61/ Sheepe, How to prevent their Rot. They yield us the wholsomest flesh & warmest rayment. The staple Comodity, for Trade, & Manufactures. They feede on our thinnest pastures & fallowes; And enforce our weakest lands to affoard us bread and hearty drinke. And of small cattle would bring the speedyest & greatest gaine, if wee could be safe from the unlucky yeares of Rot; & ‹This›5 wee might much more often escape, if the owners were not comonly guiltye of Covetousnes, or the shepheards of Negligence. For hard usage in the winter, & want of old & drye hay in the Monethes which are most destructive to their livers is the generall cause of their destruction. Gabriel Plats assures us with confidence taken from the experience of 74 yeares by himselfe & his predecessours, (himselfe an eye-witnesse & diligently observing it for 24 yeares; & his predecessors booking their experience of 50 yeares) That the only infectious Monthes that beget the greate rot are May & June, When excessive moystures befall those monethes;b It is noe very greate charge to be provided of some store of old & dry hay for the time of greate moystures & over forward grasse in those monethes. And by my owne experience for 14 yeares at leaste in the most rotting vales by a more liberall allowance of hay in those moneth I have saved my small flocks of the sheepe which beare the finest wooll, & are most subject to the rotte, When for want of such reliefe all the sheepe in the neighbourhood round about us very generally6 dyed of the rot. And the plenty of moysture ‹in› those Monethes doth allwayes promise greate store of hay to replenish the Recks.c That fine grasse which is raysed by those moystures with the helpe of hay & drye foode does oft times fatten the sheepe on a sudden, & then when the fleece is taken off, tis noe losse, but much gaine to put off the fattest ware to the shambles, as Tusser in his merry rhymes directeth in generall & particularly for hogs or swine, ‹which may›7 more properly be applyed for sheepe, /p. 62/ a Beale is here referring to the so-called georgical writers Cato, Varro, Columella and Palladius; see above, p. 171n. Their agricultural writings were published together as Opera agricolationum (1494), and in many editions thereafter, the last one, referred to by Beale, appearing in 1595. The edition printed by Robert Stephanus in 1543 was Libri de re rustica, M. Catonis lib. I. M. Terentii Varronis lib. III. Elsewhere, Beale says that Henry Oldenburg owned a copy of this edition, see below, p. 580. b Beale cites from ch. 10 of Gabriel Plattes, A Discovery of Infinite Treasure, Hidden Since the Worlds Beginning (1639), ‘Wherein is manifestly shewed the cause of rotting of Sheepe, with the prevention and cure’. For Plattes see above, p. 171n. c i.e., drying racks.

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Whatever thing fat is againe if it fall Thou vent rest the Thing, & the fatnes withall: The fatter the better to sell or to kill But not to continue, make prooffe if you will.a

As Men by a suddaine change from a ranke diet to slender fare fall into the dropsy, soe will other animalls, & sheepe soonest of any. G Plat gives it for an infallible symptome, That when bees fayle, & their hives feele light, a greate rot of sheepe is to be expected; Which gives a very seasonable warning to bloud the sheepe under the eye, or in the mouth, as oft as they see occasion in the end of Sumer, or in Autumne, & to ‹accustome›8 them that are suspected to licke salt in the troughes, or to take some brine with some dry foode, as they may easily be traind to it by gentle degrees, or to force downe a dose of salt in their throates, as is directed.b Tis by G Plat affirmd, & I find it generally received, That the Salt-Marshes doe much helpe the sheepe; & such as dwell more remote from Salt-marshes may doe their flocks much good, if they can exchange the soyle, especially for sounder & dryer grounds. And (as I take it) there is some good in changing the pasture for a short time, though it be to a worse ground, if the shepheards care be ‹to› bloud the sheepe that cannot obtaine the butchers purse, & knife. My man that preservd my floc in a very ranke soyle, was very frequent in opening a veine under the eye, or in the mouth, assoone as he perceivd a sheepe to droope; & by useing to looke on the veines & red parts about the eye, He could discerne, when a sheepe did want blouding. Gab Plats9 takes care to distinguish what hay is kindest for sheepe, & prefers the hardest & dryest before the succulent clover, or (as hee calls it) The silken hay, which is fittest for Cowes &10 calves. I have often enquired & examined, Whether there be not some Vegetables most peculiarly proper for this malady in sheepe, as scurvy-grasse is most proper to relieve the scorbuticall &c And a grave ancient Minister at a greate meeting did assure us upon his owne /p. 63/ experience for many yeares, That knot-grass, That had beene washt twice or thrice, as it grewe by the Sea water, was an effectuall remedy. But where shall such store of that11 grasse be found for them that have greate flocks, & far from the sea? I have seene some mowing grounds beare store of a yellowe small blossomd tre-foyle, which is very friendly to enliven, & strengthen sheepe; When it was greene on the ground a fortnight before Mowing time, I tryed Cowes & Oxen, & they refused it by it selfe, & horses, whilst they had common grasse, left it; but sheepe did eat it more cheerefully. a This is a reference to Thomas Tusser, Five Hundreth Points of Good Husbandry (1573), a manual written in verse, in the form of a calendar. The stanza that Beale cites is from ‘Octobers Husbandry’, fol. 21v. For Tusser see above, p. 171n. b Beale refers to Plattes, A Discovery of Infinite Treasure, ch. 10 and likewise in the next three paragraphs.

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I have noted mowing grounds to make some change of their grasse, as the yeares proved moyst, or droughty; & then most especially, when the drought or moysture hath continued two or three springs together: (The drought begetting hawkeweede, hard-heads & white bodes, the moisture increasing clovers) & I should thinke by this vale in grosse wee may be directed what hay is kindest for sheepe. And in that innumerable variety of grasse of all sorts, We cannot make such choice, as if wee dealt by retaile. Wee can only take that which seemes most likely; And other cattell receive noe hurte from hay, if it be fine enough. but the Cowe is weakened by hay, That hath store of cats tayles; & our small sheepe, which beare the finest wooll, (the Ewes at leaste when they beare lambs) doe require the finest hay, & succulent. I doe not say, That the Turfe is allwayes altered by drought or moysture. For I have sometimes seene an unprofitable grasse, (as namely peacocks bent) so abundantly, & pertinaciously adhere to a soyle, that it could not be altered by the fatte floudes, Which every Winter were brought over it, till the Turfe was quite pared off, fresh earth brought in the place, & sowed with the best of English hay-duste. Grounds newely layd for pasture are noted to infect sheepe, And I have observd such newe layd grounds for the first, & second yeare to bring foorth store of the knot-grasse. But this cannot contradict the former prayse of salted knot grasse, Nor can /p. 64/ demonstrate That knot grasse is hurtfull to sheepe. Possibly They may like it soe well, & find it soe friendly, That to bite it too neere the roote, they licke up too much of the soyle. And if sheepe come to pasture, that was lately flouded, or hath much loose soyle on the grasse, they are soone tainted. Though G Plats assures upon his hereditary & particular Experience of 74 yeares, That neyther the immoderate moysture of July, Auguste, & September, nor those kells which like Cobwebs doe sometimes cover the grounds, doe beget the rotte in sheepe, Yet I doe much comend some carefull shepheards, Who doe never suffer their sheepe to graze upon the grounds in the mornings, when they doe first goe foorth to pasture, nor after rayne, before they have beene gently driven over those grounds, That their feete may breake those kells, & beate off the dewes, & over much moisture from the grasse.a For that frequent & gentle motion is a seasonable, & healthfull exercise for the cattle, & over much moisture cannot be healthfull for sheepe. And the sheepe are a comfort and helpe to each other, if they accustome to gather together in12 flocks in the time of greate rayne, & at the time which may be spared from feeding in clampy weather. If noe hay can be had in those infectious Monethes of over moyst May & June, There must be some speciall care to keepe the sheepe (during those moystures) in the highest, dryest, & soundest grounds. which may by13 a little use be easily distinguished from the infectious grounds by the verdure of the sweete grasse which a

See Plattes, A Discovery of Infinite Treasure, ch. 10.

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tainteth the sheepe. Which is not one peculiar herbe, as some describe it like purslane, nor as others suspect it to be speare worte, though possibly some emergent plant may be a remarke of an infectious pasture. There are many salt or brakish springs in England, besides the Weeches, & more may dayly be discovered, & much brine may be raysed by many house-keepers:a The salt waters may be boyled & scumed, & the brine may be mingled,14 as I said before with oates, pease or beanes, or enforced in the dose. Of which see Columella recited in the end of the following paper. /p. 65/ The Governement ‹& choice› of Sheepe Extracted out of Columella & compared with our Moderne Customes, & experience in England. Colum lib. 7. c. 2. Post majores quadrupedes Ovilli pecoris secunda ratio est, quæ prima sit, si ad utilitatis magnitudinem referas. --- Tum quod corporibus nostris liberiora præbet velamina, tum etiam quod casei lactisque abundantia non solum agrestes saturat, sed etiam elegantium Mensas jucundis et numerosis dapibus exornat.b ---- As in some parts of Italy, soe allso in some parts of England They have a hardy fayre sheepe, which with some helpe of a pasture, (which may be too thin for the graseing of other cattell) doe yield a greate releefe of milke, which makes a white shining butter, somewhat like lard, & fit for the hardy labourer, but being mixed with Cowes milke, or if it selfe amends cheese. For cheese is the better for that rankenesse. Tusser gives us the safe rule, & the juste proportion. At Phillip & Jacob away with thy lambs, That thinkest to have any milke of their damms;* At Lammas leave milking for feare of a thing, Least Requiem æternam in Winter they sing. To milke & to fold them is much to require, Except you have pasture to fill their desire. Yet many by milking, such heede they doe take Not hurting their bodyes, much profit doe make. Five Ewes to a Cowe, make a prooffe by a score, Shall double thy dayry, else truste mee noe more. Yet many a good housewife that knoweth the skill Have mixt & unmixt at their pleasure & will.c *

May’s husbandry.

a

‘The Weeches’ have not been identified. Columella, Res rustica, vii. 2 (ii, 233): ‘The importance of the sheep is secondary to that of the ass, though the sheep is of primary account if one has regard to the extent of its usefulness. For it is our principal protection against the violence of the cold and supplies us with a generous provision of coverings for our bodies. Then, too, it is the sheep which not only satisfies the hunger of the country folk with cheese and milk in abundance but also embellishes the tables of people and taste with a variety of agreeable dishes.’ c Beale quotes three stanzas of ‘Mayes husbandry’ from Tusser, Good Husbandry, fol. 47. b

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This is noe small gaine for a score of sheepe to be as good as foure Cowes, where Cowe pature is scarse, since the plough cannot goe merrily, Where this white meate is wanting. Id pecus, quamvis mollissimum sit, valetudinis tutissimæ est, minimeque pestilentiæ.a In hot countreyes other cattle dye more frequently of the pestilence then sheepe; & in England Wee have seene the plague in horses, & the murraine in other cattell, much more dangerous15 than the rot in sheepe, Which may be cured[,] or at leaste prevented [by]16 such helpe and diligence as is directed Verum tamen eligendum est ad naturam loci. -- Pinguis et Campestris situs proceras oves tolerat; gracilis & collinus quadratas: /p. 66/ silvestris & montosas exiguas: pratis planisque novalibus tectum pecus commodissimè pascitur.b -- This Tectum pecus answeres to our small sheepe of Lemsters oare & Herefordshire,c which beares the finest wooll, & doe require all sumer & winter the shelter of warme coates or houses. And He allso distinguisheth them by their Countreyes Milesias, Calabras, Appulas, earumque optimas Tarentinas, Which are the same which before he called Tectum pecus. Soe wee find a difference in the sheepe of Herefordshire, Shropshire, Cotsall,d Somerset, Dor‹setshire›17 &c He comends the white as capeable of any colour, yet allowes pullum et fuscum quos præbent in Italia Pollentia -- Nec minus Asia rutilos. Sed et alias varietates in hoc pecoris genere docuit usus exprimere.e And here He comends his uncle Columella, for joyning severall kinds for novell varietyes;f And this I have seene often tryed by putting Cotsall rams to our Tectum genus, but except the Invention be better, wee must not boaste of the successe. Ex albo sæpe fuscus editur partus, ex Erythræo vel pullo nunquam generatur albus.g It seemes Jacobs lucke will allwayes hold, That the blac, darke coloured, pyed, or dappled sheepe will predominate, If any spotted males be admitted.h

a Columella, vii. 2 (ii, 233): ‘Though the sheep … is a very delicate creature, it enjoys sound health and suffers very little from contagious disease.’ b Columella, vii. 2 (ii, 235): ‘Nevertheless a breed of sheep must be chosen to suit local conditions … A rich, flat country supports tall sheep, a lean and hilly region those of square build, while a wooded, mountainous land produces small sheep. “Coated” sheep are best pastured in meadows and flat fallow ground.’ c Tectum pecus, for which Beale goes on to give the English equivalent, ‘coated sheep’, found on the Welsh borders, originating (‘oare’) from Herefordshire and around the town of Leominster. d i.e., the Cotswolds. e Columella, vii. 2 (ii, 235): ‘By their very nature black and dark brown sheep also, which Pollentia in Italy … are esteemed for the price which they command; Asia likewise provides the red colour … Experience has also taught the way to produce other variations of colour in this kind of animal.’ f Columella cites his uncle Marcus Columella (ii, 235). g Columella, vii. 2 (ii, 237): ‘…for a dark lamb is often the offspring of a white ram, while a white lamb is never bred from a red or brown sire’. h The allusion is to Jacob’s trick of producing speckled kids; see Genesis 31, 28–43.

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Whence Hee joynes with Virgil to examine the very mouth of the Male, & to see that noe parte of the tongue or pallate be spotted. Nigra subest udo tantum cui lingua palato Reiice – ne maculis infuscat vellera pullis –*

For horned or not horned, He prefers the horned as best defendat in cold climates; Not horned; where noe feare of hard Tempests. Itaque si plerumque est atrocior hyems hoc genus (i e amplisimis cornibus) eligemus: si clementior mutilum probabimus marem.a In Herefordshire the ewes are seldome horned; Here in Somersetshire the whole flocke is horned, which to our Countrey would seeme strange, & hurtfull. He noteth the horned to be more apt to fight, & directeth the shepheard to knoc nayles in a board, & therewith knocking their foreheads they may be tamed Ea res ferum prohibet a rixa, cum stimulatum suo ictu ipsum se sauciat.b I knewe a shepheard had /p. 67/ his thigh broken, & have heard of others that were slaine by fighting rams. To prevent such mischiefes I recited Columellas invention. And he addeth from Epicharmus, pugnacem arietem mitigari terebra secundum auriculas foratis cornibus, qua curvantur in flexu.c Eius quadrupedis ætas ad progenerandum optima est trima, nec tamen inhabilis usque ad annos18 octo. Fæmina post bimatum maritari debet; Juvenisque habetur quinquennis; fatiscit post annum septimum.d He instructeth the buyer to open the wooll & examine Whether grey be not mingled with the white – Variam et canam comam improbabis, quod sit incerti coloris.e And we say The best time to buy them is at two yeares, & not to meddle with such as are paste three. The one is not yet ripe for profit, the other is allready paste it. Elegis bimam vasti corporis, cervice prolixa, prolixi velli, nec asperi, lanosi et ampli uteri; Nam vitandus est glaber et exiguus.f True, this is the best choice * Virgil. [Beale quotes from Virgil, Georgics, iii. 388–9, though he abbreviates Columella’s four lines; ‘If under his wet palate a black tongue / Lurks, then reject it, lest with dusky spots he should darken the fleece of the lamb.’ (ii, 239).] a

Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 239): ‘So, if the winter generally tends to be severe, we shall choose rams of this type [i.e., with the largest horns]; if it is milder, we shall prefer a ram which is hornless.’ b Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 241): ‘This prevents the animal, fierce though he may be, from quarrelling, because by his blow he pricks and wounds himself.’ c Columella cites Epicharmus, who wrote a treatise on remedies for cattle, vii. 3 (ii, 241): ‘a pugnacious ram can be tamed by piercing its horns with a gimlet near the ears at the point where the horns bend into a curve.’ d Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 241): ‘The best time for breeding from this animal is when it is three years old; but it continues to be suitable up to eight years of age. The female ought to be mated after its second year and is still regarded as young at five years; after its seventh year it becomes exhausted.’ e Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 241): ‘… you will reject those which are part-coloured or bald, because its colour can not be determined’. f Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 241–3): ‘You will select a two-year-old with a large frame, a neck covered with shaggy hair which is abundant but not coarse, and a woolly and ample belly; for a small and hairless ewe must be avoided.’

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for Cotsall downes & the Champian Commons of Warwickshire, but in Herefordshire Wee must be content with small sheepe with glabrous faces, & little, or noe wooll on their legs or bellyes. For coates or houses he directs. Illa etiam tuendis humilia facere stabula, sed in longitudinem potius, quam in latitudinem porrecta, ut simul hieme calida sint, nec angustiæ fætus oblidant.a This wee approve, That for such as must be housed, the houses should be warme, but not too close, & That Ewes with young & weake sheepe be severed by partitions from such as are stronger. Ea poni debent contra medium diem. Namque id pecus, quamvis ex obis animalibus vestitissimum, frigoris tamen impatientissimum est, nec minus æstivi vaporis.b This shewes That for our sheepe of finest wooll, wee should take more care in thiese points, than comonly wee doe. Deturque opera19 ne quis humor subsistet, ut semper quam aridissimis filicibus vel culmis stabula constrata sint quo purius et mollius incubent fætæ.c Herein allso wee are too negligent, most of us not clenseing the coates or remooving the litter more then twice in the yeare; but only overlaying fresh litter. Yet as I take it, /p. 68/ Heresbachius directeth, That the floore be sloping (soe tis in stables for horses;[)]20 That the Urine may passe away, before it spoyles their feete or fleeces.d But to the use of Ferne, some of our shepheards doe say that ferne rots sheepe & spoyles the dung. And wee shalbe at losse, if the urine be not received in litter for composte. Sint quaia mundissima, neque earum valetudo, quæ præcipue custodienda est, infectetur uligine.e It seemes That cleanlines, as well as other good winter reliefe, makes sheepe the hardier to resiste the infection in Spring & Sumer. Wee use a sort of double crotches, That the sheepe may feede on both sides, & not leape up on the top of the hay to foule it with their feete, dung, & urine. That thistles, burs, & thorny bushes are bad guests in Sheep-pasture he confirmes by the authority of Virgill: & that a few sheep well fed on sound grounds are more profitable then larger flocks ill-provided. Nam vel exiguus numerus cum pabulo satiatur, plus domino reddit, quam maximus grex cum senserit penuriam a Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 243): ‘… the following points must be observed in their management. Their folds should be built low and extended in length rather than in breadth, so that they may be warm in winter and also that lack of space may not cause the ewes to cast their young’. b Columella, vii 3 (ii, 243): ‘They should be placed so as to face the mid-day sun; for sheep, though naturally the best clothed of animals, can least endure cold, or summer heat either.’ c Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 243): ‘… and care must be taken to prevent there being any standing water by keeping their folds strewn with the driest possible fern or straw so that the ewes after lambing may have something clean and soft on which to lie’. d For Heresbach whose Four Books of Husbandry was written in 1567, published in Latin in 1570 and translated into English by Barnabe Googe in 1577, see above, p. 171n. e Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 243): ‘… and that the folds may be very clean, and that the health of the ewes, which must be specially guarded, may not be impaired by dampness’.

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Sequeris autem novalia non solum herbida sed quæ plerumque vidua sunt spinis, utamurque sæpius authoritate divini carminis Si tibi Lanitium curæ est, primum aspera sylva, Lappæque tribulique absint. –

Quoniam ea res, ut ait idem, scabras oves reddit cum tonsis illotus adhæsit sudor, et hirsutis secuerunt corpora vepres. Cum etiam quotidie minuitur lana quæ quanto prolixior in pecore ‹con›crescit, tanto magis obnoxia est rubis.a -- This bushy ground then is proper for goates. That21 the ancient advised the use of salt & change of pasture, & to avoyd uliginous moyst lands, & to choose the fallowes for preservation of sheepe, Wee may find (and all this together in one periode) in Columella, lib 7. c. 3. Jucundissimas herbas esse quæ aratro proscissis arvis nascantur: deinde quæ pratis uligine carentibus palustres sylvestresque minime idoneas haberi, nec tamen ulla sunt tam blanda pabula, aut etiam pascua quorum gratia non exolescat usu continuo, nisi pecudum fastidio pastor occurrerit præbito sale, quod velut ad pabuli condimentum per æstatem canalibus ligneis impositum cum e pastu redierint oves lambunt, atque eo sapore cupidinem bibendi, pascendique concipiunt.22b /p. 69/ Of Sheepe, The rules of the old Writers of Italy compared with the moderne Customes of England. Columella makes the question, Whether the fæmale should be admitted to the Ram in spring or Autumne, & gives his judgement for the ‹vernall time,›23 That the weaker sheepe may gather strength before Winter. Inter authores fere constat, primum esse admissuræ tempus vernum parilibus, si sit ovis matura, sin vero fæta, circa Julium mensem. Prius tamen haud dubie probabilius, ut messem Vindemia fructum deinde. vineaticum fætura pecoris excipiat, et totius autumni pabulo a Columella quotes Virgil’s Georgics, iii. 384–5 and 443–4, and Beale quotes this with the surrounding lines in vii. 3 (ii, 243–5): ‘Sheep must be supplied with an abundance of every kind of food; for even a small flock, if it is given its fill of fodder, brings its owner a bigger return than a very large one which has suffered from want. You must look for fallow land which is not only grassy but also for the most part free from thorns; for, to make our repeated appeal to the authority of inspired poesy, If wool is your desire, above all else / Avoid the prickly woods and burs and caltropses. For as the same poet says, it causes scab in sheep, / When after shearing sweat unwashen clings / And prickly briers tear away their flesh. Moreover, the yield of wool is daily reduced, for the more abundantly it grows upon the animal, the more exposed it is to brambles…’ b Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 251): ‘… the vegetation which is most acceptable is that which comes up when the fields have received their first ploughing; the next best is that which grows in meadows which are free from marsh; boggy and wooded lands are considered least suitable. There is, however, no fodder or even pasturage so agreeable that the pleasure which it gives does not grow stale with continuous use, unless the shepherd counteracts this aversion of his sheep by providing salt. This is placed in wooden troughs during the summer to serve as a kind of seasoning in their water and fodder and the sheep lick it up when they return from the pasture, and the taste of it makes them conceive a desire to eat and drink.’

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satiatus agnus ante mæstitiam frigorum, atque hiemis jejunium confirmetur. Nam melior est autumnalis verno, sicut ait verissimè Celsus, quia magis ad rem pertinet ut ante æstivum quam hibernum solstitium convalescat, solusque ex omnibus animalibus bruma commode nascitur.a And wee prefer the Winter lambe That is [w]eaned24 neere Candlemas, as by winter best hardned to resiste the tainte of the Summer. They had a curious rule of tying the one or other cod of the Ram, according as they desired the lambs should be eyther male or female, but hee rejects it, as a troublesome curiosity. Ut admissarii dexter vel sinister vinculo testiculus obligetur, in magnis gregibus operosum est.b I have not tryed the truth of this rule, but he voucheth Aristotle for another like curiosity to the same effect. Aristoteles vir calidissimus rerum naturæ, præcipit admissuræ tempore siccis diebus halitus septentrionales, ut contra ventum gregem pascamus ut eum spectans admittatur pecus; at si fæminæ generandæ sunt, austrinos flatus captare, ut eadem ratione matices ineantur. c This I must leave as I find it, being by me untried. Where wee expect from the Ewes milke for the dayry tis best to turne off the Lambes to the butcher. Villicus enim teneros agnos, dum adhuc herbæ sunt expertes ‹lanio›25 tradit, quoniam et parvo sumptu devehuntur, et iis submotes fructus lactis ex matribus non minor percipitur.d He prefers our owne breede of sheepe better than change from remoter places. Summitti tamen etiam in vicinia urbis quandoque oportebit; Nam vernaculum pecus peregrino longe est utilius. Neque committi debet ut totus grex effætus senectute dominum26 desipiot dest[it]uat[;] cum præsertim boni pastoris vel primea cura sit, annis omnibus in demortuarum vitiosarumque ovium totidem, vel etiam plura capita substituere, quoniam sæpe frigorum atque hyemis sævitia a

Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 245): ‘The authorities are in general agreement that the earliest time of the year at which the ewes should be mated is the spring, when the Parilia is celebrated, if the ewe has just reached maturity, but, if she has already produced a lamb, about the month of July. The earlier date is, however, undoubtedly preferable, so that, just as the vintage follows the harvest, so the birth of the lamb may succeed to the gathering in of the grapes, and the lamb, having enjoyed its fill of food during the whole autumn, may gain strength before the gloomy cold season and the short rations of winter come on. For an autumn lamb is superior to a spring lamb, as Celsus very truly remarks, because it is more important that it should grow strong before the summer solstice than before the winter solstice, and it alone of all animals can be born without risk in mid-winter.’ b Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 247): ‘that device of tying up the right or left testicle of the ram with a band, is difficult to carry out in large flocks’. c Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 245–7): ‘Aristotle, that shrewd researcher into natural phenomena, advises that in the breeding season we should look out for breezes from the north on dry days, so as to pasture the flock facing this wind, and that the male should cover the female looking in that direction; if, on the other hand, female births are desired, we should seek for southern breezes, so that the ewes may be covered in the same manner.’ d Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 247). Beale abbreviates Columella’s Latin here: ‘The farm manager … hands over the tender lambs, before they have begin to graze, to the butcher, since it costs only a little to convey them to the town and also, when they have been taken away, no slighter profit is made out of the milk from their mothers.’

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pastorem decipit, et eas oves interimit, quas ille tempore autumni ratus esse tolerabiles, non summoverat.a /p. 70/ The ancient & moderne agree, That neyther the race of the very old nor of young27 Ewes are fit for breede. And that Ewes doe oft-times want the Art of Midwifry. Neque enim aliter hoc animal, quam muliebris sexus enititur, sæpiusque etiam quantum est omnis rationis ignarum laborat in partu.b The Nursing Art is curiously taught, To cast away some of the first milke, & to hold up the lambe to the Ewes udder, pressing the milke into the lambs mouth &c. Agnus autem, cum est editus, erigi debet, atque uberibus admoveri, tum etiam ejus diductum os pressis humectare papillis, ut condiscat maternum trahere alimentum: sed priusquam hoc fiat exiguum emulgendum est, quod pastores colostram vocant. ea nisi aliquatenus emittitur nocet agno.c For two dayes after birth the Ewe & lamb should be enclosed together, That the Ewe may knowe her lambe, & the lamb her mother. Biduo quo natus est agnus cum matre clauditur, ut et ea partum suum foveat, et ille matrem agnoscere condiscat.d He requires a darke & close pen for the lambe, least by too much wanton play they take hurte. Mox deinde, quandiu non lascivit, obscuro et calido septo custodiatur: postea luxuriantem virgea cum comparibus area claudi oportebit, ne velut puerili nimia exultatione macescat.e I have oft times wonderd to see the fayrest & most sportfull lambs on a sudden to fall away, wither, & dye. The old shepheards would perswade mee They were bewitcht, & indeede in old fame young pigs & tender lambs are aptest to receive mischiefe from the Envious Eye, Nescio quis a Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 247): ‘Even in the neighbourhood of a town, however, one lamb in five will have to be left with its mother, for an animal born on the spot is much more profitable than one brought from a distance, nor ought the mistake be made of letting the whole flock become exhausted by age and leave the owner without any good stock, especially as it is the first duty of a good shepherd every year to substitute the same number of sheep, or even more, in place of those which have died or are diseased, since the severity of the cold and winter often surprises the shepherd and causes the death of those ewes which he had failed to remove from the flock in the autumn because he thought them still able to stand the cold.’ b Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 249): ‘The delivery of a pregnant ewe should be watched over with as much care as midwives exercise; for this animal produces its offspring just in the same way as a woman, and its labour is often even more painful since it is devoid of all reasoning.’ c Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 249): ‘The lamb, when it has been brought forth, ought to be set upon its feet and put near its mother’s udder; then its mouth should be opened and moistened by pressing the mother’s teats, so that it may learn to derive its nourishment from her. But, before this is done, a little milk should be drawn off, which shepherds call “biestings”, and for, if this is not to some extent extracted, it does harm to the lamb …’ d Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 249): ‘… for the first two days after its birth the lamb should be shut up with its mother, so that she may cherish her offspring, and that it may learn to know her’. e Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 251): ‘Then, as long as it has not begun to frisk about, it should be kept in a dark and warm enclosure; afterwards, when it begins to be sportive, it will have to be shut up with the lambs of its own age so that it may not become thin from too much youthful frolicking.’

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teneros oculus mihi farcinat agnos.a But I allwayes suspected this over much liberty of sporting to be for the most part the Witchcraft. The weake lambe should be severd from the stonger least in sport they receive hurte. Cavedum est ut tenerior separetur a validioribus, quia robustus angit imbecillum.b We want this care allso. He sayth tis enough for the lambs to sucke twice a day. In the early morning before the Ewes goe abroad; & in the Evening when the Ewes come full home. Satisque est mane priusquam grex procedat in pascua, deinde etiam crepusculo redeuntibus saturis ovibus admiscere agnos, qui cum firmi esse cœperint, pascendi sunt intra stabula cytiso, vel medica, tum etiam furfuribus aut si permittat annona farina ordei, vel ervi;c Of this we take too little care. Cytise, & Medic wee have not, & wee spare the charges of ground malt, or barley meale.d But some Shepheards provide store of Misseltoe, & smooth /p. 71/ leaves of holly for the Ewes, & the finest grasse for the lambs, & bran & as I should thinke some floure of pease, oates & fitches should not be too costely. And some admit the lambs to sucke thrice a day, in the morning, at noone, & Evening. And assoone as the lambs have fit strength they goe in the pasture with the Ewes, (but not soe early) to learne to feede. Ubi convaluerit, circa meridiem pratis aut novalibus villæ contiguis matres admovendæ sunt, et a septo emittendi agni, ut condiscant foris pasci.e For foode in this time of milke for lambs, He addes the leaves or small branches of elme, & ash, or hay of the later mowing, & barly, pease, & beane, if not too costly. Aluntur comodissimè repositis ulmeis, vel ex fraxino frondibus vel autumnali fæno, quod cordum vocatur: nam id mollius, et ob hoc jucundius quam maturum. cytiso quoque et sativa vitia pulcherrime pascuntur; Necessariæ tamen ubi cæteræ defecerint, etiam ex leguminibus paleæ, Nam per se ordeum et fresa cum suis valvulis faba, vel cicercula sumptuosior est.f Columella with Virgils authority directs the time of feeding & of watering the flocks – Luciferi primo cum sydere – From our Ogleby tis thus our28 owne style. a

Beale quotes from Virgil, Eclogues, 3. 103, ‘some evil eye bewitches my lambs’. Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 251): ‘… in a pen fenced with osiers…and care must be taken to separate a more tender lamb from the stronger ones, because the robust torments the feeble.’ c Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 251): ‘It is enough to make this separation in the morning before the flock goes out to pasture, and then at dusk to let the lambs mingle with the ewes when they return home after eating their fill. When the lambs begin to get strong, they should be fed in folds with shrubtrefoil or lucerne or of bitter-vetch.’ d Cytise, a fodder plant; medica, ‘lucerne’, a kind of clover. e Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 251): ‘When they have reached their full strength, their mothers should be brought about mid-day to the meadows or fallow lands adjoining the farm and the lambs released from their pen, so that they may learn to feed outside.’ f Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 253): ‘They can be most conveniently fed on leaves of elm or ash which have been kept in store or on autumn hay, which is called the “after crop”; for it is softer and therefore pleasanter than the early crop. Shrub-trefoil and cultivated vetch also make excellent fodder; but, when all else has failed, chaff or dried pulse must be used as a last resort, for barley by itself or beans crushed with their pods, or chickling-vetch.’ b

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At the first dawne, in cold grounds let them feede, Whilst day is young, & pearled is the Meade, When dewe to cattell deare on soft grasse lyes, And the fourth houre heate musters from the skyes, And amongst stubs the murmuring grassopper28 sings, Comaund thy flocks then to the lakes or springs, Or let them taste sweete streames in pipes conveighd.a

First this is beyond our ordinary diligence in this colder climate. Secondy in this accompt the morning is more friendly to sheepe than we doe commonly esteeme it – Et ros in tenera pecori gratissimus herba est,b & Gabriel Plats assureth That tis the ranke grasse, & not the dewes that does the hurte yet he taketh soe little care for the watring of sheepe, That He sayth, They may live altogether without it, & care not to drinke except they see Water.c But for Ewes that give milke, tis in all reasone fit, & may deserve Virgills Itemd At cui Lactis amor cytisum, lotosque frequentes Ipse manu salsasque ferat præsepibus herbas, Hinc et amant fluvios magis, et magis ubera tendunt, Et salis occultum referunt in lacte saporem.e

But this in Virgil is rather meant of the goates, than of sheepe: but may well belong to both; For in those old dayes, as well as in thiese Salt had the reputation to preserve the ‹health›30 of sheepe. And I conceive Markhams directions in that pointe may bee considerable.f He tells us, That where the /p. 72/ Sea water hath washed the Marshes, The sun dryes it into a reddish Salt (by him called Sal Alderse or some such name,) which is peculior for the recovery of Sheepe. May not this Salt be easily gathered on the Sea-coasts, & sold at easy rates? But for Waterings in the Evening wee have the same double authority Solis ad occasum, cum frigidus aera vesper, ‹Temperat› et saltus reficit jam rosida luna.g a Columella quotes from Virgil’s Georgics, iii. Beale gives the first line in Latin, and then quotes from the translation made by the miscellaneous writer, John Ogilby (1600–76), The Works of Publius Virgilis Maro (London, 1649), pp. 85–6. b From Virgil, Georgics, iii, ‘… and on tender grass / the dew is sweetest to the feeding herd.’ (Columella, vii. 3; ii, 235). c The reference is to Gabriel Plattes, A Discovery of Infinite Treasure (see above, p. 176). d ‘likewise’. e Here Beale quotes from Virgil, Georgics, iii. 394–7 independently of Columella: ‘But who coveteth milk, lucerne and lotus-bloom let him bear / With his own hands unto the pens, and saltstrewn grass lay there: / Thus more they desire to drink of the flood, and their udders swell / The more, and a half-veiled savour of salt in the milk shall dwell.’ f Gervase Markham (c. 1568–1637), popular and prolific writer on agriculture, author of Markhams Methode or Epitome (1616), which contained remedies for diseases in animals. As he implies, Beale misremembers the name of the salt in Markham’s remedy, which is ‘Adcoces’ (p. 39). g Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 255), quotes from Virgil, Georgics, iii. 336–7: ‘Till sun-set, when chill evening cools the air / And Luna’s dews the thirsty glades refresh.’

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Columella’s caution in hotter countreyes may advertise us in very hot seasons, Sed observandum est sidus æstatis per emersum Caniculæ, ut ante meridiem grex in occidentam spectans agetur, et in eam partem progrediatur, post meridiem in orientem. Siquidem plurimum refert ut pascentium capita sint obversa31 soli, qui plerumque nocet animalibus oriente prædicto sydere.a Tis better to be soe curious, then be too negligent. For warme lodging & fodder in winter wee joyne with32 Columella, as far as our frugality will permit, & can easily observe the reste, Quare etiam frigidis humidisque temporibus anni semel tantum ei potestas aquæ est facienda.b Noe fierce driving. Tum qui sequitur gregem circumspectus ac vigilans magna clementia moderetur, Idemque Duci propior quam Domino.c He gives not the shepheard leave to lye downe but to shewe his face33 for a comfort to those Melancholic cattell. Neque ab his aut longe34 recedat, nec aut recubet, aut considat. Nam nisi procedat, stare debet, quoniam grex quidem custodis officium, sublimem celsissimamque oculorum speculam desiderat, ut neque tardiores et gravidas, dum cunctantur, neque agiles et fætas, dum procurrunt, separari a cæteris sinat, ne fur aut bestia hallucinantem pastorem decipiat.d And wee adde, That Singing, whistling, pipeing & other Musicke is Physic against their naturall Melancholy, & for us Men allso, if in the layes of old Tityrus.e Columella præscribes many old & excellent, & curious medicines for the peculiar diseases of sheepe l. 7. c. 5. But every shepheard should be allwayes provided against the Common diseases: Of rankenes of bloud, which makes them drop downe & die imediately. against the scab begotten by hand [sic] winter & poverty. For which the use of Tobacco & sufficient dry foode ‹& shelter› excells all old receipts; & against sores & wounds easily healed with Tar; & against giddines & weakenes of the Liver begetting the rot, against which Juniper berryes have a peculiar comendation, And may be added to the former præscriptions against the Rot. a Columella, vii.3 (ii, 255): ‘But about the time when the Dogstar shows itself, we must carefully observe the position of the sun in summer, so that before mid-day the flock may be driven facing the west and may advance in that direction, but that after mid-day it may be driven towards the east, since it is of great importance that their heads, as they graze, should not face the sun, which is generally harmful to animals at the rising of the aforesaid constellation.’ b Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 255): ‘… wherefore also in cold and damp seasons of the year they must be given the opportunity of drinking only once a day’. c Beale here abbreviates and alters Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 255): ‘He who follows the flock should be observant and vigilant … and should be gentle in his management of them, and also keep close to them as he is their leader and master.’ The Res rustica reads ‘idemque proprior quia silent …’ d Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 255–7): ‘… nor should he withdraw too far from them nor should he lie or sit down; for unless he is advancing he should stand upright, because the duty of a guardian calls for a lofty and commanding elevation from which the eyes can see as from a watch-tower, so that he may prevent the slower, pregnant ewes, through delaying, and those which are active and have already borne their young, through hurrying forward, from becoming separated from the rest, lest a thief or a wild beast cheat the shepherd while he is day-dreaming.’ e Tityrus is a shepherd in Virgil’s Eclogues.

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The wormes & diseases in the feete may by art be cut out, & healed with Tar, allum, & liquor. The feaver by letting bloud betweene the clawes in the feete, or under the eyes, or eares. Why should wee spare the blood of a sheepe, (the most generall & most effectuall remedy) When our care of sheepe is not for their long lives, but for their fat, flesh, skin, & fleece? /p. 73/ Of Coated sheepe. De35 Ovibus ‹Tectis› Colum. l. 7. c 4. Neyther here, nor in my former, doe I take these words Of coated sheepe to be the genuine & proper translation of Columellas Title de ovibus Tectis, but I use the words only by way of allusion, because, as their sheepe in Italy, which bore the finest wooll, wore coates, or coveing garments to defend them from heate of summer, & the cold of Winter, & for the improvement of Wooll, Soe, in England, our sheepe, which beare the finest wooll, have coates or houses for their defence all nights Winter & Summer & in the saddest dayes of Winter. Of the sheepe, which beare the Course fleeces, wee take not that care in most places of England. That thiese Oves Tectæ had some Covering besides their owne fleeces, may appeare by thiese words of Columella l 7. c. 4. Liberis autem campis, & omni surculo ruboque vacantibus ovem Græcam pascere meminerimus, ne ut lana carpatur, et Tegumen.a And more clearely in the fore-going chapter Quanto lana prolixior,36 in pecore concrescit, tanto magis obnoxia est rubis, quibus velut hamis inuncata, a pascentium tergoribus avellitur, molle vero pecus etiam velamen quo protegitur; amittit, atque id non parvo sumptu reparatur.b From whence I deeme it worthy our Enquyry, Whether Wee in England may not make a considerable improvement of our Wooll, if wee covered our Sheepe, & tooke the other aydes for the finesse & growth of wooll, Which wee see prescribed by the old Writers; & possibly some newe ayde wee may find which excells their aydes.37 And againe We may enquire, Whether it might not be avaylable (in thiese times of generall Comerce by the benefit of Navigation) to38 furnish those English Countreyes which yield the finest wooll, with those kind of sheepe, which were cloathed. Or at least (as Columellas uncle did,39 l. 7. c. 2) to get rams of this finest kind. For to the Italians it was not then the native sheepe, but (as Columella sayes) Græcum pecus, quod plerique Tarentinum vocant.c And we ‹see› howe the Silke-

a Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 259): ‘We shall remember to feed a Greek sheep on open fields free from all shoots and brambles, lest, as I have already said, its wool and its covering be torn away.’ b Columella, vii. 3 (ii, 245): ‘… the more abundantly the wool grows upon the animals, the more exposed it is to brambles, by which it is caught, as if by hooks, and torn from their backs as they feed. The sheep also loses the soft covering with which it is protected, and this can only be replaced at considerable expense.’ c Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 257): ‘… the Greek breed, which most people call Tarentine.’ On Columella’s uncle see above, p. 180n.

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worme hath travayled from the Easte through Persia, & Italy both Westeward, & Northward, even to our cold & watry climate, if wee soe pleased. And surely it would be some considerable reward for a shepheards diligence, if he could make his sheepe beare silke, & keepe them safe allsoe; And I make noe doubt, but wee may have such silke from /p. 74/ our sheepe as may passe for the Silke of the Old Testament, Such as was used for the Tabernacle in the Leviticall Rites.a For (as Judicious Interpreters doe acquainte us) The silke soe often mentioned in the old Testament, as pertaining to the Tabernacle, or to the Temple for Leviticall rites, was not the silke of the Worme which was an uncleane insectile, & therefore unholy; but was some fine cotton, or fine wooll, as it is expressely called by the Author of the epistle to the Hebrewes c. 9. v. 19 with water & scarlet wooll, ’ερι΄ου κοκκι΄ου.b For some wooll contends for finesse with some cottons, & some hayre contends with furs or wooll for finesse, & some furs, some wooll, & some cottons doe approach as neere to the silke of the greate Virginian silke-worme, as that silke approacheth to the silke of Naples, Persia, & Armonia [sic].c Wee see howe Moe-hayre, & Turky stuffes beare40 the glosse of silke in some dyes. & some callicoes & tiffanyes, & newe stuffes, make us doubtfull, whether they are of silke, or cotton, or whence the materialls. And the furs, not only of beavers, but of rabets, & of many vermine, but chiefely of the blacke foxe doe claime a precedence, before some silke. The beaver is ‹fit›41 not only for hats, but for gloves, & other garments, especially loose garments Howe far other downe of fowles, & of Vegetables, & feathers, may by art be brought into use Who can foresee? But nowe wee have gone a Wooll gathering. That wee may Weigh what English Countyes were fittest to trye the wayes of Improving wooll to a silken finesse, I can only give accompt of Herefordshire wooll, & chiefely there of the Wooll of Lemsters ore, & Urchin field, by which all that pretend to finest wooll may compare their owne. That which deserves properly the name of Lemsters oare, is sold commonly about 30s sometimes 32s the stone, which weighes 12 lb of 16 ounces to the pound. The best of Urchinfield not frequently above 26s the42 stone.d The comon wooll of other parts of Herefordshire, about 20s the stone. And the wooll that fayles there of that rate, wee call Course wooll, or Welsh wooll. Though yearely the price may alter somewhat, yet this for many late yeares hath beene the proportion; And being our staple Commoditye, wee may the safer fixe a rate, but I have not the skill to proportion it with the rates of wooll in other Countreyes, which had beene a clearer guide in this question. a

Exodus 26 describes the curtains of the tabernacle as made from linen, yarn and goat hair. i.e., scarlet wool. Silkworms had been taken to Virginia in the ship Elizabeth in 1613, and thrived on the indigenous mulberry trees. d Urchinfield is in the parish of Hardwicke, near Hay-on-Wye, Herefordshire. ‘Lemster’ is presumably a phonetic version of Leominster. b c

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I knowe, That wooll & silke do altogether differ in kind; but wooll is a curled fur, or curled silke & herein I send a locke which I did cut from a Negroes head, to shewe howe like it is to our blacke sheepes wooll in Herefordshire.43 Thus our fine woolled sheepe, though they be natives, & English, not of the Greeke kind, yet they require some of the same Tender care; but not soe much curiosity. Whence I inferre, That it may be of some avayle to make knowne to our best & most curious Husbands in England, the greate /p. 75/ diligence & industry, Which Italians used to preserve Sheepe, which bore the finest wooll: Columella’s first words are a kind of discouragement, Græcum pecus, nisi cum domini præsentia est, vix expedit haberi; siquidem et curam et cibum majorem desiderat. Nam cum sit universum genus lanigerum cæteris pecudibus mollius, tum ex omnibus Tarentinum est mollissimum, quod nullam domini aut magistrorum inertiam sustinet, multoque minus avaritiam; nec æstus nec frigoris patiens.a But for this wee have a satisfying answere, That England is full of wealthy farmers; & in the Countreyes which beare finest wooll generally all farmers & Masters doe over looke their owne flocks, or both their shepheards & flocks; & many doe live at a higher rate than to measure all things by profitte. Some expence & diligence is sacrificed to Elegancy & Curiosity, with this Inscription Viderit Utilitas.b Raro foris, plerumque domi alitur, et est ‹cibi› avidissimum, cui si detrahitur fraude villici clades sequitur gregem, There is little danger of this amongst us, but the contrary.c For our Farmors doe hold by another tenure, Than their Slaves & Villaines. Our Farmers are the true owners of the Flocke, & such as have the speciall charge of the sheepe, are more apt to rob their masters barnes for too much & too costly graine, then to defraude the sheepe. For their allowance in foode, I may save the labour of translating it, For I doubt I shall find fewe disciples. Singula capita per hyemem recte pascunter ‹ad præsepia› tribus ordei, vel fresæ cum suis valvulis fabæ, aut cicerculæ quatuor sextariis, ita ut et aridam frondem præbeat, aut siccam, vel viridem medicam cytisumve, tum etiam cordi fæni septena pondo, aut leguminum paleas affatim.d They must not thinke of fatting lambs of this race for the butcher; Nor of milke a These are the first words of Res rustica, vii. 4 (ii, 257): ‘It is scarcely advantageous to keep the Greek breed, which most people call the Tarentine, unless the owner is constantly on the spot, since it requires more care and food than other kinds. For, while all the sheep which are kept for their wool are more delicate than the others, the Tarentine breed is particularly so, for it does not tolerate any carelessness on the part of the owner or shepherd, much less niggardliness, nor can it stand heat or cold.’ b ‘Utility shall see’. c Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 257): ‘It is seldom fed out of doors but generally at home, and is most greedy of fodder and, if the bailiff fraudulently abstracts any of the food, disaster overtakes the flock.’ d Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 257): ‘During the winter, when the sheep are fed in their pens, a satisfactory diet per head is three sextarii of barley or of beans crushed with their pods, or four sextarii of chickling-vetch provided you also supply them with dried leaves or lucerne, dry or fresh, or shrubtrefoil; also seven pounds of hay of the second crop is to their liking or plenty of pulse-chaff.’

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for the dayry; & when any lambe is weaned or sold, or miscarryes, The Ewe may joyne44 to helpe to give milke to some other lambs, which thereby45 sucks of both. Minimus agnis vendundis in hac pecude, nec ullus lactis reditus haberi potest: Nam et qui summoveri debent, paucissimos post dies quam editi sunt, immaturi fere mactantur, orbæque46 natis suis matres alienæ soboli præbent ubera; quippe singuli agni binis nutricibus summittuntur, nec quicquam subtrahi submissis expedit, quo saturior lactis agnus celeriter confirmetur, et parta nutrici consociata minus ‹laboret›47 in educatione fœtus sui; quam ob causam diligenti cura48 servandum est, ut et suis quotidie matribus, et alienis non amantibus agni subsumentur.a Wee are not often wanting in any of thiese points. He adviseth to reare, or breed up more males for thiese,49 than for Courser flocke, with this peculiar Reasone, because the rams are gelt for Weathers, & sent to the slaughter house ‹about›50 two yeares old, & their fleeces sold at highest price, as bearing the finest wooll. Plures autem in ejusmodi gregibus, quam in hirtis masculos enutrire oportet; Nam prius quam fæminas inire possint /p. 76/ mares castrati, cum bimatum expleverint,51 enecantur; et pelles eorum propter pulchritudinem lanæ majore pretio quam alia vellera mercantibus52 traduntur.b And thus wee prefer weathers, both for the flesh, & for the fleece. But now followes a cluster of curiosityes, Howe to make the fleece growe finer, & allso more abundantly. Nam sæpius detergenda, & refrigeranda est; sæpius ejus lana diducenda, vinoque et oleo insuccanda: Nonnunquam etiam tota est eluenda, si diei permittit apricitas: idque ter anno fieri sat est; stabula vero frequenter everrenda, et purganda, humorque omnis urinæ divertendus est, qui comodissime siccatur perforatis tabulis, quibus ovilia consternuntur, ut grex supercubet, nec tantum cæno, aut stercore, sed ‹exitiosis›53 quoque serpentibus ‹tecta› liberentur.c This puts mee in minde of the diligence, which some of our Gentry doe use for a Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 257–9): ‘Only a very small profit can be made by selling the lambs of this kind of sheep and no return from the ewes’ milk; for the lambs which ought to be taken away from their mother a very few days after birth, are generally slaughtered before they reach maturity, and their dams, deprived of their own lambs, are given the offspring of others to suckle; for each single lamb is put under two nurses and it is inexpedient that it should be deprived of any of their milk, that so, receiving a more satisfying quantity of milk, it may quickly grow strong, and that the ewe which has borne a lamb, having a nurse to share her duties, may have less difficulty in bringing her offspring up. Therefore you must be very careful to see that the lambs are daily put to the udders of their own mothers and also of strange ewes who have no maternal affection for them.’ b Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 259): ‘But in flocks of this kind more males must be brought up than in those of coarse-woolled sheep: for the males are castrated before they can be mated, when they have completed two years, and are killed, and their skins sold to dealers at a much higher price than other fleeces because of the beauty of their wool.’ c Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 259–61): ‘… for it must frequently be uncovered and allowed to cool and its wool pulled apart and soaked with wine and oil. Sometimes too the whole animal must be washed, if sunny weather allows it, but it is enough to do this three times a year. The fold must be frequently swept and cleansed and all moisture due to urine must be brushed away, the best method of keeping it dry being the use of boards with holes in them with which sheep-folds are paved, so

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their Cocks, Hawks, Dogs & Horses. He requires the like care for thiese silken sheepe, That they be often rubbed, & refreshed, & (their wooll being divided) dressed with wine, & oyle soaked in, sometimes washed, (which should be done thrice in the yeare) The stable or Coates kept very cleane, the urine allwayes draind away at holes in the plankes underneath, noe dung left there, nor harbour for serpents. Yea,54 & their houses oft times perfumed allso to expell serpents, as he directs in the style & joynt authority of Virgil Disce et odoratam stabulis incendere cedrum, Galbaneoque agitare graves nidore55 chelydros, Sæpe sub imotis præsepibus aut mala tactu Vipera delituit, cœlumque exterrita fugit, Aut tecto assuatus coluber.a

Insteed of the smoke of Cedar, Wee in England may use Juniper, which in some barren lands superabounds. or in want of that Columella: recommends burnt hayre, or burnt horne. He prescribes a Medicament wherewith to anoynt newe shorne sheepe for increase of Wooll, & the finesse of it. The decoction of Lupines with the lees of Wine & dregs of oyle, & after foure dayes to plunge them in sea water, or (if that cannot be had) in rayne water in which brine is decocted. Hoc modo curatum pecus anno scabrum fieri non posse Celsus affirmat; Nec dubium est quin etiam ob eam rem lana quoque mollior ac prolixior renascatur.b This allso may here be alterd for our Lees of Ale, & such liquor as the kitchin affoordeth, & insteede of Lupines which is not comon with us, Why not a decoction of beanes, or some other graine. After all this care for the softest sheepe, & finest wooll, I must vouch Virgills authority, That the stinking goate yields as much of the sweete gaine as any sheepe, & then Dulcis odor Lucri.c that the flock may lie down on them. The shelters must be free not only from mud and ordure but also from deadly snakes.’ a Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 261), from Virgil, Georgics, iii. 414–18: ‘Learn too to burn the fragrant cedar-wood / And from the stalls to drive dread water-snakes / With fumes of Syrian gum; a viper oft, / Dangerous to the touch, ’neath unmoved pens / Has lurked and, frightened, shunned the light of heaven, / Or else a grass-snake wont to haunt the shed’. b Columella, vii. 4 (ii, 263): ‘Celsus declares that a sheep treated in this manner cannot possibly suffer from scab for a whole year, and there is no doubt that, as a result, its wool too will grow again more soft and luxuriant than before.’ c ‘sweet is the smell of money’. The lines from Virgil which follow are from Georgics, iii. 305–11 and Beale quotes them independently of Columella: ‘With no less care must we shield these too in the stormy tide; / Nor our profit of these shall be less – yea, fleeces Milesian dyed / In purple of Tyre be exchanged for a princely price, I know, / Yet from goats more abundant increase, of milk a stintless flow / Is won; and the fuller the milk-pails foam, when their udders ye drain, / The richer the food shall stream when ye press the teats again. / Moreover, the shepherds shear the beard and the reverend chin …’.

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Hæc quoque non cura nobis leviore tuenda, Nec minor usus erit, quamvis Milesia magno Vellera mutentur Tyrios incocta rubores. Densior hinc soboles, hinc largi copia ‹lactis,› Quam magis exhausto spumaverit ubere mulctra, Læta magis pressis spumabunt flumina mammis Nec minus inferea barbas, incanaque menta &c

Wee see That raddle makes the wooll growe finer, & raddle being cheape with us many doe raddle the sheepe all over, & repeate it often.56 /p. 77/ Of Goates. To a very skillfull Farmer I deplored his sad condition, That his lands were all under the Curse of thornes, briers, & brambles, barren cliffs, & rocky hills; Not a shread of Cowepasture, & the fields soe light, stony & sandy, as to refuse or burne out the hearte of wheate, pease &c. He answered That (besides the unknowne Treasures, which he hoped lay under that disheartening Turfe) hee found a releefe from it beyond the beliefe of beholders. For his Light & sandy land bore turnips potatoes & other bulbous rootes as well for foode, as for ornament; for ‹odoriferous vegetables›,57 & beautyes, That this Light land was kinder, than the strongest land in the vale. That his Wiefe or his boy could with ease turne up the ground with a hand-plough, or pare of the turfe off one piece of ground to redouble the strength of another. That his Furzye58 ground (beeing torne up) would yield fuell to repay the workmen, & some kinds of corne for some yeares & afterwards (being sowne with the seede of the largest French furze) would suddainely become a woode, as rich as any coppice-woode, & the proverbe secures for the most parts of England, That an acre of coppice-wood is as good, as an acre of wheate land, if not much better. To this I replyed, but where is the Oxe-pasture to mainetaine the plough, Or where the Cowe pasture to yield Milke, butter, & cheese! Wheres the Timber? For Timber, He pointed to groves of free holly, (soe they call holly, That hath noe prickles, but one at the pointe) And this (sayth hee) is stout & tough timber. Every leafe is a hearty, & juicy foode for the cattell. It challengeth the bayes, & all other verdant beautyes of the59 Garden, by affronting the frost & snowe of winter with her fiery clusters. If the ground be a while severd from the teeth of cattell, Wee can rayse these groves faster, & frame it into stronger fences & hedges, than of any other shrub. And nowe for Cowe pasture (sayth hee,) Here is richer pasture, & richer ware, than that Vale does yield, pointing at a ragged, bushy, rocky hill, where a heard of goates grased. I wisht That there were a severe lawe for the exterminating of those beasts of poysonous breath, & teeth from all parts of the land, where a quicset hedge could growe. To this wish, He consented heartily, but sayd in good earnest, That to him They seemed a richer Cattell than60 Cowes. For Cowes required flowry clover by 194

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the river banks /p. 78/ all the Summer, warme houses, good fodder & costly attendance all winter; Whereas goates thrive best in a bushy ground that would unfleece the sheepe, & yield noe grasse for larger cattle, & the Winter cold they can beare with little charge of releefe or attendance. And better they deserve a parke pale, than the noblemans deere, or coney. But are then most profitable, when a poore boy may keepe them in heards on the Rocks, Mountaines, & wilde, or waste lands, for the releefe of the neighbouring poore. And many such waste lands there are in England, Wales & Scotland. from whence by thiese heards more christians may be cherishd to serve God, & (as wee say in England) the King may increase the number of his subjects. And tis the maine point of Agriculture, That wee sorte evry soyle to the best benefit; And He is the best republican, Who deviseth sustenance for the Mulltitude; And rayseth the most profit from the worst land. Of old, indeede, Romans, in their wealthy Italy, had such esteeme of the profit of thiese heards, That Varro tells us of a Roman Knight ‹who› in his dayes ‹was› allured (by the sweete ‹gaine› which he found by a small heard) To advance to a Thousand in the heard. lib. 2 c. 3. Is (viz Gaberius Eques Romanus) cum in suburbano mille jugerum haberet, et a caprario quodam, qui adduxit capellas ad urbem decem, sibi in dies singulos denarios singulos dare audisset, coegit mille caprarum, sperans se capturum de prædio in dies singulos denarium mille.a What this denarius would value of our money wee shall not easily guesse. For though our Monetary Critiques doe render it 7½d, Yet who can say, Howe neere that may amount to 1, 2, or 3 shillings if he considers howe much a penny, or shilling of English money hath alterd in 300 years; & the like of forreigne alterations. And although Gaberius had noe good successe in his excessive Covetousnes, Yet Wee see, Howe much the poore may be (& yet many more might be) releeved with their small heards, Which would be a small taske for such as doe want imployment; And hee that keepes those heards from Wandring or doeing annoyance may use his knitting-pins (which alone61 susteines most of the people (male & female ‹men woemen & children›) in Parshowe, a Towne in Worcestr-shire) &62 ‹may addict› to many other manufactures. However this shall encourage mee to select from the old Roman Husbandmen, a fewe rules of directions, concerning them: And this is their ‹first› prayse, That a fewe & simple directions wilbe sufficient. /p. 79/ a Beale refers here to the Rerum rusticarum of Varro, first printed in 1472, a practical manual on husbandry. Translations are taken from the Loeb edition, De agricultura, eds W. D. Hooper and H. B. Ash (London and Cambridge, Mass., 1934). References to the Loeb edition follow the original citation. Varro cites the example of the Roman knight (eques Romanus), Gaberius, to show that a flock of about fifty is large enough: ‘…he had a place containing 1000 ingera [two-thirds of an acre of land] near the city, and hearing from a certain goatherd who drove ten goats to the city that they yielded him a denarius a day per head, he bought 1000 goats, hoping that he would make 1000 denarii a day profit’, Varro, ii. 3 (pp. 349–51).

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Varro by his owne choice prefers a Male goate for evry ten females. Alii ad denas capras singulos parant bircos, ut ego: alii etiam ad xv. ut Menas: ‹non nulli›63 etiam ad viginti.a For a heard64 He adviseth to confine towards the number of fifty, Or as hee sayth in Sallentinis, et in Casinati ad centenas pascunt.b I conceive the greater number of them cannot be soe dangerous, or soe inclinable to infections in England, as in those hot Countreyes, Where they are never free from a fever. Capras sanas sanus nemo promittit, nunquam enim sine febre sunt.* I knowe many heards & the poorest doe adventure for them, & I never heard them complaine of their losse by feavers, or contagion. Quid dicam de earum sanitate, quæ nunquam sunt sanæ? nisi tamen illud unum, quædam scripta habere magistros pecoris, quibus remediis utuntur ad morbos quosdam earum, ac vulneratum corpus (quod usu venit iis sæpe) quod inter se cornibus pugnant, atque in spinosis locis pascuntur.c However the rule is good, That wee rather get many heards, than greate heardes,65 which are apt to beget the pestilence. Itaque greges plures potius faciunt, quam magnos, quod in magnis cito existat pestilentia ibidem.d Dr Muffet a rare & excellent Physician comparing the severall Milkes sayes That for some asses milke is best, for others Cowes milke, for some goates milke, because the one cleanseth, the other loosens, & the third strengthens more, than the reste. Goates milke is better for weake stomacs because they feede on boughes more than grasse. Sheepes milke is thicker, sweeter & more nourishing, yet lesse agreeable to the stomac, because it is fatter. Hence I collect, that sheepes milke being fatter than Cowes milke, & Goates milke finer, They may welbe contemperd together. And twenty Ewes & ten shee goates would be a good sustinance, & make a dayry for a Cottager, or poore Farmer. And some such mixeture seemes requisite, Since Goates of it selfe it [sic] apt to beget the lousy disease, as Dr Muffet exemplifyes in the sad example of the Lady Penruddocke pag. 125. e * lib: 2. c. 3. [Varro, ii. 3 (p. 347): ‘… no man of sound mind guarantees that goats (which are never free of fever) are sound of body’.]

a Varro, ii. 3 (p. 351): ‘… some (and this is my own practice) keeping one billy-goat to every ten she-goats; others, such as Menas, one to fifteen; and others … one to twenty’. b Varro, ii. 3 (p. 351): ‘… among the Sallentini … and around Casinum, they have herds running as high as 100’. c Varro, ii. 3 (p. 349): ‘What can I say of the health of animals which are never healthy? I can only make one remark: that the head goatherds keep written directions as to the remedies to be used for some of their diseases and for flesh wounds which they frequently received, as they are always fighting one another with their horns, and as they crop in thorny places.’ d Varro, ii. 3 (p. 349): ‘Hence … breeders keep numerous herds rather than large ones, because in large herds an epidemic quickly spreads’. Beale uses ibidem to indicate that he is continuing to refer the reader to book 2, ch. 3 of Rerum rusticarum. e Thomas Muffet (1553–1604), Paracelsian physician and author. Beale is probably referring to Muffet’s posthumously issued treatise, Health’s Improvement; or Rules Comprising and Discovering the Nature, Method and Manner of Preparing all sort of Food used in this Nation (1655). Lady Penruddock was an early patient of Muffet’s at the practice in Ipswich which he secured in 1588.

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Muffet preferrs the flesh of blac & red ‹kids›66 before the white. & the kid to be of easy digestion of excellent nourishment, & restorative after greate sicknes, better roasted, than sod & hinder parts better than foreparts, & beste under 6 weekes age. A gelded goate is next to the Kid, but should be bayted, or hunted then blouded, & when dead the flesh must be beaten in the skin, after the French manner of beating a Cowe, /p. 80/ (sayth Muffet more especially of the old Hee-goate & shee goate) & then seasoned with salt & pepper, & baked, It makes a lusty kind of Bastard Venison for the hard labourer. Var: l. 2. c. 11. finds good use for goates hayre for Navyes, for Warlike Engins, for Vessells. capra pilos ministrat ad usum nauticum, ad bellica tormenta, et ad fabrilia vasa.a Wee in our dayes have amplyfyed the use of worse hayre for hats & other garments, as allso for bed coverlets. Columella confirmes the former, by recommending them to shrubby, bushy, & thorny wilde grounds.* Nam nec rubos aversatur, nec vepribus offenditur, et arbusculis, frutetisque maxime gaudet; Ea sunt arbutus, atque alaternus cytisusque agrestis, nec minus ilignei querneique frutices, qui in altitudinem non prosiliunt. Because this wildernes is soe kind for goates, Tis not amisse to advertise of the ancient diligence which planted cytisus; & tis nowe more easy by our hand plough to teare up some furrowes, & sowe them with hops, hawes, ripe holly67 berryes, acornes, ash-keyes, & bramble berryes, & to save them from cattell till they are got up a little. To increase their milke super lactis abundantiam samera, vel cytisus, vel hedera præbenda, vel etiam cacumina leutisci, aliæque tenues frondes sunt obijciendæ.b Their skins of kidds, & goates doe growe every day more precious, as wee doe growe in our skill of dressing them, & colouring them. Coll: l. 7. c. 7. Gives this generall rule for Medicall, That assoone as one falls downe of the pestilence, or murraine all should be blouded. Nor they sufferd to feede all day, but restrayd 4 houres of midday. If other disease invade them, si alius languor infestat pabulo medicantur arundinis, et albæ spinæ radicibus, quas cum ferreis pilis diligenter contuderimus, admiscemus aquam pluvialem, solvamque patandam pecori præbimus.c For the * lib: 7 c. 6. [Columella, vii. 6 (ii, 277): ‘… for it has no aversion to brambles and has no fault to find with briers and takes a particular pleasure in bushes and shrubs, such as the strawberry-tree, the buck-thorn, the wild trefoil and shrubs of holm-oak and oak which have not yet reached any great height’.]

a Varro, ii. 3 (p. 419): ‘… so the goat from her hair is of service for nautical purposes, as well as for military engines and for workmen’s equipment’. b Columella, vii. 6 (ii, 281): Besides ‘… an abundance of milk, elm-seed or shrub-trefoil or ivy must be provided, or else tops of mastic and other delicate foliage must be put before them’. c Columella, vii. 7 (ii, 283): ‘If besides this, a languor attacks them, they are dosed with a beverage consisting of the roots of reeds and white thorn, with which, after we have carefully bruised them with an iron pestle, we mix rain-water and give this, and nothing else, to the goats to drink.’

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dropsy sub armo pellis leviter incisa perniciosum transmittat humorem, tum factum vulnus pice liquida curetur, ibida If the female be troubled with the68 bearing, or aftr birth, a draught or good ale, cider or wine will doe good. defruti sextarius, vel cum id defuerit, boni vini tantundem faucibus infundatur, et naturalia cerato liquido repleantur, ibid:b If nothing else will, the butchers knife cures all their diseases, & is then best in seasone, when the flesh, fat & skin are saved. Var: l 2. c 3 Capræ a carpendo nominatæ. Harum enim dentes inimici sationis, quas etiam astrologi ita receperunt in cælum, ut extra limbum 12 signorum excluserint.c And soe should wee exclude them from all woods, groves, or hedges that are worthy our Care. For as well holy prophets, as heathen poets doe justly resemble them to devills, as proper for the vale of misery, & land accursed. /p. 81/ Experiments most part Medicall or chirurgicoll. Nov 9. 63. About 7 yeares agoe, as I sate at dinner, & dranke in a sylver Tankerd, I felt somewhat like a flyes rough clawes fastned69 in the passage of my throate. Suddenly I caught away the Tankerd, & streined my breath with my utmost strength & speede, & therewith did blowe out a greate spider, which ran on the Table, before the eyes of all that sate there. This was in a well ordered family of carefull & cleanely people: Yet this fell out like an advertisement to preferre cleare glasses before goblets of gold or plates of sylver. And health & life is concerned in such circumstantiall deliverances, as much as in Medecine, or chirurgery. And I thinke this land & climate does not breede stronger or quicker poysone in any Vegetable, animal, serpent, or insectile, than in the spider; Though I have heard of some Men That can eate & digest spiders; & I have seene young Turkeyes eate them for an Antidote, & particularly when straweberyes, (eyther in kind, or in quantity as causing a surfette) was70 their poysone, & had killed many that had not eaten spiders. But I must never record this ‹deliverance› without the sacrifice of my hearte in prayses to the Supreme Lord & Governour of the world, Whose influence gives life, motion, & activity to every creature, & very peculiarly to such as acknoweledge his Superintendence, Absolute Dominion & inexhaustible Goodnesse: To such most especially in the houre of neede. A Gentleman of greate parts observd to mee the presentnesse of spirite, & rationable conduct, that some have more than others in surpriseing distresses. He a Columella, vii. 7. ‘… a slight incision should be made in the skin under the shoulder, causing the fatal liquid to flow away’. b Columella, vii. 7 (ii, 285): ‘… a sextarius of boiled down must, or, if this is not available, the same quantity of good wine, should be poured down the throat and the sexual parts filled with a liquid solution of wax’. c Varro, ii. 3: (pp. 347–9): ‘… their name capra is derived from carpere, to crop … For their teeth are injurious to all forms of growth; and though the astronomers have placed them in the sky, they have put them outside the circle of the twelve signs …’.

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sawe a man throwne off a greate horse, his head falling under the horses forefeete, & the hooffe pitching upon one of his eyes. The mans hand was ready to defend his face (which is a naturall motion) & perceiving the horses hoofe comeing juste in his Eye; with a vigourous thrust of his hand, hee turned the hoofe aside, & soe saved his face. I have seene very many escapes by quicke & unexpected activity; & many sore mischances by notorious dullnesse, & negligence. I sawe a proper youth (his legs sliding from under him in a shelving descent at the head of a pond) suffer himselfe to be tumbled headlong into the pond in very greate danger. An old man stood /p. 82/ by mee, & both of us with much wonder noted, That he made noe renitence with hand, or foote or other part of his body. For which stupidity the old man gave him afterwards such impressive reprehensions, as might adde lasting mettall to his spirite. And I sawe a goodly persone of very greate fame for his valour & strength, caught by his foote in the stirrup at a latchet-pin in a parke gate, (all made very strong), & the horse in a gird of speede, soe distended, That wee all expected He should be torne to pieces. It was his meere negligence to be thus involved; And He had noe other remedy, but by a quic activity to caste himselfe behind the saddle, & off the horse. And (as I noted71 before of Vomiting) there are more points of activity doe belong to mans safety, & credite, than those which consiste in leaping, running & fenceing &c And the promptnes of spirite is for generall uses better, than a dexterity in Athletic exercises. But above all tis safest to make our frequent, & constant refuge to the Altar of God, Who makes his Angells ministring spirits for our good. And this is the Catholic, & Universall Medicine. It is not Civile language in thiese dayes to say, That the Maniacall, Lunatic, Epilepticall, Ecstatic, or convulsive are possessed with devills, or uncleane spirits; Yet Judicious Mede hath proved the holy scriptures sometimes to use that language indifferently, as Termini Convertibiles,a And some very learned persons of late are engaged to make all thiese symptomes merely naturall, others straine all their operations to be supernaturall, divine, & forsooth propheticall: Put [sic] of this Wee may take good notice, That in all ages of the remotest antiquity, (not only amongst Gods people, Abrahamites, Israelites, Jewes, & christians, but allso amongst Egyptians, Assyrians, Greekes, Romans, Barbarians, & Savages,) In the application of Medicine the most famous physicians did most solemny Invocate the greate name of Jehovah, not only for the cure of thiese peculiar maladyes, but generally of other diseases. Of which Custome something is collected by Grotius in Matthæum cap. 12. ver. 26.b A dæmonibus ad morbos quoque ‹mos›72 transiit. – Ejusmodi ergo a ‘Convertible terms’. This is a reference to Joseph Mede (1586–1638), Biblical scholar. Beale’s reference could be to any one of Mede’s printed sermons and commentaries on the scriptures. b For Hugo Grotius see above, p. 135n. The four volumes of Grotius’s annotations on the New Testament appeared between 1641–50 as Hugonis Grotii annotationes in libros evangeliorum. Later in the same paragraph Beale also quotes Grotius’s Greek commentary, so he may have known the Hebrew, Latin and Greek edition, Biblia sacra polyglotta (1657).

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exorcismi eventum sæpe suum habuerunt, non quod vis ulla in syllabarum pronunciatione sita esset,73 sed quod verus deus illis potissimum nominibus nosci appellarique Vellet, atque ideo vim suam tum demum exsereret, cum apertissima locutione constaret ipsum, non aliquem Gentilium Deorum esse invocatum.a This He takes to be our Saviours Argument there, /p. 83/ & that the true God would beare Witnes to his owne Name (When He was acknoweledged the God of Abraham, Isaac & Jacob) all over the world. And That the true God will more truely & effectually heare our prayers to assiste the health of mankind, than such idols, devills, & unknowne Genii, as were worshipped by Savages ‹Wee may justly confide›. Of Exorcismes I must not interpose any judgement of mine owne. But I refer the Intelligent to the Argument as it ‹is› handled by the Learned & Judicious Dr Field On the Church, Where the judgement & practise of the primitive church is recited74 with the joynt testimony of all the holy fathers of best ages.b And somewhat wee may find amongst our Canons & Constitutions Ecclesiasticall, English. 72.c (Where in old prints I have reade the word Exorcise, in later prints Exercise) in concurrence with the Protestant churches Which followe the Augustane Confession.d And Grotius tells us In Mar. 16. v.75 17. That old Miracles are not in thiese dayes exterminated, If our Fayth were not first exterminated. Sed nos cujus rei culpa est in nostrâ ignaviâ aut diffidentiâ, id solemus in Deum rejicere. Sunt autem ’αµε΄ταρελατα τουˆ Θεου˜ δωˆρα.e But to forbeare the high language of Exorcismes, and of Miracles, Is it to the credite of Protestants, if Jewes, Mahumedans, & Romanists doe referre more to the efficacy of Fayth & prayers in desperate diseases, than they ‹the Reformers› doe Ordinarily. Doe not acute diseases oft times lye in such disguises, as may neede more of divine, than of humane conduct, more of the happines than of the Arte, or force of the Physician, Chirurgeon, or application: And wee see, Howe the Criticall state may alter in a moment; & that may nowe be an Antidote, which within an houre, before or aftr, might be furious poysone. And we have many instances, which doe importe, That in our dayes, some have the guift of healing, though perchance nott in the same vigour as in the Apostolicall76 age Responderi potest, non quidem tam frequentia et conspicua esse, quam olim fuere dona sanationum: attamen Deum nunc quoque piis, quorum saluti id expedire judicat, sæpe morbos auferre, aut mitigare: sayth Grot, in Annot ad Cassand. De a ‘There is sometimes a transition from devils to disease. Thus, exorcisms have often had effect not because there is any force in the saying of words, but because the true God wishes to be known and called by these names, and might then exert his power, when by open speech it is understood that He, and not one of the pagan gods, is invoked.’ b Beale refers to Richard Field (1561–1616), whose major work was Of the Church Five Books (1606). c The reference is to the printed Canons of the Church of England. d Beale uses ‘Augustane’ in the sense of ‘of Augsburg’, referring to the Augsburg Confession drawn up by Luther in 1530 as a statement of Protestant principles. e Grotius’s Latin reads, ‘But we are accustomed to blame on God what is due to our own baseness or lack of faith. Likewise, God’s gifts should not be regretted’.

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Unctione infirmorum.a And is it not more of Mercy, & charity to offer somewhat of the good Samaritans oyle, (as St James directeth ch 5. v. 14) & at least to sollicite ευ’θανασι΄αν,77b then to flye the field, & to forsake the patient in his greatest exigence, as it is the manner of some Physicians, least they should loose the reputation of doing more than they can doe, or ought to be done in this vale of Mortality. A gentlewoeman of rare beauty lost all her fayre roses & complexion by consumptive coughes, rheumes, & greene sicknesses. For remedy she followed the famous Physicians of London, & thereabout /p. 84/ some yeares in vaine. I perswaded her to take, as hot as she could well drinke it every morning, a full draught of the decoction of Century boyld in beere or ale, & to walke aftr it;c She did it heartily for a fortnight or more, recoverd her roses, was marryed, hath children, & continues in health these 14 yeares since, This being her only medicine at the first, & in all relapses. The bloud is purged, & melancholy abated by a like infusion of Fumiterræ eyther warme or cold, assoone as that plant appeares in Spring. The head freed from vapours by wilde Betony; & Sage-ale is proper for the aged, When subject to Rheumatic defluxions from the braine. Balme ale a Cordial. And the like I could experimentally affirme of severall Vegetables very effectuall against long radicated Maladyes by a constant use of them infused in our ordinary drinke. And a pallate hardned to beare the hop & tobacco, may as easily endure any other horrid gust; of which kind I accompt Centaury the most intolerable: In comparison of which, Wormewood is pleasant, & by use becomes more agreeable than the hop or olive, as appeares by the testimony, & practise of many of the Gentry in Hereford, & Herefordshire, Who doe generally preferre the Wormewood beere of Treherne the girdler, before other best ale or beere, although their pallates are much accustomed to a very pleasant wyny cider.d Of thiese Vegetables I sayd as much before, But in this I chiefely intended this Note, That in the late times of war & heavy payments, many whose livers by griefe & discontentment became very weake & taynted, & many scorbuticaly affected, were healed & recovered by the use of this wormewood beere. And tis somewhat considerable to find such store of Medicine, as may heale the epidemicall diseases for all the Towne & Countrey, without charge upon Physicians, & Apothecaryes, if they can forgive this fault. And, if we had a a Beale refers to Grotius’s Annotationes ad consultationem cassandri (1642). ‘One may reply, that the gifts of healing are not as frequent and conspicuous as they once were: but that God does now often remove or mitigate diseases for the pious, for whose safety he judges it expedient.’ Beale also refers to the section in Annotationes called ‘On the unction of the sick’. b ‘a good death’. c ‘century’, i.e., red centaury (erythraea centauria) used medicinally in decoctions for feverish conditions. d Traherne the girdler has not been traced although the author, Thomas Traherne, was a Herefordshire cleric; see Michael Leslie ‘The Spiritual husbandry of John Beale’, in M. Leslie and T. Raylor (eds), Culture and Cultivation in Early Modern England (Leicester, 1992), pp. 151–72, on p. 162.

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Medecine, that would heale a rot in sheepe, what is it worth if it be soe costely, or soe scarse, That it may not or cannot be applyed to the infected flocke? I have knowne more than one excellent Physician, Who conceivd That most of our worst maladyes had somewhat of scorbuticall Malignity, & did frequently apply something Antiscorbuticall. For their sakes that are of this opinion, or for them rather that are afflicted with this /p. 85/ malady, This Experiment I offer, as throughly & often tryed, That when all other Medicines of currant note fayled to cure the scurvey, a draught nowe & then of the juice78 of oysters taken out of the shells after they were stued, & a cup of wine after it, speeded the Cure. This tooke up my wonder, because I found oysters irritate the malady; but the flesh of the viper rebateth the poysone of the viper. Such as are afrayd of Chalybeate medecines, Vitriol, & Matthewes universall pill, or doe loath the scurvy grasse, may perchance find their pallate pleasd at this Newes, & allowe themselves79 the variety, & sauce of the juice of Orenges added to it.a Holy thistle decocted in cleare posset-drinke was heretofore much used at the beginnings of Agues, Feavers, unknowne diseases, & especially if there be any suspicion of poysone, or infection; And Alexis of Piedmont soe highly extolls it, as if it were an universall medicine.b It inclines to a gentle sweate, or perspiration, & purgeth by Urine, answering to the signature80 (as generally thistles doe) as if the pricketts opened all the pores to emitte the obnoxious humour; And this in my experience I have ever found to be the friendliest way of Evacuation, (as before I noted in Matthewes pills). And againe about five yeares agoe, the holy thistle recoverd the former reputation, when agues & feavours were epidemicall, & obstinate, & of more than ordinary malignity. By this, & other like changeable valuations of Medicines, it seemse, That wee followe the fashion, as well for choice of medicines as for shape of hats, & breeches. I could not guesse, Why Ground-Ivy (called in old English Tudmoore,) should nowe be called Ale-hoofe. But I heare it serves some Ale-wives to out run the Excise-peeper in clarifying their newe Ale, assoone81 as it is brewed, in one night, & settles disturbed drinke, & gives noe offensive relish to hinder the sale;c & Then it is one of the Generall friends of nature,82 Which evacuateth (by Urine) rhewmes, poyson & vapours that offend the head, eares, & eyes &c. And however the hop carryes the bell at this time, yet the friendship of burnet, angelica, & of Lillyes of ‹the› Vale is best knowne in White & Rhenish Wine &c And tis needefull an ingredient should be generally friendly, before it be entertained epidemically in our dayly diete. /p. 86/ a

On Matthew’s pills see above, p. 165n. Alessio’s Secrets (1555) by ‘Alessio Piemontese’, pseudonym of Girolamo Ruscelli (c. 1500–65), was the most popular book of secrets in early modern Europe; see William Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature (Princeton, 1994), pp. 139–47. c ‘Excise-peeper’, i.e., spy, with reference to tax collection. b

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When I was an Eton Scholar I fell very sicke. Our Schoollemaster Mr Bust sent Dr Hector to mee.a He tells mee I must be let bloud, & take a Vomit. I desired gentler handling, for that I had never tried eyther of those Remedyes. The Doctor drawes out his money, & tells mee I must have a double fee for teaching him his Arte; But (sayth hee) The Schoolemaster sent mee to give you physique, & not to receive your instructions. But I held my resolution to adventure upon an unknowne malady, rather than upon Two such violent Remedyes. Within 3 dayes it appeared a Tertian ague, which by regular diete, gentle sweates, & some patience in resisting the fits, with walking in the time of the Visite was subdued within three weekes. And as long as wee have strength to make any such resistance, I should preferre that methode in agues before any violent repercussions, though it were by the famous febrifuga, called Jesuites barke: But in the Comencement of Agues, I accompt him happy, That can with most ease & throughly discharge his stomac. At Orleans in France I fell extreame sicke in a high burning feaver, which surely was pestilentiall, & soe our Physician told us; And three of us English fell sicke together in one house, as infecting one another. Monsieur Du83 Chesney was our Physician,b & indeede shewed us the office of a skillfull, carefull, & honest physician. He visited all of us, as wee fell sicke in order, twice or thrice every day; Sawe the veine opened, or gently breathed (a little at a time) & noe oftner, than needefull. He asked each of us, Whether Wee ever lost bloud before; & wee answereing noe, He cheared us with some confidence under Gods mercy of our recovery. By which received rule, it seemes good not to be prodigall of bloud without urgent cause. Hee overlookt our diete, allowing nothing but French barly broath, & ‹Ptisane›84 during the Effervescence of the fever. Was allwayes present, when any potion was given. Tooke greate care for our reste & quietnes by the silence of the house, & all attendants, forbade Visits. After all his Care, He would receive but a small summ. For my selfe I could not fasten ‹on him› any reward. He accepted of some poore trifling scribles, as if they had beene a reward. And the like kindnesse I have received from Dr Smith of Shrewesbury, & from Dr Harford of Hereford.c Yet from my hearte I can plead in the behalfe of /p. 87/ such carefull, honest, & skillfull Physicians, That noe honour, Nor reward, That this world can yield, is a full &85 sufficient reward for them. A good Magistrate gives life to the people, And they by Gods blessing preserve the Life of Magistrate, & people. But never was there any such cruell & mercilesse tyrant on86 earth, as is an unskillfull or dishonest Physician, or chirurgeon. To consume our substance & to fill their owne purses, a

For Matthew Bust see above, p. 130n. Dr Hector has not been traced. On the identity of this figure see above, p. 159, where the story of Beale’s illness in France is also recounted. c Dr Smith has not been traced; he is also referred to in the same letter. Dr Harford is possibly Dr Bridstock Harford practising c. 1607; see Raach, English Country Physicians (above, p. 69), p. 53. b

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They teare our flesh, corrode our bones, and torture us in all our parts & vitalls for dayes, weekes, & monethes together, even whilst wee flye to them for ayde, & whilst they smile in our faces with all sweete promises of affectionate Care. But it soe fell out in heaven; a collapsed Angell is a devill. About the end of February, above 20 years agoe, as I was rideing from Cambridge towards the Weste I fell into such deepe & durty wayes in Wiltshire, That I & my horse were quite tyred. With much adoe I got to an Inne, & to bed I hastned, where the feavour tormented ‹me› all night, increased all day, & thus for two nights & two dayes, worse & worse. I sent for the Ministr, & prepared to take leave of this world, For I had noe hope to survive, till a Physician could come thither, if I should send for one. And87 I had noe other thoughts, but to end my paine with the end of my dayes. Some good people of the house boyled a handfull of currans, of violet & strawberye88 leaves each a handfull, in a quarte of running water, boyling it to a pinte, strayned it, & adding some good quantity of sugarcandy, gave it mee to drinke hot. I dranke it at a draught, &89 fell into a sweate after, & soone found my head eased, & other kind operations of nature, Two dayes after I tooke a glister, & soe by soft degrees (after a fortnights weakenesse) I recovered. I have allwayes found, That beefe is too strong, & ranke for my studyous kind of life (of porke & bacon I complaynd before, & tis more offensive). At Eaton College Wee had noe beefe but only on mundayes at dinner, Yet that filld my nostrills with ranke vapours for two dayes after: at Kings College in Cambridge Wee had beefe frequently, & that continued some pusles under the corners of my nostrills, or about my mouth, or chin.a Some others, though very temperate, had more enflamed faces from the same cause, as ‹I›90 conceive: & tooke much physicke, still suspecting some heates or inflamations of their livers: And thus sometimes wee destroy our selves by medicall enforcements, /p. 88/ & by straining at impossibilityes. For if our spirits be vehemently fervid in studyes, reading, writing, compositions, hot arguments, & meditations, Tis hardly possible, That they should assiste digestion, as in rustics & day-labourers. We diet Cocks for the Pit, & Horses for the91 race, & the old Romans bestowed asceticall diete, & oyles on their fencing slaves for the Stage. Our Serious studyes doe better deserve that Care. It was reputed of old a point of passive92 Valour (an Eminent Vertue) to suffer chirurgery, as occasion required, stoutly. Epaminondas & Marius were famous for it; & Jacke Ellis, the Cooke of Kings College in Cambridge, disdeignd to be bound, whilst his leg & knee was sawed off.b But I have heard of a Lady, That sufferd a long tormenting death, rather than the chirurgion should search her wound (& she a

For Beale’s residence at King’s College see above, p. 130n. Beale refers to Epaminondas, the 4th-century BC Theban general and statesman and Marius (157–86 BC), Roman consul. Stories of their fortitude during surgery have not been traced. b

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hath some prayse for her resolved Modesty) & that the93 truely noble Sir Phillip Sidney refused chirurgery with this Sentence, Non tanti est in hac arena Vivere.a And death is sometimes as wellcome as sweete sleepe to a weary travaylor: Quale sopor fessis in gramine.b The returne to life by some enforcements brings the horror of paine, as the Witty Lord Mountagne describes it by his owne Experience.c I knewe a Gentlewoeman of greate understanding, & very devoute, not in much talke & singular notions, but in fervent & perpetuall prayers & deeds of charity: She lived to a greate age, & practised Medicine & chirurgery to all the neighbourhood, above 60 yeares. I never heard her blamed by Physician, chirurgeon, or patient. For she would allwayes refer the rich (in fit cases) to the professed artist; & was soe Noble, That shee ‹rejected› all kinds of gratuityes. Her constant successefullnes begot my beleefe, That she had an Extraordinary guift of healing. And surely The late Countesse of Kent,94 & some Princes, & persons of Honour & Quality nowe liveing, doe deserve from us Mortalls, our best lasting Monuments, & will receive from God Everlasting Rewards for their bounty, Charity, & Care in this kind.d For their guifts are better than Gold, (as our Saviour & his Apostles, & some old Prophets by their obliegeing examples doe shewe.) And then such charity will surely obtaine the greater reward. And it is Gods goodnes to encourage thiese worthyes to prevent the crueltyes of Lucrative, & dishonest practitioners. The MS contains separate printer’s foliation marks and notes.

COLLINSe to BOYLE

20 November 1663

From the original in BL 2, fol. 32. Small piece of paper approx. 18cm × 11.5cm. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 635 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 641–2.

a ‘It is not such a great thing to live on this stage’. This is a reference to Sir Philip Sidney (1554– 86), courtier poet and soldier, whose death at the battle of Zutphen rendered his military prowess legendary. Sidney’s biographer Fulke Greville stresses Sidney’s willingness to be operated upon, rather than, as Beale has it, his stoic willingness to die without the intervention of surgeons. b ‘As sleep to tired people on the grass.’ Beale quotes from Virgil, Eclogues, v. 46. c Beale alludes to Michel de Montaigne (1533–95), essayist and savant. d Beale refers to Elizabeth Grey (1581–1651), Countess of Kent. She was renowned for her skills in physic, and many of her (reputed) recipes were published in A Choice Manuall, or Rare and Select Secrets in Physick … and Chyrurgery (London, 1653). The ‘Gentlewoeman of greate understanding’ referred to earlier in the paragraph has not been identified. e For Samuel Collins see above, p. 92.

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Vologda Nov 2[0]1 Honourble sir I cannot gett a larger roome then this in my Lord Embassadors packett, which may bespeake my E[ndeavours.]a The winter has hitherto beene so mild that I have not yet given my selfe any satisfaction con[cerning] those Experiments of Cold.b I doe not well understand the way of some things in your note of Enq[uiry,] being but hinted in short; However I shall doe my best to observe as much variety as I can of freezing, and the divers effects of cold, which may be done here, (where wee are) better then in Moscow being more northward; wee are frighted with the Alarmes of the Poles, Cossacts & Tartars, who are sayd to be betweene Smolensko & Vasma. 2 ninety versts from Moscow, all which hath happened by the confidence of the Russe of a cessation, being tyred with a long tedeous warre and willing to disband their army to save charges, had no standing army to resist the invasion of a great army of horse under Generall Sapega, & Generall Pattz.c the king in the meane time with a Royall army attending the motion of the Imperiall forces about Bealogorod what the issue will be, god knowes, for certaynely the Russe has beene cruell to the borders while they were conquerors, & divers fatall signes have forewarnd the Russe to make an2 honourable peace when they might have done it in the time of the warres betweene the Pole & Swede, Sed quos deus vult perdere. &c.d to omitt many which I have formerly noted in my adversaria with a short account of these parts which I should offer to your view if I thought it worthy;e there was last Decembr3 about the beginning, a dreadfull blazing starre seene heare by many & att the same time an Earthquake (hardly ever Knowne in these parts) with which some people were cast downe to the earth and one woman, ‹stricken› blind, deafe and dumb for some dayes and recovering her senses and speech foretold a vision which the hearers stopd their eares att, or tongues att least,4 being of too dangerous consequence to ‹bee› reveald. all which things amaze the graver sort of people & want5 onely the event to make them either authenticke or fabulous.f I forgott to to tell you what was observed concerning the Generall Knez Jacov’ Coodanickowich Chircaskoy who 20 dayes since marching forth to a

For the ambassador to Russia, Denmark and Sweden, Charles Howard, see above, p. 94n. For Boyle’s Cold (1665) see Works, vol. 4. For materials contributed to it by Collins see ibid., p. xviii. c ‘Verst’ is a Russian measure of length, two-thirds of an English mile. Russia was at war with Poland from 1658 to 1667 (see above, p. 105n.). General Sapega is probably Pavel Sapieha, the Lithuanian grand hetman 1656–65, while General Pattz is probably Michal Kazimierz Pac, Lithuanian field hetman 1663–7; see R. I. Frost, After the Deluge (Cambridge, 1993), p. xvii. d ‘but those whom God wishes to destroy … he first makes mad’. The quotation is based on a note in Sophocles, Antigone, 622ff. Collins refers to John Casimir Vasa (1609–72), King of Poland from 1648 to 1672; Poland was at war with Sweden from 1655 to 1660. e See above, note b. f Boyle related Collins’s news about the earthquake and the comet at the Royal Society’s meeting of 23 Mar. 1664; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 402. b

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stop the enemys incursion, the Moscow bridge broke under the Canon and attempting another bridge, that broke allso, ’tis very like the timbers were disproportionate to the weight of the Canon.a Sed, deus det pacem in dibus nostris.6b I expect some letters from a friend in Syberia to whom I writt two yeares since desireing an account of the animal that yeelds the muske and a skin of that beast, which and what rarityes else I obteyne shall send or bring to you my service to Lord and Lady Warwicke & your selfe, & Lady Anne Berkley: Adio e viva vita d’oro.c Your most humble servant, S. Collins. 7

For the honourable Robert Boyle Esqr these London.

Endorsed by Wotton ‘[8] S. Collins from Wologda Nov. 20. 1663’.

BEALE to BOYLE

21 November 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 107, pp. 89–92. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 458–60 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 374–6.

The Conduct of Fame or Comunication, for the advancement of Learning, Arts, Trade & Accomodations of all sorts &cd Honourable Sir In my last I did sollicite the conduct of Literary & Accomodable Comunications. Nowe I intend to produce an Example of the Effects & benefits That may be expected from it. Sir H Wotton would sometimes send out all his traine of Attena

Prince Iakov Kudenetovich Cherassky, Russian soldier and statesman. ‘May God give peace in our time.’ c For Collins’s relations with Boyle’s sister, Mary, Countess of Warwick, and her husband see above, p. 92n. Lady Anne Berkeley (1623–1704) was married to Sir Maurice Berkeley (1628–90), who was created Baronet 1660 and succeeded as Viscount Fitzharding of Berehaven in the Irish peerage in 1668. Collins closes with his customary Italian valediction ‘farewell, and live the golden life’. d On Beale’s ideas about the ‘right management of fame’ see Michael Hunter, Science and Society in Restoration England (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 194–7. b

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dants, To trye, How far wee could rayse such rumors as Hee directed; & what returne wee could make of current Newes, provoking our Emulation to prove our Wits & Capacityes by our successe, allotting our particular Walkes, Ordering what fame wee should correct, & giving us the forme & style (in some Variety) of our reports & of our Enquyryes.a Wee could soone find out the chiefe Newesmongers, & Receivers in Westminster-hall, the exchanges, famed ordinaryes, Taverns, Carriers Innes, Stationers, & concerned relations in Courte, Innes of Courts, shops of Trade, (The barbers & baladry not neglected).b I then sawe How fewe men could regulate & Create fame, & the dangerous influence of Fame, if not regulated to honest designes. Of it selfe it flyes, & gives strength, or weakenes to governement, as it were by chance. Being guided, it serves to noble Ends. He sayd, It was Greate Cecills maine engine (far & neere) in the most public Concernements.c I infer, Howe proper this care may sometimes be for our purpose of oblieging accomodations, & in the way of Literature. Let mee offer an instance upon my last argument of Wooll, Which I sent to you by carrier on munday laste, & by this time hath over-filled your hand, as I feare.d About 8 yeares agoe there was a Wager layd by the Cloathiers of Worcestr, That they would make richer & finer cloath of Herefordshire wooll, than could be made of Spanish wooll. What the wager was or who wonne, or who the adversaryes, I do not knowe. But an honest cloathier told mee, That the Worcestr cloathiers joined purses, arte, & rurall ayde for the Victory, And bestowed £10 on ribbands to bind up their cloath, which may signify, That they spared not coste & care to win the prise. I wish better speede to thiese kinds of Emulation (both in our owne Countrey, & towards forreigners) than to any Cockefight. And such Honourable familyes, as weare the richest cloath may easily continue this Emulation. For advancing the wooll I have put in my mite in the forementioned discourse, both from the old, & newe aydes: & that will encourage The improvement of drapery; & that againe The dyers Arte. And He that would beare on his backe /p. 90/ the testimony of his good successe or happy choice, must buy the uncoloured cloath in one place, & the best dye in another, where eyther is more excellent. I remember, When I was a young Scholar in Worcester, I noted the1 Clothiers generally to remarke What Gentry wore Cloath, And them they reputed Patriots a

For Henry Wotton see above, p. 67n. For Westminster Hall and the Exchanges see above, p. 174n. ‘ordinaryes’, i.e., eating houses, a term often synonymous with gambling houses. c Beale refers to William Ceci (1520–98)l, Lord Burghley, Principal Secretary under Elizabeth I. Cecil oversaw an intelligence gathering service at home and on the Continent which fed the English government with sensitive political information. d Evidently a reference to Beale’s letter of 9 Nov. (see above, p. 170ff.), perhaps not dispatched until the following Monday. b

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& English men:a Which seemed to exclude the silken Gentry from that estimation. I doe not joyne in their opinion; For the Kings Customes being advanced & Commerce encouraged by the silken Courtiers, It is another luster to the nation. Yet the coldnes & moysture of our climate, at least Winters rage, & the old Formalityes of Honour & Quality in our Peeres & Princes, Judges & all Lawyers, Citisens, & heretofore of our Academicans agree with our Staple Interest in Sheepe & Wooll. And yearely to bespeake some of the best cloath, That Worcester, or other cloathing Townes can make, begetteth fame, emulation, Arte, & Industry. And then a Treatise of any helpefull directions becomes acceptable & spreading. And this will excuse the Vanity of costly garments in the sight of God, & good men. And this is more than a shorte blaste of fame. This is Exemplary, & like our Saviours Sermon of humility, When enlivened with the fit Embleme of a child placed in the midst of the Company.b This will encourage some to take care for the finest wooll, some for the most perfect drapery, some for the dyers skill; & will (by competition) sollicite Manufacture; In which wee did once excell, but doe nowe yield to other forreigne nations. I would yet particularise, That wee have store of horses from Barbary, Spanish Genats Coursers of Naples, Flemish Mares; And Why none2 of those Covered sheepe transported From Greece, Sicily, or other parts of Italy, or Spaine, & wherever this finest wooll is to be found?c What more easily transported, then Rams, whose soundest foode may be carried with them, & whose best medicine is the SeaWater? And a fewe rams3 may alter a flocke of sheepe: I have heard of Rams bought by wealthy persons to enlarge their sheepe of £4, yea of £10 /p. 91/ price, but I have ‹not› yet heard of 4 any very high price, or any extraordinary care5 for to purchase the Rams of finest6 wooll. Hence in behalfe of Trade in Generall, & of our rusticall Interest, & allso of our staple Commodity, which is of noe small concernement to England, I would humbly propose two Enquiryes to the Royall Society. 1st Whence or Howe might wee get Rams7 of the finest wooll in the world. 2dly By what application might the Wooll be most effectually improved in finesse. In my slight papers I recited out of Col. l 7 c. 4 a mixture of decoction of lupines with old wine & lees of oile, wherewith their bodyes should be annointed assoone as sheard, & after three dayes plunged in Sea-water, or bathed in Brine (And in Herefordshire Wee say reddle mingled with liquor, & the sheepe twice or thrice in the yeare therewith anoynted,) ob eam rem lana quoque mollior, atque prolixior renascatur.d But to the maine pointe, what kind of liquor, Whether goose grease, a

Beale attended Worcester Cathedral School from 1618 to 1622; see Stubbs, i, 467. Beale alludes to Mark 10, 14. On ‘Covered sheepe’ (tectum pecus) see Beale’s quotations from Columella’s Res rustica above, particularly p. 180. For the translation from Columella see p. 175n. d Beale quotes from Columella, Res rustica, vii. 4 (ii, 263): ‘the wool of sheep will grow again more soft and luxuriant than before’. See also above, pp. 192–3. b c

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which best helps the spiners, or badgers grease, which best helpes the dyer, but begets mothes, if not by some way of antidote perfectly washed; or whether traineoyle, or whether any other mixeture of the greene of hemloc, or white hellebore (both in some cases recommended for sheepe by Columella,) Whether of thiese, or what else more effectuall, I refer to better Enquyry. And further I would humbly move, That in all our undertakings in the Royall Society Wee should doe the like. Each Member in his proper Capacity should at certaine times propose, Howe any Art, Science, Trade, or Manufacture might be improved, restored, or revived: What old bookes are fit to be reprinted, What newe to be extracted, or advanced. What meanes to engage the fittest presses. Somethings I knowe We should manage in Secrete; Some on the house Top. And sometimes the diall is visible, When the Spring is Covered, & Cased. And thus (with your favour,) as a fewe chiefe persons præscribe the fashion to the Courte, & the Courte to the Gentry, & Kingdome, Which is the visible diall: Soe by a like Countenance of unexpensive Comands to the chiefe Townes of Trade, The English Manufacture may be encouraged, & yet the designe scarssely discerned. And the honesty of such a designe, which brings8 worke & reliefe to soe many poore, will heale the transgression of Luxury; & convert our costly rayments into a publique blessing. And herein allso Wee may Act our parts in purifying the streames of Literature, & in distributing Light, of the best value. /p. 92/ Sir To explaine & confirme all this in a concluding Word, If others would endevour for Mathematics, some for Rusticall affayres (& that had beene my Element, If I had beene mine owne man) some for Artifices, & soe in all other things as You have beene pleasd to contribute9 towards Chymistry, Medicine, & the other greate & Secrete Workes of Nature, Wee should soone accomplish beyond the Verulamian Vote, & doe things Worthy of The Royall Society.a But I persevere in overcharging you with too many Troubles. Honourable Sir Your most humble & most affectionate servant B. Yeavill. No. 21. 63 Sir That of late my pen hath cumberd you with many repetitions, I could excuse it by my speed & busines, which allowes mee noe second thoughts, nor copyes, nor soe much as an engagement of my Memory: but I may say, That the best of Poets & Orators & the most Inspired Oracles doe condescend to such Inculcations. And my Lord Bacon in his fewe Workes hath given us the same president oft times. This I hope you will pardon in businesses, which require Importunity. a ‘Vote’ is used here in the sense of a prayer or desire. On Francis Bacon, Lord Verulam, see above, p. 70n.

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to BOYLE, 30 Nov. 1663

For the Honourable / Robert Boyle Esquire / &c Thiese with my humble service And intreating the conveighance / of the annexed allsoe.a

Endorsed by Wotton: ‘Letters to Mr Boyle’, ‘Dr Beale Bund. 7.’ (replacing ‘No. 8’ deleted) and ‘Nov. 21 1663’. Also endorsed ‘Of improving the woollen manufacture’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No IX’.

BEALE to BOYLE

30 November 1663

From the original in BL 1, fols 41–2. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir, Your encouraging salutes I received not till friday night: And then I had scribled thiese following trifles: The one of noe better argument, than De lana caprina;b The other of noe more fire or light, than shines in the tayle of a gloeworme, And you may justly averre that our philosophers will disdeigne such lowe things. But You will give mee leave to plead for them. Are we not all to begin our Alphabet, to reexamine our Elements, & Principles, To prefer publique Utility before fine conceipt! If this be our busines; Wee must exstrirpate pride & subduct from the vanity of high imaginations & over hasty Conclusions. Our foode, rayment, wealth, & plenty, & all reall blessings are to be sollicited much more than Cobwebs of phansy built in the ayre. From the beginning of Q Elizabeths dayes our Gardens have beene dayly adorned, & our Orchards enriched with exotic vegetables, & with more care to please the eye, or phantsy, or to delight the pallate (as I purpose to complaine), than to susteine humane life;c And why have wee not the like care of improveing all the kinds of our beneficiall animals? To defraud the simple gazers of their purses, Baboones, & all sorts of Monsters are imported; Why have ‹wee› not the best sort of Sheepe, Goates, Cowes, Bulls, Pigs &c to amend yearely our race of English kind. Some bacon is as much sweeter than other, (The Herefordshire bacon as much sweeter than the Somersetshire bacon) as a Pheasant is sweeter than a goose, or Capon; Yet may not the best of English be amended by a race from a

The nature of the annexed items is unclear. ‘De lana caprina’, a pedantic or worthless argument; see Horace, Epistles, I. xviii. 15. c On the growing interest in gardens in the early modern period see R. Strong, The Renaissance Garden in England (London, 1979). b

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Spaine, Portugall, or such as Ligon in his Barbados mentions;a Soe of the Oxe & Bull for labour, of the Cowe for milke &c. Gassendus in his Peyreskius tells us of Animal Inoculations, Hornes on a hares head, as I have seene1 cockspurs on Capons Combe.b Thiese are trifles, & the other is the true way of Improveing the race of Animals, (at least in our owne Countrey) by graffing them in this way of Traduction by Importation, Which if continued, will encourage in all places a care, & discover more meanes & wayes of improveing, & increasing more kinds. Haveing the freedome of this private adresse, Let mee put into your care this story. My wiefe, since she came into this County soe /fol. 41v/ famous for rich moores, & marled pastures, Examines all the dayryes of best note, & finds noe where 12 Cowes that yielde more, or soe good milke, as her owne 6 Cowes, which she sold, when she followed mee hither.c Fewe could believe but she was in some errour, & soe I suspected, though my eyes seemed to be on her side. A yeare agoe returns to Herefordshire, & signifyes to her Sister Hereford (a very good & modest persone) How she lost credite in her relations. My sister takes the first opportunity to milke the Cowes before her dore; Measures the quantity, The best cowe yielded 3 gallons of Statute measure, evry meale, The rest in Common 2 gallons at a meale. I still suspect their Statute-measure, but my sister with other company being lately at my house, doe (by all circumstances of the quantity of cheese, butter, weight upon the servants heades) prove their Cowes in that greate proportion better than the best wee can yet heare of in Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, &c. Hereafter I will offer you some reasons of it; And must sometime represent a further Improvement. And hence you may weigh the profit; They devoure noe more or not much more, than other Cowes; Soe for the labour of Oxen hereafter. Let me adde for improvement of goates, that spanish leather is better than ours, & Barbary2 leather better than Spanish, & both seeme of far stronger kind; May not this adde to the benefit of Traduction. Thus much of Animal-graffings. Nowe of glowormes I was apt to thinke, That all light was from fire & the light might be seene when the fire could not be felt, as being vibrated from more atomes (if I may soe call them) united in the surface, which is allwayes agitated in effluvia. But I make noe haste for philosophicall axioms: Here allso I sollicite the Utility. You of the nobility may burne Waxe Candles, & neede not spare Incense, & may obtaine more pleasant wholsome, & gentle perfumes for your lights; but you will doe better, If you can devise howe poorest artificers may save some charge of tallowe by cheapest lamps, rush candles, or other light & shining mixetures. a

A reference to Richard Ligon’s A True and Exact History of the Island of Barbados (1657). Beale refers here to Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655), French philosopher and astronomer, the author of Viri illustris N.C. Fabricii de Peiresc…vita (1641), a life of Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (1580–1637), French naturalist and antiquary. c Nothing is known of Beale’s wife. Beale infers here that his marriage took place before he accepted the rectorship of Sock Denis in 1640 and moved from Herefordshire to Somerset. b

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Sir I hope in my fits of boldnes I did not tempt you to any thoughts of alterations:a or to indulge the name of Socinus, /fol. 42/ (than which there is noe name in christendom in the present more odious) My caution was surely for a Marginall guard against Cavills.b And I can well beleeve, That others will thanke you for every line. For I am sure you have taught us all to understand ourselves & our duetyes; And that which (before) wee did but conjecture by a presumptuous Sagacity, & could not unfold to ourselves or others, That you have cleard up which liquied evidences, & demonstrations. I pray you beare this rudenes, for I am hastned to rashnes by the Messenger Honourable Sir Your most obedient servant J Beal.

Yeavill. Nov: 30. 63.

Seal: spot of wax on fol. 41 but no seal.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: BEALE to BOYLE From the original in BL 1, fols 43–4. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Of Goates &c Novemb 30. 63 Sir Having begun a discourse of the profitablenes of Goates, I shall here adde more particularly, That some goates do yield as much milke, as some Cowes, a very good goate yields a statute gallon at a meale, & that is as much, as an ordinary Cowe yields in good pasture, or a good Cowe in Common pasture. My next note must encourage some speciall, & extraordinary care, as well in the choice of Cowes as of goates. For which wee give a good example in Herefordshire. There the good housekeepers have Cowes on the bankes of Wye, Lug, & a It is unclear to what work of Boyle’s Beale here refers, notwithstanding the discussion of the passage by Joseph Agassi in ‘Robert Boyle’s Anonymous Writings’, Isis, 67 (1977), 284–7, on p. 286. b For Faustus Socinus see above, p. 147n. Socinus’s Praelectiones theologicae (1609) is discussed by Beale in his letter to Boyle of 11 Oct. 1665; see below, pp. 553–6.

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Fromey, which in Summer doe yield two statute-gallons at a meale. You cannot but by a very rare chance buy such Cowes in any of their Mercates; but When a good housekeeper breakes up, Then the good husbande, in the neighbourhood doe buy all his Cowes, giveing 20s or 30s more for such Cowes, than for Comon Mercate Cowes; Thus I have bought them at £6, or £7 the Cowe with the calfe newely calved. Yet once I sawe a Cowe with the young Calfe bought in the Mercate by Mr Dobbins1 amongst other Cowes, to stocke Lord John Somersets grounds at Pawntly, This Cowe in plundering times, when Cowes were too cheape, did coste £8.a And I deemd her to be a very fayre & large beaste for soe small a Summ. Yet to advance this huge race of ‹Cowes in› some parts of Glocestershire there may be larger Cowes fetcht from Brabant, & rather Cowes, than bulls, leaste large bulls should breake the backs of our Cowes.b Let our Care be alike for the goates, which yield the greatest quantity of Milke, & chiese will be tamest, wander lesse, & come more willingly to the ‹payle›.2 And ten goates will suffice for a dayry to a full family that driveth one plough. Twenty for 2 ploughes, & 30 for three, which are busines enough for a lusty farmer. /fol. 43v/ Goates hayre by our advancement in ‹Navigation›,3 & Manufacture, is become of more generall use than of old: Yet of old wee find it for holy & for vulgar use; in War & in peace. Allmost all sorts of hayre are used for Vestments; And the best Gentry, &4 Knights amongst us in England brought in the use of hayre in Hats, & blacke Winter freeses.c That I then feard it would undoe our cloathiers, & overthrowe our staple Trade. At Worcester I bought a hat for 1s-2d the trimming made it up 2s-6d. A black Jumpe of like stuffe for 4s. This did put mee as much a la mode as the beste. But Goates-hayre well chosen, approacheth & mingleth well with some wooll for delicate uses. Col: 1.7. c.6. directs to choose the goate denso, nitido, et longissimo pilo.d When Mr Waller made a viewe of the lands which hee bought of my Lord Montjoy in Kiderminster, There was brought to him for a guift or shewe (I knowe not whether) a very fayre male goate, all white & the hayre seeming to dangle downe to the ground from the top of his backe.e The goate was tame & took pride in our eyes, & company, & did cutte it in walkes up & downe soe comely, & yet with soe much statelinesse, That it suggested the appositenes of Solomons Proverbe c. 30. v. 31.f Where the Hee goate hath the prayse with the Lion, greyhound & a King a This is probably a reference to Lord John Seymour (1640–75), Duke of Somerset. Mr Dobbins has not been traced. Pauntly is in Gloucestershire. b Beale refers to the Duchy of Brabant in the Netherlands. c i.e., frieze, a coarse woollen cloth, especially of Irish manufacture. d Beale quotes from Columella, Res rustica, for which see above, p. 171n. and p. 175n. The goat has ‘thick, glossy and very long hair’. (Res rustica, vii. 5; ii, 277) e For Edmund Waller see above, p. 99n. Beale refers to Mountjoy Blount (c. 1597–1666), Lord Mountjoy and Earl of Newport. f Proverbs 30, 31: ‘a greyhound, a he-goat, and a king with his army around him’.

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for the Majesty of his Walke. If wee could get a race of goates, That would yield yearely such a large fleece of fine hayre, as that Hee goate had, (& it may be finer hayre may be expected from the shee-goate of that race), And chiese mixed with the shee-goate which yieldeth the fullest measure of best milke, This would be a considerable improvement; And this I refer to enquyry. For it is easy to transporte of the very beste. Varro sayth they are of two sorts. 1.2. c.3. Crebro pilo nisi5 glabræ sint, duo enim genera earum.a Another rule, & from Varro is this. De Capris, quod meliore semine sunt eæ quæ bis pariunt. Ex his patissimum mares solent submitti /fol. 44/ ad admissuras.b Ever to choose the male for race of them that beare twins, & some beare three. For they are lusty breeders. Varro directs our choice to the Island Caprasia. Capra quas alimus a capris feris sunt ortæ, a queis propter Italiam Caprasia Insula est nominata.c But I should not desire6 such swift, & such skipping goates, De quarum velocitate in Originum libro Cato scribit hæc: In Sauractæ Fiscello cæpræ feræ sunt, quæ saliunt e saxo pedes plus sexagenos.d But in the same hee tells us, That sheepe allso are descended of wilde sheepe. Oves enim, quas pascimus ortæ sunt ab ovibus feris.e I knowe no beast soe wilde, but may be tamed by mans art, wit, & industry; I doe not except the greatest, or smallest, fishes, insectiles, or Serpents. Nor any soe tame, but the kind in time may be wilde, hurtfull, & fierce. I have seene cause to beleeve this, & I knowe, & have tried some secrets, & have found them effectuall to recover our dominion without the expectation of any miraculous successe in a Millenary Age.f And then here I may adde, That, since Harts have in some places beene taught to drawe Coaches & chariots & That wee may dayly see 200 weight of cheese drawne in the streetes in Antwerpe by ‹a› dog7 in small sledges, Wee may expect better & stronger service in that kind from Goates, (who are made fit to ascend a hill with vigour,) If assisted with some parte of the new post invention. Varro directs us to the middle of the Caprasian Island for the fayrest goates. Ut a Beale quotes from Varro, Rerum rusticarum; see above, p. 171n. and p. 195n. ‘… with thick hair, unless, to be sure, they belong to the hairless breed, for there are two breeds of goats’ (vii. 5; p. 345). b Varro, ii. 3 (p. 347): ‘As she-goats which bear twins are of better stock, it is from these, preferably, that the males are usually chosen for service.’ c Varro, ii. 3 (pp. 345–7): ‘… so the domesticated goat is sprung from the wild goat; and the island of Caprasia, off the coast of Italy, derives its name from these’. ‘Caprasia’ is Capri. d Varro, ii. 3 (p. 345): ‘As to their activity, Cato says in his Origines, “On Soracte and Fiscellum there are wild goats which make leaps of more than sixty feet from the cliffs.”’ e Varro, ii. 3 (p. 345): ‘For just as the domesticated sheep is sprung from the wild sheep…’ f For background to Beale’s view that dominion over nature was a sign of the end of the world, see Webster, Great Instauration (above, p. 84), p. 19ff.

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ex insulâ mediâ cæpras habeant8 quod ibi maximi ac pulcherrimi existimantur fieri hædi.a Tis noe part of our Georgicall affayre, but a note from Varro, & the observation of his heardsmen, That Goates drawe breath at their eares, not (as other animals) at their nostrills. De quibus admirandum illud, quod etiam Archelaus scribit, non ut reliqua animalia naribus, sed auribus spiritum ducere solere. Pastores curiosiores aliquot dicunt.b At this age wee might knowe the Truth, but I must referre it to triall, which might best be examined in the hungry time of busy eating. He tells us l. 2. c. 11. That the Goate bearing the greate /fol. 44v/ fleece comes from Phrygia. Tondentur, quod magnis villis sunt in magna parte Phrygiæ, unde Cilicia,9 et cætera eius generis feri solent. Sed quod primum ea tonsura in Cilicia sit instituta nomen id Cilicas10 adjecisse dicunt.c I would aske for noe fayrer, than That which I sawe at Kederminster; But if fayrer can be purchased, I knowe many would give a full value to the purpose of improveing the Race. All old writers advise, rather to buy a heard that is bred up together, than to buy from severall heards. Melius est unum gregem totum, quam ex pluribus particulatim mercari, ut nec in pæstione separatim laciniæ deducantur, et in caprili maiori concordiæ quiete consistant. Col. l. 7. c. 6.d Huic pecudi nocet æstus, sed magis frigus, et præcipue fætæ, quæ gelicidio hyemis conceptum fecit. ‹ibid.›e In warmest countreyes they cannot well beare the extremity of winter; Nor the heate of Summer in our cold Northerne climate. Therefore they may be allowed some lowe rooffed shelter of the slightest & cheapest frame; And why not soe footed, as by rollers may often be remooved for cleanesse upon fresh brake, & to ‹rayse›11 the most composte? ‹Yet according to my former note, some in this cold countrey & in bleake rocky & hilly places affoord them noe houses for shelter.›12 Wee were advised before to choose the race of them that beare twins, & must adde Columella’s further caution. Parit autem, si est generosa proles, frequenter duos, nonnunquam trigeminios; pessima est fætura cum matres binæ ternos hædos a Varro, ii. 3 (p. 347): some owners import goats ‘from the middle of the island, because it is thought that the largest and finest kids are produced there’. b Varro, ii. 3 (p. 347): ‘There is a remarkable thing about these animals, and even Archelaus is authority for the statement: some shepherds who have watched quite closely claim that goats do not breathe, as other animals do, through the nostrils, but through the ears.’ He cites the ancient Greek philosopher, Archelaus, who wrote a history of animals. c Varro, ii. 11(p. 419): ‘Because they have long hair, goats are clipped over a large part of Phrygia; and it is from this that hair-cloth (cilicia) and other fabrics of the kind are made. But it is said that the Cilicians gave the name to it from the fact that this clipping was first practised in Cilicia.’ d Columella, vii. 5 (ii, 279): ‘… it is better to buy a whole herd at once than to purchase them one by one from a number of sources; this prevents them from splitting up into small groups while they are pasturing and makes them settle down quickly and in greater harmony in goat-stalls’. e Columella, vii. 5 (ii, 279): ‘The heat is harmful to this creature, but the cold is even more so, especially to pregnant she-goats, for an unusually frosty winter destroys the embryo.’ Ibid., ‘the same’, signifies that Beale was continuing to quote from the same passage in Res rustica.

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efficiunt. Et ex geminis singula capita, quæ videntur esse robustiora in supplementum gregis reservantur,13 cætera mercantibus traduntur.a Palladius requireth That November be the seasone of Submitting, the she goate to the Male. Ut fætum primi veris fovere possit exortus. And all Agree, That the Male be of long, bright, & thic hayre, The female with a huge large udder -- nitido, spisso et longo capillo -- magnis uberibus est eligenda.b At three yeares old they are best for bearing, & should goe to the shambles after seaven. Ultra octo annos servandæ non sunt matrices.c Virgill biddeth eyther to separate14 the Kid, or to fasten ‹prickling› irons on the nose of the Kid. Multi jam excretos prohibent a motribus hædos, Primaque ferratis præfigunt ora capistris.15 ‹Ogilbee› Some from the dams hinder the tender kidds, And with hard muzzles from the pap forbids,d

ENCLOSED WITH BEALE to BOYLE BEALE to BOYLE

30 November 1663:

From the original in BL 1, fols 45–6. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Nov 30. 63 On the Luciferous Experiment of a diamond rubbed &ce Whether1 there bee any luminous ray without a beame of fire of some like quantity, I hold it a hard & greate question. a Columella, vii. 6 (ii, 281): ‘If a she-goat is of good stock, it frequently bears twins and sometimes triplets. It is a very poor increase when two mothers produce only three kids between them…When there are sets of twins, from each pair one, whichever seems to be the more robust, is reserved to fill up the herd, while the rest are handed over to the dealers.’ b ‘So that the spring can force the offspring’; the quotation continues, ‘with clear, thick and long hair, and with big udders, has to be chosen’. This is a reference to Palladius, De re rustica; see above, p. 171n. c Beale is not explicit about whether this Latin comes from Palladius, but it is likely: ‘Beyond eight years of age they are not to be used as mothers.’ d Virgil, Georgics, iii. Beale quotes from Ogilby’ s translation, Works of Virgil (above, p. 187), p. 88. e Boyle’s Colours (1664) had an appendix on ‘Clayton’s diamond’. See Works, vol. 4, pp. 185–202. Presumably Boyle sent Beale a copy and this section of Beale’s letter is a commentary on Boyle’s appendix.

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For wee see the Moone at some times very luminous, And wee knowe That her rayes are the same, which come from the Sun. And the burning glasse Where it can collect them strong & thicke enough together, as when they come immediatly from the approaching Sun proves them to be fire. Yet I have taken some ‹paynes› to find fire, or heate in the rayes of the Moone, Venus, & other stars by glasses, & by Thermometers made of purpose for the quickest perception, but could not be satisfyed of any apparent successe. In the hardest frosts the Moone & stars have beene brightest, Yet I could not find their rayes make a perceptible difference,2 or yield any degree of heate. Whence I make this inference, That if that large effusion of luminous & fiery beames by the Moone, & stars is soe th[or]oughly3 drowned in the cold & moyst ayre, as to give us noe touch of the heate, or fiery quality, Than wee cannot safely conclude of the gloworme, or other luminous body,4 That it yields Light without heate or fire, ‹upon this only ground› because wee see the one, & doe not feele the other: Noe more then wee can conclude the silence of the Planets & stars, because wee see them, but cannot heare them. And I thinke our Moderne philosophers doe very generally hold themselves nowe at some certainety; That everything that is Visible doth at all times emitte some rayes, which give the tincture of colour (noe part of the colour ‹being›5 emitted from our eyes, but the whole from the object.) And that the more rayes are emitted from the object to the eye by acute angles, the brighter the colour, & glosse wilbe; & the colour more languide darke, or dusky, as the rayes are thinner, more faynt, & by more obtuse angles; Which being well examined may give6 much ayde to find out the originall causes of the discrimination of colours, & Lights, of which adventure there is some Essay in Keplers dioptrice. Propositio. 15. 16. 17. &ca I knowe not Whether there be any body in the Masse or Frame of nature, That may not bee made at some times luminous; I meane /fol. 45v/ before it bee soe farre inflamed with fire, as to fall into a visible waste, ruine, or consumption. And I thinke generally all light is with some activity, (as all fire is active) eyther with a naturall & concurrent vigour of the luminous body; or by concussion, frication, or some violence. The gloworme of all animals, & insectiles hath the first note ‹for luciferous›; & in the ‹roade›7 betweene Hereford & Worcester, The darke way That is most shadowed with trees & high bankes, is much enlightned with innumerable Glowormes. Sometimes I sawe the bush illumined by one gloworme. I causd my man to alight from his horse, & to bring mee some of the brightest glowormes, That I might see Whether it was one alone, or many together in a cluster (for soe I suspected) that gave soe much Light. And by putting them in severall boxes, I found the fayrest & most vigourous wormes to be the brightest, & as they grewe weake their light faded, & in their death was extinguished; from whence I held it not worthy the a

Johann Kepler (1571–1630), astronomer and author of Dioptrice (1611).

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triall of makeing luminous ynke [sic] by any liquor, which can be drawne from them, though asserted by Porta, Caneparius, & Alexis.a &c. Doe not glowormes in hotter climates take wings and ‹become› one sorte of the bright flyes which shine in the Night? ‹Wee in England have luminous flyes lampyrides, they seeme smaller then gloworms.›8 That other Animals can emitte shining Spirits, it may appeare in the rubbing & lively dressing of a horse; Some say a cole blacke horse, high fed upon graine, oates & pease &c, makes the fullest prooffe. May it not be tryed on the eyes of a Lion9 enraged, or of an Eagle, Leopard, or upon Cats-eyes fitted for the darke chase, or on the Moles eye, fitted only to discover smallest rayes of light, Our triall being assisted with an optic glasse. Can wee name the stone, woode, mettall, or other sollid body, Which by violent frication will not gather heate, fire, & Light? The Sea (Where the Waters are gathered in the Region proper for that Element) casts out luminous flames at the beating of the swift oares. If wee say this fire & light is from the salt there resident, Wee shalbe demanded, Where is not this salt? Eusebius the Jesuite of Norimberg tells us of some fish, That do shine by night in the sea; & well wee might beleeve that, If10 it were true which he sayth, lib.1 Hist. Nat. c. 8. Habet Mare suas stellas sentientes, suam Solem Vivum, -- Suam Lunam. &cb /fol. 46/ And some Waters & liquors doe yield & flame with out manifestation of soe much salt as other liquors that resiste both. Yet I grant (& rejoyne to our former note,) That a swift knife will hewe light, & fire out of a pillar or loafe of salt, or sugar, which is allso a sweete kind of salt, not much otherwise distinguished from salt than sweetish apples are distinguished from crabs. The liquid ayre may be beaten into fire & light; & the vapours & exhalations, which flye in it, ariseing from the Earth, or Water, doe in stormes (& sometimes foreboding stormes) become wandering lights. Of which I have cause to remember one particular from my childehood. For, as I lay in bed & faste asleepe in the Highest chamber which belongs to the Schoolemaster in Eton College, Jac Squib in a very greate Tempest opens the dore by my bed-side to make water upon the Leads, that are over the Schoole.c Into the chamber there flyes through the opened dore a flaming exhalation, & falls on my head, a This is a reference to Giambattista della Porta (1540–1615), Italian natural philosopher. For Caneparius, i.e., Pietro Maria Canepari, and his work De atramentis, see above, p. 70n. For Alessio Piemontese see above, p. 202n. b This is a reference to Juan Eusebio Nieremberg (1595–1658), Spanish Jesuit and author of Historia naturae maxime peregrinae (1635). ‘The sea has her own stars, her own living earth, her own daylight.’ c For Beale’s residence at Eton College see above, p. 130n. The Eton Register contains no one of the name ‘Squib’.

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& all about my bolster. Hee roares out, Whether deeming it to be a ghoste, or the chamber on fire. His out-crye wakes mee, & feare enough I had to find my head encompassed with fire, & the sparkles hanging ther upon my locks. Whilst I was beating off the fire from my locks, & off the bolster11 I wonderd, That I felt noe smarte of heate, & then began to examine it soe far as to find, That12 it had noe heate, but a gelid moysture; & as I drewe my hand along the13 bolster, the scattered sparkles would run into the channell, like quicsylver in like case, a blewish light it was, & (as by this experiment I found) without perceptible heate. Have wee tryed, Whether Sea water be more apt to give Light in greate droughts, excessive frosts, or violent stormes? Wee are certaine, That some Vegetables, whilst14 they growe, & enjoy their vegetable life, will give light, & allso when the Vegetable life is15 extinguished. As Canes (the right fire canes) being agitated ‹by› violent winds; & When their life is defunct. But this is not to be compared with that which the foresaid Jesuite Nieremberg, tells us, lib 14 c.1 Hist: Nat: De Arbore illustri. Ibidem aiunt esse arborem mediocrem, sed crassam, exigui folii, et crispi, pulverei coloris in cortice /fol. 46v/ cinerei, quæ noctu coruscet, et fuget tenebras. This to be found in Zeilan in America. Is his credite good enough to encourage the Enquyry?a He tells us allso l: 16. c. 34. de arena candenti (which in that point might be of easy fayth) but, Quod febricitantibus egregiam, ac prope divinam fert opem, si drachmæ unius mensurâ aliquoties sumatur.b Wee want such an obvious ayde for our common agues. Have we tried what kind of rotten fish Whether Haberdin Ling,16 or what else, at what age, & howe long putrifyed, yields the brightest ray?c Or what rotten woode, Whether of the Withye, Willowe, or Sally, or by what cercumstantiall ayde, is brightest?d Tis on the by, That I commend the witty frugality of the Shropshire17 people, Who doe strip of some part of the greene off rushes, & dip them in kitchen-stuffe to make them give a weake light about their drudgery. And I enquire Whether some kinds of fat earth may not be mingled with tallowe to18 save a parte of the charge. Such earth being dryed makes bright fires. a

Beale quotes from Nieremberg, Historia naturae, p. 294, ‘De Arbore Illustri’: ‘Of that famous tree they say it is ordinary, but thick with small and crinkly leaves, having the colour of dust and of soot on the bark, which at night fold up and avoid darkness’. Regarding the island of Zeilan, Nieremberg writes, ‘Creditum est insularis Zeilan, patriam suam fuisse paradisum’, ‘It is thought that the island of Zeilan was to have been the Father’s paradise’. b Nieremberg, Historia naturae, book 16, ch. 34 is headed ‘De arenâ candenti’, ‘The seashore shining white’: ‘It is good, and almost divine for those who are afflicted by fevers, giving excellent results, if a quantity of one drachm is sometimes taken’ (p. 378). c ‘Haberdin’, the ancient name of Bayonne, an early site for cod fishery, and hence a name for a large sort of cod; ‘ling’, a fish inhabiting the seas of western Europe. d ‘Withy’ is another name for a type of willow with especially flexible branches; ‘sally’ is the name given to eucalypts and acacias similar in appearance to willow.

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Neyther is it much out of the roade to note, That some passionate persons have flagrant & fiery eyes; & Lord Bacon notes, That some mens eyes have a glimse of Light in darkenesse, (Tiberius Cæsar was his example,) & especially at first wakeing out of sleepe. And some timourous people are apt to be affrighted at the sparkling of their owne eyes, & (perchance by the helpe of strong phantsy) doe see more lights in the darke19 night, than are ghosts. And he addeth, That Love, Envy, & malice ‹have›20 the strongest stroke from the oblique glance of the eye.a Some dire lookes I cannot well beare; & if the eye be Evill, as our Saviour sayth, Wee may justly bid Abi cum oculis tuis ‹emissitiis›.21b For such emissions of spirits, & visuall rayes from the eyes wee may confesse, & they are envigorated by an agitation answering to frication. In all the Jewells that I have seene, I could never find a resident beame, Yet through a Crystall cover to a Watch many will see the figures & Index by such a faint beame of starry light, as ‹gives noe light›22 on a rougher surface. I tryed many Carbuncles, & could only conclude, That they seemed to have more of a sparkling red beame somewhat deepe in the body of the Jewell, in a fainte light, than when exposd to a brighter Light, which discovers the surface dusky; as Sun beames does somewhat extinguish flaming fire & discovers more ashes on the surface of burning coale, than otherwise would appea[r]23 Cardane tells of a Pope that had a Jewell, in which was a travalling ray, which constantly followed the motion of the Sun from the riseing to the setting. If I sawe it, I could believe it.c

BEALE to BOYLE

7 December 1663

From the holograph original in Early Letters OB 108, pp. 93–6. Fol/2. The last section entitled ‘For Kitchin Gardens.’ is to be found in BP 37, fols 142– 3, but has been placed here because it is clearly part of the material Beale sent Boyle at this time. Not previously printed.

Of Turkeyes, Gees, Ducks Peacocks, pultry &c Dec. 7. 63. Turkyes are of noe greater Antiquity in England, than about the end of the reigne of Hen 8, as the Romane ryme importeth a For Francis Bacon see above, p. 70n. The work of Bacon’s which Beale here refers to has not been identified. b A reference to the teaching of Jesus in Mark 9, 47; Beale’s Latin reads ‘Throw away your plucked-out eye.’ c This is a reference to Girolamo Cardano (1501–76), Italian physician and philosopher.

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Turkeycocks, Greeke, Heresy, & Beere Came into England all in one yeare.a

They were brought out of the hot countreyes of Africa, as their name implyeth Avis Numidica, & in French Coc de Indi.b Which proveth that our cold climate may be a nource to many other Fowle,c Which Barbary, & America can supply, & the Importation by Eggs is noe burden. At first they were dieted, & nicely cherished against the frosts & cold dewes of the spring, which cramps the joynts of their legs. But1 my selfe & some others have by frequent experience observd, That such as were lesse tenderd, & fed with the course & ordinary diete (of bran in whey with chibbals, young lettice, & hayriffe,)d provd beste, hardy, & shifting well against the crampe. And this wee noted in very cold parts of North Wales. The blacker sorte hardier than the whitish. From those cold parts I had a blacke Turky hen, which layd very large egges very frequently, & constantly every egge had a double yelke, the shell was crested with a swelled rib like a hoope round about the middle; I had a purpose to trye What they would prove ‹in the›2 hatching, but the warre interrupted the triall. Gees are in some parts of this County of Somersetshire shorne twice in the yeare; And the people have raysd the benefit into a proverbe, That a company of Geese are as good, as a flocke of sheepe. May not thiese be taken into an Example3 of good houswifry. They knowe noe rot, & the breede encreaseth to4 Ten for one yearely, & they yield quills feathers, & downe besides the laste legacy of flesh, wings & giblets which was the dainty dish of old Romans, as Muffet directeth it.e And howe many rivers, lakes, ponds, & marshes (which destroy sheepe) would with more safety further this huswifry? but fewe are forward in such adventures, till they see their neighbours agree in following the Example: Yet Varro Romanorum dectissimusf tells us /p. 94/ That sheepe in old times were not shorne, but their fleeces pulld off, or taken in the vell. Quam dempto, ac conglobatam alii vellera, alii velumina appellant, ex quorum vocabulo animadverti licet, prius lana vulsuram quam tonsuram inventam. Qui etiam nunc vellunt, ante triduo habent jejunas, quod languidæ minus radice lanæ retinent. Omnino tonsores in Italiam primum venisse ex Sicilia dicuntur post R. C. A. CCCCLIIII ut scriptum in publico Ardeæ in literis exstat, eosque adduxisse P Titinium Menam. Olim tonsores non fuisse adsignificant antiquorum statuæ, quod pleræque habent capillum et barbam a The rhyme Beale quotes alludes (in the word ‘heresy’) to England’s split from the Roman church under Henry VIII and the Reformation which followed. b Avis Numidica, ‘bird of Numidia’, i.e., from North Africa. From ‘Coc de Indi’ is is evident that Beale is talking more particularly about the turkey. c ‘nource’, i.e., nurse. d ‘chibbals’ is a dialect term for young wild onions or chives. e For Thomas Muffett see above, p. 196n. f ‘Varro, that most refined Roman’.

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magnam. lib. 2. c. 10.a And hence wee may note, That much of our wealth, reliefe, & arts are derived from the experience & diligence of later times, & not from the Instructions of Adam or Noah. And since downe and ‹good› feathers are richer than ‹some› wooll, why may wee now as5 well shere fowle for downe, as sheepe for wooll? In Herefordshire the sheepe are shorne by woemen, who sit downe & laying the sheepe tyed in their laps, doe sheare them with small sheeres very curiously; And of old in Spaine they sheard their sheepe twice in the yeare Quidam has in anno bis tondent, ut in Hispaniâ citeriore, ac semestres faciunt tonsuras duplicem intendunt operam, quod sic plus patant fieri lanæ, quo nomine quidam bis secant prata Varro loco citato.6b Fethers for common featherbeds are here in this Towne sold for 1s ‹& 4d› a pound The flesh of wilde gees is generally preferd before the flesh of Tame gees yet the flesh of the tame moore-gees of this Countrey lookes like the flesh of wilde gees, ‹but›7 is much worse, than the flesh of other tame geese, of which tame kind the young stubble-goose is held the beste, being fed of the young blades of barley, which growes after a showre of rayne of 8 the barly, that is shed in the early barly harvest. The flesh of the wilde duc is better than of the Tame duc, for which cause some get the egges of the wilde-duc, & hatch of them for their race. And I knewe a race of thiese ducs, which the good housewife called her greene-billd ducks, somewhat lesser than the tame kind,9 incessant layers, & the egges more pleasant, & ‹they› would take wing to seeke the greatest parte of their foode abroad, & returne constantly evry night to their lodgings: If the thresher did but whiffle the threshall before the barne dores, they tooke wing, & at night returned, but sometimes the fowlers diminished the number.c /p. 95/ The peacocke, Junos bird, is the Countrey mans best hygroscope,d Indicating the approach of moysture with such shrill sounding trumpets, That the rattling Echoes by the helpe of woodes & rivers will alarme all the neighbouring valley. And if a grove be soe neere the Mansion as10 may preserve the propriety, tis better to suffer thiese Trumpetters to growe wilde there, & to send them thither some a Beale cites Varro’s Rerum rusticarum; ii. 11 (p. 417–19) (his reference to book 10 is incorrect): ‘When the fleece has been removed and rolled up it is called by some vellus, by others vellimnum; and it may be seen from these words that in the case of wool, plucking was discovered earlier than shearing. Some people pluck the wool even today; and these keep the sheep without food for three days before, as the roots of the wool hold less tightly when the sheep are weak. In fact, it is claimed that barbers first came to Italy from Sicily 453 years after the founding of the city of Rome (as is recorded still on a public monument at Ardea), and that they were introduced by Publius Titinius Mena. That there were no barbers in early days is evident from the statues of the ancients, many of which have long hair and a large beard.’ For the translations see above, p. 195n. b Varro, ii. 11 (p. 417): ‘Some shear their sheep twice a year, as is done in Hither Spain, shearing every six months. They undergo the double work on the supposition that more wool is secured by this method – which is the same motive that leads some to mow their meadows twice a year.’ c ‘whiffle the threshall’, to make a puff or slight movement of air with a ‘threshel’, a flail. d The peacock was associated with Juno, Roman goddess of love.

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reliefe, which will accustome them to some hurtlesse degree of tamenesse, than to invite them neerer to our gardens, or to the farmers thatched houses. Varro sayth that in his dayes, They yielded more profit than sheepe, & proves it by the mercate rate. Is (Seius) a procuratore ternos pullos exigit, eosque cum creverunt quinquagenis denariis vendit, ut nulla ovis hunc assequatur fructum:a & yet more, That their eggs were sold for denarys ita ut ova eorum denariis veneant quinis lib 3. c. 6. The denery though rated 7s ½d might value our shilling.b The roost hen, avis de corte hath this excellency, That they will hatch, & breed up any race, if the eggs be noe bigger than may be covered warme enough.c I have wonderd, That the ducks broade bills11 should not affright the12 ‹hen›; Yet wee see howe carefully the hen will nurse them, & attend them by the water side. The like care they will have for partridge, pheasant, growce; & promise as much for the triall of any strange, or exotic breede. And Varro undertakes for the eggs of the pea hen. Præterea ova emit, & supponit gallinis.d &c I have seene of thiese roost cocks, & hens very neere approaching to the size, or bignes of Turkeyes; & some are esteemed of the race of pheasants, & growce, & their colors & shape have much resemblance; & some pretend to the taste allso, but I am not certaine of any such mixeture in reall truth. I have seene a large capone doe the office of a nource to divers kinds, & greate numbers of thiese young fowle, more sedulously, than any hen; & with stronger protection; & I have seene a sorte of cur-dogs, which they called Kite-dogs, which did soe naturally watch all day to discover Kites & birds of prey, & more stoutly, & ‹with more› nimblenes defend them, than any hen, cocke, or capon. Pigeons are by Varros accompt of two sort; wilde, & Tame, The first escapes beste from the Kite & birds of prey; The other beeing /p. 96/ much larger & comonly rough footed is in Sir H Wotton accompt by much the better, wholsomer, & more delicate dish ‹(Muffet sayth otherwise)› contrary to rabbets, ducks, geese &c in which the wild are best foode.e The Tame pigeon being a notorious glutton is too chargeable; And therefore the mixeture of wilde & tame is beste, That the Tame by example & company may be constraind to seeke their foode abroade. Ex his duabus Stir, pibus fit miscellum ‹tertium› genus fructus causa ‹sayth Varro›.f Tis disputed first, Whethr they ought not to be banished out of a well-governed Comon-wealth; secdly, Whethr the flesh be wholesome. For the first tis objected that they destroy more corne than they are worth. They rob the people, & are a

Varro, iii. 6 (pp. 459–61): ‘He requires of his breeder three chicks for each hen, and these when they are grown he sells for fifty denarii each, so that no other fowl brings in so high a revenue.’ b Varro, iii. 6 (p. 461): ‘so that they might sell their eggs for five denarii’. ‘denery’, i.e., denarius. c A loosely used term meaning ‘bird of the tree’. d Varro, iii. 6 (p. 461): ‘He buys eggs, too, and places them under hens.’ e For Henry Wotton see above, p. 67n. For Thomas Muffet see above, p. 196n. f Varro, iii. 7 (p. 463): ‘From these two stocks is bred for profit a third hybrid species.’

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appropriated to the Lords, or wealthy persons. Some answere, That they destroy noe corne, but such as would dye, lying above ground; They scratch not for it as poultry doe, & rookes would devoure it, if pigeons left it. This is partly true, yet pigeons doe much deface with their feete the husbandmans worke, & doe make some waste of seede; & therefore are fitter to be restrayned to fewe, than allowed for all. And for foode, if young, & throughly blooded, & dressed assoone as taken before they repine, or growe cold the foode is wholsome: Or to salve all objections, The young ‹Pigeons›13 thus ordered for the Table, as Muffet prescribeth (blooded to death under the wing) hath the prayse of Galen & the witty Italians, for the sicke & aguish, therefore no hurt to the healthy.a Stock doves, ring-doves, & Turtle doves are the inhabitants of the Woodes, & will do lesse damage for their sustenance. The grove was of old ‹before the Leviticall Lawe› Holy ground, & the delight of Poets, Orators, philosophers, & all men of zeale, spirite, or contemplation:b And ever It14 will deserve firme mounds for the public good of Timber; & is the fittest harbor for pigs, Which are of all cattell the most fruitfull breeders, as the American planters doe well knowe, & thence wee might have Spanish bacon the generall sauce to all Garden plants, as allso to all fresh flesh; & some shelter they might have from trees framed into American shamocs; And thither Turkyes which are hurtfull to all gardens might be banished; And all those Animals be easily traind to obey the Keepers call at sound of Cornet, hoeboy or pipe, As if Orpheus were returned.c Quintus Orphea vocavi jussit, qui cum eo venisset, cum stola, et cithara, et cantare esset iussus, buccinam inflavit, ubi tanta circumfluxit nos cervoram, aprorum, et cæterarum quadrupedum multitudo ut non minus formosum mihi visum sit spectaculum, quam in circo maximo ædilium sine Africanis bestiis cum fiunt venationes. Varro. lib 3. c. 13.d For Kitchin Gardens. Dec. 7. 63.e A person of as greate Wit & skill in all kinds of husbandry both domestic & foreigne, as any I knowe liveing, writes to mee in thiese words; I can give this accompt upon mine owne experience, That 20 acres of the best sheepe pasture yields mee not the profit that the tenth part of an acre of yieldeth in Garden. This a

For Muffet see above, p. 196n. A reference to the laws set out (and communicated in the Old Testament book of Leviticus) for the Levitical priesthood during the Israelites’ residence at Mount Sinai. c ‘hoeboy’, i.e., hautboy. d Varro, iii. 13 (p. 495): ‘… to which he bade Orpheus be called. When he appeared with his robe and harp, and was bidden to sing, he blew a horn; whereupon there poured around us such a crowd of stags, boars, and other animals that is seemed to me to be no less attractive a sight than when the hunts of the aediles take place in the Circus Maximus without the African beasts.’ Orpheus was the Roman god of music. Beale quotes the same lines from Varro below in his subsequent letter to Boyle of 14 Dec. 1663; see below, p. 232. e This section is contained in BP 37, fols 142–3. b

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he writes from a soyle that yields the best & safest sheepe pasture in England.a At distance from Townes that yeild vent for garden stuffe, & without relation to saffron beds haveing only the Common Garden plants that fill the day labourers belly. About the end of Q Elizabeth’s dayes some Dutch Gardiners came into England, & taught us the art of Gardening. It was strange to us to see, What rates they would give for land, their charges upon mounds, composte, & some houses slightly built in the middle of their gardens; & yet what wealth they would gather, & sometimes at good distance from London, haveing the helpe of some river to ease the rate of carriage And nowe wee may see Howe gardens doe dayly increase about every Citty, & Towne; by which & other circumstances wee may guesse, That if our Gardens had not increased, this Island could hardly have susteined halfe the number of the present inhabitants And if wee compare our15 mercates ‹of corne› cheese & butter with the gardens mercates, wee may viewe the large measure of susbenance furnished by Gardens. And the rurall diete hath more of colewort, turneps carrets, parseneps, & garden peease, than of bacon, beefe, or other foode. By increase of gardens our populous townes will be kept cleaner, & free from infections occasioned by polluted ayre. And the value of composte will preserve it from beeing caste into ditches & rivers, which carry it hastily into the sea: And tis a point of thrift to preserve the riches of the land from that generall devourer. The forementioned persone computes the profit of Orchards to exceede the profits of best pastures, the best pasture which was then in his eye not yielding above £2 & Orchards yielding at least £3 yearely comunibus armis,b & that corne fields in this watery Island16 doe often deceive the husbandman; And noe man can gaine by arrable /fol. 142v/ in any comfortable measure but the painefull husbandman, who over-lookes the plough or holds it with his owne hand. There is not a more infallible remedy against famine, than encrease of Gardens, which prosper best in dropping sumers when corne fayles most. In yeares when corne was deere, I remember there was much talke of makeing bread of Turneps, but by experience wee have found, That by store of potadoes, such as we have, (&, it may be, when well tried, our land will beare a better sort of potadoes) the poore & some of the better sorte of yeamanry, & tradesmen, have beene relieved from reall famine, Thiese vulgar potades affording them the strength, & (by custome) the pleasure of bread & other flesh-viands. If I were demaunded, what could ‹bee› the speediest improvement of our native soyle, & of greatest & truest worth, I should say, The increase of thiese Gardens. Orchards of apples, peares, & cider will hardly be raysed to much profit in twenty yeares; cherryes & other delicate fruite are more often a temptation, & danger to a b

Beale’s horticultural correspondent has not been identified. ‘by joint effort’.

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health, than a sustenance, But gardens make a sudden returne of reward, The advancement may be discerned the first or 2d yeare; And in the borders or any more vacant place, stocks ready grafted may be cherished, & raysed in readinesse for Orchards. To direct & encourage the improvement of gardens, It were very17 convenient to followe the modell of the Dutch gardiners frugality & Industry, To note Howe for most pofit, (which is the greatest allurement,) to imploy every parcell of ground; What to sowe first in the Spring or Winter, what fittest to followe What to put off by present sale, what to reserve, When to gather, beate out, & howe to lay up safe (from moysture, over-driness, or moldinesse) the seedes of all sorts; Howe to lay up for Winter seasons turneps, parseneps, carrots &c. cabbages, & Artichocs, of which kind Sir H Plats devised a barrell for a present to the Lord Mayor at New yeares-tide.a Much frugality & profit may to this chapter belong, which is not to be found in any booke that I heare of. The argument in it selfe is so pleasant & harmonious, That it ravisht Columella from his sober prose into elegant verse, Which takes up his /fol. 143/ Tenth booke De cultu hortorum; And wee shall hardly find among the ancient any other curiosityes of Garden, than may belong to this kitchen-garden, or may be admitted into the ornaments or borderings of it.b And Sir H Plats conversed much with all sorts of Gardiners to give us a fewe sprinklings of directions. To this should be adioyned a full chapter of the ordinary & allso of the best comended wayes of Cookery; & the sanative qualityes of this diete of every kind. In which point the acute Muffet was not wanting for his age.c For Saffron-beds, they may fitly belong to the care of Ladyes, & Gentlewoemen, an elegant & profitable imployment requiring assiduity in the seasone of gathering, picking, & drying the saffron. And if wee had a minde to silke-wormes, & mulberryes in England In thiese gardens wee may comodiously rayse their Nurseryes. For Mulberyes require a ranke ground, & improve by frequent digging neere their rootes. Who is able to recompt,18 Howe may sorts of edible plants may yearely be introduced from all parts of the world by the easy & cheape Importation of the seedes, or rootes; Or howe much thiese (which wee have nowe in vulgar use) may be improved by the best sorte of forreigne seedes. May wee not complaine of our stupidity, That in all parts wee doe not get the very best of each kind. In Muffet & Lauremberg Wee may read of many kinds, That would enrich the best of noble Tables, Yet scarse knowne, or heard of in most parts of England.d To prove this our dullnesse, Wee may see it in the most vulgar sorte of edible a

For Sir Hugh Plat, see above, p. 171n. The reference is to Columella’s Res rustica; see above, p. 171n. c For Thomas Muffet, see above, p. 196n. d Peter Lauremberg (1585–1639), German horticulturalist, author of Horticultura. Libris II (1631) and Apparatus plantarius primus (1632). b

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plants. For Turneps, wee see howe much some doe excell other. Lately in this Countrey there is spread a very yellowe Turnep, much fatter, & more restorative , than the white Turnep, (yet the juice liquor or pottage of any Turnep is very restorative.) Muffet extolls a red Turnep in thiese words pag. 227. The Bohemians have Turneps as red outwardly as bloud, Which I did eate of in Prague, & found them a most delicate meate; yea they are accompted soe restorative & dainty, That the Emperor himselfe nurseth them in his garden: Roasted Turneps are soe sweete & delicate &c Thus hee. /fol. 143/ Surely wee might get this best sort of seede from Bohemia yearely; And why should wee have any other than the fayrest sorte of St Thomas Onyons. The carrot of deepest yellowe. And Coleworts & Cabbages there are some far better than other. I thinke Wee should enquire, Whether they may not by some forreigne seede be much improved: And whether some of the American plants may not by seede be happily planted in our19 soyle, & increase our Tables. Some pease20 are as fit for labouring men, as some are for hogs. Some small pease came hither among currans, (which seemes to shewe whence they came) Being sowed in our gardens, They excelled ours in fertility & sweetenes, Which provd afterwards their losse, by the resorte of birds, which devourd them all. A Dutch mans diligence after warning would have preserved the race; but a yearely supply were better; & a pound of those pease might rayse above a bushell full, as the fertility here appeard. Having allready offerd a liste or Catalogue of edible plants (for Variety & delicacy not inconsiderable) in a breviate to Mr Brereton & Mr Evelyne,a To which an Inquisitive persone may adde very much more, I may adde this, for further encouragement, That by howe much any of thiese plants is more received in vulgar use (as Colewort & Turneps are,) by soe much are the whole body of the people in generall more oblieged by any improvement of the same kinde. Therefore, If I were offerd my choice, & vote, in what pointe, I would have our Land21 improved, I should name Gardening; If I were offerd my second wish, In what particular plant; I sould name that which is in most generall use, & fills most bellyes: of which Turnep ‹or rape› & Cabbage or Cole are the chiefe, For Improvement of Turneps wee have represented allready; & much more may be added. For the choice of Cabbage, or coleworte Muffet prefers a whiteleafed cabbage as big as a greate loafe, called Brassica Tritiana, & that which the Italians call Cauli flores. Seeing thiese are not our natives, should wee not yearely have seede from those Countreyes, which yield the best. But many do hold on my side in preferring the young greene leaves of the Cole, or such as will growe allmost all the winter long young greene leaves upon the22 stalkes of beheaded cabages, or colestocks. Thiese, a For John Evelyn, see above, p. 25n. For Brereton, see above, p. 102n. Brereton was indeed quite an active member of the Society’s Georgical Committee. This committee was inaugurated in 1664, not least in response to ‘Mr Beale having offered by letter to communicate several observations in agriculture, if the society should please to appoint a committee to receive and examine them’; see Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 56), pp. 79, 105ff.

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with Spanish bacon & Vinager &c are sweeter & of easier digestion than any Cabbage &c Endorsed in modern pencil in the top right-hand corner of fol. 142: ‘BY J. BEALE’.

FREDERICK CLODIUSa to BOYLE

12 December 1663

From the holograph original in BL 2, fol. 17. 4o/1. Not previously printed.

Vir Nobilissime. Ex quo nuper a me abiisti, nihil præter turbas et infortunia sensi, adeo ut omnia temporanea in perniciem1 meam conspirasse mihi visa sint.b Verum fateor, infelix2 haec mensis me plus commovisset, nisi præmonitus c essem, adeoque tela prævisa minus nocerent nisique firmiter mihi pollicerer finem calamitatum finem, auri hujus futurum fore. Interea tamen homo sum,3 multumque his miseriis tactus. non possum non curis consumi. Rogare autem Cogor ut viginti solidis, quos (dum mihi nuper alios viginti humaniter ad petitionem meam largiebaris) benevole4 promittebas auxiliari velis. Quantam enim5 sit apud me nunc necessitas nemo credere potest. Neque ego unquam ad te hasce scripsissem nisi coactus. Dabo autem Most noble Sir, Since the time of your recent departure from my vicinity, I have experienced nothing but chaotic troubles and misfortunes.b I have suffered so much that all temporal things seem to me to have conspired together for my destruction. Indeed, I admit that this month of misfortunes would have troubled me even more, if I had not been forearmedc (for weapons aimed at us by fate, when they have been foreseen, are thereby rendered less harmful); and my troubles would also have been greater, had I not promised myself that the end of this supply of gold would be the end of my calamities. Meanwhile, however, as I am but a man, I cannot but be eaten up by cares when I am affected by the harsh touch of so many miseries. And so I am compelled to ask that you may be kind enough to help me with the sum of twenty shillings which you promised (since you recently were so generous as to give me another twenty, in response to my request). No-one could credit the extremity of want to which I am now reduced. Nor would I ever have been so bold as to have written this letter a

For Frederick Clodius see above, p. 59. The events to which Clodius refers have not been further elucidated. c This could be read either as præmonitus, ‘forewarned’, or præmunitus, ‘forearmed’; it is unclear which is being altered to the other. b

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operam ut abunde iterum tibi satisfiat, neque unquam deero officio meo6 et studio erga te cum vocor 12 Decemb. Anno 1663.

F. Clodius

P.S. Si in aliud tempus detuleris benevolentiam tuam, prepara tute damnum ut sustineam necesse est, necessitas mea adeo vehemens est ut jam7 ipsa indigeam. P.S. Cum cras Londinum iveris ut in transitu ad me visere velis rogo. to you had I not been compelled to do so. Furthermore, I shall set to work and hope again to give you full satisfaction; nor shall I ever be negligent in my duty and respect towards you, as long as my name is 12th of December, in the year 1663

F. Clodius

P.S. If you were to defer your benevolence to a later date, you prepare for disappointment, since I must necessarily be ruined; my need is so pressing that at this very moment I am rendered desperate by it. P.S. When you come to London tomorrow, I beg that you will take the trouble to come to see me in passing.

For the Honourable Robert Boyl Esq. Seal: Remnant only; design missing. Impression on verso indistinct.

BEALE to BOYLE

14 December 1663

From the original in Early Letters OB 109, pp. 97–100. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 460–1 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 376–8.

Honourable Sir Noe man did ever soe much molest you with the vilest trifles;1 as if I made it my study to find out what are the most vulgar matters. In very truth I doe soe; And yet I doe boaste theise trifles soe highly, as if they were the most proper & the most expedient ballast for the Invincible Ship of the Royall Society, That such 230

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to BOYLE, 14 Dec. 1663

owles, as cannot behold the daylight of your Microscopicall, Magneticall, Chymicall, & Mathematicall discoveryes, may taste the benefit of your condescensions in Georgicall & rusticall affayres. And I have a zeale, That noe mans pen may rob the Royall Society of this glory; And I heare, that many persons of eminent honour amongst you, have affoorded your Countenances in it; The Honourable Charles Howard, yourselfe, Mr Evelyne, & many others have vouchsafed your reguards to it.a And in the annexed waste sheete, ‹for Gardens› which sayes nothing but Hoc age,b you find it the greatest improvement of land; the fullest reward of husbandry; the speediest returne; the safeguard against dearth; the clenser of noysome townes, & the healer of infectious ayre. Hence the Tables of princes (by an anniversary or monethly supply) may be stored with infinite varietyes of delicacyes; And hence the poore mans hunger is at cheapest rate supplyed: The Artificers & husbandmans labour strengthned; & the yeomans powderd beefe, & rasty bacon sweetened & relieved with healthfull sauces, hard headed Cabbages, & rootes, that give more vigour; than beefe it selfe.c Would you trye, Howe the fruite of your noble accomodations should appeare the very next spring, & summer; You see, It is noe more, but at severall of your meetings to propose, Where the best seedes of all kinds may be acquired; What kinds newely discovered, & fit to be recovered; old & newe; delicate & healthfull. You are soe many illustrious, & splendid persons, as are able to give lawe & mode, fashion & reputation to such diete, & rayment, as shall be most for the public behooffe. Our Nobility was wont to applaud the Italians, as the best Exemplars of Elegancy: May we not with good pretences to sobriety, reduce our Carnivorous Tables to their patterns of sallades; or at least to the French Quelque choces?d And I hope /p. 98/ my noble friend Mr Evelyne Whilst he reads Col: lib: 10 Hortorum quoque te cultus Sylvine docebo, Will catch up such a2 full Inspiration, as will enforce him upon the argument &, not allowe him to disdeigne the Gods of Ægypt, onyons, & chebbolds, & Leekes, the prinsely standard of Wales;e And3 (ne quid præfiscine sit dictum,)f That He begin with a sacrifice to the hunger of the Common people, before hee ‹offers›4 his Elysium at the Altar of Princes.g a Charles Howard (1630–1713), was elected F.R.S. in 1662 and was convenor of the Georgical Committee. For John Evelyn see above, p. 25n. b ‘do this’. The enclosure to which Beale here refers is evidently the paper which is printed on pp. 225–9, above, since it is dated 7 Dec.; however, it is possible that it was sent to Boyle with this letter. c ‘rasty’, i.e., ‘reasty’, rancid. d Quelque choses, lit., ‘some things’, used culinarily to denote a dressed dish made from (leftover) meat and other ingredients. e Beale quotes from the opening line of book x of Columella’s Res rustica, known as De cultu hortorum; see above, p. 171n. and p. 175n. ‘The cult of garden-plots I now will teach’ (iii, 7). ‘chebbolds’ is a variant of ‘chibol’, i.e., young wild onions or chives. f ‘to avoid offence (in his words)’. g Beale alludes to Evelyn’s unpublished manuscript ‘Elysium Britannicum’.

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And that would give life & eternity to such a discourse or booke, If some day or seasone were anniversarily designed for that peculiar argument, which every yeare will become fresh by introduction of more forreigners. And to bespeake the best seedes, & to appoint where they may be had upon sure truste, makes this negotiation absolute, & perfect. Wee have here gardiners that pay £100 yearely to workemen; if they should fayle of true & right seede, It would undoe them. Hence they are constraind to truste their owne seede, though their ground requires change, & most plants (if the seede be not renewd) doe degenerate: Of soe much concernement is safe & trusty recomends. In the other Animal sheete, I prosecute the benefit of Comunication, & in fewe heades without choice doe exemplify, Howe much the public might be oblieged if some persone that hath fuller information, than I can have, & that hath leysure to reviewe the ancient, shall fit the forreigne & old aydes for our present occasions.a If the witty thrift of every English County were knowne, & practised in evry County, England would have another face; Much more wealth than nowe it hath: And it is hard to determine, Whether the old aydes restored, would not equall all that can be learned from ‹the› forreigne parts of the world at this day knowne. Let me intreate your patience, That I may fill this paper with an old story. That learned Romane who began the first periode of his rusticall discourse with this accompt of his age. Annus5 octogesimus admonet me ut sarcinas colligam ante quam proficiscare vita.b He recomends the dance of Orpheus, which you find mentioned in the end of the sheete of poultry.c And againe lib. 3. c. 17 de piscinis, Exemplifyes the like obedience of fish in fish ponds & Lakes, which may be in the same Grove. Quos sacrificanti tibi Varro ad tibicinem Græcum venisse dicebas &cd Here wee ‹have› Orpheus in Sylvas, inter delphinas Arion. By the experience I made in my childehood, I knowe howe easy it is to get an absolute comand /p. 99/ over beasts, birds, & fishes; To keepe them at what distance wee please, or to drawe them to any degree of familiarity. I tryed it then upon bulls, bores, keene mastiffe dogs, ferrets, carps, & other inhabitants of water & land for use, & for sportfull entertainement. The kindnes of a lamprey (which is a kind of water serpent) was of old famous. a

Beale evidently here refers to his notes on poultry, dated 7 Dec.; see above, pp. 221–5. Beale quotes from Varro’s Rerum rusticarum (see above, p. 171n. and p. 195n.), i. 1 (p. 161): ‘For my eightieth year admonishes me to gather up my pack before I set forth from life.’ c For Orpheus see above, p. 225n. Beale also quotes the following extract from Varro, iii. 13 where he describes a place for rearing game (p. 495): ‘It was a high spot where was spread the table at which we were dining, to which he bade Orpheus be called. When he appeared with his robe and harp, and was bidden to sing, he blew a horn; whereupon there poured around us such a crowd of stags, boars, and other animals …’ d Varro, iii. 17 (p. 525), ‘on fish’: ‘… while you were sacrificing, Varro, they would come up in schools, at the sound of a flute.’ The next line, ‘Orpheus in the forest, [and] Arion among the dolphins’, is taken from Virgil, Eclogues, viii. 56. b

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to BOYLE, 14 Dec. 1663

When my brother T B was Ranger of Wakefield lodge, one spring there came up from his large fishponds a hoste of blac frogs, or toads newely stripped out of their tadpole skins.a They covered all the ground for two furlongs distance; & enterd into his gardens, & all the roomes of the house like the plague of Egypt.b I perswaded my brother to buy good store of ducks, & get store of wilde ducks eggs hatched for those ponds. He did soe, & preservd his gardens & destroyd all these skippers & crawlers, & was never after molested with such an uggly visite, haveing improved his stocke of ducks into a pleasant & profitable duckoy.c Here he had bittorns, hernes, moorecocks, fowles of all sorte, not quite wilde because he permitted no[ne]6 to molest them with gun or other open violence, & allmost at call by some kindnes of frequent releefe.d And you see, The old learned Varro was not ashamed to patronise this kind of rusticity. And my tale is well ended, if it procures another collector of better advertisements, And That the Royall Society doe allowe an Anniversary Seasone for Rurall Accomodations; & fresh Comunications.e And possibly this point of philosophy, & Aristotles tractates of Animals, plants &c is, as considerable, as his Organon, Physiques, & Metaphysics, which take up all the studyes of our Academyes.f And may not this wilde kind of Aviary appertaine to my honourd Mr Evelyns Sylva, as the Apiary belongs to the Culinary garden!g But with all this tediousnes I must end abruptly, only adding, That if R S should thinke fit to allowe a seasone for Rusticall reviewes, I conceive the fittest time would be in Autumne or Spring or both, Honourable Sir Your most affectionate servant J Beal

Yeavill Dec 14 63.

Endorsed on p. 100 by Wotton ‘Dr Beale / Dec. 14.1663’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. XI’. The manuscript also contains printers’ notes.

a

For Beale’s brother see above, p. 159n. This is a reference to the 2nd of the plagues inflicted on Egypt, as told in Exodus 8. c i.e., decoy, a pond or pool into which ducks may be lured and caught. d ‘bittorns’, i.e., bitterns; ‘hernes’, i.e., herons. e Beale’s wish for a specially nominated season in the Royal Society’s calendar for agricultural ‘reviews’, is not recorded in his correspondence with Henry Oldenburg. For the ‘Committee for Agriculture’ (the Georgical Committee) see above, p. 171n. See also Oldenburg, ii, 147–8 and Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 56), ch. 3. f Beale refers here to Aristotle’s De generatione animalium and De partibus animalium, and the spurious De plantis, authorship of which is considered doubtful. The canonical works of Aristotle which Beale mentions are his collection of logical treatises, the Organon, the Physica and the Metaphysica. g A reference to Evelyn’s Sylva, or a discourse of forest-trees published in 1664. b

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MARY RICH, COUNTESS OF WARWICK,a to BOYLE

[late 1663]b

From the original in BL 5, fols 183–4. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 622, and Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 622.

My Dearest Dearest Brother I am exstreamely sensable that so oblidgeing a faver as your giveing me a visett at Lees deaserves an acknowledgment. but which way to expresse my sense of it I know not. but I am confedent you ar to well aquainted with my dullnes to expecte I should doe it hansomely at aytime when I am most pleased and composed. and therfore will not I hope ‹doe›1 it now that I have so Just a cause of disorder as so lately parting with a brother for whome I have so great an afection, that the looseing your Compeny is so sensable an afliction to me that If I ware not comforted with your promise /fol. 183v/ of returneing to Lees I know not what wolde become of your afectenate Sister and most humble sarvant M Warwicke Charles Is your sarvant, and all the young Ladyes but espesally your mistres who had to fites the day you left Lees, pray present this lettar to my faire frend my Lady Robartesc Endorsed by Wotton on fol. 183 below ‘Dearest Brother’: ‘Lady Warwicke’, and above it, in an indeterminate hand, ‘1’.

a

For Mary Rich see above, p. 87. So dated on the basis of the reference to Mary’s son, Charles, who died on 16 May 1664. Charles is presumably her son Charles (1643–64), rather than her husband, also named Charles but by this time the 4th Earl of Warwick; the ‘young Ladyes’ were her nieces, the daughters of the 3rd Earl of Warwick, who had consigned his daughters to Mary’s care on his deathbed. The final reference is to Letitia Isabella (d. 1714), wife of John Robartes (1606–85), Baron Robartes. b c

234

— 1664 — Lost letters for 1664 are as follows: Wotton’s list (see vol. 1, p. xxvii) contains the following items: No. 70 ‘Sir. Justinian Isham’. Isham (1611–74) was MP for Northamptonshire 1661–74, F.R.S. 1663. Nos 71 and 73 ‘Fred. Clodius’ and ‘Clodius’, for whom see above, p. 59n. No. 76 ‘Mr. Astell’. Possibly John Astell, chymist, friend of George Starkey, who published Starkey’s Liquor Alchahest in 1674 (after Starkey’s death), dedicating it to Boyle. No. 78 ‘Dr. Stillingfleet’. This is Edward Stillingfleet, for whom see above, p. 49n. No. 80 ‘Mr. Barber’. This may be Edward Barber (d. 1674), an Anglican clergyman who became a Baptist minister; he was also the author of several controversial works on religion. No. 81 ‘Dr. Tong 2 Lres 64’ (although one may belong to 1666). Presumably this is Ezreel Tonge (1621–80), divine. No. 84 ‘Dr. Stubbe’. Henry Stubbe (1632–76), physician and controversialist. No. 364 ‘Lady Ranelagh’. The following letters, mentioned in surviving letters, are no longer extant: Boyle to Brereton, 30 April 1664 (below, p. 274) Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, before 25 August 1664 (below, p. 303) Beale to Boyle, before 29 August 1664 (below, p. 307) Two letters from Boyle to Hooke, before 8 September and before 15 September 1664 (below, pp. 315, 324) Worsley to Boyle, about September 1664 (below, p. 361) Boyle to Oldenburg, before 20 October 1664 (below, p. 357) Turberville to Boyle, 27 October 1664 (below, p. 374) Boyle to Turberville, about 30 October 1664 (below, p. 405) Hann to Boyle, before 30 October 1664 (below, p. 385) Boyle to Oldenburg, probably early November 1664 (below, p. 390) Boyle to Evelyn, before 17 November 1664 (below, p. 409) Two letters from Boyle to Oldenburg, one before 26 November and one between 24 November and 3 December 1664 (below, pp. 419, 431) Boyle to Foxcroft, before 29 November 1664 (below, p. 421) 235

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253846-3

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For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below and pp. 333, 353, 393–4, 409, 433. In addition, for a letter from Samuel Collins to Boyle dated 29 August 1664 which is only known through Boyle’s quotation from it in the appendix to Cold (1683), see Works, vol. 4, pp. 568–9.

THOMAS BEDINGFIELD to BOYLE early January 1664 [?] The minutes of the Court of the New England Company for 14 January 1664 include the following passage: ‘consideration this day had of a letter lately sent from Col. Thomas Bedingfeild to the Governor of the said Corpor[ation]. Desiringe that some persons might be appoynted to treate with him’; see G. P. Winship (ed.), The New England Company of 1649 and John Eliot (Boston, 1926), p. 105. For Bedingfield and the Company’s negotiations with him, see above, pp. 21, 74.

BEALE to BOYLE

11 January 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 110, pp. 101–4. Fol/2. There is a copy by Oldenburg in Early Letters B 1. 32. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 461–3, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 378–80.

Jan. 11. 63. Yeavill Honourable Sir, I suspended the acknowledgement of your last oblieging favours, till I could give some accompt of the issue of mine owne Essay. With the mixeture of water I filld the cane with quicsylver on Wednesday last, & did not reverse it, nor vessell it, till late on Saturday. And then (by a mischance in the reversing) I was constrain’d to replenish a foote length in the Cane, which I did very carelessely at 2 or 3 hasty pourings, yet then it rested neere 30 ynches, & on sunday morning compleated 30 ynches. But then there was a misting of small raine in the morning, & thicke cloudes all the aftrnoone: And it mounted an 8th or 9th ‹higher›1 after the raine, then in the time of rayne; & soe this morning it sunke an 8th or 9th in the very time when hard rayne fell. By which it seemes that the cloudes, before the raine fell, lay heavier on the ayre, & compressed it more, than when they were dissolving, & the ayre intermingled with the falling rayne; But I doe as novices are 236

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to BOYLE, 11 Jan. 1664

wont to doe, & hasten to a result, before the constancy of the Experiment be confirmd.a I am very glad you met with that strange phænomenon, That such a ponderous substance as [mercury], in such quantity, should refuse to descend without the compression of a bubble of ayre, & yield to such a small motion. It may suggest to you many Enquyryes; Of which there occurres to my minde in present, Gilberts apprehension, That a ponderous body if elevated above2 the Terrestriall Magnetisme, would have lesse propension to descend.b And Whether, besides the want of compulsion from the bubble; & the obstruction of ayre, & terrestriall steames in the Orifice, the [mercury] & all grosse bodyes have not invisible clawes, or such strong steames in the3 next approach to their bodyes, as may fasten in the circumjacent pores of the glasse; & since [mercury] hath noe very4 briske tumult of parts, ‹whether› each particle may ‹not› somewhat (though weakely) adhere to other.5 Wee see small drops of [mercury] will adhere on the outside of the glasse, And leafe gold will adhere by inumerable particles, & fly up & downe in the ayre, as if it searcht for some neighbouring6 body, Which if it meetes, it will offer at some hold; & the branches of vines, Roman beanes, & hops, will soe feelingly search out for supportance, as if they had animal perception. Thiese for any dry stic; & goards & pumpions for a pot of water: As if their effluvia corresponded, & gave notice, Where their auxiliaryes quartered. But will not Water or [mercury] more easily descend out of a narrowe cane on plaine ground, than on a Pharos? Or has the cane, ‹&›7 materialls of the Pharos a more strongly approaching Magnetisme, than will yield to the prædominancy of plaine ground! Sir you have tempted mee to this boldnesse, For Novices, when they begin to taste something in philosophy, cannot governe their appetites. I am not alltogether ignorant of my ignorance, but can discerne howe8 easily I may rayse questions, & proposalls upon false grounds; Yet I pray you allowe mee a /p. 102/ little to wander, as in Itinere Ecstatico.c Last autumne I sawe (neere a greate bush of roses) many very small spiders & they seemd to fly in the ayre, yet had noe wings; I had formerly represented to Mr Pell the Spiders Mechanicall riddle, as it is explicated, & in effigie illustrated by Blancanus in Arist: loc: Math: pag 212 Araneorum industriæ.d But here to my eye the spiders visibly exceeded the conceipt, & draught of Blancanus very much. For thiese spiders did swim & glide in the ayre, up & downe, as fishes doe in the water, a

For Beale’s barometric observations see Works, vol. 5, pp. xxxviii–xl. Beale refers to William Gilbert (1544–1603), English physician and physicist, who pioneered research into magnetism. c ‘an ecstatic journey’. d For John Pell see above, p. 67n. Josephus Blancanus was an Aristotelian commentator, the author of Aristotelis loca mathematica ex universis ipsius operibus collecta, & explicata (1615). Beale refers to a section on ‘The industry of spiders containing an illustration of the spider (in effigie)’. For later interest in the same phenomenon amongst Oldenburg’s correspondents, see Oldenburg, vi–vii, passim. b

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as easily & as swiftly up, as downe. Truely a nimble youth might more easily catch the flying butterflyes, than thiese: When my hand struc at them, they fled upwards, over my head swifter than some flyes; & in this swift escape they springed upwards in guirds, as larks doe, & ‹seemed› to take the ground of their leape from the web, which they did caste out of their mouthes to their feete. And when they sawe themselves out of my reach, They would sometimes fixe in the ayre, as a Kite does; And then I thought on9 a fat bulky fellowe, that without motion of hand or foote (by meere exstention of those sinewes, which are in the maine bulke of his body) swims, & floates on the waters in the Bath. A spider is one of the best10 Mechanists, amongst our Visibles: And every animal activity puts mee in minde what ayre, fire, & other inanimates may doe. And in that phænomenon I thinke as well of the spring of [mercury], as of ayre; And althings as well as spiders seeme to have webs, & clawes, though of severall kinds. Sir Will you nowe suffer mee in this wilde Voyage to aske Whethr you have at Gressam Tubes of Tin, or white iron, of 31 foote length, to which are firmely soldered, strong glasse-canes of 4 or 5 foote length?a one fixed, & remarked to the onely use of comparing (by some tinged-water, or other liquor that would escape freezing) the gravity of the ayre with the humours of the Torricellian Mercury.b For, besides that, (as I guesse,) the degrees of change may at some stayre case, or Balcoone, be made more visible; possibly it may sometimes disagree11 with the peculiar humours of Mercury. Another like tube to examine what kind of liquors will ascend highest, what apparent difference in Waters healing, & poysoning ulcers; In waters that beare soape for the laundresse, & such as refuse it. In waters which corrupt the color of beefe, & other meate in boyling, & make them insipid, & in others of better fame for salubrity; Such as assists the bruer, & such as rob him. Such as serves the dyer for this, or that colour; To viewe by the steames as well as by weight, coherence, & consistence, Such waters as are brought freshlly reeking from Tepid fountains; Have you capacious glasses & exact scales fitted to weigh the comon ayre uncompressed at seasons which perplexe the Torricellian devise; & to weigh all liquors. Allso small glasse canes of divers sizes to trye the diversity of all waters & liquors, in the severall degrees of their fluidity. By thiese & such like aydes, which will occur to yourselfe more abundantly, Wee may find more of the differences /p. 103/ & qualityes of waters & liquors, (& possibly sometimes of ayre & winds,) then are discoverable by the Thermometer, Torricellian [mercury], or the pneumatic glasse; & knoweledge of Water & subterraneous veines, by which they are conveighed, may to vulgar heades be more popular, & have more oblieging utilityes, than of Aire. As whether water by bottelling, (& coverture in Springs or sand) gets more or lesse fluidity, or consistence, weight, or a

For Gresham College see above, p. 140n. This is a reference to Evangelista Torricelli (1608–47), Italian physicist and mathematician, best known for his experiment with mercury proving the weight of air. b

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Levity: What by boyling, &c Wee say, That springs issuing from Minerall veines doe give in short time a reddish tincture to the oaken leafe. Some Springs are known to have such conduct, & by comparing the propertyes of such waters, Wee may learne to guesse at the subterraneous veines. Wee have here (within a flight shoote) two very fluent & salubrious Springs, differing in many qualityes very much from each other; & both as much from a spring that is in my garden, which gratifyes the bruer, & corrupts all flesh that is waterd, or boyld in it; And (hard by) a searching unfreezing water, which tingeth all stones with the colour of rusty iron, & is therefore called Rusty well. Not far off an excellent eye-water. By Mr Oldenburg in my last I gave notice of a Water12 at my cosen Robert Seymores at Hampford in Dorsets, which (to mine owne, & generally to other gusts) improves malt to a Third of quantity.a If this may be found true, & the like in many other places, it may obliege brewers, & good housewifes. Possibly you may deeme it worthy your stewards enquiry, & may direct him to examine probable causes. The Gentleman is of easy accesse ‹& hospitable›. I have undr hand an experimentall search in generall after the Causes, or nourices of Springs, which I intend you by next; & then for Soyle & Composte, with a speciall eye to your commands, Touching the more Catholic wayes of acquiring our dominion by advancement of Husbandry, If God permit, & enable. When wee have found wayes to discriminate the obvious propertyes of Water, Then13 wee may further exspatiate upon many strange qualityes ‹of it›14 in all parts of the Earth; And may find better healers, than the Pooll of Bethasda,15 & greater wonders.b But I am allmost by experiments convinced, That if the poore would take knoweledge, & accept of that store of Helpe, which God doth in very many places offer them, They16 might thence pertake of a greater kindnesse, than the Physician, Chirurgeon, or Apothecary will affoord them, when they have spent all their substance. Publica morborum requies, commune medentum Auxilium, præsens numen, inempta salus.

Sayth Claudian of his Aponus.c /p. 104/ a Beale’s letter to Oldenburg was written in late 1663 and an extract is printed in Oldenburg, ii, 140, where Beale spells the town in Dorset where water is found ‘Stampford’. Robert Seymore has not been traced; he is not mentioned among the family connections in Stubbs, but appears in Oldenburg’s correspondence as ‘My neere kinsman’; see Oldenburg, ii, 19. b Bethesda, the name of a Jerusalem pool in the Bible (John 5, 2), where disabled people gathered hoping to be healed when the waters of the pool were stirred. c This is a reference to Claudius Claudianus (AD 370–c. 410), one of the last poets of classical Rome. Beale quotes from one of Claudianus’s shorter poems entitled ‘Aponus’, a place near Padua today known as ‘Abano’, famous for its hot mineral springs. Of the springs Beale quotes, ‘doctor of all that come to thee, common helper of all Aesculapius’ sons; a very present deity for whose aid there is nought to pay.’

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Sir Having thus far trifled about curiosityes of weights, & measure, I wish the Virtuosi of Italy, France, & Germany by amicable correspondence would agree with us for some Academicall Standard. For it seemes to mee as improper that wee should use domestic measures, ‹in addresses to forreigners› as to write in Secretary or chancery hand.a And I would propose, That since Rome was the laste Mistresse (of Europe at leaste) wee should in literary communications use the Roman foote, & measure, soe exactly examined by John Greaves;b or (at first) offer the debatement, Who could give a more probable Light to the ancient measures, & weights; And it might be a fortune to an ingenuous artificer to furnish us in boxe & brasse with such measures exactly subdivided. By a small remarke they might serve allso to our vulgar English use ‹but the Romane is lesse›17 And when I read in Greaves what ticklish scales He carryed about him in his travayles, I may justly aske, Howe well you are provided in Gressam. Sir I have beene busy to fill up my paper, but make too much waste of your time,18 And am allwayes, Honourable Sir, Your most oblieged servant

J Beal.

For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr. / &c Endorsed by Miles ‘Jany: 11. 1663.’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. XII’.19 Also endorsed with sum in unidentified hand. The MS contains printers’ notes.

BEALE to BOYLE

18 January 1664

From the holograph original in Early Letters OB 111, pp. 105–12. Fol/1+1+1+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 463–6 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 380–5.

Of Springs, Fountaines, Lakes, Waters. &c Their Originals &c

Jan. 18. 63.

Our Schoole philosophers doe take some paynes in their physiologicall manner to dispute out the Originall of Springs. Some say, They are engenderd in the cona Beale’s point is that it is inappropriate to use these hands to write to foreigners, as it would be inappropriate to cite purely local measures. b Beale refers to John Greaves (1602–52), mathematician, and professor of geometry at Gresham College. In 1647 he published A Discourse of the Roman Foot and Denarius.

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to BOYLE, 18 Jan. 1664

cavityes of the Earth by condensing ayre into water. I doubt wee should comeplaine of Thirst, if wee had noe other Springs. Others pretend to Holy Evidence, That all Rivers come from the Sea, as the Maine fountaine Heade. To salve this Wee may confesse, That such rivers though they come not by springs imediatly from the sea, Yet they may come thence mediately by the vapours drawne (the greatest part) thence, which are afterwards poured downe in Shewers, & rayne, dewes, & mists. A very intelligent & industrious friend of mine, Who dwells on the side of Mendip Hills, hath made such carefull search into the cause of Springs, as by particulars inclines him to beleeve, That most Springs are begotten by the falling raynes, & snowe dissolved.a For he observes in the parts about his Habitation viz Mendippe Hills, Wells, Bath &c Which are a fayre prospect for this enquyry, as followeth. That there are certaine porous & spungy places, which there the people doe call Swallowes, Which devoure all the rayne; which by raine or otherwise is brought from those vaste hills thither, Hee notes such swallowes as1 doe devoure vaste quantityes of rayne in the wettest Summers, Autumns, Winters & Springs. And that these swallowes & gulfes are oftnest seene on Hills, & Mountaines, which are Rocky, & where showres are most frequent, & snowe most abounding; & where the confluence of rayne water sliding from the tops of the hills, is greatest. That the largest of our springs are found in the sides or neere the foote of those Hills; Whereas (sayth hee) in our Marishes, & greate Levells, tis hard to find a spring, the land of those lower grounds being more close, or cley, or mud, such as is someway or other lesse penetrable. Hee noteth a place on the Top of Mendip hills called Rough pits, nowe famous by Mr Bushells late Act of Parliament, Where the old wrought Mines of many fathomes deepe stand full to the brim after greate raynes, conteining a little Sea, or greate lakes of Waters.b From the foote of one side of thiese Hills arise those Noble Springs denominating the place an Amnery, And the adjoyning citty Wells. Hee addeth, That many other Springs ariseing on the sides of severall of those Mendip hills doe depend on the successe of the /p. 106/ Seasone, growing dry by the heate of Summer, & flowing againe with the flouds of Winter. Hee2 Noteth some Springs, which are yearely exhausted in May or June: Some that hold out longer as the stocke of Water is greater. That he knowes a Spring, which for 20 or 30 yeares constantly grewe dry by Midsumer; Yet the same Spring in an extraordinary Wette Summer ran fresh the whole yeare round. a Beale’s ‘Mendip friend’ has not been identified, clearly it was someone Boyle knew. The friend is also referred to below, p. 250. b Beale refers to Thomas Bushell (1594–1674), farmer of royal mines, and in his youth protégé of Francis Bacon. In 1658 Richard Cromwell protected and encouraged Bushell in his operations in connection with the lead mines in the Forest of Mendip. The act of Parliament Beale refers to here has not been identified.

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That the same Spring hath beene dryed up in May, Yet, the same Summer, after much rayne, it gusht out againe before St James his tyde. That hee knewe another Spring yielding a plentifull rivulet of excellent waters, which held out some moyst yeares, but fayled in ordinary Summers. That into the mouth of this Spring, when empty, He did let in a neighbouring current, Which enterd in at the same place, where the former waters issued, & were there devoured for 24 houres together, That longer time hee could not well allowe for the Experiment without injury to those which did partake of the benefit of the current. Hee addeth, That in Wilt-shire Bournes, He noted pure chrystalline streames running in gravelly channells betweene the greene bankes, Where not a drop was to be seene in Summer time; & That after a dry autumne, & the like Winter succeeding, noe water was there to be found the whole yeare. That some Springs, which in 40 yeares & more have not fayled, In extreame dry summers have fayled, as the liveing have seene for one prooffe, & have heard the like of former dayes. He insisteth on the reasone renderd Why the River chereth was dryed up 1 King. 17. 7. because there had beene noe rayne in the land. And the psalmist recompts it to the prayse of Gods wisedome, & goodnesse, That He sendeth the springs into the vallyes, which run amongst the Hills, & watereth the hills from his chambers.a Thus far He, a persone of unquestionable credite in what he offers upon his owne observation. Chiefely I remarke two of his Notes, First that he noteth rayne & snowe to fall more frequently, & more abundantly on Hills Secondly, That the Surface & land is ‹in› some places, & frequently about Hills, more bibulous, than in the Vales, where clay abounds. /p. 107/ For the first of thiese I have soe often met with rayne upon Mendip Hills, That I asked this Gentleman, Whether He ever sawe a fayre day or cleare sun in his neighbourhood. And in Herefordshire Wee doe generally see a white Cap ‹of snowe› upon Malverne-hills, which are Eastward, & most assuredly upon the blac Mountaine, Which is Westward from us, above a fortnight before wee have snowe in our lower ground: And the like I observed on the Auvernian, Alpine, & Pyrenæan Mountaines. And all along our rode3 betweene Lyons &, Geneva, I could see thicke mists ariseing from the hills, or descending on the hills, when in our Vale wee had a setled serenity.b a In 1 Kings 17, 7 the brook in the Kerith Ravine ‘dried up because there had been no rain’. Beale goes on to paraphrase Psalms 104, 10 and 13. b Between 1636 and 1638 Beale toured the Continent as tutor and guardian to his cousin Robert Pye (for Pye see above, p. 154n.) and Pye’s friend and later brother-in-law, George Speke (see above, p. 127n.). See also Stubbs, i, 474.

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For the Second, Wee all knowe the surface of some provinces to be of a spungeous & thirsty soyle, suddenly drinking up all the raines which fall; Soe that after many dayes of greate rayne in an houres serenity the wayes will be dryed for pleasant walkes. In other clay land the water sinkes not, but beates the surface into dirte, & hastens to ditches, lakes, ponds, & rivers. In a thirsty soyle a friend shewed mee a Garden he had designed, which looked like a deepe broad trench flanking on the side of his house. I asked him, Howe He could hinder, but that it would ‹bee› a moate, or fishpole, haveing noe fall or descent for the water, which came thither: He told mee (& the raine fell abundantly then to prove it) That the ground would drinke it up as faste as it ‹could›4 fall from heaven, & from the leads of his large buildings. I have searched for Springs neere the foote of a hill, & on the descending sides with good successe, but I never sawe good spring, which did not issue through some gravelly veine,5 or stony veine, which sometimes would be soe soft, as to fall & crumble away at the touch. And wherever I found this crumbly stone the Spring would gather a quic streame within a foote, or two under it. And thus Blith notes in his observations on bogues in Warwickshire, & Leycestrshire viz, That the Water which is spewed up out of all bogs & begetteth the bog, proceedeth from this interruption of the gravelly conduct, & the bog is cured by opening the Spring in higher ground, And That the Spring runneth about a foote under the gravell or sand.a And that the Earth is in some places soe tubulous, as to swallowe greate rivers, our eyes have beene Witnesses; And the noble & /p. 108/ industrious Vertuoso ‹Dr Greaves› in his discourse of Pyramids pag 101. 102. collects, That the Earth is soe Tubulous as6 to give secrete comerce & free passage betweene the Euxine, Caspian, & Mediterranean Seas.b And as the Surface of some soyle, & mountaines are bibulous, soe wee may well guesse, That the channells of rivers, & the bottome of the Seas are in many places voraginous, & doe send waters through channells & issues even to the tops of our mountaines as it may fall out without any reall ascent by the distance7 ‹in the› horrizon. As why may not the famous Source not far from Orleans in France, as well derive from some gravelly or stony veines that are in the channell of the Loyre, as8 from the fall of raynes on the neighbouring mountaines or plaines; And possibly there is a Circulation of Waters in this terrestriall globe, as of bloud in Animals. Wee see That as fish doe live in the waters (salt & fresh,) Soe doe many animals ‹live in the Earth or under-ground› not only wormes, & serpents, toades, frogs, & eftes,9 but an innumerable hoste of creepers, whereof some are soe swifte, & some a

This is a reference to Walter Blith, agriculturalist, author of The English Improver Improved (1649). b For John Greaves see above, p. 240n. In 1646 Greaves published his Pyramidographia, or a Discourse of the Pyramids in Egypt.

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soe beautifull, their heades trimd with such rich attire, & their skins painted with soe many laces, studs, &10 guises of divers kinds, shining very bright as the Microscope, shewes them ‹as if they were adornd for some light there›. Of thiese I have found clusters a foote deepe in the earth, having store of feete, & hard bodyes halfe an ynch long, driving speedily through the earth every way, & the attire of their heads seemed to make roome for their breathing. If the Earth be soe pervious for animals, It may allsoe give way to dewes, & moysture. But the Original of Springs is not soe much worth our Enquyry, as the Arte & Skill in opening finding & discovering them. And He that discovereth a good Spring obliegeth Posterity. For Waters which doe much hurte underground, doe oft times much good above ground. Blith in his cure of bogues, Which are many time destructive to Travaylers, & Cattell, & the worst waste of lands, assures upon his experience, That Evry bogue hath most certainely a liveing Spring in it. That if possibly wee could light on the head of that Spring, or meete it higher, than the place of the bogue, & give it a cleere passage, the nether bogs will all vanish: That wherever the spring is drayned to the bottome, the bogue is cured: but should be drayned one foote deeper, than the bottome of the spring. That in boggy land the spring lyeth deeper than in ordinary rushy land. That the spring is sometimes within 2 foote of the naturall ground, usually 3 or 4 /p. 109/ foote deepe, some 6, 8, or 9 foote. And for those Countreyes He describes the severall layes of earth thus. First he finds a blac earth 2 or 3 foote thicke, then to a white earth like lime, & then to a gravel or sand in which is the spring. Thiese colors of Earth are not for all Countreyes a fixed rule; The best helpe may be from the boaring Instrument by which they search for Marle, coale & stone; And a soft stone or gravelly veine (as I noted before) seldome fayles of a cleare spring; & many circumstances of hills, soyle, gally or uliginous grounds may direct our search for a spring, & where one is found, it may direct our triall for more, till they be brought to a considerable head, or profitable streame. My foresaid Mendip friend complaines, That although his neighbors in the Marshes, & lower grounds have oft-times too much water, Yet many times they have too little of that which is wholesome; Fresh springs being rarely found with them, Soe as they & their beasts drinke out of the ditches. And if a man hath but a hole or a pit to himselfe, & his family, this he accompts a peculiar felicity; & This He formes into a reversed pyramid with steps downe into it, as the water sinketh with the increaseing heate of the yeare. In every dry yeare he casteth out the mud & corruption, & then thinkes all is well. Hence he collecteth the ground of their frequent unhealthfullnesse; & others are as ill satisfyed with their borish & unhumane Conditions, as ‹too› agreeable to their sordid liquors. If their lazines would endure to dig deeper in Sumer time for true Springs, & to bring stone to wall them, they might have purer waters, more health, & better mindes & manners. 244

BEALE

to BOYLE, 18 Jan. 1664

He noteth That sometimes fresh Springs breake out on the very bankes of the salt seas; & ‹fresh› fountaines issuing belowe the fluxe of those salt waters. That he meaneth not the percolated Waters which are found in the sand digged on the shore mentioned by Lord Baco[n]11 experiment First, appeares by the Instance of That famous Hot well neere Bristol flowing freely from St Vincents Rocke, Which hath (sayth hee) the mouth frequently stopt with the Tyde, under w[hich]12 it sometimes lyes smothered some fathomes deepe.a Hee proposeth That many streames of Water Which doe annoy High wayes, & molest and endanger habitations may by easy labour be diverted into such Swallowing13 grounds, or conducted to profitable uses, To the helpe of many noble Mansions, Which want water, & to /p. 110/ fit many places for more comodious habitations: And truely (sayth he) a studious & heedefull observer by takeing notice of the position of rocks, & the opening of them, (which the Miners there call rakes) may ground a good conjecture, which way waters may be best directed. It seemes the Neighbours, & Miners of Mendip have a happy guesse at it. But nowe the propertyes of Water in Springs, Lakes, & rivers is more worthy our Consideration; But the qualityes are soe different, & soe innumerable, That wee knowe not Where to begin, nor howe to end, If wee intended to imbarque in thiese seas. First I will note14 the Rusticall use; And I thinke there is scarse any water soe hungry, but if it were at fit times conveighd upon very dry, & thirsty pasture, it would improve it. Neyther have I seene any water soe rich, but15 it would impoverish the pasture, & seeme to eate it into holes, & beget rushes, & mosse too, if it stayd long on the pasture. And I have seene the same water enrich drye grounds by running at some allowed times over it, & impoverish the lower grounds, Where it lay till the spring sun dryed it up. Yet wee note, That some uliginous water breedes a course grasse, which cattell will not16 eate for pleasure, for feeding, or for the dayry: a goate upon a balld, & rocky hill, will yield more & better milke, than a good Cowe in such pasture. And the water, which descends or passeth through the land, That beares the best limestone, or through the rich vale, is pregnant of the clover, which yields Milke & Honey. In cold rushy land, a hungry water is found beneath the first & second lay of the Earth. If the rushes be short & small the water is more jejune. Then comonly succeedeth a lay of gravell, or stony greety earth. in which this hungry water is.

a For Francis Bacon see above, p. 70n. The 1st experiment in Bacon’s Sylva sylvarum (1627) was ‘Experiments in consort touching the straining and passing of bodies one through another; which they call Percolation’.

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Sometimes this water & gravell is soe neere the Turfe, or soarde, that the turfe & grasse is thereby deprived of succulent earth to feede the rootes with strength enough for honicuckle or other fattning grasse. Both in this case, & to cure the forementioned rushy land, tis good to order a sufficient store of Trenches to carry away this deceiving water at least, as ofte as neede requireth. And to shred earth thinly on the pastures.17 Some doe affirme, That if the trenches be sunke a foote or more belowe the gravell, The water which lying on the top of the gravell did impoverish the pasture, will in the lower trenches carry a very fertill streame. If this be certaine, tis an encouragement to some /p. 111/ improvements, That are not yet in much use amongst us. Where the grounds doe lye soe, as will coste too much to sinke channells deepe enough to carry away this Water, In the lowermost ground wee may search for some of the forementioned swallowes, And that oft-times falls out after two or 3 spade depth ‹under›18 this gravelly surface: Or it may be improved for fishponds, or a watering place for cattell. To make sheepe-pasture safe, tis very necessary to drawe away this water, Which makes the grasse very destructive to sheepe. And the water which lyes commonly in the furrowes of fields newely turned from arable to pasture, begets a ranke grasse very hurtfull to sheepe. Tis some such gravelly or sandy veine ‹as aforesayd› Which carryes that uliginous water too neere the19 rootes of corne, & weakens it, (as the palenesse of the blades, & small returne shewes) for many acres together in many parts of the richest vales. The cure is difficult, & can hardly be done otherwise, than by a happy collection of those Waters in some over-ground, & restrayning, or diverting them from that lay of gravell. I sawe a field which in most moyst sumers, or very wett20 winters deceived the husbandman. I guessed, That the waters were detained too neere the rootes of the corne, & by examining ‹it› with a spade, I found within a spades depth a stiffe clay through which noe rayne could passe. In this case, tis good in the lowest grounds to make catch-pooles as they call them, Which gathers the raine waters, & earth with them, to repayre the land. And my Mendip friend acquaints mee of a witty neighbour, Who useth an iron instruments to strike holes through this cley veine, by which the raine is swallowed & the corne saved. I should nowe proceede in recompting the Oeconomicall,21 Artificiall, Medicall, chirurgicall & various inumerable & wonderfull qualityes of Severall kinds of Waters. But tis better to insiste upon the generall propertyes of obvious waters to find out the cause of their differences; And by teste to discover theire originalls or the veins by which they are conducted, Which (possibly) may be the best or most frugall waye of tapping the issues of rocks, hills, & mountaines to find out the subterraneous riches. 246

BEALE

to BOYLE, 18 Jan. 1664

For Example Our Mendip-friend collecteth, That generally Springs run in veines not far from the surface of the Earth, & doe rarely pierce soe deepe as to the copious minerall veines: Of all that fall within22 his observation hee only excepteth Mr Bushells mines & Rough-pits /p. 112/ which lye wholy in water. That the body of the lower & best sorts of coales doe lye wholy drenched in water, Which sayth he may perhaps yield some sulphureous qualityes, richer coale participating much of sulphur. By thiese waters, if their peculiar quality were knowne wee might examine, Whether the Bath waters had not some mixeture of other more dangerous minerall veines, than our knowne lead mines, as Jordan suspected.a Allso in Mendip there are some caverns of Water soe shallowe That in all seasons of the yeare they can draine them to proceede in their worke. Others are soe deepe, They cannot draine them but at peculiar seasons. Here wee might trye, Whether the deeper23 or the shallower were the more salubrious for humane diete. Our well water, though clensed & kept quic by descent from a runing spring, yet refuseth to dissolve pease for pease-porrage, as allso it corrupteth flesh in boyling, Which the next neighbouring springs, which have not that reste in wells, performeth most agreeably. In this our ignorance,24 & want of utensills, Wee can better mak[e]25 enquiryes, Howe to distinguish raine waters newely fallen, from such have stood long, eyther insolated in cleare gravell, pebble or mar[ble] or in pits & wells. &c ‹then other positives› And possibly something more of the natures of colors might be found in examining the Coventry blewe waters, & the Stroud scarlet waters &c Howe distinguished. At Wooky hole The petrifying waters seeme to gush from hard rocks.b Our rusty well water last mentioned doth in one night give stones a resemblance of ruste. I am yet at a losse if in the body of [mercury] there be not some intumescence, besides gravity occasioned by the outward ayre, of which I cane26 not reach the cause, but doe still wish it compared with the naturall standard of Water. For it calls to my mind two strange notes in Sir H Blunts Levant neere the beginning pag. 9 first:c that at mid-day & midnight the stream runs slower by much than at other times. 2dly that for 60 miles the streams in the same channell mingle not. May wee not find out these & many other strange phænomena. But I must be abrupt. Endorsed by Miles ‘18 Jan 663’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XIII’. The MS contains printers’ marks. a Beale refers to Edward Jorden (1569–1632), physician, chemist and author of A Discourse of Natural Bathes and Mineral Waters (1631). b Wookey Hole is a series of caves in Somerset. c Beale refers to Henry Blount’s A Voyage into the Levant (1636).

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BEALE to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

21 January 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 112, pp. 113–16. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 466–8 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 385–7.

Jan 21. 63. Honourable Sir, In two or 3 late packets by Mr Oldenburghs conveighance I have molested you more with Enquyrys, than with Experiments; Though pretending to the Watry Element, Then which nothing more vulgar, nor scarse any thing lesse understood, or more usefull, or more excellent,’α΄ριστον γα`ρ ‘υ΄δωρa In thiese I present a Medicall Secrete, as it is recomended to mee by a persone of very greate Wit & greate fame, & long experience in chirurgery; Who tells mee (& tis evidently true) That Hee hath by this, as his chiefe mystery thiese 18 yeares gotten above £50 yearely.b If it be a Secrete & considerable, He hath given mee power by your hand to make it my affectionate offering to the Royall Societye. But confines it To you & the other sworne persons of the Councell for use; & That his Mystery in the nakednes of the Composition, & application be not prostituted. If it be vulgar, & triviall, you will please to let mee knowe soe much, That I may understand the measure of my Obligation. Tis noe more than this. Take halfe an ounce of coloquintida (pulling out the seedes carefully) Boyle it in a quarte of Wine Vinegar, till a 3d part or thereaboute be consumd. straine it, & then boyle it up a short waine with a pound of the best true sugar, that is not mingled with allume &c scuming it. In bottles it will hold good some yeares. It kills infallibly all manner of Worme[s,]1 & may be safely taken in potion, a spoonefull for a childe of 2 yeares old: 2 spoonefull for 8 yeares old: 4 or 5 spoonefull for firme age. If a glister, or Vomit fayleth to worke, this in a spoonefull or two never fayleth; nor forceth the stomac, as the vomit doth,2 And clenseth the bowells of all sorts of wormes, winde, &c cureth cold agues. &c It should be taken fasting, & to faste 2 houres aftr. with care from colde. Tis dangerous to drinke cold drinke with in some houres after. Drinke well warmed with a toste may be /p. 114/ taken after 2 or 3 houres. The Gentleman beeing famous & of much practise in the chiefe parts about London, Barkshire, Bucks, Wilts Oxford & nowe in the Weste, assures mee, That severall kinds of Wormes beget unknowne maladyes, & are very generally the destruction of young & old; breeding in all parts of the body. In the wombe, & a Here Beale alludes to the opening of Pindar, Olympian I. A1, ’α΄ριστον µε`ν ‘υ΄δωρ, ‘Greatest is water’. b This figure has not been identified, notwithstanding the clues provided in the 2nd paragraph of the letter.

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seede vessell, & are cured by this in a siringe; In the eyes, braine. &c Of which he promiseth mee the accompt, & application. Hee shewd, mee some strange monsters, which hee brought alive from his patients. Here (at Mr Phelips his Mountague) a woeman voyded a monster of 21 ynches long, full of joynts like knot-canes, or horstayle grasse.a The head some of the family had cut off, & caste away, Soe that wee could not see ‹it›. This they did, because it was soe uggly, as might rayse ill fame. Some said it was like a serpent. The taste [?] is much disguised by the vinegar, & sugar, Yet soe horrid, that some chewe cheese, & spit it out; some other things to remoove the disguste. Some bodyes breede destroying wormes perpetually, thiese must use it twice, or more often in a yeare. Howe trite soever it may seeme to you, Be pleasd to trye a dose of it upon a pot of garden wormes, & to observe with your owne eye with what speede, & in what manner it operates upon the wormes. It will invite you to shewe the Experiment to the R[oyal] Soc[iety]. They may guesse at the Ingredient, but mistake the mixeture, dose, applications, & effects. Hee tells mee of wormes of incredible length found in the bowells; & finds often wormes that doe fill up the whole length of the small guts in rabbets. I have desired a kinsman (my cosen Phelips his sonne) to attend the slaughter-house of butchers to see, Whether wormes may not be found in the bowells of tainted sheepe; for they & rabbets are subject to the same seasons of the rot. I have read in Physicians ‹old & newe› that humane bodyes have produced some varietyes of the subterraneous matters, vegetables, & animals. And our liquids are a pregnant mother allmost of all things. My old Lady Phelips is a constant waterdrinker, & it hath preservd her (as shee conceives) from a resorte of feavourous heates in her stomac, & ‹from› the scorbute, which seised /p. 115/ upon her about 40 years agoe, when her husband Sir Robert Phelips was co[mmitted]3 to the Tower.b She is pleasd to trye the diversityes of many waters (which I [name]4 to her) by the Teste of her pallate. Some yeares agoe I sent to Mr Bre[re]tone5 a shining sand that seemed like oare of tinne or sylver, full of such thin sparcles.c The refiners made nothing of it. But the water cleard the eyes, healed scabs, & itch, dispatcht sun-burning, & freckles, & gave ladyes a lustre as quicke, as any of their newe pigments. By this veine of sylver-sand, I was directed to open many permanent springs thereabout. And in my garden I had a blac poysonous moate, which infected all the house in hot weather, & bred toades, & efts, which destroyd my a

For Sir Robert Phelips see above, p. 162n. Beale goes on to mention Sir Robert’s son. Sir Robert had three sons, and this is probably a reference to the eldest, Edward (1613–79), a parliamentarian and Beale’s patron at the time of his gaining the rectorship of Sock Denis in Somerset in 1640; see Stubbs, i, 475. b The scurvy (scorbute) of Lady Phelips is also described above, p. 162. For Sir Robert’s imprisonment see the same letter, p. 162. c For Brereton see above, p. 102n.

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garden. I digd a trench, & found a fall to conveigh away those foul waters, & then found a weake spring, which by sinking it 2 foote deeper, discoverd that veine, & continued a very briske & wholsome spring of the foresaid qualityes. By which I concluded it best to avoyd the depth of fountaines, or widenes of moates, by which the water might contract putrefaction by reste. And in those beautifying fountaines, I allowed but a shallowe & narrowe compasse for the reception of Springwater. My friend of Mendip tels mee of a blacke incrustated substance Which he found in Mendip hills, bedeckt very delightfully with artificiall branches of the exact forme of ferns; which they there say is an infallible discoverer of a cole-mine; And that there are the like formes of bay branches.a And that Mr Bushell (to whom he gave this resemblance of ferne) shewd him the like resemblance of rosemary sprigs, which hee found in the veines of sylver.b The stones of serpentine fig[urs,]6 which I presented7 by Mr Oldenburgh, are in the very same shape of two co[lors,]8 those of Keinsham neere Mendip are reddish, as I heare the stones are there thiese about Hambden-hill are yellowe,9 as the Hambden stone is. Monsieu[r]10 Petite a medicall practitioner voucheth his owne frequent experience, That their powder in drinke is a most incomparable antidote ‹& present remedy› against poysone I am slowe in my fayth.c Here are of the same in divers other strange shapes, scalops, rams-hornes, & as the markes of feete of beasts, & birds, as if imprinted in treading there. This I see, And of this I can further assure you, That both here, & at Keinsham, Some stones have beene cleft conteining about 60 of thiese serpentine shapes, some bigger & some lesser, as in Cases. And one is sent mee most curiously drawne, but /p. 116/ [(]11 as all the reste) without a head. The materialls very hard & weighty, & in all appearances resembling mettall betweene a ferruginous & coppar colour. It seemes a kind of marcasite. This I had from Keinsham neere Mendippe. Sir I shall conclude this with a very strange story transcribed verbatim from the same Gentleman a persone of undubitable credit. I shall imparte a passage neere mee, from whence you may extract some profitable conclusions in philosophy. My neighbours Spaniel worrying a sheepe, they fell both together into an old myne, & fasted there a full fortnight. At length the owner of the sheepe directed to the place drewe out his beaste alive; but the dog lookeing with glowing eyes in the darke pit, & not meriting the displeased mans courtesye, was left there alone for a full weeke longer, & at last being relieved, lieves to put you upon the search of this secrett. This was a pit where the ayre was serene, neyther too much, nor too little. a

For Beale’s ‘Mendip friend’ see above, p. 241n. For Bushell see above, p. 241n. c This is a reference to Pierre Petit (1598–1677), French mathematician and physician. Petit was one of several European correspondents who were important to the reputation of the Royal Society abroad. Henry Oldenburg was personally acquainted with Petit. b

250

BOYLE

to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES, 7 Mar. 1664

But in Mines where there is a quicke succession of ayre, the stomacke is craveing. The dog lay close to his prey, Yet fasted. Thus hee March 12. 62. By which date I guesse it was in that winter, or neere that time. Honourable Sir your most oblieged servant J Beale

For the Honourable &, my Noble friend Robert Boyle Esqr &c

Seal: Small wax seal. Shield: three crowns in base and in chief a sun in splendour. Endorsed by Miles ‘Jan. 21. 1663’, ‘Dr Beales Letters / of Yeovil Somerset’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XIV’. The MS contains printers’ marks.

BOYLE to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLANDa 7 March 1664 From the scribal original, signed by Boyle, preserved in the State Archives, Connecticut State Library, Ecclesiastical Affairs, 1658-1789, vol. 1 (1658–1715), item 7. Fol/2. This has been collated with the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 1 September 1664, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1659–1701), fol. 51; and with the copy in the Plymouth minutes and printed in Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 313– 14 and in Hazard, Historical Collections, (above, p. 19), ii, 491–2. Significant differences between the texts have been noted.

Honoured Gentlemen Yours of the 18th of September 1663 wee have received with an Accompt of your Disbursments for the yeare past As also the Bill of Exchange drawen upon us to pay Mr. John Harwood Assignee of Mr. Hezekiah1 Usher of Boston in New England the Summe of £400 which is accepted and shalbe paid between this and the 24th of June next:b Wee are glad to heare of the progress of the Gospell amongst the poore Natives,2 & that it pleaseth the Lord to prosper,3 and Succeed a

This letter was probably drafted by a committee appointed by the Court of New England Company on 26 Feb. 1664 to prepare a reply to the commissioners’s letter to Boyle, 18 Sept. 1663. See Winship, New England Company (above, p. 236), p. 108. b For Harwood see above, p. 49n. For Hezekiah Usher see above, p. 119n.

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the Endeavours of those who labour therein, notwithstanding the many difficulties and discouragements it hath met withall. And as wee conceive our selves bound to studdy ‹by› all good wayes and meanes how wee may answer the Trust committed to us by his Majestie So wee noe more doubt of your Care & paines (who are constantly upon the place) to improove all possible opportunities, that might conduce to the carrying on, and promoting, a worke of soe high concernment tending to the glory of God, & the spirituall good of those poore naked Sonnes of Adam. Wee understand your receipt of the4 £100 sent over in peeces of eight, & of the advance made thereby, by minting the same into your Coyne, And we cannot but take notice of your treating with Mr. Usher, & doe thankfully acknowledge your advice given us5 thereupon, which wee having seriously debated,a & weighing well the reasons, & Circumstances relating thereunto (although we are well assured that some honest & able Merchants heere will allow us £20 per Cent advance6 there) yet giveing great respect to your advice & Councill, & considering that the great affaires of the whole Plantation have their Dependance upon your care and management wee are willing to comply, & are satisfied with the way, & method propounded by you, yet soe, as that wee think it very reasonable & meet that Mr. Usher allow £15 or £14 per Cent /fol. 7b/ at least7 for all such moneys, as shalbe drawne upon us to be paid here for the future. Wee approve of the Salleries allowed for the yeare past, desiring that Mrs Mayhew might have her allowance continued till further Order.b And as to the Augmentation of Salleries, wee shall be free thereunto, when enabled by the increase of our Revenue, & setling that Estate upon us, which hath bine, so longe deteyned from us, which (before your reception of these) wee hope (through the blessing of God upon our Endeavours) wilbe accomplished, & as the Care of providing lyeth upon us the Corporation heere, soe the prudent distribution therof lyeth upon yourselves the Commissioners for the United Colonyes there, of whose faithfulnes to the best advantage therin, wee are assuredly perswaded. Wee cannot but take notice of Mr. Elliotts greate paines and labour amongst the poore Indians, & of8 the good effect hath followed thereupon, as also his Care in translating the Bible in9 the Indian language, & attending upon, & correcting10 the Press whilst the said Bible was printing, & now his translating a Treatise of Mr. Baxters into the same11 Language, which although at present wee can but12 gratefully acknowledge, yet when enabled thereunto, shall endeavour to make a proportionable requitall, c And as concerning Marmaduke Johnson the Printer, whose demeanour hath not beene suitable to what he promised, wee shall a For ‘pieces of eight’ sent in exchange for a bill for £500 see above, p. 75n. Usher was appointed agent for the commissioners and received the money on their behalf. On this subject and others, this letter repeats much that is contained in the letter of 18 Sept. 1663, see above, pp. 117–21. b For the allowance to Mrs Mayhew see above, p. 74n. c The work of Baxter’s is A Call to the Unconverted (1658); see above, p. 121n. For John Eliot see above, p. 21n.

252

BOYLE

to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES, 7 Mar. 1664

leave him to yourselves, to dismiss him as soone as his yeare is expired if you so thinke fitt.a Wee are troubled at Mr. Thompsons neglect in this busines which gave you good occasion to abate his Sallary,b but doe much rejoyce to heare13 that Capt. Gookin hath proved soe usefull an Instrument amongst the Indians, as in governing their Plantations & ordering their Towne affaires, as14 also his taking an Accompt of their labour and expence of time & of the proficiency of their Children in learning, with15 many other /fol. 7c/ things of like nature, which wee highly approve of, as also of your allowance of £15 made unto him towards his expences for the yeare past, & wee are very willing that you should make the same allowance16 unto him for another yeare.c Wee17 are glad to heare that the Indian youths at Cambridge have made so good a proficiency in learning, & wee are not without hopes but that the Lord will use them as Instruments in his owne18 hand, to preach & promote the Gospell of Christ amongst theire owne Countrymen,d to which end, & for the better carrying on wherof,19 we desire care may be taken that they reteyne theire owne native Language, And as for those five Indian youths at inferior Schooles wee desire that all Incouragment might be given unto them according to their severall capacities & attainments in learning, Thus committing & commending you & all your affaires to the guidance wisdome & protection of the Almighty wee rest Coopers Hall in London 7 March 1663/4

Your Loveing freinds the said Corporation &c Signed in our names & by our appointment by20 Robert Boyle Governor

Postscript Wee desire by your next to informe us how many Bibles have beene printed in the Indian language, it being that which we judg might be of publique repute unto this worke.e To their Honourable freinds the Commissioners for the United Coloneys of / New England in New England or to any or either of them / These

Endorsed: ‘Corporation Letter Received Sept: 1664’ and, in a later hand, ‘Copied in MSS’. a

For Marmaduke Johnson’s ‘demeanor’ see above, p. 46n. The commissioners did decide to dismiss him; see their reply below, pp. 317–20. b For William Thomson see above, p. 57n. c For Daniel Gookin see above, p. 74n. d For these students see above, p. 45n. e In Sept. 1663 20 copies of the Indian Bible had been sent to England. See above, p. 122.

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OLAUS BORRICHIUSa to BOYLE

30 March 1664

From the holograph original in BL 1, fols 88–9. 4o [?]/2.b Not previously printed.

Perillustris et Generosissime Domine, Quoties animo meo obversatur humanissimi illius, profundâ eruditione et solidâ experientiâ mixtissimi colloquii memoriâ, quo me ante septem præter propter menses Londini semel atque iterum honorâsti, toties non publico duntaxat nomine [quippe jam diu electissimis scriptis, quicquid in Europâ est nobilis, eruditique sanguinis, præconio Tuo pigneraris] sed et privato tam sacræ Animæ me devinctum, et veneratione obstrictum agnosco. Mens Tua quotidianis inquietatur meditationibus, ut nos […]scis1 quieti ex scriptis Tuis verum cognoscamus:c corpus Tuum vigiliis, experimentorum difficultatibus, Vulcani ferociâ atteritur, lassatur, ut aliis sine sumptû, sine labore sapere contingat. Hoc tramite si majores iissent, nobis jam licuisset esse beatis. Sed habet temporum spiramenta, quibus se aperiat sacra Natura, et nostro seculo fanum suum pleniùs patefaciet Eleusis, cùm speratos diu Mystas hinc inde, præcipuè in Britanniâ vestrâ invenerit.d Quæ sola Most illustrious and most noble Sir, Whenever I look back upon the conversation with which, when I was in London about seven months ago, you once and again honoured me, sprinkled as it was with evidence of your deep erudition and solid practical experience, I not only acknowledge my respect for your great public reputation (for a long time, indeed, you have been putting in your debt all that is noble and of learned blood in Europe, with your most choice and erudite publications), but I also declare myself personally bound to such a sacred individual as yourself, in your private capacity, with ties of admiration and veneration. Your mind is restless with your daily meditations so that we may know […] rest from your writings.c Your body is worn down and exhausted by sleepless nights, by the difficulties attendant upon your experiments and by the ferocity of Vulcan, in order that others may learn from the results that you publish, without expense or labour. If our ancestors had followed your path through life, we would now be in a position to call ourselves happy. But Holy Nature has inspired these times of ours in order to reveal her secrets, and to our age Eleusis will open wider the doors of her sanctuary, since she has found the initiates that have long been sought, spreading these discoveries hither and thither, but granting particular favour to your island of Britain.d a

Olaus Borrichius (1629–90), Danish chemist and savant, met Boyle in London in August 1663; see H. D. Schepelern (ed.), Olai Borrichii itinerarium 1660–1665. The Journal of the Danish Polyhistor Ole Borch, 4 vols (Copenhagen, 1983), iii, 65–9. b The square brackets used throughout the letter are in the original except where we have specifically noted that they supply missing or conjectured text. c This expression is confused by a gap in the manuscript where the paper is worn away. d Eleusis is a small Greek town in Attica, to the west of Athens, where the so-called ‘mysteries’ of Demeter, one of the most important parts of Athenian religious life were celebrated. Mystas here means ‘an initiate’. Formal initiation was an important aspect of the cult.

254

BORRICHIUS

to BOYLE, 30 Mar. 1664

hactenus Boyleana manus publico donavit, me ita tempori nostro spondere jubent; hinc ad ea, quæ adhuc carceres mordent proxime proditura, ubique à curiosè Eruditis anhelatur.a Argumenta, quæ de frigore, calore, coloribus, in officinâ Tuâ jam, ut audio, pertractantur, ut in totâ Philosophiâ nobilissima sunt, ita nobile ingenium Tuum ultra nobilitabunt. Te Duce […… na]tura2 frigoris in solâ caloris absentiâ consistat, de quo graviter hactenus disceptatum. Multa hîc nobis explicabunt naturæ phænomena, qua inter et hæc fortasse: Cur gelidissimo frigore sylvæ sint loquaces in Norwegiâ, id est, cur creberrimo, quasi rami frangerentur, strepitu sibilent, quod in piniferis et abietinis lucis frequentiùs, et vocaliùs contingit, qua in quernis, betulinis, faginis? Cur in Potosianis fodinis, ubi plurimum argenti conficitur, nihilominus cavernæ sint ultra mediocritatem frigidæ, quod ex Acostâ, aliisque constat?b Cur in Andibus Peruviæ [ma]xime in Paria[c]ucâ monte›3 frigidula regnet aura, quæ hominibus, imò et bestiis [solis Vicunis, caprarum genere, innoxiè, ibi viventibus] horrores, nauseas, vomitus, et ipsam quandoque mortem invehat? Cur in Punis, deserto Peruviæ, ventus frigidulus Up to the present day, the hand of Boyle alone has had the task of giving these discoveries to the public; but I am now bidden also to make a contribution to our age. Hence I propose to reveal those discoveries, which are already straining at the leash in their eagerness to be let go,a so that they may be absorbed by those people in every country who are learned in matters of science. Theories about the nature of cold, of heat, and of colours have now been developed, as I hear, in your laboratory; these are the most valuable discoveries that have been made in the whole field of Philosophy, of such importance that they will further ennoble your already noble intellect. You have given the lead, […] and demonstrated that the nature of cold consists solely in the absence of heat, a question on which up to now there has been much debate and serious disagreement. Many natural phenomena will thus appear explicable to us, among which one may perhaps include the following facts. Why are the woods vocal in Norway, at times of extreme cold? That is to say, why do they give out a very frequent noise, as if the branches were being broken – a phenomenon that is found most often in groves of pine and fir, and is louder there than in stands of oak, of birch, and of beech? Why is it that in the mines at Potos, wherever the richest vein of silver is found, nevertheless the caves are unusually cold, beyond the normal degree of cold that is attested by Acosta and others.b Why does a very cold breeze hold sway in the Peruvian Andes (especially on Mount Pariacuca), which harms not only men, but even beasts (except only the vicuna, a sort of goat, which are immune, that being their natural habitat), causing trembling, nausea and vomiting, sometimes even ending in death? Why does the coldness of the wind at Puni in the Peruvian desert, so rapidly penetrate the bodies of a

Carcer, lit., ‘prison’, sometimes used of starting-gates for horse or chariot races. Horses leaving the carceres are a proverbial symbol for eagerness, and figure in one of Virgil’s most famous, and most horrific similes, Georgics, i. 512ff., although it is not found with mordeo, ‘bite’. Borrichius may be colouring the classical topos with his own vocabulary. b This is a reference to José de Acosta, The Naturall and Morall Historie of the East and West Indies, which appeared in an English translation in 1604. The mines referred to were at Potosi in Bolivia.

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viatores ita subitò penetret, ut nil sentientes e vestigio jam obeant, jam manus, pedesque sine sensu doloris emortui decidant è reliquo corpore? Cur geranium triste dictum frigidis noctibus in florem se explicet, et inenarrabilis suavitatis odorem à se diffundat, interdiu autem inodoro et corrugato vultu certa prodat afflictæ conditionis argumenta? cur aqua marina etiam ad duorum pæne cubitorum spissitudinem congelata sit insulsa, quod mihi Anno 1658, et aliàs sæpe compertum? nam displicet illud Macrobii libr: Saturn: VII. cap: XII. Aqua marina, inquit, nunquam gelu contrahitur.a Nam quod Herodotus historiarum scriptor, contra omnium fere, qui hæc quæsierunt opinionem scripsit mare Bosphoricum,b quod et Cimmerium appellat, earumque partium mare omne quod Scythicum dicitur,c gelu constringi et consistere, aliter est ac putatur;d nam non aqua marina contrahitur, sed quia plurimum, in illis regionibus fluviorum est, et paludum in ipsa maria influentium, superficies maris, cui dulces aquæ innatant, congelascit, et incolumi aquâ marinâ videtur in mari gelu, sed de advenis undis coactum.e Scilicet observavit haud dubiè Macrobius glaciem marinam insulsam, travellers that first they wander unconsciously from the path, and then their hands and feet quite painlessly drop, dead, from the rest of their bodies? Why does the so-called sad geranium open up and bloom on cold nights, and diffuse around itself a perfume of unspeakable sweetness, and at other times give clear evidence, by its odourless and shrivelled appearance, of being in a most unhealthy condition? Why should sea water, when frozen, be free of salt up to a thickness of almost 2 cubits, a phenomenon observed by myself in the year 1658, and on many other occasions? For Macrobius, in book 7, chapter 12 of his Saturnalia, disagrees with this, saying that ‘sea water is never frozen hard.a For when Herodotus, the author of the Histories, contrary to the opinion of nearly all those who have researched the subject, wrote that the sea at that strait which is called the Cimmerian Bosphorus,b and the whole of the sea (which is called the Scythian sea)c in those parts is frozen quite solidly and immovably, the facts differ from his conception of them.d For it is not the sea water that is frozen, but instead, because of the many great rivers in that region, and marshes that flow into the sea, the top surface of the sea, onto which fresh waters flow, freezes over; thus ice is seen on the sea, but the sea water itself is unaffected, the ice being formed from the encroaching fresh water.’e

a Borrichius refers to Macrobius Theodosius (fl. AD 400). His chief work, the dialogue Saturnalia, is largely devoted to discussion of Virgil, but book vii contains some scientific matter. b i.e., the modern Kerch Straits, joining the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. c i.e., the Sea of Azov. d This is a reference to Herodotus of Halicarnassus, ‘the father of history’. Macrobius refers to Herodotus, Histories, iv, 28: ‘the sea freezes, as does the whole of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, and the Scythians fight upon the ice and drive wagons across it’. The normal Latin name for this sea is Palus maeotis, the lake, or marsh, of Maeotis. The Scythians were tribesmen living in the area, as much earlier, were the Cimmerians. e Much of south Russia drains into the Sea of Azov, in particular the Don and Donets rivers join and reach the sea in a large estuary, which encouraged the ancients to think of it as a marsh or palus. See Strabo, Geographica (first published 1472), edited as The Geography, ed. H. L. Jones, 8 vols (London and New York, 1917–36), vi, 307–12.

256

BORRICHIUS

to BOYLE, 30 Mar. 1664

qualis verè est, sed finxit causam alienissimam, nec immensas illas montium /fol. 88v/ glacialium apud Spitsbergam, quibus nulla flumina satisfacient, moles conspexit.a Notavi ego infimam glaciei marinæ superficiem, quae ab aquâ salsa præterlabente raditur, salsam esse, sed ubi iteratâ conglaciatione spissior evadit eadem glacies, adeo ut quae superficies ante infima erat, post sit intermedia, non amplius illam salem sapere, sed saltem infimam adeo ut continua veluti praecipitatione sal semper agatur versus fundum; ubi autem illam infimam superficiem a quâ communi tantillum quis eluerit, totum glaciei illius marinæ corpus insipidum est, adeo ut liquefactum ab aquâ fontanâ nequeat facilè discerni. Dicto anno 1658 obbas grandes vitreas aquâ fontanâ ultra dimidium plenas vehementissimo frigore in mediâ areâ nostrâ è ligulâ crassâ linteâ bene obturatas suspendi, pondere vasorum cum aquâ accuratissimè prius observato; post aliquot minuta grandis fragor in vitris mihi auditus est, unde et quædam confracta sunt, alia remansere integra; illo fragore pæne uno momento, tota aqua in glaciem coiit, paucissimis ejus partibus in medio nondum planè, sed statim post unâ coagulatis; quippe cùm vitra omni latere [non ut aqua fluviorum] aëri obvia essent, undique etiam statim coepit

I suppose that Macrobius undoubtedly observed that ice at sea is free from salt, which is true; but he gave a reason for it that is very far from the truth, and he did not set eyes upon those vast masses of mountainous icebergs at Spitzbergen, which are not supplied by any rivers.a I have myself noted that the very lowest edge of marine ice, where it is rubbed by the passing salt water, is salty. But when, by the repeated addition of further layers of ice, that same piece of ice becomes thicker, so that a portion which was previously at the lowest edge is later in the middle, that portion no longer tastes of salt, but the part which is now the lowest edge does [taste of salt]. Thus, as it were by a continuous precipitation, the salt is always pushed towards the bottom. And when one has washed off that lowest little layer, in which all the salt of the whole piece of ice has been collected, the whole body of that piece of marine ice is tasteless, to such an extent that, if one melts it, one can scarcely tell the difference between it and fresh spring water. In the afore-mentioned year of 1658, I filled some large glass decanters [obbæ] with spring water, until they were more than half full, and, at a time of the most intense cold, I hung them up in the middle of my courtyard, tightly closed with a thick linen stopper, having previously measured with great precision the weight of the vessels together with that of the water therein. After a few minutes I heard a loud noise of breaking glass; some of them were broken, but others remained unbroken. When they broke, the whole of the water solidified into ice, almost in a single moment (a very few parts of it, in the middle, had not yet quite frozen, but they solidified together immediately afterwards). The reason seems to be that in the glass vessels, the water was exposed to the air on all sides (unlike water in rivers); thus it began to solidify immediately in all parts, not [merely] on the

a

Spitzbergen, at Svalbard in the Arctic.

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coagulatio, nec à superficie aquæ, ut aliàs, primus coepit cortex, inde secundus, sed ab omni superficie simul. Alioquin cùm ordinarium apud nos gelu est, in vitris superficies aquæ superior initiò coit in glaciem, sparsis per latera interiora ramentis glacialibus, quæ et post coeunt, sed isto anno, ut fuit intolerabile frigus, ita conspectiora quoque suæ argumenta reliquit vehementiæ. Inspectæ post conglaciatas aquas obbæ, observatumque mihi, glaciem jam XI partes vitrorum circiter occupâsse, cùm aqua non occuparet nisi decem, quippe non solida erat glacies sed diversis hinc inde bullis, canaliculisque intus hiabat aëre plenis, unde sua glaciei levitas, et in aquâ negata submersio. Sed quod memorabilius, idem planissimè constabat vitris illis cum aquâ et glacie pondus, nec vel unum ullius novæ materiæ granum ad solidandam illam glaciem in aquas intrâsse compertum est, lance ante et post conglaciationem facto experimento. Sed quid [er]go4 glaucas Athenas?a plura et experimenta et rationes à peritissimo Tuo calamo expecto, meisque perfunctoriis meritò præfero, interea in Chemicis rebus plus frigori tribuendum existimans, quàm vulgo factitatum, nec ineptè forsan scriptori figulo excidisse Bernardo Palissy,b Chemicos parum promovere, quòd ope destructoris [ignem innuit] ædi-

surface of the water, as elsewhere, where to begin with a first layer is formed, and then another; but instead [it solidified in the decanters] in all layers at once. At other times, when we have a frost of ordinary proportions, the upper surface of water in glass vessels begins to solidify into ice, and small pieces of ice are scattered through the middle of the water, and these small pieces later coalesce. But in this year [1658], as the cold was quite intolerable, so it abandoned such rather cautious or roundabout methods of exercising its power. I inspected the decanters after the water had frozen, and observed the following effects. The ice now occupied about eleven parts of the vessels, whereas the water had not occupied more than ten; this seems to be because the ice was not solid, but had separate little air bubbles scattered hither and thither inside it, and little channels inside it gaped open, full of air; hence the ice remained light, and refused to be submerged in water. But a more remarkable fact is that the weight of these glass vessels clearly remained identical, when filled with water and with ice, nor was a single grain of any other material found to have entered the water in order to turn it into ice, since I had tested the weight on a scale both before and after the formation of the ice. But why should I carry owls to Athens?a I await many things from your most expert pen, both experiments and explanations, which I would greatly prefer to my own inadequate and perfunctory descriptions. Meanwhile, I state my opinion that more concern should be paid to the question of cold, in chemical matters, than is now commonly given. And not absurdly did it occur to the potter and writer Bernard Palissy,b that ‘Chemists accomplish little because they work to build up by means a This is a proverbial phrase, much like our ‘carry coals to Newcastle’. Athens was famous for its owls, birds sacred to Athena, and which were used as a symbol of the city on its coinage. b For Bernard Palissy see above, p. 171n. Borrichius cites Palissy’s Discours admirables (1580).

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ficare laborent, et illa motu absolvere, quæ Natura absolvit quiete. Quamquam arbitres utrumque necessarium esse, certis vicibus motum, certis quietem. Purum oleum5 olivarum apud nos intenso frigore in butyri pæne consistentiam densatur; butyrum evadit fragile, nec ut aliàs, extendi se patitur; cerevisia in medium cupæ generosiorem liquorem mittit, cætera abeunt in glaciem; vino eadem sors est, nisi generosissimo, quæ tandem etiam easdem leges subit; ossa hominum et animalium evadunt admodum fragilia, et facilè disrumpuntur; æri et ferro eadem sors; si quis linguam ferro gelidissimo aut limæ frigori expositæ tum admoveat, cuticula ferro solet agglutinari, ‹et› non sine dolore, ubi lingua removetur, adhærere, etc: quæ phænomena an clarè queant explicari, si genius frigoris solâ partium quiete definiendus sit, nondum satis assequor. Sed quid fiet illi Naturæ miraculo, argento vivo? frigidissimum est, quietissimum, nisi ab alio moveatur, et tamen mediis frigoribus non cohæret instar glaciei, sed durat sibi simile.a Si suspicemur primum et solum per se frigidum, ‹sive quiescens,›6 esse aquam, tum illam in terrâ et mari densatam, tum, quæ in atmosphærâ hæret, rarefactam [nam quid aliud esse existimabimus aërem hunc nostrum, quàm tenuissimos vapores aqueos per7 calorem solis è massâ aquæ densiori elevatos, cum paucis aliis terrestribus partibus itidem

of a destructive tool’ (he meant fire) ‘and try to dissolve with motion those things which nature herself dissolves with rest’. You might think, however, that both of these methods are necessary: motion in certain circumstances, and rest in some others. Pure olive oil, in the region where we live, thickens in the intense cold almost to the consistency of butter; butter becomes brittle and does not allow itself to be spread as it would otherwise. Beer sends a more potent liquor into the middle of the barrel, while the rest of it freezes. The same is true of wine, except for the strongest sort, which seems to follow the very same laws. The bones of men and of animals become quite fragile and are easily fractured. The same applies to bronze and to iron. If anyone touches with his tongue a piece of extremely cold iron, or a file that has been exposed to the cold, the skin usually sticks to the iron, and remains stuck there when the tongue is removed, which causes considerable pain. I am not yet convinced that these phenomena can be clearly explained, if the genius of cold is to be defined simply as the rest of a thing’s parts. But what is the effect on that miracle of nature, quicksilver? It is extremely cold, and extremely reluctant to move unless it is set in motion by an outside force, and yet in the midst of extreme cold it does not solidify like ice, but remains in its usual state.a If we consider that the primary and only thing cold, or at rest in itself is water, both that water which is condensed in the earth and sea, and that which is rarified in the atmosphere (for what else shall we think our air to be, but the thinnest aqueous vapours raised by the heat of the sun from the mass of denser water, together with a few other terrestrial particles violently a

Durare is ambiguous; ‘to harden’, or ‘to remain’.

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violenter in8 sublime raptis, aut rectius propulsis] eamque remoto jam sole ad ingenium redire, in quantum [nam omnes solis radii nunquam in universum tolluntur] per calorem solis licet, atque quietè consistere, dicendum videtur, argentum vivum ex pæne infinitis minutissimis constare globulis, quibus cortex solidissimus metallicus est, medulla autem aqua vulgaris, ab aquâ frigus ejus provenire, à corticis soliditate, quòd aqua exhalare nisi difficillimè /fol. 89/ et longissimo tempore nequeat. Aquam ei adesse videtur fragor ille et strepitus ostendere, quem in igne, ubi incaluerit, excitat, similem pæne sali communi, cùm inter flammas crepitando aquam laminulis suis immistam relinquere cogitur, aut caudato illi vitro, cujus caudâ avulsâ aër cum strepitu evolat. Neque tamen tum avolere aquam argenti vivi credibile mihi fit, sed eandem, dum igne attenuatur, tendere corticem suum, et cum exire ob ejus duritiem nequit, neque ob calorem in igne demorari, unà cum cortice suo in sublime, postquam rarefacta est, attolli, imò nihil aliud ad argenti vivi quam vocant fixationem requiri, quàm ut disrumpatur ille cortex, ut aqua exhalet, cortices omnes facilè igni in nobile metallum forsan coalituros; decantatum illum lapidem vi subtilissimarum suarum partium cortices illos penetrare, et hinc esse, effusâ, cum strepitu aquâ, insignem illum fragorem, quem fieri docent Auctores, ubi cum pulvere tingente aliquantulum efferbuerit.

snatched, or rather, to speak more correctly, propelled, into the heights), and were the sun now removed, it would return to its natural state, to the extent that the heat of the sun allowed (for it is never the case that all the rays of the sun are entirely removed), and subsist in a quiescent state: then it seems that we must conclude that quicksilver consists of an almost infinite number of the most minute globules, that have an exceedingly solid metallic shell and a centre of common water; furthermore, we must conclude that mercury’s coldness is derived from the water, and that the solidity of the shell prevents the water from escaping, except with great difficulty and extreme slowness. The loud noise, as of breaking, which it makes when it is heated in a fire seems to show that there is water in it; this is quite similar to common salt, when it is compelled by the flames to release the water mixed in its crystals, which it does with a crackling noise, or like a stoppered glass vessel, from which, when the stopper is removed, the air flies out with a loud noise. It seems, however, incredible to me that the water in quicksilver should fly out in this way. For when it is affected by the fire, it cannot break its shell and exit, because of the hardness of that shell. Nor can it remain in the fire, because of the heat; instead, having been rarefied, it is raised into the heights together with its shell. Certainly nothing else is required for the so-called ‘fixation’ of quicksilver, than the breaking of this shell, so that the water can escape; all the shells will, perhaps, be easily fused together by the fire into the noble metal. And that celebrated stone, by the force of its own most subtle particles, can penetrate those shells; hence the result is that strikingly loud crash, caused by the water noisily breaking forth, which authors tell us occurs, when mercury has been boiled a little with the tingeing powder.

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Aquas vulgares fortes non perrumpere posse cortices istos, quòd illorum textura subtilior sit, quàm salium, unde aquæ fortes componuntur. Sed quorsum me rapit scribendi impetus? meditationes hæ sunt, quas Natura forsan non magis agnoscit, quàm ego Martis lucum.a Interea scire desiderarem quæ fata subeat argentum vivum in machinâ pneumaticâ Boyleanâ, an intumescat tantillum exsucto äere, an in statu pristino perseveret;b si suus illi ingenitus liquor aqueus exhauriri possit istâ machinâ, non dubito, quin insignem mutationem sit subiturum. ‘De Calore’, et colore, nobilissimis argumentis, quædam addere placeret, nisi in nimium exiret Epistolac Calorem Amicus quidam meus et Philosophus neutiquam credere potest motui adscribendum esse,d sed soli et unico Soli, nec corpus ullum motu incalescere, nisi igneum, sulphureumque aliquid gremio suo complectatur, illud sulphureum à Sole primum esse profectum, seu luce primigeniâ; in metallis inter se aut cum silice, in arundinibus indicis mutuo collisis oleosum quoddam, sulphureumve inesse, salia fixa ab igne aliquid oleosi traxisse, nec aliter calcem vivam; hinc nullo etiam citatissimo motu aquam fluvialem incalescere, quod sulphur Ordinary aquaforts cannot break these shells open, because their texture is more subtle than that of salts from which the acids are made. But where is my enthusiastic scribbling taking me? These are ideas which, it may be, nature no more acknowledges than I acknowledge the existence of the lucus Martis.a Meanwhile, I would like to know what happens to quicksilver in the Boylean pneumatic machine;b does it swell ever so slightly when the air is sucked out, or does it remain in its former state? If by means of that machine the intrinsic watery liquid can be drawn out by force, I do not doubt but that some significant mutation would follow. I would be delighted to add here some very fine arguments towards a treatise On Heat, and on colour, were I not afraid that this letter would grow to an unmanageable length.c A certain friend of mine, who is also a philosopher, believes that the cause of heat should not be ascribed to any sort of motion, but simply and solely to the sun;d he denies that any body grows hot by motion, unless something fiery and sulphureous is mixed up together with it (and that sulphureous substance originally came from the sun, or the primordial light). When metals spark with each other or with a flint, or when Indian reeds are rubbed together, some oily or sulphureous substance must be present. Fixed salts likewise take something oily from the fire; and quicklime is no different. For this reason river water does not grow hot, even when moving extremely rapidly, because there is no sulphur present, and so on in similar cases. a

ix. 5.

i.e., the sacred grove of Mars, on the Capitol in Rome, mentioned in Livy, Ab urbe condita, XLI.

b

For Boyle’s air pump see Spring of the Air (1661) in Works, vol. 1. The reference is possibly to Boyle’s ‘Historical Dialogues, one concerning Flame, the other concerning Heat’, announced in Cold (1665); see Works, vol. 4, p. 517. d Borrichius refers to Jean Pierre Martel, a Protestant physician in Paris, who was a member of the Montmor group, and also corresponded with Oldenburg; see also above, p. 85n. For Borrichius’s views on cold see Itinerarium (above, p. 254), iii, 178–9. c

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absit, etc: Colores ex diverso partium situ provenire mihi jam extra controversiam locandum videtur; illud inquisitione dignum, cur natura, ubi ad maturam rubedinem ascenderit, interquiescat, nec temerè alios superinducat colores; hinc purpura, hinc poma matura, hinc aurum erubescunt; hinc in humoribus animalium ultra sanguinem non proceditur, in marinis plantis non ultra corallium, in gemmis non ultra rubinum, aut, si datur, carbunculum. An ignis, praecipuus rerum architectus, ubi suum materiis colorem, aut sibi, quantum subjecta permittunt, vicinum impresserit, ulterius non tendit? Observavi tamen pertinacissimos rubinorum colores continuato igne fatigari, atque ex ruberrimo in obscurè cinereum, hinc in albicantem cinerem, tandem iterum, si urgeantur diu in obscurum rubrum colorem reverti, adeo ut in coloribus certa quadam rota videatur, secundum quam ad maturitatem tendant, atque iterum deflorescant. Cornu Lunæ, quod appellatur, quamdiu liquidum est, sanguinei est coloris, refrigeratum in colorem corneum obsolescit;a sed si aliquot hebdomadibus in retortâ vitreâ luculento igne divexetur, vitrum ipsum flavissimo et pulcherrimo colore tingit, eòque, etiamsi frigeat, constanti, id quod mihi inter alios labores observatum. Sal armo-

It seems to me to be now beyond any doubt that colours come from the different positions of particles. What does seem a worthy subject for investigation is the question of why nature calls a halt, when it has reached a ripe red colour, and is loath to introduce further changes of colour. Thence purple, a ripe apple and gold, are all reddish in colour; thus in animal humours there is nothing beyond blood, in marine plants nothing beyond coral, in gems nothing beyond the ruby, or (if there is such a thing) the carbuncle. Or, similarly, one must ask why fire, that chief architect of nature, when it has impressed its own colour on materials, or a colour as close to its own as the nature of the material in question permits, goes no farther? I have observed, however, that the brightest and most firmly fixed colours in rubies are worn down by a continuous fire, and that they turn from bright red to a dark, ashen colour, then to white ash, and finally, again, if they are heated for a long time, they return to a dark red colour. Thus there seems to be a natural circular progression in colours, according to which they ripen and bloom, and then (as it were) lose their flowers. The so-called horn of the moon, as long as it is liquid, is of the colour of blood; but when cooled down, it fades into the colour of horn.a But if it is heated with a bright and furious flame for some weeks in a glass retort, even glass itself becomes tinged with a most beautiful and very yellow colour which remains constant even when it is cooled down: I have made this interesting observation while engaged on other tasks. Sal ammoniac, ‘fixed’ (as they say) with quicklime, in the same way appears bloodred for as long as it is melted but afterwards fades in colour, as do most substances of this type.

a

A reference to horn-silver, now known as silver chloride.

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niacus calce vivâ fixatus, uti vocant, itidem quamdiu fusus est, cruentus apparet, post degenerat, et plura id genus, ut autem rubicundus ille calor, qui in liquefacto se prodit, etiam duret in frigido, ingeniosam technam ars invenit per follium inspiratum subitum, crebrumque, quo efficitur, ut citiùs refrigescat fusa materia, quàm in obsoletos illos fatiscere possit colores. In rubicundissimo vitro conficiendo usus ejus insignis est, sicuti sagaciter rem persequitur nobilis scriptor Blasius Vigenere in suis ad Philostratum commentariis.a Optâssem lectum fuisse hunc Auctorem vestro illi scriptori, qui Antonium Neri de Arte Vitrariâ Anglicè loqui docuit, et experimentis tentatum, anne nostro itidem seculo illud artificium resuscitari queat;b /fol. 89v/ Rubicundissimum vitrum quale in antiquis templorum fenestris adhuc quandoque observatur, hodie9 apud vitrarios inter res deperditas numeratur, et nihilominus ab hoc Vigenerio pulchre methodus conficiendi describitur, nam de Ant: Neri doctrinâ hac parte incipio ambigere. Ego olim ex Smiride in rubicundum pulverem igne assiduo fatiscente ope aquæ Regalis tincturam elicui, inspissavi, et vitro fuso incoxi, natum mihi inde rubicundum vitrum, sed quod tamen cum illo Antiquorum conferri non meretur; vitrum ni ruberrimum quoque tandem evadit, sed nec hoc ipsum et illud Veterum; Ex cupro quoque rubicundum paravi, quod propiùs accedebat, nec mihi tamen planè satisfecit. Si quid

But art has discovered an ingenious technique for retaining in the cold material that red colour which it shows when liquefied: a sudden and vigorous application of the bellows succeeds in cooling the molten substance too quickly for it to subside into the usual dull colours. This process is most useful in the production of the reddest sorts of glass, according to the very wise discussion of the matter by that noble writer Blaise de Vigenere in his Commentaries addressed to Philostratus.a I would have wished that this author had been read by that writer of yours who translated Antonio Neri’s On the art of making glass into English, and that he had made experiments to discover whether this process could be revived in the same way in this age of ours.b That very red kind of glass, which can still sometimes be seen in the old windows of cathedrals, is today numbered among the lost skills of the glassmaker’s art; but nonetheless, the method used to make it is very well described by that writer Vigenere – for it is in this part that I begin to doubt the learning of Antonio Neri. By the help of aqua regia I once drew a tincture from emery reduced to a red powder by a powerful fire. I thickened it and fixed it onto molten glass; this gave me a red piece of glass, but not one which could deserve to be set beside those of past ages. A very red glass of Saturn [lead] also finally resulted, but this, too, was not of the quality of the old glass. I also prepared a red colour from copper, which came closer to what I wanted, but still did a The reference is to Blaise de Vigenere (1523–96), French savant and secretary to the French embassy in Rome, author of Les images ou tableaux de platte-peinture de Philostrate (1578). b Borrichius refers to Antonio Neri (d. 1614), an Italian priest who wrote L’Arte vetraria in 1614 (published as The Art of Glass in 1662, translated by Christopher Merrett (1614–95) physician and F.R.S.).

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illustris vestra officina in hoc genere peculiare repererit, quod Vigenerii illud vel æquet vel superet, verbulo de eo cuperem edoceri. Parisiis curiosorum affatim est, et pulchris inventis ubique præluditur, sed quod dolendum, qui aliquid singulare inveniunt, sibi solis canunt, et ab eâ cognitione alios arcent, hinc tot pulchra artificia in uno sæpe hoc oriuntur, et cum eo occidunt. Mihi autem generosioris animi videtur, qui publico sua inventa impendit, et Tuo, Vir generosissime, Exemplo mercedem, gloriamque ab10 omni humano genere exspectat. Alkahest illud Chemici Provincialis, [de quo jam ante Domine Martellus, singularis amicus meus praescripsit] hoc uno laudes meretur, quod solvendo metalla vis ejus non hebescat, sed maneat integra, cæterum cum Helmontiano conferri non meretur, et nisi fallor, aliquid aciduli habet adjunctum [quanquam degustare nondum licuerit] quippe casu incidens in artificem, cum menstruum hoc elaboraret, et nitrum et mel ab ipso ingeri in tubulatam illam Retortam observabam, ex qua liquor dictus prodiit.a Altioris indaginis illa aqua est, quâ, uti plures mihi narrant, artifex hinc quidam silices dissolvit, liquorem solutum percolat, abjectisque recrementis reliquum inspissat, ex quo varii generis vasa, patinasque conficit crystallinis similia, imò iis ob duritiem præferenda. De Domine Locques quæ scribam, pauca sunt;b not quite satisfy me. If your famous laboratory has made any discoveries in this particular field which equal or surpass that work of Vigenere, I would be delighted to be enlightened by a brief account from you about it. Paris is quite full of curiosities, and fine devices are everywhere displayed; but the pity is that those who find something truly original keep the secret to themselves, and prevent others from learning of it, so that so many fine inventions often arise with one individual, and die with him. It seems to me to be the action of a nobler spirit to bring one’s inventions to public notice, and by your example, most noble Sir, to seek profit and glory from the gratitude of the whole human race. That alkahest of a provincial chemist (on the subject of which my particular friend Dr. Martellus has written before) is praiseworthy for the sole reason that its force is not weakened in dissolving metals, but remains intact; for the rest, it is not fit to be compared with that of Helmont, and, unless I am mistaken, it has some little acid added to it (although I have not yet been allowed to taste it), for coming upon the artist by chance when he was making this menstruum, I saw him putting both nitre and honey into the tubulated retort from which the said liquor was produced.a More worthy of investigation is that water with which, as many tell me, some craftsman here dissolved flints; he then filtered the solution, threw away the recremants, and thickened what was left, from which he made vases and dishes of various kinds, similar in appearance to crystal, and indeed preferable to crystal, because of their hardness. I have little to write about Dr Loques;b he has up to now scattered a wide reputation a For J. B. van Helmont see above, p. 164n. This chemist is possibly the ‘Monsieur Jean’ (from Provence?), whom Borrichius met in Paris on 22 Mar. 1664; see Itinerarium (above, p. 254), iii, 320–1. For Jean-Pierre Martel see above, p. 261n. b This is a reference to Nicholas de Locques, a Parisian chemist, who wrote Les rudiments de la philosophie naturelle (1665–8); see John Ferguson, Bibliotheca chemica (Glasgow, 1906), ii, 42.

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magnam de se famam hactenus sparsit; proposuit multa in conventu Eruditorum [cui ego frequenter inter sum] apud Domine Abbatem Bourdelot, sed paucorum hactenus exspectationi suffecit;a ambiguitate verborum plerumque ludit, ut cum nos existimamus illum proponere, se ex omnibus metallis [ceu scribit] Mercurium vivum et currentem elicere posse, ubi premitur paulo acriùs, fatetur se non intelligere Mercurium, qualis ille vulgaris est, sed quippiam aliud sive liquidum, sive siccum, quod ipse Mercurii nomine dignum asseverat. Nolim tamen de eo dubitare, quin pulchra quædam et scitu non indigna longis laboribus adinvenerit, sed quod tamen ceu Eleusinia11 sacra sibi reservat, aut non, aut magno ære mercanda.b In ultimo Conventu invenit veteranum Chemicum sibi admodum contrarium, adeo quidem, ut, cum Locques proponeret verum Alkahest fieri ex o vulgari per rum ita praeparato, ut ‹ us› in formâ spiritûs per alembicum transcendat, alter jusserit scribi propositionem contrariam, se enim demonstraturum, verum Alkahest Antiquorum ex nullâ materiâ [ut ita loquar cum ipso] specificatâ, qualis est Mercurius fieri posse, sed capiendum esse subjectum universalius, ut universaliter dissolvat.c Si quid futuris conventibus propositurus sit solidius, re ipsâ proximè edocebimur. In Anatome id solum novum mihi nuper about himself, and has made many suggestions in the society of learned men (I am often among them) that meets at the house of the Abbè Bourdelot, but so far he has lived up to few men’s expectations.a He generally plays with verbal ambiguities; thus, when we thought that he was saying that he could extract liquid mercury from all metals (for thus he wrote), when he was pressed with some little vigour to elaborate on this matter, he admitted that he did not mean mercury, as generally understood, but some other substance, whether liquid or dry, which he asserted was deserving of the name of mercury. I should not wish to cast doubt on his claims that he has made important and noteworthy discoveries after lengthy labours but for the fact that he keeps them to himself as if they were the secrets of the Eleusinian mysteries, or if not, then as merchandise to be sold at a high price.b In the last meeting he found that an elderly chemist held a quite opposite opinion to his own; so much so that when Loques proposed that the true alkahest was produced from ordinary mercury, so prepared with tartar that the mercury rises through the alembic in the form of a spirit, the other man ordered a contrary proposition to be written down, for he said that he would show that the true alkahest of the ancients (if I may put words into his mouth) could come from no one specificated material, like mercury, but must be taken from a more universal subject so that it may dissolve universally.c If in future meetings he makes any more solid propositions, we shall be taught directly by the thing itself. In a Pierre Michon, the abbé Bourdelot (1610 or 1620–85), was physician to Louis XIII and famed for the academy he cultivated. b See above, p. 254. Preserving the secrecy of the mysteries was taken very seriously at Athens, and their profanation was considered seditious; see Thucydides vi. 28; vi. 53. c The meeting of the Bourdelot academy to which Borrichius refers took place on 24 Mar. 1664; see Itinerarium (above, p. 254), iii, 327. The elderly chemist might be Lizardière.

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occurrit, quod postquam cum Amico nervos recurrentes in vivo cane incidissemus, pæne eâ parte, quâ bronchotomia solet institui, canis obmutuerit,a nec ex eo tempore, licet bene curatus, vegetusque, vel tantillum latrare valeat, verberibus licet infrigatus. Sed ne plura addam, video me chartæ angustiis excludi. Quod si Generosissimae Tuæ placuerit, me oblatâ opportunitate literis missis honoraré, ea inscriptio literarum erit conveniens: A Mons. Olaus Borrichius, Paris, Fauxbourg S. Germain, Rue S. Margrete, au Panier fleury-couronne, par Mons: Walgesteen.b Salve Generosissime Domine et bono publico diutissime vale, perenna. Parisiis 30 Mart: Anni 1664. Generossimae Tuæ studiosissimus Olaus Borrichius.

anatomy the only new discovery with which I have met happened when I was working with a friend. We cut the nerves of a live dog, and after we had proceeded almost to that part where it is usual for a bronchiotomy to be performed, the dog became dumb.a Nor since that time, although well treated and fed, did it venture to bark, even in the slightest, even if it was beaten to try to make it do so. But I see that the shortness of my paper does not allow me to add anything further. If your honour is pleased to take the opportunity to pay me the honour of sending me any letter, the following address will be suitable: to Mr Olaus Borrichius, Paris, Faubourg St Germain, rue St Margaret, at the sign of the flower and crown, care of Mr Walgesteen.b Greetings to you, noble Sir; and may you long flourish and preserve your health, for the public good. At Paris, 30 March 1664 Most devoted to your Honour, Olaus Borrichius

a

The friend has not been identified. Thomas Rasmussen Walgesteen (c. 1627–95) was a Danish civil servant and natural philosopher, resident in Paris from 1660 until at least 1664. b

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BOYLE to WINTHROPa

21 April 1664

From the original in a scribal hand, signed by Boyle, at the Massachusetts Historical Society, formerly Winthrop Papers 11, 35. 4o/2. Previously printed in Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, first series 5 (1860–2), 376–7.

London, Apr. 21, 1664. Sir The errand of these hasty lines is to give the bearer Dr Sackvill, Physitian to his Majesty’s Commissioners, an opportunity of growing acquainted with you, and to ‹recomend›1 him to you, as a person that has been represented to me very ingenious and Inquisitive by a Gentleman of White-hall that is soe himself.b And [perhaps]2 it will not be inconvenient for you to have by his meanes an address at all times to the Commissioners, & an information of the state of things here, there not being3 any thing to be soe much apprehended in their embassy (as I may soe call it) into New England as the ‹easily evitable› want of a right understanding betwixt them & the planters. I waited this Day upon the King with your translation of the Bible, which I hope I need not tell you, he receivd according to his /fol. 1v/ custome very gratiously.c But though he lookd a pretty while upon it & shewd some things in it to those that had the honour to be about him in his bed chamber, into which he carryd it yet the Unexpected comming in of an Extraordinary Envoye from the Emperour hindred me from receveing that fuller expression of his grace towards the translators and4 Dedicators that might otherwise have been expected[.] But both he and my Lord Chancellor doe express themselves on almost all the occasions wherein I have had the honour to heare them speak of the Collony of New england, in a very favourable [manne]r, & my Lord Chancellor did very seriously assure me & gave me commission to assure some of your freinds in the Cyty that the King intends not any Injury to your charter or the Dissolution of your ‹sivile› Goverment or the infringment of your liberty5 of Conscience and that the5 doeing of these things is none of the business of the Commisioners[.]d And his Lordship was pleasd not only to tell me this betwixt him & me alone, But to be soe /fol. 2/ free with me as to offer me, if I should6 Desire it, when his fitt of the gout was over, a sight of the Instructions themselves; which by some accident I was a

For John Winthrop see above, p. 31. Dr Sackvill has not been identified. The 1664 Royal Commission was sent to America to assert the authority of the newly restored Stuart monarchy over the colonies of New England. It consisted of Col. Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, George Cartwright and Samuel Maverick. Their Commission and instructions are printed in CSPC, 1661–8, pp. 199–203. The ‘Gentleman of Whitehall’ is possibly a reference to Charles II. c This was John Eliot’s translation of the Bible into the Algonquian language, see above, p. 21n. d The Lord Chancellor was Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, for whom see above, p. 66n. b

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hindred from calling upon him for. The Bearer of this letter is to goe soe early in the morning and ’twas soe late this night before I knew that7 he intended to doe soe that I have only time to add one word by way of freindly advice; which is that you would prævent the proposalls that you suspect, may8 be made you by the Commisioners by doeing, as many of these9 [as] you think fitt to comply with, of your owne [ac]cord, And soe make those things the ‹expressi[on10 of]› your loyalty and affection rather then barely of your obedience. such a course being that which would be much the most ‹acceptable›11 to the King in the opinion of Sir Your very affectionate humble servant, Ro: Boyle. I tooke an opportunity to Day to doe your colony some good offices at court, and to shew the exercises of your indian scollars.12a If you please to assist Dr Sackvill I may by both your favours receive such an information of those severall particulars (or some of them at least) wherein the Naturall history of New england or any part of it differs from ours as will be very welcome to me.

These for my honoured freind Mr. John / Winthrope, the elder, Governor of Connecticut in / New england, præsent.

Endorsed by Winthrop on fol. 2v: ‘Mr Robert Boyle, rec. July, 1664’ and in 19thcentury pencil at the head of the letter: ‘Printed in Hist. Proceedings’.

BEALE to BOYLE

25 April 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 113, fols 117–19. There is a contemporary copy in another hand in Early Letters B 1, fol. 40, entitled ‘Mr Beals letter to Mr Boyle upon his present of the book of colors Apr 25 1664’, and endorsed ‘Entd’ at the head. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 468–9, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 387–9. a For the Indian scholars see above, p. 45n. Boyle may possibly refer to the Latin letter written by Caleb Cheeshahteaumauk which he received in Nov. 1663; see above, pp. 168–70.

268

BEALE

to BOYLE, 25 Apr. 1664

Honourable Sir I received by our deare friend Mr Oldenburghs conveighance The History of Colours from your Noble & bountifull hand.a I must keepe constant to your Order of forbearing the juste applause due to you. And therefore I will rather complaine, that in this you have inflamed our desires, & expectations to see the designe compleated by the same happy hand, at least for the remaining Simple colours, yellowe, red, & blewe. For if you rest here, I doe not thinke any discreete man dares attempt to ‹goe›1 on: And in my opinion, you have not only broken the yce, but have absolvd the maine, & hardest worke allready. For in mine owne narrowe thoughts I was most of all plunged at the causes, & difference of Whitenesse & blacknes. All that I can say to this excellent Worke I have signifyed allready to Mr Oldenburgh; And it importeth nothing but Votes for the like successe in the reste. In the first place I wish there were prepared to your hand (by some judicious & industrious persone, Who throughly tasts thiese your pleasing discoveryes) an acute, full, & pertinent collection of Gods paintings (soe I may justly call it) on flowers, & fruites, & other things in nature, with the adjunct alterations in taste, medicine, or other qualityes. For some flowers admit of some varietye, others of more or lesse. Some flowers, & many sorts of fruite doe change complexion, as they advance in maturity. Of which some judgement is given by my Lord Bacon, & contraverted by Mr Austen.b I have seene a very small & allmost invisible touch of red, or purple, as the sun & heate increased, in one day spread all over a Tulip, which in the morning appeared white. And I have seene those you call blewe bottles take the same beauty in other colors, white, pinke-colour, scarlet: And I can name but one garden, where I found this weede in this variety. But this I cannot wish2 without hopes of your notes, methode, & illustrations upon it. My second wish is, That you would take up a whole chapter in the use of your Microscope, or rather of 3 or 4, more & lesse magnifying glasses. For though my eyes3 were never good, & are nowe much decayed, & my best magnifying4 glasse be not worthy of Reeves his promises:c Yet by mine, & some other lesser microscopes compared together, I seeme to receive many hints, & much ayde towards the discovery of the Originall of colours, at least in many particulars. In mine I can with my ‹bad› eyes find /p. 118/ the different consistence, closenes, ‹or› loosenes of contextures which causeth the same colours in some bodyes to be more languid & duskish, in others more briske, & vivid, in others more emphaticall. I can see some of those simple colors compounded.5 some dusky, thicke, & darke ‹bodyes›6 transparent &c. For Example I have not seene more changeable variety in any flower a

Boyle’s Colours was published in 1664. For Francis Bacon see above, p. 70n. Ralph Austen (d. 1676), horticulturalist, wrote a tract called Observations upon some part of Sir Francis Bacon’s Naturall History as it concernes, Fruit-Trees, Fruits and Flowers (1658). c For Richard Reeves see above, p. 97n. b

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than in the leaves of one sort of sage, as chamletted with whites, greenes, reds, tawnyes, purples, yet all in a dusky hue:a & the glosses will shewe the porous &, spungeous windings, which mortifye7 the rayes from a briske reflection. Here ‹in the greate glasse› a very perfect vermillion had very little true rednesse, but only a ruddines, as of thic gore bloud,8 & some sparkling corpuscles, whose straite & direct ray seemed to give the bright rednesse on the way; Soe in greenes, & other colors, I find them lesse perfect in the glasse, but compounded of shining sparcles from other parts of the same leafe. And evry perfect painter knowes that his picture would lye flat on the Table, & be worthy to lye in the dirte, if it were not taught by the artifice of shadowes to come off roundly. a very darke grey sand is here all chrystall & transparent. Some other sand of noe alluring color, is rubyes, emeralds, every Jewell, not one sand of dull hue. I pounded the blacke shining sand, & it was full of staring eyes. I filed off some oare I had out of a tin mine, which seemed to the nakey [sic] eye very lustrous, but the very small dust denyed in the glasse to be lustrous or transparent. Here I see some reasons of the differing briskenes of colours in mettalls, glasse, horne, silke, wollen, linnen, flowers &c And much that may confirme your maine Engagement. Sir I will adventure to betray the folly of a Third wish, which may seeme very phantasticall, but it had this occasion, or temptation. Mr Oldenburgh bestowed on mee a hydrostatic, which being fitted to a horne that gave no more roome than was necessary to let the instrument synke, I could thereby, & apparently to mine owne defective eye distinguish the severall veights [sic] of spring-waters in the tenth, or 15th part of a pinte, more palpably, than I could distinguish the whole pinte of the same waters in the best copper scales that this towne affoords. Hence I asked, Howe far this instrument may be improved? & whethr possibly it may not discover some of the liquids which you mention, after color to be lighter, or heavier, than eyther ingredient was. If soe, it might be a kind of argument of closer, or looser contexture of parts; & thence shewe (for ought I knowe) Which sorte of colours require the closer contexture. If I tryed in white wine, & red or claret, in the juice of white & red raspyes, or white & corans of the same age, & degree of ferment refined, I cannot here make soe exactly the same inference, because in your way /p. 119/ the very individualls are layd in the scales. In Wines & cider, & perry, & all those liquors of9 corans, raspyes, & in plums straweberyes & cherryes, as I apprehend, the red doe bind the stomac, & tickle ‹it› with a more salubrious provocation of appetite, & helpe of digestion, than the white. What this will infer for colours I must rather expect from you, than offer the sacrifice of mine owne ignorance. This I conceive, That the statics may bring in collaterall ayde to many a ‘chamletted’ derives from ‘camlet’, a name originally given to costly eastern fabric, or substitute fabrics, made of combinations of wool, silk, hair, cotton or linen. Beale uses the word to suggest the combination of colours in leaves.

270

HIGHMORE

to BOYLE, [Apr. 1664]

discoveryes of heate, & fire, fermentation, closenes of parts, & many other matters, if not allso of colors. But with this loose discourse I have ill requited you for y[our]10 greate favour. Yet if I could make better returns, they should not be wanting. Honourable Sir Yeavill Apr. 25. 64.

I must ever remaine Your most humble & most oblieged servant Joh Beal.

For the Right Honourable / Robert Boyle Esqr &c With my most humble service.

Seal: Broken wax seal with losses. Difficult to decipher Endorsed by Wotton ‘Dr Beale. Apr. 25/1664’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XV.’ Also carrying printers’ marks.

NATHANIEL HIGHMOREa to BOYLE

[April 1664]

From the original in BL Sloane MS 548 fols 20v–22.b Not previously printed.

to Mr Boyle Noble Sir I have with a greate deale of pleasure reade over youre booke of coloures where by youre many experiments I finde myselfe confirmed in a phansy I longe ‹since› pleased myself withall ‹viz.› that all coloures arose from the severall reflexions of light ‹as well reall as apparent & that which distinguishes the reall from the1 apparent is only the reall variouse disposition›2 or texture of the superficies of the object, which being permanent, continually modifies the light after the same manner & so creates the same coloure.3c Such objects (you say) ‹from whence›4 all the beames a

Nathaniel Highmore (1613–85), physician and natural philosopher. This draft letter is in a notebook, on the 1st page of which is written ‘Letters of Dr Highmore to Dr Willis, Dr Bathurst, Dr Beale &c.’ The text of the Boyle letter was originally written on fol. 21, but extensive additions were then made on fols 20v and 22 which were keyed to the appropriate points in the original. c Highmore refers to Boyle’s Colours (1664), for which see Works, vol. 4, pp. 3–184. Boyle presented a copy to the Royal Society on 30 Mar. 1664; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 404. Highmore’s letter can thus be assigned to 1664, probably Apr. b

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‹of light› are reflected5 are white.a But if the superficies be such that there is a paucity of beames reflected the object then appeares blacke. I beseech you Sir to pardon my boldness in begging your farther consideration of this description of blacke. If blackness arise from the paucity of beames ‹reflected›, how comes it that black bodies should6 be as perfectly seene as greene or blew. the paucity of beames ‹must›7 make the object less visible as in landskips where by reason of the distance many raies ‹of light› in the reflection are lost before they come to the eie, & so those things are imperfectly ‹& faintly› represented; appear clouded & ‹many›8 lost. but those things that are neere at hand, are perfectly describ’d; all the beames being reflected to the eie. Besides if some are reflected ‹to the eie› (as you allow) from the9 topps of the cylenders cones or pyramids, what ever they are of the asperated superficies, what should make them blacke. They ‹should›10 retaine a coloure answerable to their reflection which might make another coloure it may be white. but you say they are black because they are reflected mingled with a greate proportion of ‹litle› shadowes. now ‹Sir› shaddows being nothing but a privation of light, how can they be reflected? the linea reflectionis must be proportionable to the linea incidentiæ. there being ‹in shaddows› no linea incidens11 there can be no linea reflexa: & so nothing can rebound to the eie. & if nothing rebounds to the eie but those ‹raies› from the12 poynts of the asperated superficies I cannot understand how the loosing some beames should make the object perfectly visible & blacke.13 I shall make bold to propose what my phansy did14 suggest to ‹my› satisfaction ‹formerly› & shall humbly begg youre censure not that I can beleeve it more probable but that I may from you receave correction & have light to goe in the right way. I suppose the diversity of coloures may arise from the diversity of reflections of light, occasioned by the variouse figures of the superficies, made to reflect it either more directly or more obliquely. which superficies receaves theire severall aspersions & figures from the differinge angles of15 severall salts or such atomes as figure themselves in the same manner as salts doe from whose angular sides the light is reflected either directly or more obliquely. As for example those figured asperities16 which are square & flatt ‹or globular› receaving the light in a direct17 line, making a square angle ‹in puncti›18 incidentia reflects it bak in the like direct line, strongly & briskly strikes the eie & therefore retaines most of the nature of light19 hath the greatest part of it. & this may be called white. The more the angles of these asperities decline from the square, the more oblique the reflection of the light must be & so consequently must vary its appearance to the eie. the most oblique reflection making20 the greatest difference from

a Highmore’s remarks are directed to the 2nd part of Boyle’s book, where he deals with experiments touching ‘Whiteness and Blackness’, see Works, vol. 4, pp. 77–99.

272

HIGHMORE

to BOYLE, [Apr. 1664]

the direct makes a black21 & the other intermediate reflections make the other middle coloures. 22 This may be confirmed first by the use of severall salts that diers make use of23 in there striking of severall coloures for all light coloures they make use of allome ‹with theire dying materialls› which by reason of its figure reflects ‹the light› more directly & so makes the coloure more24 lively ‹& bright› in all sadd coloures as well as black[.] they make use of vitrioll more or less which by reason of its oblique angles gives a more oblique reflection to the light & proportionable to that gives a sadness to the coloure. Then secondly this may be confirmed from the differing figures that salts of differing colors doe cast themselves into, which by conjoyning with other figured salts doe likwise vary both figure & coloure as vitriol casting it selfe in to more or less oblique angles appeares either blew or greene but those angles being broken at least altered by fier becomes readd but being joyned with the salt of galls or25 anything of the oke makes a black. /fol. 21v/ This conjecture of mine may seeme probable from this grounde. In the making of sal prunellæ antimonialis from the washing of antimonium diaphoreticum I made a pure cristallin salt finely cut in severall square angles which was so purely white as nothing could exceede it, when the light from those squares was strongly & directly reflected with out any refractions at all. In the distillinge of vinigar by chance I ‹once› founde ‹an odd kinde of salt› in the bottome of the ‹retort›26 which gott out with ‹hexagonally› [sic] stirriae like stars ‹of the thickness neare of a barley corne the uppermost part terminating in a very acute edge›27 these bodies thus figured as they laye on the glass & afterwards on white paper were of so darke a coloure that it wanted but little of blacke. but taking some of those stirriae off from the place it possessed in the starlike figured body & looking directly upon the flatt side it appeared white, & being opposed to the light was cleare & transparent as cristall.a As it lay ‹in its place› the reflected light was so oblique that the obiect appeared almost black; but when the flatt side was directly opposed to the light28 the reflection being more briske & direct it appeared white. there could be nothing heere to vary the coloure but the difference of reflexion[.] I shall not denie refraction to have some share in the making the differences of coloures but whether there can be any such thing as the reflection of shaddows with the reflected raies of light is that I humbly begg to be satisfied from you

a

stiria, ‘an icicle’.

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WILLIAM BRERETON, THIRD BARON BRERETON, to BOYLE

9 May 1664

From the original in BL 1, fols 164–5. 4o/2. Not previously printed.

Most Honoured Sir, Your very obliging Letter of Apr: 30th had beene answered before now but that I have very little time to spare from so many great things in order to the payment of Debts, & labouring to settle a very disordered Estate, that they take up at least 19 houres in 24.a But I hope for the Blessing of God upon my endeavours, & that I shall within a few Months have paid £21000 debts of my Deare Fathers & mine owne; and likewise have settled £2000 upon each of my Six Poore Sisters, till1 when though in Foro Humano I may, yet in Foro Divino I can not (and I hope shall not) call any thing mine owne or my Deare Wives & Childrens.b And yet after they are competently provided for, I hope there will be enough left of what God hath already given me to provide for all the poore2 Orphans & Widowes among my Tenants in the first place (who may claime the prioritie, because of their present possession as Tenants to my Land) and may bring those who yet are most of them but sad spectacles of wretched Ignorance & Immoralitie, to live like Rationall & Morall Creatures in some degree, and to provide3 for the breeding of their poore Children, so as to make them in time both Philosophers & Christians; And this is the Height of my Ambition, & I have already so often & so seriously though in privacy, dedicated my selfe, & all my Estate to God for the Propagation of the Most Holy Gospell of our Ever Blessed Jesus, That I doe Hope God will hinder me from4 drawing Back my Hand from this Plough which I have set5 my Heart upon to work withall.c And as He hath Begun to Doe stranger Things for me than most could beleeve or I (considering mine owne Demerits) /fol. 164v/ durst hope for; So I hope He will Finish and Grant me to lay a Foundation of a Societie for the Releefe of the Poore in these Parts, & for the Instruction of the Ingenious, & for a Regular & Religious Life of all concerned in it, at least as far as is capable of being effected by Men;d And I hope this way I may be made an Instrument of more Good than if I were a Statesman as Sir Walter was;e But as for States matters I meddle not with them, but shall (I hope) be allwaies an Obedient Subject to his Majestie; & If I know my selfe I doe despise Fame, & think not of it nor care what Men say of me a Boyle’s letter to Brereton is not extant. For Brereton, see above, p. 102n. William Brereton sr died in Apr. 1664. The Brereton lands were in Cheshire. b Brereton points to a distinction between a human court and the divine court. Brereton’s sisters have not been identified. Brereton’s wife was Frances Willoughby, whom he married in 1659; they had two sons, John (1659–1718) and Francis (1662–1722). c Brereton cites Luke 9, 62. d Noting is known of Brereton’s plans for a foundation of the sort described here. e This is conceivably a reference to Sir Walter Raleigh (c. 1552–1618).

274

BRERETON

to BOYLE, 9 May 1664

as long as they can not truly say my Designes are Unjust. For I can by no meanes allow Tacitus his Maxime, Contemptâ Famâ, Contemni Virtutes.a though sometimes it is too true. I more value the Censures of the few like Noble Mr Boyle, who though they will approve of the end, yet will think me too hastie & too confident, and that I can not Tantum Pondus tam Parvis Viribus movere.b But I hope I doe not very much overshoot my selfe; & If I should I hope for Gods Reall, though Invisible Assistance, & then my Arrowes will be carried home to the Mark. I think my selfe obliged to declare my ends & endeavours thus particularly to you that you may be a Witness against me if I should fall back to the meane pleasures & low designes of the greatest part of this Age; And besides as you have Nobly promised me your Assistance in my Philosophicall Designes, so I having now (by the Wonderfull Providence & Blessing of God, a Place6 as convenient as most I know, for the making of Usefull & Ingenious Experiments, doe think me selfe bound7 both in particular to your selfe who have so often obliged me; and in generall to Mankind to declare my House is & shall be at your service, & that a Commodious Apartment in it shall be still ready for you, & that I hope /fol. 165/ by your Advice & Direction, somewhat may be produced which will (by the Blessing of God) become Usefull to the Vulgar, & Satisfactorie to the Curious. My True Friend Cl: will I hope be Resident with me; & If you please to Honour me with your Presence here according to your owne Convenience & Leisure, there are few things can happen to my greater personall content in this Life. For Wise and Good Societie is next to the Conversation of Really Good Angels.8c You very well observe in your letter, & know in particular That I have Great Cause to make more than ordinary Reflections upon this Great Change of my Affaires. But that it should be brought to pass as it was, was altogether as far from my Desires as it had beene Impious for me to have desired it. There were9 many Circumstances in it, which deserve my Perpetuall Memorie of them; but can not be set downe in this Paper, the Post being readie to goe. Onely in Generall; Such of those who Knew my Deare Fathers Life, & saw the Manner of His Last Sickness & Death, as doe beleeve another Life, can not but Hope very well of him; & as for me He Blessed me my wife & Children twice; & Declared so Great a Trust in me That I would performe our Agreements though not perfected betweene us That hope I shall ever be mindfull of his Words upon his Death-bed, & that when we meet againe in a better place than Brereton, He will find I have to the best of my understanding fully performed what He expected of me. For though I doe nothing of my selfe; Yet God who Hath Made me to will; will also enable me to Doe what I ought. And I know Mr Boyle will not (as some pretended Virtuosi) think it a a Brereton quotes from Tacitus, Annals, iv. 88, ‘when fame [reputation] is despised so are the virtues’. b ‘to move so great a weight by such small powers’. c Brereton possibly refers to Frederick Clodius, for whom see above, p. 59n. Brereton’s main residence was Brereton Hall in Cheshire.

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weakness for a far greater & wiser Man than ever I shall be, to beg the Assistance of Him In Whom We Live & Move, & Have our Being.a And I make my selfe sure of your Prayers for me & these /fol. 165v/ Designes which I have in this Paper set downe; which is now enough to trouble you with at once; & the Post being ready to goe I can onely subscribe my selfe Most Honoured Sir Your most Obliged & Most Faithfull & Humble Servant William Brereton

Brereton, May 9th 1664.

I hope to wait on you the later end of the next week. I begg of you to let Dr Cl: know That I have his of May 5th; but none of the 7th. I thought to have answered it by this post but I can not till the next; & then I hope I shall as he would have me.b

RALPH CUDWORTHc to BOYLE

27 May 1664

From the original in BL 2, fols 83–4. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 549 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 510.

Honoured Sir Understanding awhile since by Sir William Morrice, that you were pleased to expresse your approbation and good opinion of a ‹small› Pamphlet of mine long agoe published, concerning the Lords Supper and (as I apprehended him), that you wanted a Copy of it;d Though my owne were long since all dispersed, yet I procured this of a Freind to present to you. Desiring you to accept it as a small expression of the thankfullnes to you, for those many Worthy and learned Workes of yours both Philosophy & Theology with which you have obliged the Publique; in which both your singular Piety and transcendent Learning doth appear: And beseeching God, to prosper your studies & endeavours, that you further Enrich the world with more such learned Monuments, I remaine a

Brereton quotes Acts 17, 28. Clodius’s letters to Brereton are not extant. c Ralph Cudworth (1617–88), Cambridge Platonist. d Cudworth refers to Sir William Morrice (1602–76), Secretary of State 1660–8. The pamphlet in question is Cudworth’s A Discourse Concerning the True Notion of the Lords Supper (1642). b

276

LOWER

to BOYLE, 8 June 1664

Sir Your most humbly Devoted Servant Ra Cudworth

May.1 27. 1664. 2

To the Honourable / Robert Boyle Esquire These Present / in Pel-mel at the Lady ‹Reynolds›3a Seal: Oval. Obliterated by paper. Achievement of arms. Shield: charged with a lion rampant [?]. Endorsed on the margin of fol. 183 by Wotton ‘Dr Cudworth May 27 1664’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 1’.

LOWERb to BOYLE

8 June 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 525–7. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 475–8.

Christ-Church, Oxon, June 8, 1664. Most Honoured Sir, I SHOULD have returned you my thanks sooner, together with an account, how I have employed your laudanum; but that I hoped to have seen you before this time, either here or at London, and told you some other observations, which lately I have met with; but now I cannot defer it any longer, having promised to be in Cornwall after the Act, where, if I may serve you in any thing, pray let me receive your commands.c I have some pieces of minerals, which I would have sent you a while since, but that Mr. Crosse made me believe you were coming down.d If I may know, whether they shall find you at London, I will send them by the first opportunity, otherwise I will leave them with Mr. Crosse for you. THE cases, in which particularly I tried your laudanum, were, first, in one of sixty years of age, who being cruelly troubled with the gout in his feet, and being impatient of any longer pain, applied repercussive plaisters, which, within half an hour, repelled the humour from his feet into his heart and stomach; so that he had a

i.e., Lady Ranelagh. For Richard Lower see above, p. 1. c Lower alludes to the act or degree ceremony at Oxford University. d i.e., John Crosse, apothecary in Oxford and Boyle’s landlord. b

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a very intermittent and trembling pulse, and continually vomited, with a violent pain at his stomach; and when I came to him I found him very weak, and in a cold sweat. I gave him twelve drops of the laudanum, with one scruple of diascordium, and a draught of hot posset drink, boiled with camomile flowers, after it, and so left him, with little hope of seeing him again; but when I came two hours after, I found him very well, in a great sweat, and a desire to rest; for he had not slept three or four nights before, by reason of his gout. He told me, that his pain went away from his heart and stomach, within half an hour, as soon as he began to sweat; whereupon he continued in a slumber and a sweat four hours longer (being a gross bodied man) and the next day rose, being neither troubled with gout or any pain else, and so he continued a quarter of a year, though his gout formerly continued upon him at least a fortnight together; after which time, by taking cold in his feet, his gout returned upon him again, with the same violence as before; and, notwithstanding I had told him the danger of using such repelling plaisters, yet being overcome with the pain, he used the same plaisters again, and presently after fell into the same symptoms, but was recovered again by the use of the same laudanum, beyond the hopes of all his friends, who despaired of his life; for as soon as he had taken it, he fell into a sweat, and continued therein all night. In this man, as in all others, in whom I tried it, I always found it to cause sweat extremely, but not sleep, but rather a slumbering and desire to rest. ON another I had occasion to try it, who was sick of a scorbutick fever, with a very great burning and heat of his body, without much thirst or driness in his mouth, so that if he could sweat, he hoped to be much better. His doctor had given him three nights following one dram of mithridate in posset drink, but without any sweat after it; but he being sent for out of town, the man desired me to come to him, and I prescribed him a clyster, and afterwards at night gave him fourteen drops of laudanum, with half a dram of diascordium, with a draught of hot possetdrink after it; and within a quarter of an hour he fell into a very great sweat, and so continued till eight the next morning, not being much weakened by it: he slept pretty well all the while, so that he told me, his sweat was not at all troublesom to him. After he was out of his sweat, he found his body very light and cool, his water /p. 526/ became very good, and, whereas he had not slept in two or three nights before, but continually tossed and tumbled, he rested very well that night by fits, and found himself wonderfully eased and refreshed, as he told me; and within two days after recovered very well; for which I had more thanks from the patient, than from the doctor. A LITTLE before this time, I had an opportunity to try it in a gentlewoman very much weakened and tormented with those pains of the scurvy in her belly, and at the pit of her stomach. She had took physick two years together from a country physician for fits of the mother, he having persuaded her, that that was her grief: whereupon I took away the bay of castor and assa fœtida from her neck, which she 278

LOWER

to BOYLE, 8 June 1664

confessed did very much offend her, and made her much fainter; and the first night I gave her twelve drops of the laudanum in some conserve of roses, and she slumbered all the night, and felt no pain at all, and in the morning awaked in a great sweat: whereupon I left so much laudanum, mixed with conserve of roses (for she lived in the country) as should serve her four nights more, and prescribed her an electuary for the scurvy, to be taken twice a day, drinking after some wormwood wine, with ten drops of elixir proprietatis in each draught, and with these only things she recovered so well in a fortnight’s time, that she told me, half a year after, when I saw her again, that she was never better, when she was a maid of twelve years old, though for the two last years she never enjoyed one day without much pain and torment; so that she said, she did commend my physick in all companies and places, where she came. AND since I have used it in the same pains of the stomach and belly with the same success. ANOTHER time I tried it in a gentleman, who had never been troubled with a great flux, and a feverish distemper together, five or six days, whereby he was very much weakened. I gave him ten drops in conserve of red roses, which made him sweat very well in the night, and very much abated his flame; but upon the ceasing of his flux, he grew more feverish, so that I gave him another dose, the next night, in the same conserve; and it caused sweat more largely, so that his flux quite ceased, together with his fever. I HAVE used it in continual fevers with very good success, by giving twelve drops in some temperate cordial, which always gave ease, by causing rest and sweats, though the patients were ever so hot and unquiet before. I TRIED it once in a young country fellow, that was quite raving mad, without any fever or sickness preceding, whom nothing could make sleep. I gave sixteen drops at a time, once a day, and at the same time used other remedies, viz. I let him blood at three or four several times, forty or fifty ounces of blood, and vomited him with stibium three or four times, and as often purged him with resin of scammony, and extract of hellebore, and all this in a fortnight, giving him nothing all this while but plain water-gruel, and raw apples as many as he would eat; and for his drink only whey or fair water boiled with apples, and a little sal prunellae dissolved in it: besides, I made him an issue in his arm, and another on the top of his head, where it is prescribed; and with these things he recovered perfectly well within a fortnight, and continues as well as ever he was in his life. The very same I tried once since on another with the same success; but the laudanum did not make them sweat as it did all the others, because continually they threw off their clothes, and lay naked.

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AND here by the way I must acquaint you with another accident concerning the same disease. Here was a young gentleman, who formerly being very far in a consumption, had several issues made, to the number of nine, which, together with the use of asses milk, restored him pretty well; but going to London lately, met with some company, who persuaded him to drink sack with them, according to their own rate; so that in a short time he was drunk, and that night was very sick and feverish; so that all his issues were dried up, and the next day (though his feverish distemper was gone) yet he continued to talk as if he were yet drunk, which condition he remained in two or three days, till at last he became perfectly mad, and was thereupon brought down to Oxford, tied fast in a coach, and here he remained in the same case about a week, and then he died; and not withstanding all things possible used, yet they could not make any of his issues to run again. BESIDES the cases abovementioned I have used the laudanum very prosperously in pleurisies, colicks, hysterical fits and catarrh, and once or twice in an erisipelas; all which it wonderfully helped by large sweats; so that if I had a quart of it, I should not be able to keep it long; for those, that have had the experience of it in one disease, think it will cure all. And now I am going into the country (pray pardon my boldness to request so great a favour) if I might have another little bottle, I should think myself more secure in my journey, and hope to be the better welcome where I go. BUT I shall not trouble you any farther with the commendations of it, but only tell you in general, that I think it is the only medicine in the world, that can properly be called a sudorifick; for it never fails to do it more or less, according as the body is more thin or gross; and, which is the great conveniency of it, it causeth rest and slumbering together, so that sweating cannot be so troublesom as otherwise it would be. AND here I should put an end to your trouble, but that I write to you but seldom, and cannot but tell you (at this opportunity) of an experiment or two I have lately seen or made. THE one is of an ancient gentlewoman, Dr. Willis’s patient, which after a fever for two years since is troubled with a defect of /p. 527/ sight every other day; for one day (be it never so serene and clear) she cannot see at all, save only a glimmering light; the next day (be it ever so rainy, southerly and dull weather) she can see very well, and read the smallest print: the same day she cannot see, she is indisposed in body and dull; the next day very clear and well, be it what weather soever; so that the doctor is curing her almost as one of an intermittent fever: what the success is, you shall know hereafter.a THE other experiment is this: having occasion to use some powder of vipers, I cut off their heads, and after touching one of the great teeth in the upper jaw (there a

For Thomas Willis see above, p. 2n.

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being three on each side, contained in one skin, as it were in a sheath) which you know they can erect and contract at pleasure; every time the viper shot forth these teeth, there appeared upon the middle of it a little drop of liquor, partly yellow and green mixed, but very clear, not exceeding the head of a pin, just as it is on the sting of a bee, when she thrusts it out; and this liquor continually appeared at the end of the tooth every time I took up the tooth: whereupon finding the gall afterwards of the same colour (though it looks a little more green while it is contained in the bladder) I preserved three of the galls to try them on a dog; which within three days I did; and having opened one of the dog’s jugular veins, and made a ligature above the orifice, I dropped in two galls into the vein, and presently comprest the vein downwards towards his heart, that the galls might not run back again out of the orifice, but before I could drop the third gall into it, the dog cried out, and sprawled on the table, and gaped in the greatest agony imaginable; and besides was in greater convulsions than a puppy dog is of nine days old, when the eight pair of nerves are tied in the neck; so that we thought the dog was almost dead, and layed him down on the ground, where he lay sprawling for life, but within a quarter of an hour he recovered pretty well, so as to stand, and since is well again, and living. I have not yet tried, whether wounding a dog’s skin, and dropping a drop of the gall into it, will kill him as if he were bit, as I believe it will; for I verily think the gall to be the same liquor with that, which drops from the tooth, though I did not try to find the ductus from the one to the other, which Severinus mentions.a ANOTHER experiment, which I intend to make as soon as I can get two dogs of equal bigness, is this; to let both bleed into one another at the same time, from the artery of one into the other’s vein, & sic vice versâ, for an hour’s time, till they have wholly changed their blood: and then to make the experiment surer, whether one dog can live with another’s blood, I intend to take away as much blood from one dog, until he be quite faint and cannot stand, and then let the other dog’s blood run into him, to supply the loss, and see whether immediately he recovers his strength again, and will live after it. And if this succeed, it may be tried on creatures of several bloods, as on a sheep and a mastiff; but howsoever if the blood of two several creatures cannot agree together, yet perhaps that of a sheep may agree with a man’s blood, and incorporate together, it being almost of the same taste and nature, and not so rank as that of unclean creatures, nor altogether so fibrous as that of oxen: and if so, it may be improved in several cases, viz. in great losses and evacuations of blood, to have it supplied from a sheep, which may be dieted before, to make his blood more agreeable. A LITTLE while since I syringed in about a quart of warm milk into a great dog (having first taken some blood from him to make room for the milk;) and though a

Lower refers to Marco Aurelio Severino (1580–1656), physician and natural philosopher, and his Vipera pythia (1650).

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at first he seemed not much altered, but looked upon it very unconcernedly, while it was doing, yet within quarter of an hour he began to groan exceedingly, and draw his breath with great difficulty, and seemed to be very much oppressed at heart, and struggled very much; and, which was very remarkable, he drivelled at the mouth a kind of white liquor, as if he had been lapping milk. When we perceived him in this agony, we removed him from the table; but he was not able to stand, nor raise his body, but lay driveling and groaning, and almost presently died; and as soon as we opened him, we found all the vena cava, the ventricles of his heart, and the great artery, full of blood, mixed with milk, as if both had been curdled together, for it was very fastly mixed, so that it could not easily be seperated. THERE are several other small experiments in anatomy, which we have lately made, which at some other time I should acquaint you with, if I were sure of your pardon for giving you so great a trouble at present. Sir, I remain your most obliged servant, RICH. LOWER. I WOULD gladly send those minerals to you, that I may have your opinion of them, and father directions, before I begin my journey. What some of them are, I know not; but there is a piece or two of copper ore, as rich, I believe, as any in the world; and the gentleman, who sent it me, hath a whole hill of the same metal, but is loth to have it known; for it being a royal mine, they may break up his land, and allow him no advantage for it: but if he might be assured, that he should be paid for his ground, I believe, not only he, but several others, might do the king as much good, as if they had discovered another island in America.

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From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 520–5. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 468–74.

June 24, 1664. Most honoured Sir, SINCE you were pleased so favourably to receive my last long letter, I have ventured once more to send you another concerning some farther observations in the way of our employment.a a

See above, pp. 227–82.

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THERE happened the last winter a great rot (as they call it) or disease in sheep, so that they being very cheap, I had frequent opportunity of inquiring into them, and into the cause of their general disease: most of them I have observed to have dropsies in their bellies, others in the breast also. I took out of several of their bellies four or five quarts /p. 521/ (more or less) of reddish water, even just such as there is in men, that die of dropsies; and after the water was taken out, all the vessels appeared very clear and plain, especially the lymphatick vessels, which were every where more large and turgid with clear water, than ever I saw in any large greyhound or mastiff; so that Bartholinus’s conjecture cannot be true, that dropsies come from the breaking of the lymphatick vessels within the cavity of the abdomen, (but rather it seems to come immediately out of the ends of the arteries, and that because it is always of a thin bloody colour.)a These lymphatick vessels I found in the same manner large and turgid in six or seven several sheep, who had the like quantities of water in their bellies, when I killed them. BUT the great and constant disease I always discovered was in their livers, and that but only in one part of the liver, viz. in the vessels of the porus biliarius, all whose vessels and branches were always more or less full of broad live worms like little plaices, with a kind of dark rotten sanies, in which they lay: in some livers they were so numerous, that they swelled the branches of the porus biliarius, and made it stretch into several abscesses or cells in which they lodged; besides the vessels of the porus biliarius, the bladder of gall was most commonly full of the same; and the ductus communis all along into the very entrance into the duodenum, and many times I found them travelled as far as the small guts. In these places and vessels I constantly found them in all sheep, and no where else, for the vessels of the vena porta, and the vena cava in the liver, had not the least appearance of any worm, or any sanious or discoloured matter in them. In the next place I tried how to kill them, which I tried by pouring several liquors on them, as spirit of urine, aqua vitæ, spirit of sal armoniac, &c. all which did make them stir a little more than ordinary, but without much more inconvenience. Then I tried spirit of salt, and the least drop of that did not only kill them stark dead without any further motion, but shrinked them up presently, and quite changed their colour from dark to white; and did likewise præcipitate that dark kind of sanies, in which they lay, into a white slime, so that the worms looked as if they had been pickled a month. This I repeated in several sheep with the same event, which called to mind the remedy, that I have often seen used in our country with very strange success, which was at spring and fall of the year, when the dew is counted most dangerous, to drench those sheep, which they perceived to grow faint and sickly, with six or seven spoonfuls in a morning fasting, (they being kept from meat all night on purpose) of very a For Thomas Bartholin, who discovered that the lymphatic system was an entirely separate one, see above, p. 77n. Bartholin’s works on the lymphatic system are Vasa lymphatica nuper Hafniae in animalibus inventa (1653) and Vasa lymphatica in homine inventa (1654).

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strong brine, and stale urine with soot steeped in it; and this course of physick they continued eight or ten days, or till they perceived them to eat their meat heartily, and to keep company again with their fellows; and if they were taken in time, there seldom died any sheep in a whole flock. The other remedy used by people, that lived nearer the sea, was to turn their sheep to feed in the sea-marshes after the tide was gone out, and there to continue them between every tide for a fortnight, and then to take them home, where they remained not only healthy, but most commonly grew very fat; yet I enquired of our butchers, who converse with the people in this country, and they never heard any such thing used in this country. THOSE sheep, whose lungs were full of bladders of water, I could never find any worms in those bladders, nor any where else, but in those vessels of the liver. IN all these sheep I found the vasa lactea in the mesentery filled with water, so that they looked like lymphatick vessels; and I suppose, that it is only in carnivorous creatures, that the chyle is white, and thence we may give that denomination to those vessels in such like creatures, which colour I suppose is not found in those animals, that feed only on grass and water. OR what I suspect also, that the venæ lacteæ may have some little vessels disseminated in the guts (besides those, that terminate in the guts to receive the chyle) to serve and supply the office of lympahæducts, which is as necessary to be done in the guts as any where else in the body; for there are as many vessels of blood there, as any where else in the body; and there may be as great reason, that the chyle be diluted with that thin liquor in those little vessels, as well as in the commune receptaculum, those smaller vessels being more likely to be obstructed than the vasa thoracica; and yet I do not think the only use of the lympha in its general conflux from all parts of the body to the common receptacle, is only to dilute the chyle for its easier passage, but chiefly to prepare it for a better mixture with the parts of the blood: for, as Stenon observes, it is such a kind of liquor, that it will readily incorporate with any other liquor or body, that we take.a Since in a dog, which I fed, but was forced to hang an hour or two sooner than I was resolved, I found the venæ lacteæ of the upper half of the mesentery full of chyle, and the other venæ lacteæ of the lower half to contain a clear water, which I suppose was the thinner and potulent part of his entertainment, which had been expressed out of the stomach first. IN the same dog I found two very large lymphatick vessels coming from one of the kidnies, and ending in the commune receptaculum. I confess I was in hope, at first sight of them, that they had been vessels, which come from the commune receptaculum, and ended in the cavity of the pelvis of the kidney, that thereby an

a Lower refers to Nicholas Steno, author of Observationes anatomicae (1662), for whom see above, p. 77n.

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account might be given of the sudden and large quantity of water, made after drinking mornings draughts; but I was deceived. BESIDES in that and in several other dogs, I have seen, and can shew at any time, several venæ lacteæ coming out of the duodenum just below the pilorus, and climbing over the /p. 522/ pancreas, and thence tending to and terminating in the commune receptaculum, but not one coming out of the pancreas, or ending in it. IN the same dog I took a spoonful of chyle out of the common receptacle, and poured into it some of the gall of the dog; and they presently mixed together as soon and as well as water would with urine; so that I believe they are as much mistaken, who affirm, that the gall will not mix with the chyle in the guts, as they are, who say the gall doth not come into the guts, till the chyle be all gone by. IN another dog since I tried an experiment for Dr. Willis, to see whether any chyle doth go into the meseraick veins, as well as the venæ lacteæ (out of which the doctor will not be persuaded.)a We fed the dog, and after five hours found all the venæ lacteæ full; whereupon we filled the duodenum and the jejunum with ink, diluted with spirit of wine, and squeezed the gut between the two ligatures, to see if any of the tincture would go into the venæ mesaraicæ, but could not observe any; and, which was more observable, none of it went into the venæ lacteæ, not so much as to give the least colour. So that their mouths seem not to be directly open into the guts, for otherwise the more the gut was stretched, the wider they would have been; whereas if they come between the coats, as the ureters into the bladder, or the ductus communis into the duodenum, the more the guts were distended, the more comprest their entrance would be. SO that this experiment failing, we are trying to feed a dog with some tinctured liquor, which probably may retain its tincture in the chyle (there being several things, which retain their tincture to the very bladder) notwithstanding all those several changes and passages they do first undergo, as the decoction of madderroots in milk, or broth, or some such thing, will render the very urine red, as rhubarb doth stain it yellow, when it is given in purging infusions.b ONE thing more I have several times seen in great large dogs, viz. the eighth pair of nerves accompanied all along the neck with two vessels of blood in the coat of it, one on one side of the nerve, the other on the other side. I suppose one was a vein, and the other an artery, but I wanted a microscope to perceive the difference; and I verily think, that every nerve, especially the great ones, are nourished with blood, as well as the brain and spinal marrow. BEING occasionally the other day at the butcher’s, he shewed me a fat lamb, which he had killed, one of whose kidnies was as big as a boy’s head of two or three years old, and very transparent, it being nothing but a congeries of several thin a

For Thomas Willis see above, p. 2n. Madder root (rubia tinctorum) was widely used in medicine. Taken internally, madder root gives urine a deep red hue. b

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bladders containing a very clear water. I carried it to Dr. Willis, and we took a quart and a half of clear water out of it, besides what was spilt. It had an emulgent vein and artery. but very small and shrunk, but no ureter; the taste of the water was salt, and the smell somewhat urinous: the other kidney was sound enough. SO much for beasts; in men, that have died and been opened here in town, I have observed these following cases. In a senior fellow of a college, who died of a dropsy, we found not above three or four quarts of water in his belly, because it had found vent by some ulcers in his legs, to the quantity of a pint every day, for three weeks together; so that he found so much ease and help for the present, that he bespoke a new suit of clothes against the time he should come abroad, but within a week after he decayed suddenly and died. His guts we found all grown together, and compacted like a bunch of grapes, which, I suppose, happened in the time of his sickness. In his gall we found nothing liquid, but there were seven or eight black pills as exactly formed, as if they had been made in an apothecary’s shop: we bruised one of them, and found by the colour, that the choler had been hardened into that form. I would have kept three or four of them to have tried, whether they would have had the operation of common pills; but the gentlemen’s curiosity to keep them for a sight, would not allow me any for the experiment. In this same person, though he had been as good a fellow all his life as any of the college, yet he had but one kidney, but that was recompensed by its unusual greatness; and being divided into several lobes, it had likewise two emulgent arteries, and two emulgent veins, and two ureters. THE most observable thing in the course of his sickness was, that within three weeks of his death he could not sleep, unless his head and face were inclined forward; for if he lay on his back, he presently started and awaked in a trembling and kind of convulsions, and said it drowned him; whereupon opening his head, we found much water in it, which, as he lay on his back, fell down upon the medulla oblongata, and all the nerves; but inclining his head forward, it flowed toward the former part of his scull. And I have observed the same in one more, who could not sleep, but with his head inclined forward very much; after he died, the like quantity of water was found about the bottom of his brain. THIS man had but one vertebral artery, but that was as big as two. The same I saw a little before in another, who died of an apoplexy, neither of which complained of any inconvenience in their head. ABOUT a fortnight since we opened the head of a scholar, who being a very able and healthy youth, fell suddenly into a lethargy, and within a week’s time died of it. His brain we found very firm, all the vessels of blood going to and coming from his head very free and open, not any way obstructed; but the ventricles of the brain were extraordinary full of a very clear water, and all the bottom of the brain and nerves drowned in the same water. The passage of the infundibulum was not obstructed, but in the glandula/ p. 523/ pituitaria there was a cavity not unlike 286

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that of the pelvis in the kidney, which cavity was filled quite up with a clear gelly to the bigness of a bean, so that it probably obstructed the passage of the water out of the ventricles of the brain; whereupon it broke the pia mater at last, which encompasseth and incloseth the brain about the ventricles, and so fell down outside the brain upon the medulla oblongata and the nerves, whence came those little convulsions first, and after by the increase of the same water, a lethargy; and this was the most probable reason we could find of his death and disease, there being no other way to convey away the water from the ventricles of the brain, but through that glandule. AND here, next to the dropsies of the head and belly, I shall give you an account of a dropsy in the breast, which happened the last autumn. A YOUNG gentleman, a fellow of All-Souls, having formerly weak lungs, being occasionally at London, took a cold, and fell into a cough after it, but spit nothing but a thin frothy water, sometimes a little streaked with blood. Within three weeks he complained of a weight and heaviness in his breast, which did very much oppress him, and made him short-breathed, and about a week after could not lye on his left side; during which time he took electuaries against spitting blood and pectoral drinks, all to very little purpose, for his shortness of breath increased, and at last was not able to lye well on either side, but was forced to sit up either in his chair or in his bed; for if he lay down to sleep, within half a quarter of an hour he waked in a great oppression, as if his breath had been taken away. I visited him very often, being a friend of long acquaintance, and considering, that he had no kind of pleurisy or inflammation of lungs preceding, and consequently could have no empyema, and yet was not able to lye upon his left side without great heaviness and oppression, suspected it might be water in his breast, especially because he spit nothing but thin watery liquor; and asked of him, whether he would consent to be opened, it being the only remedy, which gladly he would admit, if the doctors would consent to it; but, it seems, they were not of the same opinion, and thought him too weak to endure it, if it were so, alledging the common ill success of such operations. So that he continued on his former course of physick about three weeks longer, all the while complaining for want of sleep, and that he could not draw his breath, though he endeavoured with all his force, which was attributed to the weakness and soreness of his lungs, which they thought ulcerated. During the latter end of his life, he complained very much of cold, so that though he sat by a constant great fire in a close covered frame of wood, yet he could not get any heat. All this while he was most perfectly in his senses, but at last spoke so low, that his words could not well be heard, unless one stood near him, which he attributed to his not being able to draw breath. WHEN he died, instead of impostumes or ulcers in his lungs, we found the right side of the thorax as full of water, as ever it could hold: the other side was almost as full, but the lungs were so depressed and contracted by the pressure of the water, 287

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that till two quarts were taken out, they could not well be seen; so that it was no wonder he could not draw his breath, because his lungs could not be dilated. His lungs were not ulcerated, but only the pipes of the aspera arteria full of thin frothy water, which I suppose had been assumed out of the water in the thorax. I HAVE seen one since opened, who died of the same disease, in whose breast the lungs were so compressed by the water, that there is room enough for a knife to enter without danger of hurting, if they would consent to be tapped. You need not take notice of this relation, when you come to Oxford, for when he was opened, it was agreed not to speak any more of it. AND this disease puts me in mind of another, viz. of a young healthy gentleman, Dr. Willis’s patient, as I remember the lady Littleton’s son, who, coming lately from Tangier to London, upon his arrival, was taken with a great pain in his shoulder, to which one of the London doctors applied a plaister (which since the gentleman understood by the apothecary to be emplastrum vigonis cum mercurio) which took away the pain in one night, but the next day he broke a vein, and spit blood in great quantity, and is now in a very sad condition.a His lungs were so sound before, that he never remembered, that he had so much as a cough. I OBSERVED lately in a man mentioned in Dr. Willis’s book of fevers, who had like to be starved, because he could not swallow, till he invented a whalebone with a button at the end, to thrust his meat down:b the fault it seems is in the lower part of the oesophagus, or in the orifice of his stomach, for he is able to swallow down five or six good morsels (enough I suppose to fill all the oesophagus) but then he can swallow no more, till with his whale-bone he hath thrust down all that continued in his throat (as he calls it) into his stomach: the like he doth with drink, for he can take a whole beer-glass at a time, but it stays in his throat, till he forceth it into his stomach with his instrument. This the doctor thought might be caused by some tumor or schirrhus, near the mouth of the stomach; but lately it appeared otherwise, for being a while since in a fever, he could swallow down any thing, as readily as ever he could in his life; and so he continued during that sickness; but as soon as he recovered, he lost that faculty again, and is forced to use his whalebone as before. THERE is one thing more, which I have begun to try, but have not had time to finish or duly consider: it is the reason of the different colour of the blood of the veins and /p. 524/ arteries: the one being florid and purple red, the other dark and blackish; and therefore, in letting blood, the blood in the dish, after it hath settled, that which is uppermost (I mean in healthy persons) is always florid and finely red, and that under it is always dark and black, which the apothecaries and surgeons a

Lady Littleton and her son have not been traced. For Thomas Willis, author of De febribus, published as the second of his Diatribae duae medicophilosophicae (1659), see above, p. 2n. For the whalebone instrument invented by Walter Rumsey see above, p. 160n. b

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LOWER to BOYLE,

24 June 1664

very gravely call melancholick bad blood; whereas the purple part is the arterious blood newly come into the veins by anastomosis, without any change; the black part is the arterial blood circulated through the habit of the muscles, where without it loseth many parts (viz. by lymphatick vessels, &c.) before it is resumed into the veins, and this I have tried to prove by two or three experiments. FOR I opened an artery in a dog’s thigh, and kept a porrenger full of the arterial blood, a day or two, and it continued to be of the same florid purple colour throughout to the bottom of the dish. I opened presently after the vein in the other thigh of the same dog, and kept it the same space, and it remained black, except a little thin skin of redder blood on the top, which was of the very same colour as the arterious blood of the former dish; which redder part, that it came out of the artery into the veins by anastomosis, I am apt to believe, because by syringing milk into an artery in the thigh or arm of man or beast, or into the emulgent artery (and perhaps into all the rest) the milk will come forcibly and presently out of the vein belonging to it, mixed with the blood, though not so perfectly mixed, but so as you may discern it very plainly; which difference of colour cannot be distinguished so soon in the two bloods, because they are of a nearer colour and mixture, but after settlement they separate again, and the arterial part swims uppermost, because of the difference of its part, and being more spirituous and lighter. AND besides it is observed, that the last blood, which comes out in letting blood, is always the most fine and purpureous, because it was last supplied out of the arteries, and perhaps not spoiled of so much of its parts by the lymphæducts; which being stopped, as well as the veins, by the ligature, could not receive any more liquor. Now how much the separation of the lympha from the arterial blood, before it is resumed into the veins, may alter the colour of the venal blood, may be conceived, by drawing off or rectifying any liquor, which always renders that, which is left behind, more dark and gross, so that the blood in the veins is like the caput mortuum, when the lympha is separated. AND here having mentioned anastomosis, I cannot but tell you of an experiment or two concerning it. IN the country, not far off, at a sheep-shearing, a country man standing by, the sheep kicked the shears out of the shearer’s hand, and it struck the inside of his leg, and cut the great artery in his leg, so that he lost about three quarts or more of blood before the surgeon (viz. old Day of Oxford) could come.a He used several things to stop it, but all to no purpose, so that he laid the wound open, and took up the artery, and made two ligatures, and cut off the artery between them, where it was opened; and the fellow came to town about a fortnight after a-foot, though it was nine miles off, and was as well as ever, only complained, that that foot, below a This is a reference to William Day (1605–65), surgeon at Oxford and friend of Thomas Willis. See K. Dewhurst (ed.), Willis’s Oxford Casebook (1650–52) (Oxford, 1981), pp. 55, 58.

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the wound, was a little colder than the other, and a little benumbed for a day or two after, but since was as hot and well as the other. AND since I have tried in several dogs, and in a man last assizes, and found an anastomosis between all the arteries in the body, so that if one be syringed with milk, it will return and come out of all the rest in the same part of that body; and the same we tried in the mesentery. We took a little branch of the mesenterical artery, and syringed it with milk, and it ran into all the arteries of the mesentery, which was the pleasantest sight I have lately seen in anatomy. ONE thing more I tried, that the arteria hepatica goes into all parts of the liver; for if it be syringed, it will come out of all the lobes of the liver, if you cut off the edge of them. So that doctor Glisson was much mistaken to affirm the contrary in his books; but I suppose he did not use syringes, without which anatomy is as much deficient, as physick would be without laudanum.a I HAD the opportunity lately to make use of millepedes. There was a child here in this town (a citizen’s daughter) of six years of age, troubled exceedingly with sore eyes, especially one of them, which she would not suffer to be touched or opened for eighteen weeks and more, nor could not endure the least light, having a very sharp fretting rheum in it, which did inflame all the cheek on that side, on which it fell. She had been touched for the evil, but received no benefit. I only gave her small beer with millepedes bruised and infused in it, for a fortnight, to drink for her ordinary drink, and one gentle purge before the use of them; and she is as well recovered as ever she was in her life; the rheum is all gone; she hath no blemish at all in them, only a little speck upon the cornea, which since is worn quite off. And this I must acknowledge I received from the reading of your book concerning millepedes, for which I am ashamed I have not returned my thanks sooner.b DR. Willis a while since cured a child extraordinarily afflicted with the strangury, only with millepedes in the like manner; so that in a short time he could make water without any pain or anguish, which formerly he had not done in a great while. I SENT Mr. Hook a while since something concerning the difference and fabrick of the stomachs of creatures, which chew the cud, not knowing whether you were in town.c It deserves your consideration, as well as any thing in the body of such creatures, especially since it so nearly relates to the best chemical processes /p. 525/ in distillation. But this I must tell you, what I had forgot to mention to him, that that part of the stomach, which I called the press, which squeezes the thin tincture into the next stomach, is not so hard, nor the several cakes between its several coats so dry this time of year, when they eat grass, as in winter, when their food is drier. a b c

For Francis Glisson see above, p. 154n. Lower alludes to Glisson’s Anatomia hepatis (1654). For Boyle on millipedes see Usefulness I (1663), in Works, vol. 3, pp. 386–8. Lower’s letter to Hooke is not extant.

290

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [between 1 and 5 July 1664]

DR. Willis is so taken with it, that he will make a lecture of it the next term, though he hath not been at leisure yet to see them opened. My letters to Mr. Hook will inform you more fully. BUT, Sir, I am very sensible, how much I have tried your patience already, assuring you, that I should not have ventured to have given you so great a trouble, but that your accepting of my last letter invited me to write this. Therefore pray pardon this long scribble, and I shall remain, SIR, Your most obliged servant, R. LOWER. IF you write to me again, you may not direct it to me a student of Christ Church, for I have been put out of my place above a year and half since, for not being in orders, without which I could not keep my student’s place, unless I had got a physician’s place in the college, there being two allowed, but I had not the favour or friendship to obtain either; but I live in a chamber of the college, where, if you are pleased to honour me with a letter at any time, I shall most gladly receive it.a DR. Willis will send his book of the Diseases of the Head to the press this winter, if he be not hindered and forced to defend his last.b There is not a disease of the head, which he doth not excellently illustrate with very rare observations and cases; so that it is pity the world should be any longer deprived of them. When you come down, you may set it more forward; but pray take no notice, that you have seen any thing of them already, but only by hearsay and report.

[between 1 and 5 July 1664]c

HOOKE to BOYLE

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 539. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 494–5 and in Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 183–5.

Most Honoured Sir, THERE has very little happened since you left London, that I have met with worthy your knowledge. I did (as I remember) acquaint you with the success of the powder enclosed in an iron, which neither broke the case, nor was perceived to go off.d Upon opening this last Wednesday, there was found a pretty quantity of a a

We have not been able to further elucidate this episode of Lower’s life at Oxford. Lower refers to Thomas Willis’s Pathologiae cerebri et nervosi generis specimen, which was published in 1667. c This letter clearly dates from within a few days of the meeting of the Royal Society on 29 June. d The experiment was meant to test the force of common gunpowder, see Birch, Royal Society, i, 428, 432, 435. b

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black dirt, which laid on paper presently dissolved like an alcali: some of it put on a coal did not at all burn like salt-petre, sulphur, or gunpowder.a The same experiment will be tried again with double the quantity of powder, which will be a noble experiment, if it break not the vessel, nor force itself away between the plug and the hole; which last I guess will be almost as difficult as the former; for the plug is made of steel, and by screwing makes its own way in, and besides the heat will make them, if possible, fit closer together. And indeed upon viewing the last, I could find no sign, by which I could guess it to have leaked, unless the alcalisate nature of the included substance be one, of which I can say nothing. Some experiments we made of breaking wood, which were considerable, and gave occasion to hope, that this subject will afford many useful experiments. We had a relation of a way of discovering the sholes of fish from the top of certain hills in Cornwall and in Ireland, which was seconded by many testimonies, and is indeed a very philosophical one, and may afford good hints. The story in short was this.b That in those parts it is usual for a man standing on the top of some hill near the sea, to discover, where the fish lye in the sea, and which way they move, and from thence by certain signs with his feet, and hands, and hat, to direct the fishermen on the water, who can perceive nothing of what he on the mountains sees, though they be just over the shole of fish. Some observations, somewhat like this, I remember I have often taken notice of, from the tops of hills near the sea side, whence I could perceive plainly, how far the rock ran out into the sea, though they were covered with water to a great depth, which I could not at all see, when I was on the water in a boat, which made me think (and this of the Cornish men has confirmed me) that all the appearances in these parts of the moon, which are accounted the sea of it, may this way be solved. And this minds me to acquaint you with an observation I made several nights this last week with a telescope not above eight inches long, wherewith I could plainly see the satellites of Jupiter and Saturn oval, though not angulated, and the body of Jupiter appeared full as big as with a four foot glass; which shews what one might expect, if we could make object glasses, that would bear a large aperture and a deep charge. We shall to morrow make a good experiment of the velocity in the vibrations of a sounding string, of which I shall acquaint you by the next.c There is a gentleman here in town, that has a better way of teaching musick than what Kircher causelesly enough vaunted his Ars Combinatoria to be, whereby he has presently taught the duke of Buckingham to compose very well, though he knows nothing of the practick part of musick.d For business; here has been lately a

See Birch, Royal Society, i, 444. For Robert Southwell’s account of pilchard fishing see Birch, Royal Society, i, 445. For experiments on the velocity of sound see Birch, Royal Society i, 446–7. d The gentleman referred to has not been identified. Hooke alludes to a work by Athanasius Kircher (1602–80), Jesuit natural philosopher and professor at the Collegio Romano, his Polygraphia nova et universalis ex combinatoria arte detecta (1663). The Duke of Buckingham was George Villiers (1628–87), statesman, courtier and F.R.S. b c

292

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 13 July 1664

the queen’s receiver to demand rent for Stalbrige, and has desired to have an answer sent him as soon as I could.a Mr. Longe has been here likewise to desire some spirit of harts-horn and ens Veneris for Dr. Clodius, because he cannot get any of Mr. Pullein, and the doctor has not as yet, it seems, any conveniency of making it himself.b Here was yesterday Dr. Willoughby of Merton college in Oxford, to have waited on you, and desires to have his humble service presented to you. c As for my own business, wherewith I acquainted you before your departure, I cannot get any settlement of it, and know not as yet what it may prove, but I fear it is very dubious. Nor is there any thing done in the other business, the one, I think, hindring the other. The condensing engine and the scales I have now by me, but did not send them, because I hope my lord Orrery’s safe arrival will hasten your return to town. The pipes likewise are ready; and if there be any thing else you desire to be provided against your coming, they shall, upon the receiving of your commands, be speedily provided by, Most Honoured Sir, your most faithful, and most obliged humble servant, ROB. HOOKE. Mr. Oldenburg desires to have his service presented to you.

ROBERT SHARROCKd to BOYLE

13 July 1664

From the original in BL 5, fol. 98. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Westm: July1 13[th] 1664 Honourable Sir In Your Honours absence I ordered halfe a doze[n] of your Honours Treatise of the Usefullnesse &c to [be] left for You att the Lady Ranalaughs & now hearing a

Queen Catherine’s receiver has not been further identified. For James Long see above, p. 83n. For Frederick Clodius see above, p. 59n. Mr Pullein was presumably a London apothecary, but he has not been further identified. c This is likely to be Dr Charles Willoughby (d.1695), physician. Willoughby was one of the founders of the Dublin Philosophical Society; see K. T. Hoppen, The Common Scientist in the Seventeenth Century. A Study of the Dublin Philosophical Society 1683–1708 (London, 1970), passim. d Robert Sharrock (1630–84), divine, author and Boyle’s ‘publisher’ in the early 1660s; see Works, vol. 1, pp. xlvi–vii. b

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that You are not yett return’d have sent this to bee left to give Your Honour notice of my departure for Oxford where I intend God willing to abide for a fortenight & then after a Moneths absense to return thither again to continue for some time.a I must also acquaint Your Honour that I am not without Hope that wee shall have some Endowement for a Society to Study Experimentall Philosophy att Oxford; Which I am very glad of both for the Sake of the University which I doubt not by this meanes may further increase its Reputation & for the Sake of Knowledge ‹in Generall› which I doubt not will bee by this meanes promotedb I have also promised to bee a petitioner for Mr Davis That when Your Honour hath any Treatise to print which You may2 conveniently dispose unto Him, Your Honour would bee pleased to committ it unto Him who humbly offereth to doe it in any place London or Oxford & in what Volume, Letter & Paper Your Honour shall appoint, I do therefore make it my humble request in his behalfe but yett with this mannerly limitation when & where it may stand with Your Honours convenience & not otherwisec If Your Honour should lack any more of these Bookes I have taken order with Mr Thompson att the Bishops head in Pauls Church yard to furnish You with them bound without Your Honours further charge or Trouble.3d I shall give Your Honour no further trouble att present but take my leave & rest Sir Your Honours most obleiged & most humble Servant Ro Sharrock Endorsed on fol. 98 in left margin by Wotton: ‘Dr Sharrock July 13 1664’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 10’.

a Sharrock refers to Boyle’s Usefulness I. These copies were presumably of the 2nd edition which came out in 1664; see Works, vol. 3, p. xxv. b This scheme is otherwise unknown. The passage is quoted and discussed in M. Feingold, ‘Mathematical Science and New Philosophies’, in N. Tyacke (ed.), History of the University of Oxford: vol. 4: 17th-century Oxford (Oxford, 1997), pp. 359–448, on p. 435. This seems too early to be the scheme referred to by John Allin in letters to Samuel Jeake early in 1667. See T. W. W. Smart, ‘A Notice of John Allin’, Sussex Archaeological Collections, 31 (1881), 123–56, on pp. 142–3. c Richard Davis (fl. 1646–88), was an Oxford publisher and bookseller. d Samuel Thomson (d. 1668) was a bookseller at the Bishop’s Head in Duck Lane.

294

LOWER

to BOYLE, 18 July 1664

LOWERa to BOYLE

18 July 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 527–8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 478–9.

Christ-Church, Oxon, July 18, 1664. Honoured SIR, BEING stayed in town longer than I expected, I had the happiness to receive your letter last night, and I assure you I /p. 528/ shall make it my business to satisfy you in those things you mention, both as to sufficient quantities and information concerning them, or any other strange mineral I can get.b I forgot in my last to mention two or three very observable things, which you might have the opportunity to enquire of more fully when you come down to Oxford. ONE is of Dr. Priaux, a doctor of divinity and prebend of Salisbury, who being a while since here in town upon another occasion, enquired of Dr. Willis concerning a strange observation he had made of himself, viz. that his sweat did always stain his shirt as blue as any thing could be died of that colour; and it is only the sweat of his back, and no part else of his body, that hath the same effect.c Dr. Willis told me, he saw the experiment of it several times here in town; and to be more certain, he made him put on a new shirt never worn before, and the next morning it was stained as blue, as if it had been died with indico, so that it could not be washed out. The doctor is an ancient man, yet very healthy, and of as ruddy and lively complexion as any man of thirty years. THE other is of a lad here in town of fourteen or fifteen years old, the son of one Franklin a taylor, living over against New-Inn Hall in Oxford; who being taken with a suppression of urine for a day or two, and in great pain, there met some of the neighbours in consultation, amongst whom an old woman gave her judgment, that it proceeded only from wind (as they think most diseases do) and advised to give him a pipe of tobacco, which she commended upon her experience to be very good against wind. Whereupon the boy began to take the pipe, but before a quarter of it had been taken, he called for a chamber pot, and made a great quantity of water, and was in perfect ease (but it seems the tabacco [sic] wrought otherwise besides that by urine, it being the first pipe he ever took.) But about twelve hours after he was in pain again, and could not make water without using the same means, and ever since for these two years he continues in the same condition, only with this difference, that now he hath no pain though his urine be suppressed a whole day and night, so that his parents are careful to make him take tobacco every morning, midday, and at night; whereas being not provoked by any pain or a b c

For Richard Lower see above, p. 1. Boyle’s letter to Lower is not extant. Lower refers to John Priaux, Oxford divine. For Thomas Willis see above, p. 2n.

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oppression, he would otherwise forget, not knowing the danger of its long retention, or else not liking the taste of tobacco. THE other relation was given me by a master of arts and fellow of Magdalen college, one Mr. Mew, a very honest and understanding person, who having travelled in the winter about Christmas about forty miles in one day with his brother, and being to rise early in the morning, he waked about five of the clock, and at first rising in his bed, he was astonished to see the bed within the curtains very light, as if there had been a candle in the room.a There being a flame upon the coverlid as big as his hand, like the flame of burning aqua vitæ; which after he had contemplated a while, he put his hand to touch it, and the flame came from the bed to his hand, and there continued in the same fashion without any heat. He stirred it with a finger of his other hand to and fro upon the palm of that hand, which took it up, until by degrees it lessened and vanished; and after his hand was very much drier than the other (for they were both in a sweat, when they waked) he thinks, if he had not took it from the bed, the flame would have lasted much longer. I SUPPOSE, if the boy before mentioned had taken fit remedies for his distemper before his bladder had been weakened by using only tobacco at set times, he might easily have been restored at first; but it is harder to persuade mean people to take physick, than it is to cure their diseases. I HAVE received your laudanum, and return you my most hearty thanks for so great a favour; as soon as I have used it, I shall give you a farther account of it.b In the mean time I take leave to rest, SIR, Your most obliged, and most humble servant, RICH. LOWER.

JOHN COOKEc to BOYLE

13 August 1664

From the original in BL 2, fols 39–40. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 635–6, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 642–3. a

Samuel Mew, M.A. 1657, fellow of Magdalen College Oxford 1654–69. For Boyle’s laudanum see above, pp. 277–80. c John Cooke (d. 1691), Under-Secretary of State from c. May 1660, previously Fellow of Trinity College Cambridge; see J. C. Sainty, Office-Holders of Modern Britain: 11, Officials of the Secretaries of State 1660–1786 (London, 1972), p. 72. b

296

COOKE

to BOYLE, 13 Aug. 1664

Sir, I am unknown to your Honour, but not unknowing of your excellencies & the renowne you have justly thereby gained amongst all the Literate & ingenuous. I know your parts & indowments are farre above the talent of other persons, and yet no lesse inferior to your Charity: The first gets you the admiration of the intelligent, and the latter, the importunity of the indigent. I confesse, I would willingly aspire to the nobler qualification, but having greater need to be a begger, then pretense to be an admirer, I make bold to implore your favour on the behalf of a poore child of mine, whom I vehemently suspect of the infirmity wee call the Kings Evill.1 I have (Sir) in reading your incomparable Books met with the mention of a namelesse and (as you are pleased to say) despicable herb, endued with a specifick quality for the cure of that disease.a The discovery of that Simple I presume not to aske, though Secrecy be part of my Profession, and I should in this case readily confirme it with the double bond of Oath & honour; but help for my child being the end of my desires in this particular, I onely beg the use of that herb disguised or presented as you shall think fit & direct: And how-ever it may continue a Secret to me, yet I shall not forbear to publish the fame of my Benefactor to all the world; and amongst other high advantages which I may receive, reckon this for none of the least, that this addresse gives me the honour & opportunity of professing my Self Sir, Your Honours most humble & most obedient Servant Jo: Cooke.

Aug. 13. 1664

Your Honours commands will find me at Mr Secretary Morice his Office in Whitehall.b

To the Honorable / Robert Boyle Esqr. at his house in / Chelsey.

Seal: Seal obliterated by mount but appears to be similar to that on Codrington to Boyle, 22 December 1664 (see below, p. 448). Paper impression of seal from another letter. Endorsed in left margin of fol. 39 by Wotton ‘Mr Secretary Cooke Aug. 13. 1664’ and ‘9’ (preceded by ‘No.’ deleted). a b

Boyle’s remedy was described in Usefulness I (1663), see Works, vol. 3, p. 231. For Sir William Morrice see above, p. 276n.

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OLDENBURG to BOYLEa

2, 1662–5

25 August 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 10. 4o/1+1+2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 304–6, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 149–51 and in Oldenburg, ii, 206–11.

London, Aug. 25.1 1664. Sir, I am forced to begin this letter with complaining about the retardement of the work of the presse for want of those Latin sheets, I looked for by the returne of the Coach, that carried you to Oxford.b If they should be lost, I know not, how that losse could be well repaired; and the Printer is already impatient for stopping his presse, which attendeth this booke. I hope, Sir, you will take all possible care to silence those clamors, and to direct me, what to doe in this case, especially if the papers should not be found. We have considerable news here from Holland, vid. that they have made very ill use of the kings engaging himselfe to their Ambassadour, that he would attempt nothing upon their East India Fleet; seeing they have sent order to Van Tromp, whom they had dispatched with 15 Fregats to savegarde home the said Fleet, that, they being secured by his Majesties parole of the safety of the Fleet, he should quit them and passe to Guiny, and seek his advantage there against the English. This action hath so exasperated the Court, that tis thought, a warre cannot now be avoyded.c In the mean time, there are 18 ships of ours, partly ready, partly making ready, to goe for Guiny, and there to maintaine the English interest. The plague increaseth still in Holland, there dying the last week about a whole thousand, whereof there were not above 150, that dyed of other diseases.d This maketh them, it seems, more resolute for a warre, seeing they have no trade, and so think themselves fitt2 /10 (1)v/ for nothing but fighting. What they will doe with all these East Indian Commodities, and ‹other›3 wares, that lye in abundance upon their hands, since they are almost excluded from all ports, I cannot imagine. Tis confirmed from thence, that there is a Company in Holland, that have great a

This letter was sent to Boyle by Robert Hooke, together with one of his own of the same date, printed below. b Oldenburg refers to the proof sheets of Boyle’s Experimenta et considerationes de coloribus, the Latin translation of Colours published in 1665. Oldenburg was probably not the translator of this work printed by Henry Herringman. See Works, vol. 4, pp. xiv–xv. c Anglo–Dutch commercial rivalry on the West African coast had escalated since the beginning of the year, when a squadron of ships sent to protect the interests of the English Royal African Company against the Dutch seized some Dutch possessions; many naval encounters occurred, but the war did not officially break out until Mar. 1665. The Dutch ambassador was Henry van Goch. Oldenburg also refers to Cornelis Tromp (1629–91), Lieutenant Admiral of the United Provinces, who was shortly to be replaced by Michiel de Ruyter. d This was the same plague epidemic that devastated England in the summer of 1665.

298

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 25 Aug. 1664

hopes to passe into China and Cataya by the North, and that they earnestly demand an Octroy for it. What passage this should be, differing from that, which was attempted at the latter end of the last Age by 3 shipps, that endured incredible hardships, I have not skill enough to guesse.a From Paris my correspondent discourseth thus;b Par vostre procede on voit bien, que vous voulez la guerre, en refusant de rendre Cabo Verde, qui a este pris sans Justice. Les plaintes, que fait Downing à la Haye, sont imaginaires et sans fondement, ce qui fait croire à tout le monde, qu’il en faut venir à la derniere extremité.c Sans la peste on ne vous craindroit point, et si on vouloit agir come il faut, on vous donneroit bien des affaires et bien de l’occupation. On souhaite icy, si la paix ne se fait pas, que les Hollandois soyent victorieux, n’estans pas si criminels, come on les fait en Angleterre. Ils ont voulu rendre l’Isle de Poleron à vos gens, qui n’en ont point voulu, parce qu’ils n’avoient point d’hommes pour la garder. Messieurs les Estats ont montré à Downing leurs cahiers de plaintes, qui sont mieux fondées, que les vostres assurement. Ne vous estonnez pas de ce que je vous dis, estans tous Hollandois icy. Upon this I have suggested to this gentleman, that I doubted very much, whether the Hollanders were ‹as› good French ‹as they are Dutch,› remitting him to his former letter, wherein he intimated, that upon the death of the King of Spaine (who by the last post was agonizing again) the king of France would doe his utmost endeavors to possesse himselfe of Flanders /10 (2)/ and Braband, or at least, to enable Anwerp to regaine their Old Trade by opening the Schelde, which must needs ruine Amsterdam in a short time, and cannot but beget at the present great jealousys in the United provinces of the King of France.d I shall say litle of the victory against the Turks, it being so notorious, though not so great, as twas made in the beginning.e I shall only give this touch, that a

Oldenburg was to report further on this in his letter to Boyle of 1 Sept.; see below, p. 310. The letter of this unknown correspondent has not been found. ‘Your carryings-on show clearly that you mean war, since you refuse to give up Cape Verde, which was unjustly seized. The complaints of Downing at The Hague are baseless and imaginary, causing everyone to suppose that he wants to resort to extreme measures. But for the plague you would inspire no fear, and if the thing were to be done properly you would soon be kept busy. Here, we hope that if there cannot be peace, that the Dutch may be victorious, for we don’t suppose that the Dutch are as wicked as the English make out. They were willing to give up the island of Poleron to your people, who did not want it because they had not men enough to protect it. The States-General have shown Downing their files of grievances, which are certainly better founded than yours. Don’t be surprised at what I tell you, for we are all Dutchmen here.’ c Sir George Downing (1623–84), the 2nd graduate of Harvard College, ambassador at The Hague. d The Netherlands war with Spain had closed the mouth of the Scheldt estuary, starving Antwerp economically and allowing Amsterdam to prosper. See R. Hainsworth and C. Churches, The AngloDutch Naval Wars 1652–1674 (Stroud, 1998), p. 12. Philip IV of Spain did not in fact die until 17 Sept. 1665. e The battle of St Gotthard on the Raab near Bratislava, where the Turks under Kiuprili were defeated by the Imperial general Raimondo Montecuccoli (1609–80), was fought on 1 Aug. 1664. b

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comes from Paris concerning the sense, that France hath of the4 importance of what they did in that action, vid. Nos Francois (saith the letter) passent pour les restaurateurs de l’Empire, et veritablement ils ont fait tout ce qui se pouvoit faire.a From Amsterdam they write me word, that Kirchers Mundus Subterraneous is advanced unto lib. 12. and will be finisht within 6 weeks.b There lye ready severall books for me at Paris, and amongst them some5 answer to Pascals litle book, but for want of a conveniency of sending them safely, I must want them still.c We had yesterday a terrible story read at Gresham, sent out of Italy by Dr Pope, of a most dreadfull tempest of Thunder, lightning, rayne, and haile,6 the like had not been in those parts in the memory of the living.d The haile was some of it as big as a Tennisball, some as a Turky Egge, both for bignes and shape, striking in 8 severall places thorow the top of the Coach, wherein Dr Pope and his Company were travelling about Padua, and bruising ‹some›7 of the Travellers, and beating others black and blew, as if they had been soundly cudgelled. The horses were so scared, that they broak loose, and ran away; one of the horses of another coach running into a river, and being drowned there. In sum, the story was thought so remarkable, that it was ordered to be kept upon our records. Having found the top of Pauls steeple a convenient place for some Experiments, order was given yesterday to try ‹there› the descent of falling bodies, the Torricellian Experiment, and the vibrations of a pendulum of the length of the top to the floor of the Church, the perpendicular height is ‹about› 200 foot.e /10 (2)v/ Order was also given, that an instrument should be made for discovering a second of time by a Sundiall or the Starrs, which was looked upon as very conducive to the stating of an universall measure, though it was ‹also› judged very requisite thereunto, to have a8 certain way to measure the ‹present› temperature of the9 Aire.f The Engin for measuring refractions was well examined, and at last approved off; with which many good Experiments will now be made.g

a

‘Our French pass as restorers of the Empire, and truly they have done all that could be done.’ This work by Athanasius Kircher (for whom see above, p. 292n.) was published in 1665. The ‘little book’ was Traitez de l’equilibre des liqueurs et de la pesanteur de ia masse de l’air, published in 1663, a year after the death of its author, Blaise Pascal (1623–62). d Walter Pope, for whom see above, p. 103n., was travelling abroad between 1663 and 1665. The letter mentioned was written to Wilkins on 22 July 1664 from Padua, referring to a storm on 19 July. A long extract is printed in Birch, Royal Society, i, 462. e For the meeting of 24 Aug. see Birch, Royal Society, i, 461–2. For the Toricellian experiment see Works, vol. 1, p. 157. f This was done after John Wilkins reported that Hooke had devised an instrument ‘to discover a second of time by a sun-dial or the stars’ (Birch, Royal Society, i, 463). g At the meeting of 17 Aug. Hooke’s ‘engine to measure refractions’ was examined and approved, and Hooke was ordered to make experiments with it at the next meeting, but there is no report on them until 31 Aug. (Birch, Royal Society, i, 459). b c

300

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 25 Aug. 1664

There was read a paper brought in by Mr Packer concerning Mine-damps, which will admit of no more, but two kinds of them, which are there called Firedamps, and Earthdamps, alledging that that kind, which they call the waterdamp, is nothing else, but a vapour, that in some wetdamps will lye upon the water, even as a mist especially follows the Rivers.a He affirms, that the Earthdamp is a vapor not at all visible, though this kind be the most dangerous and destructive, it being far sharper and of longer continuance commonly, than the other. He adds a particular somewhat strange, vid. that a workman10 assured him, that he being at Chevin Colepits, and the damp being in the work, they hung a fire, as they use to doe to get the damp out of the Earth, in the pitsmouth, which was made of at least half a horseload of coales, burning very fiercely, and notwithstanding, when it had drawne the damp up the shaft or pitt, the fire was quite extinguisht, and putt out as dead, as if cast into a river, and being kindled two or three times again, was presently struck out, tho no vapour or fume at all appeared, that could be called the damp, but the smoak of the Fire only. He concludeth with the fire-damp, and saith, that when that is seen, its like the smelting miln-smoke, and sometimes its so much, that it fills the whole worke, at other times its reduced to a litle compasse and getts into a corner of the grove, and may lye there for some years, if not stirred into; and in other places the workmen may do their work, and not at all suspect it, tho working in the same grove: it may lye (saith he) /10 (3)/ in the compasse of a dish;11 but, if it happen to be toucht by the workmen at unawares, may destroy their lives; which it doth, (so he goeth on) by causing them to be so weak, that they are not able to ascend the pit, and if not timely prevented, striketh to the heart, and then there is litle or no cure. Sir, if you are not yet tired, I shall goe on to tell you, that upon the suggestion of Monsieur Zulichem, to try the vibrations of hard bodies sounding, it was moved by Sir R. Moray, to make in stead of a Bell,12 a flat round plate of Bellmettal, with a hole drilled in the midle, through which a corde may be drawn to hang it by; as also, to have severall of these round plates made of differing sizes, to see, what difference of sounds they would produce, their Edges being struck upon.b Mr Wylde, being present at the Society, promised them not only to shew them the Experiment of softning steel without fire, and hardning it again, but also of giving them the receipt, how to doe it; which the Compagny was very well pleased with.c

a This paper was also read on 17 Aug. Its author was probably Philip Packer, for whom see above, p. 84n. b See Birch, Royal Society, i, 460. The letter of Huygens to Moray of 8 Aug., printed in Œuvres complètes, v, 98–102, was also read and discussed on 17 Aug. c Edmund Wylde (c. 1614–96), F.R.S. 1661, was desired at the meeting of 17 Aug. to show these experiments.

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Mr Howard affirms to have the way of fixing Logge-wood, and offers to shew the Society an Experiment of it; and it was committed to him, yourselfe and Dr Merret, to consider of a way of fixing all sorts of colours; which they hope you will doe your share in.a On Friday last our committee for correspondence met the first time at Mr Povey, where we were sorry to be without you, and without13 your Queries for Guiny.b In the mean time, Generall inquiries were drawn up, serving for all the parts of the world; and Authors were distributed amongst the members of this Committee, to be perused14 for the collecting thence particular inquiries for particular [coun]tries. This was our Entertainment above ground; I leave you /10 (3)v/ to guesse, what our correspondence and entertainment was under ground, in the Grotta, and neer the well, that is the Conservatory of so many douzen of wine-bottels of all kinds.c But I must now ease you, after I have intreated your favour to inquire of Dr Wallis, with my humble service to him, whether he hath receaved that packet of Mr Horox’s letters, I did, by order of the Society, send to him for his perusall, by the Oxford Coach August 13th.d You will pardon this trouble to, Sir, Your faithfull humble servant, H. Old. Sir, give me leave to intreat you, that in case you should meet with any curious persons, that would be willing to receave weekly intelligence, both of state – and litterary news, you would doe me the favour ‹of›15 engaging them to me for it. The Expences16 cannot be conside[rable] to persons that have but a mediocrity; Ten pounds a yeare will be the mo[st that] will be expected; £8 or £6 will also do the busin[ess.]e

a

This was done on 10 Aug., see Birch, Royal Society, i, 458. Oldenburg refers to Charles Howard (for whom see above, p. 231n.) and to Christopher Merret (for whom see above, p. 263n.). b On 10 Aug. Thomas Povey (c.1615–1702), administrator and courtier, F.R.S. 1660, had appointed the committee of correspondence to meet on the 3rd Friday of every month. Besides Povey and Oldenburg, Boyle, Moray, Wilkins and others constituted this committee (Birch, Royal Society, i, 407). For the inquiries for Guinea (by Abraham Hill, F.R.S.) and the general inquiries, see Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 36), pp. 93, 120. c Povey was a well known bon vivant, with a wine cellar in which he took great pride. d Oldenburg refers to Jeremiah Horrocks, or Horrox (c. 1619–41), astronomer. His Venus in sole visa was printed by Hevelius at the end of his Mercurius in sole visus (1662). The remainder of his works were published by Wallis in 1672. At the Royal Society’s meeting of 3 Aug. 1664 Oldenburg was ordered to transmit the Horrocks papers to Wallis with a view to their publication. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 456–7. e This is the first intimation of the something prefiguring the Phil. Trans., begun in Mar. the following year.

302

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 25 Aug. 1664

For his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in Oxford.a

Endorsed at the head of 10 (1) by Miles ‘No. 10.’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No IX.’ Endorsed at the head of 10 (3) by Miles ‘(this belongs to a Letter of aug. 25 1664)’ Also endorsed with Birch number. The MS also contains printers’ marks.

HOOKE to BOYLE

25 August 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744) v, 534. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 487–8 and in Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 190–1.

Aug. 25, 1664. SIR, I HOPE this will find you safe returned to Oxford after your Western journey, which I understood you intended upon Thursday last to begin, or else I had before this sent the paper you gave me charge of; but being unable to do it time enough the last week, by reason I could not speak with my landlord, I have delayed it till the latter end of this, as supposing your return to Oxford could not be sooner.b I have likewise here enclosed an Irish letter, which I received from my lady, and one from Mr. Oldenburg, which he gave me this afternoon.c I have since your departure been on the top of Paul’s steeple, in order to make several experiments, which will be prosecuted this week; but it being the first time I had been there, I could not be so well provided with an apparatus as I found was requisite; and therefore I was fain to return with only making some observations. One was, that a pendulum of the length of one hundred and eighty foot did perform each single vibration in no less time than six whole seconds; so that in a turn and return of the pendulum, the half second pendulum was several times observed to give twenty four strokes or vibrations. Another was, that this long pendulum would sometimes vibrate very strangely, which was thus. The greatest part of the line, by guess about six score foot of the upper part of it, would hang directly perpendicular, and only the lower part vibrate, at what time the vibrations would be much quicker, and this though a

For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. Hooke possibly refers to a visit by Boyle to Stalbridge. Hooke’s landlord has not been identified. c The Irish letter from Lady Ranelagh is not extant. For the letter from Oldenburg to Boyle of 25 Aug. see above, pp. 298–303. b

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there was a weight of lead hung at the end of the string of above four pound weight. In another place of the Tower, where I had very clear perpendicular descent, I with a plum-line found the perpendicular height of it two hundred and four foot very near, which is about sixty foot higher than it was usually reported to be. In which place I shall, with some other company, this week try the velocity of the descent of the falling bodies, the Torricellian experiment, and several experiments about pendulums, and weighing.a I have since the last week almost brought my treble writing instrument to be practicable, insomuch, that I hope to make it as easy to write three copies as one. I have made several trials of it, and have writ three sides together very well, but yet I hope to make it better. We yesterday made several odd experiments about the velocity and strength of a bullet shot out of a carbine, whereof some circumstances will certainly seem very odd: one of which was, that the bullet pierced through a board three inches thick, and yet broke not a very small weak piece of white thread, that held that barred against the force of the bullet: a second was, that though two of these small threads were tied across the nose of the piece, so as one would have thought it impossible, that the powder should have been discharged without breaking those threads; yet, notwithstanding, both the powder and bullet were discharged out of it, without doing the thread any other harm, than only a little singing it, which made me a little reflect upon the strange effects I had observed in thunder and lightning.b And this puts me in mind of an excellent account we had of a prodigious storm, that lately happened in Italy, between Venice and Padua, which I should have added, but that I suppose Mr. O. has given you a copy of the letter.c My lady I understand does to morrow intend to go towards Leez.d I was among the booksellers this afternoon, but found nothing new. MR. Faithorne has promised me to make all possible speed with that you ordered him, but he does desire a little farther directions.e Whilst I was writing this, Mr. Faithorne has sent me the sketch, which I have enclosed, to see whether you approve of the dress, the frame, and the bigness; what motto or writing you will have on the pedestal, and whether you will have any books, or mathematical, or chemical instruments, or such like, inserted in the corners, without the oval frame a

For the Toricellian experiment see Works, vol. 1, p. 157. We have not been able to find more about Hooke’s writing instrument referred to in the next sentence. b The experiments for finding the velocity of a bullet by means of the instrument for measuring the time of falling bodies was performed in the Society on 24 Aug. 1664; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 461–2. c The account of the storm was in a letter of Walter Pope; see above, p. 300. d The reference is to Lady Ranelagh’s visit to the home of her sister Mary at Leese Priory, Essex. e This is a reference to William Faithorne the elder (1616–91), portrait painter, engraver and print seller, who drew a portrait of Boyle, which was at this time being converted into an engraving. See R. E. W. Maddison, ‘The Portraiture of the Honourable Robert Boyle’, Annals of Science, 15 (1959), 141–214, on pp. 154–9, and L. Fagan, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Engraved Works of William Faithorn (London, 1888).

304

ELIOT

to BOYLE, 26 Aug. 1664

or what other alteration or additions you desire. It is almost ten o’clock, and therefore I hope you will excuse this scribbled paper, and the abruptness, wherein I am forced to subscribe myself, Most honoured Sir, your most humble, and most faithful servant, R. HOOKE.

JOHN ELIOTa to BOYLE

26 August 1664

From the original in BL 2, fols 153–4. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 548–9, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 509–10.

Right honourable I am but a shrub in the wildernesse, & have not yet had the boldnesse to looke upon, or speake unto those Cedars, who have undertaken an honourable protection of us. but for sundry reasons, I have now broke out, & have taken upon me the boldnesse to write unto your selfe, Right honourable Sir, because I doe sufficiently understand how learning & honour doe rendevous in your Noble brest: & what a true freind you are to all learning, & also to this good work of the Lord, in promoting religion, & the knowledg of Christ among our pore Indians.b I doe humbly present my thankfullnesse to your selfe Noble Governour, & all the rest of your honourable Society, for your favourable protection, & diligent promotion of this work, which, otherwise, might have bene sunk & buryed afore this day. but by your vigilace [sic] & Prudence Noble Sir, it is not only kept in being, but in a state of flourishing acceptation with his Majesty, & other great Peers of the Land. which favor of yours, Christian duty doth oblige me to acknowledg. I am bold to present some things to the honourable Corporation (according as I am advised) by the hand of my Christian freind Mr Ashhurst.c What doth more immediatly concerne learning, I crave the boldnesse to make mention off, unto your selfe[.] You are pleased to intimate unto me a memorandum of your desirs, that there may be a Grammar of our Indian language composed, for publication & after use. which motion, as I doubt not but it springeth from your selfe, so my a

See above, pp. 21n., 45n. In alluding to the patronage of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in America, of which Boyle was the Governor, Eliot may be invoking 2 Chronicles 25, 18. c For Henry Ashurst, treasurer of the Company, see above, p. 20n. b

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answer unto your selfe about it, will be most proper. I & my Sonns have often spoken of it. but now I take your intimation as a command to set about it.a When I have finished the translation of the practice of Piety, my purpose is if the Lord will, & that I doe live, to set upon some essay & begining of reducing this language unto rule.b which, in the most common & usefull poynts, I doe see, is reducible: though there1 be corners, & anomalities full of difficulty to be reduced under any stated rule, as, your selfe know better than I, it is in all languages. I have not so much either insight or judgment, as to dare to undertake any thing worthy the name of a Grammar. Only some preparitory collections that way tending, which may be of no small use unto such as may be studious to learne this language, I desire, if God will, to take some paines in. But this is a work for the morrow, to day2 my work is Translation, which, by the Lords help I desire to attend unto. And thus with my humble thankfullnesse, I shall cease to give you any further trouble at present, but commending you unto the Lord, & to the word of his grace I remaine Right honourable Yours in all Service I can in Christ Jesus John Eliot

Roxbury this 26t of the 6t 64

To the Righ [sic] honourable / Mr Boyle Governour of the / Honourable Corporation for propagation of the / Gospel among Indians These / present Seal: Wax missing, impression in paper only of oval with lion rampant. Paper impressions of two seals from other letters. Endorsed by Wotton: ‘1663 Mr J Eliot about the N. Englands Bible & Grammar of that Language’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 1’. There are also printer’s ink markings on fol. 153.

a Eliot’s The Indian Grammar Begun; or An Essay to Bring the Indian Language into Rules was published in 1666; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 137. b Eliot wrote to Richard Baxter in July 1663 stating his intention of translating Lewis Bayly’s Practice of Piety (1612). An abbreviated version was published in 1665; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 136.

306

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 29 Aug. 1664

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

29 August 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 247–8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 63-4 and in Oldenburg, ii, 211–14.

Sir, AS you begin your letter by a complaint of the retarding of the press, for want of the paper of colours, so I must begin mine by acknowledging, that you have reason to complain of it, and by adding, that yet it was not my fault; for I have been careful to lay aside eight or ten sheets, that I had perused, to re-deliver them to you, when I came to take leave of you, at my going out of town. But having laid them by, on the table, on purpose to have them in readiness, and distinguish them from other papers that were to be sent to Oxford, they were, by the mistake /p. 248/ of one of my servants, put up in a box, among some other writings, which I could not come at till now, that I am returned hither, where, that box being opened before my other things, I took out the roll of papers, which is already sent away to Mr Herringman, who is to receive the remaining sheets, by the latter end of this week, if I can possibly dispatch them so soon; at least, he shall not fail, God willing, to have them sent to him before the middle of the next week; which will be sooner than the press will be ready for them.a Your letter I found very seasonably here, to refresh me, after a wearisome journey, where I had far less opportunity, than I hoped for, to improve my little stock of knowledge, the season being so far advanced, that I durst not go visit the mines at Mendip; and some ill accident or other having denied me the visit I promised myself from our ingenious friend, Mr Beale, to whom I sent on purpose a messenger, that brought me back a letter, which bid me expect his coming, in case a distemper, that then detained him, should not increase; so that my disappointment being an argument of his indisposition, was more unwelcome to me upon the account of its cause, than of itself.b If you have heard any good news of him, you will oblige me, to acquaint me with it. I find them in Dorsetshire far more solicitous to store themselves with fruit, than when I was last in those parts; and my gardener has made a nursery upon some land, that he rents, which furnishes most of the neighbouring gentry, and lets me see, how much industry may advance at once the private and the public good.c I was visited by the ingenious Dr Highmore, from whom I had some odd anatomical observations, wherewith I may hereafter acquaint you.d I shall rather tell you now, a

For Henry Herringman, printer of both editions of Boyle’s Colours, see above, p.127n. Boyle had evidently been absent from Oxford on a visit to his Stalbridge estate. For Oldenburg’s letter and the printing of the Latin edition of Colours see above, p. 298. b This letter is not extant. A letter from Beale to Boyle of 18 Jan. 1664 refers to a ‘Mendip friend’, whom Beale was evidently in contact with at this time in connection with Boyle’s interests; see above, pp. 240–7. c Boyle’s gardener has not been identified, but a letter from him survives, see above, pp. 72–3. d For Nathaniel Highmore see above, p. 271n.

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that he is a great florist, and finds by experience, which, I remember, has been likewise taught me by another eminently skilled in husbandry, that there is scarce any mould comparable, for flowers, to the earth, which is digged from under old stacks of wood, or other places, where rotten wood has long lain. I have bespoken some potato apples, against the season. There has been found, not many miles from my house, a spring of purging water, and another, that works like Tunbridge water; but not hearing of them, till I was leaving the country, all I could do, was to desire one to send after me a bottle of that, which was the most easy to come by.a If I receive it, I shall endeavour to examine it. I was visited at Salisbury by the deservedly famous oculist Dr Turberville, who has attained so much skill in the cure of distempers of the eyes, and performed such remarkable things in those cases, that, being unable, as yet, to persuade him to live constantly in London, I have persuaded him to go thither, once or twice, at least, every year; and that at set times, that men may know when to find him; and to stay there some weeks at a time, that he may be able to perfect some cures, before his return.b The water of that town being very famous, for making better ale than can be made with other waters, I had the curiosity to weigh it with a good pair of gold scales; but have not yet had time to compare it with other waters, than which it seemed somewhat more clear and light. Since my return hither, visits, and the unpacking of my books and implements, have left me so little time for other things, that I begin to wonder, how I have got so much as to trouble you with so long a scribble, which, since I began this last clause, I am summoned to release you from, by forthwith subscribing myself, SIR, your very affectionate friend, and very humble servant, ROB. BOYLE

Oxford, Aug 29, 1664.

POSTSCRIPT I RETURN you my humble thanks for your ingenious communications, divers of which I locked not up from the virtuosi here, and of which I cannot but desire the continuation. What the postcript of your letter mentions, in reference to such matters, will not, if I can help it, be forgotten, upon an opportunity to serve the person concerned.c I find not, in the translated papers, that yet remain, that you have gone a Conceivably the waters at Seend, Wiltshire, discovered by the virtuoso John Aubrey in the 1660s; see Aubrey’s Natural History of Wiltshire, ed. John Britton (London, 1847), p. 21. b Boyle refers to Daubeney Turberville (1612–96), a famous oculist practising first at Salisbury and then (from 1668) in London. c That is, Oldenburg himself. Boyle alludes to Oldenburg’s newly-conceived plans for Phil. Trans., see above, p. 271n.

308

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 1 Sept. 1664

beyond the end of the 49th Experiment; for at the 50th there is three quarters of a side vacant, under the title Exp. 50; and that is the last page I have of your’s. I have written to Mr Herringman, to the purpose that was desired at our parting, and I presume he will readily comply. IF you have heard any thing farther concerning the translation of the bible into the Turkish tongue, I shall be glad to be informed of it; for, in case you hear nothing, that may divertise, Mr Seymore and I resolved, by God’s permission, to proceed, as soon as we shall be informed, either what farther answer you have received about it, or, that you have received none.a I FORGOT to tell you, that I did not forget to speak to Dr Wallis, who has received the commands of the Society, and will be very ready to comply with them, about the papers of Mr Horrox; with which I find he is so much pleased, that he does not a little regret the untimely death of so hopeful an astronomer.b My most humble service to my Lord Brouncker, Sir Robert Moray, Dr Wilkins,c and the rest of my Gresham friends.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

1 September 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 11. 4o/2+2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 306–7, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 151-3 and in Oldenburg, ii, 222–8

London Sept. 1. 1664. Sir, A Thursday last I sent my letter to wait on you at Oxford, and to receive your commands for the ordering of the presse about the Latin translation; but I have not heard a word upon it, and thereby am left in much perplexity, what to doe with the printer.d a

The reference is to the project of the Dutch oriental scholar Levinus Warner (1619–65) for a translation of the Bible into Turkish. After study at Leiden, Warnerus went to Constantinople, where he studied widely in the languages, literature and history of the Middle East. His translation of the Bible into Turkish remained unpublished, however, until the 19th century. Boyle sponsored the translation of the New Testament into Turkish made by William Seaman (1607–80), an Oxford orientalist, and published in 1666. Seaman’s name is misprinted as ‘Seymore’ in Birch. b For Wallis and the plans for publication of the papers of astronomer Jeremiah Horrocks, see above, p. 302. c John Wilkins (1614–72), natural philosopher and divine. d Oldenburg refers to his letter of 25 Aug. 1664, and to the copy for the Latin edition of Boyle’s Colours (1664); see above, p. 298n. Evidently Oldenburg had not yet received Boyle’s reply of 29 Aug., see above, p. 307n.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Before I communicate Philosophicall matters, I must let you know, what comes just now to me of State-affaires; vid. that Prince Rupert is declared Generall for Guiny, to command a Fleet of 20 ships almost ready to goe thither, and to doe what execution he can upon the Dutch there, which is a plain beginning of the warre.a The Dutch are likewise dispatching thither what strength conveniently they can, to maintaine what right they think they have there. They judge themselves at the present, considering the rage of the contagion amongst them,1 by which they are beat out of trade, fittest to goe to warre; and in all appearance they are like to have enough of it. We are about to forbid them all commerce with England, as France, Italy, Scotland etc. have done already; whereby all their commodities ‹will› lye upon their hands, especially those, that came lately home from the East-Indies; which hath occasioned the East-India Company here [to] sell their Commodities,2 returned from those parts, at an extraordinary rate, they having sold within ‹these› 3 dayes ‹for› about £400000 sterling of wares, and, as I am informed, some of them at 50 per 100 gain. The newes from Amsterdam holds, that some merchants there have found3 a North-East passage to Cataya and China: but we are here so dull, that we cannot imagine, ‹how›4 they will or can make their way thither in that Climat; unlesse5 they have found the Sea, by reason of its vastnesse, open beyond Nova Zembla, which ‹perhaps› continuing so for a great space Eastward, and ‹so›6 downe, again Southward, ‹may› bring7 them to their Journy’s end: which time will discover.b /11 (1)v/ His Majesty intends to begin his progresse next weeke, and exspects to heare news of Prince Ruperts expedition, at his returne, and accordingly resolve further upon the warre.c The French letters say this to me;d Le Roy d’Espagne est tousjours fort incommodé, et ne peut vivre que fort peu de temps.e Marcin a enlevé deux regimens Francois aux Portugais. Le Roy prend fort à cœur ses pretensions sur la Flandre, qu’on ne laissera jamais à l’Empereur, et non obstant qu’on8 luy l’a donnee par son a For Anglo–Dutch rivalry on the West African coast see above, p. 298n. For Prince Rupert see above, p. 102n. b The Novaya Zemlya islands, separating the Barents Sea from the Kara Sea off the coast of European Russia in about Lat. 75o N. William Barents had spent the winter of 1596–7 there during his 3rd expedition to discover the Northeast Passage, and Captain Vlamingh reached the same point in 1664. Boyle was especially interested because he was completing his Cold (1665), where he discussed the narrative of the Barents expedition; see Works, vol. 4, p. 371. c In Aug. 1664 Charles II decided to send 12 warships to Guinea under the command of Prince Rupert, in order to ‘protect’ English interests against the Dutch in West Africa; see R. Hutton, Charles II (Oxford, 1989), p. 219. In his letter of 10 Sept. Oldenburg says that the King’s destination was Hampton Court. See below, pp. 323, 330. d ‘The King of Spain is seriously ill and cannot live much longer. Marcin has raised two French regiments for the Portuguese. The King [of France] holds his claims to Flanders so very dear that he e

Philip IV of Spain did not in fact die until 17 Sept. 1665.

310

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 1 Sept. 1664

contrait de mariage, il aura dela peine à s’en mettre en possession, ou au moins à en jouir paisiblement.a Le Roy a plus de passion que jamais, pour l’establissement dela Compagnie des Indes Orientales, oú il veut que tout le monde contribue.b Mais plusieurs doubtent fort, qu’elle reussisse. La Compagnie d’Hollande est trop bien establie pour la pouvoir ruiner, principalement depuis qu’elle a obtenu la liberté de pouvoir trafiquer dans la Chine. On espere que les Turcs se retireront, et qu’ils laisseront les Chrestiens en repos cete campagne. S’ils avoient des chefs, qui entendissent la guerre, ils nous donneroient bien dela peine, leurs soldats estans braves et allans au feu vigoureusement et assurement. Monsieur de Souches a le Danube entre luy et les Turcs, et est maistre dela Campagne, oú il est.c La riviere de Raab est entre l’armee de l’Empereur et celle des Turcs, et ainsi les Chrestiens ne courent à present aucun risque; ce qui obligera les ennemis à se retirer. Having tired you with news of State, I will try, whether I can doe so too with news from Gresham. There was made an Experiment for finding the velocity of a Bullet, by the means of the instrument for measuring the time of descending bodies; which was so contrived, /11 (2)/ that the Pendul was set on moving by the Bullets passing out of the mouth of the Gun, and a board was set up for a mark at a determinate distance, and a string extended from that board to the Pendul, which was fixed just by the Gun. It was thought, that by means of that string, which was stretched pretty stiffe, and so contrived, that a small thrust against the board would stop the pendul, the impulse of the bullet against the board would be presently communicated back to the pendul, by which means that vibrating body, being stopt at the very instant, would have shewne the time that the bullet was passing from the mouth of the piece to the board or mark: but it was found will never relinquish them to the Emperor, yet notwithstanding the fact that he acquired them through his marriage contract he will have difficulty in gaining possession, or at least in enjoying it peaceably. The King [of France] is more eager than ever to establish an East India Company to which he wants everyone to contribute. But many doubt strongly that it will succeed. The Dutch Company is too well established to be ruined, especially since it has obtained the right to trade with China. There is hope that the Turks will retreat and leave the Christians in peace this campaigning season. If they had leaders who understood war they would give us much trouble, since their soldiers are brave and face fire vigorously and with assurance. Mr de Souches has the Danube between himself and the Turks and is master of the country. The river Raab is between the Emperor’s army and that of the Turks and so the Christians run no risks at present; which will compel the enemy to retreat.’ a The Portuguese, supported by France, were still fighting for their independence from Spain. In 1660 Louis XIV had married Maria Theresa, the only surviving child of Philip IV of Spain by his first marriage. She had renounced her inheritance in return for a dowry of 500,000 crowns. Louis afterwards maintained that this renunciation was invalid with respect to Flanders because the dowry had never been paid and the local law of inheritance (jus devolutionis) decreed that daughters of a first marriage inherited before sons of a second. We have not been able to identify Marcin b As Oldenburg’s correspondent predicted, the French East India Company, formed in Aug. 1664, was never a great commercial success. c The reference is to the Austro–Turkish war of 1663–4. Ludwig Raduit, Comte de Souches, a French soldier of fortune, commanded part of the imperial forces in Hungary.

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upon severall tryalls, that the bullet9 pierced through the board, which was 3 inches thick, and did not break a small slender piece of white thred, which was to have stopt the pendull. Order was given, to think upon a better way of making this Experiment.a We have also begun to try Experiments, for measuring the time of falling bodies in water, and found10 yesterday, that shott, let fall in a glas tube of 81 inch long, came to the bottom in about 2". This is to be prosecuted in a larger vessell with bigger balls, and of severall materials.b We made also a beginning with the Experiments of measuring the refraction of common water, and found it about 14 degrees. On Munday last a Club of our Philosophers went to Pauls, to make Experiments of falling bodies, and of pendulums; There were Sir R. Moray, Dr Wilkins, Dr Goddard, Mr Palmer, Mr Hill, Mr Hook, and some of them went to the top of the steeple, and let downe a pendul of 200 foot long, with an appendant weight of [four] lb, and found 2 vibrations thereof made in 15". Time would not then give leave to proceed to the other Experiments, that were deseigned, among which will also be the Torricellian: but /11 (2)v/ they will be set upon within 2 or 3 dayes.c I believe, Sir Robert Moray will himselfe let you know the news, he received from Mr Zulichem concerning some new observations, lately made by one at Rome, of Saturne, confirming his Systeme, by the means of a glasse, far better, by relation, than any of those of Divini, wrought after a new way, without any mould at all.d From11 the same hand you may also expect a further relation concerning the post-chariot in France, how they now practise it all over that Contry, running ‹with it› from Paris to Bourdeaux in 4½ dayes, which is no lesse, I think, than 300 miles.e There is also more news about Monsieur Zulichem his new pendul for a

This experiment was made on 24 Aug. 1664; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 461, where it is described in almost identical words. See above, p. 304 b The meeting of 31 Aug. 1664 is referred to here; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 465. The experiments mentioned in the following line are also recorded, ibid., 463. c Robert Hooke reported experiments on a 200 foot long pendulum from St Paul’s steeple on 24 Aug. The Society ordered that this be repeated, together with the Torricellian experiment, and the experiments of weighing, and the descent of falling bodies. In this version the weight of the pendulum has not been recorded; it has been supplied here from Birch, Royal Society, i, 461–2. Moray made a report of the observations on 31 Aug. and Brouncker reported again on 14 Sept. after the experiments had been repeated on 13 Sept. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 464, 466–67. For John Wilkins see above, p. 309n. Oldenburg also refers to Jonathan Goddard (1616–75), Gresham professor of physics, Dudley Palmer (c. 1617–66), lawyer and virtuoso, and Abraham Hill (1633–1721), treasurer of the Royal Society 1663–5. d For Christiaan Huygens see above, p. 5n. The letter from Huygens to Moray of 29 Aug. 1664 (printed in Œuvres complètes, v, 107–10), was read to the Society on 31 Aug.; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 464. The observer at Rome was Giuseppe Campani (1635–1715), a famous Italian instrument maker. Eustachio Divini (1610–85), was also an instrument maker at Rome. e Huygens had enclosed with his letter to Moray one dated 26 July 1664, from Pierre Perrien, Marquis de Crenan (d. 1702), French military officer, which described these chaises roulantes, invented by Louis Gouffier, Comte de Roannais (1648–1734), naval officer. See Œuvres complètes, v, 90–2.

312

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 1 Sept. 1664

Longitudes, but that I am not at all able to give you any ‹tolerable›12 account off; but leave it altogether to the hand, that was entrusted with it, which is the same ‹knight›,13 I lately named. But yet, I have not done; I must adde and recommend to you the Liste of Georgicall Inquiries, which the Committee for Agriculture have pitched upon, as to Arable and Meadows; desiring ‹all› their members, that have interest in the Contry, and acquaintance with Experienced Husbandmen, to procure a good account and answer upon them; and not doubting, Sir, but that you will14 effectually recommend them, and such others, as you yourselfe shall devise and adde, that a satisfactory returne will be made to them. They are such as follow:a /11 (3)/ Inquiries concerning Agricultureb 1. Off Arable. 1. The Chief kinds of the Soyles of England being supposed to be, either Sandy, Gravelly, Stony, Chalky, Light mould, Clay, Heethy, Marish, Boggy, Fenny, or Cold weeping ground, We desire to know, which of these Soyles your Contry doth most abound with, and how each of them is prepared, when employed for Arable? 2. What peculiar preparations are made use of, severally,15 to those soyles, for each kind of grain? With what kind of manure? when, how, and in what quantity, the manure is laid on? 3. At what seasons, and how often they are ploughed? What kind of ploughes are used for severall sorts of grounds? How long the severall grounds are let lye fallow? 4. The kinds of Grains or seeds, usuall in England, being supposed to be, either wheat, Mislin, Rye, Barley, Oates, Pease, Beans, Fitches, Buckwheat, Hempe, Flaxe, Rape; how each of these is prepared for sowing, whether by steeping, and in what liquor; or by mixing it, and with what? 5. What are the chief particulars observable in the Choice of seedcorn and all kind of grain? And what kinds of Graine are most proper to succeed one another? 6. What quantity of each kind is sowne upon a Statute Aker? and16 in what season of the moon and yeare? 7. With what Instruments they doe harrow, clod and rowle, and at what seasons? 8. Some of the common accidents or diseases, befalling corne in the growth of it, being mildew,17 Blasting, Smutt; what are conceived to be the Causes thereof, and what the remedies? a The Royal Society’s Committee for Agriculture, or the Georgical Committee, was established in 1664, with the aim to further the history and practice of agriculture and horticulture. Its members included Boyle, Oldenburg, John Evelyn, Ralph Austen and John Wilkins; see Hunter, Establishing the New Science, (above, p. 56), ch. 3; on the inquiries, see ibid, pp. 85–6. b A revised version of these inquiries was published in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665) 82–94 (no. 5 for 3 July). For additional inquiries see below, pp. 337–8.

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9. There being other anoyances, the growing18 Corn is exposed to, as weeds, worms, flyes, birds, mice, moles, etc. how they are remedied. /11 (3)v/ 10. Upon what occasions they use to cut the young Corne in the blade, or to feed it? And what is the benefit thereof? 11. What are the seasons and wayes of reaping and ordering each sort of grain, before it be carried of the ground? 12. What are the severall wayes of preserving grains in the straw, within and without doores, from all kind of anoyances, as mice, heating, raine etc. 13. What are the severall wayes of separating severall sorts of Grain from the straw, and of dressing them? 14. What are the wayes of preserving any stores of separated grain from the anoyances, they are obnoxious to? 2. Of Meddows. 1. How the above enumerated sorts of soyles are prepared, when they are used for Pasture or Meadow? 2. The common anoyances of these pasture- or meadow- grounds being supposed to be, either weeds, mosse, Sowre grasse, Heath, Ferne, Bushes, Bryars, Brambles, Broom, Rushes, Sedges, Gorst or Furzes, what are the remedies thereof? 3. What are the best wayes of draining Marshes, Boggs, Fens etc.? 4. What are the severall kinds of Grasse, and which are counted the best? 5. What are the chief circumstances to be observed in19 cutting of Grasse? 6. What are the chief circumstances observable in the making and preserving of Hay? 7. What are the wayes of Hedging and Ditching, with all the particulars observable therein, and the profit thereoff? /11 (4)/ Sir, there being severall of the members of the Society at Oxford; you would oblige the Society, to sollicite every one of them, as Dr Wallis, Dr Willis, Dr Wren, ‹(with my humble service to them)› to make use of that interest, they have either in oxfordshire, or Buckinghamshire or Bedfordshire or Hartfordshire or Glocestershire or Wiltshire etc. to procure from their Georgicall friends there, a pertinent and full answer to these Inquiries; which will much tend to the compiling of a Good History of Agriculture, so farre; and encourage the committee, set apart for that argument, to proceed to the other parts of that Employment.a But here I must release you, obliging myselfe to remaine faithfully Sir Your very humble servant H. Oldenburg. a Oldenburg refers to the Oxford scientific group, notably John Wallis and Thomas Willis, for whom see above, p. 2n. For Christopher Wren see above, p. 79n.

314

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [8 Sept. 1664]

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house / in / Oxforda Seal: Wax remnant. Endorsed on fol. 11(1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XI’20 and with ink number ‘No 11’.

HOOKE to BOYLE

[8 September 1664]

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 535–6. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 488–90 and in Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 193–5.

Thursday-night, Most Honoured Sir, I MUST in the first place return you my most humble acknowledgment for the honour and favour you have been pleased to oblige me with in your letter, which, to my power, I shall ever be ready to express my sense of.b As for the experiments, that I gave you an account of, that I intended to prosecute on the top of St Paul’s, I have, by reason of some miscarriages, only proceeded thus far, that drawing up a mercurial tube, made after the form, and ordered according to the manner here described,c [A B a glass pipe, about three feet long whose end A was closed, and the other open at C, and bended in the manner of a syphon, as appears in the figure; into C was cemented a small stop-cock, to open and shut at pleasure: and just in the bending of the pipe, was drawn a small hole B, by which the whole instrument, when the cock was stopped, was filled carefully top-full with quicksilver; and then the hole was very well stopped with a small plaister of cement, spread on leather, and bound on when hot: then, by inverting the tube, and opening the cock, the quicksilver would fall to its usual station; then, by turning the cock, this instrument became portable, and might easily be carried up and down, without any danger of losing the mercury, or admitting any a

For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. Boyle’s letter to Hooke is not extant. We have dated the current letter on the basis that the ‘Thursday’ on which it was written was a week earlier than the sequel of 15 Sept.; see below, pp. 324–6. c See above, p. 312. b

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air; for the mercury would not at all vibrate, which, without the cock, it was so very apt to do, that without a great deal of care and trouble, it could not be stirred or moved, but the air would break in, and get above the mercury,]a I found the quicksilver to be at the top, full half an inch lower than it was at the bottom. The manner of making which experiment was thus. The steeple being without any kind of lofts, but having only here and there some rotten pieces of timber lying across it; I caused a rope to be stretched quite cross the top, and fastned, in the midst of which I fixed a pully, through which I let down the string and weight to the bottom (for only in the very middle of the steeple was there a broad clear passage from top to bottom) and to this I could not at the top approach within eighteen foot:) having thus let down the rope, those that were at the bottom hung on this mercurial tube (which I had exactly marked, and stopped, and set ready before I went up) a large weather-glass (which moved by the rarefaction and condensation of the air only, which I had likewise marked and stopped) and a sealed thermometer, which I had likewise marked. After these were drawn up, and, by a contrivance of another pully, I had drawn them to me, I found the thermometer, the glass being but thin, broken. The quick-silver, upon opening the cock, I found to fall very considerably, which since, upon measuring, I find 25⁄48 of an inch: the weather-glass I found to be risen somewhat more than two inches: then closing them again, I caused them to be let down, and giving them charge not to let it quite down till I called to them from below, I went down myself, and found, upon opening the mercurial tube, that it rose exactly to its first station; as did also the weather-glass. I had designed to have tried many others then; but the night came so fast, that I could hardly see to get up again, and give order for the clearing of the lines. But I design, within a day or two, to make several other experiments. We have since the last made very few experiments worth your hearing, only trying the velocity of several small balls of bees-wax, which descended in a glass pipe filled with water, and divided into inches, we found, by several trials, that it moved almost the whole length of 81 inches downwards, with very near an equal velocity, only somewhat accelerated towards the bottom, if the balls were very small; but if they were any thing big, we found them much slower towards the bottom; the reason of which was accidental, and would not have happened, had not the lower end of the tube been somewhat less than the top; but those small ones, whose motion the narrowness of the tube did not at all or very little stop, were observed for near twenty inches, to keep even pace with a half second pendulum, moving just an inch every vibration, but beyond twenty they grew swifter.b I have consulted with Mr. Faithorne, who is ready to do any thing he shall be directed, and has desired me to contrive it, how it will be most convenient, and he will punctually follow directions. I have made a little sketch, which represents your first engine placed on a a b

Square brackets in Birch. This experiment was reported at the Society’s meeting of 7 Sept. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 465.

316

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES

to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1664

table, at some distance beyond the picture, which is discovered upon drawing a curtain. Now, if you think fit, I think it might be proper also to add, either by that, or in the corners A or B (where also you may have any other instruments, or any thing else added, if you think fit) your last emendation of the pneumatick engine.a One word or two I beseech you of directions in this particular. I sent by the Wednesday’s coach a small weather-glass, and Dr. Henshaw’s book, which is printed in Ireland, wherein he has mentioned you; and he has added a preface, and altered many things in his book.b I hope, by the next post, to send you a farther account of my trials on Paul’s: in the mean time, and ever, I must remain, and in great haste subscribe myself, Most Honoured Sir, your most humble, and most faithful servant, ROB. HOOK.

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLAND to BOYLE 10 September 1664 From the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 1 September 1664, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 1659– 1701), fol. 52. Previously printed from the Plymouth copy of the minutes in Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 314–16, with which the Hartford text has been collated and significant differences noted. Also printed in Hazard, Historical Collections (above, p. 19), ii, 495–6.

Right Honourable, Yours Dated March 7th 64 we have received rejoyceing much in your Indefatigable Care & paynes for the good of these poor soules.c amongst whome wee have reason to hope the Lord hath some of those his other sheepe that shall certainly In his good time hear his voyce, & receive the unction of his holy spirit. for the time maner & measure of the communication thereof, we may not limmitt the holy one of Iserell, but1 patiently & Beleivingly hope & waight on him whoe will not suffer a For William Faithorne the elder, see above, p. 304n. On Hooke’s suggestion, the air pump replaced the landscape in Faithorne’s portrait of Boyle; see above, p. 304. b For Nathaniel Henshaw see above, p. 84n. Henshaw was the author of Aero-chalinos: or, a Register for the Air (1664), printed in Dublin. c See above, pp. 251–3.

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any of his ellect ones to be lost, we must acknowledg that at present tis with these poore Natives a day of smale things,a & the Divell the old Dragon strugles Hard being very unwilling to quitt his raine that hee hath had so long over them, & is not wanting to stir up enemies to obstruct the free passage of the gospell amongst them. yet these discouragements notwithstanding, wee have2 cause to bless the Lord for the overfloweings of his grace to them that were sometimes aliens to god & his people not onely in the exhibition of the Covenant of his grace to them, but allso as we have reason in charity to beleive & hope that his owne Arme hath bin revealed causeing at least sundry of them to beleive the report of the gospell, soe that we may3 say a great light is risen upon them the blessed effect whereof the utermost Mallice of hell shall never be able to extinguish. Wee cannot but Thankefully acknowledg your Honours approbation of our last years account your acceptance of our Bill of £400 And Confirmation of our agreement with Mr. Usher whom4 we shall urge & perswade to our utmost to alowe after foureteen pounds per cent:b for the future. Tho wee feare it will be difficult to drawe him thereunto. nor doe we know any Merchant here whom5 wee may confide in that will give that alowance. nor is Mr. Usher willing to disburss moneys beforehand upon those Tearmes which makes us bold to the end no supply may be wanting to defray the next yeares expences To charge a bill of £500 upon the Honourable Corporation, which wee Humbly Intreat may be accepted & payd. The Labourers In this worke are still Continued In their respective places & have their alowance for the same with addition to some of them as the account Inclosed doth declare, we are Informed by Mr. Eliott that severall Companyes of Indians In the Country6 request that some of their Countrymen may be sent to teach them. which wee rejoyce to heare & shall labour to promoate by giveing all due encouragement as they may deservec We allso understand By him your Honours have requested his advice how a greater revennue may be best improved for the furtherance of this good worke. which thing we have often had in serious debate. And finde it easier to expend money then to Improve it to any good advantage. The Best expedient, which yet wee can finde is the sending forth and setleing fitt7 instruments amongst them. to teach & Instruct themselves & children as any oppertunety or willingnesse in any of them to Imbrace the same appeares. which we shall use our utmost endeavours to further & Incourage. & shall be willing & ready as Formerly we have bin to confer & advise with the Cheife instruments employed In this worke what might be Farther done to /fol. 54v/ promoate the end propounded That soe what information & advice shall be presented to your a

The allusion is to Zechariah 4, 10. For this bill see above, p. 251. For Hezekiah Usher see above, p. 129n. c For John Eliot see above, p. 21n. His letter to the New England Commissioners, 26 Aug. 1664, is printed in Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 383–6. b

318

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES

to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1664

Honours may be with mutuall & generall Consent & approbation, which we doubt not will be more sattisfactory to your selves, Then the single apprehension of any perticular person. We dismissed Marmaduke Jonson the printer at the end of his Tearme8 & have Improved him9 as well as wee could for the year past By Imploying him with our ‹owne› printer, to print such Indian Workes as could be prepared. which he was not so well able to doe alone with such other English Treatises as did present for which alowance hath bin made proportionable to his laboure.a some time hath Bin lost for want of Imployement. but for after times we hope to have all bookes for the Indians use printed upon easier tearmes By our one printer, especially If it please your Honours to send over a fount of pica letters Roman & Italica, which are much wanting for the printing of the practice of pietie & other usefull workes.b And soe when the presse shall be improved for the use of the English, we shall take care that due allowance ‹shall› be made to the stock for the same. It seemes Mr. Johnson ordered all his sallery to be received & disposed of in England, which hath put him upon some straights here which forced us to alowe him five pound formerly as we Intimated in our last & since he hath taken up the summe of Fouer pound all which is to be accounted as part of his sallery for the last year the remaynder wherof we doubt not your Honours will sattisfy there, The Number of Bibles with psalmes printed were upwards of a Thousand. Baxters call a Thousand, of Psalters five Hundred divers of all which10 are disposed of to the Indians. & the rest redy for their use as there may be occation as they can be bownd up: The Two students of the Colledge are very dilligent in their Studdyes & otherwise hopefull, as likewise are other youths at the Grammer Schole.c There is no doubt to be made of loseing theire owne11 Language. for they dayly Conversse amongst themselves therein.

a

For Marmaduke Johnson see above, p. 46n. Johnson returned to England at the end of 1664. Eliot and Charles Chauncy both recommended his re-appointment and he was sent back to New England in May 1665 with a press, some type of his own and some additional type supplied by the company. This enabled him to set up his own master printers shop in Cambridge, Massachusetts; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 135–6. The commissioners own printer was Samuel Greene, for whom see above, p. 46n., assisted by James Printer. b The Practice of Piety by Lewis Bayley (d. 1631), Bishop of Bangor, probably first published in 1612. It had the advantage of being both popular among Puritans and politically acceptable in the Restoration court. A condensed version in the Algonquian language was published in 1665. See J. C. Pilling, Bibliography of the Algonquian Language (Washington, 1891), p. 171 and Kellaway, New England Company, p. 136. c For Richard Baxter’s A Call to the Unconverted see above, p. 119n. For the Bibles and psalters printed in Algonquian see above, pp. 21, 75. For the Grammar School see above, p. 45n.

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We shall not presume to give your Honours further Trouble at this time, but Humbly Commit your Honours & this Good Worke to the guidance & blessing of the Allmighty & remaine,

Hartford September 10th 1664:

Right Honourable Your most Humble servants The Commissioners of the United Colonies in N.E. Simon Bradstreet President12 Thomas Danforth Josias Winslowa Thomas Southworthb Samuell Willisc Mathew Allind William Leetee William Jonesf

ACCOUNT ACCOMPANYING PRECEDING LETTER From the copy entered in the Hartford version of the minutes of the New England Commissioners for 1 September 1664, in Connecticut State Archives, Colonial Records, vol. 53 (Records of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, 16591701), fols 52v–3. Printed from the Plymouth copy of the minutes in Pulsifer, Records of the Colony of New Plymouth (above, p. 19), x, 317–18, with which the Hartford text has been collated and significant differences noted.

a

For Simon Bradstreet, Thomas Danforth and Josias Winslow see above, p.121n. Thomas Southworth, was elected commissioner for Plymouth in June 1664; see N. B. Shurtleff, Records of Plymouth Colony, Court Orders, IV, part 2, 1661–1674 (Boston, 1855), p. 60. c Samuel Willis (d. 1709), Connecticut Assistant from 1654, was elected Reserve Commissioner for Connecticut in May 1664, he attended because John Winthrop, who had been one of the chosen commissioners, was unable to attend due to illness, see below, p. 332. See also The Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut, 1636–1665 (Hartford, Conn., 1850), p. 430, and D. L. Jacobus, List of Officials, Civil , Military, and Ecclesiastical of Connecticut Colony From March 1636 through 11 October 1677 and of New Haven Colony throughout its Separate Existence (New Haven, 1935), p. 54. d Matthew Allin, or Allyn, was chosen one of the commissioners for Connecticut in May 1664; see Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut, p. 430. e For William Leet see above, p. 121n. f William Jones, Deputy Governor of New Haven, was elected one of the colony’s commissioners in May 1664; see C. J. Hoadly, Records of the Colony or Jurisdiction of New Haven, 1653–1665 (Hartford, Conn., 1858), p. 543. b

320

ACCOUNT

accompanying COMMISSIONERS to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1664

Bills of exchange were drawn upon the corporation for the payment of £500 To Mr John Harwood for the use of Mr Usher1 Merchant according to the usuall Form, for which he is to make payment of here according to agreementa The Indian Stock in the disspose of the Honourable Corporation is Debter Imp for severall Bookes for Two students at the Colledge 5 Indian youthes att the Inferior Scholes with the English & for other Schooles amongst the Indians paper Inke &c as By Mr Ushers Bill £27 19s 02d of perticulars2 Item to expences about the presse for mending it makeing new chases 27 skins for Balls &c 4 04 04 Item for Two smale chests to put bibles in that were ‹sent› for England 0 05 00 Item To printing the Indian psalmes 13 sheets3 £2 per sheet 26 00 00b /fol. 53/ Item to printing the epistle dedicatory to the Bible 01 00 00 Item for printing Mr Baxters call eight sheets4 50s per sheet 20 00 00c Item To printing Nine sheets of the psalter at 20s per sheet 09 00 00 Item to woole for the Indians employment By Captain Guging 02 13 4d Item to one yeares Borde of Mr Johnson 15 00 00e Item to pack Thred & dry fatts to pack the Bibles 01 05 00 Item for Boat hire for carying5 paper & Bibles 01 06 00 6 05 05 00 Item To Binding and clasping 42 bibles at 2s 6d per Bible Item To the dyatt & cloathing of Two Indian students at the colledg & for Two other at the Grammer schoole for one yeare 66 00 00 Item to Mr Wells of Roxbury for dyat & cloathing & schooleing of Three Indian youths For one yeare 45 00 00f 7 Item to the Tutorage scooleing of those fowre Indians at the Colledg & Grammer scoole For their8 firewood candle & other petty charges as By Bill of particulers 13 19 00 9 Item to Mr John Eliott his sallery 50 00 0010g Item to him ‹for› to distributt to 8 teaching Indians & one Interpreter 50 00 00 Item to Mr John Elliot Junior for his sallery 25 00 00h a

For John Harwood see above, p. 49n.; for Hezekiah Usher see above, p. 119n. For the printing of the psalms see above, p. 75n. c For Baxter’s A Call to the Unconverted see above, p. 121n. d For Captain Daniel Gookin see above, p. 74n. e For Marmaduke Johnson see above, p. 46n. f For Daniel Weld see above, p. 47n. g For John Eliot see above, p. 21n. h For John Eliot jr see above, p. 48n. b

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Item to Mr Thomas Mayhew at Martins Vinyard 40 00 Item to 8 Schoole masters & teachers there 30 00 Item more to Mr Mayhue to dispose to Samuel a teacher sent 10 00 to Nantuckett & other deserving Indians there 30 00 Item to Mr11 Borne in Plymouth Colony Item to Two scoole masters in those parts 10 00 Item to Mr Peirson his sallery 30 00 Item to Captain Gugin for his paynes & expences 15 00 Item To Mrs Mahew widdow 06 00 Item to Mr James of East Hampton12 20 00 Item to the Governor of Plimouth Conecticutt & NH for incouragement of well deserveing Indians 15 00 Item to the expences of an Interpreter attending this meeting 01 10 Item to the Incoragement of a Hopefull Indian In Windsor that can read well 02 00 Item To another Indian at Midleton to encourage him to learn ‹to reade› 00 12 Item To Mr Chancy president of the Colledge for his paynes in teaching the Indian students not formerly13 charged & phisicke 05 00 Item & more since due 03 00 Item more to Mr Johnson paid By Mr Greene as part of his sallery

00a 00 00b 00c 00 00d 09 00e 00f 00g 00 00h 00i 00j 00

585

18 10

004

00 00k

It is referred to the Commissoners of Connecticutt to treate with John Minorl about teaching the Indians in those parts especially the pequitts to read, & to acquaint him that they will allowe him due encouragement according to his labour therein, In case he will14 Improve himselfe in that worke. a

For Thomas Mayhew see above, p. 45n. Samuel has not been identified. c For Richard Bourn see above, p. 48n. d For Abraham Pierson see above, p. 47n. e For Jane Mayhew see above, p. 74n. f For Thomas James see above, p. 48n. g The Governor of Plymouth was Thomas Prence, of Connecticut John Winthrop and of New Haven William Leet. See above, p. 121n. h Windsor is in Connecticut. i Presumably Middletown in Connecticut. j For Charles Chauncy, President of Harvard College see below, p. 45n. k For Samuel Greene see above, p. 46n. l John Minor (d. 1719), town clerk of Stratford, Connecticut. In 1654 it was proposed to the commissioners that he should become an Indian interpreter in the work of propagating the gospel and that he should be trained accordingly. See Savage, Genealogical Dictionary (above, p. 49), iii, 215–16. b

322

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Sept. 1664

The Corporation stock is Creditor Impr: By Ballance of accounts made up September 1663 504 Itt By a Bill of Exchange paid to Mr Harwood to Mr Ushers use 400 Itt By advance on the £400 at £12 per Cent 048 Itt By Mr Johnsons Labour about same English workes 012 964 Rest due to Ballance in Mr Ushers hand 378

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

13 00 00 00 13 14

04 00 00 00 4 06

10 September 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 12. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 229–30.

London Sept. 10. 1664. Sir, I receaved […]1 one sheet more of the Papers of Colors, […] you intimate in the postscript of your letter to me, that it had gone beyond the 49 Experiment, and yet the said sheet not reaching ‹as farre as› to the end of the 48th, but stopping about the midle of the 364th page, I cannot but conclude, there is somewhat more of the translation in your hands; which I intreat you to resolve me ‹speedily› in; that, in case there should be something yet wanting, I may presently goe about it to perfect it. If you have any more left with you, the next ‹sheet› must begin with the words, de se.a My former letter was so tediously long, that I fear, you have not yet digested it;b which induceth me to make this the shorter, by acquainting you only, that Prince Rupert is ready to embarque, and that, before the king goes to Hamptoncourt, which will be, as they say, the latter end of next weeke. The Prince taketh with him a gallant Apparatus medicus, contrived by Sir Alexander Phrasier,c and made by Monsieur le Fevre,d in whose house I saw them yesterday, finding many stately names affixed to them, and no lesse than those of Aqua Reginæ Hungariæ, Aqua Mirabilis, Aqua Carbunculi, etc. Item some preparations of all the 3 Hypostaticall principles, ‹as› Spiritus Salis, Spiritus Sulphuris, but, instead of Spiritus a

For the printing of the Latin edition of Boyle’s Colours see above, p. 298n. See Oldenburg’s letter of 1 Sept. where Prince Rupert’s expedition to Guinea is mentioned, above, p. 310. c Sir Alexander Fraizer (c. 1610–81), physician, attended the royal family in exile and became physician in ordinary to Charles II at the Restoration. d For Nicaise le Févre see above, p. 97n. b

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Mercurii, Mel mercuriale, and /12 (1)v/ severall douzens of many other […]2 not a litle lucriferous to the preparer. I pray, favour with your minerall […]slary, if it may be come by, Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. Old. For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxforda

Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair in paper. Postmark: ‘SE / 10’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 12 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. XII’ and with ink number ‘A 2nd No. 11’. Also with Birch number ‘43’ on 12 (1), and pencil calculations (possibly in Boyle’s hand) on 12 (2) and 12 (2)v.

HOOKE to BOYLE

15 September 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 536. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 490–1 and in Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 197–200.

Gresham-College, Sept. 15, 1664.b Most Honoured Sir, I RECEIVED the honour of your letter, and shall endeavour to see your desires therein most punctually performed. As for the experiments on Paul’s, I have, since my last, made several other trials, which, I suppose, will not be unwelcome to you.c Upon Tuesday, the lord Br. Sir R. M. and myself, were again at the same place, and examined the vibrations of a pendulum of two hundred feet long: the line was a treble hard twist, one about the bigness of a very small goose-quill; the weight of a

For John Crosse see above p. 227n. Hooke resided at Gresham College from Sept. 1664 until his death in 1703. c Boyle’s letter to Hooke is not extant. On the experiments on St Paul’s see above, p. 312. Hooke’s ‘last’ letter is above, pp. 315–17. In the following sentence, the abbreviations are for Brouncker and Moray. b

324

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 15 Sept. 1664

it somewhat more than half a pound; at the lower end of this was hung a weight of lead of 28 pound averdupois; this we found, when each vibration was about 12 or 14 feet, to make one single vibration in 7 seconds and almost an half; that is, we found it to make 13 vibrations in 100 seconds pretty exactly; this we repeated several times, and found the same; then we suffered it to vibrate not above a foot, and we found them somewhat quicker; that is, 13 vibrations in 98 seconds. After this, we tried the same experiment, with a small wire about a 32 part of an inch in diameter, to which we hung the same weight, and found the vibrations very much the same, but somewhat swifter and longer. This we tried, both with longer and shorter vibrations, and found them to correspond with the former. On Wednesday we made farther trials at the same place, and that was with a very curious beam we brought two weights to an equilibrium at the top of the tower, the one was a 15 pound weight of brass, the other, that counterpoised it, was a company of smaller brass-weights tied in a small canvass bag together with the former small line, by which, after we had hung the beam over the very middle of the steeple, we let down the bag of weights to the bottom, and with long adjustening we found, that the counterpoising bag and string was grown lighter by a drachm.a And this was very observable, that though the weight hung at that distance, and though, by some misfortune, the cock of the beam was missing, yet was the beam so tender, that a very small weight, as some very few grains, would very sensibly turn it, and, when brought to an equilibrium, the beam would vibrate, as if it only had a pair of short scales hanging to it. The cause of this phænomenon, viz. why the bag, that was let to the bottom, was found lighter, was judged to proceed from the density of the air at the bottom, which I acquainted you with, as I think, in the last letter: but we repeated the Torricellian experiment since, and found the difference some very small matter less than half an inch. But our weather-glasses again failed us, as did also our instrument for the velocity of falling bodies: yet some we made, but those so imperfect, that I shall not, till we make them more accurate, trouble you with an account of them; nor of some other attempts, till I have farther perfected them.b We made, on Wednesday, a very considerable experiment with powder; for inclosing only six penny-weight of P. Rupert’s powder in one of our cylinders (the fashion whereof you, I doubt not, do well remember) and having very firmly screwed it up, it was fired by a small touch-hole, no bigger than a pin’s head, which was drilled through the side of it:c the effect was, that it broke the cylinder (which was every where very sound, and made of very tough iron, and, in the thinnest place, where it broke, was above half an inch, and in some near three quarters thick, so that I can hardly think the weight of 100 tun hung at it, would have been a b c

468.

See Birch, Royal Society, i, 466–7. For these experiments see above, p. 304. For Prince Rupert see above, p. 102n. For Prince Rupert’s powder, see Birch, Royal Society, i,

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able to have pulled so much iron in sunder point blank) in four (if not more) pieces, and that in such places, where there was no beginning of a crack, with a most hideous crack and noise, like a small field-piece of ordnance: the side in which the touch-hole was made, we found intire; nor was that hole any thing widened by the eruption of the fire. We shall yet again make some more trials of it before we leave it, that so we may bring it to some certainty and theory. I begin now to make use of a 36 feet glass, and hope shortly to make some observations, which I hope may be worth your knowledge, the Society having very freely and willingly furnished me with tubes, according to my directions; as also with an exact time-keeper, which, I have some reason to believe, shall not be much excelled by any whatever. But these are not yet completed. In the mean time, I find very much is to be discovered with these long glasses, which none of the shorter I have yet seen would help one in; and this both in the moon, and the other planets; and, looking this night on Jupiter, I found its form somewhat of this in the margin; of which I never saw it before, but only in Mr. Reeve’s threescore feet glass some-while since.a But I have already, I fear, given you too much trouble with this tedious scribble; and therefore shall not, at present, add thereunto, by relating my designs and intentions, whereof I may more seasonably hereafter inform you, when experiment has been made; it being my design to acquaint you chiefly with matter of fact: and this method I am sure I shall not break, when I assure you, that I am, Most Honoured Sir, your most faithful, and most humble servant, R. HOOKE.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

22 September 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 13. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 307–9, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 153–5 and Oldenburg, ii, 233–7.

London Sept. 22 1664. Sir, Having now receaved all the Latin papers, you had in your hands concerning the book of Colors, the impression will be finished, I think, within 2 or 3 weeks; a

For Richard Reeves, see above, p. 97n.

326

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 22 Sept. 1664

and, it may be sooner, because the Lattin of the Diamond-observations were dispatcht before the returne of the said sheets, the importunity of the printer extorting from me whatsoever I had of it;a nor doe I apprehend any considerable mistake in that part, (though it1 wanted your review) because ‹there is› used more than ordinary care in the translation of it. Mr Crook is ready to begin the printing of the Book of cold, and doubts not to finish it within the time desired, if he may be presently and uninterruptedly furnisht with copy.b Mr Whitaker telling me, he should goe to Oxford this weeke, and promising, that he would call upon me before his going, I have ‹kept› the Weatherglas papers by me, to send them by him; which it will be necessary to returne with speed, to expedite the impression ‹the sooner.›c Dr Merret is willing to have his Experiments ‹of that subject› annexed; he desireth only, that if there should be occasion to name him he may have his true name given him, which is not Charles (as the book of Colors hath it) but Christopher: which, I suppose, will easily be granted him.d You will please, Sir, to consider, where it will be fittest to place them. The undertaker of the impression will certainly obey you in the number of copies; but he is somewhat troubled, that he had not the additions, he looked for, for the reprinting of the Sceptical Chymist.e I did very lately receive the following Lines about the Turkish Bible: As for the translation of the Bible I went (saith my friend at Amsterdam) to Mr de Geer myself, and desired to know more especially, if any thing were done in the New Testament.f He, to satisfy me, as much as he could, carried me into his Closet, where he shewed me some letters of Dr Warnerus, even of this year, but we could not find, that yet he had done any thing in the N. Testament; and therefore we would wish (so he goes on) that the person in England, that hath done already an a

For the Latin edition of Boyle’s Colours see above, p. 298n. The ‘Short Account’ of the diamond was annexed to the text with a separate title-page. See Works, vol. 4, pp. 185–201. The experiments were made on 27 Oct. 1663. Oldenburg had requested the Latin copy from Boyle on 25 Aug. and again on 1 Sept. b For John Crook see above, p. 91n. For Boyle’s Cold (1665), see Works, vol. 4, p. 203ff; Oldenburg wrote the prefatory ‘The Publisher to the Ingenious Reader’ (pp. 205–7). c Oldenburg probably refers to Boyle’s assistant, John Whitaker or Whittacre, for whom see Maddison, Life, p. 261. The ‘weatherglas papers’ were printed in Boyle’s Cold as the section ‘New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts’; see Works, vol. 4, pp. 229–64. d For Christopher Merret see above, p. 263n. His ‘Account of Freezing made in December and January, 1662’ is printed as an addendum to Cold, with separate pagination (p. 519ff). Boyle had mis-cited Merret’s name in Colours; see Works, vol. 4, p. 177. e Crook had published the 1st edition of the Sceptical Chymist (1661) and the Latin edition of 1662. The project for a 2nd edition at this time came to nothing, not appearing until 1680. See Works, vol. 2, p. xxi. f Laurens de Geer (1614–66), was the son of the Dutch armaments manufacturer Louis de Geer (1587–1652), a patron of Comenius. De Geer, in Amsterdam, was assisting Levinus Warner in the translation of the Old Testament, and Boyle was anxious to ascertain whether Warner had started work on the New Testament, work which William Seaman, under Boyle’s patronage, was undertaking in England; see above, p. 309n.

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2, 1662–5

Evangelist and the Acts of the Apostles, would goe on, and make an end of that most laudable work. What matter (saith he further) if we had 2 translations to confront them together? or, if you in England should promote the New, and We here, the Old Testament unto the Turkish people? Sure it is, that the time is at hand, in which New Evangelists will break forth, to say unto Sion, thy God reigneth etc. So far he.a Two dayes since I receaved also an answer from Mr Hevelius to the packet, [I sent him]2 from the Society (wherein was contained the diploma of his Election amongst the rest:) The [answer] is full of gratitude to his Electors, and runs over with expressions /13 (1)v/ of respect of their merit and dessein.b The inclosed for Dr Wallis came in company with that, which was addressed to me, which I could neither spare itselfe, nor make a copy off, for the present, to give you a full view of its contents. yet I cannot but extract 2 or 3 particulars, which are indeed the chief things, mentioned by him, except his civilities to the society.c 1. Nihil potius ducam (saith he) quam ut quantocius meas circa3 fixarum loca observationes deproperem; dummodò prius Cometographici nostri labores penitus ad umbilicum fuerant perducti; id quod proximâ aestate fieri posse spero.d 2. Ad congressum solis et Mercuris omni diligentiâ quocunque loco attendendum esse omnino judico; quantum in me erit, si Deus vitam serenitatemque Cœli concedat, omnem operam meam ea in observationem polliceor, tum quicquid ex ipso cælo depromere licebit, lubens vobis communicabo. 3. Eclipsim Solarem hujus anni d. a Oldenburg’s correspondent was possibly Peter Serrarius (1600–69), a Belgian chiliast and theological writer who had connections in Amsterdam and London. See E. G. E. Van Der Wall, Der Mysticke Chiliast Petrus Serrarius (1600–1669) en zijn Wereld (Leiden, 1987), and Van Der Wall, ‘The Amsterdam Millenarian Petrus Serrarius (1600–1669) and the Anglo–Dutch Circle of PhiloJudaists’, Jewish Christian Relations in the Seventeenth Century: Studies and Documents (ed.), J. Van Den Berg and E. G. E. Van Der Wall (Dordrecht, Boston and London, 1988), pp. 73–94. There are several references in Oldenburg’s letters to his contact with Serrarius; see Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 56), pp. 257–60. b See Hevelius to Oldenburg, 31 Aug. 1664, printed in Oldenburg, ii, 214–21. c ‘I attach prime importance to hastening to that task as soon as possible, once my labours on Cometographia have been entirely completed, which I hope, with God’s aid, will be next summer. I certainly agree that the conjunction of Mercury with the Sun should be attentively observed everywhere: I promise, as far as in me lies, if God grant life and clear skies, to devote all my powers to that observation and I will gladly communicate to you whatever the heavens may disclose. As for the solar eclipse of 28 January, New Style of this year, … although as far as I know hardly anyone mentioned it in ephemerides or calendars, yet I had determined long before to observe it with all diligence and did so in a clear sky. I was very pleased about this, because few saw the whole of it. I should be delighted to know whether it was similarly observed by you in England, and whether the phenomena were duly recorded. When the Sun rose here at Danzig, that is to say at 7.50 am, a good part of it was already obscured. At 7.53, 2¾ digits were hidden. Afterwards the Sun became more and more obscured until 8.22 am, when the eclipse reached its maximum at 4¼ digits. Then gradually, the Sun’s light was restored. I observed 22 phases of this eclipse to the last digit, that is to say until 9.15 am. After this time clouds came between, so that I could perceive nothing more of its conclusion.’ d Johann Hevelius, Cometographia, was published in 1668.

328

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 22 Sept. 1664

28 jan. st. nov. (this is that Eclipse, which Dr Pell sent word of to the Society,a that Eichstadius himselfe,b and ‹almost› all Calendographers had skipt over) etiamsi, quantum sciam, vix quisquam in Ephemeridibus vel Calendariis mentionem ejus fecerit, tamen cùm mihi jam antea constaret, certò fore futuram, omni diligentiâ ad eam attendi, cæloque sereno eam quoque observavi; de quo mihi valde gratulor; cum pauci admodum illam deprehenderint; num pariter á vobis in Anglia conspecta et debité annotata fuerit, scire gestio. Sol cum oriretur hîc Gedani, horâ scilicet 7.50′ feré, jam conspicuâ parte obscuratus erat: horâ 7.53′ jam ad 2 ¾ digitos defecerat. Quae obscuratio magis magisque postmodum increvit ad horam 8.22′ usque ubi maxima obscuratio 4¼ digitos extitit. deinde rursus sensim lumen suum recuperavit. Phases ejusdem Eclipseos 22 observavi ad ultimum usque digitum hora scilicet 9.15′. Ab hoc tempore nubes intervenerunt, ut nihil prorsus amplius de ipso fine animadverterimus. This I intreat you, Sir, be pleased to communicate with my humble service to Dr Wallis, I name not Dr Wren, because he was present, when the letter itselfe was read to the Society.c I shall be very glad (and so will our Vertuosi) to receave from Dr Wallis, what philosophicall particulars may be contained in Hevelius his letter to him. It may be, I shall by my next have leasure to send to you both the observations of this Dantiscan Astronomer concerning 2 late Moon-Eclipses, one of Anno 1663 Aug. 18. the other, of Anno 1664 Aug. 6. which latter was litle observed of here, by reason of the cloudy weather. Yesterday we had at our meeting the company of a Parisian Academist, recommended to Sir R. Moray and me. I have knowne him ‹to› frequent the meetings of Mr de Montmor; his name is Monsieur Bley, no unlearned, though ‹here› unknowne, man.d He was much pleased with our Experimentall method (tho we had not any considerable Experiments then ready) and with our sedate and friendly way of conference, as also with the gravity and majesticknes of our order. /13 (2)/ We had no other Experiments, but that of breaking the Steel Cylinder with Prince Ruperts powder, and the descent of leaden, woodden and wax balls in a For John Pell see above, p. 67n. On 27 Jan. 1664 Pell informed the Society through Theodore Haak that he had observed the eclipse at Fobbing, Essex, where he was rector; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 376. b Loren Eichstadt (1596–1660), MD Wittenberg 1621, was professor of mathematics and medicine at Danzig. The reference is presumably to Ephemeris parva Uraniburgo … accommodata in tali forma constructa ut astrophili cursum planetarum, earumque transitus praesertim [lunae] per stellas fixas atque eclipses luminarium observari … possint (1637) c The letter, dated 10 Sept., was read at the Society’s meeting of 21 Sept.; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 468. For Christopher Wren see above, p. 79n. d Monsieur Bley has not been identified. Meetings for scientific discussion were held at the Académie de Montmor in Paris between 1655 and 1664. See H. Brown, Scientific Organisations in Seventeenth Century France (Baltimore, 1934), pp. 64–134. There is no reference to the presence of this visitor in the minutes, though Birch refers to this letter, and the minutes record the experiments described in it; see Royal Society, i, 469.

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water.a In the mean time, we supplied, what was wanting here, by the reading of Hevelius’s letter, and some reflexions thereon, as also with letting him see our contrivances for fetching up water from the bottom of the Sea, and the Sounding balls without a Line; both which he was hugely taken with; as also with the stories of compressing a ‹hollow› leaden Vessell by the pressure of the Sea in the bay of Biscay, and the Æolipile by the ambient Air, after the included air had been extreamely rarified. I dare say, he will extoll our Institution and4 proceedings to the sky, wheresoever he comes; though I must needs say, we grow more remisse and carelesse, than I am willing to exspatiate upon. Yet this I must say to a person that I am sure hath a concern for ‹our›5 prosperity, that nothing is done with the king for us; that our meetings are very thin; and that our committees fall to the ground, because tis not possible, to bring people together; tho I sollicite,6 to the making myselfe troublesome to others, not to say much of the trouble, which I create to myself, good store. But manum de tabula,b after I shall have said 2 or 3 words of State news. The war like to goe on. the King of France not like to interesse himselfe ‹much›7 in it, but desirous to let us engage together as far and as deep as we please. The Turks seem to have recruited their courage. the French East Indian Company carried on with resolution. the King intendeth to goe to Hamptoncourt on Tuesday next; and then the Prince Rupert to embarque.c And here I leave news, to hasten to assure you, that I am Sir Your faithful humble servant H.O. /13 (2)v/ P.S. I had almost forgot to tell you, that Mr de la Quintiny, in sending a good quantity of melon seeds for the next spring, presents his very humble services to all the members, and promiseth now very shortly to write and to impart unto us his Observations and Experience in gardening, and particularly in the Culture of Fruit-trees, in which he excells, I think, thousands of Gardiners.8d I must give you his wish in his owne words:e Plût à Dieu, que vos Monsieurs pûissent voir et goustez non seulement de a

For Prince Rupert’s powder see above, p. 325n. ‘hand from the table’, i.e., ‘I must lay down my pen’. c For Prince Rupert, commander of the fleet bound for West Africa, see above, p. 102n. d On Jean de la Quintenye see above, p. 90n. e This quotation is all that remains of his letter, given in full in Oldenburg, ii, 228–9: ‘If it pleased God to let your Fellows see and taste not only my melons, but the fruit from my trees – peaches, plums as well as pears – I am certain that they would be satisfied with it. They would see at this very moment very many bon Chrétien pears on each tree whose size and shape would strike them as extraordinary; almost all the inquisitive men of good sense in Paris, both gentlemen and ordinary folk, have come in vast crowds to see them and to tell you the truth (without vanity) there is nothing like so good anywhere else, even on land as rich as mine is poor.’ b

330

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 22 Sept. 1664

mes melons, mais des fruits de mes arbres, tant pesches, prunes que poires, je suis certain qu’ils en seroient satisfaits: ils verroient astheur un grand nombre de poires de bon Chrestien sur chaque arbre, dont las grosseur et la figure leur paroitroit extraordinaire: presque tout ce que nous avons d’honestes gens curieux à Paris, tant de gens de qualité qu’autres les sont venus voir en grand foule; et à vous dire le vray (sans vanité) on ne voit rien d’approchant meilleurs, mesmes dans les terrains autant bons, que le mien est mauvais. This Gentleman, who is so very civill to our Society, and hath merit, did formerly desire of me, to assist him in procuring an Irish Greyhound ‹and Bitch,› for Monsieur Tamboneau, (who would willingly pay for them, and send one hither on purpose to fetch them away.)a I lament my unhappines, in that you are absent, who perhaps might by your interest in the Duke of Ormond, or some other Grandee of Ireland, that have authority there, prevaile with them to9 get such a couple, or, at least, one; for the satisfaction of this French Gentleman, who studieth upon all occasions to oblige us here.b I beseech you, Sir, think a litle upon this, and10 favour me with letting me know the result of your thoughts. For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq, at Mr Crosse’s house in Oxfordc Seal: Broken seal and remnants. Part of design of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663 visible. Postmark: SE / 23. Also marked ‘4’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 13 (1) and on 13 (2)v with Miles’s crayon number ‘ No. XII’ (altered from ‘XIII’). Also with ink number ‘No. 12’on 13 (2)v and printers’ marks on 13 (2).

a The editors of Oldenburg’s correspondence conjecture that this is probably the person elsewhere named as Fautbonneau. It is not clear whether their reading of Oldenburg’s version of his name or our own is the more correct. b The reference is to James Butler (1610–88), 1st Marquis of Ormonde, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. c For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

WINTHROPa to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

25 September 1664

From the original bound into the MS of Birch’s ‘Life of Boyle’ in British Library, Add. MSS 4228, fols 98–9. Fol/1 with slightly smaller cover sheet. Collated with the draft version surviving at the Massachusetts Historical Society, formerly Winthrop Papers 5, 43.b Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744) v, 43–4 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772) i, lxxi.

Honorable Sir, A barque of this place meeting with one of the Frigates at sea neere the port of their arrivall, I had therby the favour of your Honors letter, and afterwards mett that Gentleman, Dr. Sackvill recommended therein, at Gravesant a small towne upon the west end of Long Island, & had there some acquantance with him:c but that being a tyme & place of much action, & my stay no longer then that the fort and towne at Manhatos was reduced to his Majesties obedience, I could not then have much conference with him:d he abideth yet at that place (now called New Yorke) which is above 100 miles from my present habitation, but I hope there may be better oportunities & I shalbe ready to doe him any service: after the reducing of that place, and that I saw it in the peaceable possession of his Majesties Honorable commissioners I came back towards Hartford to have mett the commissioners of the colonies there, it being their usuall appointed tyme, & that the place for this yeare, but being taken with a feaver at New Haven in the way homeward I was disapointed of being with them at that tyme: but understanding after from those that supplied in my absence there, that there was a proposition in your honors letter to them for their advice, how a1 great stock might be imployed for the farthering that good worke among the Indians, although that question I suppose hath beene answered by the commissioners then mett: yet I am bold to add this motion that your honor would please to cause that paper, which I left with the honorable corporation in England to be reveiwed[.] I suppose it doth give an hint of a foundation of an usefull imploy of a large stock; even to those good ends the corporation principally ayme at:2e a

For John Winthrop see above, p. 31. This is a heavily rewritten retained draft in poor condition, and some words are hard to read. Since the holograph version actually sent to Boyle survives, it has not seemed appropriate to record all minor variants in the draft, but the more significant differences have been noted, especially an extra paragraph alluding to Winthrop’s earlier proposal for employing the Indians (above, pp. 57–8), which is quoted on p. 636 below. In the margin is a list of 44 names, probably relating to Winthrop’s correspondence in general, as many of those named appear frequently as correspondents in the Winthrop Papers. c For Dr Sackvill see above, p. 267n. d The commissioners accompanied an expedition to capture New Netherlands from the Dutch, and Winthrop played a key role in negotiating the surrender, which was ratified on 29 Aug. 1664. Gravesend, Long Island was the appointed rendezvous for the expedition; see Black, Younger John Winthrop (above, p. 31), pp. 277–8. e The paper to which Winthrop refers is that printed above, pp. 57–8. b

332

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, before 28 Sept. 1664

I am very deeply obliged to your honor for multiplied favours, and in perticular this of late received, of the good advice & intimations & informations in reference to those matters in your honors letter, I doe indeavour greatly to attend your commands, and to dispose all people to that duty & observeance towards those honorable commissioners sent by his majestie, as may testify their3 true loyalty & affection to his Majestie from whom they come ‹&› I hope for the good of these poore plantations I shall not give your Honor further trouble at present than3 that you will please to reade that I am in sincerity, Honorable Sir Your most faithfull humble servant J. Winthrop

Hartford in New England Sept. 25: 1664.

For the Honorable Robert / Boyle Esq Governor of the Corporation for propogating / the Gospell among the Indians in New England / at Chelsy dd Seal: Slightly damaged. Oval. Achievement of arms: two chevrons, overall a lion rampant [?] a crescent for difference. Crest: a hare [?] courant on a mount.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG before 28 September 1664 This letter was read at a meeting of the Royal Society on 28 September 1664, and recorded as follows in JBO 2, 133, and also JBC 2, 44–5 (see also Birch, Royal Society, i, 471; Oldenburg, ii, 238): ‘There was also read an Extract of a letter of Mr Boyle’s to the Secretary, wherein the Author desireth, that ‹in› the repeating of the Experiment of weight made at Pauls, the weight, to be let down, may not be of the same kind with that, which is to hang alwayes neer the Beam;a but a GlassBall Hermetically sealed (with a little Quicksilver in it, if need be, to make it equiponderant with the Counterpoise) or some other Body of a considerable bulk, in reference to its weight: considering, that if the Cause of the decrement of weight in the Body let down, be, that the Air neer the Earth, being thicker, does more a

This refers to the experiments previously made in which two equal weights were compared, the one in the balance at the top of the steeple, the other let down on a long string, to see if they were still equiponderant. The experiments were reported at the Society’s meeting of 28 September; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 470.

333

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

resist and consequently support the most dependent body, than the thinner air does its counterpoise, we may expect that the lower Air, being a thicker medium, the more of bulk the body, weighed in the thinner medium, is made to have, retaining there the same weight, the more will it loose of that weight, when it comes to be let down into the thicker medium. ‘In the same letter were also suggested, towards the determining the difficulties about the magnetical virtue of the Earth, especially in reference to Gravity, several magnetical Experiments, to be made at the bottom and at the top of Pauls steeple, which Experiments though they were esteemed considerable, yet were they thought not practicable at the said Steeple, by reason of the iron there mixt every where.’

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

29 September 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 14 and 16 (2)a. 4o/2+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 309–10, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 155–7 and Oldenburg, ii, 239–44.

London Sept. 29. 1664. Sir, I hope, you received your MS. of weatherglasses by Mr Hartlib, and that they will be returnd with all possible speed.b The Society took your suggestions of severall Experiments very kindly, and laid their commands upon me, to thank you for them. They were all lookt upon as considerable, though1 the Magneticall ones were judged not practicable at Pauls, by reason of the abundance of iron, ‹almost› everywhere found in that place. That with a Glasse-ball Hermetically sealed in weighing ‹of› bodies on the top of the steeple and below, was presently order given for, as a very proper one to discover, whether the difference of the weight of Bodies above and below, proceeds from the different degrees of ‹the› thicknes of the Aire; which by this means will be done to a notable disparity. We spent a great part of our yesterday’s meeting in prosecuting of ‹the› Experiments of the descent of Bodies in water. We had ready a Body ‹of wood› almost Cubicall, ‹another›2 of the same matter Double Conical, one end tapering 3 inch; the other, 2: another Cone, tapering 2 inch., with a flat basis: another Cone, tapering 1 inch: and then, a pyramid ‹of› 1 inch. and another of 2 inch ‹all these 3 with a

The postscript, which survives in Early Letters OB 16(2), has been linked to this letter by its dated posttmark. b The reference is to Samuel Hartlib jr (b. c. 1631). In Oldenburg’s letter to Boyle of 22 Sept., Oldenburg indicated that the papers would be sent to Boyle via John Whitaker; see above, p. 327.

334

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 29 Sept. 1664

flat base’s:› Lastly, a ‹Cylinder and a› Globe. All of ‹the same› wood, and of the same weight, with an appendant ‹Leaden› weight of 2 ounces. The 1st came to the bottom, in a square vessell ‹filled with water› of about 8 foot high, in 12½": the 2d tapering 3 inch. downewards, in 9½", and with the 2 inch. downewards, in the same time, as to sense: the 3d, in 7 ¾" circiter: the 4th, in 11 ½": the 5th, in 10": the 6th, 8": the 7th,3 in 12", and a little better: the last, which was the Globe, in 9 ¾" circiter. These Experiments will be repeated and carried on, the next meeting. The rest of our time was spent ‹partly› in reading Dr Wallises letter, in commending his care of digesting Horroxes papers, and in ordering him thanks; whereof the inclosed speaketh more particularly;a partly in taking notice of some Experiments and Observations, lately made abroad, and written to me, concerning Refractions and the Belts of Jupiter.b /14 (1)v/ Concerning Refractions the ‹Parisian› letter saith, qu’elles suivent les raisons des sinus, et que celle de l’Esprit de vin est plus grande que celle qui se fait dans l’eau.c The latter part hereof our Company understood not. As to the observations of Jupiters belts, another letter from Paris to me mentions, that there having been a Challenge for the4 excellency of Optick Glasses betwixt Eustachio and Campani, those of the latter were found better, than those of the former;d and that the 1st of july st. n. 1664 there were discovered in Rome, 4 Belts5 in Jupiter more obscure, and 2 in the same, more cleer than the rest of his Discus. So that in stead of 2 or 3 we have now 6 Belts in Jupiter. I am also desired by that Virtuoso, who imparted me these things, to inquire here, How our Observers saw Jupiter that day (vid. 1 july st. n.) and how they saw the Satellites on the 25th of this month, st. n. But I can meet with none, that can satisfy this Quære. Casati, having been written unto by one of my Parisian correspondents, about the ‹odd› phænomenon of the Liquor of Bismutum,6 sealed up hermetically, answers thus in his owne Language;e Quanto à quella esperienza, di cui parlo nel Libro, Terra machinis mota pag. 143 io stesso non l’ho praticata, se bene per la forma del dialogo s’introduce Guldino, a Wallis’s letter to Oldenburg of 21 Sept. is not extant. Oldenburg replied to this letter on 29 Oct. For Jeremiah Horrocks’s papers see above, p. 302n. b The names of the correspondents are not recorded in Birch, and the letters have not been found. c ‘They follow the sine law, and that of spirit of wine is greater than that of water.’ Oldenburg’s Parisian correspondent was probably Auzout. d Presumably this is a reference to Eustachio Divini, for whom see above, p. 312n. Oldenburg also refers to Giuseppe Campani, for whom see above, p. 312n. In 1663–4 Campani invented the composite lense eyepiece and constructed a telescope with 4 lenses. e The reference is to Paolo Casati (1617–1707), professor of mathematics and theology at Rome, author of De Terra machinis mota (1658) and other scientific works. ‘As for the experiment which is mentioned in my book De terra machinis mota, page 143, I have not tried it myself although for the sake of the dialogue form Guldino, who speaks of it, introduces it

335

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

che ne parla, come se egli stesso l’havesse fatta. Ella fú fatta da un tal7 giovane Boemo (il cui nome non mi recordo, má ha scritto un Libro di fontane et spiritali, stampato in Ferrara, come mi pare)a il quale, con il Signor Don Innocenzo Conti stava Generale delli Armi in Ferrara, et puoi in Roma:b detto Signor al suo ritorno mi mostra, et in quel libro ancho stà notata, la sudetta esperienza: Se però se Leggera bene cio chi io dico, si trovara, che quel liquore non cresce /14 (2)/ et cala secundo i periodi de flussi et riflussi marini, ma cresce ne plenilunlis et cala ne novilunis; et di quà si vede come la Luna puo cagionare tali incrementi et decrementi; et si come gli caggiona in questo liquore né plenilunis et novilunis, cosi ponno trovarsi nel mare altri corpi, che al salire della Luna si gonfino, et al descendere si sgonfino, et nulla più hò io preteso di dire in tal luogo. Che cosa poi sia il Bismuto; cio è, una specie di piombo cinerie, cio, mi recordo aver letto in G. Agricola, et nel musæo metallico dell’Aldrovandi, ma io qui non havendo tali libri, non posso darne maggior notitia circa i luoghi della minera.c Quanto poi al modo di estrahere quel liquore, non saprei più chiaramente dirlo di quello, che in poche parole hò detto nel libro. This account maketh us not wiser, than we were before; but as good ‹as› I had it,8 I would not omit to send it, remembring your concern in having it inquired after. I had lately a letter out of New England from Mr Winthorpe, but almost 11 months old, which I much wonder’d at.d It referrs to another letter, which I never receaved, and mentions only 2 or 3 not ‹very› considerable particulars: whereof one is about a minerall, ‹that›9 an Indian brought him, which is a kind of marcasite, but differing from the ordinary sort, being whiter and cleerer; but Mr Winthorp as if he had made it himself. It was performed by a certain young Bohemian (whose name I don’t recall, but he wrote a book on fountains and pneumatics, printed at Ferrara, I think) together with Don Innocenzo Conti, General of the Army at Ferrara and afterwards in Rome. That gentleman showed the experiment to me upon his return, and it may still be found in the book. If, therefore, you read carefully what I wrote you will find that the liquid does not swell and diminish according to the periods of the ebb and flow of the sea, but swells at the full moon and diminishes at the new moon. Thence one may see how the moon may cause such swellings and diminutions, and how it causes them in this liquid at full moon and new moon, just as some other bodies may be found in the sea which swell at the waxing of the moon and relax at its waning. And in this place I have no claim to say more. ‘Next, what kind of thing is bismuth; it is a kind of ashy lead, as I remember reading in Georgius Agricola and in the Metallic Museum of Aldrovandi, but lacking these books I cannot give more information on the places where the mineral is found. As for the method of extracting that liquor, I know not how to describe it more clearly than in the few words I used in my book.’ a This person was Johann Wenceslaus Dobrzenski, later professor at Prague. He published Nova, et amoenior de admirando fontium genio … philosophia (1659). b This army general has not been identified. c Agricola described the smelting of bismuth at the close of book IX of De re metallica (1530). The strange liquid was presumably said to be derived from this metal. Ulisse Aldrovandi was the author of Musaeum metallicum in libros III distributum, posthumously published in 1648. d For John Winthrop see above, p. 31n. His letter to Oldenburg is not extant.

336

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 29 Sept. 1664

differred tryal, till he might have more, there being ‹then› brought to him but very litle of it. He is also inquiring after another place, which, by the Indians relation, gives signes of Copper; of which he promiseth to give me further notice of hereafter. He concludes, that he is necessitated to be up in the Contry farre from the Sea, and feares, he shall have not opportunity in that respect, /14 (2)v/ to make tryall about the Saltwork so soone, as he intended; though he saith, he hath had men10 at work about it, since he arrived there. He presents his humble service to the whole Society and particularly to Lord Brounker, Mr Boyle, Sir R. Moray. We have receaved very considerable news from Guiny by a small frigat, that came yesterday into the river from thence. It is, that Major Homes, and some other ships, sent thither to reinforce him, have not only taken 4 well laden Dutch Ships in those parts, but also Cape Corso, and are now preparing to make an attempt upon the only remaining considerable place of the Dutch there, which is the Castell della Mina, unto which enterprise they are said to have the readinesse of the assistance of 30000 Natives, who are affirmed to hate the griping Genius and severe government of the Dutch.a This I looke upon as the foundation of an implacable warre, and what can be the next, but that the Dutch will make it their whole busines in the East Indies, to expell the English thence? For which purpose tis strongely surmised, that they have ‹already› dispatcht orders over land thither, to putt such a work11 in execution, Seeing they find England disposed, ‹(so they say)› to ruine them every where.12 The plague is now decreasing, God be blessed, at Amsterdam, and the number of the dead is diminished from 1050 to 800 a weeke; and amongst these there are severall hundreds, that dye of other maladies; it being observed, as I am informed, by the Physitians of the United Provinces, that, whereas in the former plague, that raigned amongst them, all diseases turned13 to the plague (which they adscribe to an14 universall putrefaction of the Air) at this time it is otherwise, there being still many other diseases on foot, whence they conclude it to be no ‹such› corruption of the Air,15 but an infection brought thither from Algier, easy to be traced step by step. I am, Sir, your faithfull humble servant. /16 (2)/ P.S. I had almost omitted to recommend unto you the following additionall Inquiries, ‹upon› which a good account is desired with the rest, that are already in your hands.b 1. There being many sorts of wheat, as the white or red Lammas, the bearded Kentish wheat, the gray wheat, the red or gray pollard, the Ducks-bill wheat, the a Oldenburg refers to Robert Holmes (1622–92), naval captain, later promoted admiral, who captured New Amsterdam in this year. For the English fleet’s mission to West Africa see above, p. 298n. b For the original ‘agricultural inquiries’ see above, pp. 313–14.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

red eard bearded wheat etc. item. of Oates, as the common, black, blew, naked, bearded in Northwater etc. and so of Barley, Beans, Pease etc. We desire to know, which of these grow in your Contry, and in what soyle, and which of them thrive best there, and whether ‹each of› them16 require a peculiar tillage, and how they differ in goodnes? 2. How much an acre of good corn, well ordered, generally useth to yield in very good, in lesse good, and in the worst years? 3. How, and for what productions, Heathy grounds may be improved, and who they are (if there be any in your Contry) that have reduced Heaths into profitable Lands? 4. What ground, Marle hath over head; how deep generally it lyes from the surface; the depth of the Marle itself; the color of it; upon what grounds they use it; what time of the year they lay it on; how many loads to an acre, and at what charges; what grains marled Land will beare, and how many years together; how such marled Land is to be used afterwards etc? 5. As for pastures, what kind of gras is fittest to be preserved for winter feeding? What gras best for Sheep, Horses, Cowes, Oxen, Goats etc? For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq, at Mr Crosses house in / Oxforda

Postmark: SE / 29. Also marked ‘4’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 14 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘13’ (altered from ‘XV’), and with ‘14’. Also with ink number ‘XIII’. Endorsed on 16 (2) in crayon ‘2. 10 wt / vy’.

[early October 1664]b

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 248–9. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 65-6, and Oldenburg, ii, 244–7.

SIR, THE news you were pleased to send me from Guinea, I do, with you, look on as very considerable; and I am much of your mind too, in what you conjecture a b

248.

For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. Birch writes ‘This letter was wrote about the beginning of October, 1664’; see Works (1744), v,

338

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, [early Oct. 1664]

about the consequences of it. I should have told you, in my last, that I am very glad monsieur de la /p. 249/ Quintenaye’s ways of improving fruit trees have succeeded so well, and more, that he gives us hopes of communicating them to the world, or, at least, to the Society. And as to what he desires concerning an Irish greyhound, though the breed of them be now almost worn out, yet, when my sister Ranelagh (who has, especially at this time, far more correspondence in Ireland than I have) shall be returned to London, you may command me to try what, by her means, may be done.a I have received the papers you sent me, concerning weather glasses, and have a little altered the titles, to make them more suitable to the History of Cold, whereunto I design to prefix them, as preliminaries.b One of the three discourses, into which they are divided, I have already read over, and so can dispatch to you, by the first conveniency, that the printer may forthwith fall to work; the other two I was hindered from reviewing this day, but intend to dispatch it so soon after the former, that the press shall not stay for it.c And though I have not, even at Oxford, half so much time at command, as you may think, and I could wish; yet I chuse rather to defraud my other studies, than not allow daily some time to the finishing of what I have by me of the history of cold, wherein I have made a progress, which, though inferior to what I intended, will yet, I hope, enable me to send away all that is at this time to be published, before the 10th (perhaps before the 1st) of November. To the learned and industrious Dr Merret you will oblige me to present my humble service, and to let him know, that if I had found his Christian name at length in his own book, I should have given it him in my letter; but though I gave him not his right name, yet, I presume, it will not be thought I wronged him in the name I gave him.d But (raillery apart) I think it were not amiss, that his ingenious observations be printed in the same letter and volume with my history, but in an alphabet by itself; for by this means, these two differing pieces need not stay for one another, but the press may go on with them both (which will save time) and, in the interim, it will be easy to resolve, which of the two shall be premised.e The observations of husbandry you were pleased to send me, I intend to add to those others, that I received from the same hand before.f And, lest this letter should be altogether barren, I will, on this occasion, add, that, a

For Jean de la Quintenye, his observations and the request for an Irish greyhound, see above, pp. 330–1. b Oldenburg sent the papers to Boyle via Samuel Hartlib jr, see above see above, p. 334n. For the printed text in Boyle’s Cold, see above, p. 327n. c The opening section of Cold, ‘New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts’ was printed as three discourses; Works, vol. 4, pp. 229–64. d For the misnaming of Christopher Merret in Boyle’s Colours see above, p. 327. Boyle wryly alludes to the royal association in Merret’s ‘new’ name. The work referred to is Merret’s 1662 translation of Antonio Neri’s Art of Glass; see Works, vol. 4, p. xi. e Boyle’s refers to Merret’s ‘Account of Freezing’ appended to Cold, for which see Works, vol. 4 and above, p. 327n. It is indeed separately signatured. f For the ‘agricultural inquiries’ sent to Boyle see above, pp. 313–14, 337–8.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

having, in several places, been inquisitive about the phænomena of the sensitive plant, I learned of a very industrious person (though no scholar) that it may be, and has actually (and that of late too) been propagated, even in our climate, otherwise than by seed.a The way is easy, though somewhat odd; and, which most recommends it, agreeable to his own experience. But it is so late at night, that I have not time to set it down particularly. I OWE you many thanks for the trouble you were pleased to put yourself to, of writing so concernedly to Amsterdam about the Turkish bible. And though, upon the advertisement you gave me from thence some weeks ago, we had thoughts of desisting from our endeavours here, lest B. Warnerus’s labours should prevent ours, or blast them;b nevertheless, since his own friends at Amsterdam do not know, that that worthy man, as yet, has done any thing upon the new testament, and since they themselves not only allow of, but wish for, our proceeding, we are not willing to be discouraged from so charitable a work, as that we were upon. But as we have a great respect for B. Warnerus, and his most laudable attempt; so we are willing to deal openly and candidly with his friends at Amsterdam; and to this end, as they will much oblige us, to send us over a printed sheet of his edition, if they have any one in their hands, so we intend, by the next post, to give you the trouble of sending to them a printed sheet of ours, that if they, or any friend of theirs, be sufficiently skilled in the Turkish tongue, to make a judgment of it, we may have their sense upon it, and their advice touching any thing, which they think may be either corrected or amended; and such reflections of theirs we shall receive as favours, and the rather, because I find, by some letters, of a fresher date than yours, that when our Turkey merchants heard, that I had thoughts of desisting from what I was upon, some of them shewed themselves more heartily concerned, that such a work should not be laid down, but be vigorously carried on, than I and my friends here expected.c I sent away your letter to Dr Wallis, who indeed deserves the thanks of the Society, for the great pains he took about Mr Horrox’s papers.d What apparatus we shall have, to observe the conjunction, I cannot yet tell; for though he and I were twice at the schools, to take a view of the implements of the observatory, yet we could not get in, the key having been, by some mistake, or negligence, either lost or carried away.e But if it cannot be found, to-morrow, I a

Boyle refers to Mimosa pudica or M. sensitiva, the leaves of which fold up when touched. Probably due to a printer’s error, the text here erroneously has ‘B. Warnerus’ for Levinus Warner, the oriental scholar, for whom see above, p. 309n. For the attempts to ascertain whether Warner had started his translation of the New Testament into Turkish see see above, p. 309. c For the support of the Levant Company see also below, pp. 341–2. d For Wallis and the papers of Jeremiah Horrocks see above, p. 302n. e A room on the east side of the University Schools quadrangle was used for the teaching of astronomy, while the top room of the tower in the quadrangle was used as an observatory, there being no proper observatory building in Oxford as yet. Instruments had been collected by John Bainbridge and John Greaves, 1st and 2nd Savilian professors; whether or not these still survived in 1664, Wren (then Savilian Professor) had certainly added others. b

340

SEAMAN

to [BOYLE], 5 Oct. 1664

mean to urge the having the door broken open; that the commands of the Society may be, as far as we are able, obeyed by him, and by, SIR, your very affectionate and very humble servant, ROB. BOYLE.

WILLIAM SEAMANa to [BOYLE]

5 October 1664

From the original in BL 5, fols 70–1. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 549–50 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 511.

Honourable Sir Upon Your Honours layinge downe your intention of printinge that part of the New Testament1 which I had translated, I made Mr Digges acquainted with it, unto whom I had before communicated the printinge thereof: but he would not heare of layinge it downe, incouraginge me to goe forward with it; So that he havinge not onlie largelie subscribed himselfe, but also taken much paines in gettinge subscriptions, to helpe to support my charge: I have undertaken to print the whole New Testament; Not doubtinge but while that which I have alreadie done is in the Presse, I shalbe able to translate and prepare the rest; beinge resolved to spend my time ‹in this worke,› that so (if it please the Lord to spare my life & health) I maie goe through with it.b I have here inclosed sent Your Honour the propositions upon which I am ingaged and what monie is subscribed, and paid, I am to give a proportionable Number of Copies for; and the rest of the Copies, I shall have towards my paines herein: and if they yeald me anie thinge considerable, I shall thereby be better inabled to spend more of my time (if the Lord lengthen out my life) in workes of this Nature.c In the waie that it is in, there is no question but the bookes, wilbe generallie dispersed: the chiefe Number of Subscribers beinge Merchants tradinge into Turkie; and that I know was one chiefe thinges Your Honour aimed at; And I know Your goodnesse is such that you wilbe well pleased that I am like to have anie incouragement by it. I doe hereby humblie tender the premises to Your Honour, a

For Seaman see above, p. 309n. For the concerns that a rival translation of the New Testament by Levinus Warner would defeat the work done under Boyle’s patronage see above, p. 309n. c Seaman’s translation was published at Oxford in 1666 as Domini nostri Jesu Christi Testamentum Novum. Turcice redditum. Mr Digges is later identified as ‘a merchant’; see below, p. 353. b

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2, 1662–5

and shall verie thankefully acknowledge it, if you please by subscription to helpe forward this worke in my hands. I thought it my dutie to give you an accompt of this transaction under my owne hand. So with the presentation of my humble service I remaine & rest, London the 5t. October 1664.

Your Honours most Humble servant William Seaman For Your Honour;

Seal: paper impression of seal from another letter. Endorsed on fol. 70 in left hand margin by Wotton ‘Mr Seaman. Of Turkish / Testament. Oct. 5 1664’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 1’.

[6 October 1664]a

HOOKE to BOYLE

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 537-8. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 491–3 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 202–5.

Most honoured Sir, I HAVE forborn all this time to give you the trouble of one of my scribbles, that I might have been able to have made it somewhat the less troublesom, by giving you an account of some further trials made on Paul’s.b But such have been the disappointments, from winds, and rains, and divers other accidents, that we have not as yet made any further proceeding in that business. The magnetical experiments also which you were pleased to propound should long ere this have been tried, had not the multitude of iron bars, wherewith all the top stone, and indeed all the stones of the steeple are tied together, wholly spoiled that design:c and indeed I fear (the winter weather coming on so fast) we shall hardly make any more trials there before the next spring. Concerning hygroscopes I have lately made several trials, and among the rest I find, that there is no body so sensible of the changes of the air, as to driness and moisture, as the beard of the seed of geranium moscatum,d and of several other sorts of large cranes bill, a vegetable substance, that has a This letter can be dated on the basis that Hooke refers to the Society’s meeting on 5 Oct. as ‘yesterday’. b On the experiments on St Paul’s see above, pp. 312, 315, 324. The unsuccessful experiment was reported to the Society on 21 Sept. 1664; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 468. c For the letter to the Royal Society in which Boyle suggested making experiments on the magnetical virtue of the earth see above, p. 333. d i.e., ground needle, musk geranium.

342

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [6 Oct. 1664]

not, that I know of, been taken notice of by any writer or other person whatsoever; and I have found it, if the seed be perfectly ripe before it be gathered, to be indeed the most proper body to make a hygroscope withal. I have also, since my settling at Gresham college, which has been now full five weeks, constantly observed the baroscopical index (the contrivance, I suppose, you may remember, which shews the small variations of the air) and have found it most certainly to predict rainy and cloudy weather, when it falls very low;a and dry and clear weather, when it riseth very high, which if it continue to do, as I have hitherto observed it, I hope it will help us one step towards the raising a theorical pillar, or pyramid, from the top of which, when raised and ascended, we may be able to see the mutations of the weather at some distance before they approach us, and thereby being able to predict, and forewarn, many dangers may be prevented, and the good of mankind very much promoted. We have at the Society made lately several trials about the descent of variously figured bodies through the water, and amongst the rest (which are not yet brought to an exactness, and therefore I shall not till then trouble you with them) there was this very considerable discovery (for I do not find it was discovered, or so much as supposed before, but rather the clean contrary believed and builded on) that of two bodies of equal weight of the same wood, of the same shape, as to that part, which did as it were cleave the water (which was conical, being a cone, whose basis was three inches diameter, and whose altitude was two) that body did descend the fastest through the water, which had the upper end flat, and that body the slowest, which had the hindmost end sharp.b So that it seems, that that edge, which comes behind a square or flat sterned vessel, and is called the dead water, and which is much greater in such an one, than in a tapering sterned vessel, and is therefore commonly supposed to hinder and obstruct the swiftness of the vessel so much the more, does rather very much promote or accelerate its motion. The figures of the bodies were these in the margin, expressed by A and B, A representing the body, that went the fastest; and this did not seem to proceed from any other cause than the flatness of the upper side of A, and the sharpness of that of B; the weight C, that sunk both the one and the other, being one and the same. We did yesterday likewise make a considerable experiment of refraction in the refracting engine (which I suppose you might see before you went for Oxford) for first we found the refraction of water (being able to measure it with accurateness to minutes) to be very near what has been hitherto assigned it, namely, we found the angle of incidence to be 41o. 35′. and the angle the refracted ray made with the perpendicular to be 30o. 00′. the signs of which angles (being 66371 and 50000, a b

For Hooke’s residence at Gresham College see above, p. 324n. For the Society’s experiments on the descent of bodies in water see Birch, Royal Society, i, 473–4.

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that is, as 398 + to 300) are almost as 4 to 3.a But all things remaining as they were, only removing the water out of the vessel, and putting in, instead of it, spirit of wine highly rectified (which we found would burn all away, and was by weight in proportion to the water near as 19 to 22) we found, that the refracted angle remaining the same of 30o. 00′. the angle of incidence was 42o. 45′. whose sines being 50000 and 67880, the proportion is somewhat more than 3 to 4, namely, are 300 to 407; so that it seems the refraction of spirit of wine is greater than that of water. This experiment we tried upon Mr. Oldenburg’s being informed, that an experiment somewhat of this kind had been made at Parisb Both these experiments of the descent of bodies through the water, and of the various refractions of several sorts of liquors, I suppose we shall shortly prosecute more fully; there being many useful things on the true theory both of the one and the other. I am now engaged in a very great design, which I fear I shall find a very hard, difficult, and tedious task, and that is, the compiling a history of trades and manufactures, the person I formerly told you of, namely, Sir John Cutler, having very nobly and freely, without any compulsion or excitement, not only kept his word, but been better than it, sending me in yesterday a half year’s salary before hand, as an earnest of his intention.c The most I think I shall be able to do in this business this term (being engaged to read for doctor Pope) will be only to make a short speech, both in praise of Sir John, my noble patron, and of the excellency and usefuhess of the design it self, and of what method and course I shall take in it; and, by God’s assistance, I shall endeavour to the utmost of my power, to go as far in it as I am able, being resolved wholly to apply my mind and endeavours to it.d And if I can therein any way serve you, as I have great hopes I /p. 538/ may, it will be esteemed a very great happiness by, Most honoured Sir, your most faithful and most humble servant, RO. HOOKE.

a

For the experiment of refraction on 5 Oct. see Birch, Royal Society, i, 473. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 471. The experiments were probably made at the Académie de Montmor in Paris. c Sir John Cutler (1608–93), London financier, founded a lectureship at Gresham College with a salary of £50 a year. This initially involved an engagement with the history of trades and manufactures; see Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 56), p. 275ff. See also below, p. 396. d For Walter Pope see above, p. 103n. On this episode see Hunter, Establishing the New Science. b

344

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 6 Oct. 1664

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

6 October 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 15. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 310–11, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 157–9 and Oldenburg, ii, 247–50.

London Oct. 6. 1664. Sir, When I came home yesternight from Gresham, I found your Preliminary papers, which I was very glad of, and doubt not, but that, according to the tenor of your last letter, the whole will be dispatched with so much speed, that the presse shall not stay for it.a I intend, God willing, to morrow to deliver to Mr Crook, what I have receaved, and to offer, by the way, what you propose to Dr Merret concerning his Appendix. It may be, he may think Christophorus to be a more important name, than Carolus; however, I shall laugh with him, when I read to him your lines about it.b I humbly thank you, Sir, for the note, you were pleased to impart to me concerning the sensitive plant; and I shall double my acknowledgements, when you shall doe me the favor of communicating the1 ‹other› way of propagating it.c I was lately at young Mr Walkers, who carried me into his Virginian Garden, and there showd me a good number of the Plants of that Contry, and among them, the true Snake-weed (as he assured it to me) thriving well.d Being some weeks since putt,2 by our Committee of Correspondence, meeting at Mr Povey’s, upon perusing the History of the Antiles, to draw up Inquiries out of it, I met there with a whole wood, said to be in the passage of the Isthmus from Nombre de Dios to Panama,3 full of such sensitive Trees, which, as soon as they are toucht,4 move all over, and make with their Branches and Leaves a ratling noyse, winding themselves also /15 (1)v/ together into the figure of a Globe.e But, why doe I take up your time in relating things, which you cannot but have taken notice of already, being so5 well acquainted with that Author? I should rather have told you, what was our busines yesterday at Gresham, where we examined, whether the Experiment, lately made at Paris, and6 communicated to me, concerning the excesse of the Refraction of a Oldenburg presumably refers to the papers which were added to Boyle’s Cold, forming the opening section ‘New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts’; see Works, vol. 4, pp. 229–64. b For John Crook see above, p. 91n. For Merret’s ‘Account of Freezing’ appended to Cold see above, p. 327n., and Works, vol. 4, pp. 519–42. The matter of Merret’s first name is dealt with above, p. 327 c For the ‘sensitive plant’ see above, p. 340n. d The person mentioned here who brought back plants from Virginia is possibly the son of a nurseryman named Walker in St James’s; see C. E. Raven, John Ray (Cambridge, 1950), p. 109. e For Thomas Povey see above, p. 302n. The book referred to is perhaps the English translation by Edward Grimstone, The Naturall and Morall History of the East and West Indies by Joseph Acosta (1604).

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Spirit of Wine above that of Common Water,7 did hold with us also;a and found, it did; that of water, when the Angle of inclination was 30 degrees8 ‹having an Angle of refraction of› 41 degrees 35′; whereas that of well rectified Spirit of Wine, at the same Angle of inclination, had9 42 degrees 45′ for its angle of refraction. Some body of the Company, that hath too slender thoughts of all, what comes from abroad of a philosophicall nature, or is done by strangers, offered, before the Experiment was made, to lay ten to one, that it would not be found so.b The Experiments of descending bodies in water succeeded not, because of the leaking of the long square vessell with windores, in which they were to be made.c Dr Charlton, upon occasion, mentioned to the Company, that10 having killed a Buzzard and opened him, had found 3 stones in him, lying in a triangular way, ‹but›11 one of them being lesse, than the other two.d He was desired, to shoot another, and to make the dissection thereof before the Company. The Physitians of the Society are to meet on Munday next at Dr Ents, to consider of what is to be particularly inquired after in the Anatomicall administrations this winter.e Sir, you being of that Committee, they will think themselves not a litle obliged to you, if you would please to suggest some things, that may be worthy of further investigation. If I had not been /15 (2)/ afraid of Hudibras, I had seconded Dr Charlton with the relation of a certain Apothecary in Ireland, who, as I was assured by12 a Physitian, that imployed him there, had also 3 testicles, being excessively given to Venery.f There is certainly something as well in the conformation of the parts, as in ‹the› temper of animals, that necessitateth them (if I may say so) to such and such operations. Being yesterday, before our Philosophicall meeting, at a Coffee Club, we had not only ‹State›13 News, ‹as that› of Prince Ruperts being gone downe to the Hope, to embarque presently ‹in›14 a fleet of 18 men of warre, and of the resolution of the Dutch to passe thorow the Channell with 80 saile (whereof 20 are desseined for Guiny, 10 for the East Indies, and the rest to convey ‹those 2 parties›15 a good way)g but also of Philosophy, Whereof I must send you one or two particulars, which were new to me, and, it may be, will not be unwelcome to you, especially at this time, when you are reviewing your Experimentall History of Cold, if you a

See Birch, Royal Society, i, 473. The figures give refractive indices for water and alcohol as about 1.33 and 1.36 respectively, which are within the range of modern measurements. b Robert Hooke may possibly be the person alluded to here. c This experiment was ordered to be repeated at the next meeting, when it succeeded; Birch, Royal Society, i, 474. d For Walter Charleton see above, p. 82n. For this report of stones, i.e., testes, see Birch, Royal Society, i, 474. e Oldenburg refers to George Ent (1604–89), one of the earliest Fellows of the Royal Society, an eminent physician best known for his association with Harvey. f The reference is to Samuel Butler’s satirical poem Hudibras (1663–8), the title of which Oldenburg uses as a shorthand to allude to his fear of satire. g For Prince Rupert and the fleet bound for West Africa see above, p. 310.

346

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 6 Oct. 1664

have not met with such relations already. One was that in the Northern Contries, they thaw their French Wines (for of these the relator spake only) frozen in the Caske, by putting them into Water, whereby being thawed, the water, encompassing the Caske with wine, freeseth all about it. The other was, that their Fish, being16 heaped up together in baskets, and frozen and covered over with ice and snow, insomuch that you ‹may snappe›17 them in pieces; yet, when they come to be thawed thoroughly, they are often found alive. This latter story agreeth with the Dantiscan, of swallows frozen up, and reviving, when thawed. Fides sit penes Authorema yet these relations deserve further inquiries.b /15 (2)v/ To morrow, God permitting, I shall obey your Commands in writing to Amsterdam for sending you over a printed sheet of Warnerus his Edition of the Turkish Bible.c I rejoyce hugely, that you have resolved to carry on the translation of the New Testament; and I hope, the Translator will publish with it his Turkish Dictionary, as tis much desired by Dr Castell and many others, although something hath been already done of that kind in Rome; but that intelligent men think ‹it› not at all equall to what Mr Seaman is able to performe therein.d Sir, Your interest ‹in him,› may easily prevaile with him, to satisfy the learned and pious in this particular also. I confesse, it will be troublesome and dangerous to spread such a Book, ‹as the Bible› in Turky; but yet it ought to be attempted, and much may be done in times of warre with that nation, to insinuate it to Turkish prisoners, and by their means to leaven the Lump, and, having done what is in our power, commit the successe to the Wise and Allmighty Author thereof, into whose protection I commend you heartily, being Sir Your faithful humble servant, H. O. Mr Southwell is chosen Clerk of his Majesties Counsell, in the place of Sir George Lane, who resigned it, as I heare.e a

‘We have only the author’s word for it.’ Oldenburg’s allusion is to the meeting of 3 Jan. 1664, when Boyle remarked that swallows frozen within ice had, upon the thawing of the ice, been found alive, and that a minister had sent a certificate of this to the King from Danzig; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 369. c For Boyle’s request for a sample sheet of the translation of the New Testament into Turkish by Levinus Warner see above, p. 340n. Oldenburg’s Amsterdam correspondent and intermediary in this matter was probably Peter Serrarius, for whom see above, p. 328n. d Edmund Castell (1606–85), a Semitic scholar and D.D. 1661, began his Lexicon heptaglotton in 1651; It was published in 1669. He was elected F.R.S. in 1674. For William Seaman, who was translating the New Testament into Turkish under Boyle’s patronage see above, p. 309n. The Turkish lexicon which Seaman prepared was never published; see Alastair Hamilton’s forthcoming DNB article on Seaman. For an undated prospectus for it in Seaman’s hand see BP 4, fols 148–9. e For Robert Southwell see above, p. 40n. Sir George Lane (c. 1621–83), Viscount Lanesborough, courtier and Irish landowner. b

347

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Endorsed at head of 15 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. 15’ (replacing ‘XVI’ deleted).

DAUBENEY TURBERVILLEa to BOYLE

6 October 1664

From the original in BL 5, fols 145–6. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Honoured Sir I have received your kinde letter, box and things safe in’t for which I must study you thanks, and desyre your Continued favour; and as for my intentions about the cure of Gutta serena, which I have four times perform’d this Springe they are as follow; I made a decoction of Majorom, betony, verveine, pimpernel, Agrimony, sage, Eybright, florum 4 Cord, Rosmarin: Paralyseos, Tiliæ, lil. conval.: sem. Anis. Fœniculi Coryand. in fountaine water,b and whitewine to bee drunke for a weeke as a preparative; then I infusd senna, Rhabarb, Turbet, Hermodact.c in the same, and made a purgative Apozeme: to bee taken once every third day for a fortnight; then I made a seton in the pole bleeded them under the eares and in the temples with leaches putting cuppinge glasses uppon the places after the remove of the leeches and then playster of Diapalma; after that I purged with pil. Coch. lucisminor Troch. Alhandal, to which I put some dropps of oyle of Juniper: I made an Extract: of the former hearbs, floures, seeds, and put sem. Nigell. Roman. ungula Alcis, Magist. Corall, Cran. Human. Visc. Quercin. C. C. praepar. Mithridate mirabolar Condit. Diarhod. Abbat, Amb. Castor. made upp with syrup. stœcad. beton. Scillitici, mellis Anthosat., ol. Cinnamom. sassafras. d

a

For the oculist Daubeney Turberville see above, p. 308n. From florum 4 Cord., i.e., the four cordial flowers, the herbs mentioned are rosmarinus, rosemary; paralysis, cowslip; tilia, linden; lilium convallium, lily of the valley; semina anisi, anise seeds; semina foeniculi, fennel seeds, semina coryandri, coriander seeds. c Turbet is turbeth; hermodact is a type of crocus root. d From semen nigellae romanae, i.e., Roman nigella seeds, the substances prescribed are: ungula alcis, elk hoof; magisterium corallorum, magistery of corals; cranium humanum, man’s skull; and viscum quercinum, mistletoe. ‘C. C. praepar.’ might be either prepared orange peels (corices citrinorum) or crabs’ shells, (chelus cancroum). Mithradate mirabolaris was a medicinal composition, like diarrhodon Abbati (a powder use for stomach complaints) as well as the trochiscum Alhandal mentioned earlier in the prescription. Ambragrisea is ambergris, and castor, a secretion from beavers. There then follows a list of syrups: stoecadi, French lavender; betonici, betony and scillitici, squills. This is followed by mel. Anthasatum, honey of rosemary flowers; oleum cinnamomi, cinnamon oil and oleum sassafras, sassafras oil. b

348

TURBERVILLE

to BOYLE, 6 Oct. 1664

I causd them to smell often to oyle of Mirrhe, Junip and spirit of Castor; and put two dropps of the oyles to a spoonfull of Betony water, and made them sniff it upp warme once a weeke into the nostrells; I usd Bathings with the same Cepallicks boyld in cleane water and sacke twice a weeke, and hold their heads over the Fume of it sometimes a quarter of an hour together; I infusd all the same Specificks1 in Canary wine for four or five dayes in a vessel close stopd, and after strayninge, gave them two or three spoonfulls Every morninge. I hangd the same things in their ordinary drinke. I gave them sometimes ∋ss [½ scruple], or ∋I [1 scruple] of spirit of Harts horne, and sometimes of the Spirit Microcosmi in a little betony water sweetned with syrup of Corall,a After they were well purgd I gave them once a weeke a sneesing pouder made2 with Tobacco, bettony, majerom, castor lign. Aloesb Helebor: this in breife was my course, and truly the effect was wonderfull; and I presume that there is noe way for this cure more rationall [.] I have only hinted you of the things, knowing you far more able to prepare them then any, and to add if there bee occasion) I put nothinge to their Eyes but mel. Anthosatum; and a plaister of unguentum Alabastrinum to the forehead;c I have nothinge else at present but that I am Octob. 6th. 64.

Your most obliged servant Dawbeney Turbervile 3

For his much Honoured Friende Robert / Boyles Esq at Mr Crosses / in Oxon:d these: Seal: Octagonal. Broken in two and damaged. Shield: a saltire gutty, a label [?] in fesse. Paper impression of a seal from another letter. Endorsed in an unidentified seventeenth-century hand ‘From Dr Turbervile in 8ber 64’.

a

‘Spirit Microcosmi’, possibly spirit of human blood. i.e., wood of aloes. c i.e., honey of rosemary flower and a plaster made from unguentum alabastrinum, alabastine ointment. d For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. b

349

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

13 October 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 17. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 311–12, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 159–60 and Oldenburg, ii, 251–4.

London Oct. 13. 1664. Sir, The rest of your Thermometricall Discourse is safely come to my hands:a only I must give a litle advertisement concerning the Carrier, from whom when ’twas ‹sent›1 to my house, ‹there› was not only demanded by the porter his due for his peins of bringing it (which was satisfied by me, as formerly) but also for the carriage from Oxford to London: But when I lookd upon the roll, I found a piece of the Cover torne out, just where the words, Carrier paid, are wont to be written: which making me suspect a Cheat, I refused to pay that part of the demand, shewing the ground of my suspicion to the sheporter,b that brought it me, who would putt it of upon the being rubbed of in the sack among other things. But it was too artificially done, to be laid upon such an accident; which made me persist in my denyall, and adde, that I did intend, by post to acquaint my correspondent at Oxford with it, and in case it had not been paid there, I should be so Just as to pay it here. The first sheet of this discourse is printed; and I see, Mr Crook will make quick dispatch, if there want not Copy. Dr Merret returns his humble service to you, and saith, that the place ‹for›2 an Appendix is soon found. Only, I pray Sir, be pleased to intimate unto me, whether you would have it Joyned by any transition, and if so, in what manner, or by none at all.c Part of our yesterday’s Entertainment at Gresham was the hearing of ‹some concerts upon› a revived musicall Instrument, called Archiviole, invented by a Frenchman, 25 years agoe, and ‹then› notified here to Mr Haak.d There was /17 (1)v/ about that time made one of them, to be presented to the late king, but the Troubles intervening diverted the Musick, and left the instrument imperfect; which now is brought again to light, and by My Lord Breretons care and expences a Oldenburg refers to papers for the section in Boyle’s Cold which were printed as ‘New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts’, for which see Works, vol. 2, pp. 229–64. b i.e., she-porter. c For John Crook see above, p. 91n. For Merret’s separately paginated appendix to Cold see above, p. 327n. d This was not recorded in the minutes of the meeting of 12 Oct.; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 475. Theodore Haak (1605-90), a German by birth, came to England in 1625. He was an original F.R.S., but was not closely linked to the Society’s affairs. The instrument in question was an archiviol; see Penelope Gouk, Music, Science and Natural Magic in 17th–century England (New Haven and London, 1999), p. 190.

350

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 13 Oct. 1664

made perfect;a comprehending both an Organ and a Concert of 5 or 6 viols in one, giving an excellent3 harmony, very solemne and most fit for religious musick; but only that the multitude of strings maketh it somewhat longsom and tedious to tune,4 the alteration of the Aire putting them out of tune in a litle time. Mersennus gave first notice of it hither, saying in a letter of his, which I have seen, qu’un Ange, à ce qu’il luy sembloit, ne pouvoit5 proceder plus simplement et gentiment.b I must confesse, it transports me, and cannot but exceedingly please him, that playes upon it, hearing himself alone performe a whole consort of viols. The rest of the time we spent ‹1.› in prosecuting the Experiment of the velocity of bodies descending in water, where nothing occurred very considerable: 2. in appointing certain Experiments to be made in the next Anatomicall Administration; and 3. in giving order for severall Liquors, as wines, oyles, Lixiviums, SeaWater, to try their refractions. Since my last, I met with the person, that yearly goes to Greenland to the whalefishing, who though he told me but sad news of this summer voyage of theirs, as being rather a losse than gain to them, yet he refreshed me again by telling me, that the Ship, some 7 or 8 months since gone to the Bermudas, to fish whales there, hath had better luck, by killing severall whales of a peculiar kind, that have no fins, but great teeth, and (which6 seems incredible) yielding an oyle, which, tho boyling, ‹yet› scaldeth not the hand, but feels Onely bloud-warm: at /17 (2)/ which when I smiled as a fable, he would assure the truth thereof with all earnestnesse, that can be desired, protesting to me, that 2 of the Engagers had written it hither, and that he had read it in both the letters.c From Paris my friend saith, that he hath a relation ‹for me› from Rome of a woman, that hath been with child for an extraordinary length of time, without being7 delivered: and that he will send me some observations of one Cassini, an Astronomer, upon Saturne, made with the New Glasses of Campani.d A truce is certainly concluded betwixt the Empire and the Turks; the suddennes whereof amazeth most people.e The Emperour hath been very politick in this matter, making present use of the late advantage over the Ennemy, and offering to the Grand Visir such terms, as was wisdome for him to accept, and not dishonourable for the Emperor to grant; especially considering the necessitys, he now lyeth under, of consummating his marriage, of providing for the defence of Flanders, and of maintaining the interest of the House of Spaine, which in all probability would a

For William Brereton see above, p. 102n. ‘that an Angel, as he thought, could not proceed more simply and sweetly’. Oldenburg refers to Marin Mersenne (1588–1648), natural philosopher. The letter was probably to Haak. c Oldenburg’s whaling correspondent has not been identified. d Oldenburg’s correspondent in Paris was Auzout. Giovanni Domenico (Jean-Dominique) Cassini (1625–1712) was educated at Genoa and succeeded Cavalieri in the chair of astronomy at Bologna in 1650. He was an active observational astronomer (and engineer). For Giuseppe Campani see above, p. 312n. e For the Austro–Turkish wars see above, p. 311n. b

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be ruined, if this peace were not made, the king of Spain be[ing]8 generally thought dead, though it be not owned by that Nation, nor will be, till they have putt things into some posture of safety.a Sir John Lawson is come home, but brings news, that beget a strong suspicion in us, that De Ruyter, having new victualled his Mediterranean Fleet, and sheathed it, is gone to relieve and fortifye his Contrymen in Guiny: which if it prouve true, /17 (2)v/ will anger us ‹very much,›9 and putt things to extremity.b The Parisian letter to me hath this note:c Le Pape nous refuse tout à Rome. On craint icy, qu’il ne se forme une ligue contre la France, dont la puissance donne dela jalousie: quelques uns veulent, que vostre Roy y doive entrer, à quoy je voy peu de vraysemblance, la bonne intelligence, qu’il y a entre les deux couronnes, me faisant croire le contraire. Le Cardinal de Rets pourra bien aller à Rome, oú nous avons besoin d’un homme, qui ait autant de lumieres, que luy, et autant de vigueur pour soustenir les Interests dela France, ‹et› pour rompre les desseins, qu’on pourroit former contre elle. But I am called away, and can say no more, at present, than that I am Sir your very humble and faithfull servant H. O. 10

If Dr Wallis intends to write to Mr Hevelius, and please to entrust me with it, I shall send it with mine, which I am to dispatch away shortly.d

For his Noble Friend Robert Boyle Esq At Mr Crosse’s house in Oxford.e a Emperor Leopold (1640–1705) married Margarita Theresa (1651–73), the youngest daughter of Philip IV of Spain, in 1666. The Turkish force was lead by Grand Vizier Fazil Ahmed Koprulu Pasha (1635–76). In 1664 the renewed advance on the Austro-Hungarian empire caused Leopold to begin the negotiations which culminated in the Peace of Eisenberg, 10 Aug. 1664. Philip IV of Spain did not in fact die until 17 Sept. 1665. b Oldenburg refers to John Lawson (d. 1665), naval commander, who died in action against the Dutch. For de Ruyter and the Anglo–Dutch wars in West Africa see above, p. 298n. c ‘At Rome the Pope refuses us everything. They are fearful here that a league is being formed against France, whose strength gives rise to suspicion; some allege that your king will join it, which I regard as highly unlikely, the close understanding between the two monarchs causing me to imagine the contrary. The Cardinal de Retz may well go to Rome, where we have need of a man as intelligent as he is, and as active in maintaining the interests of France and in defeating the schemes that may be formed against her.’ The reference is to Jean François Paul de Gondi (1614–79) who, having exiled himself from France under Richelieu, had returned only in 1661. d For Johann Hevelius see above, p. 90n. e For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

352

SEAMAN

to BOYLE, 19 Oct. 1664

Seal: Remnants only. Postmark: ‘OC / 13’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 17 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XVII’ (replacing ‘16’ written in pencil).

BOYLE to OLDENBURG mid-October 1664 This letter was read at a meeting of the Royal Society on 19 October 1664, and recorded as follows in JBO 2, 139, and JBC 2, 53 (see also Birch, Royal Society, i, 477, and Oldenburg, ii, 254–5): ‘The Secretary read a part of Mr Boyle’s letter, containing several suggestions, vizt. 1. That when there shall happen an Eclipse of the Sun or Moon, or any very considerable Conjunction of the Planets, there might be notice diligently taken by the Barometer, whether it have any sensible influence upon the Gravitation of the Atmosphere. 2. To observe the like in case of the appearing of any great Spots in the Sun. 3. To enquire after the Station of the Mercury in the Baroscope the 4th instant here at London; he having found it that day in Oxford, lower than ever he observed it, namely, beneath 29. inches; which he saith, he therefore the rather mentions, because at that time, and a good while before, the Winds were extraordinary high, though there fell not much rain to alleviate the Atmosphere.’

SEAMANa to BOYLE

19 October 1664

From the original in BL 5, fols 72–3. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 550 and Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 511–12.

Honourable Sir Mr Clarke writeth me you desire to know what incouragement I have.b The propositions I sent Your Honour I communicated onlie to Mr Diggs the Merchant who hath gotten the Governour of the Turkie Company to subscribe with other Turkie Merchants about £100 alreadie; and the Governour told me that, when it hath gone through more hands, if it be not sufficient they will goe over againe.c And if it were not that they designe to helpe1 in the printinge of my Lexicon they a

For William Seaman see above, p. 309n. For Samuel Clarke, Boyle’s Oxford agent and editor, see above, p. 72n. c Edward Digges is also mentioned above, p. 341. Seaman refers to the printing of and subscriptions for the Turkish Bible. The Governor of the Levant Company from 1653 to 1672 was Sir Andrew Riccard. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

would have contributed to this as a Companie, out of their stocke.a I humblie returne thankes to Your Honour for what Mr Clarke writeth me, you wilbe pleased to doe in it; If that I have from Merchantts with what Your Honour subscribeth defray not the whole charge, I shall God willinge make up what it wanteth my selfe. This accompt beinge what I have at present to tender to you in answere to the abovesaid, Desiringe the Lord to preserve your health and Safely to returne you to these parts I remaine & rest Your Honours Most humble servant William Seaman

Lond the 19th October 1664. To the Honourable Robert / Boile Esqr These present / Oxon

Seal: Remnant of oval seal obscured by paper. Paper impressions of seals from other letters. Endorsed on fol. 72 by Wotton: ‘Oct. 19. Mr Seaman Turky Company contribute £100 towards printing Turkish Testament & Lexicon’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 2’.

JOHN ENDECOTTb to BOYLE

19 October 1664

From the original, signed by Endecott, in BL 2, fols 175–6.c Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 137, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, ccxiv–v, Hutchinson, Collection of Papers (above, p. 19), pp. 388–9 and The Hutchinson Papers (above, p. 19), ii, 113–14.

Honourable Sir, The ocation of our giveing you this trouble is from the confidence we have of your favour and care of these his Majesties colonies in New England manefested a For Seaman’s Turkish lexicon see above, p. 347n. For a further letter from Seaman to Boyle, puzzlingly dated after Seaman’s death, see vol. 5, pp. 407–8. b John Endecott (c. 1589–1665), Governor of Massachusetts 1629–30, 1644–5, 1649–50, 1651–4 and 1655–65. c There is another copy of this letter on fols 177–8. As well as minor differences of spelling & capitalisation, there is a paragraph break after ‘so in the continuance in, this wildernes’. It is dated 9 Nov. 1664 and is addressed to Boyle as Governor of the New England Company. The seal is similar to that on this text, although it is partly missing; the crest shows an eagle displayed.

354

ENDECOTT

to BOYLE, 19 Oct. 1664

by your continued endeavours, as in promoting that good worke of the natives conversion, so in taking opertunities for ingratiating us with his Majestie and the right honourable the Lord Chancelor, as wee understand by your letter to Mr Winthrop, Wherby you have given us that comfortable information of his Majesties grace towards us, in expressing himselfe in a very favourable manner, and that the Lord Chancelor did assure you (with giveing you Comission to assure our freinds in the citty) that the king intends not any injury to our Charter, or the disolution of our civill Government, or the infringement of our liberty of conscience, and that the doeing of those things is not the buisness of the Commissioners, the truth wherof wee beeleve (as we ought) having the word of so gratious a King.a But alas Sir the commission impouring [sic] those comissioners to hear and determine all causes whether, military, civil, or criminall (what they have further by instruction at present wee know not) should this take place. what will become of our civill Government which hath been (under God) the hedge to that liberty for our consiences, for which the first adventurers passed through and bore up against all difficulties and discouradgments that incountered them, as in the way to, so in the continuance in, this wildernes. Sir wee returne unto you our true and harty thanks for your former favours, and crave the continuance therof as oppertunity shall offer, and the great mover of harts shall incline you in appearing our freind still, that if posible the Comission may bee recaled for which end, wee have made our humble supplication to his Majestie in whose eyes may wee find favour wee and our posteritie shall have cause to blesse the Lord, but if the decree be past, so that it may not bee recalled, wee shall wait the Lords issue with us, and what ever may bee the conjectures of any, rendring alterations here advisable, the issue will speake them to bee the subversion of all ‹that› which makes this place ‹or›1 our abode ‹herin› desirable, or if envy of those that desire a dominion over us (not to serve his Majesties intrest in advanceing plantation worke, with the countenuance2 of Godlines but to serve them selves by his Majesties authority and our ruine) shall prevaile it will to posterity bee rendered a diservice to his Majesties honour, and such a dammage as the procurers will not be able to repaire, wee can sooner leave our place & all our present outward injoyments, then leave that which was the first ground of our wandring from our native country, nor are wee therby made such strangers therunto, ‹but› wee can rather choose to returne and take our lott with our bretheren then abide heere under the deprivement of the ends of our a This letter was intended to enlist Boyle’s support for the appeal made by the Massachusetts government to Charles II to recall the 1664 Royal Commission; see CSPC, 1661–8, p. 248. For the Royal Commission see Boyle’s letter to Winthrop of 21 Apr. 1664, to which Endecott refers here: above, pp. 267–8. Endecott may have learnt of the contents of this letter from Massachusetts representatives who attended the Sept. 1664 meeting of the Commissioners for the United Colonies at Hartford, Connecticut. Although Winthrop did not formally attend the meeting he arrived in Hartford three days before the meeting ended; see Black, The Younger John Winthrop (above, p. 31), p. 279. The Lord Chancellor is Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, for whom see above, p. 66n.

355

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

travils, our way is with the Lord. craving your honours pardon for this boldnes, lifteing up our best desires to the Lord for you, wee remaine Sir Your humble servant in the name & by order of the Generall Court held at Boston in New England Jo: Endecott Governor

october 19th 1664

For / The honourable Robert Boyle esquire presented in London.

Seal: Mostly intact. Oval achievement of arms. Shield: a chevron charged with a leopard’s [?] head in chief, between a cross two eagles’ heads erased and in base an eagle’s head erased. Crest: out of a coronet (top obliterated). Endorsed by Birch: ‘Gouvner3 & General Court of New England to Mr Boyle.’

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

20 October 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 18. 4o/2+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 312–14, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 160–2 and Oldenburg, ii, 262–8.

London Oct. 20. 1664. Sir, You will hardly dispatch faster for the presse, than the presse, by what I see, will performe. Three sheets are already printed of, and I look for the fourth this day, Mr Crook being resolved not to be behind hand, ‹to› whom also are already delivered Dr Merrits Experiments, to be forthwith printed in an Alphabet a part.a I send you here inclosed those Enquiries and answers concerning Greenland, which were formerly presented to the Society, and they being a part of their supellex,b I a

Oldenburg refers to copy for Boyle’s Cold (1665). For John Crook and Merret’s addendum to Cold see above, p. 91n. and p. 327n. b i.e., stock or collection of materials. They were brought in on 25 Feb. 1663, and are printed in Birch, Royal Society, i, 199–204.

356

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 20 Oct. 1664

intreat your care1 for their safety. The account given therein is so plain and downright, that it needs polishing very much: but as to the matter of fact, I hope it suffers nothing by the plainnesse of the deliverer. I owe you many thanks for your medicin against violent Fluxes; but give me leave to aske, whether the ‹hot› Cinamon and Nutmeg may not claime as great a share in the effect, as the cold Deadmans skull? a The observations, recommended by you to the Virtuosi, and read to them at our meeting yesterday, were very acceptable; and My Lord Brounker intimated, to have found (and that, as he thought, on the same day, you did) the [mercury] in the Baroscope, beneath 29 Inch. too.b I suppose, Mr Hook will himselfe answer your quere, which I acquainted him with, concerning the same; as also give you notice of the poursued /18 (1)v/ Experiments concerning the acceleration of the descent of Bodies in water.c I must proceed to let you know the maine contents of a letter of Mr Zulichem to Sir R. Moray, which was not a litle applauded in our Assembly yesterday.d These are his own words;e Depuis peu l’on m’a envoyé une figure imprimée, qui represente une fort belle observation de Jupiter, dans le disque duquel ils ont vû passer les ombres de deux de ses Satellites, qui passoient entre luy et nos yeux, et peu apres se desgagerent dudit disque. f Je n’avois jamais pensé, que cete observation se pût faire, vû la petitesse de ces compagnons, et il faut assurement, que leur verres soient d’une perfection extraordinaire. Si celuy de Reeves de 60 pieds est aucunement bon, il ne scauroit manquer de descouvrir lesdites ombres, lorsque ces Eclipses arrivent. J’attends encore le diametre de ce verre, et celuy de son ouverture. Again:g Je ne scay, si My Lord Brounker aura depuis songé à la determination des vibrations dela chorde, esgales à celles du pendule, que scavez; mais je trouvay a

The letter containing this recipe has not been found, nor is it to be found in Boyle’s posthumous Medicinal Experiments, for which see Works, vol. 12. b For the meeting of 19 Oct. 1664 see Birch, Royal Society, i, 476–7. Boyle’s observations are printed above, p. 353. c Hooke wrote to Boyle on 21 Oct. 1664; see below, pp. 362–4. d Printed in Œuvres complètes, vi, 119. See also Birch Royal Society, i, 476. Oldenburg has introduced a few variants. e ‘Recently I have been sent an engraved figure representing a splendid observation of Jupiter, across whose disk the shadows of two of its satellites have been seen to pass, the satellites travelling between the disk and our eyes and then emerging beyond the disk. I had never thought that this observation could be made, considering the small size of Jupiter’s companions; the lenses used must be extraordinarily perfect. If Reeves’ 60-foot glass is any good it cannot fail to disclose these shadows when the eclipses occur. I am still waiting for the diameter of this glass, and its aperture.’ For Richard Reeves, instrument maker see above, p. 97n. f The printed sheet was issued at Rome by Giuseppe Campani (for whom see above, p. 312n.), and referred to observations of Saturn and Jupiter made in June and July 1664. (The single known copy of the sheet is reproduced in Œuvres complètes, v, facing p. 118.) The observations of the shadows cast by Jupiter’s satellites on the body of the planet were first made by Cassini with Campani’s telescope. g ‘I do not know whether Lord Brouncker has thought further about the determination of the oscillation of a chord, equal to that of a pendulum, as you know; but I found his promise very rash.

357

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

sa promesse bien hardie. Ces jours passez je suis tombé dans une speculation pas fort esloignée de celle lá. J’ay cerché des pendules simples isochrones à des triangles et autres figures et corps diversement suspendus; oú j’ay rencontré des propositions assez plaisantes, et qui peuvent mesme servir à establir commodement la Mesure Universelle, à quoy ledit My Lord s’est estudié.a Par exemple, ‹1.› je trouve qu’un Triangle2 rectangle et isoscele, comme BAC, estant suspendu par le sommet A. ou B C D A

B

D

C

A

par le milieu de sa base D. et agité de costé, est isochrone au pendule simple de sa hauteur AD. /18 (2)/ 2. Qu’un cercle suspendu par un point dans sa circonference A

B

D C

comme A. et agité de costé, est isochrone au pendule de ¾ de son diametre, et de mesme toute portion, comme ABCD. ayant les costez AB. AD. esgaux. 3. Qu’une Ellipse ABCD. dont le grand Axe a son quarré triple de celuy du petit, suspendu A D

B C

During the last few days I took up a speculation not very different from that: I have sought for the simple pendulums which are isochronous with triangles and other shapes and bodies variously suspended. Here I have come across some quite amusing proportions, which might even serve to establish conveniently the universal measure which the said peer has investigated. For example, 1. I find that a right-angle isosceles triangle such as BAC when suspended by the apex A, or by the midpoint of its base D, and swung to one side, is isochronous with a simple pendulum equal in length to its height, AD. 2. That a circle suspended by any point upon its circumference such as A and swung to one side is isochronous with a pendulum equal to three-quarters of its diameter, and the same is true of any segment such as ABCD having equal sides AB, AD. 3. That an ellipse ABCD whose a Huygens had considered the determination of centres of oscillation in 1661. Returning to the problem anew in 1664, in early Oct. he discovered the general theorem from which such centres might be determined. His work was finally printed in Horologium oscillatorium (1673). See also Œuvres complètes, xvi, 470ff.

358

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 20 Oct. 1664

par l’extremité du petit axe A. et agité du costé, est isochrone au pendule AC. et de mesme toute portion coupee par une ou deux paralleles à l’Axe BD. Si My Lord Brouncker goute ces speculations, je vous en envoyeray davantage, car j’ay le determination generale pour tous triangles et rectangles, suspendus par un des angles, ou par le milieu des costez. Item des cercles suspendus par des filets, come est le cercle B en A: et ce qui a esté le plus difficile à trouver, la longueur des

A B pendules isochrones à une sphere suspendue de mesme par un filet, ce qui sert principalement à la mesure universelle.a Car notez, qu’une sphere grande n’est pas isochrone à une petite, qui auroit le centre egalement distant du point de suspension. Les Mathematiciens en France ont autrefois cerché ces choses sans en pouvoir venir à bout, à ce que je voy par des lettres, que j’ay du P. Mersenne, &c. These particulars I must intreate you to communicate to Dr Wallis et Dr Wren, with my hearty service; to the former of which two virtuosi I am to recommend from the Society some more papers of Mr Horroxes, by the carrier to morrow, God willing.b Our Motto being, Nullius in verba, we intend to examine these propositions by making tryals ‹ourselves›3 of the matters asserted therein:c and the Author of them major axis is equal to root three times its minor axis, suspended by the end of the minor axis A and swung to one side, is isochronous with the pendulum of length AC, and so is any segment cut by one or two parallels to the axis BD. If Lord Brouncker takes to these speculations, I will send you more of them, for I have the general solution for all triangles and rectangles suspended by one of the angles or the middle of a side. Also circles suspended by threads, like the circle B at A; and what was hardest to discover the length of pendulums isochronous with a sphere similarly suspended by a thread, which is especially useful for the universal measure. For note, that a large sphere is not isochronous with a small one whose center is equally distant from the point of suspension. The French mathematicians formerly sought these relations without success, as I see from letters of Father Mersenne that I own, etc.’ For Marin Mersenne see above, p. 351n. a The universal measure was to be the length of the seconds pendulum. The Society (Brouncker especially) had been interested in this matter since 1661. It was finally abandoned when it was realized that the period of a pendulum was a function of latitude. This diagram is in fact not present in the MS but we have inserted it from Oldenburg, ii, 264. b For Wallis and the astronomical papers of Jeremiah Horrocks see above, p. 302n. c ‘Trust the words of no master’ i.e., the Royal Society’s motto, on which see Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 35), p. 17. The Society intended to verify Huygens’s propositions by experiments with which Hooke was entrusted; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 476.

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2, 1662–5

is to be urged to explicate, how he infers his universall measure from what he affirms here.a /18 (2)v/ Sir, to divert you and myself a litle, post Musas has severiores,b I shall draw to an end with annexing some lines out of the penitentiall letter of Monsieur Sorbieres, written to the Bishop of Laon, to make him employ My Lord Aubigny for prevailing with ‹our›4 King, to interpose by the king of France, that Sorbiere may be restored from his banishment.c As much as he depressed the Chancelor in his printed pamphlet, so much does he now extoll him in this5 unprinted letter.d For he saith – eFacile alias subjungerem litteras, si opus esset expugnandæ Summi Viri (meaning the Chancellor) indignationi telis et machinis pluribus, quod de insigni ipsius clementia sperare non ausim. Audit enim in patria sua hominum mitissimus; et sanè Unus ille homo Anglis cunctando et parcendo restituit rem. Quam Laudem minime consecutus esset, nisi à sapientissimo Rege primarium regni munus difficillimis temporibus, exul, cum de salute unusquisque desperaret, nec ambiens, obtinuisset. Nimirum ad id operis aptissimum ostendebant suavissimi mores, ingenium perspicax, insignis facundia, eruditio multiplex, et civilis praesertim doctrinae usus et contemplatio. Ad quae potissimum in illo spectanda ne satis attenderem, leviorem studiorum pulvis, et sortis meæ tenuitas veluti nubem oculis nostris objecere. Eram enim, ut verum fatear, totus in admirationem Regiæ Physicorum Londinensium Academiæ defixus; scilicet, quod Medicorum erat tractabam Medicus, et fabrilia faber, in interiora et societatis sagacissimæ arcana nuper admissus. Ad alia autem plane cæcutiebam, et si quid in Diario, quod a Huygens’s point presumably was that in order to compare the lengths of different pendulums beating seconds for a standard, it was necessary to determine their true centres of oscillation. b ‘after this sterner stuff’ (lit., ‘after these harsher Muses’). c For Samuel Sorbière see above, p. 86n. On the publication of Relation d’un voyage en Angleterre (1664), containing scurrilities about members of the Royal Society, Sorbière was temporarily exiled to Nantes. Oldenburg refers to Ludovic Stuart (1619–65), Seigneur D’Aubigny, and César Estrées (1628–1714), Bishop of Laon 1655–81; see Joseph Bergin, The Making of the French Episcopate 1589– 1660 (New Haven and London, 1996), p. 621. d The reference is to Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, for whom see above, p. 66n. e ‘I could easily add another letter, were it necessary to extort by weight of missiles and artillery from the displeasure of that great man…what I have not dared to hope for from his clemency. For he passes in his own country as the most gentle of men; and surely it was that one man who, by slow and moderate action, restored things in England. He could not have deserved such praise unless, in difficult times, when he was an exile and everyone despaired for his safety, he had obtained from a very wise king the first place in the kingdom, without thought of gain. His polite manners, acute mind, remarkable eloquence, many-sided learning, and above all his experience of and reflection upon state affairs showed him to be very well fitted for this task. If I did not pay enough attention to such things, it was because the slightness of my attainments and the dust of trivial studies threw clouds before my eyes. For I was, as I truly confess, carried away by admiration for the Royal Society of London philosophers; that is to say, I treated medical matters like a physician and craftsmanship like a craftsman, when I was but recently admitted to the inmost secrets of that wise society. Plainly I was blind to other things, and if by chance remarks on matters of higher import found their way into my Diary from some polluted source, I must no doubt have swallowed them inadvertently. Thus

360

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 20 Oct. 1664

majoris esset ponderis, forte fortuna irrepsit, ab inquinatis fontibus, procul dubio, nec satis advertens, hauriebam. Condonabit itaque Vir in illo honorum fastigio positus, et cujus fama totum orbem terrarum pervolitat, homini in litterulas suas bene affecto, ad physicas tantum auscultationes idoneo sed ’ανδρωποµετρι΄ας, et sublimiorum scientiarum, ac Politices imprimis rudi et ignaro, etc. /18 (3)/ Sir, I want an Amanuensis exceedingly: else you should have received the whole letter, which argues as much an abject spirit, as can well be, and whereby the writer hath now made himself hatefull by all persons of honor, whereas by his printed book he appeared only guilty of imprudence and partiality. If I6 could have got any more leasure, I would have adde some State-news, about our taking of the Monados, as is affirmd upon the Exchange;7 but of the danger, we are in of loosing Guiny, by the Ruyters fleet, which Sir J. Lawson supposeth to be gone thither, though many will lay wagers to the contrary; and ‹some of› those, that grant their8 being gone thither, are persuaded, that our people there, by the assistance and kindnes of the Blacks, will be able enough to maintaine their acquest.a In the mean time, the Dutch will not now make any haste to come abroad, but have wit enough to let our vittals and mony be consumed without action, knowing we come short both of their frugality and supplyes of mony. I had almost forgot to intimate to you, that meeting yesterday Mr Worsly upon the Exchange, I was desired by him, to let you know, upon occasion, that some 3 or 4 weeks [since] he sent you a letter, of busines; but knows not, whether it came to your hands; which putts him, to use his owne word, to some disconsolation.b But I must run away to the Agriculture Committee,c being Sir Your very humble faithful servant H. O. I cannot possibly review.

For his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esq, at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxford.d a nobleman enjoying the highest honours, whose fame echoes round the whole world, will be indulgent to a man with a gift for little essays, only equipped to attend to philosophical matters and both awkward and ignorant of the sublimer sciences, of the measure of men, and of politics especially.’ a For Sir John Lawson see above, p. 352n. For Dutch admiral De Ruyter and the Anglo–Dutch wars in West Africa see above, p. 298n. b This is a reference to Benjamin Worsley (d. 1673), probably MD and surgeon-general in Ireland 1641–2, surveyor-general in Ireland 1653. His letter to Boyle is not extant. c For the Agricultural, or Georgical Committee of the Royal Society, see above, p. 313n. d For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

361

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Seal: Black and red wax remnants (possibly similar to seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663). Postmark: ‘? / 20’.9 Also marked 4 in ink. Endorsed at head of 18 (3) by Miles ‘belongs to Letter of October 20 1664’ and on 18 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XVIII’. Endorsed on 18 (3)v with Birch number ‘No.18’.

HOOKE to BOYLE

21 October 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 538. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 493–4 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 206–8.

Gresham College, Oct. 21, 1664. Most honoured Sir, I AM extremely sorry, that I have not been able sooner to send down the ball and socket you desired;a for such have been the disappointments of those I had bespoke it of, that no less than three have failed me, and I was fain to stand by a fellow most part of this day to direct him, and he has not yet quite finished it; but I hope to send it down to morrow morning, for Mr. Reeves (who understands these things, and I think he only, of all the turners I have met with) is at present in such a condition, that he can do nothing.b Perhaps you may have heard of it: if not, in short, he has, between chance and anger, killed his wife, who died of a wound she received by a knife flung out of his hand, on Saturday last. The jury found it manslaughter, and he and all his goods are seized on; and it is thought it may go hard with him. As for the time of the conjunction of Mercury and Sol, there are so various calculations of it, according as they are made from these or other tables, that it is certainly the most safe way to watch for it two or three days before, and two or three days after the 25th of October.c If it appear not sooner, we do here intend, God willing, to watch and make as diligent and accurate observations, as the season (which I am apt to think will be fair) and the apparatus we have will afford; whereof, God willing, I shall give you a more full account in my next. Here have not been many experiments since the last time I wrote worthy your notice:d only we did yesterday try the descent of bodies through water;e the manner of which a This may well be the ‘quere’ which Oldenburg passed onto Hooke on Boyle’s behalf. See above, p. 357. b For Richard Reeves, instrument maker, see above, p. 97n. c For the transit of Mercury see Birch, Royal Society, i, 478. d See Hooke to Boyle, 6 Oct. 1664, above, pp. 342–4. e The Society met on 20 Oct. 1664; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 476. See above, p. 343, for an account of this experiment.

362

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 21 Oct. 1664

trials, though we have not yet brought them to any accurateness or method, may perhaps be not unacceptable to you. We took then a good large, round, thick glass, and by putting in very small shot, we brought it to an equilibrium with the water, in which we immersed it; and then taking the exact weight of it, we had thereby the weight of as much water as was equal to it in bulk. Of this weight we weighed five several parcels of shot, and four other parcels, that were equal each of them to a quarter only of this weight; then putting in one of these quarters, we found this bottle (which was hereby a quarter heavier than water) to descend eight foot of water in about 4''. 45'''. putting in a second, and so making it half heavier than water, it descendeth the same depth in 3''. 14'''. putting in a third, which made it ¼ heavier, its descent was in 2''. 45'''. by a fourth made as heavy again, or twice the weight of water, it descended in 2''. 14'''. by a whole parcel added, made thrice as heavy as water, it descended in 1''. 41'''. made four times as heavy, in 1''. 17'''. five times as heavy, in 1''. 10'''. five times and a half as heavy, which filled the glass with shot, in 1''. 6'''. I have not yet had time to cast up and see, what proportions these times keep to the preponderation of the descending globular glass; nor shall I trouble you with the repeating of these trials, which were found by the instrument for falling bodies not to differ more than some few thirds one from another. But by this way, when prosecuted, I hope we may be able to raise a true theory of the resistance of a fluid medium; but I have not as yet any time to spend on these things, and therefore should be very glad, if yourself, or Dr. Wallis, or Dr. Wren, would examine what might be done in that kind; and what observations shall be further made, I shall most faithfully give an account of. a I am speedily going to make observations and tables of refraction by the instrument, which I find exceeding exact. And monsieur Zulichem’s account, which he sends to Sir R. M. of their being able to see the satellites of Jupiter pass between that body and our eye, and to see the shadow those little moons make on the body of that earth; and to see those six several belts, and several other things, whereof I am apt to think Sir R. himself may have acquainted you with, has at length made me set upon my way of making object glasses, which, you may remember, I did long since acquaint you with;b for, certainly, if these be made with a mandrel only, without any tool, as the letter affirms, I hope I have reason to expect greater events from this, which must certainly be the most accurate way imaginable for making spherical glasses. What my success therein shall be, I shall be sure to acquaint you with. As concerning the baroscope; I find, that upon the fourth instant it was very low, and the wind was exceeding high; many of which instances I have not yet observed; but as soon as I can get a little time to make me a weather clock, and to set all my things in order for the enquiring into the causes of the changes of weather, which I fear will not a

For Christopher Wren see above, p. 79n. Hooke refers to Huygens’s letter to Robert Moray, 10 Oct. 1664, which was read at the Society on 19 Oct. 1664. See Huygens, Œuvres complètes, i, 119 and Birch, Royal Society, i, 476. b

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be till after this term, I hope I shall be able to give you a better account. I meet with nothing now in Paul’s Churchyard, but two pamphlets, which, whether worth your sight, or not, I had not time enough to examine.a I had herewithal enclosed also a small microscope, made with one single glass, which I find to magnify the object, and make it as clear, when conveniently placed, as one of Mr. Reeve’s largest; but the glass was so small, that, in putting up, it was rubbed off and lost: but by the next I hope you may have as good a one sent you by,b Most honoured Sir, your most affectionate and most faithful humble servant, R. HOOKE.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

22 October 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 19. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 314, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 163 and Oldenburg, ii, 269–70.

London Oct. 22. 1664. Sir, The Printer calling with instances upon me for more copy, maketh me importune you with these lines so soone after my last, especially since I promised him, that he should not stay for supply. I have this day corrected G, and must heare, that this sheet being printed of, they must rest, if no more copy be sent in the interim.c We have had an Anatome at Gresham this day, but my occasions, that were urgent,1 pulled me away from the assiduity, I intended.d In the meane time I receaved from Mr Beale an Anatomicall relation about the manner of cutting the bladder out of the heads of Cattell, which if it be so new to you, as tis to me, will a Hooke refers to St Paul’s Churchyard where booksellers congregated. Hooke frequently ends his letters to Boyle with a report about new books at the booksellers. b For Reeves, see above, p. 97n. c Oldenburg’s last letter is that of 20 Oct. 1664 (see above, pp. 356–62). He refers to copy for Boyle’s Cold (1665), in particular his work on signature ‘G’. d This was not at a regular meeting of the Society. The physicians had proposed on 12 Oct. several questions to be investigated at the next dissection at Gresham College (Birch, Royal Society, i, 475) presumably held on the 22 Oct. The Society enjoyed the same privilege as the College of Physicians and the Company of Surgeons to receive the bodies of executed criminals for dissection.

364

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 22 Oct. 1664

perhaps surprise you.a It seems, cattel are sometimes afflicted with a bladder in the brains, causing a vertigo in them; and ‹in› the taking it out my Author saith, that the Artist first opens the skull in that side of the forehead, in which by a peculiar softnes /19 (1)v/ he perceaves the bladder to lye, about 4 fingers breadth, and with a penknife, after he hath cut open the filmes, which inclose the braine, scrapes of the braine untill the bladder appeare, then plucks forth the bladder2 with a string, which feeds it, and with an instrument for that purpose divides the braine at that place, where nature hath made a partition, that is, where the spinalis medulla shuts to it, and then taketh forth all that halfe of the braine, in which the bladder grew, leaving the other half, as much uninjured and unviolate as possibly he can. Which done he turns the bullocks head so upon the horns, that all the water and bloud, that was gathered together in the brainpan, may run forth, and then with a fine handkerchief on the top of an instrument wipes the brainpan as clean and drye, as he can, and so closes up the skull again. The beasts usually, (he addes) in a few houres fall to their meat, and recover perfectly. Mr Beale saith that the person, from whom he had this account, is an Anatomist, and in particular perfectly read in Dr Willis Anatome Cerebri, and that he hath promised him more exactnes and fulnes of this operation, which he relateth to be by diverse diversely performed, but most succesfully by those, who in taking away the bladder, doe carefully also take away the /19 (2)/ whole Lobus or part of the braine, wherein the bladder lyeth.b He observeth withall, that the part of the braine taken3 out, hath been upon search, when the beast was slaughtered, found regenerate, only of somewhat a softer and looser consistence, than the reste. This, if you please, with my humble service to Dr Willis. Yesterday I sent to Dr Wallis by the Coach that packet of Horoxes, which I threatned him with in my last Thursdays letter.c I am called to supper, which obligeth me to conclude abruptly Sir, Your faithful humble servant H. Old. The Agriculture committee hath added, ‹upon Dr Merrets suggestion› one Inquiry more, vid. What plants severall grounds produce naturally?d

a

There is no surviving correspondence from Beale to Oldenburg on this subject. This anatomist may have been Walter Charleton, for whom see above, p. 82n. Oldenburg refers to Thomas Willis’s Cerebri anatome (1664). c For Wallis and the astronomical papers of Jeremiah Horrocks see above, p. 302n. Oldenburg refers to his letter of 20 Oct. in which he proposed to send additional papers by Horrocks to Wallis; see above, p. 359n. d For the Georgical Committee see above, p. 171n. For Christopher Merret see above, p. 327n. The reference is to the Committee’s agricultural inquiries, for which see above, pp. 313, 337–8. b

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For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxford

Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘OC / 22’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 19 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XVIIII’ and ink number ‘No 19’. Endorsed on 19 (2)v with Birch number ‘No 19’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

27 October 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 20. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 314–15, Birch (ed.), Works, vi, 163–5, and Oldenburg, ii, 271–4.

London Oct. 27. 1664. Sir, I feare very much, that you as well, as we, have taken pains in vaine about the Mercuriall conjunction.a Our Virtuosi did observe both at Gresham and Mr Reeves’s, but ‹found›1 nothing: of what they looked for. I hope, some of our ingenious friends in the American plantations, to whom I sent notice of it above 6 months agoe, have made good observations, the conjunction falling out there, about 2 or 3 a clocke in the afternoone, if Authors have calculated aright.b More Copy will be extreamly welcome to the Printer, who will quickly dispatch Dr Merrets Appendix, which is not above 2 sheets. What you mention about the Title-page,2 ought to be so; and what you require concerning the conveighance of the sheets to you, as soon as they are printed, you will be readily obeyed in; and I shall, God willing, take care of distinguishing each title into Paragraphs etc.c And I doe not only review the ‹corrected› proofs, before they are printed off, but look also over the printed copy itselfe, to collect the errata, as the presse goes on with the book. I did inquire at Gresham about the station of the Barometer, and was informed, that on Munday last it was lower, than the Operator had ‹ever› seen it, a The transit of Mercury predicted for 25 Oct. Brouncker, Petty, Balle and Hooke together, and Croone separately, looked for the transit without success. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 478. b See Oldenburg’s letters to Richard Norwood (6 Mar. 1664), and John Winthrop (26 Mar. 1664). Oldenburg, i, 146–7, 149–51. c The letter in which Boyle discussed these matters is missing. Oldenburg refers to copy for Boyle’s Cold (1665). For Christopher Merret’s addendum to the work see above, p. 327n.

366

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 27 Oct. 1664

/20 (1)v/ the weather of that day being ‹here› lowring and in part rainy.a The said operator of the Society, by their command, doth keep a Diary of the stations of that Mercury, together with the state of the winds and Weather, and hath done so ever since the beginning of this year, whereof he will be called to an account at the end of it. The yesterday’s spectacle at Woollidge keeping me from attending the Society’s meeting, will keep you also ‹for once› from hearing of their Experiments and debates. The Chief of the Court, and some of 3 our chiefs, went to see the St Catherine (so they have named the new Frigate) launched, and I had curiosity enough to be among the Spectators, and in the Vessell itself, going out of the Docke.b It is a very gallant ship, of about 80 guns, marked for 19 foot draught of water, when she hath her full load; of about 40 foot over, and 120 foot long; standing the king in some £9000, as she is now, and being like to cost him 11 or £12000 more to rigge her out compleatly with cables, ‹sails,› anchors and guns. Sir John Lawson is said to be appointed her Commander; the King, Queen, Duke, and all the Great ones were there, and innumerable people; and the subject deserved such Spectators.c In going downe, our company went a shore by the way, to see Sir William Petty’s ship, which advanceth very well, and will be launched, as they Judge, 6 weeks hence.d Sir R. Moray and Sir William laid a wager, about her drawing of water, when she /20 (2)/ is launched, the Latter maintaining, she shall not draw above 6 foot, 8 inches, the other being for more. There is already spent upon her 130 load of wood,4 the shipwrights making reckoning for 20 more, before she be finisht. Her breadth is 32 foot, whereof 14 is the space between the two bodies; and her length by the keel, is 80; and the height of the platforme from the surface of the water, is 14 foot; of which she will draw 11 when she is fully loadene. I find Sir William very cheerfull, and all his Undertakers; and all those ‹I think,› that are wellwishers to the improvment of naval Architecture, wish good successe to this brave attempt. Of State-news I have litle to impart to you this week, yet this I have to say, that most men think, the warre with Holland to be unavoidable, and that it will be such an one, as they never yet had. We hear, that the Dutch will shortly publish a Manifesto, to Justify their proceedings; and we think, we have matter enough, to a

This is probably a reference to the Society’s operator, Richard Shortgrave (d. 1676). According to Birch, Royal Society, i, 477, most of the members went to Woolwich like Oldenburg, although a meeting did take place. The ship was built by Peter Pett (1610–c. 1672), Navy commissioner. c For John Lawson see above, p. 352n. Charles II was accompanied by his wife, Catherine of Braganza, for whom see above, p. 65n., and his brother, James (1633–1701), Duke of York, who was Lord High Admiral at this time. d The reference is to the Experiment, Petty’s 3rd double-bottomed boat. It was later launched by Charles II, and lost at sea in a great storm. b

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answer them.a In the mean time, a Parisian letter of this week saith;b La France n’est point fachee de vous voir animés les uns contre les autres, esperant qu’elle profitera de cette animosité, et que pendant ce temps là elle establira son commerce. He addeth; Messieurs les Estats ne peuvent nullement souffrir les actes d’hostilité, que Holmes a faits, et qu’il fait tous les jours en Guinee.c Et quoy que les vaisseaux d’Angleterre soyent dans la manche, et que vostre Roy ait dit, que les Hollandois ne pouvoient la passer contre son gré sans choquer les droits de sa couronne, la flotte Hollandoise ne laissera pas de tenter le passage. Of Germany the same Author saith; La ville d’Erfurt s’est rendue à l’Electeur de Mayence à composition, la lenteur des Princes d’Allemagne est cause de sa perte.d Le parti Protestant est foible et n’a plus de zele ny de vigueur. La France avec son argent et ses hommes fait trembler tout le monde.e Le Roy fait faire astheur de grandes levees, la conjecture est aisée touchant le dessein, auquel elles sont destinées.f Before I conclude, I must not5 omit acquainting you, [with] what Dr Charlton affirmed to me of the last Anatomy that the veines on the right and left side of the heart were transposed, so that the vena arteriosa was, where the arteria venosa useth to be, and vicissim;g as also, that Dr Scarborow had assured him, that in the body, dissected by him at the same time there had been wanting the musculus pectoralis.h He added, that when he and Dr Ent told Dr Scarborow of the said transposition of the veines, he urged, ‹that› the body, already buried, might be unburied again, to give him the sight of so unusuall a structure, which whether it a The Dutch manifesto has not been identified, Oldenburg’s comments may be connected with the proposals advanced by the Dutch in Oct. 1664 to resolve the conflict with England; see Steven C. A. Pincus, Protestantism and Patrotism (Cambridge, 1996), p. 321. The 2nd Dutch War began in Mar. 1665. b ‘France is not at all sorry to see you all at loggerheads, hoping to profit from that animosity and to establish its trade meanwhile…The States-General can never tolerate the hostile acts committed by Holmes, which he is continuing every day in Guinea. And although the English ships are in the Channel and your King has said that the Dutch could never pass through it contrary to his will without injuring his royal prerogatives, the Dutch fleet will not neglect to try to pass.’ c For Robert Holmes, who accompanied the Africa Company’s expedition in the spring of 1664, attacking Dutch ships and seizing Dutch forts, see above, p. 337n. See also Roger Hainsworth and Christine Churches, The Anglo–Dutch Naval Wars 1652–1674 (Stroud, 1998), p. 104. d Erfurt, the ancient capital of Thuringia, was a largely autonomous city owing vague suzerainty to Saxony. The annexation to Mainz lasted until 1802. The Elector of Mainz was Johann Philip von Schönborn (1605–73). e Louis XIV was preparing to enforce his claim to the Spanish Netherlands. f ‘Erfurt has surrendered to the Elector of Mainz by agreement; the tardiness of the German Princes is the reason for its loss. The Protestant party is weak and lacks both zeal and vigour. France with its money and men will make all the world tremble. The King at present is raising great forces; it is easy to guess the end for which they are designed.’ g For Walter Charleton see above, p. 82n. Oldenburg refers to the pulmonary artery and the pulmonary vein. h Charles Scarburgh (1616–94), MD 1646 and original F.R.S., was physician to Charles II and subsequent sovereigns.

368

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [28 or 29 Oct. 1664]

be done or not, I cannot yet informe you.a I shall endeavour to procure Peireres Greenlandia for you, with all possible speed;b and I remaine Sir, Your very humble and faithful servant H. Old. 6

There was at our late Committee at Mr Howards suggested by Dr Merret this inquiry ‹more›, to be added to the rest:c What plants7 the severall grounds produce naturally? This he thought might not a litle conduce to discover the nature of the soyle.d Endorsed on 20 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XIX’ and with ink number ‘No 20’.

[28 or 29 October 1664]e

HOOKE to BOYLE

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 539–40. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 496–7 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 209.

Most honoured Sir, I WAS not a little troubled, when upon Friday noon calling at the Saracen’s Head, to see whether the ball and socket were gone (as the porter, that belongs to Moore, had with all asseverations promised it should be by that morning’s coach, for it was delivered to him before nine of the clock that morning) I found, that he had played the rogue, and kept it behind, intending to send it, as I suppose, by the next week's waggon, and this, though it were delivered to him with as great a charge as could be imagined.f But as it has since fallen out, I hope there was not much harm done, Mercury having been too subtil for those, that laid spies for him, by slipping by a

For George Ent see above, p. 346n. This is a reference to Isaac de la Peyrère, Relation du Groenland (1647, 1663). Boyle had previously acquired his book on Iceland. Oldenburg’s failure to procure this book is reported below, p. 391. c Oldenburg refers to the Georgical Committee, for which see above, p. 313n. For Charles Howard see above, p. 231n. d Oldenburg had previously sent this suggestion to Boyle in his letter of 22 Oct.; see above, p. 365. e This letter can be dated on the basis that ‘Wednesday last’ must be 26 Oct. Birch dates it 29 Oct., but 28 Oct. is equally likely. f Hooke possibly refers to the Saracen’s Head Inn, on the south side of Aldgate. For the ball and socket see above, p. 362. Hooke probably refers to Mr Moor, the Oxford carrier. b

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the sun either in the night, or at least by one side of the disk of the sun; for to none of those, that endeavoured to find this conjunction here at London, has there been any glimpse of it, though upon Tuesday, as I imagined we should, we had very fair and clear weather.a All which day my lord Br. Sir W. P. Mr. Ball, and myself, were very diligent in observations.b I did not neither omit to observe the sun on Monday and Wednesday, as oft as I had opportunity /p. 540/ of seeing it appear from between the clouds. Upon Wednesday last we had scarce any thing done, the most of the Society being gone to Woolwich, together with the king and council, and most part of the court, to see the great ship launched.c I did notwithstanding dissect a viper, which gave some good discourses of poison, among the rest Dr. Croone gave an account, that he had newly spoke with a person, that had a long time lived in the court of the king of Macasser, and had seen hundreds dispatched with those strange kind of poisons:d and though very many European chirurgeons had tried to recover the persons, only very slightly hurt by the poisoned weapon, and though they had immediately, as soon as ever the person were hurt, cut out all the wounded part; yet within a very short space those poor wretches would fall down stone dead. But as concerning the fleshes being turned into a gelly, he could never have any certain knowledge of it, having never himself seen any such effect. Mr. Povey affirmed further of our English vipers, that though many had thought the biting no way mortal, yet that not long since a gentleman, with whom he was intimately acquainted, was, by a bite in his hand from a provoked English viper, though all endeavours had been immediately used to prevent any ill symptoms, at length killed, after he had suffered an exceeding chilliness and deadness in that hand and arm for about a twelvemonth, so as that he could not keep any heat in them, though wrapped with all imaginable care in furs and other warm clothes.e Now though I was able to observe little in that day, yet I have since by examining the carcase found, that the teeth (though at first they appeared perfectly transparent, and seemingly solid) were all hollow, and filled with a liquor, or juice, which it is not unlikely may be their poison; for upon the drying of the teeth, I found, that that juice was also wasted, and by a chain of small bubbles, which then was visible enough through the microscope.f I perceived the air had found the way into a

For the transit of Mercury, see above, p. 366. For William Petty see above, p. 103n. Hooke also refers to William Ball (c.1627–90), Devonshire gentleman and astronomer, treasurer of the Royal Society, 1660–3. c The great ship St Catherine was launched at Woolwich; see Birch, Royal Society i, 477 and above, p. 367n. d Hooke’s account of the teeth of vipers was read at the Society on 2 Nov. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 480–2, which also contains Hooke’s sketch of the viper. For William Croone see above, p. 51n. Hooke refers to Makassar, a kingdom in the South Sulawesi, Indonesia, which from the early 17th century became a major base for Portuguese, British, Danish and Asian traders. The king to whom Hooke refers is Sultan Hasanuddin, who ruled 1653–69. e For Thomas Povey see above, p. 302n. f On this subject see Lower to Boyle, 8 June 1664, above, pp. 277–82. b

370

HOOKE

to BOYLE, [28 or 29 Oct. 1664]

the cavity of the teeth. I fancied this viper had two fangs growing directly under each eye: that of them, which was under the right eye, though to the naked eye it appeared only one was discovered by the microscope, to consist of two small teeth much like cat’s claws, that on the left side was only one single one. The contrivance for erecting and retracting, or sheathing the teeth, was very pretty, and like all other articular motions of the body very mechanical; for by their opening their mouths, two small jaw bones (as I may call them) which lay in the roof or upper part of their mouth, were made to thrust outwards and forwards, and thereby being joined as it were to the midst of the fangs; they erected the fangs, and there made them unsheath or appear without a kind of lid or præputium, into which they did again slide and lye concealed, when those bones were drawn backward and inwards. These small bones had each of them seven or eight small teeth apiece: the viper had also two such small bones in the underchop. Exactly like these Dr.1 affirms, the teeth of a rattle snake to be, but exceedingly bigger; and the hole in those teeth to be big enough to have a pin thrust into it.a I did also make several tables of refractions from experiment, and find the hypothesis of sines to hold so great exactness, so that I think we need not much doubt, but that could we make elliptical glasses, much might be done in microscopes more than has been yet performed. I tried the refraction also of a very strong solution of common salt in water, and found the refraction greater than in common water. But which is more strange than any yet made, I found very clear oil of turpentine to have the greatest refraction of any body I have yet tried, though it be in specie much lighter than the spirit of wine or any body I know. What my calculations are, I have here transmitted in the following tables. I have also in the enclosed box put up one of the seeds of musk grass, which is the only one I have left, having given but one of the bills this year: this you will find under the small microscope. The glass of this microscope, though very small, is, I think, very good, which you may perceive, if, without stirring the small brush of hairs I have stuck on to it, you view them against the light of a candle, or of the window. I am now very busy about an engine for making long telescopes, and almost finished it; and hope by the next to have so far proceeded and succeeded in it, as that you may receive an account of it, which I hope will not be unacceptable to you, from, Honoured Sir, your most affectionate, most faithful, and most humble servant, RO. HOOKE. a

i.e., Dr William Croone.

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Common water 6.40 13.30 20.10 27.06 34.15+ 41.4649.50 58.40 70.42

23759 46756 68412

13.44+ 27.52+ 43.10

25900 50298 73531

15.00+ 30.11+ 47.20 The angle answering the hypothetical sine

14.45 30.05 47.20

11609 23352 34474 45557 56294 66666 76400 85419 94387

The hypothetical proportion of the sines of the angles of inclination in the air

10. 20. 30.

11407 23033 34339 45503 56280 66588 76604 85491 94264 Brine 17365 23486 34202 46510 50000 68412 Oil of turpentine 17365 25460 34202 50126 50000 73531 The sine of the observed angle in the air

13.35 27.43 43.10

8716 17365 25882 34202 42262 50000 57358 64279 70711

The sine of the observed angle in the liquor

10. 20. 30.

The observed angle in the air

6.39 13.19 20.05 27.04 34.15 41.45 50.00 58.45 70.30

The observed angle in the liquor

5. 10. 15. 20. 25. 30. 35. 40. 45.

29[?] October 1664a

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

From the copy in Oldenburg’s hand in the Christiaan Huygens Collection, University of Leiden, MS HUG 45. 4o/1. Previously printed in Œuvres complètes, v, 557–8 and in Oldenburg, ii, 274–5.

The Observations from Mr Zulichem I have communicated to Dr Wallis, and mean to doe so to Dr Wren, as soon as I see him, they are very ingenious and worthy to be prosecuted and of the author; concerning whom I forgot to tell you a This letter has been dated on the basis that it must be the letter of ‘yesterday’ referred to in the next letter.

372

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 30[?] Oct. 1664

formerly, that I was not a litle proud to receive in his letter to Sir R. Moray, from so competent a Judge so favorable a Character of my Trifles about Colors,a And as for what he mentions of the iris producible betwixt 2 pieces of flat Glasse without the assistance of a liquor, I am much obliged to him for the mentioning it.b But though I had severall times observed it, before my Book came out, yet by reason of certain scruples, I had about the cause of it, I purposely forbore to take notice of that, and another Phænomenon somewhatt of kin unto it. And as for the Question, He desires to have of Sir J. Finch concerning the Blind man, as I think myselfe obliged to Mr Zulichem for the occasion of it, so by the Circumstances of Sir John, related to me of the Extraordinary Care, he tooke not to be imposed upon, I am invited to exspect, that He will be able to give a satisfactory answer to it.c Endorsed on verso by Oldenburg ‘Extract of Mr Boyle’s Letter for Mr Zulichem’.d Also endorsed ‘Copie extraict d’un ordre d’une lettre que mr Boil a escritte a M. Oldenb.’ and in pencil ‘Oct 1663’.

30[?] October 1664e

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

From the original in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 82. Fol/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 277–80.

Sir Though I wrote you but yesterday an answer to the Favour of your Letter; yet haveing this day met with an Opportunity of performing a promise, I therein made you, sooner then either I, or I presume, you expected: f I shall not scruple to dispatch to you the Account I have now receiv’d of a Monster, that was lately brought forth, & may probably1 be yet alive at Salisbury, That if it be yet News to our Collegiate Freinds (for if it be not I must begg you to ‹leave›2 it unmention’d a

For Christopher Wren see above, p.79n. The observations were contained in a letter to Moray of 19 Aug. l664 (Œuvres complètes, v, 107), and relate his satisfaction in reading Boyle’s Colours (1664). b Boyle had discussed the colours seen in the thin film of a soap bubble; Huygens, in his letter to Moray, refers for the first time to the interference to colours seen when plates of glass are compressed. c The reference is to a story reported by Boyle on the authority of Sir John Finch (1626–82), MD and diplomat, about a blind Dutch organist who could distinguish colors by touch; see Colours in Works, vol. 4, pp. 40–5. d This extract was sent by Moray to Huygens in his letter of 19 Aug. 1664. e The date of this letter is confirmed by the fact that it had reached the Royal Society by Wednesday, 2 Nov. f This is probably Boyle’s letter of 29[?] Oct. 1664, extant only through an extract made by Oldenburg, which must have contained an initial account of the monster; see above, pp. 372–3.

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at Gresham) you may communicate to them a Case which has some what in it, expecially as to the placing of the heads, that is exceeding odd, & almost unempled [sic]. But not having been an Eye witnesse my selfe, all that I can doe is faithfully to transcribe the Relation sent3 me from the place where the Monster was borne in the very words of the Relators. The former of whom is Dr Turbervill, a person deservedly famous in those parts for being an Excellent Oculist.a The Account (baring date the 27 Instant) that came to mee from him about this Monster, is deliver’d in these Words. On Tuesday Night last, there was borne in Fisherton adjoyning to our Towne of Salisbury a Monstrous Issue in part, the Woman has three Children Girles,4 the one very well formed & fatt, the other two as you may call them hath but one Body, continued hansomely to their shoulders, from whence groweth foure Armes compleatly made, two Necks & two heads very well /82 (1)v/ featur’d, with all the parts, but they are contrary posited, one at one end of the Body & the other at the other, out of the side there is a Belly, Navell, a Womans part, & one Fundament, and two compleat Leggs, & thighs, feet, & Nayles; they were at writing hereof very lusty, & doe take their food, sugar & water, looke abroad, & wagg all parts; the one is more sleepy then the other, both very pretty, I saw them this Evening (being Thursday) there hath been a thousand to see them, there perrents are but poore; you may see the shadow of them very much like, they differ only but in one part, in Operibus Jacobi Ruff de Conceptu & generatione hominis.b This is what our Dexterous Oculist writes in his letter, but since when he had made up that he thought fit to thrust into it a kind of Delineation of the Monster folded up within a Note, I thought it5 ‹requisite› for your further satisfaction to send you not only a Copy of the Note, wherein it was inclosd, but the picture itselfe, desiring you that when our Freinds have seene it may be returned to mee.c A Copy of the Note6 Sir After the sealing of my letter I shadowed the Children as well as my fancy enabled mee & have sent it you inclos'd for your better satisfaction. I had forgot to tell you that both heads doe suck well, & they avoid their Excrements well. a Boyle refers to Daubeney Turberville, for whom see above, p. 308n. A further account of the monster was given by William Hann in a letter to Oldenburg of 29 Nov. 1664. These relations were preceded by Turberville’s letter of 27 Oct. 1664, which is not extant. Boyle’s account of the birth, presumably as given in this letter, was read at the Society’s meeting of 2 Nov. 1664. As was promised then, Boyle later communicated further details of the event, and these were read at the meeting of 9 Nov.; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 480, 485. Presumably this 2nd letter is lost. The Fisherton monster formed the subject of a broadside and a ballad, ‘Nature’s Wonder?’, both printed in H. E. Rollins (ed.), The Pack of Autolycus (Cambridge, Mass., 1927), pp. 139–45. b This is a reference to Jacob Rueff, author of De conceptu et generatione hominis, 1st published in his Tröstbüchle (1554), then in a Latin translation of the same date. c The ink drawing of the prodigy is attached by wax to the 2nd half of the letter; see p. 375.

374

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 30[?] Oct. 1664

.

Drawing of the monstrous birth at Fisherton (on a slip of paper attached by sealing wax to RS Early Letters B 1. 82(2)).

And to this I shall add the following Transcript of, as much as concernes this purpose,7 another letter, that brought me a while after an Account of the same thing from another physitian late of this University, who now practices there & whose Narrative though it adds not much to the former Relation may at least serve to Confirme It.a On Tuesday last (says he) the Wife of one Waterman an Oastler in Fisherton was in Travell the whole afternoone, & about 11 of the clock at Night shee was deliverd of a Daughter every way well shapd & proportion’d; about an hower after shee was deliver’d of another strange mishapen Birth, having two heads, the one whereof was at the place of the Feete, 4 Armes & 4 handes (all the heads, armes & hands /82 (2)/ well proportion’d as low as the Breast, about the middle of the Body there a

Presumably the person referred to is William Hann, for whom see below, p. 384n.

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came forth 2 f[at]8 Leggs Thighs, & Buttocks, with the parts of a woman, & the Arms (& all these by one side) & 2 or 3 Inches above the pudendum the Navell growd out. About 2 of the Clock in the Morning this partus Monstrosusa was Baptiz’d having two Names v.g. Martha & Mary given9 it by the Minister, the Next day it purgd per Anum, it cryed, withall it was feed with Milk, at both its10 mouths & is as yet alive. If any more Discoveryes be made of it by a Dissection after Death you11 shall not faile to have notice of it. Rueff in his first Booke & third Chapter de Conceptu & generatione hominis, hath a relation of a partus Monstrosus very like to this, of which one lived one day, the other 15 Dayes. If the Ingenious Writer keep his promise, & if this Monster proves not longer liv’d then Creature of that sort are wont to bee, I may probably in a short time hear further of this matter, & I hope I need not tell you, that the Virtuosi may (if they think it worth while) readily command any such Account from him, that having not without Difficulty snatchd some moments to trace these ‹hasty› Lines must now forth with Conclude by subscribing him selfe Sir your very Affectionate Freind & very humble Servant. Ro. Boyle. These To my highly Esteemd / Freind henery Oldenburge Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society present with care / At his house in the pell-mell / near Charing Crosse. carryer paid with a role of paper / paid Seal: Oval seal (two examples, one attaching drawing to the letter). Antique male head. Other wax remnants. Endorsed at head of fol. 82 ‘Nov: 1664’ (in an early hand) and ‘Read Nov: 2: 64:’ and ‘Entered LB. Suppl’.

BOYLE to MURRAY October 1664 Miles’s list (BP 36, fol. 145v) has the following entry: ‘Murray private Affairs. Oct 64’. This is presumably Tom Murray, who appears to have been an agent of Boyle’s at Stalbridge; see vol. 1, p. 41n. a

‘monstrous birth’.

376

TURBERVILLE

to [BOYLE], [c. Oct. 1664]

TURBERVILLEa to [BOYLE]

[c. October 1664]

From the original in BL 6, fols 60–1. Fol/2. Two-thirds of fol. 61 cut away. Not previously printed.

Honoured Sir I have received your second letter and am sorry that the Carrier was blam’d for my forgetfullnesse of sending the Eye water which was prepared for you, and is now sent and Ile assure it good, and safe, it will smart a little at first puttinge into the Eye; you may dropp it in the morninge, and at night goeinge to bed; yf you finde good by it, the receit is at your commande;b the doses and composition of the medicins usd about gutta serena are as follow:c Recipe Rad. Fœniculi Asparagi Cicor. liquiritæ Polypod. Cyperi. ana 3i [1 dram]. Cort. rad. Frangulæ 3ii [2 drams]. Fol. et flor. Beton. Maioran. Melissæ, Euphrag. ana 3iss [1½ drams]. Agrimon. Veron. ana Mss [½ a handful]. florum Cord. et Rosmarin. ana p. i. sem. Anisi, fœniculi, Carui, Nigellæ Roman. ana 3i [1 dram]. Coquantur in lb vii [7 pounds] Aq. Font. ad Consumptionem 3iæ partis, de colatura accipe 3 xii [12 ounces], in quibus dissolve Syrup. Beton. 3 iii [3 ounces] pro 4er dosibus capiend. manè et serò; d Deinde Recipe praescripti decocti 3 x [10 ounces]; Rhabarb. Elect. 3 ss [½ ounce] Agar. recenter Trochiscat. Turbit. gummos. ana 3iss [1½ drams]. fol. sennæ mund. 3 ss [½ ounce]. florum Tart. 3ii [2 drams]. Cinnamom. opt. sem. Anisi ana ∋ii [2 scruples]. incidantur, et Contundantur omnia grosso modo postea eum suprascript. 3 x [10 ounces] misce deinde: infundantur per noctem, mane post unam aut alteram a

For Daubeney Turberville see above, p. 308n. The two letters referred to here are not extant. Boyle received the eye water some time before 30 Oct. 1664. Turberville sent a recipe for moderating the eye water in his letter to Boyle of 17 Nov. 1664; see below, pp. 405–6. Although undated, we have placed this letter here since it clearly belongs to this exchange. c The prescriptions are translated as follows: ‘Take root of fennel, root of asparagus, root of chicory, root of liquorice, root of the polypody fern, root of galingale, 1 dram of each; bark of the root of fraxinella, 2 drams; leaves and flowers of betony, marjoram, clover, eyebright, 1½ drams of each; agrimony, veronica, ½ a handful of each; cordial of flowers and rosemary, one part [?] of each; aniseed, fennel seed, caraway seed, seed of Roman nigella, 1 dram of each. Let them all be cooked in 7 pounds of fountain water, until a third part is consumed; take 12 ounces of the strained decoction, in which you should dissolve 3 ounces of syrup of betony; this will produce 4 doses, which should be taken in the morning and in the evening.’ d ‘Then: Take 10 ounces of the concoction prescribed above; add ½ ounce of electuary of rhubarb; of agaric, freshly formed into a troche, and of gummy turbith, 1½ drams of each; leaves of cleansed senna, ½ ounce; of flowers of tartar, 2 drams; of the best cinnamon and aniseed, 2 scruples. Let all the ingredients be added together, mixed with each other and roughly ground together; then mix them with the above described 10 ounces of decoction. Let them infuse overnight, and in the b

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ebullitionem exprimantur, adde Syrup. ros. solut. compos. syrup. de Cicor. cum Rhabarb. ana 3 ii [2 ounces] misce pro 3bus dosibus in aurora sumendis: a postea Recipe pil. Luc. maior. Aurear. ana ∋i [1 scruple]. Troch. Alhand. Diagrid. ana gr. iiii vel vi [4 or 6 grains] cum syrup. ros. solut. formentur pil. usque pro una dosi et capiat cum cura semel in septimana: I gave sometimes goeinge to bed a dramme of Minsicht pil. Alephang.b In the preparative, and potion I have at other times added florum Tiliæ lil. Conval. promul. veris sem. pœon. visc. Quercin. chelidon. ungul. Alcis ras. Eboris C. C. and other Epilept. and soe in their common drinke.c This with the other I have formerly mentiond I have done great cures; such as cuppings scarifyings seton sneesings, smellinge to Chymicall oyles, and drinkeing1 of spiritts with propper vehicles; Coyes, frications: for all which you need noe evidance:2 /fol. 60v/ For stroakes in the Eye. I presently bleed with leeches in the temples, and rayse a blister under the Eare, then open a veine under the winge of younge pigeons, and dropp it often, afterward binde all the Inward part, and flesh warme to the Eye for six or seaven houres, then takeinge away that, I apply fresh againe for soe longe time; then I take Aq. Card. Bened. 3 i [1 ounce] Aq. Beton. 3 ii [2 ounces] Mel. despumati 3 ss [½ ounce]:d and mix well with six or 7 blades of Safron, and dropp it often, at night still I put into the contusd Eyes nothinge but mel despumatum uppon a feather; the water must bee made new every fourth day; I apply likewise plaisterwayes Unguentum Alabastrinum to the forehead fresh every day: For the electuary the vegetables must bee alike quantity with the pouder of Eybright. My Apothecary hath tryed about the solution of Amber and supposeth it very possible3 assoon as hee can get the Spirit of wine soe stronge, and dephlegmated soe well that there bee nothinge of waterishnesse int, which hee have found by experience causeth precipitation of the amber, which hindreth the solution: yf you please to send mee some, you shall very much oblige mee; I thanke you for the receipts enclosd, the first my Grandmother usd to my knowledge for 30 yeares morning, after boiling once or twice, they should be squeezed out. Add syrup of roses and a solutive compound syrup of chicory and rhubarb, 2 ounces of each . Mix this together, for 3 doses, to be taken at dawn.’ a ‘Afterwards: Take golden pills for better eyesight 1 scruple, troche of alhandel and of scammony, 4 or 6 grains of each; with a solutive syrup of roses; let pills be formed, enough for 1 dose, and should be taken with care, once a week.’ b The medication is named from the early 17th-century German physician, Adrian Mynsicht. c i.e., linden flowers, true lily-of-the-valley, peony seed, mistletoe, celandine, elk hoof, ivory shavings, crab shells [chelus cancrorum, or possibly orange peels, cortices citrinorum]. d i.e., holy thistle water, betony water, clarified honey.

378

CUNINGHAME

to BOYLE, 2 Nov. 1664

since with successe but not as a sympathicke believeing that the effect was from the saltnesse of the Excrement, and soe the pouder of any would doe the like; the latter of the Medicins (stone horse stones) I have read of but never try’d. I doe intend for the diseases of the head and Eyes to experiment calfes, and sheeps heads all things beelongeinge to them well pounded and beaten and mixd with Hony selendine, Eybright, pimpernel, Tortentill,a fenol Rue, sage, betony, clary, and the like steepd in sacke for sometime, and draw it off to bee4 dranke with some vehicle; I beeseech you to direct mee in the best way for doeing it, yf there bee sympathy of parts, I suppose this may hitt as well5 as other: Doctor Smith of Braze nose my uncle used to give his patients beinge desperately sicke a spirit made withall the Cordiall electuaryes, and species in the dispensatory dissolvd in sacke, and drawne off, and gave it often with wonderfull effect, and for ought I know my sheepe headed spirit may analogize as to that part.b /fol. 61/ I had thoughts that the Chymicall oyle of Nigella Romana might very much help in Cephalick diseases and I put our best Chymmists to worke about the drawinge of it, but they have fayld int, and suppose it almost impossible to bee done. I shall begge your assistance about it, with your pardon in beinge soe troublesomely bold with you; my Apothecary hath endevoured to make Sulphur of Antimony accordinge to your way with Turpentine, and Antimony, but knoweth not how to separate the tincture, which makes mee farther presumptuouse to desyre your advice int,6

ROBERT CUNINGHAMEc to BOYLE

2 November 1664

From the holograph original in BL 2, fol. 87. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Right honorable It may seeme strange, that I who never had the honnor or happines to be known to you, should affoord you the trouble of the lecture of thes Ensuings lines, yet the converse I Entertaine with your learned books, doth discover so palpable symptomes of generosity and Ingenuitie, as forbids me to trace apologies for my a

i.e., tormentil. This is possibly John Smith (d. 1679), B. and D. Med. at Brasenose College Oxford in 1659. c This correspondent signs his letter from Edinburgh, and there was an Edinburgh apothecary called Robert Cunningham in the early 1670s. See P. J. and R. V. Wallis, 18th-century Medics (Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 1988), p. 148. b

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boldnes. Sir In a letter directed to my noble freind sir Robert Murray I propounded some queres, touching the difficulty I found In dulcifying of the Colcothar of Vitriol without almost the totall diminution and losse of Its Substance, but I proceded (doctissime Heros) and followed your footsteps, and the proportion of twoo pounds of vitriol calcined, after Edulcoration, did furnist me but fyve or six drames. to which I added the sal armoniack and after the resublimation, there remained about seven drames of a prettie yellow Sublimate.a So that I conceive I failed In nothing, Except It be In the proportion (which I value not much). Now Noble sir least I should prove ungrate to my Master I Judge my self obliged to give you ane accompt of the benefitt one of my patients hath receaved by the Exhibition of some few doses of It. I had a patient scorbutick, pestered with woormes, losse of appetite troubled with viscous phlegme from his head falleing to his throat want of sleepe, whom I had purged frequently with bolus Ex hiera picra diagridio mercurio dulci and other specifick Remedies non Equidem Sine Successu, licet minime optato.b yet the tenacious phlegm and want of appetite and sleepe tortured him. I gave him the first night twoo graines, csudavit et multum refocillatus. secunda nocte quievit, placide dormivit, urinam copiose Excrevit. Dein porrexi grana tria, dulcissimus obrepsit sopor, et copiosus Emanavit Sudor, nocte Insequenti Eadem cum vino hispanico propinata dosis et gratissima Subsecuta quies et1 requies. per biduum feriatum, Illis tamen noctibus blandus somnus, copiosi sudores fusi, et urina praeter solitum effusa, mirum levamen languenti ægro attulere. Vix enim (mihi crede) faber noster lignarius de pituitu tenacis molestia, et de Interrupti Somni ammua[?], vel de prostrati ventriculis noxa, planctus et quærelas spargit. statuo tamen ut reliquias danaum superem perseverare.d Vides Erudite Vir quantum sit tibi devincta haec nostra plaga Septemtrionalis. Est mihi In animo Eximias a This is a preparation of the Helmontian ens Veneris, a medical preparation developed by George Starkey in 1651; see W. R. Newman and L. M. Principe, Tried in the Fire (Chicago, forthcoming). b ‘… a bole from hiera picra, diagridium, mercurius dulcis … not, indeed, without success, although very little was hoped for.’ Hiera picra was a widely known purgative concoction based on aloes. c ‘… he sweated and was much revived. On the second night he was calm, and slept peacefully, and urinated copiously. Then I gave him 3 grains, and a very sweet sleep crept over him, and he sweated very freely; on the following night, he drank the same dose with Spanish wine, and a most welcome rest and quiet sleep ensued, prolonged for 2 days. And on these nights a peaceful sleep, much sweating, and the emission of unusual quantities of urine, brought a wonderful relief to the suffering invalid. For scarcely (believe me) did our friend the woodwright scatter around his usual moans and complaints about the irritation of persistent phlegm, and the troubles of his interrupted sleep, or about the pain of his prostrate stomach. But I am determined to persevere, in hopes of surpassing the monuments left to us by the Greeks. You see, most learned Sir, how much this northern land of ours owes to you. I have it in mind to try out the gifts of this medicine on the treatment of the spine (or, as the London Academy d

See Virgil, Aeneid, i. 30: ‘Troas, reliquias Danaum atque Achilli’, ‘those Trojans left (alive) by the Greeks and cruel Achilles’. Cuninghame is either deliberately (and wittily) or ignorantly distorting the meaning of the tag by applying it to the achievements of the Greeks; in Virgil it is ironic.

380

CUNINGHAME

to BOYLE, 2 Nov. 1664

hujus medicamenti dotes in artimodio (seu ut loquitur academia Londinensis) Rachitide, Experiri. dic Inexperto quoties et quando, et si per otium vel negotium licuerit, quibus aliis morbis proficuum deprehendisti. Quod ad me attinet Censeo posse cum fructu Exhiberii In cunctis morbis a sale coagulato proficiscentibus et Inpertinacibus obstructionibus ob Eximiam qua pollet diureticam vim et virtutem. pilulas tuas Lunares aggredi Inclinat animus, si vacillanti, et hæsitanti animo (ob difficultatem) robur addideris. Quascunque mihi digito monstraveris preparationes publico proficuas sine mora sine scrupulo præparare Statuo. Vides quanta audacia, et effræni libertate, Excelsa tua Indole utar vel potius abutar primo Impetu. Sed cum astro et orgasmo de provincia mihi mandata ‹bene›2 promerendi flagrem et ferveam facile condonabit3 crimini publico /fol. 87v/ Publicus tuus genius et Ingenium. sed ne in publica peccem4 Commoda manum de tabulâ and shall say no more but this truth (which signifys not much) that I am Cordially Right honorable Your Very affectionat friend & most humble servant Ro: Cuninghame. Sir, I had lately discovered to me a5 great Secret from a famous Empirick who Indeed did great things by It In hydropse, Cachexia, paralysi, pertinaci mensium obstructionea and It is this Recipe florum sulphuris quantum volueris, contunde et misceatur cum s. q. spiritus sulphuris per campanam Ita ut possit redigi in massam pilularum.b

says) of rickets. Tell me, and enlighten my inexperience, how often and when, and (if your leisure and business interests allow you the time) on what other diseases you have found this medicine to be beneficial. As far as I am concerned, I believe that it can be used fruitfully in all illnesses that owe their origin to a coagulation of salt, and in irritating obstructions, because of its diuretic power and virtue. I am turning to the preparation of your lunar pills, and will do so if you add the strength of your encouragement to my vacillating and cautious spirit (which hesitates at the difficulties involved). Those preparations which you have pointed out as of use to the public I declare myself ready to prepare without any delay or uneasiness. You see how boldly and how freely and unrestrainedly I make use of – or perhaps rather abuse – your great condescension, at my first eager attempts. But since I burn and boil with inspiration and fervent desire to deserve well of the province [of medicine] that has been entrusted to me, your civil genius and ingenuity will easily forgive a public crime, but lest I sin in public, I take my hand from the writing tablet …’ a ‘in hydropsy, consumption, paralysis, and persistent obstruction of the menses’. The ‘famous Empirick’ has not been identified. b ‘You should take as much flowers of sulphur as you like, and it should be ground and mixed with a sufficient quantity of spirit of sulphur per campanam, so that it can be reduced into a mass for pills.’

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

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I caused a chirurgien give It to a Woman who had hydropsie occasioned by the stoppage of her female diseases. dosis Erat ∋i [1 scruple] vigesies et copiose Excrevit sed cum torminibus6 alvi Idque per triduum sed convaluit.a I think the dose may be ∋ss [½ scruple] Quæro Ex te causam quod duo solitarie exhibita nequaquam purgent. Inter se vero copulata tam strenue alvum subducantb but since that tyme I found a pill which I lyke much better In Bartholinus his Epistle a doctis ad doctosc which is thus framed Recipe florum Sulphuris myrrhu Electa ana 3ss [½ dram] croci optimi ∋ss [½ scruple] aloes ∋ii [2 scruples] fiat pulvis et cum spiritu sulphuris fiat massa pilularum formentur pilulæ Instar pisi, dosis pilulæ 3ss [?] [½ dram], mira præstant says my author. In morbis pectoris.d I purpose Godwilling to try them. Edinburgh 2 nov 1664. for The Right honourable Mr Boyle

CHARLES CHAUNCYe to BOYLE

2 November 1664

From the holograph original in the Guildhall Library, London. Guildhall MSS 7936, fol. 5. Fol/2. Bottom quarter of second leaf missing. Previously published in J. W. Ford, (ed.) Some Correspondence between the Governors and Treasurers of the New England Company in London and the Commissioners of the United Colonies in America, the Missionaries of the Company and others between the years 1657 and 1712. To which are added the Journals of the Reverend Experience Mayhew in 1713 and 1714 (London, 1896), pp. 9–10.

a ‘The dose was 1 scruple, she excreted twenty times copiously, but with the griping colic, and this for 3 days, but she recovered.’ b ‘I ask you, the reason why 2 [of these pills?] given separately do not purge in the least, but when combined together, they bring down the excrement so effectively.’ c For Thomas Bartholin see above, p. 77n. The epistle ‘From the learned to the learned’ which Cuninghame goes on to cite is a letter of Johannes Fredericus Treubler to Thomas Bartholin of 3 Feb. 1657, published in Thomas Bartholin, Epistolarum medicinalium a doctis vel ad doctos scriptarum, centuria I & II (1663), p. 678. d ‘Take flowers of sulphur, and selct myrrh, ½ dram of each, ½ scruple of the best saffron, 2 scruples of aloes, and let them be made into a powder. Let a mass for pills be made with spirit of sulphur, and let the pills be formed in the size of a pea. The dose of a pill is ½ dram [?]; they work wonders (says my author) in diseases of the chest.’ e For Charles Chauncy, president of Harvard, see above, p. 45n.

382

CHAUNCY

to BOYLE, 2 Nov. 1664

Right worshipfull and much honoured in the Lord. Whom the Lord hath bene pleased, though in a more remote way, with the charge of innumerable soules of the poore Indians heere natives in America. I presume so farre, that your piety and candor is such, that it wilbee gratefull unto you, if I doe present you with a fewe words in order to promout this great designe. ther are two things that mainely conduce by way of preparation to the conversion of the Indians, the schooles for ther education, and the printing presse to furnish them with fit bookes, to bring up ther children in schooles, and catechisme. for this latter worke, it hath pleased you to send over to us an able printer Marmaduke Johnson, who though he hath bene in former times loose in his life and conversation, yet this last yeere he hath bene very much reformed, and in likelihood one that may carry on the printing worke with greater advantage.a if your selves shalbee pleased to commit the mannaging of the presse to him, and to furnish him with fonts of letters, for the printing of English, Indian, Latine and Greeke, and some also for Hebrewe, provided that he live not asunder from his wife, as he hath done before, over long, which now is reported to bee dead;b as also that the Colledge, to which all impressions from the foundation of it belonge, together with the licensing, correcting, and oversight of bookes printed, have a suitable allowance by the sheet, which they have bene deprived of in the whole impression of the Indian Bible, which losse I intreat you to consider, for it is not too late, besides other Indian books have bene printed without any advantage at all to the Colledge.c Now as concerning schooles for the Indians ther hath not bene wanting eyther diligence or faithfullnes in our Honoured Commissioners to provide for them heere, yet it were to bee wished that both in Grammer schooles, and in our Colledge also ther should bee appointed by your selves a fit salary for schoolemaisters and Tutors in the Colledge for every Indian that is instructed by them to incourage them in the worke, wherin they have to deale with such nasty salvages [sic], and of whom they are to have a greater care and diligent inspection: as it used to bee in Colledges in universityes, in the education of fellow Commoners which in Oxeford hath1 bene no lesse then £2 by the quarter. I speake not in regard of my selfe, though I have trained up two of the Indians and instructed them in Arts and languages untill that nowe they are in some good measure fit to preach to the Indians, a For Marmaduke Johnson and the scandal surrounding him, see above, p. 46n. For Johnson’s return to New England see above, p. 319n. b Marmaduke Johnson’s wife has not been identified. c For the Indian Bible see above, p. 21n. The other books Chauncy is referring to are Lewis Bayley’s The Practice of Piety, printed in Algonquian in 1665, and Richard Baxter’s A Call to the Unconverted, also printed in Algonquian in 1664. Presumably the Indian Psalter is also alluded to, see above, p. 75n.

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2, 1662–5

and doe it with hope of comfortable successe:a but I speake it for this purpose, that it may proceed from yourselves as a standing allowance to incourage so great a worke. I would not bee too bold with you, but as the governement of the Colledge is committed unto mee, and I doe greatly thirst after the promoting of so glorious and pretious a worke I have suggested the premisses. and I desire the Lord to prosper the worke, and to your selves and all pious endeavors about it, and rest Your Worships in the Lord to my power Charles Chauncy

From Cambridge 2 9m 1664

To the Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr Governor of the Corporation For the Indians in New England. thes present Seal: Remnants only. Design obscured by mounting in volume. Endorsed: ‘Mr. Chauncies letter Governor of the Colledge in New England. a Copie to be sent to the Commissioners there.’2b

WILLIAM HANNc to [BOYLE]d

3 November 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 315. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 165.

a

This is probably a reference to Caleb Cheeshahteaumauk and Joel Jacoomes, for whom see above, p. 45n. b A copy of this letter was enclosed with Boyle’s letter to the New England Commissioners in Feb. 1665, see below, p. 454–6. c William Hann, possibly the man of this name who was fellow of New College Oxford from 1648 to 1660. He had received a licence to practise in 1657; see Oldenburg, ii, 280. d This letter, together with another from Hann (dated 29 Nov. 1664) and one from Henry Denny (18 Nov. 1664) are printed in Birch (Works (1744), v, 315) in the midst of the Oldenburg letters with the heading ‘Letters relating to the monster born at Fisherton, referred to in the following Letters of Mr. Oldenburg.’ Since the letter of 29 Nov. is clearly identified by Birch as addressed to Oldenburg, whereas this, and the letter from Denny, are not, they may be presumed to be addressed to Boyle.

384

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 3 Nov. 1664

Sarum, Thursday Nov. 3, 64. SIR, IN my last I sent your honour a brief description of a strange mishapen birth.a I am now enabled to give you a larger account of it, having seen it alive, and being present and assistant at its dissection after death. I have here inclosed sent your honour the description and delineation of it, and can assure you (if I may believe my own eyes) I have written the truth, and shall leave it to your honour’s judgment, whether you think fit to have it exposed to the publick view, either in this or any other dress.b I confess the delineation is not so accurate, as I could have wished. We are now using our endeavours to preserve the body. SIR, I am in haste, and can only at present acquaint your honour, that I have received your kind letter, with the box you sent me, and do at present (with the return of my hearty thanks) take leave, remaining, SIR, your honour’s affectionate friend, and most humble servant, WILL. HANN. I PRAY, Sir, if this comes to your hand, do me the favour to let me know it.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

3 November 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 21. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 315, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 165, and Oldenburg, ii, 280–5.

London Nov. 3. 1664. Sir, I must begin this with the affectionate thanks of the Society for your respects to them in giving them part of so considerable an account, as that is of the monstrous birth; They would be very glad, to have that double attestation of the 2 Physitians among their records; and you will further oblige them in communicata

If Hann’s intended correspondent in this letter is Boyle, there is no extant earlier letter to Boyle from Hann. The earliest account of the birth received by Boyle was from Daubeney Turberville, 27 Oct. 1664 (not extant). Boyle’s letter to Oldenburg of 30[?] Oct. 1664 (see above, p. 374n.), does contain information from two correspondents, which suggests that Hann’s previous letter must have been written before this date. b This paper is not extant, but is probably the one that Boyle forwarded to the Royal Society with a letter to Oldenburg. It was read at the Society’s meeting of 9 Nov. 1664; see below, pp. 393–4.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

ing what shall more of this matter, ‹concerning› either1 the life or death of these double bodies come to your knowledge.a Having Rueffus among my books, I lookd upon him, and found the allegation;b wherein I met with this particular, that the like monster was Anno 1552 borne, here in England also, and not farre from Oxford; of the female sexe too, whereof one part was very merry, the other2 sad and sleepy; the difference in the shape of ‹that› from this of Fisherton, according to the history, consists only in this, that the former had 2 leggs on one side, and a third legge with 10 toes on the other side, whereas the3 latter hath but 2 leggs both ‹on› one side. Dr Charlton being calld to an account of his last dissection, and particularly pressed concerning the Transposition, which I mentiond to you in my former from his own mouth in the presence of others, who heard him as well, as I, alledge Dr Ent for a witnesse of his assertion, was obliged at our yesterday’s assembly at Gresham to yield, that he was mistaken; both Dr Ent, who was with us, and Dr Scarborough, having, upon the unburying of the heart and a strict4 search and Examination, found no such transposition; which discovery of the Doctors error, spread by ‹his› very positive affirmations (which made me without scruple deliver it also to you) addeth but very litle to his credit.c In the meane time, the5 other Anatomicall Observation concerning the defect of the Pectorall muscle is confirmed, Dr Ent himselfe upon my particular inquiry asserting it with all confidence, and that the person, ‹whilst alive,› had not appeared defective in his motions. We have been lately examining the teeth of a viper, and somewhat of the structure of the rest of his body; and it hath been found, that the fang-teeth, as they call them, being let alone till pretty dry, are hollow, which was perceaved by means of severall chaines of bubles appearing within these ‹transparent› hollow teeth,6 /21 (1)v/ though, whilst the viper was alive, the observers could not perceave the least appearance of hollownes, but the teeth then seemd perfectly transparent Conicall bodies. d Both Dr Ent and Dr Merret affirmd, that having examined the teeth of a ratle-snake (which animal they found very like a viper in all its other parts, and that therefore it was not unlikely, but the teeth of them also might resemble each other) they observed, that they were ‹very› visibly hollow with a small perforation running through the midle of them from their roots to7 their a For the account of the prodigy born at Fisherton see above, p. 375. It was read at the Society’s meeting of 2 Nov. The two physicians Oldenburg refers to are Turberville and Hann. b For the work of Jacob Rueff referred to here see above, p. 374n. c Walter Charleton’s dissection is reported above, p. 368. George Ent, for whom see above, p. 346n., and Charles Scarburgh, see above, p. 368n., were witnesses to the procedure. d At the meeting of 26 Oct. a viper was dissected by Hooke, who drew attention to the ‘fangteeth’, but said there was no sign of perforations through them. On 2 Nov. Hooke gave a fuller account, having by this time discovered with the microscope that the ‘fangteeth’ were hollow; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 478–99, 480–2.

386

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 3 Nov. 1664

tops, and Dr Merret said in particular, that he had prouved them such by thrusting a Horsehair cleer through them.a These8 Observations may direct us to find something ‹considerable› to ‹the› purpose of the nature of poysoning, done by these animals: which now seems to me to consist ‹only› in the letting out of a Liquor heterogeneous9 or contrary to the bloud and its motion in the body, into which it is conveighed after the veine hath been opened by the stinging teeth. In the poursuing of our Experiments of refraction,10 we find, that the Proportions of the sines of the Angles of inclination to the sines of the Angles of refraction are11 neer the same, videl. as 4 to 3. And we find, that as Spirit of wine suffers a greater refraction, than common water, so Oyle of Turpentine, which is lighter than spirit of wine, ‹bears›12 a greater, than not only common water, but much greater, than saltwater.b Monsieur Zulichem, in a new letter, hath given us notice by Sir R. Moray, that he hath further penetrated into the matter of figured pendulums, and found generall rules, to give penduls isochrone as well to solid Bodies, as to Plaines; in which he saith there occur as hard Problems, as any he knows.c He acquaints us also, to have receaved from Mr Sluse of Liege a new way of Thermometer (which yet was not new to our Virtuosi here) which is a Cane of 3 foot long, and an inch broad, full of saltwater, in which swims a litle ball of waxe, mixed with something more ponderous, to make the ball keep itself about the midle of the Cane; and that this ball, according to the different degree of heat riseth and falls, tho not suddenly, as the water in the common Thermometer; but then, saith he, tis not subject to the various pressure of the aire, which changeth the others, without change of heat.d He hath made the Experiment of it with successe. The same Gentleman, reflecting upon the pretty large Aperture in Reeves’s longest Tube, suggests, that it would be a matter worthy of inquiry, to know, what may be the aperture in each glasse of such and such a distance from the Focus, which he judgeth to depend only upon Experience.e He adds, to have seen at Paris with wonder, a Glas of 12 foot of Divini’s workmanship, which did beare an Aperture /21 (2)/ of 2 inches, Parisian measure. Mr Hook is now making his new instrument for grinding Glasses, the successe whereof you will shortly heare off.f But I must cutt short these philosophicall informations, to let you know, what my friend sent me lately from Amsterdam in answer ‹to› what you desired by one of your former, concerning the a Christopher Merret had referred to the rattlesnake’s teeth on 26 Oct., when he asserted that he had satisfied himself of their hollowness by thrusting a hog’s hair through them. b These experiments had been made by Robert Hooke; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 48. c See Huygens to Moray, 21 Oct. 1664, in Œuvres complètes, v, 130–1. d René François de Sluse (1622–85), a canon of Liège, is best known as a mathematician. He was a correspondent of Huygens of several years’ standing and was later a correspondent of Oldenburg. e The person referred to is Huygens. For Richard Reeves see above, p. 97n. f Presumably this is the device discussed in the preface to Hooke’s Micrographia (1665). For Divini see above, p. 312n.

387

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Turkish translate. Monsieur de Geer, saith he, and I did rejoyce to find your promptitude to propagate the Gospell of our Lord that way; and, if we had any thing printed, we would willingly have satisfied your desire in sending you a sheet: but the matter is thus; we have but a part of the Old Testament, the rest we exspect with the very next; and then, if God will, we shall not faile to fall upon the work. If in the interim, (so he goes on) we might crave that favor from you or Mr Boyle, as to let us see a sheet of your printing of the N. Test., thereby to conforme ourselves both in respect of the Forme and Greatnes of the Character, you would oblige us very much. This (so he concludes) Monsieur de Geer desired me to write, presenting unto that Excellent person Mr Boyle, and you, his most kind salutation.a To adde something of politicall news, I shall transcribe to you, what came to my hands this weeke from France:b On ne songe icy, qu’à perdre les Protestans. Depuis peu il a esté ordonné par arrest du Conseil, que les Temples de Nismes et de Montauban seroient demolis, et qu’il ny en auroit plus qu’un13 en chacune de ces villes lá.c On ruinera bien tost les Academies Protestantes, et on fera tant d’indignités à ceux, qui demeureront fermes dans leur religion, qu’enfin le nombre en sera petit et nullement considerable. Le Pape fait semblant d’estre fasché contre le Legat, et de n’approuver pas ce qu’il a fait en France, afin que cela ne puisse nuire au papat, et qu’on ne s’en serve un jour.d On dit, que la Maison de Monsieur de Crequy a esté investie, parce qu’il y avoit receu un homme, qui avoit assassiné une personne considerable.e

a The first report from Oldenburg’s Amsterdam correspondent, probably Peter Serrarius, was given in the letter to Boyle of 22 Sept. 1664 (above, pp. 327–8). For Levinus Warner see above, p. 309n., and for Laurens de Geer see above, p. 327n. Warner and de Geer were producing a Turkish translation of the Old Testament and preparing to start work on the New. Boyle’s concerns arose because he was simultaneously sponsoring a Turkish translation of the New Testament, translated by William Seaman. b ‘They think of nothing here except how to get rid of the Protestants. An Order in Council has recently declared that the Protestant churches in Nîmes and Montauban must be demolished, and that there may be only one such church in each of these towns. The Protestant Academies will soon be ruined, and so many indignities will be offered to those who rest firm in their faith that in the end they will be few and of no importance. The Pope pretends to be angry with the Legate and to disapprove of what he has done in France so that this cannot injure the papacy or be turned against it some day. It is said that the house of M. de Crequy has been surrounded by troops because he gave shelter to a man who had assassinated an important person. It is considered surprising here that the King of England should object that the Dutch Fleet which was in the Mediterranean is gone to Guinea, since nothing is more natural than to defend oneself when one is unjustly attacked or threatc Many Protestant churches were pulled down in France as a result of commissions which were sent out into the provinces to enforce a strict interpretation of the Edict of Nantes; see David J. Sturdy, Louis XIV (Basingstoke, 1998). d For Pope Alexander VII see above, p. 96n. e The reference is to Francois de Blanchfort de Crequi (1629–87), French ambassador in Rome.

388

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 3 Nov. 1664

On s’eston[ne],14 que le Roy d’Angleterre ait trouvé mauvais, que la flote Hollandoise, qui estoit dans la mer mediterranee, soit alleé en Guinee, ny ayant rien de plus naturel, que de se deffendre, quand on est attacqué injustement et qu’on veut vous ruiner.a Il me semble, qu’on accuse sans raison les Hollandois d’ingratitude, ne commenceans point la guerre, et ne faisans que songer à conserver ce qu’ils possedent, qu’on veut leur oster sans aucun pretexte, puis qu’ils offrent de faire satisfaction, s’ils ont fait quelque tort aux Anglois. Ils offrent mesme de se soubmettre au Jugement de tel Parlement de France, ou de telle Cour souveraine d’Allemagne, qu’on voudra pour la decision de leur differents. J’ay vû la responce, qu’ils ont faite à Downing, par laquelle ils soustiennent, qu’ils n’ont rien fait contre les Anglois depuis le traité fait /21 (2)v/ avec le Roy d’Angleterre, qui a reglé toutes choses: qu’en cas, qu’ils ayent contrevenu au traité, et qu’ils ayent pris quelque vaisseaux, ou fait quelque autre entreprise, ils sont prests de reparer tous les torts.b Apres cela il est aisé ‹de›15 voir, qu’on ne veut point de paix, mais qu’on veut avoir le Guinee, qui est à la bienseance des Anglois. Cependant les Hollandois croyent, qu’il leur est plus expedient de courir la risque d’une guerre, que de consentir, qu’on leur prenne ce qu’ils possedent depuis longtemps. Ils hazarderont tout plustost, que de ne se pas deffendre, autrement en se mocqueroit d’eux et ils perdroient leur reputation. Monsieur de la Boulaye part la semaine qui vient pour aller aux Indes pour la nouvelle compagnie.c On se remue fort icy pour le commerce, et on a grande envie de l’establir et d’empescher nos voisins de gagner sur nous, come ils ened with ruin. It seems to me that it is unjust to accuse the Dutch of ingratitude when they did not begin the war and are only hoping to retain what they possess, which [the English] want to take from them without any excuse, since they offer to make restitution if they have wronged the English. They have even offered to submit their differences for arbitration to any Parlement of France or sovereign court of Germany that may be agreed upon. I have seen the reply given to Downing, in which they maintain that they have done nothing against the English since the treaty made with the King of England which settled everything; and that if in fact they have contravened the treaty and taken any ship or undertaken any other enterprise, they are ready to make amends for all wrongs. After this it is plain to see that the English do not want peace, but Guinea, which is at their disposal. Nevertheless, the Dutch believe that it is more expedient to run the risk of war than to consent to have taken from them what they have long possessed. They will risk everything rather than not defend themselves: otherwise they will appear ridiculous and will lose their reputation. M. de la Boulaye will leave this coming week for the Indies on behalf of the new Company. They are very active here to try to establish trade there; this they want very much to do, as well as to prevent our neighbours from outdistancing us as they have done.’ a For the Anglo–Dutch rivalry in West Africa see above, p. 298n. b For Sir George Downing see above, p. 299n. The Treaty of Westminster was signed in Apr. 1654. c Oldenburg refers to La Boullaye Gouz, who was sent by Louis XIV as his ambassador to Persia and the Mughal Empire in 1664 to secure commercial privileges for the newly formed French East India Company. He arrived in India in Mar. 1666 and was received by the Emperor, after which he set out for China but was never heard of again; see S. P. Sen, The French in India, First Establishment and Struggle (Calcutta, 1947), pp. 33–4. The French East India Company, established in Aug. 1664, sent out its 1st expedition in Mar. 1665.

389

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

ont fait. This shews, what opinion the French have of our cause; and what advantage they intend to make of the warre. Sir, I receaved on Saturday last the beginning of your Experimental History of Cold: and tis gone to the presse;a whence I hope, they have send [sic] you the sheets printed off. But what you mention to have sent by Munday Carrier or Coach, I have not yet received to this moment; but only the letter, which came unaccompanied16 with the role of paper, mentiond in the superscription of the letter, but not observed by my17 maid, that receaved the said letter in my absence.b Your servant was with me yesterday morning, and promised me to inquire after it; but I have not seen him since, nor heard of the role, which troubles me exceedingly. Those carriers and coachmen18 are incorrigible; for that letter, which would have costed in all but 2 pence if it had come by the post, they took a groat for at my house, besides what you paid for it at Oxford. I am Sir your very humble faithful Servant. H. Old. For his Noble Friend Robert Boyle Esq, at Mr Crosse’s house in Oxfordc Seal: Broken, appears similar to that on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663; other wax remnants. Postmark: ‘NO / 3’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed on 21 (2)v with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. XXI’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

5 November 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 22. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), 320–1, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 172–3, and Oldenburg, ii, 291–3.

a For Boyle’s Cold (1665), at this time being seen through the press by Oldenburg, see Works, vol. 4, pp. xviiff., 203ff. b Oldenburg must refer to a letter of Boyle’s written in early Nov. which contained an enclosure of papers to be included in Cold; see below, pp. 393–4. c For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

390

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 5 Nov. 1664

London Nov. 5. 1664. Sir, Having been, since my last, freed of the fear about your lost papers, I thought my selfe bound to free you also of the same, into which my late mentioning of their not being come to my hands might Justly cast you.a They are now very safe, and will be within this week in print, as Mr Crook assureth, who will also take care of keeping them unexposed to the eye of a Philosophicall robber.b As for the Latin of the Thermometricall Experiments, I know not what instinct of mine, so well suting with your inclination of having it published by itselfe, made me ‹begin it› as soon as the English ‹thereof› was begun to be printed. I hope in a very short time to dispatch this Translate; and I1 promise myselfe the happines of ‹shortly› seing you here, as for many other reasons, so for the submitting this traduction to your review.c I am troubled, I cannot get Greenland for you;d having inquired in very many shops, I understood at length in that of Mr Allestry’s, that I should hardly find it to be sold in all London.e After that Religio Medici is growne stale, we have lately printed Religio Stoici, which hath strains of wit, and some very honest and healing maxims for broken Christianity.f The Author no other, but G. MK. a moderat Churchman, that placeth religion in the contemplation of God, and in submission /22 (1)v/ to him, without quarrelling at innocent ceremonies of decency and order; but that wonders at men, who ‹doe› legitimate persecutions, that are used by others against themselves, by the persecutions2 used by themselves, against others: and that compareth Hereticks and Schismaticks to Tops, which, as long ‹as› they are whipped, keep foot and run pleasantly, but fall, as soon [as] they are neglected and left to themselves. Besides this, there is newly come abroad a certain Epistle to the severall Congregations of the Non-conformists, by one Captain Robert Everard, an Anabaptist before his change, who ‹being turned Papist,› shews the3 reasons of his conversion, as he calls it, to the Catholick Church.g Poore man, who destroyeth the Scripture, a

See preceding letter. For John Crook see above, p. 91n. Oldenburg refers to the Latin edition of Cold (1665). Oldenburg began work on the section ‘New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts’, although the Latin edition never got into print. See Works, vol. 4, pp. xxii–iii, and M. B. Hall, ‘What Happened to the Latin Edition of Boyle’s History of Cold?’, NRRS, 17 (1962), 32–5. d Oldenburg had been trying to obtain a copy of Isaac de la Peyrère’s Relation du Groenland (1647) for Boyle since 27 Oct. 1664; see above, p. 369. e James Allestry was a printer and bookseller in London 1652–70, and one of the printers to the Royal Society. f Oldenburg refers to Thomas Browne’s Religio medici (1642), and to Religio stoici (1663), the work of George Mackenzie (1636–91), a Scottish lawyer and persecutor of the Covenanters. g An Epistle to the several Congregations of the Nonconformists, by Robert Everard, a royalist captain, was published first at Paris and then, in 1664, at London. Oldenburg probably refers to the London edition. b c

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

and having done so, will prouve the Pope and the Church by it: but maketh in the mean time his new brethern glory in having gott one, that was so far remote from Rome, as an Anabaptist, to be ‹now› a Proselyte of theirs. The Dutch use much of the Foxe in asserting their cause against the English; they beare the world in hand, they will submit all to the arbitration of any Prince or State; and they insinuate into the Body of our marchants, that tis only to raise a particular Royall Company;4 not forgetting to persuade their owne people, that at the bottom of all, there lyeth a dessein to make the Prince of Orange to domineer over them.a But for all this, I believe they will be outwitted, especially at this present conjuncture of affaires, where, a league being in hand between the Pope, the Emperor and Spaine against France, the king of France begins to court England, and is not at all like /22 (2)/ to afford any aide to Holland. There are new troubles at Avignon, raised by the new burthens, imposed by the Vicelegat for a punishment to the inhabitants for their former readines to comply with the King of France; who, upon the news given him of it by the Nuntio in an Audience, made answer, that he would hear first from the Pope, what he desired to have done upon this tumult, before he would pronounce in it.b I have lately offred me a new correspondence at Paris for all the news and Curiosities of France and Italy, where he affirms to have particular interest all over.c Tis a person of quality, and philosophically given; which maketh me unwilling to decline the offer, if I had but leasure and means to entertaine it, as I ought. He exspects nothing for a returne, but the communicating to him, what considerable books are continually printing in England, whether in English, Latin, Greek etc. and some generall account of the progres and performances of the Royal Society. He hath alre[ady]5 promised to send me the Observations, which one of the very b[est] Philosophers of Paris hath made upon the new book of Optick Glasses, ‹that›6 are so much Cried up, as far excelling those of Divini.d If I may but meet with 3 or 4 contributions here in England, I have a good mind7 to embrace the said ouverture, believing, I may in a good proportion recompense the Contributors, and being resolved ‹to endeavor›8 to be ‹very› gratefull to the persons, that shall be pleased to assist in the procurement of such.9 a

The 2nd Anglo–Dutch war was declared in Mar. 1665. Oldenburg refers to William of Orange (1650–1702), later King William III, and to the international alignments which formed the background to the war. b In August 1662, the city of Avignon and the papal territory around it was ‘reunited’ to the French crown following the quarrel in Rome between the French ambassador, the Duc de Crequi, and the Pope over diplomatic privileges. c This correspondent is possibly Adrien Auzout, for whom see above, p. 85n. d The reference must be to Giuseppe Campani’s Ragguagli di due nuove osservazioni (1664), and to Auzout’s critical discussion of it entitled Lettre à M. l’Abbé Charles sur le Ragguagli … etc. The Lettre was written in Oct. 1664 although it was not published until the summer of 1665. See Mémoires de l’Académie Royale des Sciences, 1666–99, 9 vols (Paris, 1729–33) vii, 5–65. For Divini see above, p. 312n.

392

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, early Nov. 1664

I remain alwayes, Sir your faithfull and humble servant H. Old. For his Noble Friend Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in Oxforda

Seal: Damaged seal. Figure beside column with a Pegasus on top. Not heraldic. Postmark: ‘NO / 5’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 22 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. XXII’. Endorsed on 22 (2)v with Birch number ‘No 22’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG early November 1664 These two letters were read at the meeting of the Royal Society on 9 November 1664, and recorded as follows in JBO 2, 146–7 (see also Birch, Royal Society, i, 485; and Oldenburg, ii, 294–5): ‘There were read two letters of Mr B:’s ‹written› to the Secretary of which one gave an account of the death and dissection of the double child, borne at Fisherton, neer Salisbury; vid. that they died the third day after they were borne, one of them about a quarter of an hour before the other; /p. 147/ and that, being opened, they were found to have their internal parts double, and duely formed and placed, except that the Guts being continued from the Pylorus of both the Stomacks about 6. Foot, upon inflation afterwards met in a common channel; and that, from thence to the blind Gutt the length was about one foot, and thence 2 foot to the Fundament, which they had but single, as also the Matrix.b The other letter gave notice of an Anatomical1 observation made in a Body dissected at Oxford, having but one Kidney, and never having had more, seing that the Emulgent Vessels, which use to go to the right and to the left hand to the respective Kidneys placed in those opposite sides, did terminate in this one kidney, which was neer as big as two ordinary ones, and which was furnish’d with two Ureters, inserted into the Bladder at the usual places.c This person dyed of a Dropsy, at the age of about 35 years, a

For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. For earlier and subsequent correspondence concerning the Fisherton conjoined twins see above, pp. 373, 374n. and below, p. 423. c The dissection carried out by Walter Charleton was reported to Boyle by Oldenburg in his letters of 27 Oct. and 3 Nov. 1664; see above, pp. 368, 386. Berengario da Carpi was probably the first to report this ‘horseshoe kidney’ in his Isagogae breves (1521); see L. R. Lind (trans.), A Short Introduction to Anatomy (Chicago, 1959), pp. 66–7. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

having been notorious for being a stout drinker; which if he had not been, the Author of the Letter is of opinion, that his single kidney might perhaps have served his turne for many years longer.’

ENDECOTT to BOYLE 9 November 1664 This is another version of Endecott to Boyle, 19 October 1664; see above, p. 354n., where the variations are noted. This version was printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 636 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 643–4, where it is misdated to 1665.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

10 November 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 23. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 321–2, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 173–5, and Oldenburg, ii, 295–300.

London Nov. 10. 1664. Sir, I am now to redouble upon you the thanks of the Society for the iterated communications, you have gratified ‹them› with. You may assure yourself, that you could not have sent them to any single privat man, that could have had more sense of it, than they had; their esteeme being great for all such of their Members, that beare the Society and the concerns thereof in their mind, as well absent as present. They are unwilling to part with the Originall of the Sarum Physitian, enjoyning me, to offer you a Copy of it (since your letter sayth, that hast would not allow you to reserve any Copy) but yet, in case you did require ‹again› the restitution of the originall, then to returne it to you.a I would1 now, in omnem eventum,b ‹have› sent you a Copy, but could not possibly redeem so much time, as to doe it myselfe; and our Amanuensis is so full of matter2 to be transcribed, for our Anniversary Election day, for our Charterbook, now presently to be made ready for his Majestys subscription (which is to be done without his comming to Gresham) ‹and› for clearing a See above, p. 393. The ‘original’ from the physician in Salisbury is either Daubeney Turberville’s letter of 27 Oct. (not extant), or William Hann’s of before 30 Oct. (not extant). As neither of these has been found, it is possible that one of them was the letter that the Royal Society kept, and a copy was never made. b ‘at all events’.

394

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Nov. 1664

a whole years account etc. that I durst not charge him with any more.a The Company wisht, that the Dissector of this Double-Child had more distinctly and particularly exprest, what vessels were common, and how they were terminated, which is all the chief matter to be lookt after in this Fœtus.b Your ‹other› observation of the person with one kidney was therefore pleasing,3 because it informed them of 2 Ureters found in that one Viscus. Dr Ent made mention,4c to have observed, that when one kidney was stoppt, there commonly followed an Ischuria. If I am not prevented, I can in some measure, for my owne private share, requite your Anatomicall presents, by letting you know, how by order of the Society there was on Munday last opend a live dog by Mr Hook privately, there being only present of spectators Dr Goddard and myself: and that by means of a pair of Bellows, (when the Thorax was laid quite open, and the whole venter infimus also) and a ‹certain›5 Cane thrust into the Windpipe of the Animal, the heart continued beating for a6 long while, at the least an houre, even after the diaphragme had been cutt away in great part, and the Pericardium removed from the heart.d And from severall tryals it seemd very probable, that this /23 (1)v/ motion might have been continued as long, as there had been any bloud [left within the]7 vessels of the Dog: for the motion of the heart seemd very [brisk and lively,] after8 an houres time from the first displaying the [diaphragm; and] upon removing the bellows the Lungs would presently [begin to sink,] and the heart9 begin to have irregular, thick and [convulsive] motions; but upon renewing the motion of the bellows, the heart recovered its former motion, and the irregular ons ceased. Though a ligature was made upon all the great vessels, that went into the lower part of the body, we could not find any alteration in the pulse of the heart, the Circulation, it seems, ‹being› performed some other way. It could not be perceaved distinctly, whether the Air did mixe with the bloud passing to the left ventricle of the heart; nor did we in the least find10 the heart to swell upon the extension of the lungs; nor did the Lungs seem11 to swell upon the contraction of the heart. The Physitians of the Society were desired to consider of the pursuing of this Experiment, and of the discoveryes, to be made thereby, especially concerning the Communication between the Lungs and the Heart. I wish heartily you would please to suggest your thoughts hereof, and impart them with the soonest. We insist also upon our Experiments of Refraction, and found yesterday, that pure Sallat oyle hath a much greater Refraction, than any liquor, we yet tried, whether ‹common› Water, Saltwater, Spirit of wine, oyle of Turpentine. We intend, God willing, to examine all a

The Society’s anniversary day was 30 Nov. The King subscribed his name on 9 Jan. 1665. The dissector was Mr Downe, a surgeon, who might possibly be identified as Henry Downe (b. 1613), MD at Caen 1648, who practised at Barnstaple in Devon; see below, p. 424. c See above, p. 393. For George Ent see above, p. 346n. d Oldenburg refers to 7 Nov. The account of the experiment was read by Robert Hooke at the meeting on 9 Nov.; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 485–6. For Jonathan Goddard see above, p. 312n. b

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2, 1662–5

sorts of Liquors, and that in their various temper,12 hot and cold, pure and impure etc. We have had lately good store of discourse, concerning Star-shoots, Dr Merret giving us the occasion by bringing in13 some of it, which was much clodded, and had a very rank smell, which he said, he could not dissolve by boyling ‹it,› in water, nor by Oyle.a Some were of opinion, it was a fungus-matter, spewed out of the ground, which would have turned into a fungus, but that the time for producing that plant was spent. But others were of opinion, that if it were such a matter, it would turne to water; wherefore these guessed, it might be some spermatick or abortive matter of beasts, and especially of sheep; confirming their opinion by the observation frequently made, that this substance was not found, but in such places, where cattel and sheep had been feeding. Others thought, that it14 might be Froggs dissolved; seing there were sometimes litle Bones found in it. Dr Merret was chargd to endeavor ‹to procure› some quantity of it, and to make further Experiments upon it. /23 (2)/ Our Counsell is now pressing to have an end of Chelsey Colledge, which we doubt not, but ‹it› will prouve good;b in which case Mr [Howard will]15 be the Societies Gardner, without admitting of any Competitor, [and Dr] Wilkins, the Weeder.c The Society16 did yesterday chuse [Sir John Cutler] an Honorary member,d and ordered, that He having declared [his resolution] to setle upon Mr Hook, during his life, an annuall stipend of £50, and to referre to the Society the direction of the kind of Imployment, the stipendiat shall be putt upon, should have solemne thanks returned to him for this singular favor, expressed to one of their members, and for the respect and confidence shewed to the whole Body, and that Sir William Petty, Dr Wilkins, Dr Whistler and Captain Graunt should attend the said Sir J. Cutler, in the name of the Society, and to represent to him, what a sense they have of his generosity, which they have the more reason to value, as being the first donation, they have been intrusted with of this kind, and which they hope will procure a leading Example to others.e a

‘Star-shoots’ or starshots, otherwise known as ‘nostoc’, a name coined by Paracelsus for a kind of algae. Oldenburg’s account is far fuller than that in Birch, Royal Society. For Christopher Merret see above, p. 327n. b About the beginning of the year the Society was concerned about its lack of endowment. On 9 Mar. Moray suggested that the reversion of Chelsea College (a decayed ecclesiastical foundation) should be desired of the King. A petition to Charles II for the grant of the College (printed in Birch, Royal Society, i, 432) was presented to the King in early June. By Nov. a report had been drawn up for the Attorney General to sign concerning the King’s power to make the grant. c The joke is obscure. For Charles Howard, chairman of the Georgical Committee, see above, p. 231n. For John Wilkins see above, p. 309n. d For John Cutler see above, p. 344n. e For Daniel Whistler see above, p. 103n. John Graunt (1620–74), was author of Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality (1662). For the Cutlerian Lectureship, and the complications that arose in connection both with its implementation, and with Hooke’s reimbursement for his services, see Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 56), ch. 9.

396

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Nov. 1664

The Bishop of Exeter was yesterday amongst us, and did very sollicitously enquire of me concerning your health, desiring me to assure you of his humble service.a The Duke of yorke is now upon the point of going, if he be not gone already to Sea, accompanied with many Gallants, as the Dukes of Monmouth, Buckingham, [the]17 Marquis de Duras etc.b We wish only, these Courtiers may please the Sea[men], who18 love neither Cerimony, nor imperiousnes. We have intelligence, that the Dutch have a Fleet in France, consisting of about 300 Marchantmen, laden with Wines, Brandy, Salt and Corn, which, if they shall come home, must be secured by an Armed Fleet of their Contrymen, passing through the Channell to meet and conveigh them home; which cannot but cause an encounter of the two Fleets, and consequently, as affaires are now heightened, blowes.c Yet, upon consideration of all circumstances, I can hardly persuade myself, that the Dutch will fight,19 seing they venter their all,20 whilst they stand single and alone as, to human appearance, ‹they now doe,› both France and Spaine courting England, and Sueden being ready, to assist England ‹much› rather, than Holland; and Denmark having not any considerable power, ‹nor inclination,› to doe them ‹any› good. In the meane time, these Dutch have made sure of a very substantiall provision, to maintain the warre, in case they be necessitated to undergoe it, they having taken a course to be furnisht with about £800000 sterling a year for that purpose, as long as the warre lasteth, and ‹the people› being21 unanimously willing to give the 200th penny; there being also order taken, to build every year, for some time, a considerable number of men of warre, of 3d and 4th rate shipps, which are those, that doe most service. /23 (2)v/ His Majesty hath sent away the Lord FitzHarding for France, as Envoy Extraordinary, to negotiate busines there of no ordinary consequence, as every body thinks.d The king [of France]22 is resolved to maintaine Gigery, couste qu’il couste. He saith, […] gloire, et que tout les despens, qu’il fait en ce regard la ne sont [pas…] considerables.e I doe [not doubt] but you have by this time receaved the printed sheets; and that you will transmit more Copy, as soon as conveniently you can. Nothing of the a

For Seth Ward see above, p. 72n. For the Duke of York see above, p. 367n. The Lord High Admiral during the 2nd and 3rd Dutch wars was James (1649–85), Duke of Monmouth, the illegitimate son of Charles II. For George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham see above, p. 292n. The Marquis de Duras has not been identified. c The 2nd Anglo–Dutch war was declared in Mar. 1665. d This is a reference to Charles Berkeley (1630–65), created Baron Berkeley and Viscount Fitzharding in 1663, MP and Keeper of the Privy Purse. He was killed in the naval battle of the following June. e ‘… cost what it may … glory, and that the expenditure which he has made on this account is inconsiderable’. In the previous June the French had occupied Gigeri (perhaps Djidjelli) on the Algerian coast; the force was driven out by the Berbers on 29 Oct. b

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2, 1662–5

Lattin, concerning the Thermometricall part, is as yet gone to the presse; but might now be begun, if I durst venture it without your review.a I have met with some particulars in the ‹already› printed English sheets,23 of whose correctnes, ‹as like to the matter itself,› I did doubt;24 but I doe not question, but you will meet with them in your reading them over, and, if any thing be amisse, let notice be taken thereof 25 that ‹it› may be putt in the Errata.b I am in haste Sir, Your faithful humble servant H. O.

For his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxfordc

Seal: Slightly damaged. Good example of design used on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Other wax remnants. Postmark: ‘NO / II’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 23 (1) and on 23 (2)v with Miles’s crayon number ‘XXIII. On 23 (1) also endorsed ‘23’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

HOOKE to BOYLE

10 November 1664

From the MS version in vol. 2 of John Ward’s ‘Miscellaneous Collections relating to Gresham College’, British Library, Add. MS 6194, fols 27–8. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 541, in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 498–9 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 216–18.

Most honoured Sir, I HOPE you received the ball and sockett together with two little pamphlets, and the beard of a musk grass seed which I since inclos’d in a scribble,d I have not since that met with any thing worthy your knowledge only this week I made two a

For the Latin translation of Boyle’s Cold see above, p. 391n. There was, in fact, only a short list of errata in the 1st edition of Cold, for which see Works, vol. 4, p. 225. c For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. d See above, p. 342. For the delay in the posting of these pamphlets see above, pp. 362, 369. b

398

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 10 Nov. 1664

experiments which perhaps may not be unacceptable. The one was of refraction, wherein in prosecution of the former experiments I made some further tryalls upon sallet oyle and found the refraction of it to be much greater then that of any liquor I have yet try’d. The refraction of 30 grains requiring noe less then an angle of inclination in the air of 46°: 30′ and of 20 grains an angle of inclination of 29°: 47′ soe that the proportion of their signes [sic] is very neer as 20 to 29 or almost /fol. 27v/ as 2 to 3. these experiments I am further prosecuting to find out the refraction of all kinds of saline menstruums, of hott & cold water, of several kinds of oyles, after that I intend an other instrument to find all the various refractions of crystal, glass, ice, horne, gummes, & other transparent solid bodyes. the refractions also of the parts of the eye &c. of each of which, as fast as I make them I shall send you an account.a The other experiment (which I shall hardly I confess make againe because it was cruel) was with a dog which by means of a pair of bellows wherewith I fill’d his lungs & suffer’d them to empty againe I was able to preserve alive as long as I could desire, after I had wholy opend the thorax and cut off all the ribs & opened the belly nay I kept him alive above an houre after I had cut off the pericardium & the mediastinum and had handled & turn’d his lungs & heart and all the other parts of its body as I pleas’d, my design was to make some inquirys into the nature of respiration. But though I made some considerable discovery of the necessity of fresh air and the motion of the lungs for the continuance of the animal life yet I could not make the least discovery in this of what /fol. 28/ I look’d for which was to see if I could by any meanes discover a passage of the air out of the lungs into either the vessels or the heart, & I shall hardly be induc’d to make any further trials of this kind because of the torture of the creature but certainly the inquiry would be very noble if we could any way find a way soe to stupify the creature as that it might not be sensible which I fear there is hardly any opiate will performe. I observ’d this that at any time if the bellows were suffer’d to rest and that by that meanes the reciprocall motion of the lungs were not continued the animal would presently begin to dy the lungs falling flaccid and the convulsive motions immediately seasing the heart and all the other parts of its body; but upon the renewing the reciprocall motions of the lungs the heart would beat again as regularly as before and the convulsive motions of the limbs would cease. There are severall that are much awakned by this experiment and, I find, intend to prosecute it much further of which I hope I shall have a certain account.b There was the last day of meeting Nov. 2d a letter from Monsieur Zulichem wherein mention was made of a weather glass made by the meanes / fol. 28v/ of the rising and falling of a

For Hooke’s experiments on refractions see Birch, Royal Society, i, 485. See Birch, Royal Society, i, 485–6. Hooke’s experiment on respiration took place on 7 Nov. 1664. The account of the experiment was read by Hooke at the meeting of 9 Nov. See also the acount in Oldenburg to Boyle 10 Nov. 1664. On Hooke’s experiments on respiration see Frank, Harvey (above, p. 3), pp. 154–63. b

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2, 1662–5

a ball of wax in salt water[,]a this I had then acquainted you with but that I knew it would be noe news since I well remember there were severall experiments of this kind prosecuted by you at Chelsey 3 or 4 years since.b There has nothing els occurr’d worthy your knowledge which if there had, or that for the future any such shall you shall thereof receive a punctuall account from, Most honoured Sir, your most humble and most faithfull servant, R. Hooke.

Gresham Coll. Nov 10. 64

I have not yet made any tryall of my new engine though it be now up and was yesterday examind by my Lord Br: Sir R: M: Sir Paule N: and severall others and not one objection made against it but approved by all;c I hope within some few days to make some tryalls how it will answer expectation. I forgott to acquaint you in my last that it was Mr. Rich: Reves that has kild his wife, but he now hopes, that he shall be able to gett off only it will cost him some money.d the booksellers shops afford nothing new.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

17 November 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 24. 4o/2+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 322–4, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 176–8 and Oldenburg, ii, 309–13.

London Nov. 17. 1664. Sir, My not returning you ‹a› Copy1 this weeke for the ‹late› originall papers; you have been pleased to leave so readily among the records of the Society (which Civility I am again to acknowledge to you2 in their Name) would trouble me much, if this consideration did not ease me, that you would take in good part some litle delay, which the present crowd of employments, putt by the Society upon their a

There is no record in Birch, Royal Society, of Huygens’s letter. These experiments presumably post-dated those published in Spring of the Air (1660); see Works, vol. 1. c Hooke’s ‘engine’ was the air pump. See Shapin and Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump (above, p. 5), pp. 256–7. ‘My Lord Br:’ was Brouncker and ‘Sir R: M:’ Moray. ‘Sir Paule N:’ was Sir Paul, for whom see above, p. 99n., who was among those nominated to the Council of the Royal Society in the first Charter. d For Richard Reeves see above, p. 97n. b

400

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 17 Nov. 1664

Amanuensis, indispensably requires.a For he being to enter many things into their Books, before the Approaching Solemne day of Election, and to write faire their Charter, Lawes, liste of Fellows etc. and to prepare a Book for his Majesties inscription, and many other things and transcripts,3 ‹that bear no delay,› lying upon his hands, it was not possible for him to make a Copy for you this weeke; which yet I hope shall be ready the next.b I am sorry, the Dissector of the Double-child did not putt his name to the Account, he gave of the operation: and we must contrive some way or other, to have it yet done, for the more authenticknes of the relation, now it is to be recorded by a Royall Society of severe Philosophers.c I rejoyce, to find Anatomicall Experiments and Observations so well poursued, both here and at Oxford; persuading myselfe, we shall at length find out more for the use of respiration, and the account, upon which it is so absolutely necessary, than ever was ‹done.›4d /24 (1)v/ Will it not be made out at last, that Life is a kind of subtil and fine Flame? to which the Aire must be applied, to keep ‹both› it in motion, and the bloud, wherein it resideth, which thence looks florid and sprightly, when the Aire, having been mingled with5 it, as it were, per minima,e passeth along with it into the left ventricle of the heart, and thence into the Arteries; after which, when the bloud returns into the veines, it there begins to change its countenance, and looks dull and torpid, till it come again to the place, which can revive it.f Those particulars, which your ingenious Gentleman promised you an account of in writing, I must putt you in mind of, and beg a sight of them for our Society, who is much pleased with whatsoever comes from you, it being constantly of considerable weight.g They prosecute diligently the Exp[erimen]ts of refraction, and find, by what they have already done, cause to think, that the simplest Liquors have the ‹lesser,›6 and those, that consist of severall and differing parts, the greater refraction. We tryed yesterday with hot and cold common water, and they had an equall refraction: and then with saltwater, whose refraction was 2 degrees greater, than the former waters. Our President did urge, that both fixt and volatill salts should be with a For the documents about the monstrous birth, of which the Society wanted to keep the originals, see above, pp. 393–4. b The Royal Society’s anniversary day was 30 Nov., St Andrew’s Day. c For the dissector, Mr Downe, see below, p. 395n. d Hooke’s experiment on respiration made in London on 7 Nov. had been described by Hooke above, p. 399. As for the Oxford experiments, Oldenburg may at this time have known of those of Richard Lower, for whom see above, p. 1n., and Boyle on injections of substances into the veins, but he is probably referring directly to the account given by Walter Needham (for whom see below, p. 402n.), of an experiment in which a dog was dissected and the motion of the heart restored by blowing air into the receptaculum chyli; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 489. e ‘in its least path’. f Oldenburg here gives an accurate summary of the view of respiration resulting from the experiments of Boyle, Hooke and others, such as was to be presented later in Lower’s Tractatus de corde (1669). g The ‘ingenious Gentleman’ was presumably Hooke.

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2, 1662–5

severall degrees, or quantities rather, dissolved in water, to see, how the refractions vary, and thence to learne by the degrees of refractions the quantity of salt, contained in Liquors. We shall, God willing, proceed to all kinds of oyles, wines, coloured and turbid waters, Aqua regis, Aqua fortis, Milk; and if we can contrive it, to the refractions of smoakes and steams etc.a My Lord Brounker acquainted the Company yesterday, that he finds by strict observations, for a long time continued, that by ‹his›7 Barometers ‹he› knows as well the Temper of the Air,8 for its heat and cold, as for its pressure and gravity; affirming, that the Air had been very well exhausted in them. Mr Howard produced a substance, taken out of the Grave of a man, that had been dead 30 years, and was in a manner all wasted, but that a piece /24 (2)/ of fat remained about the place of his belly, of which his present was a small portion, which being put upon the fire, burnd and smelled like fat. We had a couple of your Oxonian Doctors of Physick amongst us yesterday, Dr Millington and Dr Needham, the latter whereof related to us, how that at Oxford they had by blowing into the receptaculum Chyli continued the9 pulse of the heart, without (if I mistook not) the exercise of the Lungs.b We did amongst other things appoint a meeting on Munday next with some marchants of the East-India Company, upon information received, that some of them having been in the Eastindies themselves, and being very well able to answer to our Inquiries, drawn up for those parts, had declared a great readinesse to serve the Society with what they know of those particulars. Our President intends to be there himselfe; and we should all be glad, to have you one of the number: But this is much more a matter of wish, than hope. I had on Tuesday last the first fruits of my new correspondence with the Parisian Gentleman, I lately mentioned to you.c He sent me a pretty bigge packet containing both pamphlets and books, all polemicall, both in Divinity and Philosophy. Those of Divinity, concern the contest betwixt Jansenists and Jesuits, whereof10 the former fall upon the latter without mercy, and seem to me to doe them more mischief, than ever was done to them by the whole Body of Protestants since the reformation. One piece of this kind is called, Examen de la Lettre Circulaire de l’Assemblee Tenue à Paris Oct. 2. 1663. which Layeth the Popes infallibility, so much contended for by the Jesuits upon meere politicall grounds,11 as flatt, as any Protestants could doe. Another is entitled, Les pernicieuses Consequences de la nouvelle Heresie des Jesuites contre le Roy et contre l’Estat.d This ‹must needs› a

See Birch, Royal Society, i, 489, where the remaining particulars in the letter are also minuted. Oldenburg refers to Thomas Millington (1628–1704), MD Oxford 1659, and Walter Needham (c. 1631–91), who was elected honorary F.C.P. in 1664 and F.R.S. in 1667. For Howard, see above, p. 231n. c This is probably Adrien Auzout, for whom see above, p. 85n. d Both these works were written by Antoine Arnauld (1612–94), the Jansenist. The latter was published in 1662. b

402

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 17 Nov. 1664

make12 all kings, Princes and States more afraid of this order and the seed, they sow, than ever they were. The third is, en vers Burlesque, under the name of Onguent pour la brulure, ou, Le secret pour empescher les Jesuites de bruler les livres.a The Philosophicall pieces are two: one is Medicinall, called, La Physique d’usage, contenant, apres un discours Generall sur la medecine, la description du corps /24 (2)v/ humani: puis l’Explication des maladies et de leur remedes, tirée des Principes dela mechanique et dela Philosophie de Mr Descartes, par Messieurs d’Orlix et Plempius.b In which I find the latter part to be litle else, than a translate of that Latin piece, which about a twelfmonth since I receaved from Paris and gave you a view off.c But the other book is a very bold piece, undertaking to refute Pascals litle book de la pesanteur de l’air, and with him all his Partisans, as he calls them.d I had sent it you by the ‹next› carrier, but that the Society yesterday desired their President to peruse it and give them his sence13 thereof. I am of opinion, the Author will rather beget sport, than trouble to ‹intelligent›14 Readers, who will hardly hold smiling at the Title of his book, which is, La Verité du Vuide contre Le Vuide dela Verité, oú l’on decouvre la veritable cause des effets, qui jusques icy ont esté attribuéz à l’horreur du vuide, contre l’Erreur, qui les attribue à la pesanteur de la masse de l’Air, par le Père Charles Bourgonius, religieux Augustin, à Paris, 1664.e He seems to be a great Assertor of15 Vacuum, affirming, that Nature is so farre from abhorring it, that She loves and cherishes it, and can16 ‹by no means› be without it. I doubt, he hath a great deal of it in his Head. He is very positif, that all the phænomena, which use to be adscribed to the Fuga vacui,f ‹come from›17 nothing else, but. 1. De la difficulté de rarifier les liqueurs (y comprenant l’Air) qui est plus grande (saith he) ou moindre, selon la diversité de leur natures: et 2. dela tres intime union des corps fluides avec les solides, et des fluides avec des fluides de semblable ou de diverses especes, quand ils sont contigus, et qu’ils se touchent immediatement.g And so he makes all the things, which the Vulgar hath hitherto attributed to the abhorrency of a Void, and Monsieur Pascal to the weight of the a en vers Burlesque, ‘in doggerel’. The author of this work, published in 1664, was Jean Barbier d’Aucour. b D[e] R[ouviere], La Physique d’uzage; contenant, avec un discours général sur la médicine, la description du corps humain par Mr Arberius. Puis l’explication des maladies… tirée des principes de la méchanique, et de la philosophie de Mr Descartes pr Mrs D’Orlix et Plempius (1664). c This Latin version of the text has not been identified. d For Pascal, and his Traités de l’équilibre des liquers et de la pesanteur de la masse de l’air (1663), see above, p. 300. e The author was Charles Bourgoing and the book was published in 1664. The title could be translated as: ‘The truth about the vacuum against the vacuum of truth, in which is disclosed the true cause of the effects which hitherto have been ascribed to a horror of the vacuum, against the error which attributes them to the weight of the atmosphere’. f i.e., ‘fear of a vacuum’. g ‘From the difficulty of rarifying fluids (including the air) which is greater or less according to the diversity of their natures; and second, from the very intimate union of fluid bodies with solid ones, and of fluids with fluids of the same or different kinds when they are contiguous and immediately in contact.’

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2, 1662–5

Air, the effects of Rarefaction. He names you often in the book, and refers to your Experiments, as they have been alledged by Pascall; and he maketh it his busines to maintain, that tho the Aire have weight in itselfe, yet it actually weighs not, because tis fastned and glued to the Heavens, qu’il touche et est uni à la premiere sphere.a /24 (3)/ Sir, I must not conclude without telling you, that I have delivered your letter to Mr Evelyn, and acquainted Mr Crook with your orders, who tells me, that he dispatchs the printed sheets away as fast as he can by Coach or Carrier.b He saith withall, that his presse hath stood still this whole weeke; and he hath given to Mr Hook those sheets, that mention the Schemes; which will be done, according to your desire.c The Latin ‹translate› of the Prælimin. discourses is neer an end; and, since you give way to it, shall goe to the presse immediately. I am called upon to consider with some Company of a roll of papers, sent to me by Mr Beale18 about the asserting and establishing the reputation of the Society, both at home19 and abroad;d and I am sure, I shall ease you by saying no more, since I have scribled so much, than that I am, Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. Old. I humbly thank you, Sir, for your Turkish Sheet, and so will, I am confident, Messieurs de Geer and Serrarius.e

For his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxford.f

Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘NO / 17’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 24 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXIIII’. Also endorsed on 24 (3)v with Birch number ‘No 24’. a

‘which it touches and is joined to the first sphere’. Boyle’s letter to John Evelyn is not extant. Evelyn’s reply is probably that of 23 Nov. 1664. For John Crook, the printer for Boyle’s Cold (1665), see above, p. 91n. c The reference is to drawings of instruments which Robert Hooke undertook. d These papers are not extant, but for Beale’s concern about the Society’s reputation see Hunter, Science and Society in Restoration England (above, p. 207), pp. 194–7. e For Peter Serrarius see above, p. 328n. Serrarius had requested that Boyle send a sheet of the translated Turkish New Testament so that the translation of the Old Testament, currently underway in Constantinople in the hands of Levinus Warner, might be compared with it. See also above, p. 347n. For Laurens de Geer, Warner’s colleague in Amsterdam, see above, p. 327n. f For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. b

404

TURBERVILLE

to BOYLE, 17 Nov. 1664

TURBERVILLEa to BOYLE

17 November 1664

From the original in BL 5, fol. 147. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Honourd Sir. I received your letter dated Octob: 30th, for which I am uncapable of giveinge thankes meriteinge the least of your expressions;b (however) that I may bee knowne your obliegd servant bee perswaded, that your desyres of any thinge from mee are willingely entertain’d and loveingely to bee perform’d, commands; yf the water I sent you bee too sharpe, you may moderate it with fenel or red rose water, and the receipt of it is as followeth; Recipe Feniculi, rutæ, Beton. chelidon. ana Mss. [½ handful] verbenae, Euphrag. Rosarum ana Mii [2 handfuls] Ligni sanct. lb ss [½ pound] Roch Alum 3 ss [½ ounce] Sal gem. 3 i [1 ounce]. Mastich 3iii [3 drams] Sacch. Cand. alb. 3 iii [3 ounces]. Coperosæ. 3ii [2 drams]. olybani 3 ss [½ ounce] Lig. Aloes 3iii [3 drams]. Mirrhae 3 ss [½ ounce]. vini alb. lb ss [½ pound] Lactis vaccin. lb ss [½ pound]. Mellis opt. 3 iiii [4 ounces]. Fellis cuiuslibet bruti 3 ii [2 ounces], ‹Antimon. 3iii [3 drams]›1 contundenda contundantur, pulverisanda pulverisente et misce stando 4or diebus. deinde distillente ad usum.c yf you did put into your Eyes goeinge to bed white sugar ‹candy›2 finely poudred twice or thrice a weeke, you would in short time finde great benefitt by it useinge the water morninges: I never used Hartmans water, but the next summer I intend to experiment it;d I have the booke, and shall not trouble you with writinge the receipt; the box hath brought your Spiritts safe, and I am now makeinge tryall of them, as I shall of your other prescripts which make mee very much your debtor; For pin, webbs, pustles, and inflammations of the Eyes, I use to take 4 or five dropps of clarifyed Hony, and two Spoonfull of Honisucke water and mix, and dropp often it must bee made new every 4th day; you need not use any other a

For Daubeney Turberville see above, p. 405n. Boyle’s letter, which is not extant, was probably a reply to Turberville’s of 27 Oct. 1664 on the subject of the prodigy born at Fisherton in Dorset. Turberville’s account is partly transcribed by Boyle; see above, pp. 375–6. c ‘Take half a handful of each fennel, rue, betony, celandine, 2 handfuls of verbena, eyebright and roses, ½ pound of lignum sanctum, ½ ounce of roch alum, 1 ounce of rock salt, 3 drams of mastic, 3 ounces of white sugar candy, 2 drams of copperas, ½ ounce of frankincense, 3 drams of aloe wood, ½ ounce of myrrh, ½ pound of white wine and of cow’s milk, 4 ounces of best honey, 2 ounces of the gall of any animal, and 3 drams of antimony. Let everything which is to be ground be ground by pulverising what is to be pulverised, then mix and leave to stand for 4 days. Then distill for use.’ Turberville had sent Boyle the recipe for the eye water itself in his letter of c. Oct. 1664, above, p. 377. d Turberville refers to Johann Hartmann (1568–1631), German mathematician and iatrochemist. This water (‘Aqua ocularis’) is described in his Praxis chymiatrica (Lipsiae, 1633), pp. 97–8. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

thinge, and let not the Commonnesse of the things bee vile in your Eyes, because I know it to bee the best water in the world, and unlesse to you, not to bee discoursed[.] For the tumour of the Eyelidds cal’d Hordealum, I sometimes touch it with oyle of sulphur, sometimes with oyle of salt heateinge a spoon,3 and holdinge the spoone close uppon the tumour first as hot as the party can endure, and then anoynteinge, lettinge it dry in, afterward puttinge a playster of Minium to it and sometimes diachylon. I4 have sent you inclosd a discription of the monstrose birth I writt of last which is now carry’d to london to bee shewne, and it is preservd by the Apothecary Mr Hen: Denny that was with mee at the swarmes, and truly tis indifferent well done;a pray pardon the erratas and false orthography being it was written out5 by a boy, and not examined by mee haveing such hast at the writinge; I protest I had noe more time then the folding up of it; you may believe November. xviio 64 o.

your much obliedged servant Dawbeney Turbevile

HENRY DENNY to [BOYLE]b

18 November 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 316. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 165–6.

Sarum, Nov. 18, 1664. SIR, I WAS commanded by Dr. Turberville to give you account of the manner of preserving that strange birth, that was born here with us, this time three weeks; the anatomical observations whereof are sent you in Dr. Turberville’s letter (literal mistakes being to be excused, as being copied by a child.)c After the bowels were taken out, and the body made clean with spunges, I made a strong lixivium with brine, bay salt, colocynthides, wormwood, and centaury, with which having well washed (and often) the body, for two days space; then in a latten vessel, framed purposely, I put about four gallons of spirit of wine, drawn upon myrrh, olibanum, and terea For accounts of the birth at Fisherton in Dorset see above, p. 347n. Turberville refers to Henry Denny or Denne (b. 1610), BA at Sidney College Cambridge in 1629, apothecary in Salisbury. For the account in the custody of Denny see below. b For details of this letter and the identity of its sender, see above, p. 384n. It is described by Birch as ‘From Mr. Denny apothecary at Salisbury’ (Works, v, 316). c See above, p. 393. For the 1st report of the birth at Fisherton in Dorset see above, p. 374n.

406

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 19 Nov. 1664

binth, and laid the corps in that, pouring upon it of oil of spike and turpentine about six pounds of each, having first filled the hollowness of the corps with spunges, mundefied with the same spirit, and made heavy with powdered gums, to keep the body under the liquor, as also the sculls with the same, the brains first taken out. Having been about ten days in this liquor, I took out the liquor, and adding more gums, distilled it over again, to such a height, as it would all burn away; which hath so resisted all manner of putrifaction and discolouration, as it is gone for London for his majesty’s view, and after, for the whole country, that will. I have sent, by John Reynolds, a small glass of tinctura succini, another of sulphuris antimonii, desiring your opinion, whether they are rightly prepared, and correction, where in an error.a I am about a new way, and easy, of preparing spirit of salt, which, if it comes to perfection, I shall acquaint you with. So, hoping you will execute this sauciness of troubling you, I humbly take leave, and rest, SIR, your humblest servant, HENRY DENNY.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

19 November 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 25. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 324, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 178 and Oldenburg, ii, 317–18.

London. NOV. 19. 1664. Sir, Though I gave you the trouble of a letter but very lately, yet could I not omit to hasten this after it, to acquaint you, that the sequel of the History of Cold is since my last come to my hands, and at this very time under the Presse, which will we hope, bring the rest hither as soon as may be.b I have also delivered ‹to another1 Presse› the beginning of the Latin Translate of the Thermometricall2 Paradoxes, which will, I believe, be ‹wholly› dispatcht in a forthnight, and does therefore desire your directions for a Title, and, if you think it necessary,3 some Preface.c This a

This is conceivably the John Reynolds who wrote A Discourse of Prodigious Abstinence (1669). For Oldenburg’s last letter to Boyle, see above, pp. 400–4. For Boyle’s various last minute additions to Cold, see Works, vol. 4, pp. xviii–xix; see also above, p. 404. c Oldenburg must refer to the 1st section of the proposed Latin edition of Cold, entitled ‘New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts’. For the non-publication of the translation see above, p. 391n. b

407

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

was the Errant of this scrible; but since I have begun, I am resolved, not to end4 with the beginning, but to give ‹you› the summe of what the French post brought me since Thursday. Tis no lesse, than the totall losse of Gigery, and of 48 guns with the king of France’s Armes upon them, the Mores having with such a number and vigour assaulted it, that the French were not able to bear up against them.a This doth so netle that king, that he is resolved both to punish the Authors of the miscarriage, and to attempt another place with 20000 men the next spring. At multa cadunt inter calicem supremaque labra.b This is a considerable check to his fiercenes, and ‹is like to5 doe› him more mischief, than perhaps he is aware off. The Queen of France is brought to bed of a daughter of 8 months which hath the shape of a More, and somewhat of that complexion;c whence /25 (1)v/ that king is so enraged, that he hath banished all the Mores, Dwarfs and Monkys from his Court, the Queen having a litle More about her, that seems to have ‹so› tainted her imagination, as to give such a colour and such features, that resemble him.6 In the meane time, the Queen hath been ‹very› dangerously ill, and was given over by the Physitians: but that Madame de Fouquet came and presented a medicine, which she exalted highly ‹as›7 such ‹an one, that› would infallibly cure her, by bringing away the secondina, which had cast the Queene into such convulsions, as made her case appear desperate. My letter saith thus:d Les Medecins l’examinerent, et quoy qu’ils ne soyent pas ordinairement favorables aux remedes, qu’ils n’ont pas suggeré euxmesmes, neantmoins soit qu’ils le jugeassent innocent, ou que8 par un reste d’amitié pour Monsieur Fouquet ils la voulussent favoriser, ils trouverent bon, qu’elle donna son remede,9 qui fit de si admirables effects, que la Reyne vuida entierement l’arriere fais, et fut extraordinairement soulayé, en sorte qu’elle dit au Roy, qu’elle ne tenoit la vie, que de Madamoiselle Fouquet. Les Amis de10 son mary esperent, que cela produira quelque bon effect pour luy. I am Sir Your faithful humble servant. H. Old.

a

See Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 Nov. 1664, above, p. 397. ‘There’s many a slip ’twixt cup and lip.’ c The Queen of France was Maria Theresa (1638–83), eldest daughter of Philip IV of Spain. Reference to her illegitimate daughter has not been found. d ‘The physicians examined it, and although they are ordinarily opposed to medicines which they have not prescribed themselves, yet either because they considered it innocuous or because out of friendship for Mme Fouquet they wished to favor her, they agreed to let her administer her remedy, which produced such remarkable results that the Queen entirely expelled the afterbirth and was very much relieved; so much so that she told the king that she owed her life to Mme Fouquet. Her husband’s friends hope that this will turn out advantageous for him.’ Nicholas Fouquet (1615–80), Marquis de Belle Isle, was in the Bastille serving charges of corruption. His wife has not been traced. b

408

EVELYN

to BOYLE, 23 Nov. 1664

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosses house / in / Oxford Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘NO / 19’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 25 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXV’ and with ink number ‘no. 25’. Endorsed on 25 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 25’.

CHYLINSKI to BOYLE 19 November 1664 Birch records this as ‘concerning the Translat. of the Bible in the Lithuanian Language & papers relating to him’, (British Library, Add MSS 4229, fol. 71v; see also Wotton’s list, no. 329). For Samuel Bogslav Chylinski see above, p. 7n.

EVELYNa to BOYLE

23 November 1664

From the holograph original in British Library, Add. MS 4279, fols 25–6. 4°/2. A copy also survives in Evelyn’s Letterbook, British Library, Evelyn Papers JE A, no. 255, with which this text has been collated and significant differences noted. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 402. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 295–6, and, from there, in J. Forster (ed.) Diary and Correspondence of John Evelyn, 4 vols (London 1852), iii, 147–9.

Sir, The honor you designe me by making use of that trifle which you were lately pleased to command an account of, is so much greater than it pretends to merit, as indeede it is far short of being worthy your acceptance But if by any service of mine in that other1 buisinesse I may hope to contribute to an effect the most agreable to your excellent and pious nature, it shall not be my reproch that I did not my best endeavor to oblige it.b I do every day, both at London and at home, put Sir Richard in mind of this2 suppliant’s case; and indeede he needes no monitor, my selfe being wittnesse, that he takes all occasions to serve him in it;c nor wants a

For John Evelyn see above, p. 25. Boyle’s letter to Evelyn is probably the one which Oldenburg delivered (see above, p. 404), and therefore must have been written before 17 Nov. The ‘trifle’ in question was presumably mentioned in this letter. c The reference is to Evelyn’s father-in-law, Sir Richard Browne (1605–83), who was at this time clerk of the council; however, the case involved has not been identified. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

there any dispositions, (as far as I can perceive)3 but one single opportunity onely, the meeting of my Lord Privy-Seale (who, for two or three Councill-dayes, has been indisposd, and not appear’d) to expedite his request; there being a resolution (and which Sir Richard promises shall not slacken) both to discharge the poormans engagements here; and afford him4 a competent Viaticum.a As for that sacred worke you mention, it is sayd there is a most authentic Copy coming over, the laudable attempt of this person being not so fully approv’d:b This is, in short, the account I have, why the impression is retarded;5 I should else esteeme it one of the most fortunat adventures of my life, that by any industry of mine I might be accessory in the least to so blessed an undertaking. If my booke of Architecture do not fall into your hands at Oxon: it will come with my apologie, when I see you6 at London:c as well as another part of the Mysterie of Jesuitisme /fol. 25v/ [which, (with some other]7 papers concerning that iniquity)8 I have translated, and am now printing at Roystons; but without my named – so little credit there is in these dayes, in doing any thing for the interest of Religion. I know not whither it becomes me to informe you, that it has pleas’d his Majestie to nominate me a Commissioner to take care of the sick and wounded persons during this war9 with our Neighbours; but so it is, that there being but 4 of us design’d for this very troublesome & sad employment: all the Ports from Dover to Ports-mouth, Kent and Sussex fall10 to my destrict alone, and makes me wish a thousand times I had such a Collegue as Mr. Boyle, who is wholly made up of Charity, and all the qualifications requisite to so pious a care.e But I cannot wish11 you so much trouble, the prospect of it would even draw pity from you, as well in my behalfe, as for the more miserable, who foresee the12 confusion and importunities of it, by every article of our buisy Instructions. But the King has layd his positive commands on me: and I am just now going towards Dover &c13 to provide for mischiefe. Farwell sweete repose, Bookes, Gardens, and the blessed Conversation you are pleased to allowe Deare Sir, Your most affectionate, and Sayes Court: most obedient servant, d 23 : Nov: 64. J Evelyn: a

The Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal from 1661 to 1673 was John Robartes (1606–85). The Letterbook version has the marginal note: ‘the Bible translated into the Lithuanian tongue’. This must have been mentioned in Boyle’s missing letter. For this project see above, p. 7. c Evelyn refers to his translation of Fréart de Chambray’s Parallel of the Ancient Architecture with the Modern (1664). d Evelyn’s anonymous work, Μυστη΄ριον τηˆς ’Ανοµι΄ας was published on 2 Nov. 1664; see de Beer (ed.), Diary (above, p. 25), iii, 393. Richard Royston was a bookseller in London and Oxford 1629–86. e Evelyn accepted the post of Commissioner for the Sick and Wounded Mariners and Prisoners of War during the 2nd Dutch War; see de Beer (ed.), Diary (above, p. 25), iii, 148ff. b

410

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 24 Nov. 1664

14

Mr Goldman’s dictionary is that good and useful booke which I mention’d to you.a Here is Mr. Stillingfleets new piece in vindication of my Lord of Canterburys. I have but little15 dip’d into it as yet, it promises well, and I very much like the Epistle; nor is the style so perplext as his usualy was.b Dr. Mer: Casaubon I presume is come to your hands, being a touch upon the same occasion.c One Rhea has published a very usefull and sincere16 booke, concerning the culture of flowers &c but it does in nothing reach my long since attempted designe of that intire subject with all its ornaments and accessories17 which I had shortly hoped to perfect, had God given me opportunity.d Your servant, my wife, most humbly kisseth your hands, as I do Dr. Barlow’s, &c.e For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq. at Oxford Seal: a classical figure standing left holding a shield depicting a gryphon passant. Endorsed with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XVI’[?].

HOOKE to BOYLE

24 November 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 541–2. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 499–500 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 222–4.

a

Goldman’s dictionary has not been further identified. Evelyn refers to Edward Stillingfleet’s A Rational Account of the grounds of Protestant Religion (1664), which was a vindication of the Archbishop of Canterbury, William Laud’s, A Relation of a Conference between William Laud…and Mr Fisher, the Jesuite (1639). Laud (1573–1645), was Archbishop from 1633. c It is not clear to which of the works of the scholar Meric Casaubon (1599–1671) Evelyn here refers, but it could be his Treatise concerning Enthusiasm (1655). d This is a reference to John Rea (d. 1681), gardener and author of Flora seu de florum cultura (1665). e The reference is to Thomas Barlow (1607–91), Bodley’s librarian at Oxford. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

November 24, 1664. Most honoured Sir, HAVING received the honour of your commands by Dr. Wren, for procuring an instrument for refraction, whereby, as he told me, you designed to try the refraction of the humours of the eye; I did that very afternoon bespeak it; and I hope within a few days it will be ready to be conveyed to you.a I have likewise procured out of Mr. Oldenburg’s hands some of the first sheets; and shall delineate as many of the instruments you mention, as I shall find convenient, or (if it be not too great a trouble to you) as you shall please to direct. I think it will be requisite also, because your descriptions will not refer to the particular figures and parts of them by the help of letters; that therefore it would not be amiss, if I add two or three words of explication of each figure, much after the same manner, as the affections of the prism are noted in your book of Colours.b The figures I think need not be large, and therefore it will be best to put them all into one copper plate; and so to print them, that they may be folded into, or displayed out of the book, as occasion serves. This puts me in mind to acquaint /p. 542/ you also, that Mr. Faithorne has now at last promised me with all the asseverations imaginable, that he will not fail to finish your picture by the middle of the next week at furthest, and therefore I think I shall employ Mr. Loggan (who is an excellent graver also) that I may not take Mr. Faithorne off from finishing that plate.c As for the microscopical observations, they have been printed off above this month; and the stay, that has retarded the publishing of them, has been the examination of them by several of the members of the Society; and the preface, which will be large, and has been stayed very long in the hands of some, who were to read it. I am very much troubled there is so great an expectation raised of that pamphlet, being very conscious, that there is nothing in it, that can answer that expectation; but such as it is, I hope I shall prevail with the printer to dispatch some time this or the next week.d I have not yet brought the new way of grinding glasses to such perfection, as may deserve your knowledge, though I have not been wanting in endeavouring to go through with that business. And though I meet with many rubs, which bare speculation could not so easily inform me of, yet observing, that to be a fortune, which is almost inseparable from all attempts of any new thing, and out of the common road, I shall not at all slacken my diligence in prosecuting of it. The person you were pleased to mention, as having made the anatomical experiment on the heart of a a

For Christopher Wren see above, p. 79n. Hooke alludes to Boyle’s Colours (1664); see Works, vol. 4, p. 103. c Hooke refers to the plates for Cold; see Works, vol. 4, pp. xix, 228, 362. For William Faithorne the elder see above, p. 304n. David Loggan (1635–c. 1700), artist and engraver, was born in Danzig, but lived in London from 1658. In 1669 he was appointed engraver to the University of Oxford. d Hooke refers to his Micrographia (1665), which was printed by John Martyn and James Allestry. It received the imprimatur from the Royal Society on 23 Nov. 1664. b

412

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Nov. 1664

dog, was at the Society the next day, and made a short report of it.a I have been able to try very little in anatomy since my last; only I opened a viper, and found, that all the lungs were nothing but one continued bladder, which reached more than half the length of the body; that the upper part only of it was interwoven with an infinite company of veins and arteries; and that near those vessels I could discover several small vessels, which seemed filled with several chains of small bubbles. I have not yet been able experimentally to determine, what the use of them may be: whether they were to be conjoined with the blood in the vessels, or with the open air, I cannot yet determine.b I hear of nothing new in Paul’s Churchyard, but only Ricciolo’s second part of his Almagestum is published and expected daily.c There has nothing else occurred worthy your knowledge, which, as often as there does, an account thereof shall be speedily presented you by, Most honoured Sir, your most humble and most faithful servant, R. HOOKE. THIS inclosed I received from Mr. Evelyn, who desires his most humble service to be presented to you.d

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

24 November 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 26. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 324–7, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 179–82 and Oldenburg, ii, 319–25.

London Nov. 24. 1664. Sir, What was differred to this weeke, you will find performd by the papers annexed; but how we shall get Mr Hand’s Name of his owne writing to his owne account, I know not; unlesse he be pleased by your sollicitation to send us another draught of the same, signed with his owne hand.e The Society alwayes intended, a This person was Walter Needham (see above, p. 402n.), whose experiment was reported at the Royal Society meeting of 16 Nov. 1664; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 489. b See Birch, Royal Society, i, 496. c Hooke refers to Giovanni Battista Riccioli (1598–1671), Jesuit astronomer, author of Almagestum novum (1651) and Astronomiae reformatae tomi duo (1665). It is evidently the latter to which Hooke refers. d The enclosure is possibly Evelyn to Boyle, 23 Nov. 1664; see above, pp. 409–11. e Oldenburg refers to William Hann, whose account of the prodigy was given below, pp. 423–9.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

and, I think, hath practised hitherto, what you recommend concerning the registring of ye time, when any Observation or Experiment is first mentiond; and they upon this occasion ‹have› declared it again, that it should be punctually observed: in regard of which Monsieur de Zulichem hath been written to, to communicate freely to the Society, what new discoveries he maketh, or what new Experiments he tryeth, the Society1 being very carefull of registring as well the person and time of any new matter, imparted to them, as the matter itselfe; whereby the honor of the invention2 will be inviolably preserved to all posterity.a I know not, whether I did ‹as› I intended and3 was commanded, desire your favour of acquainting Mr Hand with the Societies being very well pleased with his curious diligence in his late dissection and observation, ‹as they send you›4 their hearty thanks for that communication. If I have forgot it, I beseech you, to receive it now, and to take notice of what I have hinted of respect to Mr Hand. Indeed I ‹shall not› have5 so much time left, as to read over the Amanuensis his transcript, if I shall say all, what I have to say to you at this time. No account yet of the Florentin Experiments, howsoever they were promised me, to be sent with the packet received.b My New correspondent, I hope, will be more punctuall, if I can but be so to him.c He hath given me notice by his last, that they have a dessein in France to publish from time to time a Journall of all what passeth in Europe in6 matter of knowledge both Philosophicall and Politicall: in order to which they will print, as he saith, (to give it you in his owne words).d ‹1.› tous les livres, qui se sont inprimés depuis l’annee 1664 et ceux qui s’imprimeront à l’advenir, soit qu’ils soient inprimés de nouveau, ou7 qu’ils soyent reinpriméz sur quelque ancienne Edition. 2. Toutes les Experiences et nouvelles descouvertes, qui se font dans tous les Arts et toutes les sciences, Physique, Astronomie, Chymie, Medicine etc. 3. Le nom et les qualités des personnes, qui excellent en toutes sortes de sciences et arts, les ouvrages qu’ils ont faits, et ceux qu’ils se proposent de faire; la mort de gens de lettres de quelque reputation: les choses principales de leur vie avec le Catalogue de tout ce qu’ils auront donné au public, pour en pouvoir composer l’Eloge. 4. Les Academies et Bibliotheques plus celebres, et ce qui se trouve de rare et de beau dans les Cabinets des a There is no minute to this effect printed in Birch, Royal Society. For the background, see Hunter, Robert Boyle: Scrupulosity and Science (above, p. 23), pp. 219–20. b The reference is to the experiments of the Accademia del Cimento in Florence, published in 1667. c Oldenburg’s correspondent was probably Auzout, for whom see above, p. 85n. d This is a reference to the Journal des Scavans, begun in 1665. The following lines are translated: ‘1. All the books printed since 1664 and those to be printed in the future, whether new editions or reprints. 2. All experiments and new discoveries in all the arts and all sciences, physics, astronomy, chemistry, medicine, etc. 3. The name and position of all who excel in all arts and sciences, the books which they have published, and those they plan; the death of men of letters of any repute, including the principal events of their lives with a catalogue of all they have published in order to aid in writing an éloge. 4. The most famous Academies and Libraries, and what is to be found in private collections which is rare and interesting. 5. The disputes which arise among learned men and the interesting

414

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Nov. 1664

personnes curieuses. 5. Les contestations, qui surviennent entre les scavans, et les belles questions, qui se peuvent presenter devant mesme qu’on en ait rien escrit. /26 (1)v/ 6. Les decisions les plus notables des tribunaux Ecclesiastiques et seculiers. Enfin tout ce qui se passe d’extraordinaire dans la republique des lettres, et qu’on jugora digne dela curiosité de ceux, qui font profession d’estude. In order to the execution of which dessein I am sollicited to contribute what I can concerning England, and what is found there, as to excellent persons, things, books, being promised to be paid in the like coyne from France of what passeth there and in Italy etc. concerning those particulars. I am very unwilling to decline this taske but yet how to undertake it, being so very single, and having so much already charged upon me, I doe not yet know. But I must remember my Motto, Providebit Dominus.a We had yesterday at our Assembly a Noble appearance, and as much Life, as I ever saw there: and no question,8 this Society would prouve a mighty and important Body, if they had but any competent stock to carry on their desseins, and if all the members thereof could but be induced to contribute every one their part and talent for the growth, and health and wellfare of their owne body; which, me thinks, is ‹one of› the most reasonable things in the world, and consequently should be easy to be persuaded to those, that make profession of reason and vertu. Our Lists for Nov. 30 were sent abroad on Tuesday last;b and we are sorry, that that, which was desseigned for you, ‹could›9 not find you at London, nor Chelsey. There have been lately elected into the Society Sir Robert Atkins the younger, Mr Godolphin, Mr Bagnall, Mr Thyn, Mr Hoare Controllour of the Minte, Mr Woodfort, Sir John Cutler (Mr Hooks benefactor) and yesterday the President proposed Mr Harvey, the Queens Treasurer, for Candidate, insomuch that we are now full 150 men.c Mr Spratt intends to begin next week to print the History of our Institution, which hath been perused by Lord Brounker, Sir R. Moray, Dr Wilkins, Mr Evelyn and others; but we are troubled, that you cannot have a sight of it, before problems which present themselves before they have been discussed in print. 6. The most notable decisions of ecclesiastic and secular tribunals. Finally, everything interesting in the world of learning which is judged worthy of note by those whose vocation is study.’ a ‘The Lord will provide.’ b For the election of officers of the Society at the meeting of 23 Nov. see Birch, Royal Society, i, 491. c Those admitted to the Society on 2 Nov. 1664 were: William Godolphin (1634?–96), later MP and diplomat; James Hoare (d. 1685), controller of the Mint 1660–85 and founder of Hoare’s Bank; Samuel Woodford (1636–1700), divine and poet. Sir Robert Atkyns (1647–1711), author of a book on Gloucestershire published in 1712 and Sir John Cutler, for whom see above, p. 344n., were elected the following week. Nicholas Bagenall (1629–1712), MP, and Thomas Thynne (1640–1714), later Viscount Weymouth and a Whig politician, were elected on 23 Nov. John Harvey or Hervey (1616–79), MP for Hythe, was elected on 7 Jan. 1665. Oldenburg omitted from his list of new members John Newburgh (elected 2 Nov.).

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the publication.a I see, the Author hath divided his discourse into 3 generall Heads: the first giveth a short view of the Ancient and modern Philosophy, and of the most famous attempts, that have been made for its advancement; that by observing, wherein others have excelled, and wherein they have been thought to faile, it may the better be showne, what is to be exspected from our new undertakers, and what moved them, to enter upon a way of Inquiry, different from that, on which the former have proceeded. The 2d, consists of the Narrative itself, and out of the registers and Journals of the Society, which the Author hath been permitted to peruse, relateth the first occasions of their Meetings, the incouragement and patronage, which they have received, their Patent, their Statutes, the whole order and scheme of their dessein, and the manner of their proceedings. The 3d, tryeth to assert the advantage and innocence of this work in respect of all professions, and religion itselfe; and how proper, above others, it is for the present temper of the Age, wherein we live. I must confesse, the style is excellent, even, full, unaffected; but I know ‹not› whether there be enough said of particulars, or, to speake more truly, whether there are performances enough, for a Royal Society, that hath been at work10 so considerable a time. /26 (2)/ I find, I have digressed, I know not how, from what I would have mentioned above, when I hinted to you the vigour of our yesterday’s Meeting. I would have acquainted you with the severall subjects of our Entertainment; as 1. of the Account, which our President brought in out of Island;b vid. that the Mountains of ice are generally supposed to have their first matter from the fresh water falling from the mountains of Groenland, and being frozen before they come into the Sea, they then receive the impulses of the Saltwater, which being broken by its owne violence, is soon frozen11 to the first fresh crust, which by Northern winds are driven downe to Island, and by reiterated combats with the waves augment their bignes to 35 and sometimes 40 fathom, beneath the water.c I am certainly informed (saith the writer)12 by a very skilfull and honest master, that he observed one of these Mountains13 ‹of› Ice to ground, and soon after upon the Tide it floated away, and he went directly to the place, and sounded, and found it 35 fathoms, and another by the same Experiment had found it in another place, 40 fathoms. These Ilands, he adds, doe yet receave a further increase from the snow, which being melted by raines, and then frozen again, doe make the upper part very hard, and compact, and in height above the water 8 10 and sometimes 12 foot. As to the Tydes, he saith, that they rise and fall unequally in the severall parts, as here in a The young scholar, Thomas Sprat (1635–1713), was at this point writing his History of the Royal Society (1667). For John Wilkins see above, p. 309n., and for Evelyn see above, p. 25n. b i.e., Iceland. Brouncker read 2 letters, one (in Latin) from a Mr Paul Biornis, the other from a Mr Robert Flint amplifying the former. An extract of the first and the whole of the second are printed in Birch, Royal Society, i, 492–4. c These icebergs are referred to in the original letter as ‘islands of ice’.

416

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Nov. 1664

England, but very seldome above 3 foot, for the most part 2, or 2 ½: the spring and common tydes happen much about the same time as they doe here. Meates boiled or roasted retaine that accidentall heat there, more than twice as long as here. The magneticall needle varies unequally, declining faster (but still unequally) as they come neer the land. There is no wood, which grows there, except birch, which seldom grows big enough to be serviceable for building, but they are in some measure supplied with good firre trees, blown upon their coasts, but not any14 satisfaction hath been given, from whence they come. The bodies of the Sun and Moon seem much larger there, than here; The Moon hath appeared within 14 houres after the Change. The Natives are strong, healthy and very kind, though unhewne and dirty. Turfe is their common firing, and the cover of their houses. Whey, when tis sowre, is their beer, and stockfish is their bread; and beef and mutton (if it dye alone) is their food; for then they say, tis of Christ’s owne killing, and ought to be reckond in the number of delicacies.a Another letter in Latin and Greek, a great part whereof consists in Islandian Complements, mentions these particulars:b Nullus pinguis liquor gelu apud nos corripitur, neque spiritus Vini: Gelu, ubi maximé, tres pedes penetrat terram, sæpissime duos. Fontes calidi hîc multi, adeò ferventes, ut ad dimidium horæ Caro bovina, ollæ cum frigida aqua imposita, satis decoquatur, nedum ut sufficiat ad deplumandam avem. Agricultura apud nos nulla, vaccæ fæno hyeme vivunt; Equi, oves, gramine, quod à nive liberum est sæpissimé. After these letters, we had 2 Experiments of refraction, made upon Oyle of Turpentine and Sallet oyle, whereof the former, (the angle of inclination being 30 degrees) had its angle of refraction 46 degrees 50′; the latter (at the same Angle of inclination) had an angle of refraction 46 degrees 29′. This occasiond a great deale of good and quick discourse; and brought in a liste of Experiments to be tried of refraction; as to examine the refraction answering to severall degrees of Inclination: to examine the comparative refraction of severall liquors to common water; as of all sorts of oyles made by expression or distellation, all kinds of saline and spirituous liquors, and to15 doe this with severall degrees of inclination: to examine, how much the refractions of 16 /26 (2)v/ liquors are altered by mixing of severall liquors together, that doe, as it were, penetrate each other, as having examind the refraction of oyle of vitriol and common water each of them apart, to mixe them together, and to find, what is the compounded refraction; by mixing also of acid and sulphureous liquors etc. To a

All the preceding account is a close paraphrase of Flint’s letter. This is an extract from Biornis’s letter: ‘No fatty liquid is spoiled here by the frost, nor is spirit of wine. The frost, at its greatest, penetrates the ground to a depth of three feet, and very often to two feet. There are many hot springs here, even boiling ones, hot enough to cook thoroughly in half an hour the flesh of oxen put in a pot with cold water, not to say to pluck the feathers from birds. There is no agriculture here; in winter the cows live on hay; horses and sheep on grass which is very often free of snow’. b

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examine further, the refraction of liquors, wherein hath been dissolved a determinate quantity of some kind of Salt; as of Seasalt, commonsalt, Saltpeter, Alum, vitriol, Alkaly, Tartar, etc. Again, to examine the comparative refraction of a liquor, when a greater quantity of the same salt is dissolved in it, and when a lesse: as also, the refraction of a liquor, when 2 or more liquors have been dissolved in it: item, the refraction of severall liquors, wherein Colors have been dissolved. And then to proceed to examine the refraction of all kinds of solid bodies, as Diamonds, Crystall, Glasse, Ice, Gummous and Resinous substances, Horne, Arsenick, and all other transparent bodies: Item the refraction of severall colored Glasses, and to find, by what means the refraction of Glas may be augmented or diminished: and to examine also the refraction and structure of the severall humors and parts of the Eye; and to observe the refraction of the Aire of severall densities; and finally, to examine, what will be the best figure and the best materiall to make dioptrick Lens’s.a You see, Sir, what a field we have here before us. This being over, an account was brought in of a viper dissected by Mr Hook, according to a former order of the Society:b the notable particulars whereof, because I guesse the Dissector himselfe will acquaint ‹you› with, I must not anticipate.c Only this I cannot hold to say, that17 the lungs were a very curious and admirable workmanship, being blown up by a small pipe; extending themselves from the throat beyond the gall, and being nothing but one continued bladder, not seeming to have any kind of partition or parenchyma, ‹but› only to consist of a very thin skin, whereof the upper part looked almost like a nett, but the under part like a filme, as cleer as the bladder of a carp, without any kind of vessel or muscles in it, tho examind by a microscope. This Experiment will and ought to be prosecuted, and may conduce much to the enquiry about respiration. Our President gave, after this, an account to the Company of the Antipascalian book, which I shall send you by the first coach, which will be to morrow.d His Lordship observed, that he did not ‹so much› refute Pascall, as bring in another18 hypothesis, whereby he could indeed solve all the phænomena, but, as he thought, not so rationally, as ‹it was done› the other way; putting all upon the stresse of rarefaction, and the motus nexûs,e an hypothesis inconceivable to considering men. His Lordship was very ready to comply with what you desired in your letter, and drew up with his owne hand, as you see, the annexed account, about the Barometers. He was earnest with me, not to forget the presentment of his humble a

This programme of work was not recorded in the minutes. The account is printed in Birch, Royal Society, i, 496. c There is only a brief reference to this dissection in Hooke’s letter to Boyle of 24 Nov. 1664, see above, p. 413. d For this book, written in opposition to the work of Blaise Pascal, see above, p. 403. e ‘motion of conjunction’. b

418

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 26 Nov. 1664

service to you; and he added such expressions19 concerning the esteem, his Lordship hath for you, that no man can have greater: and when upon your returne hither you shall know all, you will then say, I have said too litle of it now. I am not able to read over this long Rhapsody, no more than the transcript of our Clerk, leaving all to your goodnes to pardon the faults of Sir Your very faithfull humble servant Sir, I pray, be pleased to hint to me, whether the same preface will serve, in differing languages, for the Latin Thermometricall, and for the English both Thermometricall and Historicall Treatise.a 20 His Majesty let the parlement know this day, how ill neighbors his neighbors had proved since he ‹saw›21 the Parlement last: what preparation he had made22 to reduce them to reason, and the charges thereof (£800000 sterling) and his happines of doing it upon his owne credit,23 together with the assurance, he had, that they would doe quickly, what they had promised to doe, when they voted to assist him with their lives and fortunes in the undertaking24 of this warre, and the carrying of it on; and that he was resolved to make no peace, but upon a ferme bottom,25 of the nation’s honor and wellfare To that purpose.b Endorsed at head of 26 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXVI’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

26 November 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 27. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 327, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 182–3 and Oldenburg, ii, 325–7.

London Nov. 26. 1664. Sir, Your last came very seasonably, and all will be rectified and filled up according to your directions and supplyes, both in the English and Latin.c I hope, you will a Oldenburg was currently working on the Latin translation of Boyle’s Cold, which was never published. See above, p. 391n. For the preface to the English edition see Works, vol. 4, p. 208. b On 26 Nov. Parliament voted Charles £2,500 to furnish a fleet to safeguard English trade; see Commons Journal, viii, 569. c This letter is not extant. Oldenburg refers to the printing of the English and Latin editions of Boyle’s Cold (1665), for which see Works, vol. 4, pp. xx–xxiii.

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dispatch to us all the remainder, belonging to the History of Cold, before the weeks diversion comes in; our Society having already, by the late frost, excited one another to the prosecution of Experiments of Freezing, and mention having been there made of your History, that is a printing, for variety of ‹excellent› materialls to worke upon. I doe here inclose my draught for the publication of your Thermometricall præliminaries; wherein I doubt, I come far short of what should be said, and particularly about the communication of the sealed Thermometer, and the Barometer; concerning which since I have not the perfect and certain knowledge of their first Inventor, I have minced, as you see, the intimation, I give of it; intreating you, that you would oblige me, by your privat pen to make such additions and alterations, as you shall find necessary, and so to send it back ‹speedily, I having no Copy of it.›a I send here annexed his Majesties speech, which I took from Mr Herringman for you, thinking you would be very well /27 (1)v/ pleased, to read, ‹with the first,› so Kingly and so prudent a speech; which had so great an effect, that yesterday, which was the very next day after, the Parlement1 voted for the king and the carrying on of the warre £2500000 to be raised by Assesments. b If our neighbours could ‹any wayes› handsomely recoyle, they would doe it2 with all their hearts; and their Ambassador never had a more unconfortable supper, than he had yesternight, when the news was brought him of so mighty a vote, the like was never given for any English king.c Tis thought, the sword will not be put up now, till his Majesty be fully possessed of the dominion at Sea and the disposall of 3 Trade. It may produce at last that coalition, which hath been formerly deseigned by England. That righteousnesse may be the foundation, and that Protestantisme may receave no disadvantage, and that at length a good peace may cement all again, is the hearty wish of Sir Your faithful humble servant H. O. /27 (2)/ Sir, I humbly thank you for your present of Stillingfleets new book.d Since you are pleased to make it by way of a Dilemma, I take the freedom of embracing that part of it, which is most for my advantage, thinking, I may make as good use of it, as a Parisian. a Oldenburg refers to the preface to the Latin translation of ‘New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts’ in Boyle’s Cold. For the non-publication of this text see above, p. 391n. b The king delivered a narrative ‘concerning Dutch affairs’ to the House on 24 Nov. 1664; see Commons Journal, viii, 566–7. The enclosed copy is not extant. c The Dutch ambassador was Henry van Goch, for whom see above, p. 298n. d Edward Stillingfleet, A Rational Account of the Protestant Religion (1664), was sent to Boyle by John Evelyn on 23 Nov. 1664. In the absence of Boyle’s letter, it is not clear what the ‘Dilemma’ is to which Oldenburg refers.

420

FOXCROFT

to BOYLE, 29 Nov. 1664

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxford

Seal: Poor example of seal used on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663 (above, p. 87). Postmark: ‘NO / 26’. Also marked ‘6’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 27 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXVIII’ and with ink number ‘No 27’. Also endorsed on 27 (2)v with Birch number ‘No 27’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

NATHANIEL FOXCROFTa to BOYLE

29 November 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 636–7. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 644–5.

From my father’s at Finsbury Court-house, over against the New-Artillery near Moorfields, Nov. 29, 1664.b Most honoured Sir, PURSUANT to your commands, and in compliance with my own ambitions, to serve (though this instance be but a very small hint of my promised future endeavours) so obliging and excellent a person as yourself, I have ventured the presumption of this, whereby to let you understand the success of an enquiry you were pleased to engage me to concerning a carbuncle; so stiled by an acquaintance of mine, in whose hands it was deposited, untill the determination of a suit at law about it; though his description, I believe, will incline you rather to conclude it a diamond, being of the same colour, or water therewith, of a tablet cut, and better than half an inch square. That part of the relation made of it to you was true, that it being laid on the ground in a dark night (without the circumstances of rubbing, which you have observed necessary to some) would appear very lustrous at the distance of about three score paces, not imputable to the reflection of some lights or stars shining thereon; since it would do the same also in a dark room, where such causes were not admitted. I made a diligent search after it, that, if possible, I might a Nathaniel Foxcroft of London was educated at Emmanuel College Cambridge. He was appointed a factor to the East India Company on 21 Nov. 1664 and left for India in Jan. 1665. He died in Madras in 1670. b Foxcroft’s father, George (d. 1691), was appointed company agent at Fort St George, Madras, in Aug. 1664; he was given the title of governor in Mar. 1666.

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have given you the entertainment to have viewed it yourself; but found its worth was so extraordinary, that it exceeded the purchase of a private purse: wherefore it was transported, and at last sold to the Infanta of Spain, in whose possession it now remains.a THERE is another part of your injunctions, which I hope will prove an argument to plead my pardon for this boldness, which you will readily remember, when you shall understand, that within these ten days I am designed for Fort. St. George in the East-Indies;b not a little glad of the occasion, if in any thing I /p. 637/ may be instructed to be tributary to learning, in being serviceable to so great a master thereof as you, whose directions I shall with much obsequious diligence make it my business to observe; and where my unaccomplishments render me defective, I beg you to impute it to my incapacities, and not want of will or affection to be otherwise. AND, Sir, though I must confess myself a very bad and unconfident beggar, yet (encouraged by your offer, and my own hopes to make some not unacceptable essays therewith) I now presume to request the favour of some fluxing powders, with directions from first to last how to use them. My non-experience desires you will be a little particular on a ground-work, whereon my designs flatter me with a promise of no contemptible superstructures or ungrateful consequences. The command of any, which attainment (if meriting your diversions) I will promise shall never be out of your reach, since it was you first fired me unto such attempts. And as a farther endearment of this favour, be pleased to add, by what signs you would distinguish those earths, which encourage to such experiments, and are most probable to afford such metals, as may not be unworthy the like searches: for, if I mistake not, you only hint in some of your writings to have found in certain earths (not particularly describing any) no inconsiderable quantities of gold, and go no farther.c BUT I fear I have transgressed too much against what a stranger modestly ought to allow him in his first desires, which should be sparing: if mine exceed those limits, I request you to believe them not occasioned by the impudence of the beggar, but rather from the consideration of the largeness and bounty of your mind, which has every where given abundant testimonies of your contentments to oblige all ingenuous to an inquisitiveness into nature’s mysteries, which is my design. In the prosecution of which if I ever attain unto any thing worthy, I must acknowledge the reading of you begot those aspirings; whilst I confess myself therefore ever obliged a This is presumably a reference to Margarita Teresa, youngest daughter of Philip IV of Spain, who married Emperor Leopold in 1666, for whom see above, p. 352n. b i.e., where his father was agent. Foxcroft compiled a lengthy description of the islands of the East Indies, see vol. 3, pp. 205–18. Presumably this is the kind of service he is alluding to here. c Foxcroft possibly refers to Boyle’s Sceptical Chymist (1661), for which see Works, vol. 2.

422

HANN

to OLDENBURG, 29 Nov. 1664

Your [sic] in all humble returns of thanks and service, NATH. FOXCROFT. MY mother returns her gratitude in all humble acknowledgments of thanks for the medicine you presented her at Oxon; and desires you will signify, whether it was spirit of hart’s-horn or not, as likewise when you design to be in London.a

HANN to OLDENBURGb

29 November 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 316–18. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 166–8.

Sarum, Tuesday, Nov. 29, 1664. SIR, I RECEIVED yours by the Oxford carrier, and understand, that my last, sent by the London post, came safe to your hands, and that you have done me the favour to make my name known to your Royal Society.c I am glad it was welcome to your honour; yet really both the description and the letter were written in so much haste, that I had scarce time to read them over before I sent them away. I have now more leisure to give your honour a fuller relation of what I then wrote. Being at the coffee-house the same morning that this monster was born, amongst other discourse, an ancient minister being there, told the company the news of a strange monster, born that morning at Fisherton, and withal seemed somewhat to wonder, how Mr. Kent, the minister of Fisherton, could justify the baptising it with two names, adding, that it was a question to be debated by divines, whether it were to be reckoned as two persons, and whether it had two souls.d I then replied, that the divines must be beholden to the physicians for the determination of it. And from the coffee-house I went to see it; but could not, without tarrying there some time, be admitted to the sight of it, by reason of the multitude of persons, which flocked thither, where I beheld it, in the lap of the nurse, by a little fire, having only a linen cloth for its covering, which was taken off at the desire of every new spectator; a

Foxcroft’s mother, Elizabeth, was the daughter of Christopher Whichcote. We have included this letter here for its relevance to the case of the Fisherton monster discussed in various previous letters. However, although not included in Oldenburg, it is clearly titled by Birch ‘From Mr William Hann to Mr. Oldenburg’ (Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 316). c Hann’s earlier letter of 3 Nov. 1664, a relation of the birth of a prodigy at Fisherton in Wiltshire, was read at the Royal Society on 9 Nov.; see above, pp. 384–5. d Mr Kent, the minister, has not been further identified. b

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besides the room was full of holes, to let in the air, which at that season was pretty cold and sharp. The Friday following, within half an hour after this monster died, I went to the house, to see it a second time, and earnestly desired the father of it, that he would permit us to dissect it; but I then found him wholly averse to it, saying, that if he should suffer it, he should offend God. The next day (after many solicitations by several persons) he was prevailed withal to have it done; but would not be persuaded to have the body preserved after dissection, till argumentum ab utili prevailed with him.a The dissector was one Mr. Down, a surgeon in Cooke-horn, and a stranger in this place, but an ancient acquaintance of Dr. Turberville’s (our town surgeon being then employed in the country.)b I was assistant to him, and had both hands in the work; and had he not casually come hither, I had done it myself. The dissection was performed by candle-light, and that in such a throng of spectators, that we had scarce elbow-room allowed us. There were present at the dissection most of our1 town physicians; by name, Dr. Turberville, Dr. Haughton, Dr. Whitewell, and Dr. Brown.c The dissection being ended, Mr. Denny (an apothecary in this town) by the advice of Dr. Haughton and Dr. Whitewell, first washed the body with a lixivium, made of urine, baysalt, colocynth, centaury and wormwood;d after that, filled the cavities with bole-armonick finely powdered, and laid in oil of spike, for that night. The next day (as I remember) its pickle was low drawn spirit of wine, and its last menstruum was high-rectified spirit of wine, drawn off upon myrrh and olibanum first distilled with oil of turpentine. The dissection being ended, our town physicians (with other company) went to the tavern, where I proposed, that there might be a meeting of all us physicians, the Monday following, to draw up jointly a description of this monster: but this motion was refused; they answering me, that we all had seen it, and that I might write to my friends, to inform them, /p. 317/ and they would do the like to theirs: whereupon (as soon as my other occasions would give leave) I drew up a description of it: but before I had ended it, I had a summons from my father, to hasten home unto him, he acquainting me in his letter with his being in a sad condition;e yet, before I would take my journey, I resolved to send your honour a description of the Fisherton monster; and being over-importuned, I left the description in the hands of a person in this town, which being since copied out, is (as I hear) too full of pseudography; and, to gratify the importunity of others, I wrote out the description of it in English also, which (as I have been told) hath since travelled east and west.f At my coming home, I found a

‘argument from utility’. For Mr Downe, the surgeon who dissected the monster, see above, p. 395n. For Daubeney Turberville see above, p. 308n. c Edward Haughton, physician in Salisbury, is also mentioned below, p. 452; Dr Whitewell and Dr Brown have not been further identified. d For Henry Denny, apothecary at Salisbury, see above, p. 406n. e Hann’s father was possibly William Hann sr, of Haslebury, Dorset. f This is possibly a reference to the broadside printed in Rollins, Pack of Autolycus (above, p. 374), pp. 140–1. b

424

HANN

to OLDENBURG, 29 Nov. 1664

my father in a bad condition indeed; for having, about a fortnight before, cut his leg to the bone, and women-surgeons applying things wholly improper, and contrary to it, it brought my father into a fever, and his leg to an high tumour and inflammation, insomuch, that I feared a gangreen to ensue, for some parts of his leg looked blackish and livid; and my mother she feared death;a but (blessed be God) by the use of good means, his fever hath left him, the tumour and inflammation in his leg are abated, and the wound brought to digestion; but that part in the calf of the leg, which formerly looked black and livid, is lately turned to fretting and corroding ulcers. I have been his surgeon about three weeks space, and have dressed his leg almost every day, and am enjoined to be with him again tomorrow. Since my coming back to this town (which was four days since) I have taken a review of that description I sent unto your honour, and have added something in two or three places, which I left out in the former; and although it be not much that I have inserted, yet it is significant to make the description complete; withal I have adjoined unto it, that other description in English, and have gotten it drawn forth something more exactly than the former was; all which I here enclosed present unto your honour. I suppose, before this comes to your hands, the monster will be in London; for the father and mother began their journey thither the last week, carrying it with them. I thank your honour for the receipt you were pleased to communicate to me against quartanes and obstructions.b I had the same (with very little alteration) imparted to me about five years since from a friend: when I use it, I add cremor tartari to the infusion. I heartily wish I might any way serve your honour, by any communications of mine, in reference to the therapeutical part of physick. As to that of the transplantation of diseases, I can truly say this, that what your honour hath in print, for a cure of the yellow-jaundice, by the party’s urine made into a cake with ashes and buried in a dunghill, I had some years since imparted to me by a gentlewoman, as a cure for that disease, where other medicines will not prevail;c and (as I have been credibly informed) a maiden gentlewoman of this town hath cured many of obstinate jaundice, having only the party’s water sent unto her; but what she doth with it, they that told me of it, said they knew not. Your honour (to the best of my remembrance, for I am not at present master of your book, I only borrowing it to read over, and was limited to a certain number of days for the return of it) mentioneth not any thing in your book of the transplantation of agues:d I can acquaint you with some particulars of that kind: about two years since, a near neighbour of my father’s had a son much afflicted with an ague, for the cure of which I used many medicines, in particular, I applied the yarrow-bag to the stomach, but all to little purpose or effect: at last, a

Hann’s mother has not been identified. This letter is not extant. c i.e., jaundice. d Evidently a reference to Usefulness II, sect. 1 (1663), see Works, vol. 3, pp. 434–5. b

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a woman coming casually thither, took the boy’s urine, emitted a little before the coming of the fit, and made it into a cake with barley-meal, and gave it to a dog to eat; the success whereof was this, the boy was freed of the ague, and the dog, which did eat the cake, had a visible shaking ague-fit, as the father and mother affirmed to me (but they both thought it to be witchcast.) Since that, I have been credibly informed, that a gentleman’s son, about four miles from my father’s house, was by the same means cured of a tedious ague, the dog, which did eat the cake, having the ague transplanted to him. When I was a school-boy, I knew several freed of warts upon their hands, by taking an elder-stick, and cutting as many scotches in it, as they had warts, then rubbing it upon the warts, and burying it under a dunghill. As for charms (or spells) I have taken the pains to write several of them, and I think I have many of them yet amongst my loose papers; in particular, one for stopping of blood, they which use it desiring nothing else but the party’s name, though at a distance. My mother told me, that her mother cured several, when they have bled almost to death, though they have been many miles from her. Another against burning or scalding (which they call singeing out the fire;) another against the cramp; another against worms; another against agues; with which a school-fellow of mine cured several, and imparted it to me, many years since, though I never yet made use of it. If your honour think any of them worth the sending and writing out, you may command them. And, when time will give me leave to look out and transcrible that receipt, I used so successfully for the king’s-evil, your honour may expect to receive it from me. The biting of a dog hath been known to be cured by the cutting off the hairs of the dog, that grow on his breast between the shoulders, and applying them to the wound, without any thing else applied. Sir, I am enjoined to go down to my weak and aged father, either this day or to morrow, with a purpose to return as speedily as I may. If your honour be pleased to let me know in a line or two, that this comes safe to your hands, and direct it to be left at my lodgings at Mr. Beach’s house in Salisbury, it will be there received with welcome by, Sir, your honour’s most humble servant,a WILL. HANN /p. 318/ HERE is a report in this town of another strange monster born in or near Abington.b MR. Whitebead, gentleman at Titherly in Hampshire, nine miles from this town, had a cow, which lately brought forth a calf with two heads.c I HAVE made a hysteron proterond in the description, for the brains were dissected the last of all the parts. a

Mr Beach, gentleman of Salisbury, has not otherwise been identified. Hann possibly means Abingdon in Oxfordshire. c Mr Whitehead, gentleman of Hampshire, has not otherwise been identified. d Lit., ‘the last first’. b

426

HANN

to OLDENBURG, 29 Nov. 1664

Inclosed in the preceding. Maria uxor Johannis Waterman stabularii apud Fisherton prope civitatem Sarum, post partum laboriosum die Mercurii, Octob. 26. 1664. circa horam primam matutinam peperit filiam bene figuratam, et in quolibet membro accuratè proportionatam. Semihoræ spatio vix interjecto, iterùm parturiens peperit partum monstrosum cum capitibus duobus, brachiis et manibus quatuor è diametro oppositis, cum pedibus duobus, femoribus, natibus, anu, pudendo muliebri circa medietatem corporis prominentibus, ac umbilico supra pudendum tres circiter pollices eminente. Horâ quartâ matutinâ ejusdem diei partus iste informis bapizatus est, cui nomina Marthæ et Mariæ imposita sunt;a abhinc in diem tertium vixit, in quo temporis spatio (per vices) lacte saccharato enutritus est, plorabat, et per alvum excrementa dejiciebat. Die Veneris Octob. 28. horâ nonâ matutinâ obiit Martha, et paulò post Maria. [utraque dum vixit, faciei amabilis, et forsan utraque diutius vixisset, ni intempestiva visitantium turba tenellum huncce partum inclementiori aeri exposuisset.]b Die Saturni, Octob. 29o. horâ 4â pomeridianâ partes internas spectantium oculis subjecit culter anatomicus; quibus à cute, musculis, et sterno denudatis, visui sese offerebant, 1o. cerebrum cum suo cerebello, ventriculis, venis, arteriis, nervis, et menyngibus (utrumque cerebrum pendens Mary, the wife of John Waterman (an ostler at Fisherton near the city of Salisbury), after a difficult confinement gave birth on Wednesday 26 October 1664, around 1 o’clock in the morning, to a little girl who was well formed and correctly proportioned in each of her limbs. But after a gap of barely half an hour, she went into labour again, and gave birth to a monster: this creature had two heads, and four arms and [four] hands that were diametrically opposite each other, together with two feet, [two] thigh bones, and [two] buttocks, and [one] anus and female genitalia, [all?] sticking out around the middle of its body, and an umbilical cord rising up about three inches above the genitalia. At 4 o’clock in the morning of this same day, this misformed creature was baptised, and was given the names Martha and Mary;a it carried on living for three days after that, during which time it was fed (taking [each head] in turn) with sugared milk, and it cried, and it removed excrement from its body [having passed it] through its bowels. On Friday 28 October, at 9 o’clock in the morning, Martha died, as did Mary shortly afterwards. [Each of them, while they lived, had a pleasant facial appearance; and it is possible that each of them might have lived longer, had not the inopportune size of the crowd of people who came to see it exposed this tender little creature to the outside air, which was too cold for it.]b On Saturday 29 October, at 4 o’clock in the afternoon, the knife of the anatomist displayed the creature’s internal organs to the eyes of the spectators. When they had been laid bare, and the muscle separated from the skin and the sternum, their organs could be seen to be as follows: firstly, the brain with its cerebellum, ventricles, veins, arteries, nerves, and meningial membranes (each of the brains weighed twenty and a half ounces). Secondly, a b

i.e., one name for each head. Square brackets in Birch.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

uncias viginti cum semisse.) 2o. Cor cum suo pericardio in eodem latere utrinque collocatum. 3o. Pulmones cum arteriâ trachæâ. 4o. Mediastinum. 5o. Thymus, 6o. Diaphragma pervium tum gulæ, tum venæ cavæ, (singulis hinc inde partibus debitè conformatis.) [Bina omnia bina.]a Cæterùm anomalia partium in infimo ventre conspiciebatur, et 1o. A pyloro utriusque ventriculi intestina (post inflationem) sese exporrigebant longitudine sex pedes ad canalem (sive ductum) communem, quò utrinque simul coaluerunt: à ductu communi ad intestinum cæcum longitudo erat pedem circiter unum, ac ab intestino cæco ad anum pedes duos. 2o. Utrumque hepar (cum vesicâ biliariâ, et venâ portæ) in eodem latere situm erat. 3o. Ex adverso jecoris utriusque siti sunt lienes cum suis venulis et arteriis, una cum venis gastricis majoribus et minoribus ad ventriculum utrumque excurrentibus. 4o. Versus finem quintæ lumborum vertebræ prope os sacrum (quod hic incurvatum erat) hinc inde incumbebant renes bene figurati, excepto quod nimis grandiusculi fuere) carunculas obtinentes papillares, tum venas et arterias emulgentes. 5o. A renum infundibulo principium ducebant ureteres, qui inferebantur in cervicem vesicæ, quæ inter intestinum rectum et uterum naturali situ posita inveniebatur.

there was a heart, with its pericardium, positioned on the same side in each of them. Thirdly, there were the lungs, with the tracheal artery. Fourthly, there was the mediastinum. Fifthly, there was the thymus gland. Sixthly, there was the diaphragm, from which a passage went both to the gullet and to the vena cava. (In all these individual parts they were quite identical to each other.) [And all the things that are usually in pairs were in pairs].a However, some anomalies were observed in the parts that made up the bottom of their bellies; these were as follows: 1. Firstly, from the pylorus of the ventricle of each of them their intestines (after they had been extended) drew themselves out to a length of six feet to the canal (or duct) that they had in common, where they both joined together at the same point; from this duct that they had in common to the intestinum caecum the length was about one foot, and from the intestinum caecum to the anus was two feet. 2. Secondly, the liver of each of them (with the gall bladder and the vein that supplies the liver) was positioned on the same side of their bodies. 3.Thirdly, opposite the liver of each of them were positioned spleens, with their little veins and arteries, together with the greater and lesser gastric veins running out to the ventricles of each of them. 4. Fourthly, towards the end of the fifth of the lumbar vertebrae, near the os sacrum (which here was curved inwards), there lay here and there their kidneys, which were well formed, except for the fact that they were a little too large for such a body, and which had little nipple-like pieces of flesh, and then veins and arteries that drained them. 5. Fifthly, from the funnel of the kidneys the ureters took their beginning; these were taken down to the neck of the bladder, which was found to be positioned in its natural place a

Square brackets in Birch.

428

HANN

to OLDENBURG, 29 Nov. 1664

6o. In utero dissecto cernere fas erat ejus fundum, cervicem, vaginam, cum pudendo muliebri, non alia quàm naturæ justâ lege confirmatos, præterquàm quod utrique unus communiter inserviebat. Uterus (cum vesicâ, et intestino recto) intra ossa eorum receptioni destinata continebatur. 7o. Vena cava cum arteriâ aortâ, omentum, pancreas, et mesenterium, locum et progressum suum regularem servabant. Quoad partes exteriores (visceribus exemptis) tum in Marthâ tum in Mariâ visæ sunt, 1. Costæ numero duodecim; 2. Sternum tribus partibus compactum cum appendice cartilagineâ; 3. Vertebræ colli septem; 4. Dorsi vertebræ duodecim; 5. Lumborum vertebræ quinque. Os sacrum cum partibus senis vertebrarum æmulis, os ilium, os coxendicis, os pubis ambabus communia fuere. Totum corpus longum erat pollices viginti, latum pollices tredecium cum semisse: scil. transversim mensuratum à pedum extremitatibus ad extremum costarum. Corpus hocce conditur, quò a putredine vindicetur, et diutius asservetur. Filia primogentia Eefelet [sic] nominata è vivis discessit die Mercurii 9o. diebus quatuordecim supervivens. Mater adhuc superstes et incolumis manet. between the end of the large intestine and the womb. 6. Sixthly, when the womb was dissected, it was possible to see that its bottom, its neck, the vagina, with the female genitalia, were all correctly formed according to the proper law of nature, except for the fact that one of each of these things served both of them in common. The womb (together with the bladder, and the end of the large intestine) was contained within the bones that are intended for the reception of these organs. 7. Seventhly, the vena cava (together with the artery known as the aorta), the caul, the pancreas, and the intestinal membrane all preserved their normal positions and courses. As far as the external parts of their bodies (leaving aside the internal organs) are concerned, the following were seen both in Martha and in Mary: firstly, the ribs, which were twelve in number; secondly, the sternum, joined together in three parts, with a cartilaginous addition; thirdly, seven vertebrae of the neck; fourthly, twelve vertebrae of the back; fifthly, five lumbar vertebrae. The os sacrum with its parts similar to those found in the vertebrae of an old man, the os ilium, the os coxendicis, and the os pubis were all common to both of them. The whole of the body was twenty inches in length, and its width was thirteen and a half [inches] (that is to say, when it was measured transversely from the ends of the feet to the end of the ribs). This body has been pickled, so that it can be preserved from rotting, and can be kept for a longer period of time. The first born daughter, who was called Elisabeth[?], departed from this life on Wednesday 9 [November], after having survived for fourteen days. The mother still remains alive and well.

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2, 1662–5

TEMPLE to BOYLE November 1664 This is recorded by Miles (BP 36, fol. 161) as: ‘Temple in behalf of Johnson to be continud in his employment at the Indian Presse N. England Nov. 64’ This refers to Marmaduke Johnson who was employed as a printer by the New England Company in the early 1660s. There was no member of the Company of this name but the correspondent might be Sir Thomas Temple, governor and proprietor of Nova Scotia. The request was unsuccessful and Johnson returned to England towards the end of 1664; see Kellaway, New England Company, pp. 130–1, 134.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

3 December 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 28. 4o/1+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 327–8, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 183–4, and Oldenburg, ii, 327–30.

London Dec. 3. 1664. Sir, In hope, that the time of the respite, ‹lately› reserved to yourselfe, will be neer exspired, when this shall come to your hands, I made no great scruple to overtake it, especially since the chief occasion of this letter is the inclosed, which containeth an Account, that you and your Christian friends1 will not be displeased with:a It came from Amsterdam to me by a speciall friend, since my last to you; but it seems, ‹that› at that time, when it was written, my letter to our correspondents there, which was a cover to the printed Turkesh sheet, I sent thither by your favour, was not yet come to their hands. It appears by the beginning of this Copy of Warnerus his letter, that he intends to translate the New Testament, as he hath done the Old; wherefore it fell out very opportunely, that we dispatched to Amsterdam a pattern of what is done here in that particular, persuading myselfe, that they will with all speed transmit the notice of it to Constantinople, to the end, that the said Warnerus may not actum agere.b I doe intreat you, Sir, if you would oblige me, to have this Lattin letter speedily transcribed, if you ‹shall› have further occasion of it, than to read it, that I may have it returned2 the next week to me, who had no time at all to ‹take another› Copy of it. /28 (1)v/ Mr Crook was extreamely surprised, when I read to him, what you said in your last about the slownesse of sending you the printed sheets of your book, protesting a

The enclosure is no longer with the letter. ‘do the deed’. Oldenburg received the sample sheet of the Turkish translation of the New Testament sometime before 17 Nov. 1664. See above, p. 347. b

430

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 3 Dec. 1664

to me, that he had sent you all on munday last, what was then printed of;a and assuring, that on munday next you should not faile to receave 2 sheets more, which would make in all 17 sheets, if I mistake not, the last sheet being S. though I have at this time T. also by me, to review it,3 to print it of on munday next. I perceive by Mr Crook, that Dr Merret thinks, you will both in the Title of the Book, and ‹in› the Preface, take notice of his Appendix; to which I made answer, that I did not doubt, but you would doe so. b I conceive it necessary, if your leasure would permit,4 to give yourself the trouble, in the perusall of the printed sheets, sent you of your History of Cold, to sett downe the mistakes, that will occurre here and there, notwithstanding all the care, that hath been taken in the correcting. For, though I have marked some of them (which yet are but very few) yet there are some passages, which I did not well see the sense off, at the least, it seemed5 imperfect to me: and they were, p. 486 unto the word Besides. Item p. 239 no. 3 line where a word ‹seems wanting,› to determine the measure of the Bolthead. Item p. 83 I desire to know, what ‹is›7 understood by unfreesing Liquors, whether such, as doe not cause, or ‹those that› doe not suffer congelation? Item p. 266 Query. whether there be not a word omitted, or miswritten in no. III.c /28 (2)/ I shall say no more for this time, than that Mr Zulichem in a late letter of his to Sir R. Moray hath given us this account concerning an universall measure, which I beg may be communicated to Dr Wallis, with my humble service, and whereupon I8 exspect both your sense.d These are his owne words:e Pour ce qui est de la regle de My Lord Brounker des pendules Isochrones, qu’il a pris la peine d’escrire dans le billet, que vous m’avez envoyé, elle s’accorde avec la miene en ce qui est du mouvement de Largeur des figures planes, mais ne s’estend pas à l’autre mouvement, que l’appelle Laterall des mesmes figures, oú il y a beaucoup plus de difficulté, ny aussi aux mouvements des corps solides, oú il y en a encor d’avantage. Vous m’avez desja communiqué autrefois ce qu’il avoit determiné pour la measure Universelle: Mais pour n’estre point obligé à une cera This implies that another letter of Boyle’s, received since 24 Nov., has been lost. ‘Munday last’ was 28 Nov. For John Crook, who printed Boyle’s Cold (1665), see above, p. 91n. b Boyle did in fact mention Merret’s contribution on the title-page, but not in the preface; see Works, vol. 4, p. 203. c For these references, see Cold, Works, vol. 4, where original pagination is given in the running head. d See Huygens to Moray, 21 Nov. 1664, Œuvres complètes, v, 149. For the universal measure, see above, pp. 357–60. Taking the Rhineland foot to be 31.4 cm, the length of the seconds pendulum as determined by Huygens is 99.4 cm, whence g = 981 cm/sec2. e ‘As for Lord Brouncker’s rule for isochronal pendulums which he was good enough to express in the note that you sent me, it agrees very well with my own with respect to the motion in breadth of plane figures but does not cover the other motion which I call the lateral motion of the same figures, which is much more difficult, nor the motion of solid bodies either, which is still more difficult. You formerly communicated to me what he had resolved towards the universal measure; but in order not

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taine proportion de grandeur de sphere à la longueur de pendule, il est utile de scavoir le centre de vibration d’une sphere pendue à quelque longueur de fil que ce soit, lequel centre je mettray icy comment se trouve. Soit la sphere ABC, dont le centre D, pendu au filet AE. attaché en E. Il faut trouver aux lignes ED. DB. la troisieme proportionelle DF. de la quelle DO. faisant les 2⁄5 , je dis, que O. est le centre de vibration de cete sphere ainsi suspendue, c’est à dire, que ses vibrations seront isochrones à un pendule simple, dont le plomb est consideré9 come sans grandeur, de la longueur de EO. Tellement que pour la mesure universelle il suffit,10 d’avoir quelque sphere suspendue, qui fasse des vibrations d’une seconde ou demiseconde, les plus pesantes et grandes estans les meilleures, à cause de la resistance de l’Air. Je trouve cette longueur EO fort /28 (2)v/ exactement de 9½ pouces de Rhynlande, lors que les vibrations sont de demisecondes. E

A B

O

D F C

This account was lately under the consideration of the Society, and, when it was spoken of at their meeting, order was given, that it should be punctually registred at the same time, when it was first mentioned, to the end, that Mr Huygens might have his due, and that his inventions be recorded for his honor to posterity, as well as the inventions of ‹the› English Virtuosi. This Justice and generosity of our Society is exceedingly commendable, and doth rejoyce me, as often as I think on’t,11 chiefly upon this account, that I thence persuade myselfe, that all Ingenious men

to be restricted to a fixed ratio between the size of the sphere and the length of the pendulum it is useful to know the centre of oscillation of a sphere when it is suspended by a cord of any length and I will show here how this centre may be found. Let ABC be a sphere with centre D suspended by the thread AE attached to it at E. You must find the third proportional DF to the lengths ED and DB; then making DO = 2⁄3 DF, I say that O is the centre of oscillation of this sphere thus suspended; that is to say, its oscillations will be isochronous with those of a simple pendulum whose dimensionless bob is at O. So that for the universal measure it is enough to have any suspended sphere making oscillations in a whole or half second, the heavier and larger the better because of the resistance of the air. I find this length EO very exactly equal to 9½ Rhineland inches, when the period of oscillation is a half second.’

432

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Dec. 1664

will be thereby incouraged to impart their knowledge and discoveryes, as farre as they may, not doubting of the observance of the old Law, of Suum cuique tribuere.a I am Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. Old. Endorsed on 28 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘no. XXVIII’ and with ink number ‘No. 28’. Also endorsed on 28 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 28’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks

BOYLE to OLDENBURG early December 1664 This letter was read at a meeting of the Royal Society on 14 December 1664 and recorded as follows in JBO 2, 161–2 and also in LBC 2, 82 (see also Birch, Royal Society, i, 504, and Oldenburg, ii, 330–1): ‘There was read a paper, sent from Oxford, by Mr Boyle to the Secretary, containing certain Proposals of Mr Austen, about the planting of Fruit and Timber-trees, which the said Mr Austen desired might be recommended to the Parliament: It was referred to the Committee for Agriculture to consider thereof.b ‘There was also read an Extract of Mr Boyles letter to the Secretary containing Experiments of cutting, in Dogs, the 6th /162/ pair of Nerves, called the Par vagum; whereupon the Pulse was quite altered, and intermitted, and the Dogs continued near 4 dayes alive, though under great discomposure.’c

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

10 December 1664

From the original in Early Letters OB 29. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 328–9, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 184–5, and Oldenburg, ii, 331–3. a

‘Allowing to each man his own.’ For Ralph Austen see above, p. 269n. Austen published A Treatise of Fruit-trees (1653), the 3rd edition of which (published 1665) was dedicated to Boyle. The paper mentioned above may be one of the ‘Additions’ to this edition. In his letter to Boyle of 10 Dec. 1664, Oldenburg mentions that he had received Boyle’s containing Austen’s paper before 7 Dec.; see below, p. 434. c It is not clear whether this extract came from the letter described above or from another item. b

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London Dec. 10. 1664. Sir, I was lately desired by My Lord Brounker to acquaint you, besides his humble service, with your being elected into the Company for the Royall Mines and into that of Battery, who will therefore be very glad, as well as Gresham Colledge, to see you here with the soonest.a I found by My Lord Brounker, that he would have been better pleased with your thoughts concerning his Notes1 upon the all [mercurial] Phænomena, than with your thanks.b I told his Lordship, when I perceived this, (tho it was only by way of guesse) that I supposed, he would have your opinion upon the whole matter from your owne mouth at your returne hither, which I hoped would be within a few dayes. At our last meeting (of which I could give you an account no sooner, than to day, by reason of many impediments, taking me of till now) we ‹were›2 entertained partly ‹by› severall Experiments of refraction, made with Vitriol, Saltpeter, Allum,3 whereof the 2 former suffered a litle more, and the last, a great deal lesse refraction, than common water:c partly, by tryalls made with pendulums according to Mr Zulichems rule, formerly sent you, for an universall measure;d which will require more Experiments; partly with the reading of a pretty long Dedication, made by Mr /29 (1)v/ Joseph Glanvill to the Royal Society, ‹and› prefixed to his Book, (which was at the same time presented them by Lord Brereton) intitled Scepsis Scientifica, or, Confest ignorance, the way to Science.e In4 which Dedication the Author expresseth a very great respect to the said Body and their dessein, which I was very glad, and so were others, to find ‹to be›5 so well understood, at least, by some, though I feare, the ‹great› exspectation, he raiseth of their Enterprise, may be of more prejudice, than advantage to them, if they be not competently endowed with a revenue, to carry on their Undertakings. These particulars, thronging in upon one another, and consuming all our time, left me none, at that Assembly to acquaint the Company ‹neither› with your considerable Anatomicall Observation, nor with Mr Austins proposalls, both which I am persuaded they will be very well pleased with, and the latter, I think, you will not Judge amisse to have it represented and recommended to them, to consider ‹of› a The two related companies were incorporated 28 May 1568 by charters issued to ‘the Governors, Assistants and Commonalty of the Mines Royal’ and ‘the Governors, Assistants and Society of the Mineral and Battery Works’ respectively. The Mines Royal were concerned with the mining of copper; the Mineral and Battery Works with mining zinc, and manufacturing brass and brass wire. b The allusion here is obscure. It may be to the experiments Brouncker had earlier made on the anomalous suspension of mercury. c Oldenburg refers to the meeting of 7 Dec.; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 499–503. The refraction experiments were made by Robert Hooke. d See above, pp. 431–2. e For Joseph Glanvill, elected F.R.S. on 14 Dec. 1664, see above, p. 54n. He had already defended the ‘new philosophy’ in The Vanity of Dogmatizing (1661), of which Scepsis scientifica (actually published in 1665) is an enlarged version. For William Brereton see above, p. 102n.

434

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Dec. 1664

the carrying of it on; which I intend, God permitting, to doe at our next meeting.a Mr Henshaw (which in my former I intended to have given you notice of, but forgot it) brought lately in an Account, concerning the Nature of Frogspawne, from his owne Observation and Experiment, which the Company was much satisfied with: but it being pretty prolixe, I shall not swell a letter with it, but reserve the communecation to your returne.b /29 (2)/ I had no newes from France this week. Our newes at home is, that the Parlement is exceedingly divided concerning the way of raising that sum of money, they have voted; yesterday they were mighty warm, and one of their number told me, they would be very hot this day upon that subject; and that yesterday the manner of raising it by way of Ship money was so much urged, that the Court-party carried ‹it› that way, by some, though but few, votes: the Contry-gentlemen protesting, (some of them) that they dare not returne into their Contry, if it be imposed after that rate, and one of these affirming to me, that he had said it plainly in the house, they should take him, his wife and childern, and send him rather ‹in a ship› against the Dutch, then back into his Contry ‹if they would take that course.› This contest and disagreement will put the Dutch into some heart again, especially if it be true, what is now reported, that the king of France will, according to6 the League, assist them, at least with ve[ry]7 considerable sums of mony, and with men, if they need th[em.] Scotland is mightily averse from the warre, as I heare, upon the account of the destruction of all that trade, left them with the Dutch; they having none, or very litle with England.c I hope, if I receave the favor of one letter more from you, before your comming home, you will forbid more writing to Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. O. 8

I receaved the two last Titles; and have given order for the scheme touching the conservatory of snow.d

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house / in / Oxforde a Ralph Austen’s proposals were sent to Oldenburg in early Dec. 1664, and read at the Royal Society on 14 Dec., see above, p. 433. b Thomas Henshaw (1618–1700), diplomat associated with the Royal Society since its foundation, was appointed Secretary in succession to Wilkins in 1668. The account of frog spawn is printed verbatim in Birch, Royal Society, i, 501–2. c For the debate in Parliament on the money to be raised for the Dutch wars see above, p. 419n. d Oldenburg refers to copy for Boyle’s Cold (1665): see Works, vol. 4, pp. 361–4. e For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

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Seal: Partly damaged. Poor example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Postmark: badly smudged. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 29 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXIX’ (altered from VII). Also endorsed on 29 (2)v with Birch number ‘No 29’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

WILLEM SPANNUT a to BOYLE

12 December 1664

From the holograph original in BL 5 fol. 124–5. 4o[?]/2. Not previously printed.

Ipris xiio xbris 1664 Clarissimo Domino Legi et perlegi chymistam scepticum Per Dominum Boile:b Credo T. Domine neque Vidi hactenus qui Helmontium acutius attigit, et punxit.1c Juravi dudum In ejus dogmata nova, spe remediorum (obscuré in scriptis quidem descriptorum) obtinendorum in medelam generis humani, si promissis respondeant: inaudita veré plurimis detexit, donec ex mente V. D. Vidimus, ipsi parem, si non magé astutum.d ah Utinam mihi Sermo cum T. D., Sane quantam ex eo sperarem gaudii non minus haurirem fructus in iis quæ tipis mandata destinaram [sic]:e ac ni T. D. Indies forté Ypres 12 December 1664 Most noble Lord, I have read and reread the Sceptical Chymist by Mr Boyle;b I believe, my dear Sir, I have never seen any one, before now, who has more acutely dealt with and penetrated Helmont.c I have pored for a long time over Helmont’s new doctrines, in the hope of obtaining the remedies, very obscurely described in his writings, for the cure of the human race if they live up to the promises he made for them. He hid them truly ‘unheard of’ to most people, until we saw them from the mind of your Honour, one equal to him, if not more astute.d Would that I had the opportunity for a conversation with you, dear Sir, I am sure that, as well as expecting to take great pleasure from it, I would equally derive fruits for those works that I am preparing for the press.e And if I did not believe that your Honour was troubled a

Willem Spannut has proved untraceable apart from this letter. From it, we deduce that he was a Helmontian physician working in the Flemish town of Ypres. For a letter from Boyle which could be to Spannut, see below, pp. 453–4. b Spannut refers to Boyle’s Sceptical Chymist (1661), for which see Works, vol. 2. c For van Helmont see above, p. 164n. d Spannut alludes punningly to the title of Helmont’s Opuscula medica inaudita (1648). e Spannut’s name is not attached to any known publication.

436

SPANNUT

to BOYLE, 12 Dec. 1664

mille litteris filiorum artis Vexatum Crederem, ego Importunitate2 mea, scriptis vestris emotus, et Industriá tua ex iis eminente, Inquietam redderem: quod ex inopinatis et immeritis hactenus poenes nos Vestris ex animo tamen optatis, autumabor. ego arcana praefati Helmontii nominatim liquorem Alkahest, consideravi de Impossibilibus:a In quantum cuncta Creata3 sine reactione In materiam primam resolueret, omnemque Morbum poenitus everteret: preterquam et ipsa metalla Imperfecta reduceret, ipsumque mercurium In fixum aliud ac perfectum transmutaret. Liquorem hunc (ut et paracelsus) alium credo esse eius Salem circulatum, alium Vero succum quendam mercurialem de quo multum p. Anth. fabri In sapientia sua Venerabili[?] Libavius,b &c. ego Vero etsi Inquisitioni principiorum, tam elementalium, quam aliorum non ita Insistam, mirabili tamen curiositate observationes vestras Indagans conjeci medicamentorum chymicorum4 effectus, esse conflatos, ac præsuppositos non nisi a falaci, ac falsa et Inexpectata textura, Ut plurimum eorum quæ Insciis etiam operatoribus Involuntarié ignis adminiculo eveniunt: cui /fol. 124v/ et Nomina, et vires ad lubitum adscribentes, niti cogitur. by perhaps a thousand letters every day from the sons of the Art, I would trouble you with my importunity, moved as I am by your writings and by your industry that shines out in them. Which I shall be thought [to do], from the unexpectedly generous effort which you have made on our behalf, undeserved by us, but nevertheless desired from our hearts. I considered that the arcana of the aforesaid Helmont, especially the liquor alkahest, were impossibilities. For it is supposed to dissolve all created substances, without any reaction, into their prime matter, and to cure every disease completely. Furthermore, it is supposed to reduce the imperfect metals themselves, and to transmute mercury itself into another perfect and fixed substance.a Along with Paracelsus, I think that this liquor is another sort of his sal circulatus, and indeed another sort of mercurial juice, on which there is much in the writings of P. Anth. Faber in his venerable[?] wisdom, Libavius,b Although I have not so greatly applied myself to the study of the principles, whether elemental or otherwise, nonetheless, studying your observations with wonderful interest, I have conjectured that the effects of chemical medicines are conflated and presupposed based upon only a fallacious, false, and unexpected composition, as is the case with most of those medicines which emerge by the aid of fire when used without the proper intentions by ignorant operators, and to which they ascribe names and virtues at pleasure. How unfor-

a For van Helmont and the alkahest see L. Reti, ‘Van Helmont, Boyle and the Alkahest’, in L. Reti and W. C. Gibson, Some Aspects of 17th-Century Medicine and Science (Los Angeles, 1969), pp. 1–19. b For Paracelsus see above, p. 164n. It is likely that ‘P. Anth. Fabre’ is a slightly garbled form of Pierre Jean Fabre, a French alchemist who lived at Castelnaudry in the first half of the 17th century, and who wrote on the alkahest in his Manuscriptum ad Fredericum (1653); see Bernard Joly, Rationalité de l’alchimie au XVIIe siècle (Paris, 1992). Spannut also refers to Andreas Libavius (1560–1616), German chemist author of alchemical works.

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Infelix eger, suadente nempe aucthore, cum eminenti Vitæ discrimine, sub larvata spe convaliscentiæ. de quibus supersedebo donec D.V. nostras fore gratas rescivero: hoc Intime desidero, si otia vestra permittant, gratamque hunc favorem non deneget. etenim provincia nostra chymistas Vix novit. anhelat animus agere candidé cum intelligente de Prefato Liquore, de mercurio praeparato parac. diaph., de tinctura Lili, de electro vero, de arcano mercurium congelante: et aliis non Inferi[ori]bus:5 de quibus V. D. abundé Instructa: remedium Helmontii Contra calculum tam aropha quam urinæ spiritus dissolvens ne dum Sucessit quamvis ad Litteram sim assequutus: quem de Magnetica Curatione prælo tradidit, ea passione irregulari ampliavit in adversarii sui confusionem. doleo eum numquam agnovisse:b superest eius filius, qui patriam suam deserens Vix fixum habet domicilium, ut ab eo parentis dogmatum dilucidationem liceret expetere.c quare si quid in me scirem quod V.D. foret grat[um]6 Studerem Indies placere, et manere In eternum tunate is the sick man who, relying on the assurance of such an author, and hanging between life and death at the crisis of a disease, rests under an illusory hope of recovery. But I shall refrain from further discussion of such matters, until I learn from your Honour whether you are so kind as to welcome my correspondence. This I desire most heartily: and I beg that, if you have sufficient leisure, you will not deny me this favour, which I would greatly appreciate. Indeed, this province of ours has scarcely had any experience of chemists. My mind gasps with excitement at dealing openly with an intelligent man regarding the liquor [Alkahest] mentioned above, the Paracelsian diaphoretic mercury, the tincture of Lili, the true electrum, the secret of congealing mercury, and other subjects of no less importance: on all of which your honour is very well informed. As for the remedy of Helmont for the stone, both aroph and the dissolving spirits of urine, I have not yet been successful, although I have followed his instructions to the letter.a As for the ideas on effecting cures by magnetism which he committed to the press, he unfortunately developed them with such an irregular enthusiasm, aimed at confuting his adversary; I am very sad that he never acknowledged this.b His son survives him, who has deserted his native land and has scarcely any fixed address, so there is little hope of obtaining from him any elucidation of his father’s doctrines.c If I should know of anything in my power to perform which would be welcome to your Honour, I would make efforts every day to please you, and to remain for ever,

a Tincture of Lili, electrum, aroph and the other compounds mentioned by Spannut are listed as important iatrochemical remedies in J. B. van Helmont, ‘Arcani Paracelsi’, in Ortus medicinae (Amsterdam, 1648), p. 790. b For van Helmont’s work on the sympathetic cure of wounds with the weapon-salve see his treatise De magnetica vulnerum curatione (1621). This work was a refutation of the earlier writings on the subject by Raphael Goclenius and Jean Roberti. c This is a reference to Francis Mercurius van Helmont (1614–99), alchemist, and editor of his father’s works.

438

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 13 Dec. 1664

Clarissime Domine Vester humillimus Guilelmus Spannut Medicus Iprensis in flandria Nobili admodum Domino / Domino Roberto Boile habitante / Londini Amica Manú

most noble Sir, your most humble servant, Willem Spannut, physician at Ypres in Flanders. To the very noble Lord, Lord Robert Boyle, living at London: [to be delivered] by the hand of a friend.

Seal: Remnant only; obscured by paper but possibly heraldic.

HOOKE to BOYLE

13 December 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 542–3. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 500–1, Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 225, and Œuvres complètes, v, 169–71.

Dec. 13, 1664. Most honoured Sir, I AM not only ashamed, that I have not sooner given you an account of what I promised in my last, but much more, that I am able as yet to say so little to the purpose; for though, when I last writ, I was promised, both by Mr. Faithorne and Mr. Thompson, that I should have those things which they had in their hands, fin439

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ished within three or four days; and though I have often called upon them, and urged them all I could, I have not been able to get them done.a I have lately observed many circumstances in the height of the mercurial cylinder, which do very much cross my former observations; for at this very time the quicksilver is as high as I have a long time observed it, and I don’t remember, that it has been higher: it has risen a little for these four or five days, and has continued so, notwithstanding the variety of winds, and the multitude of rain, that has lately fallen; and, I think, it rises a little yet, but it is but little. I have taken notice also of two or three other very odd particulars lately in it, which have crossed several other observations. The experiments we are now most busy about, are concerning the adjustening of the length of pendulums, thereby to settle a common standard for length; of which kind, Mr. Zulichem has sent over some very pretty theories; but upon very careful trial with several accurate and large pendulums, made with balls of lignum vitæ, some of which balls are six inches over, others no bigger than the head of a pin, or a small shot, and suspended by a very curious hair, which seems as likely a way as any to find out to what point of the globular body, hung at the end of a string, the length of such a pendulum is to be reckoned.b Monsieur Zulichem says, it is 2⁄5 parts of a third proportional a below the center of the ball c, the first of which proportionals are, a b + b c (that is, a c) and b c; namely, a b + b c, bcbc - , which we will suppose c e; 2⁄ of which taken b c : : b c; -----------------5 ab + bc

below the centre gives d the point, to which the length of the penb dulum a d is to be measured from a, the point of suspension. Sure it is, that this point is below c, the center of the body; but whether c at d, I cannot positively yet affirm.c The plate for your book was d e graven before I received your last of Mr. Evelyn’s.d I have only taken notice of seven instruments, which you in those sheets I looked on have described; and those I so put into one small plate, that they will fold out of the book, when there is occasion. This last of Mr. Evelyn I have given a small draught of also to the engraver, who is not an Englishman, but one, that I find a very good workman, and very punctual to his word; which was the reason I did not employ Mr. Faithorne, as you directed, he having so very often and a Hooke’s last letter to Boyle is 24 Nov. 1664, above, pp. 411–13. For the engraver William Faithorne the elder see above, p. 304n. Hooke also refers to Anthony Thompson (fl. 1638, d. 1665), instrument maker at Hosier Lane, London. Both men were evidently employed by Hooke to execute the two plates which appeared in Boyle’s Cold (1665), for which see below. See also Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners (above, p. 97), pp. 220–1. b For Christiaan Huygens see above, p. 5n. c The experiment to test Huygens’s rule was made twice; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 500. d Hooke refers to Boyle’s Cold (1665), which contained a folding engraved plate containing 7 figures, chiefly thermometers and barometers, and a picture of an ice-house by Evelyn. See Works, vol. 4, pp. 228, 362.

440

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 15 Dec. 1664

often disappointed my expectation.a I have since my last made an anatomy of a dog, and hope, that I have /p. 543/ made a considerable new discovery; but this being the first time I have seen it, at least taken notice of it, I cannot, till further trial, positively affirm any thing, which, as soon as ever I am assured of it, you shall thereof receive an account from, SIR Your most faithful, and most humble servant R. HOOKE. I HOPE, Sir, you will pardon this hasty scribble, for it was very near eleven a clock this night, before I could get from some company, met about the business of Sir J. Cutler.b

HOOKE to BOYLE

15 December 1664

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 543. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 501, Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 230, and Œuvres complètes, v, 172–3.

Dec. 15, 1664. Most honoured Sir, THIS letter coming so late to the posthouse on Tuesday night, was brought back to me, since which I have made farther trial of Mr. Zulichem’s experiment; and both my lord Br. Sir R. M. and Dr. Wren, were judges and examiners of the experiment, and find, that the trials made with these pendulums, whose balls were of lignum vitæ, did not answer to Mr. Zulichem’s rule, and therefore it is now much doubted of.c We had yesterday in several parts of England, an account of the appearance of a very great comet in the south south-east, with a very long tail, extended towards the north-west; some say about ten yards long, some about two; but how much that is, is difficult to guess, unless we could see it, which I have done all this last night, but to little purpose, by reason of the thickness of the air. It has been seen in Yorkshire, and in Cheshire, and at Portsmouth, and several other parts of England.d a

The foreign engraver was David Loggan, for whom see above, p. 412n. For Sir John Cutler see above, p. 344n. Hooke is probably referring to the lectureship which was settled on him by Cutler in Nov. 1664; see above, p. 440n. c For Huygens’s experiment see above, pp. 344n., 396n. For Christopher Wren see above, p. 79n. The other judges were Brouncker and Moray. d This comet was first sighted in Spain on 17 Nov. 1664 and continued its path across Europe until finally disappearing around 20 Mar. 1665. b

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I this day got a sight of Mr Faithorne’s plate, and indeed he has done the face very carefully and well; and, I think, very like; but has not quite finished the plate.a The other cuts are finished for your book of Cold; but Mr. Thompson has again disappointed me.b Your anatomical experiments, read by Mr. Oldenburg, were very highly approved of by the whole Society.c I cannot yet perfect my telescope glasses, though they do now very much more flatter me with hopes than at first; so that I shall not yet give over. It seems, by some papers of Mr. Oldenburg, that they have made in France object glasses of 250 palms, which is about 160 feet long, and make use of them without a tube.d

ROBERT CODRINGTONe to BOYLE

22 December 1664

From the original in BL 2, fols 23–4. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir, Before I suffer this Pen to passe any further, I must return you my most humble thanks for the manifold favours which heeretofore I have received from your Bounty. What, heere inclosed, I have preferred to your observance, I must beseech you to grace with your acceptance, It is a Poëm in Latin suitable to the present season of the yeere, and to the most solemn and charitable Feast approaching.f I have taken some paynes in the composure of it, howsoever if peradventure you shall think it too troublesome unto you, or too unworthy of you, I dare assure you he will afflict you no more in this nature, who is (Sir) your most humbly obliged, and by my troth, your sick, and languishing servant Robert Codrington

Decemb: 22: 1664

a For William Faithorne the elder see above, p. 304n. The plate for Boyle’s Cold is discussed above, p. 440. b For Anthony Thompson see above, p. 440n. c This account was read at the meeting of 14 Dec.; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 504. d These papers, presumably received from one of Oldenburg’s French correspondents, have not been traced. e Robert Codrington (d. 1665), of Magdalen College Oxford, translator and poet. f Codrington was a prolific writer of complimentary verses to patrons and potential patrons: see above, vol. 1, pp. 388–92.

442

ENCLOSED

with CODRINGTON to BOYLE, 22 Dec. 1664

Sir, I am now goeing to Oxford, if you please to command me any service thither, I shall be most carefull to perform it, I am sent thither upon the account of some Booksellers in Pauls-church-yeard, who truely honour you, and who with a labouring expectation doe attend to see your Meditations published.a I am imployed by them in the translating of Hookers Ecclesiasticall Policy into Latin, concerning which my ever honoured Freind Doctor Thomas Barlow desireth much to speak with me. It seems it is allready in a Manuscript in Bodleys Library but so barely, and so imperfectly rendred that it is not worth the printing.b The late Bishop of Lincolns Book intituled the ten lectures on the obligation of Conscience is printed agayn, I corrected it myself, and have purged it from above five hundred typographicall errours, as you will find in the perusall.c For the Right Honourable / Robert Boyle / Esquire. / these Seal: Oval. Double-headed eagle displayed.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER

22 December 1664

From the original in BL 2, fols 25–8. Fol/2+2. Fol. 25 left blank.d Not previously printed.

De Natalitiâ Casâ Pueri JESU, Deque paupere Puerperio Deiparæ Virginis MARIÆ. On the shed where the boy Jesus was born, and on his pauper’s birth from the womb of the mother of God, An ode in epodic form, alternating between the heroic hexameter, and a

This is a reference to Boyle’s Occasional Reflections (1665), for which see Works, vol. 5. The reference is to Richard Hooker (c. 1554–1600), theologian. The first four books of Hooker’s Laws of Ecclesiastical Policy were printed in 1593. Nothing is known of a Latin edition, and there is no record in the catalogue of manuscripts at the Bodleian Library of a Latin text. For Thomas Barlow, Bodley’s librarian at Oxford, see above, p. 411n. c Codrington’s translation of Robert Sanderson’s book, De obligatione conscientiae praelectiones, published as Several Cases of Conscience (1660) had been sponsored by Boyle. The 2nd edition of the translation appeared in 1661, and there is no record of any later imprints. d As with the poems that Codrington had earlier sent to Boyle (see vol. 1, pp. 415–26), the title and dedication of the poem are set out in an elaborate manner on a separate page. b

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Ode Epodica altera, Versu Hexametro Heroico, et Iambico Dimetro alternans.a In Honorem Viri Nobilissimi, literatissimique, et reconditioris Mirabilium Naturae, luculentissimi Indagatoris, D: D: ROBERTI BOYLE Armigeri. &c: Virgil: Georg: lib: 2: Fælix qui rerum potuit cognoscere causas.b /fol. 26/ De Natalitiâ Casâ Pueri JESU Deque paupere Puerperio Deiparæ Virginis MARIÆ.c Ecquid adhùc veterum sequimur spectacula Rerum Huc, Huc frequentes currite Hæc Casa quæ lacera, et stat agrestibus horrida culmis, Novum dabit spectaculum, Quale nihil sæclis Proavi videre vetustis, Nihil videbunt Posteri, Hic cuius tonitru tellusque tremiscit, et æther, Hic vagiens nudus iacet, Hic orbis magni moderator maximus, Infans Materna sugit ubera, the iambic dimeter;a In honour of that most noble and cultured man, who is the most distinguished investigator of the more recondite of the marvels of nature, Mr Robert Boyle, esquire, etc. Virgil, Georgics, book two: ‘happy was he who could understand the causes of things’.b On the shed where the boy Jesus was born, and on his pauper’s birth from the womb of the mother of God, the Virgin Mary.c Why are we still interested in following ancient wonders? Come, everyone, come, run hither. This shed, though it is tumble-down and stands gloomily with its rustic thatch, will give us a new wonder. Such a wonder as this has been seen by none of our ancestors, in past ages, and none of our descendants will see its like. Here is He, at whose thunder both the earth and the heavens tremble; here he lies, naked and squalling. Here lies the supreme arbiter of this great globe, an infant who sucks his mother’s breasts. For my part, I would a An epode, in this sense of the word, is a lyric verse form pioneered by Horace in his book of Epodes. Here, a dactylic hexameter (called ‘heroic’ because of its use in epic), is followed by an iambic dimeter. This type of poem is fairly common in neo-Latin, and is similar to the exercises that thousands of schoolboys and students would produce. b See Virgil, Georgics, ii. 490. The happy man referred to is Lucretius, a fit parallel to Boyle (apart from the former’s irreligion). c Or, lit., her pauper’s childbirth.

444

ENCLOSED

with CODRINGTON to BOYLE, 22 Dec. 1664

His Ego non stabulis Augusta Palatia Romæa Fæliciora iudicem, Non, operosa licet, Salomonia Templa, nec altam Lydi Tyranni Regiam,b Salve clara Domus, cœloque beatior ipso, Partus sacrati conscia Jure tibi Jovis invideant Capitolia falsi, Divis superba saxeis,1 /fol. 26v/ Ægyptus sancta invideat cunabula, monstris Finem datura turpibus;c Nec minus apta Deo es, quod hiantibus undique rimis Imbres, et Euros accipis, Quod lodicis egens, multoque incommoda fæno Foves colonos pauperes, Talia nascentem decuere cubilia Christum, Qui semper edictis suis Omnia suadentem prohibebat turpia luxum, Non hic renident purpuræ, Non hic aurato splendent laquearia cultu, Non mensa sumptuosior, Non strepit officiis Domus ambitiosa, nec alti Fovent puerperam thori, Pannosus iacet in duris præsepibus Infans, not deem the Palace of Augustus at Rome more fortunate than this stable;a nor [would I deem happier] the temple of Solomon, though I admit that it is a triumph of workmanship, nor the high palace of the tyrant of Lydia.b Hail to thee, glorious house; you are happier than heaven itself, you are witness to the sacred birth. In truth the Capitol, sacred to the false god Jupiter, should be envious of you, proud though it is, with its gods of stone. The Egyptian should envy the sacred cradle, which is destined to put an end to sordid monsters.c You are no less fit an abode for God, because on all sides through gaping holes you let in the rain and the East winds; and you are no less fit, because, lacking even a blanket, and full of uncomfortable hay, you give shelter to poor farmers. Such a couch befits the birth of Christ, who always, in his ordinances, forbade luxury, which persuades one to all kinds of shameful deeds. No panelled ceilings shine here with golden ornaments; There is no table filled with expensive dishes; this is no house of ambition, disturbed by noisy ceremony, nor do the beds of the great give shelter to this birth. The ragged child lies in his hard stall; nevertheless his divine power shines out, and even a

lit., the august Palatine Hill, on which Augustus chose to build. Codrington alludes to Croesus, King of Lydia in Asia Minor, 560–46 used proverbially for wealth by Roman authors. c i.e., the Egyptian animal-gods. b

445

BC.

Croesus’s name was

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Divinus attamen vigor Emicat, et patrios vagitu despuit ignes, Risere gaudentes poli, Et propè degentes homines, volucresque, feræque Sensere præsentem Deum; Longinquique ferunt secum sua munera Reges Thurisque, et Auri pondera, /fol. 27/ Sydus2 ab Aurorâ fulgens errantibus illis Monstravit optatum locum; Interea Pastor calamis quibus ante capellis Agreste, sed pium canit, Quodque licet, Puero Jumenta tepentibus auris Frigus Decembris temperant, Æthereique chori volitant cunabula circum, Ut mensibus vernis apum Degenerem simulàc pepulere Examina Regem, Regi novo faventibus Applaudunt alis, sublimemque agmine tollunt, Sic turma Cælitum Duci,a Circumfusa novo, gaudens stupet, atque iacentem Pronis adorat vultibus, Et natalitium sonat ad præsepia carmen; Coniux interìm pudicus3 Fusus humi, magnum trepidus veneratur alumnum, in his squalling he spits out fires worthy of his father. The heavens rejoiced and laughed, and the men who lived nearby, and even the birds and the wild beasts, recognised that God was present. And kings from distant realms came, bringing with them their gifts, of myrrh and of weighty gold; a shining star brought them from the east, showing them as they wandered the location of the place that they sought. Meanwhile the herdsman sings a rustic, but pious, song to the tune of the pipes with which he had previously been serenading his goats; and, doing all that was in their power for the boy, the beasts of the stable temper the cold of December with their steaming breath. And heavenly choirs flew around the cradle; in the months of spring, similarly, when swarms of bees have expelled their old, enfeebled king, they applaud their new king with sympathetic wings, and combine to raise him on high.a Thus the members of the crowd of heavenly beings surround its new leader; they rejoice and are lost in wonder, and adore with bowed heads the child lying before them. And the song that celebrates the birth rings out around the stable. Meanwhile the Virgin’s chaste husband, prostrate on the ground, worships in fear his mighty son. a The ancients regarded bee sovereigns as male. See Columella, Res rustica, ix. x. 1, and Virgil, Georgics, iv. 68ff.

446

ENCLOSED

with CODRINGTON to BOYLE, 22 Dec. 1664

Porrò Puella nobilis Pars bona spectacli, defixis hæret ocellis, Primùmque sese non capit, Seque, suumque stupens Genetrix virguncula partum Nulli marito debitum, At simùl ejecit Pietas materna stuporem Prædulce Pignus corripit, Ac modò porrectis prohibet vagire papillis, Modò tepente frigidum /fol. 27v/ Blanda fovet gremio, parvisque dat oscula labris, Nunc pectori adprimit suo, Nunc blando teneros invitat murmure somnos, Amabili invicèm modo Lætam prole Deo videas gestire Parentem, Prolem Parente Virgine. Amplitudini tuæ ad Imperata Robertus Codrington in Art: Mag: et Pöeta olim Carolinæ majestati.a Furthermore, that noble girl, a great part of the glory of the scene, hangs back with her eyes cast downwards; at first, she does not understand her own position, amazed at her state, a virgin mother, and her wonderful birth, which owed nothing to her husband. But then, suddenly, her maternal love led her to throw off her confusion, and she seized her beloved child, the proof of her motherhood; and soon she prevented him from squalling by offering her nipples to him, and then gently placed the cold babe in her lap, and warmed him there; and she kissed his tiny lips. At one moment she pressed kisses on his breast, and then at another she willed him to a peaceful sleep with gentle murmurs. Thus, reciprocating their affection in a delightful manner, you might have seen the happy mother delighting in her child (who was also God), and that child delighting in his mother, the Virgin. Always obedient to your worship’s commands, Robert Codrington, M.A., and sometime poet to his Majesty King Charles.a

a

Codrington’s role as a ‘sometime’ poet to Charles II has not been further elucidated.

447

— 1665 — Lost letters dating from 1665 are as follows: Miles’s list (BP 36, fol. 145) records the following item: ‘Douch nothing Material’. This is probably John Douch (d.1675), rector of Stalbridge, 1648–9 and 1660–75. Three letters to Boyle from the second Earl of Cork (now first Earl of Burlington) are recorded in the Earl’s diary (see vol. 1, pp. xxvii–xxviii), dated 22 August, 15 October and 17 November. The following letters, mentioned in surviving letters, are no longer extant: Winthrop to Boyle, before 17 March 1665 (below, p. 462) Wallis to Boyle, 27 April 1665 (below, p. 465) Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, before 29 July 1665 (below, p. 499) Oldenburg to Boyle, before 6 August 1665 (below, pp. 504, 514n.) Boyle to Hooke, before 15 August 1665 (below, p. 512) Boyle to Oldenburg, before 29 August 1665 (below, p. 518) Boyle to Oldenburg, between 5–10 October 1665 (below, p. 548) Williamson to Boyle, before 22 October 1665 (below, p. 562) Boyle to Lady Ranelagh, before 14 November 1665 (below, p. 583) Beale to Boyle, before 9 December 1665 (see below, p. 596) Oldenburg to Boyle, before 23 December 1665 (see below, p. 605)

SHARROCKa to BOYLE

7 January 1665

From the original in BL 5, fols 96–7. Fol [?]/2. Not previously printed.

Jan 7. 1664. Noble Sir Since my returne hither I have sett Your Essays upon1 translation Namely of the first section of the 2d part the first Essay (which begins After having) & the 2d, 3d & a

For Robert Sharrock see above, p. 293.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253846-5

448

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 7 Jan. 1665

fourth Essay which doe immediately follow which shall bee ready assoon as Your Honour can desire or expect.a I also spake to Mr Davis2 that hee would provide for the Impression of the whole; which hee is very ready to do as Your Honour shall appoint: onely He hath a Request in which I promised & do therefore make my Selfe his Orator unto Your Honour that You would bee pleased to encourage him to this by the grant of some English piece by which He is confident hee shall bee recompensed for any paines or Hazzard in the Vending of the latine.b This Request is so much more Reasonable because Mr Davis hath not had any English piece from Your Honour, besides that which hee had att the 2d hand from Mrs Robinson to whom hee was willing to allow att her own accounts that so hee might bee initiated in Your Honours Service.c I thinck it most convenient that the Latine bee printed here, unless Mr Oldenburg desire the contrary, If here I shall take3 care of the Press. I shall att this time gi[ve]4 Your Honour no further trouble but shall bee glad Your Honours I[n]tentions may hold to Spend the Spring in Oxon where You will find as yett some Votaryes to Vulcan,5 & that He is not altogether deserted by Sir Your Honours most humble servant Ro: Sharrock These For the Honourable / Robert Boyle Esq: att the Lady Ranalaughs/ in the Pell-Mell neer / S. James’s Seal: Oval. Shield only: a chevron between three bearded heads (apparently negroid) cut off at the neck, a crescent for difference. Postmark: ‘JA / 8’. Endorsed in the top right-hand corner of fol. 96 by Wotton: ‘Dr Sharrock’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 11’.

a Sharrock’s translation of Usefulness into Latin no longer survives. See Works, vol. 1, pp. lxi, lxiii, and vol. 3, p. xxv–vi. b For Richard Davis see above, p. 294n. c Mrs Robinson was presumably the widow of Thomas Robinson, Oxford bookseller, who died in 1663.

449

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

RALPH AUSTENa to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

14 January 1665

From the original in BL 1, fols 16–17. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 637 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 645–6.

Honoured Sir: I shall at this time make bould to acquaint you with my purpose in refference to a businesse of some concernement; much desiring your favour, Councell, & directions therein: And where you perceive I have presumed too much with you; that therein I may receive a frendly rebuke, together with your pardon. I was lately discoursing with a Stationer (newly set up here in Oxford) who discovered to me his desire to have another impression of my Treatise of Fruittrees; for that this 2d Impression is even sould off;b I tould him that I would consider of it, & give him a further Answere: The truth is; I have severall additions to make unto it, intending (god willing) to communicate them in due time: It may be it is1 now not unseasonable. And in Order thereunto I have made bould to compose a breiffe epistle dedicatory unto your worthy selfe; humbly craving your leave so to doe: a coppie whereof I thought it meete to inclose herein, that you might see my designe, And that I might obtaine your advice upon the whole matter: I now intend only the first part: that is: the Naturall part; about the Propagation, & ordering of divers kinds of Forrestt Trees, with Fruittrees, & Fruits.c As for the spirituall part (the similitudes betweene Naturall, & spirituall Fruittrees) I conceive it best, upon some Accompts, to let it rest (at present) both what hath beene made publique formerly, & what I have prepared to add thereunto: And (worthy Sir) by your countenancing of the worke, it will be more profitable to my selfe, and more acceptable to others. Your Name, & worthynesse is had in high Esteeme among men, who know you, or have heard of you: God having (visibly) stamped his Image upon you, in Knowledg, Wisdome, & Holinesse; it commands reverence, & respect, where it appeares; espetially when wee consider what the apostle saith, That, not many wise-men after the flesh, not many Noble are called; Those therefore2 among them, that are called, are as pretiouse Jewells & Pearles among Pebbles; or as the Lilly among Thornes;d /fol. 16v/ such being doubly Noble; not only by a Naturall Birth, but also (and infinitely more) by a

a

For Ralph Austen see above, p. 269n. Austen refers to his A Treatise of Fruit-trees. The second edition was printed in 1657. c The third edition, in 1665, was dedicated ‘To the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq; The Worthy Patron and Example Of All Vertue’. d Austen quotes from 1 Corinthians 1, 26. b

450

THOMAS

to BOYLE, 30 Jan. 1665

spirituall birth: a birth from above; Borne of god; without which a man had better never to have beene borne. Sir these things I speake in sincerity, & truth. I shall not further trouble you at present, more then to desire3 (at your next oportunity) a few words of Councell, & advice from you (much honoured Sir) unto Oxon: Jan: 14th: 1664:

Your unworthy servant Ra. Austen 4

To the honourable Robert / Boyle Esq at the Lady Ranalaes in the Pallmall

Seal: Almost complete. Circular. Within a rope and anchor, the shank transfixing a heart. Endorsed by Wotton: ‘115 Ra. Austen Jan. 14 1664 of a new Edition of his Discourse of Fruit Trees which he designed to dedicate to Mr Boyle.’

DAVID THOMASa to BOYLE

30 January 1665

From the original in Early Letters T. 7. Fol/1+1. Not previously printed.

Much honored Sir I know not what apollogy to make for the trouble these lines give you, but only to1 enforme you, that they designe to give you (beside an humble acknowledgement of my obligations to you) a relation of as strange an accident in nature, as I thinke hath at any time come to your knowledge.2 At Limmington in Hampsheire a butcher haveing caused a cow to bee bulled, (which cast her calfe the3 yeare before) that shee might the sooner ‹be› fatted, & when fatt killed her, & opening the wombe, which he found very heavy to his a David Thomas (c. 1634–94), of Preshute, Wiltshire, licensed to practise medicine 28 Apr. 1666. He moved to Salisbury in 1667 and remained there for the rest of his life. Thomas was associated with Boyle and others in the Oxford philosophy club; see Frank, Harvey (above, p. 153), pp. 86–7. Boyle communicated the information in this letter to the Royal Society at a meeting on 16 Feb. 1665, and this report was subsequently published in Phil. Trans. 1 (1665), 10 (no. 1 for 6 Mar. 1665); see also Works, vol. 5, p. 495 and Birch, Royal Society, ii, 16.

451

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

admiration, saw in it a calfe which then beganne to have hayre, whose hinder leggs had noe joynts, & tongue was, like that of Cerberus, triple, to each side of his mouth one, & one in the middst: betweene the fore leggs & the hinder leggs was a great stone on which the calfe ridd, the sternum of the calfe was a perfect stone, & the stone on which it ridd weighed twenty pounds & an halfe: the out side of the stone was ‹of a›4 greeneish ‹color›, but some small parts being broken of, it appeared a perfect freestone:a The stone is with Dr Haughteyne of Salisbury of whom you may receave what farther information you please: Hee is a person for his learneing & espeacially his skill in Chymistry not unworthy your knowledge.b Sir If this relation hath already beene presented to you by any other, as I cannot thinke but from other hands (who ambitious as I am to communicate any thing they thinke worthy your knowledge) you may have receaved it Bee pleased by pardoning5 this unseasonable report to oblidge St Mary Blandford whether I am retired for my health Jan. 30. 1664

Sir your most Humble Servant David Thomas

For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq. These. Seal: broken in two, and mostly covered by paper. Shield. Probably includes a chevron in design between three objects.

a Thomas provided further details of this incident in a subsequent communication (not extant), which was presented at the Royal Society on 29 Mar. 1665. An extract from this letter was printed in Phil. Trans. 1, (1665), 20–1 (no. 2 for 3 Apr. 1665), headed ‘An Observation imparted to the Noble Mr. Boyle, by Mr. David Thomas, touching some particulars further considerable in the Monster mentioned in the first Papers of these Philosophical Transactions’. The text (reprinted in Works, vol. 5, p. 496) is as follows: ‘Upon the strictest inquiry, I find by one, that saw the Monstrous Calf and stone, within four hours after it was cut out of the Cows belly, that the Breast of the Calf was not stony (as I wrote) but that the skin of the Breast and between the Legs and of the Neck (which parts lay on the smaller end of the stone) was very much thicker, then on any other part, and that the Feet of the Calf were so parted as to be like the Claws of a Dog. The stone I have since seen; it is bigger at one end /p. 21/ then the other; of no plain superficies, but full of little cavities. The stone, when broken, is full of small peble stones, of an Ovall figure: its colour is gray like free-stone, but intermixt with veins of yellow and black. A part of it I have begg’d of Dr. Haughten for you, which I have sent to Oxford, whither a more exact account will be conveyed by the same person’. b This is probably the same physician, Edward Haughton, mentioned above, p. 424.

452

[BOYLE] to [A FOREIGN DOCTOR], [early 1665] Endorsed on 7 (2)v: ‘from Mr David Thomas of a Calfe found in the uterus of a cow with part petrifyed Jan. 30 1664’. Also endorsed at head of 7 (1): ‘Read Feb, 15 1664’.

[BOYLE] to [A FOREIGN DOCTOR]a

[early 1665]b

From the draft in the hand of Oldenburg in Early Letters B. I. 96 sheet 2v.c Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 230 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 37.

I acknowledge myself to be much beholding to Fame, for having procured me the honor of your letter, and I am not a litle temted to be proud, that Carneades’s reasonings have brought so great an Helmontian as you yourself tell me you were, to doubt with him of some opinions that Chymists do generally agree in.d But tho I may perchance justly enough pretend to be somewhat wary in admitting, and free in examining such hypotheses, as I judge to be of moment in phylosophy; yet in other things I readily confes, that Fame has flatterd me, and that I am far from pretending to be Master either of the Alkahest, or of those other great Helmontion and Paracelsian Arcana, of which you seem to suspect me to be a possessor, tho as to Chymical Experiments of an inferior sort (which yet may be not useles in Phylosophy or Physick) I may possibly be acquainted with some of them, which I have not been unwilling to exchange for others of the like nature with persons curious of such matters. But I am very sorry, that I cannot at present make benefit of the litterary commerce, that is so civilly offerd me by so learned a man. For I have had this great while so great a weaknes in my Eyes, that it is exceeding troublesome to mee to write even short Letters: Insomuch that I have not these many months written any to my neerest freinds. And I am now so busied about the publication of Experiments and Observations, that I had formerly made and consigned to paper, concerning Cold, that that worke has since I receaved your letter, ingrossed all the time, I had to spare for philosophicall imployments:e But tho I am not so a

Boyle’s correspondent is possibly Willem Spannut, for whom see above, p. 436n. The text for Boyle’s Cold (1665) mentioned in this letter, was printing between Jan. and Mar. 1665. A complete copy of the book was presented to the Royal Society at the meeting of 12 Apr. See Birch, Royal Society, ii, 28, and Works, vol. 4, p. xxi. c This item, which is headed ‘Mr Boyles letter to a forain Doctor’, is written on the verso of a leaf on the recto of which are written rough minutes of the meeting on 26 Apr. 1665. It is written in the margin beside a Latin translation by Oldenburg of Boyle’s letter, as if Oldenburg made the translation from an original by Boyle which he did not retain but of which he felt that he should make a copy for reference. Where appropriate, we have elucidated the English text by reference to the Latin. d Carneades is Boyle’s main speaker (and mouthpiece) in Sceptical Chymist (1661); see Works, vol. 2. e The reference is to Boyle’s Cold (1665), for which see Works, vol. 4. b

453

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

happy, as to be in a condition of making use of the Correspondence, you are pleasd to invite me to, yet I am not so injust, as not to receive such a favor with the resentments, that become Your Endorsed ‘Mr Boyles letter to a forrain doctor’.1

BOYLE to THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLAND February 1665 From the scribal version, signed by Boyle, in the Guildhall Library, London, Guildhall MS 7936, fol. 4. Fol/2. Previously published in Ford (ed.), Some Correspondence (above, p. 382), pp. 5–8.

Honoured Gent: Yours of the 10th of September last wee receaved together with an accompt of the Indean stock & ‹of› the last yeares disbursements in & for the propagation of the Gospell amongest the Native Indians in New England & the parts adjacent in America which accompt wee well approve of not ‹questioning in the least your wisdome and›1 fidelitie, in disposing ‹& manadging that affaire›2 desiring Gods blessing upon the Endeavours of such Instruments as are & shalbe employed therein.3a Wee have accepted your bill of £500 to be paid to Mr. John Harwood by the 24th of June next hopinge that Mr. Usher wilbe perswaded to allow 14 per Cent: at least advance uppon the same, for wee are offered by Mr. Edmo[n]d4 White merchant £20 per Cent: advance who is contented to pay the monie before hand ‹in New England› upon those termes & will take order that the same shalbe5 duly paid (when it shalbe required) by his Correspondent ‹Mr. Humphry Davie›6 living at Boston in New England ‹Which being soe advantagious a proposition &c› Wee leave it therefore to your ‹wisdome &›7 serious Consideration, ‹to treate with the said Mr. Davie if you thinke meete wee being confident that you›8 are such well willers to the worke, as that you will not9 omitt any endeavor which lyeth in your power to promote the same Wee desire you not to charge us the next yeare with above £400 for although wee have (by Gods assistance) recovered the lands which were deteyned from us, yet it hath been done with10 losse of ‹all› the meane profitts & /fol. 4 (1)v/ verie greate Charges & expences in suite of law. wee having had to doe with a man who hath as litle estate to recompence the wrongs done us, as he a

See above, pp. 317–20.

454

BOYLE

to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES, Feb. 1665

‹made scruple to doe the›11 same.a As touching Marmaduke Johnson the Printer wee have received letters of recomendation from Mr. Eliot & Mr. Chauncy President of your Colledge in New England both which12 give ‹ample› testimonie of his abilitie & fitnes to be employed in printing books in the Indian language & ‹desire› that the peecs which doe yet remayne may passe through his hands ‹upon whose recomendations (being men13 of skill & Judgment in that busines) wee14 have conceaved such an opinion of his abilitie & that wee had thoughts of contracting with him againe much desiring that he ‹should›15 be further made use of if it may be conveniently done,16 ‹But we referre it to your wisdomes after you shall have heard what Mr. Elliot & Mr. Chauncy can say on his behalf›17 to doe therein as God shall direct you.b In the meane time wee pray you to comitt the presse, ‹letters &› implements18 &c. of printing belonging to us to the Care of Mr. Elliott to be preserved for our use.19 &c.› Mr. Chauncy writes that ‹by the fundamentall Constitution of the Colledge› all impressions belonge to them20 with the licensing correcting & oversight of books printed & that they have allwaies had a suitable allowance by the sheete, which they have beene deprived of in the whole impression of the Indian bible, & other Indian books, which losse he desires might be considered, he alsoe desires that both in Grammer schooles & in the Colledge alsoe there should be appointed by us a fitt sallarie for scholemasters & Tutors in the Colledge for everie Indian that is instructed by them to incourage them in the worke:c a Copie of whose /fol. 4 (2)/ letter wee have herewith sent you, desiring you to consider thereof & by your next to lett us know your opinions concerning the same, for wee cannot certainely understand by Mr. Chauncies letter what allowance he expecteth should bee made to the Colledge uppon books printed, or21 to scholemasters & Tutors, neither can wee without your advice judge what is fitt to be allowed in22 that behalfe, wee finding in your Accompt divers considerable sommes of monie which you have alreadie ‹paid &› allowed to scholemasters & Tutors, & therefore desiring that all ‹due›23 incouragement should be given to the Colledge, & all others who labour in this good worke wee referre it to your Consideration, & shalbe glad to receave some advice from you therein, after24 you have conferred with Mr. Chauncy about it.d And soe ‹wee› Comitt25 you to the guidance & protection of the Almightie, whose blessing & Assistance wee implore both to you & us & all others employed in the propagation of his glorious Gospell26 a For John Harwood see above, p. 49n., and for Hezekiah Usher see above, p. 119n. Edmond White became a member of the company in 1668; see Kellaway, New England Company, p. 302. Humphrey Davie (d. 1689) was a Boston merchant; see Savage, Genealogical Dictionary (above, p. 47), ii, 14–15. b For Marmaduke Johnson see above, p. 46n. For John Eliot see above, p. 21n., and for Charles Chauncy, see above, p. 45n. For the bill for £500 see above, p. 318. c For the Indian College and the Grammar school see above, p. 45n. For the printing of the Indian Bible see above, p. 21n., and for the other books printed in Algonquian see above, p. 383n. d For the letter from Charles Chauncy see above, pp. 382–4.

455

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

London the27 of 1664

2, 1662–5

Signed by order of the Governor & Companie for propagation of the gospell in New England & the parts adjacent in America. Ro: Boyle Governor

28

Wee have sent over according to your request ‹some Letters such as by advice with Mr. Johnson are judged most convenient for the worke›29 which wee have consigned to Mr. Elliott because wee understand that you will not meete till September next & for that there may be occasion to make use thereof in the meane time. To their honored freinds the Commissioners of the united / Collonies of New England in New England or to / any of them / Delivered Endorsed with ‘A foule copie of the letter to the Commissioners of the united Collonies in New England: Imperfect.’30a Also endorsed: ‘Febr: 1664’.31

WINTHROPb to BOYLE

28 February 1665

From the draft version at the Massachusetts Historical Society (in folder for Dec. 1664), formerly Winthrop Papers 5, 173. Fol/2 with top quarter of first leaf missing.c The portion of the letter which overlaps with that to Oldenburg was previously printed in Oldenburg, xiii, 403–4.

Hartford in N: E: Feb: 28: 1664 Honourable Sir 1 In a former inclosed in a Pacquet to Mr Ashurst I certified the receit of your honours Letter when his majesties commissioners arrived;d these by way of Barbaa The Commissioners for the United Colonies received what was presumably a revised version of this letter dated 1 Mar., see their reply below, pp. 527–30. b For John Winthrop see above, p. 31. c The Boyle letter comprises fol. 2v, the rest of this item comprising a letter from Winthrop to Oldenburg endorsed ‘copy of letter to Mr Henry Oldenburg’, printed in Oldenburg, xiii, 402–4. Clearly, the two letters overlapped, the current text being intended to dovetail with a copy of the second half of the letter to Oldenburg, which is therefore also included here. The fact that the letter is to Boyle is confirmed by Winthrop’s reference to Boyle’s request for information on the natural history of New England in his letter of 21 Apr. 1664; see above, p. 268. d For Henry Ashurst see above, p. 20n.

456

WINTHROP

to BOYLE, 28 Feb. 1665

dos, are but the2 contents of an other sent by way of Boston or if ‹no› shipping3 to goe agane thence, then to be sent to Pascataneny [?] an other place ‹beyond› where many ships resort.4 In reference to what you were pleased to intimate about your5 expectation of some observations of works of nature in these parts of the world, & what6 difference may be ‹therein› from Europe I shall only give your honour at present a relation of one7 particular ‹or 2› which hath fallen out lately in this country to the great detriment of many: which is this.8 /fol. 1v/ The Orchards in this Country ‹I mean the orchards of Aple trees› have beene strangely spoyled ‹last›9 year & some of them a yeare or 2 before by caterpillars, The ‹oldest›10 orchards especially (though not much above twenty yeare old) they are not of the11 ordinary sort of grene caterpillars,12 nor such as breed on branches with a kind of cobweb, which some yeares have infested the trees also, but there is13 remedy for them, by tymely care in often veiwing the trees & pulling them of but these are a small black Caterpiller that breed in the very bud of the tree all over the trees & are so numerous that they presently eat up all the leaves & blossoms But though the trees have [beene]14 so full of blossoms that there ‹was›15 hopefull promise [?] of much fruit like to be, & all greene with leaves yet these vermine accompanying16 these blossoms & ‹leaves in› a short tyme, ‹the trees› have been like winter all the leaves & blossoms eaten off,17 that they seemed as dying yet recovered leaves again the same summer after a while,18 & so have beene for 2 or 3 yeares together & some are quite killed by it; many cutt downe these old trees despairing of recovery, ‹or› of any more fruit of them: peare trees are not touched. /fol. 2/ Some that have19 great store of aple trees almost despaire of the recovery of their trees into20 a state of bearing fruit againe, but there is great doubt yet where such multitudes of these hurtfull insects come[.] one who hath great skill about fruit trees21 & hath had an aple orchard of his owne planting about 26 yeares without any apearance of these creatures on any of his trees till within these 2 or 3 yeares last past, hath now a very gallant orchard this22 last summer spoyled by them: he hath told me that he hath tried many meanes but findeth no way to prevent or destroy them. he hath23 taken very much care & diligence to find out their true originall, and thereupon hath often opened both the budds of the blossoms & the buds of the leaves, & saith he hath found of those24caterpillars in them all as small as an horsehaire, yet living as appeared by their wrything25 motion & could not discerne that they had entred into those budds from without: so as he concluded they might breed in those budds, being in them so small, and when the budds opened26 daily grew bigger & swarmed all over the tree: but yet upon further consideration doth doubt whether they doe not rather fall27 out of the clouds or aire for at the same tyme there falleth (he saith certainely) a kind of long cobweb that28 is over all the trees & sometymes reach from tre to tre that the boues [sic] of them are 10 foote or more asunder, & every one of these worme descend from the 457

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

higher to the lower branches & thence to the ground by some of those cobwebs29 joind on[.] some of the same wormes have beene found on the top of new houses where no trees have beene neere: this makes us doubtfull of the former way supposed30 of their ‹generation› in the buds, though how these embrios should come within the bud cannot be seen.31 I object why they are not then upon peare trees; chery trees; gume & trees in the woods ‹& the field & grasse›, its answered some have beene seene32 on pear trees & other trees but they never hurt pear trees nor cheri trees nor many other trees,33 its answered they are not so sweet, or they delight most to feede on those as silkwormes on mulberry ‹leaves› and some yeares multitudes of one sort of oake and which are called here black oakes, and leaves are so totally eaten by that kind or the like that ‹they die & wither irrevocably: but that is›34 somewhat later in the summer which I suppose is the reason they recover not green leaves35 againe & these aple trees that are eaten early in spring doe: and36 it may seeme the more probable they come out of the aire, because an other sort of bigger which they call heere palmer ‹wormes› have been in a summer shower seene evidently to come downe out of the skye they37 lying in multitudes in the street upon such a showre when there hath beene none seen before it: sed adhuc sub judice lis est.a

[c. March 1665]b

BOYLE to HENRY ASHURST

From the incomplete transcript in the British Library, Add. MS 4314, fol. 93. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 137 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, ccxv.

Sir, I had sooner sent you an account of your letter, but that, although I delivered the petition to my Lord Chancellor, soon after I received it, and have waited on his Lordship several times since for an answer, yet I found him always engag’d in business, either with the King, or Duke, or such great persons, as made me think it improper to desire to be admitted.c But being there this morning somewhat early, some of his relations, that saw me there, would needs bring me in, before I expected it and though a great person intervening oblig’d us to discourse for the a

‘But the dispute is awaiting judgment’. For Ashurst see above, p. 20n. We have placed this letter here since it clearly relates to the matters dealt with in the subsequent letter. c Ashurst refers to Edward Hyde, Lord Chancellor, see above, p. 66n. For James, Duke of York, see above, p. 367n. On 19 Oct. 1664 the Court of Massachusetts delivered ‘The Humble Supplication of the General Court of the Massachusetts Colony in New England to the King’, see CSPC, 1661–8, pp. 247–9. The King’s letter of 23 Apr. 1664 to the colony is printed in ibid., pp. 201–2. b

458

BOYLE

to ENDECOTT, 17 Mar. 1665

most part aloud, ’till the Portugal resident surprizing my Lord Chancellor with a request to have audience, put an untimely end to our conference.a P. S. I forgot to tell you, that it is not all the New-Englanders, but only the Massachusites, that have disrespectfully usd the Commissioners, to whom the rest of the Colonies have behavd themselves otherwise. And when I spake civilly to my Lord Chancellor of your friend Mr. Winthrop, his Lordship assented to the Character I had given him.b

BOYLE to ENDECOTTc

17 March 1665

From the scribal copy at the Massachusetts Historical Society, formerly Winthrop Papers 4, 143. Fol/2, but only a fragment of the second leaf is extant. Previously printed in ‘The Winthrop Papers’, in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, fifth series, 1 (1871), 400–3. Also printed in ‘The Danforth Papers’ in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, second Series 8 (1819), 49–52.

London March the 17th 1665 Honoured Sir, The honour you, and the Generall Court of your Colony have been pleased to do mee, in your obligeing letter bearing date October 19th. 1664 is a favour that I confesse was no less surpriseing then greatd for I did not imagine that what I occasionally writt to Mr Winthrop, not so much as haveing been long Governor of so large a Colony. as upon the score of haveing been my particular acquaintance should have ben taken notice of by so considerable an assembly as yours, and much less that it should have procured mee from it so publicke a favour, which I acknowledge to be much more proportionate to the service I have ben desirous, then to the little ones I have been able to do you,e and I am the more affected by receiveing this honour at his time, because you have accompanied it with a command, wherein I doubt I shall act succesfully, and must confesse that I canot very a The Portuguese resident is probably either Francisco de Mellos e Torres (d. 1667), Conde da Ponta, Marques de Sande, Portuguese ambassador 1657–65, or his deputy Dom Francisco de Mello Manuel da Camara who took over from de Sande when he left for Portugal in Mar. 1665; see Edgar Prestage, Diplomatic Relations of Portugal with France, England and Holland, from 1640 to 1668 (London, 1925), pp. 152–3, 159. b For John Winthrop see above, p. 31n. c This letter is mentioned in S. G. Drake, History and Antiquities of Boston (Boston, 1857). For Endecott see above, p. 354n. He never received this letter as he died on 15 Mar. 1665. d See above, pp. 354–6. e Boyle’s last letter to Winthrop is that of 21 Apr. 1664, above, pp. 267–8.

459

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

chearfully obey you, for though I dealt very sincerely with Mr Winthrop in what I enformed him concerning the the favourable inclinations I had found in his Majestie and in my Lord Chauncellor, towards the united Colonyes of New England and though His Lordshep does againe repeat & confirme the assurances he authourized mee to give your friends in the City, yet I cannot but acquaint you with this, observeing that in your last addresses to his Majestie, & Letter to his Lordship there are some passages, that were much more unexpected then welcome, insomuch that not only those who are concerned in your affaires, but the most considerable persons that favour you in England have expressed to mee their being unsattisfied in some of the particulars I am speaking of,a and it seemes generally unreasonable, that when the King had so gratiously remitted all that was past, and upon just and important enducements sent commisioners to promote the welfare of your Colony, you should (in expressions not overwarily and respectfully worded) be importunate with him to do an action so likely to blemish his wisdome or justice or both, as immediately to recall public ministers from so remote a part of the world, before they or any of them be so much as accused of any one crime or miscariageb and since you are pleased I should concerne my selfe in this buissines, I must deale so ingeniously with you as to informe you, that haveing about your affaires waited upon my Lord Chancellor (& finding him, though not sattisfied with your late proceedings, yet neither your enemy, nor indisposed to be made your favourer as before) his Lordship was pleased with a condescending unexpected freedome to read himselfe not only to mee, but another good friend of yours that I brought along with mee, the whole instructions /verso/ and all th’other papers, that were delivered to the Comissionersc and by the particulars of those, it appeared to us both, that there had been so solicitious a tendernes, vizt in the things that related to your charter, and especially to the liberty of your consciences, that I could not but wonder at it and ad to the No. of those, that canot thinke it becomes his Majestie to recall Commissioners sent so farr with no other instructions then those before they have time to do any part of the good intended you by them, and before they are accused of haveing done any one harmefull thing[,] even in your private letters either to mee, or (as farr as I know) to any of a For the Lord Chancellor, Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, see above, p. 66n. For the petition by the Court of Massachusetts see above, p. 458. b The authorities in Massachusetts were under suspicion for having failed to apprehend the regicide colonels Whalley and Goffe, who fled to New England at the Restoration, and because the evident puritanism of the colonial leaders suggested a natural sympathy with English radicals and dissenters. The ‘public ministers’ are the 1664 Royal Commissioners. c In a letter to the Court of Massachusetts, Clarendon stated that he read the instructions to Boyle, Henry Ashurst and the Earl of Manchester. It is presumably Ashurst to whom Boyle refers as ‘another good friend’. See Thomas Hutchinson, The History of the Colony and Province of MassachusettsBay, ed. L. S. Mayo, 3 vols (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), i, 450–1. For the Commissioners’ instructions see CSPC 1661–8, pp. 200–3.

460

BOYLE

to WINTHROP, 17 Mar. 1665

your friends here, who will be much discouraged from appearing on your behalfe, and much disabled to do it succesfully, as long as such proceedings as these that relate to the Commisioners supply others with objections which those that wish you well are enable to answer. I should not have taken this liberty, which the honour of your letter ought to have filled with little else then acknowledgement of the favourable construction you have made of my former endeavours to do you good offices did not engage mee to continue them though in a way which in my poore apprehension tends very directly to serve you, whether it do or no to please you, and as I presume you will receive both from his Majestie, and my Lord Chauncellor express assurances that there is nothing intended of violation to your Charter,a so if the Commisioners should breake their instructions, and endeavor to frustrate his Majesties just and favourable intentions towards you, you may find that some of your friends here were not more backward to accuse the Commissioners upon Generall surmises that they may injure you, then they will be ready to represent your grievance in case they shall actually oppress you, which that they may never doe, is not more the expectation of them that recomended them to you, then it is the hearty wish of a person, who upon the account of your care & faithfulnes for so good a worke as the conversion1 of the natives among you, is in a peculiar manner concerned to shew himselfe honoured Sir, Your most affectionate & most humble servant Robert Boyle. These to the honourable Mr John Endecott Governor of the Colony of Massachusetts in New England – present. Endorsed by Winthrop ‘Copy of Mr Boyles letter to the Governor of Boston’, and, in a later hand: ‘March 17th 1665’.

BOYLE to WINTHROP

17 March 1665

From the original in hand E, with Boyle’s signature, at the Massachusetts Historical Society, formerly Winthrop Papers 11, 36. Fol/2; part only of conjugate sheet extant. Not previously printed. a For the official reply to the Massachusetts petition see CSPC, 1661–8, p. 282. Clarendon’s reply has been printed in Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts-Bay (above, p. 460), i, 450–1.

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2, 1662–5

London March 17 1665 Sir I receivd on Wednesday last the honor of your Letter, & had since an opportunity (which I lost not) of mentioning to my Lord Chancellor, your Respectfulnes to his Maiesty’s Commissioners, which his Lordship was pleas’d to let mee know, that he was inform’d of ‹it›1 otherways, & that it was very wellcome to him.a And I hope you will find, That he will be much more ready both to favour you, & your Colony, & to give good Impressions of you both to the King. The Person that you were pleasd to recommend to mee, has upon the score of your Letter, & the Nature of the Cause,2 been tenderly consider’d by our Corporation.b I should have been much troubled to heare that you were seiz’d by a Distemper, at soe inconvenient a time as when you were in a Journy, if the same letter that brought me news of your sicknes had not acquainted mee with your Recovery. I met lately with a Physitian that show’d mee3 some of your Mercuriall Præcipitate, that you give in Agues, and Feavers.c I forgot when you were heere, to desire the Processe of you, more particularly then you mentiond it by word of mouth; & therefore if you will doe mee the favour /verso/ to set it downe as circumstantially as conveniently you can, the favour shall not be unreturn’d by other Chymicall or Medicinall Receits; especially if you let mee know what are the peculiar & Endemicall4 Deseases of your Country, & what are the usuall ways by which they are attempted to be cur’d. And indeed you will obleige mee, & some others, to send mee by parcells, as your leisure will permit, some Accounts of those particularitys, whether as to the Aire, or the Soyle, or the Husbandry, or the plants, or the Animals, or any other part of the Naturall History, (especially in relation to the Mineralls,) wherein your Colony, or any other part of New England that ‹you› are acquainted with, differs from other Countrys, especially those we here live in[.] I thought to have been before hand with you by inclosing some short Communications in this Paper; but divers strangers having come in, since I came thus farr in this letter, & one of them being still in the Roome my hast & the fear of loosing the opportunity of the Tide to dispatch away this Paper, reduces mee, as soone as I have beggd you pardon (for this necessitated Abruptnes) to conclude your Trouble by subscribing myselfe Sir Your Affectionate Freind & humble Servant. Ro: Boyle a Winthrop’s letter is not extant. For Edward Hyde, Lord Chancellor, see above, p. 66n. The matter in question is the petition of the Court of the Massachusetts colony to the king; see above, p. 458. b This person has not been identified. c The physician, a mutual friend of Boyle’s and Winthrop’s, has not been further identified.

462

UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT

to BOYLE, 26 Apr. 1665

These To the Honourable / Mr John Winthorp [sic] Governour of the5 / Colony of Connecticott In New England Present Endorsed: ‘Mr Robert Boyle. Rec: Jun: 23:6 1665’.

UNKNOWN CORRESPONDENT to BOYLE

26 April 1665

From the original in BL 6, fols 19–20. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 43 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, lxx–i.

26 [ ]a 1665. Heavenly Aretaphilusb A little book (under the title of some considerations on the style of the holy scriptures) comming to my hands, the value your writings merit from all men engaged me in its perusal, the sympathy of which contents with my genius makes me challenge so neer relation to the author as to style my selfe his admirer.c I have observed not only the insignificant tautalogy, the unpleasant circumstances the inconsiderablenes of the designe & the emptines of the end of most bookes which croud dayly to the press wresting & censuring the Scriptures, but also the danger of severall tenents which the author would make ‹seem› agreeable to the Scriptures meerly to proselyte1 men to their opinion who are to apt to be in love with their Rhetorick, & are thereby seduc’t to their owne damnation) that I almost feare to read any book with the title of holy. I presume if men did consider the weight of that text (who so adds or diminisheth &c) there would not appeare so many comments & Large volumes in publick to confound & mislead the multitude; who are apt enough to scismatize where they have a patron (viz) paul or apollos or Cephas &c, and to turne to the crooked way of destruction:d when that little booke which affords matter for those great volummes & points to the streight path of salvation a

i.e., April. Birch incorrectly dates this letter to 26 Oct. 1665. i.e., ‘lover of virtue’, similar to Boyle’s self-chosen pseudonym ‘Philaretus’. c The reference is to Boyle’s Style of the Scriptures (1661), see Works, vol. 2. d The writer here refers to Deuteronomy 12, 32 and to Paul, Apollos and Cephas in 1 Corinthians 3, 22. b

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2, 1662–5

is neglected & slighted, but nitimur in vetituma we are to prone to forbidden customs: yet I hope enchyridion may prove a remedy or antidote to some against the publick infection;b in the meane time I rejoice that there is One who has that esteem for so worthy & proffitable a book as the bible without consorting with mens pretended helps & additions concluding with St Paul that it is alone able to2 make the man of God Perfect, & now Pardon this trouble & accept it till God graunt me an oportunity of a neerer conference that I may improve my talent of knowledge & press towards the marke of all true Christiansc Yours 3

For The honourable Mr Robert / Boyle at La: Rana= / Laugh’s in the Pal mal / London. Seal: Circular broken in two. Achievement of arms. Poor example. Shield: a saltire [?] between eight [?] lozenges. Crest: a stag’s head [?]. Postmark: ‘MA / 5’. Endorsed in a seventeenth-century hand: ‘A Letter from an unknowne Person’. Also endorsed by Miles: ‘in Commendation of the Stile of the Scriptures. may be inserted in the Chronolog. account of his writings in his Life’.

WALLIS to BOYLE

29 April 1665

From the original in BL 5, fols 172–3. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 514, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 458.

Oxford, Apr. 29. 1665. Sir, Your Honour doth not expect, I should tell you that I have allready read over that excellent Book of yours, which I received this day from your favour.d But I have allready perused so much thereof, & seen therein so much of worth, that I see great cause not onely for my ‹self to› thank you, (which I heartyly do;) but for mana The author quotes from Ovid, Amores, III. iv. 17, and translates the Latin immediately afterwards. b ‘Enchyridion’ comes from the Greek, ’εγχειρι΄διον, meaning a manual. c The allusion is to 2 Timothy 3, 17. d Wallis refers to Boyle’s Cold (1665), for which see Works, vol. 4, p. 203ff.

464

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 29 Apr. 1665

kind to do the like; for so much of cost and pains which you have sustained to enrich them. Which should they fail to do; you would thence have occasion to enrich your second Title, with one ‹generall›1 more, of subjects disposed to be Frozen: while yet I shall desire to have the honour of being ranked under your third Title, ‹of subjects Indisposed;› nor shall I think that Indisposition to be a Disease, but a Duty. Sir, I hope your Honour hath received those Papers which on Munday last I sent, with a Letter directed to your Honour, by Bartlet the Carrier.a Which, because of frequent neglects in carriers, I take this occasion to mention:2 not that I think them of so much worth as that I should be solicitous about the miscarriage of them; but, that I would not be thought guilty of disobeying your commands, intimated [in]3 your Honours last to mee; &, because I ‹am› ambitious of /fol. 172v/ submitting all I do to your Honours judgement; Having had so oft experience both of your ability to judge, & of your inclination to be favourable, to Sir your Honour’s very humble & obliged Servant, John Wallis. Sir, If you have the opportunity of seeing Sir Robert Moray, you may please to present him my humble service; & to assure him that as I am ambitious to observe all his commands, so I shall be particularly ‹carefull. of those concerning the Gentleman he recommended to mee in his last.b For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr; at the Honourable the Lady Ranalaghs house in the Palmal, near to St James’s London Seal: Wax remnants only. Postmark: ‘MA / 1’. Also marked ‘2d’ in ink. Endorsed on fol. 172 with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. 5’.

a b

Wallis’s letter to Boyle of [Monday] 27 Apr. 1665 is not extant. The contents of this letter are not known.

465

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

BEALE to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

27 May 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 114, pp. 121–4. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 469 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 389–90.

Sir, It was Thursday last that I received your noble favour by the conveighance of our worthy friend Mr Oldenburgh. I am not worthy to offer you any accompt of it, & least of all being nowe in the prime of the enjoyment. This argument of Cold I had only in Votisa about 8 yeares agoe, & soe I wrote Mr Hartlib. But I had noe hope then to live to see the best of Chymists summon all the curious to have a due reguard to ice, & snowe, & freazing.b I had at the same time a like desire for a considerable Micrography. And I knowe to whom wee are indebted for that performance allso.c In truth I am in many other matters of greatest weight prevented; And am surprised with Illustrations far above the maturity, (I should say the rawenesse) of my wishes. And you have done much to teach us all howe to rectify, & to amplify our aymes, wishes, & enquiryes. I am full of desires to prove my selfe noe unthankefull persone, haveing received soe many greate favours from you And every small river returnes to the Ocean, as the Soveraigne of all Springs; I can only offer effete endeavours. I have beene ofttimes sollicitous, Howe I might tender to you one line /p. 122/ that might be serviceable to your deare Engagement for the Empire of Mankind.d That which herewith I send you is my laste thoughts, but soe rashly drawne, & in such an unlegible hand, That I cannot devise, Howe you should find a Reader, Or one that can have the the patience to sever the fewe graines from the masse of drossy oare. If I should keepe them for a reviewe, the whole would be forfeited under the Spunge, as hath befalne mee in other Essayes of more1 affections, than judgement.e Neyther have I hope of leysure for second thoughts. You will here allowe rather the warmth of a Sollicitation, than require the rigour of Experiments. Yet I had not beene soe forward in this, if I had not in my selfe in my childehood about 5 or 6 yeares before I came to Eton Schoole, found more of truth in what I here propose, than I hold fit to affirme nowe, or to expresse.f I assure you, I did abide oft times under water with much wonder at mine owne ease, & delight in it; & soe long, That in my present a

‘in plan’. For Samuel Hartlib see above, p. 67n. Beale refers to Boyle’s Cold (1665); see Works, vol. 4. c Beale evidently alludes to Hooke’s Micrographia, which appeared in 1665. d Evidently a reference to the unpublished part of Boyle’s Usefulness. e Though doubtful of his suitability to act as a commentator on Boyle’s work, Beale clearly responded on many occasions in this capacity. For examples of this see above, pp. 269–71, and his letters to Boyle of 1666 in vol. 3. f For Beale’s residence at Eton College see above, p. 129n. b

466

BELLINGHAM

to BOYLE, 31 May 1665

understanding, & with such memory as I have of it, I cannot thinke it possible, That I should, /p. 123/ or could abide halfe soe long without breathing above water. And this I take to be a considerable Quære,a Whether the Americans & other naked people, which are bred to seeke their foode in the Seas, & to take much of their habitation there, are not able to dive longer, than they can hold their breath above water; chiefely Whether their children are not more apt to swim, or to endure diveing at the first Essay, much better than wee that are cloathed, & dry fed. Sir I thinke you may find yourselfe there recited in a parenthesis that takes in more than I intended, or agrees with strickt truth; but I thought it fit to passe in the number of other knowne faults, because it falls into your Mercifull hands. But I defraud you of that which you can hardly spare, your precious Time. I pray for the right Honourable Vicountesse Ranolagh, & for all your Excellent Relations Most Honoured Sir Your most oblieged servant J Beal.

May 27. 65.

For the Right Honourable & my / very Noble friend Robert Boyle Esqr. Endorsed on p. 124 by Miles: ‘May 27. 1665’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XVI’.

RICHARD BELLINGHAMb to BOYLE

31 May 1665

From the original in Bodleian Library, MS Clarendon 83, fols 138–9. Previously printed in Collections of the New York Historical Society, ii, (1869), 63–7.

Honourable Sir. Itt is a great favor in your honour, had it beene no more then the taking notice of this smale colony of the Massachusets, circumstanced with both meaness & remotenes, but to shew this respect, at such a time when loaded with many a

‘Seek’, i.e., to query. Richard Bellingham (c. 1592–1672), Governor of Massachusetts, 1641, 1654, 1665–72. Bellingham’s letter to Boyle is a reply to Boyle’s letter to John Endecott, 17 Mar.1665 (above, pp. 459–61). b

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calumnies & reproaches from evill minded persons, is as well a great addition to this favour, on your part, as of obligation to the reall acknowledgment of the same on ours; Although we hope the righteous God will in his due time make it manifest to his Majesty & to our deare Nation & people from whom we are this day voluntary exiles, that our accusers are such who designe not the honnor of his Majesty, but through the glosse of spetious pretences doe aime only the advancement of their particular ends, & contrivements yet tending to the great obstruction of his Majesties reall interest & the inevitable ruine of his good subjects heere. That any clause in our last addresses should carry any appearance of reflection upon his Majesties wisdome, & justice, or be wanting in that due respect which we owe to his Majesty as it ministers unto us matter of much exercise, so we can truely say, it was far from our intention, who doe acknowledge ourselves so abundantly obliged in the chearefull discharge of our duty to his Majesty, for the reitterated assurances given us of the full & peaceable enjoyment of all the liberties granted unto us, by his royall charter, & particularly & in speciall wise expressing the same in his instructions given to his honourable Commisioners for the regulating of them in the excerting the power & authority to them given by their commision, so far as the same relateth to this colony.a Sir Your expressions of tender respect for our good coming with so much reallity christianly counselling & cautioning of us in the way of duty the only & sure way for the obteyning of our just desires, doeth embolden us with the greater freedome to give your honour this further trouble, humbly craving this favor from your honour, that so far as your wisedom shall find any just plea in what we present, you will please to improve the same, according to the oppertunity the Lord hath given you for our just vindication & in anything you find lesse pertinent, or inconvenient to be insisted on, that the same may be buried in your oune breast[.] The result of the late negotiation betweene his Majestys Commissioners & this his Majestys colony, we know not how better to communicate to your honour, then by the transmitting true Copies of all that have passed in conference betweene us, the which we have caused to be done under the hand of the Secretary of our Generall Court herewith inclosing the same.b Upon perusall whereof your honour will easily perceive, where they & we have disagreed, as also the reasons why we could not submitt to their proposalls & Coma

For the colony’s dealing with the King, see above, p. 458. Edward Rawson (1615–93), was secretary of the Massachusetts General Court 1650–1686; see Savage, A Genealogical Dictionary (above, p. 47), iii, 510. The enclosure to which Bellingham refers has not been located. It probably consisted of copies of the documents which were entered into the court records of Massachusetts and printed in N. B. Shurtleff (ed.), Records of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England (above, p. 320), iv, part 2, 157–265. b

468

BELLINGHAM

to BOYLE, 31 May 1665

mands to our generall Court & all our officers both military & civil in such wise as appeares by the warrant under their hands. The ample assurance given us by his Majestie that he hath not the least intention nor thought of violating or in the least degree Infringing his Royall charter heretofore granted by his royall father as more particularly is fully exprest in his Majestys Letter to this colony of Aprill 23d 1664 doth encourage us to hope & expect that we shall yet have the continuance of his royall favour towards us, & that he will not charge us with the denyall of his Soveraignty for our non observance of those Commands of his Comissioners as were expressly derogatory to his Majesties honour & authority heere as contrary to his Instructions given them to observe in the exercise of their Comission in this Colony;a as by comparing his Majesties letter of Aprill 23d 1664 sect: 2nd his instructions to his Commissioners sect. 2d: 3d: & 8d with their warrant for protection of John Porter Junior, their third reply to our returnes made to their proposalls on the eight Instruction; the petition of the President of the Colledge & sundry other gentlemen the same will fully appeare.b And whereas It is a grand priviledge of his Majesties subjects in this colony as is conteyned in his Majestyes royall charter that wee & our children after us shall have & enjoy all liberties & imunities of free & naturall subjects within any of his Majestys Dominions to all intents constructions & purposes whatsoever: /fol. 138v/ Giving & Granting unto the Governor & Company liberty from time to time to make lawes &c for the well governing of the people of this Colony not contrary to the lawes of England, & appointing the said Charter or the duplicate or exempliffication thereof for the putting the said lawes in execution to be a sufficient warrant & discharge &c: all this being pleaded by us in conference that we had with them, together with our reitterated tender by both word & writing, to give them an account of the grounds of our proceedings in any matter or case that his Majestie had commanded them, or themselves sawe meete to make inquiry into; and we willingly grattified their desire with giving them a Copy of a letter wee received in the time of our Conference from Sir William Morrice, wherein his Majestie although manifesting himself not well pleased with our last addresse; is graciously pleased to declare that his intent in sending them in such a capacity to a

For the King’s letter see CSPC,1661–8, pp. 201–2. Bellingham refers to the instructions as they were presented to the Massachusetts Court by the Commissioners in May 1665. John Porter jr was an escaped convict who had appealed to the Royal Commissioners, they had granted him protection to return to Massachusetts so they could hear his case; in their 3rd reply to the Court’s proposals concerning the 8th instruction the Commissioners announced their intention of sitting and hearing cases on the following day. The President of the College was Charles Chauncy, for whom see above, p. 45n. The petition, presented to the Massachusetts General Court on 3 May 1665, concerned land expropriated by the Royal Commissioners. See Shurtleff, Records of Massachusetts Bay (above, p. 320), iv, part 2, 177, 216–7, 207–8, 229–30. b

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this place is out of his speciall favour to us; & that he might be truely informed of those many complaints against us, as well by1 neighbour colonies, particular persons, & the natives, & in case they could2 not compose matters themselves, then to give an account of the true state of any such case to his Majesty; all which we willingly submitted unto, as may appeare in our returnes to them before recited, yet neverthelesse they still insisted upon our Submission to them as a Court of Appeales & proceeded to sumon the Governour & Company being Assembled in generall Court with some others in such wise as their writting expresseth to appeare before them that they might heare & determine such complaints as should be exhibbited against us. a 1. And upon the Question put to them by a Commitee (at their request) appointed by the Court to conferr with them about these matters, first by what lawes they would proceed in Judgment they answered by the lawes of England. Secondly3 whither they would have a Jury to passe on such cases as they tooke cognizance of, they answered no: Now honnourd Sir the premisses considered be pleased to give us leave to propose first whither our Submission to such their Commands would have rendered us to his Majesty fitt persons to be betrusted with the administration of Justice here for the punishment of Malefactors, & maintenance of civil right, wherein the honour of God & his Majesty is so much concerned. And whither such a submission be consisting with the priviledges of Englishmen especially for a whole Colony of his Majesties subjects, that have purchased their liberties, by planting his Majesty a Colony at so great a distance form all civil Nations, & at so deare a rate as wee have done: As also the necessity we were put upon (after their refusall of so many tenders as is above-recited, together with their manifest Interposing with the authority here in such wise as we have done ) to declare our non compliance with them in their proceedings, for the timely preventing of great danger that might have acrewed thereupon & the mantenance of his Majesties peace here, according to the constitution of our charter to all which we stand obliedged by our oathes to God to his Majesty & to his good subjects of this colony. Wee doubt not but his Majesty will receave full information by his abovesaid commisioners of the falsnes of many of the complaints & misreports made concerning us as to the great divisions of the people here & their disaffectednes to the Government according to our present constitution, that it is not groune to so great a heigth as represented to his Majestie by the petition of Mr Samuell Mavericke, (& by his Majesty referred to the Honorable Commissioners of forreigne plantaa

For Sir William Morrice, Secretary of State, see above, p. 276n. The letter referred to is that of 25 Feb. 1665, written by Morrice in the King’s name, for which see above, p. 469. For the conference with the Royal Commissioners, which took place on 11 May 1665, see Shurtleff, Records of Massachusetts Bay (above, p. 320), iv, part 2, 195–7.

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MORE

to BOYLE, 5 June 1665

tions the 5th of August 1663) boldly therein affirming that our divissions were groune to such a heigth that we were ready to rise in Armes one against another, or remoove to the dutch or other places, and wee hope in the Issue our Innocency will further appeare touching those cases where of our enemies have so greatly aspersed us to our Lord the King.a Sir if to all your favours your honour will be pleased to Add this to pardon our boldnes in giving your honour so great a trouble you will thereby the more obliege us dayly to pray to God to fill your honour with such guifts & graces of his holy spirit as may fitt & enable you to discharge the dutys of so great a place & trust to which he hath called you whilst you are here, that when you are to be no more he may take you to himself in Glory which is the praiers of Sir Boston in New England Your Honours most Humble Servants 31th of May 1665 Ri Bellingham Governor In the name & by order of the generall Court of the Massachusets.

These For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr Governour of the Corporation for the / proppogation of the Gospell amongst the Indians in New England / present

Seal: Fragment: Oval. Top half only visible. A tower and object to the left. Endorsed: ‘Colony of the Massachusetts to Mr Boyle’. Also endorsed ‘May 31. 1665.’

HENRY MOREb to BOYLE

5 June 1665

From the original in BL 4, fols 77–8. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 551 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 512–13. a Samuel Maverick, member of the Royal Commission and a former resident of New England, was a long standing critic of the authorities of Massachusetts. His petition was presented to the King and referred to the Commissioners on 30 Aug. 1663. According to Col. Richard Nicolls, the magistrates of Massachusetts got hold of the petition after it had been stolen from Whitehall; see Black, Younger John Winthrop (above, p. 31), pp. 199–200, and CSPC, 1661–8, pp. 157, 415. b Henry More (1614–87), Cambridge Platonist.

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Sir I received your excellent Treatise of Cold a good whyle since but differred to return my thanks, that upon the perusall thereof I might be inabled to do it the more amply.a But my occasions have been and still are ‹such› that I can not yet give my self that full pleasure of thoroughly perusing so singular a Treatise and of so select a subject. But so farr as I have gone I am sure it affords extraordinary delight to the Reader, and is no wayes unworthy of so illustrious an Authour. Sir you will infinitely oblige posterity by the records of your so faythfull and multifarious Experiments which you have transmitted to them in your severall Writings. They certainly are of farr greater consequence, as your self has but justly taken notice, then the frameing of any hasty Hypotheses though witty and within some circuit of consyderations pretty coherent. Opinionum commenta delet dies, Naturæ judicia confirmat, it is the saying of Cicero some where, but an undoubted prognostick of a durable Honour due to your name, whose repute with posterity must have no such firme Foundation then the constancy of Nature, of which your ‹writings› which are found so true a copy, as that future appeale will be made to them amongst the learned, as to the Judicature of Nature herself.b This is the due acknowledgement that all the world owes you, but none can make more readily and willingly than

C. C. C. June. 5c

Honoured Sir your most humble and affectionate friend and servant H. More. For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq in his lodgeinges these

Seal: Oval antique head. Endorsed by Wotton ‘Dr More. June 5 1665’. Also marked ‘2’ beneath address, in a contemporary hand.

a

More refers to Boyle’s Cold (1665); see Works, vol. 4. More quotes Cicero ‘Time destroys opinions, and confirms the judgements of nature’, De natura deorum, ii. 2. 5. c i.e., Christ’s College Cambridge, where More was a fellow from 1639. b

472

BAXTER

to BOYLE, 14 June 1665

RICHARD BAXTERa to BOYLE

14 June 1665

From the original in BL 1, fols 33–4. Fol/2. A copy of this letter in a scribal hand survives among the Baxter Letters, i, 269–70, at Dr Williams Library, London. It has slight differences of orthography and wording; the latter mainly comprise trivial copying errors, although we have noted any that seem significant. At the end it is endorsed: ‘To the Honourable Robert Boyle’. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 552–5, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 516–20.

Most deare & truly honorable Sir I will not accuse you for tempting me to be proud, by the favour of so worthy a person as yourselfe, expressed in your visit & the guift of your many excellent bookes: For it is no dishonour to Good, that omne malum est ex bono;b nor to God himselfe that none giveth so many occasions of sin, whilest none is so farre from being the cause. But I will rather look back to1 one ‹of› my old lessons, that our greatest benefits must be received in the most timerous watchfull posture. The recreations which I have oft taken in your Experimentall Philosophie, & other such writings, are not like those which some men seek in cards & Stageplays & other murderers of precious Time, whose ‹fruit›2 is Nominally some true commodity, & Really in hand; some unwholesome sensuall delight, & Finally the sting of sorrow, when irrevocable Time is gone.c But they have bin a profitable pleasure which prepare not for Repentance. But your Plea for scripture stile & your Seraphick ‹Love›, & the noble designs of your Arabick publication of Grotius, & now your pious Meditations & Reflexions, do call to me for greater Reverence in the reading of them, & make me put off my hatt, as if I were in the Church;d & have not in vaine excited me to the expectation of some higher benefitt; as they stand neerer to my ultimate End. I read your Theologie as the Life of your Philosophie, & your Philosophie as animated & dignifyed by your Theologie; yea indeed as its first Part. For God himselfe begineth the holy scriptures with the doctrine of Physicks: And he that will well handle the Covenant & Laws of God, must describe first the Covenanters God & Man, the Constitutive parts of the Universall Kingdome: He that will justly frame a Pansophie (as Commenius Calls it) must begin with Ontologie, of which God & Man are the parts which we are most Concerned to Know:e & having first3 gone through the doctrine of Entities, must come downe to that of Conception & Expression & Action. And he that knoweth that this is the difference betweene our Knowledge a

For Baxter see above, p. 121. ‘every evil comes from good’. Baxter refers to Boyle’s Usefulness I (1663), for which see Works, vol. 3, p. 189ff. d The texts of Boyle’s referred to are Seraphic Love (1659) (Works, vol. 1), Style of the Holy Scriptures (1661) (Works, vol. 2), and Occasional Reflections (1665) (Works, vol. 5). Baxter also alludes to Boyle’s sponsorship of the translation of Hugo Grotius’s De veritate religionis christianae into Arabic by Edward Pococke in 1660. e For Jan Amos Comenius see above, p. 144n. His Pansophiae prodromus was published in 1639. b c

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of God in this life & the next, that here he is knowne ‹as› in a glasse,a & there by intuition, will neither with the illiterate despise the glasse nor4 with the Atheist & prophane overlook or deny the face which it representeth. Such as these last I have heard you complaine of, & find by your Remedies that you are not unacquainted with the lamentable increase of this disease. I was naturally as much inclined as others, to play with the gilded leaves & outside of my books, & handsomly depaint the letters before I understood the sense: to take up my time in the search of creatures, & words & circumstances, & to mortifie all these by separating them from God! And it was not soone enough that I reduced all my learning to the doctrines, de fine ultimo et de mediis practically!b & that I studyed & estimated all the Meanes according to their place & value, in their tendencie to the End. But when God removed my dwelling into a Churchyard, & set me to study bones & dust, & by a prospect into another world, awakend my soule from the Learning of a child, & shewed me that my studyes must not be play, but affective practicall serious worke, I then began to be conducted by Necessity, & to search after Truth but as a meanes to Goodnes, & to perceive the difference betwixt a pleasant easie dreame, & a waking working knowledge. He that hath well learned in the Alphabet of his Physickes, wherein a MAN doth differ from a Bruit, hath laid such a foundation for a Holy life, as all the Reason in the world is never able to overthrow. For by knowing his Faculties & Capacities, he will quickly know their End & Use; & his Relations to his Creator, his efficient, dirigent,5 Finall Cause: That his Nature was formed to be Holy, even to Know & Love & Serve his Maker, as truly as the lower creatures are formed for our service! That to Love God above all, & to serve him with all our powers & guifts, is as unquestionably the duty of man, as it is the use of a horse to carry us, or of a knife to cut, & much more, because the aptitude & obligation were more essentiall to us: And he will as easily know that all this duty is not to be performed in vaine, & that the Rectitude, perfection & use of Nature, was never intended by our Creator to be our Misery; & therfore that Holyness is the way to Happynes. And as I never met with the Infidel that durst say, that he is certaine that there is no future life, of reward & punishment; so it is most easie for unprejudiced Reason to discerne, that the probability or possibility of an endless Joy or misery hereafter obligeth us to provide for it, whatever it cost us in the world! And nature itselfe by the very revelation of that probability or possibility, hath made it every wise mans duty, to make it the chiefe ‹care› & busynes of his life to obteine that happynes & escape that /fol. 33v/ misery; & to contemne all the hopes or feares of this world which stand against it: & consequently that ‹he› liveth against the Law of Nature, who liveth not a holy life. And then he must conclude that either really there is such a life of happynes which we are naturally thus bound to seek, & such a danger which we must labour to avoid, or els that God hath deceived man in the a b

This is an allusion to 1 Corinthians 13, 12. ‘concerning the ultimate end, and the means’.

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BAXTER

to BOYLE, 14 June 1665

very frame of his nature, & made both his noblest faculties, & the chiefe dutyes of his life, to be delusory, frustrate & our torment; & that he loseth & suffereth most who is truest to his God & Conscience; which the knowledge of God will easily confute. He reproacheth his Creator who saith that he gave Man higher faculties than the bruites, to Know & Love & serve his God, & this that he might be so much more miserable than the bruites, by his foresights ‹labours› & frustrations. Besides what I have oft said, that the world neither ever was or can be governed according to the Nature of man, without the feares & hopes of a life to come! were it not for these, there would be no Law or Virtue, but Carnall interest, craft & strength: And he were a foole that could not with probable safety murder or undoe him that standeth in his way. It is well for the world that beastly Infidels do oft want witt to do mischiefe, as well as to know the truth: & better yet that Atheisme seldome doth totally preclude their prospect into another world, & conquer all those feares & hopes; & yet better that Atheists have seldome the Government of the rest: & that those that ‹have› wit & power enough to do mischiefe, have usually the wit to see why they should not do it. I spoke from my heart when I6 told the world, that every man, is A SAINT, A BRUIT, or A DEVILL, as he is either HOLY, SENSUALL, or MALIGNANT.a I7 Thanke you therfore for all your Bookes; but most for those which have most of God: For, as to the subject, that which stands next to Heaven is best:8 There are my hopes, & that way lie all my busynesses & concernments. What a Poppet play is the life of sensuality, worldlynes & pride. & how low a game is it which Emperors & Commanders play, who seek no higher things, in comparison of a humble Christian, who by the conduct of the word & spirit of God, is seeking the immortall pleasures? If these be not my happynes I shall consent to have no other, much more if they be. Let me have more than this malignant, distracted world affordeth, or let me have nothing. Let me be happy longer than 70 yeares, or let me never be happy. How I am esteemed, or called, or used here, for so short a time, I desire to make it but little of my care; nor much to regard whether so short a dreame be sad or pleasant.9 He loseth nothing that loseth but this shaddow: & in the end he will confesse, he hath got nothing who hath got no more. If the possibility of endles Joy or Misery prevaile not with me against all that the world can offer, I will be Judge against myselfe, & freely confess that by sinning against Reason I forfeit all pretensions to felicity, & if there be hell it is my due. The Matter of your Booke having occasioned all these words, I must thank you for it also as to the Manner, & that uppon a double account. 1o that you call men to the manly worke of Meditation; to waken the sleepy Reason of the world, & bring ‹it› into exercise: Most of the world would become much wiser (& consequently better, & consequently happyer) if they could be brought to be more a

It is not clear to which of his own publications Baxter is here referring.

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Considerate: if they were but shutt up in the Jesuites dungeon one houre in a day, to thinke seriously of God, & of their Happynes & Duty, & were forced to give an account of their thoughts, to some sober person! For the Matters of God & their salvation are so Great & have such Evidence, that if they would but thinke oft & seriously of them, sure they would thinke rightly of them at the last; at least so farr as to set them in the Way, & to call off their hearts from all that which now diverteth & deceiveth them: would they but sometimes lay by sensuality, & thinke seriously what all the pleasures of this world, will prove at last; they would read in the darke the Spanish proverb, The world is a Carrion, & they are dogs that love it.a But men are such Hypocrites & Atheists, that while their cloathes, & words, & all that is seen of men, are composed as beseemeth men awake; their Thoughts which are seen to God alone, are willfully left so discomposed & distracted, as if they were dreames or bedlam ravings: And if one daies thoughts were written downe, & read over before a sober company, they would meet with more such censurers than me.10 Sensuality having hired Reason for its service, in all the ungodly, doth set them on the pursuite of ‹a› mistaken interest, & involveth them in such a multiplicity of distracting busynesses, with turbulent passions & deceiving lusts, that sometimes I have questioned whether a wise man in his sleepe be not more likely to use his Thoughts aright, than such men /fol. 34/ as these while they are awake. 2o And your speciall ‹way› of Occasionall Meditation, I take to be exceeding usefull! Your examples are the translating of the severall Creatures into a language understood; so that it will teach men when they see the words, (the things) to see withall the signification (the use:) b As those that know not only the Materialls of an Apothecaries shop, but also the medicinall use of the simples & compositions. I know that sett methodicall meditations, are most excellent for those that are able to manage them: But shorter occasionall meditations are every mans hourly employment: The weakest heads, that cannnot hold their Thoughts to Method, may manage these short reflexions to their benefit. & without any danger of overstraining their imaginations. As the most learned must not disdaine this way of cogitation, so women & weake persons may well make it their frequent profitable worke. A little & often, is the dyet of the infirme. And those are the best writings which are suited to the Most, & the most necessitous. If the attempt you have here made do draw on yourselfe, or some other well furnished person, to write such a Commentary uppon all the most ordinary occurrences of each day, what an excellent helpe will it be to them that need such an interpreter, that they may walk in their gardens & medows as Physicians, & not as meere husbandmen, & may heare every creature praise its maker,11 & the mute to speake the heavenly dialect? All thy works shall praise thee, O Lord; & thy saints shall blesse thee: Psal. 145. 10. a b

The Spanish original of this proverb has not been identified. Baxter refers to Boyle’s Occasional Reflections (1665); see Works, vol. 5.

476

BAXTER

to BOYLE, 14 June 1665

It is growne a controversie whether a Contemplative or an Active life be the more excellent?a & whether it be more advantagious to holyness, to shutt up our senses against the creature, & retire to an abstracted communion with God; or to make so much more use of Creatures, as we would attaine ‹to› more of the knowledge of the Creator; because it is but in a glasse that here he can be knowne. Doubtlesse in our Innocency this was the Booke which man was made to learne & read. And it is so farre from the intention of the Redeemer, to cloud the Glory of the Creator, or to diminish our highest respects to him, as that it is indeed his office, to Redeeme, & save & restore the Creatures, to their Makers favour, Love & service, & so to their primitive use & End. In innocency God appeared to man, sufficiently amiable in his Workes; but to a guilty, cursed, condemned sinner, bound over to everlasting punishment, it became impossible to Love the God that doth condemne & punish him : But we Love him as our Redeemer, that we ‹may› Love him againe as our Creator: And thus Christ is the way to the Father, & Faith is the way to Love, & the Gospell is farre from abrogating Natures Law; & on the Lords day we commemorate the wonders of Redemption, in order to our just admiring the Creation; & the seventh days worke is not abolished, but inclusively to be performed on the first. So that indeed so farre as we are yet corrupt & weake, it is safest to retire as farre from the Creature as well we can; For experience assureth us that the objects of sense, though they may & must be used to our helpe,12 are such powerfull diverters & deceivers of the mind, & clogs in our highest contemplations, that ordinarily they are the most terrene & sensuall men, who are most busyed in terrene & sensuall things. But so farre as we ‹are› restored sanctifyed persons, we are above the snare, & may See & Love God in his creatures, & serve him by them, & make them all the ladder of ‹our›13 contemplations, & utensills in our Fathers worke: And thus the world is no worse to us, than14 a good horse & a faire way, & a good Inne, & company, & weather to a Traveller, or as a Ship in which we must saile to the harbor of Endlesse Rest: And thus indeed we have nothing to know but God, & the significant sanctifyed creature; nor nothing to doe but to see & Love him in himselfe & his workes, & serve him by them. But a man must know himselfe that will know his duty. And if all men, then the weake especially have need to watch as well as to Pray, Lead us not into temptation.b And the New Booke which Christ hath given us to know God by, is much more legible (now) & lesse dangerous, than the old blotted booke of the Creation.c The darkness of which, & the perills in useing it are growne so great, that it hath tempted some learned men to thinke, that as Gospell a Baxter alludes to the vita contemplativa and the vita activa, a perennial preoccupation since antiquity, and specifically to the Moral Essay, Preferring Solitude to Publick Employment (1665) by Sir George Mackenzie (for whom see above, p. 391n.), to which John Evelyn (see above, p. 25n.) was to reply in his Publick Employment and an Active Life, preferr’d to Solitude (1667). b This is part of the Lord’s Prayer; see Matthew 6, 13. c Evidently Baxter is referring to the New and Old Testaments here.

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remedies will not perfectly clense us from sin till death, so till then they will not bring ‹us› up to be fitt for the higher15 forme, which we fell from, even to know & Love the Creator purely in his Creatures, & that there we shall be returned to this employment, when all things are restored Act. 3. 21. And the /fol. 34v/ creature itselfe shallbe delivered from the bondage of Corruption, into the glorious liberty of the Sons of God. Rom. 8. 21, And the Kingdome shall be delivered up to the Father, that God may be All in All. 1 Cor. 15. 24. 28. But we are not yet ripe to know the state or use of the New Heaven & New Earth wherein dwelleth righteousnes. 2 Pet. 3. 13. It is enough to know that it will be to the Glory of the blessed Creator, who is now dishonored by his depraved workes; & that we shall be with Christ & see his Glory, & See & Love & praise our maker. Joh. 17. 24 & 12. 26. 2 Cor. 5. 7. 8. Math. 5. 8. &c. For my part I will be none of those, that looking at simple duty, & bare possibility, do set the hardest lessons to the youngest, & draw men to venture too boldly into the world, under pretense of seeing or of serving God: I will not bid a child leape into a River, because a strong man that can swim well can get through it: Nor will I set an Infant on a lusty horse, because he may expedite another mans journey; nor set beefe & sturgeon before the sicke, because a sound mans stomacke can digest them. Nor yet will I so retire from the Creature, as to shutt my book, & reject the glasse in which the Image of God appeareth; or to hide my talents for feare of the austerity of my Lord! But for the direct illumination, sanctification,16 & comfort of my owne soule, I will desire to improve opportunityes of Contemplation, (ascending from Creatures to the most abstracted apprehensions that I can reach): And for the serving of my Lord & the good of others, I will be as glad of the opportunityes of profitable Action, believing that I shall lose nothing by it in the End, but that doing good is the surest way to receive good: And when God restraineth me from one of these (as now he doth from the later) I shall be glad that I may be employed in the other: The summe is, though a Contemplative life may be more predominant with some, & an Active with others, yet there are none but the utterly impotent, who are not obliged to use them both: But its due contemplation, which fitteth both for action & fruition while I intended but to thanke you for your excellent Book, this superfluity of words hath made that eruption,17 for which I must crave your pardon, remaining

Jun. 14o. 1665o

Honourable & worthy Sir your very much obliged & esteeming Servant Ri: Baxter

478

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 14 June 1665

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

14 June 1665

From the version in hand D, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 83. Fol/1. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 402–4.

June the 14 1665 Sir My Occasions not permitting me to give my selfe the Satisfaction of waiting upon the Society, I send You the enclosed Paper which I this day procur’d from an eminent, & worthy Person, to whom it is written out of Ireland, from the antientest & one of the cheifest Virtuoso’s of that countrey.a The Person to whom it is address’d, design’d the mentioning of it only to me, but upon my Desire, that he would give me leave to add1 it to those other Papers, we have from several Virtuosi touching the late Comet, he very civilly consented, but not without expressing an Unwillingnes to have his name taken notice of in the busynes. Perhaps You will not think it unseasonable, though otherwise it might be somwhat improper, that having often heard much Commendation of a Booke [by]2 Ludovicus Septalius, concerning the Plague, with[out] ever being able to meet with it, soe much as in t[he]Publick Library of Oxford, I have at length by the favour of that curious Collector of choyce Book’s, Dr H: S:, got a sight of it.b But having not the leisure to read it over, he directed me to take notice of one passage, which I confesse I think worthy of the Experiment of the Society, & of which I am like if God permit to make tryall, when I arrive at Oxford, He says then, That the Plant he calls Ruta Capraria (in Italy wont to be nam’d Galega) is of wonderfull Efficacy against the bitings & stings of venemous Creatures, c & among other things relates as a proof, this Tryall of his owne, That when Trea[cle]3 and /verso/ Orvietane, an Antidote at least as famous as the other in those parts, were making in the great Hospitall at Milaine, to try the Goodnes of those extoll’d Compositions, there were taken 3 doggs, which were bit ‹in›4 the Nose by Vipers, And though to 2 of them, presently after they were hurt, Treacle and the Orvietane Electuary were fruitlesly exhibited, yet ‹to› the 3rd who was let alone an houre after he had been bitten, till his face & some parts of his head were swell’d, the Juice of Goats Rue was given at the Mouth, & a Plaster of the contus’d leaves of the same herb was apply’d to the wounded part.d Which to some will appeare the more strang because this herb seem’d not to have any hot, Balsamick, or Aromatick Tast, but rather to tast, at a The enclosure is not extant. Its author has not been identified. For the comet of 1664–5 see below, p. 482n. b Ludovico Settala (Septalius), (1552–1633), a famous Milanese physician, wrote De peste, et pestiferis affectibus libri quinque (1622) and Preservatione dalle peste (1630). ‘Dr H: S:’ is perhaps Henry Stubbe (1606–78), formerly under-librarian at the Bodleian. c Galega, called goat’s rue or Italian vetch, was highly commended for the cure of snake bites, and as a remedy against plague; see John Parkinson, Theatrum botanicum (London, 1694), pp. 417–18. d Boyle seems to have forgotten to mention here the result of this treatment.

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least here in England, almost like the leaves of green5 Pease or Vetches. And though Physick, be not the most proper & immediate scope of our Society, yet having soe sad an Occasion as the fatall Plague wherewith God is now pleas’d to afflict & punish us,a & soe fayre an Oportunity as to find what I am goeing to add out of my experienc’d Author in the same page, with what I have been reciting, I shall annex the Passage in his owne words that it may have the more Authority,b & if any of ‹those›6 learned & ingenious Physitians, that are Members of the Society, or any other that intends to make use of this Plant, shall desire a Copy of it, I am too well satisfyd of Your Charity & Civility to make Your not denying them a Transcript any Request of mine,c or make You any Apologie7 for the trouble that upon such an Occasion You may be put to by this hasty, but well meant Scribble of Sir Your most affectionate freind & humble servant Ro: Boyle. Endorsed at head of fol. 83: ‘Entered LB. Suppl’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

c. 16–18 June 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 30. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 329–30, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 186–7 and Oldenburg, ii, 404–8.

Sir, I esteem it very hard fortune not to see you, before you went out of Towne:d I know not, what fatality there was in it, that we1 could not meet, how much soever I endeavored it. I confesse, my occasions of late have very much engaged me to be out of the way, and at the other end of London; but yet I did very often inquire in the mornings at My Lady Ranala’s, whether you were in towne, but could not hit the time, when you were so. If I had but been advertised ‹any›2 day before, of an a The plague spread to England from Holland, where it had first appeared in the towns bordering the Thames in May 1665. About the end of May Boyle moved to Oxford to avoid the severity of the outbreak, and on 28 June the Society discontinued its meetings for the same reason. b The Latin transcript, if sent, is no longer with this letter. c It seems that there was a second enclosure, also now lost, extracted from Settala, on the subject of a herbal remedy for the plague. d Oldenburg probably refers to Boyle’s move to Oxford in May 1665, to escape the spread of the plague in London.

480

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, c. 16–18 June 1665

houre, convenient for you, I would have contrived my affaires so, as to have waited on you. I should have expressed my thanks for the favor of your communications concerning the Comet and the receipt against the Sicknes (which I beseech you to accept of herewith) and inquired, what quantity is to be taken of that3 medicine of Septalius, which I hope you will please to signify at your first conveniency.a I did also intend to have had some discourse with you concerning Mr Borreel, of whom I understood some weeks since, that he was very sick, and not likely to recover. I can only say this of him at the present, that I wrote to Amsterdam, and intreated him to consigne his Writings that concerne the proof of the truth of Christian Religion to such hands, that we might have a Copy thereof at least: whereupon I had this answer, that he had taken ‹care› for that particular, and that you and I should have a Copy thereof, if care ‹were›4 taken and the expences borne to transcribe it.b To which I returned, that I was persuaded, you would accept of that condition; nor doe I believe now, that you will give me authority, to revoke, what I have said. /30 (1)v/ The first sheet of the Latin concerning the discourses of Thermometers is printed off; which I also purposed to have showed you; and if I could have seen you, I would have advised with you, what preambles to make to those two other pieces concerning Antiperistasis and ‹the Examen of› Mr Hobbes’s; for, since they are to be separated, ‹in the Latin› from the maine Body of the History of Cold, ‹the advertisements prefixed to them›5 seeme to me to require some alteration; which, I believe, you will upon looking ‹upon›6 them agree with me in, and having done so, I promise to myselfe your care of letting me know your mind about it. c I think, the Society will adjourne on Wednesday next, when I shall, if God permit, acquaint them with your letter and what was annexed to it.d They did order me the other day, to inquire of you, whether that colt, whereof you gave them the monstrous head, had no other monstrosity in any other part of its body; some of the company being apt to believe, that, if it had not, it might very well be, that it had receaved a forcible kick on the ‹tender› head, whereby the eyes were dislodged, and forced into one place. e I pray, Sir, resolve this question, if you had the particulars of this Colts whole constitution. I hope, you will give me leave to insert it a

For Settala and the remedy see Boyle’s letter to Oldenburg, 14 June 1665, above, p. 479. The reference is to the Dutch scholar Adam Boreel (1603–66). It is clear from later letters that the person Oldenburg suggested should make the transcript was Peter Serrarius, for whom see above, p. 328n. A transcript of Boreel’s book survives as BP 12, 13 and 15. c For Oldenburg’s translation of Boyle’s ‘New Thermometrical Experiments and Thoughts’ see above, p. 327n. For the other sections of Boyle’s Cold mentioned here see Works, vol. 4, pp. 459–98, 499–516. d i.e., 21 June; however, the Society decided not to make this its final meeting, but to assemble for the last time on the 28 June. It appears that Boyle’s letter was discussed at neither of these meetings. e Oldenburg refers to the meeting of 31 May. The head of the cyclopean colt had been brought in by Boyle himself a week before. Hooke was ordered to dissect it; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 52. b

481

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

into my next Transactions, as also the contents of your letter concerning Ruta capraria; and I doe intreat your favour and liberality of imparting now and then something, that may enrich those papers, and assist me ‹in›7 continuing them, notwithstanding the discouragement of this sickly season.a My last news from Paris was this.b Monsieur Hevelius a envoyé à Monsieur Colbert (from whom he hath a pension) ce qu’il a observé de la comete. Messieurs Auzout et Petit ont trouvé estrange, qu’il /30 (2)/ l’a faite passer, par oú elle n’a point esté, et que de plus il ne l’ait point observé au mois de Mars, mais seulement en Fevrier, quoy qu’on l’ait veue ce mois là par tout ailleurs.c On a fait seigner un homme chez Monsieur Bourdelot, à qui on a trouvè du lait dans la veine au lieu du sang (I beseech you, Sir, tell me, whether you have met ‹with› the like observation.)d Un Chirurgien ayant arraché une corne, qui estoit venue à la teste d’une Femme, elle en est de venue folle. (And this story is not ordinary.) Je donnay à un gentilhomme Anglois (so my friend goes on) le livre de Monsieur Petit sur la comete, où il y a des choses curieuses.e On inprimera le Redi delle vipere icy à Paris, quand il sera fait, je vous l’envoyeray.f a An account of the monstrous colt was published in Phil. Trans., 5 (1665), 85–6 (3 July 1665). The piece on Ruta capraria, part of Boyle’s letter to Oldenburg of 14 June 1665, was not published since the printing of the Transactions was, because of the plague, suspended until Nov. (when it was printed at Oxford). b Presumably Oldenburg’s correspondent was Henri Justel (1620–93), secretary to Louis XIV and Oldenburg’s regular source of news from Paris. ‘Mr Hevelius has sent to Mr Colbert … his observations on the comet. Messieurs Auzout and Petit found it odd that he has made it pass through a point where it never was, and furthermore that he did not observe it during the month of March, but only in February, although it was observed in the former month everywhere else. At Mr Bourdelot’s a man was bled in whose veins milk was found instead of blood … A woman who had had a horn removed from her head by a surgeon subsequently went mad … I gave … Mr Petit’s book on the comet which contains curious matters, to an English gentleman. Redi’s book On Vipers is to be printed at Paris; when it is ready I shall send you a copy. I confess to you … that if our wishes were granted, the English would be soundly beaten. Whatever happens, it appears as certain here that the struggle will be deadly and bloody. If you join forces with Spain, your war will last longer and one day you will get some exercise.’ c Hevelius rejected the hypothesis of Adrien Auzout (see above, p. 85n.) and Giovanni Domenico Cassini (see above, p. 351n.), that the comet of 1664–5 moved in a circle, and hence was a regularly recurrent star. However, the point at issue here was that Hevelius claimed to have seen this comet on 18 Feb. near the 1st star of Aries; a position by no means consistent with the Auzout/Cassini observations. Auzout retorted that Hevelius’s observation was false, since he himself, and others, had seen the comet 1o 17´ distant from that star on 17 Feb. and on 19 Feb. the comet was still more than 1º from the star. Thus Auzout could maintain that his predictions were confirmed. Oldenburg had copied Hevelius’s observations into his letter to Boyle of 22 Sept. 1664 (above, pp. 328–9). Auzout published the following works on the comet: L’Ephéméride du comète (1665) and Lettre de Monsiuer Auzout du 17 Juin [1665] à Monsieur Petit touchant le chemin du premier comète (1665). Cassini was the author of Theoriae motus cometae anni 1664, pars prima (1665). Hevelius’s correspondent was Jean Baptiste de Colbert (1619–83). d For Pierre Michon, the abbé Bourdelot, see above, p. 265n. e The reference is to Pierre Petit, Dissertation sur la nature des comètes (1665). f Francesco Redi’s Osservazioni intorno alle Vipere was first published at Florence in 1664. There was no French edition of this work at this time.

482

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, c. 16–18 June 1665

Je vous avouë (so he passes to politicals) que si nos veux estoient exaucez, les Anglois seroient bien battús.a Quoy qu’il soit arrivé, on est icy assuré, que le combat aura esté funeste et sanglant. Si vous vous joignez à l’Espagne, vostre guerre ne finira pas si tost, et on vous pourra un jour donner de l’exercice. Since I wrote this, I saw a letter of Mr Hugenius to Sir R. Moray, wherein he ‹also› seems8 to be dissatisfied with Monsieur Hevelius his observations of the first Comet.b I will give you his owne words:c Monsieur Hevelius m’a fait dire, qu’il a fait inprimer un Traité du Comete premier de 60 fueilles in folio.d J’en ay vû quelques unes des figures, qui me semblent assez estranges: car 1. il depenit la teste du Comete come s’il l’avoit vuë fort grande et avec de certaines taches dedans, ce qui ne m’a aucunement paru (Mr Hook affirms, to have seen such spots too:) mais avec mes meilleures lunettes elle m’a tousjours semblé trespetite come les estoiles fixes, excepté la chevelure, et à Rome on l’a observee de mesme. 2. Pour ce qui est du cours du Comete, il en fait une ligne continuë, qui retourne en elle mesme; d’où je prevois quelque bizearre hypothese; parce qu’il marque cete ligne courbe /30 (2)v/ dans le Ciel, mesme à travers des signes, dont il a donné une figure: mais il faut attendre son explication. I am, Sir, Your very humble and faithfull servant H. O.

For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq

Endorsed at head of 30 (1) by Miles: ‘in June 1665’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXX’. Endorsed on 30 (2)v with Birch number ‘No 30’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks. a

Presumably Justel alludes to the 2nd Dutch war, 1665–7. The English government tried unsuccessfully to negotiate an alliance with Spain against France in 1665; see Keith Feiling, British Foreign Policy 1660–1672 (London, 1930), pp. 172–3. b Huygens’s letter was dated 19 May 1665, and was read to the Society on 7 June; see Œuvres complètes, v, 360–1. Oldenburg has omitted a sentence in which Huygens reflected on the quality of Hevelius’s lenses, or his eyes. c ‘Mr. Hevelius has let me know that he has had printed a treatise on the first comet in sixty folio pages. I have seen some of the figures which seem rather odd to me: for, first he depicts the head of the comet as if he had seen it as very large and with spots in it, which I never saw … but with my best telescopes it always appeared very small like the fixed stars except for the tail, and the same was observed at Rome. Second, he has drawn the path of the comet as a continuous line which returns upon itself, from which I predict a bizarre hypothesis, for he traces this curved line in the sky contrary to the order of the signs, giving a figure of it. But we must await his explanation.’ d Hevelius published Prodromus cometicus in 1665. This was followed by J. Hevelii descriptio cometae anno … 1665 exorti (1666).

483

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Further endorsed on 30 (2)v with memorandum by Miles: ‘about June 2 NB 1[?] Colt mentioned in Letter was shown to R.S.9 1665 The account is in no 5 philosophical Transactions ‹published› July 3 1665. NB. this Letter mentions an intention of the Royal Society to discontinue their meetings on Wednesday next, another Letter dated July 4 1665 sais they adjourned on Wednesday last which was 28th June so that this Letter was wrote between June 21st & 28th 1665.’

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

20 June 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 84. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 408–10.

Oxon Jun: 20 1665 Sir I am too well satisfid ‹of›1 Mr Oldenburgs Civility to looke upon the unsuccessfulnes of my ‹severall› Endeavours to take Leave of him before I left London, as any thing but my misfortune.a I am glad you ‹have› written what you tell mee, concerning Monsieur Borreel’s papers; For I am very willing to be at the charge of haveing them faire transcrib’d, & therefore I must desire you would be pleasd to sollicite the expediting of the Copy, & when you let mee know what the charge will bee I shall (God permitting) take speedy order for the punctuall defraying of it.b But I cannot but heartily wish the good old man may live to finish the excellent worke he has carry’d on soe farr. I am sorry there is yet but one sheet printed off the Latine Discourses /84 (1)v/ of Thermometers. For I fear if we make not the more hast some or other will publish some of the Cheife particulars of it, to my Disadvantage, the Booke being already as I find taken notise off; as soone as I can recover an opportunity I will consider as you desire, about the Alteration, if any be requisite to be made in the Advertisements about the two Examens, but those being the Last things that are to be printed off, need not make us loose any time.c As to the Colt t’was after Sunset before I could get the sight of him & I was to goe (& did) that night to Chelsy, & the next day2 was Sunday:d Soe that all I could doe was to goe into the Stable where the Colt lay & get the head (which already began a

Oldenburg bemoaned Boyle’s departure for Oxford above, p. 480. For Adam Boreel and his papers see above, p. 481n. c For Oldenburg’s Latin translation of Boyle’s Cold (1665), see above, p. 391n. The two ‘Examens’ are those of ‘Antiperistasis’ and ‘Mr Hobs’s Doctrine, touching Cold’; see Works, vol. 4, pp. 459ff., 499ff. d As well as her residence in Pall Mall, Lady Ranelagh had a house on the Thames at Chelsea, where Boyle often resided. Information on the deformed colt was requested by Oldenburg in his letter of 5 Nov. 1664 (above, pp. 481–2). b

484

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 20 June 1665

to smell) hastily & rudely cut off without examining the Body any further then to satisfie my selfe That it appeard to the Eye compleatly form’d without any monstrosity to be taken notise of in it. If you publish it you may be pleasd to take notise that I cheifly intended to give good Example together with ‹a›3 proofe that by the /84 (2)/ help of spirit of wine, which I had recommended for such propertys in one of the Essays of the usefulnes &c: the parts of animals & ev’n monsters may4 in summer itselfe be preservd long enough to afford Anatomists the opportunitys of Examining them. a As to the Dose of the Ruta Capraria I thought I had sent it you, but for fear of mistaking, you may if you please send to Mr Whitaker at Chelsy who has the whole Busenes at large.b In the meane time I inclose you what I find about5 the Dosis of our medicin in a note I causd to be taken out of Septalius.c I am soe newly come that I scarce know yet where‹abouts› I am, &6 the hurry I am yet in will I hope excuse mee, if I doe for this time abruptly subscribe my selfe Sir your very affectionate Freind & very humble servant Ro: Boyle: 7

My most humble service I beseech you to our Illustrious Society, whose members I hope will looke upon themselves as such, as well at other places as at Gresham College. I endeavord in vaine to take Leave of Dr Wilkins & some others. pray let mee know how our Noble president whom to my great greife I left not well, has recoverd his health. my humble service particularly to my Lord Brereton.d These To my highly Esteemd / Freind Henery Oldenburg Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society Present At his house in the pell-mell / London. Endorsed at head of fol. 84: ‘Entered LB. Suppl. 1.p’.

a For publication of the account in Phil. Trans. see above, p. 482n. For Usefulness (1663), see Works, vol. 3. Boyle was very interested in the preservation of organic specimens and was one of the first to suggest the use of alcohol for this purpose. b For Mr Whitaker see above, p. 327n. c For the account of Ruta capraria in Settala see above, p. 479. Oldenburg also intended to print the discourse in Phil. Trans.; see above, p. 482. It appears from Oldenburg’s reply of 4 July 1665 that Boyle added some additional remarks to the extract (below, pp. 487–8). d For John Wilkins see above, p. 309n., and for William Brereton see above, p. 102n. At this juncture, the Royal Society intermitted its weekly meetings because of the plague; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 57.

485

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

BOYLE to BAXTER

2, 1662–5

late June 1665

From the original in hand E, with Boyle’s signature, in Dr Williams Library, Baxter Letters, ii, fols 287–8. There is also a transcript of this letter by Miles in the British Library, Add. MS 4229, fol. 142. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 555, and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 520–1.

Worthy Sir When I thought it my Duty to present you with those Trifles of which you are pleas’d to take such obleiging notice, I did not think That they should put you to the Trouble of a long Letter, or procure mee soe many good Instructions, as that is replenishd with.a But I was much more surpriz’d to find, That you looke upon that, as a Temptation to an over great Esteeme of yourselfe, which is soe Defective an Expression of the Esteeme, your Devout & happy Composures have justly given Considerabler Readers then I pretend to be, of you. It is more my Satisfaction then my Wonder, That you have found an Innocent Divertisement in the perusall of what I have ventur’d to write about Experimentall Philosophy,1 you are too much a Freind to Contemplation, & too well versd in It, to be an Enemy to that sort of Learning that furnishes it with a very Copious & Diffus’d as well as noble Object. And there are divers things that speake you to be none of those narrow-Sould Divines, that by too much suspecting Naturall Philosophy, tempt ‹many of› Its Votaries to suspect Theology. I am very glad to find That your Kindnesse to the Designe of my Occasionall Reflection[s]2 gives you such favourable Thoughts of /fol. 287v/ Them.b And your Approbation comes the more seasonably, because though at London they have been more generally fortunate then could be well expected, & have not receivd an ill Character e’vn from divers of the Poets & Wits Themselves; (some of Them indisposd enough to give a Good one to any thing that aimes at ‹the›3 promoting of Piety): yet in another place I find That those harmeles Papers have not escaped the Censure of three or foure Learned Men, who yet seeme not to dislike Them for their owne sakes, but for mine, pretending That Composures of that Nature might well have been spar’d by a Gentleman whom they are pleas’d also on this Occasion to looke upon as a Philosopher, & not unfit to write Bookes in that Capacity.c But though I had written with noe higher aime then Applause, I should not be overmuch Discourag’d, by soe small a Number of those, who themselves would not have dislik’d the Booke, if another had been the Author. And as for what you are pleasd to hint about the Usefulnes of makeing a

Boyle must refer to Baxter’s letter of 14 June 1665, see above, pp. 473–8. Boyle alludes to his Occasional Reflections (1665), for which see Works, vol. 5. For Baxter’s praise of this work see Baxter to Boyle, 14 June 1665, above, pp. 473–8. c These Oxford objections against Boyle’s Occasional Reflections are not otherwise documented. b

486

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 4 July 1665

Meditations upon the most usuall Occurrencys, I am soe much of your mind, that, before I last waited on you, I was telling some Freinds of yours & mine, That I should be glad to see such a Worke undertaken by a Pen likely to goe through with it; which mine is not; partly because ’tis preingagd to Subjects of a very differing Nature; & partly because the Expectation that many have of Philosophicall Discourses from mee, would make a worke that do’s soe much more properly belong to Divines, unacceptable to many Readers. And therefore since wee agree in our wishes, that the thing were done, & you both are far more able, & otherwise better Qualifyd to undertake it; I should think the Designe were excellently well lodgd, if you would think fit to take It4 into your Hands, wherein as in all your studys & Attempts that tend to the good of Souls; you will I hope easily beleive That a most happy successe is heartily wishd you by Worthy Sir, your most Affectionate & humble servant Ro: Boyle

These To my Reverend & / highly Esteemd Freind Mr Richard Baxter Present / At his house in Actona.

Seal: mark of wax

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

4 July 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 31. 4o/2+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 330–2, and Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 187–9 and Oldenburg, ii, 430–5.

London July 4. 1665. Sir, I must hasten to returne you my humble thanks for that communication of yours concerning the Ruta Capraria, as also for what you intend to impart about a

Baxter had moved to Acton, Middlesex, in 1663.

487

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Milky Bloud; to the ‹mention of the› latter of which you doe annex a parenthesis, which seems to imply your removall from Oxford; which if so, I hope, it is not for any infection, that may have attacked that place, as it hath begun to doe many ‹others›.a The Almighty be intreated to chastise us in mercy, and dispose our hearts, not to abuse his mercy. To my exceeding grief, our Noble Presidents neighbourhood, but 2 houses distant from his Lordships, is infected also: I know not, whether this dreadfull neighbour will occasion him to alter his thoughts for a removall.b It is a great mercy, that Southwark and Redriffe c where Seamen1 are so numerous, and other people, that relate to and worke in the Navy, remaine so free yet of the contagion, that there are not ‹above› 2 houses shutt up in those quarters. If it should come into this row, where I am, I think, I should then change my thoughts, and retire into the Contry, if I could find a sojourning corner. In the meane time, I am not a litle perplexed concerning the Bookes and Papers belonging to the Society, that are all in my Custody. All I can think of to doe in this case, is, to make a liste of ‹them› all, and to putt them up by themselves in a boxe, and seale them, ‹together› with a superscription; that so, in case the Lord should visit me, as soon I find myselfe not well, it may be ready to be immediately sent away out of ‹mine›2 to a sound house, et sic deinceps.d But these are but sad Stories; which I therefore leave, to come to let you know, that Monsieur /31 (1)v/ Thevenot hath sent you3 the 2d Tome of his Curious Voyages in folio, fairely bound, wherein are contained, as far as my cursory perusall could informe me, severall things not4 unpleasing, and instructive both for Navigation, Policy, and Natural Philosophy, though most of it be but Traduction.e I intend, God willing, to send it to morrow by the Coach or Carrier for Oxford. There came along with it two Disputations, Anti-Cartesian ones, held at Paris by the Jesuits in their College of Clermont;f in the one whereof they endeavor5 in generall to make him and his Philosophy ridiculous and absurd, urging him with such Conjectaries, flowing from his Doctrine, as these:g 1. Datur infinita multitudo, major infinities aliâ multitudine infinita. 2 a Boyle first sent an extract on Ruta capraria with his letter to Oldenburg of 14 June, and followed this with further information in his letter of 20 June. Oldenburg had intended to publish a piece on the remedy in Phil. Trans., see above, p. 482n. On milky blood see Oldenburg’s letter to Boyle of c. 16–18 June, above, p. 482. Evidently Boyle had left Oxford for Epsom, Surrey (see above, p. 480n.). He was staying at Durdens, the home of Lord Berkeley, where Robert Hooke, John Wilkins and William Petty were also guests. See below, p. 513 and Birch, Royal Society, ii, 63. b The reference is to William Brouncker. c i.e., Rotherhithe, south-east London. d ‘and so thereafter’. e Melchisédec Thevenot (c. 1620–92), Relations de divers voyages curieux, seconde partie (1664). Part I came out in 1663. f The Jesuits’ ‘College of Clermont’ in Paris later became the Collège Louis-le-Grand; in Jan. 1665 the conference on the comet of 1664 to which Oldenburg refers was held there. g ‘1. Given an infinite multitude, it is infinitely greater than another infinite multitude. 2. Infinity in material things is not only actually possible but necessary. 3. There are more Suns in the

488

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 4 July 1665

In rebus materialibus non tantum possibile est infinitum actu, sed etiam necessarium. 3. Sunt plures in hoc mundo Soles, quàm aut arenæ aut pisces (well put together!) in Oceano. 4. Pars non est minor toto. 5. Nulla est hujus universi particula, quæ mutare locum possit. 6. Tam est immobilis navis, quæ Rhodani cursum sequitur, quàm rupes in Terra. 7. Si partes hujus, quem spiramus, Aeris quiescerent, essent illæ quovis metallo duriores. 8. Non magis propriè dicitur Deus creasse Cœlum et Terram, quàm sitas in ea domos et Urbes. 9. Nihil addere Deus huic universo potest6 aut detrahere, ne muscam quidem aut atomum. 10. Quo leviora sunt corpora, eò citius aguntur deorsum. 11. Plus est in aere subtilissimo, si bene figitur, quàm in Auro, ponderis. 12. Fieri naturaliter potest, ut homo reipsa mortuus perinde currat et comedat, ac si mortuus non esset. 13. Maximum est, ne brevi Sol totus obtenebrescat, periculum. 14. Fatigari magis unusquisque debet ab aëre sibi incumbente, quàm fatigetur ab onere gravissimo bajulus. 15. Horologeum tam ægrotare potest ac interire, quàm equus. 16. Fieri vacuum divinâ virtute non potest, quia non potest ab humana mente concipi. 17. /31 (2)/ Nec ferrum à magnete trahitur, nec magnes à ferro. 18. Potest ex quolibet fieri quodlibet citra miraculum. 19. Idem sidus sine ulla sui mutatione, nunc fieri Cometa potest, nunc Planeta. 20. Notius est id, de quo dubitatur à multis, quàm id, de quo nemo dubitat. These are some of the many, that are charged upon that Ingenious Philosopher: and to bring the Charge home enough, he sums up all this in7 this Thesis;a Ne plura dicam, necesse est, ut et mathematicæ, et Philosophiæ et Theologiæ displiceat Hypothesis Cartesiana. Philosophiæ, cujus omnia principa notionesque, multis abhinc seculis communi consensione receptas, evertit: Mathematicæ, quam ad res naturales, quæ sunt alterius generis, explicandas, non sine magna perturbauniverse than fish or grains of sand in the Ocean. 4. The part is not less than the whole. 5. No particle in this universe can change its place. 6. A ship sailing to Rhodes is as motionless as a rock in the Earth. 7. If the particles of the air we breathe should be at rest, they would be harder than any metal. 8. It is no more proper to say that God created the Heavens and the Earth, than that he created the cities and houses on it. 9. God cannot add or take away anything from this universe, not a fly nor an atom. 10. The lighter the body, the faster it falls. 11. There is more weight in the highly subtle air, if it be well fixed, than in gold. 12. It can naturally happen that a man who has just died may afterwards run about and eat, as if he were not dead. 13. There is a great danger that the whole of the Sun may shortly grow dark. 14. Everyone should be more wearied by the air pressing down on him, than a porter is by the heaviest of burdens. 15. A clock can as well grow sick and die, as a horse. 16. The divine power cannot make a vacuum, because the human mind cannot conceive of it. 17. Iron is not drawn by a magnet, nor a magnet by iron. 18. It is no miracle to make anything out of anything. 19. The same star, without any change, may be at one time a comet, at another time a planet. 20. What many doubt is more noteworthy than what no one doubts.’ a ‘To say no more, the Cartesian hypothesis must be distasteful to mathematics, philosophy, and theology. To philosophy because it overthrows all its principles and ideas which have been received by common consensus for centuries; to mathematics, because it is applied to the explanation of natural things, which are of another kind, not without a great disturbance of order; to theology, because

489

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

tione ordinis traducit: Theologiæ, quatenus ex hac hypothesi videtur esse consequens, i. nimium aliquanto tribui corpusculis fortuito concurrentibus; quod favet Atheis. ii. nihil esse necessarium, Substantialem in homine formam admittere; quod impiis et disciplinæ solutioris amantibus favet. iii.8 Nullam fieri in Eucharistia Conversionem panis et vini in ipsum Christi corpus ac sanguinem, nec assignari, quid in illa conversione destruatur, posse, quod favet hæreticis. Who would not for ‹the most of› these reasons be the more enamoured with the Cartesian principles? The other disputation is entitled, De duplici Cometa, Vero et ficto, Positiones Mathematicæ:a wherein that particular opinion of Descartes concerning Comets is disputed against, and that hypothesis, which9 compounds Comets out of a congresse of many starres, contended for; which latter it seems hath been impugned at Paris by a Cartesian, who, together with his Master, must therefore smart for such an attempt. I am promised other, and I hope, better things, than those, from Paris, which shall be at your service, if God permit. Dr Beale (who10 received Authority for that Title, together with that of Royall Chaplain from the king, when he was last in London) sent me a letter this week, wherein he presents his very humble service to you,11 desiring me withall to acquaint you with this following secret /31 (2)v/ vid. that he was told by severall persons above ordinary sagacity, that Kuflers fireworks were in our Naval fight;b and that a person of Honor told him, that he saw My Lord Brounker attending, and directing his Majesty, at a view of some such Execution by way of discharging a strange wildfire out of a Gun: which he guessed to have some affinity with the other. He adds, that he should suggest a security, that Kufler (a Dutchman) be not retained against us. I believe, this to be a great mistake and misinformation; and I think, that both those things, mentiond by our friend,12 amount to one, and that very differing from Kuflers invention. Dr Beale in the same letter tels me of a large diamond, as big as his handwriste, sent by a Chymist to a Lady, who shewd it to him very lately; which stone he saith13 the Chymist made out of a black flinte, commending it as very clear, and faire as any Chrystall, and fit for pendants, if not too hard for common workmen. it seems to follow from this hypothesis that 1. too much is attributed to the fortuitous concourse of corpuscles, which favours the atheists; 2. there is no necessity to allow a substantial form in man, which favours the impious and the dissolute; 3. there can be no conversion of bread and wine in the Eucharist into the body and blood of Christ, nor can it be determined what is destroyed in that conversion, which favours the heretics.’ a The reference is to Ludovicus Ragayne de la Piccottière, De duplici cometa vero et ficto positiones mathematicae (1665). b Beale’s letter to Oldenburg is not extant. For Küffler see above, p. 84n. The ‘fireworks’ were an incendiary preparation (or infernal machine) for sinking ships. As Oldenburg notes, Beale had been awarded the title of D.D. and made chaplain to the King earlier in 1665.

490

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 4 July 1665

He adds, that Spirit of wine is by heate consumed in one of his sealed Thermometers; and infers from thence, that tho aire be there commonly imprisoned, yet something of weight and bulk does by heat get out: He will have even Ethereall steams to have their weight also, otherwise we should not retain them amongst us to fill up expansions of air, or for our vitall food. He had not, it seems, scales good enough to prove, that sealed Thermometers loose weight by insolation, but by the manifest waste of the liquor he guessed it. Our Society did actually declare a discontinuance of their meetings, on Wednesday last; at which time they had the company of Monsieur de Lionne his Son, and of the Agent of the French marchants, Monsieur Damas, who were also both, upon their desire, admitted as Fellows of the Society, after the [sic] had been Spectators of some of those Experiments, that were formerly made for the making out of that Hypothesis, concerning the Air’s being a Dissolvent to combustible Bodies.a After some Lettice or other seeds of hasty growth had been sown in earth, and left exposed to the open Air, and at the same time, some of them put in an exhausted Receiver, the former was sprung up, 2 or 3 inches high in a week; but the latter did not appear at all; whereupon Aire being admitted and continued to the latter, it did within another week14 shoot up as high, as the other.b /31 (3)/ Our news is, that a part of our Fleet is returnd to Sea under Prince Rupert, the Duke being at last prevailed with, to stay at home;c and that We cured the other day two Dutch men of their infidelity, concerning the life of the Duke and the Prince, by their owne eyes and by kissing both their hands. By Mr Dury’s letter out of Helvetia I find, that the fame is spread in remoter parts, that our Fleet hath been worsted.d The king hath15 further knighted Tidiman, Jordans and Cuttings.e Reynolds, that was in Guiny, is at last come home by the Barbados, whence he hath conveighed ‹into our ports›16 18 or 20 sugarships, and brought in his owne vessel, for ‹some›17 confort of the Guiny-company, some £20000 in gold, as Mr Slingsby told me.f The king is exspected to morrow at19 St James’s, to sit [there] in Councell. The Court is not like to stay long at Hampton, [the] contagion being in that towne also; but to remove to Salisbury, and thence [to] Oxford, in August, to meet the Parliament there, if that place remain uninfected. a

The Society’s meeting Oldenburg refers to is that of 28 June. The new Fellows were Hugues Louys de Lionne (son of Louis XIV’s secretary of state) and Vital de Damas, agent to French merchants; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 60. b See Birch, Royal Society, ii, 54 (7 June) and ii, 56 (14 June). c For Prince Rupert see above, p. 102n. For James, Duke of York, see above, p. 367n. d This letter is missing. Oldenburg refers to John Dury (1596–1680), Protestant divine. e Sir Thomas Teddeman (d. 1668), was rear admiral in the sea fight off Lowestoft and commander in several other battles. Sir Joseph Jordan (1603–85), a vice admiral. Sir Roger Cuttance (fl. 1650–69), captain of the fleet. f The reference is to Henry Slingsby (c. 1621–88 or 90), Master of the Royal Mint 1662–80, F.R.S., and to Jacob Reynolds, naval captain.

491

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

I doe not inclose here my fifth Transactions, for feare of swelling the letter to above their worth, yet19 there are [some pa]rticulars in it, communicated by Sir R. Moray, about the working [of p]its and Mines without Air-shafts; and a way of breaking [… ] and speedily the [hardes]t Rocks; which I think20 may [prove] usefull.a I hope, my next will receave something [again] out of your store, which shall be acknowledged by Sir Your very humble and faithful servant H. O.

/31 (3)v/ For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at / Mr Crosse’s house in Oxfordb

Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘[paper damaged] / IV’. Also marked ‘4d’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 31 (3) by Miles ‘(belongs to a Letter July 4 1665)’. Also endorsed at head of 31 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXXI’.

HOOKE to BOYLE

8 July 1665

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 543–4. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 501–2 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 247–9.

Gresham-College, July 8, 1665. Most Honoured Sir, I DID this last week send down by Moor’s waggon a weather-glass poised upon its centers.c I supposed it would be very easy to get a frame made for it at Oxford, otherwise I would have sent one with it, but it would have much endangered the breaking of the thermometer, which it did once in our packing of it up; but I caused another to be made, which I think is very strong, and, I hope, very safely a Oldenburg refers to Phil. Trans. 1 (1665), 79–82 (no. 5 for 3 July 1665). Moray’s contribution, ‘An Account, how Adits & Mines are wrought at Liège without Air-shafts’, is on p. 79 and relates chiefly a way of applying fire-draught in the Liège coal mines. b For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. c Hooke refers to Mr Moore, an Oxford carrier.

492

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 8 July 1665

packed up. I doubt not, but that you have long before this heard of the adjourning of the Royal Society, and of the increase of the sickness, which rages much about that end of the town you left.a I hear, several in the Pell-mall are infected, and one house almost emptied. It is not much spread as yet in the city, God be praised, though it be dangerously scattered. I cannot, from any information I can learn of it, judge what its cause should be, but it seems to proceed only from infection or contagion, and that not catched but by some near approach to some infected person, or stuff: nor can I at all imagine it to be in the air, though yet there is one thing, which is very differing from what is usual in other hot summers, and that is a very great scarcity of flies and insects. I know not whether it be universal, but it is here at London most manifest. I can hardly imagine, that there is a tenth part of what I have seen other years. We have made very few experiments since you were pleased to be present, but I hope, as soon as we can get all our implements to Nonsuch, whither Dr. Wilkins, Sir W. Petty, and I, are to remove next week, I shall be able to give you an account of some considerable ones, we having designed to prosecute the business of motion through all kinds of mediums, of which kind Sir W. has made already many very good observations.b We shall also take the operator along with us, so that I hope, we shall be able to prosecute experiments there as well almost as at London;c and if there be any thing, that you shall desire to be tried concerning the resistance of fluid mediums, or any kind of experiments about weight or vegetation, or fire, or any other experiments, that we can meet with conveniencies for trial of them there; if you would be pleased to send a catalogue of them, I shall endeavour to see them very punctually done, and to give you a faithful account of them. I very much fear also, that we shall be forced against our wills to stay there long enough to try experiments of Cold, though I have some thoughts of removing to another place farther from London, where I have designed to try a large catalogue of experiments, such as one cannot every where meet with an opportunity of doing; but the country people are now so exceeding timorous, that they will not admit any, unless one have been a considerable time absent from London. I was this day informed by one, that received a letter thence, that the plague rages so extremely in Southampton, that sometimes there die thirty in a night; and that has made Portsmouth, and the isle of Wight so fearful, that they will suffer none to enter. The founder has brought home the saucer stop-cock, which I sent about the case of the weather-glass.d Mr. Thompson also has sent home the instrument for a

The meeting of 28 June was the last one held in 1665, because of the spread of the plague in London. The Society reconvened on 21 Feb. 1666; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 60. b Boyle’s last attendance at a Society meeting was on 24 May 1665; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 50. For John Wilkins see above, p. 309n., and for William Petty see above, p. 103n. Hooke, Wilkins and Petty left London for Nonsuch to escape the severity of the plague. c Hooke probably refers to Richard Shortgrave, for whom see above, p. 367n. d The founder has not been further identified.

493

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

taking angles, and demands two and thirty shillings.a It is not quite finished, but I intend to take it /p. 544/ with me to Nonsuch, and there to make trial of it, and adjusten it. I shewed it the last meeting of the Society, which it was very much approved of; and I hope it will be the most exact instrument, that has been yet made.b But I weary you with my impertinencies, and must therefore humbly beg your pardon, and make haste to subscribe myself, Most honoured Sir, your most humble, and most faithful servant, R. HOOKE.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

8 July 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 85. Fol/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 436–8.

July 8th 1665 Sir, Your News of the Dukes being prevaild with to stay, ‹at home› is very wellcome to me. And ind‹e›ed there is soe much Company gone out of Towne, that to us that live here almost any news quatenus news is acceptable.c I am very much obleigd to Monsieur Thevenot for the great honor & Favour he dos mee, & I shall be soe to you for makeing in your next my very humble acknowledgments to him. I yet hear nothing of ‹his Booke›1 either by the Coach or Carryer.d The Anti-Cartesian Disputation (not that about the Comets) I should be glad to see, & carefull to restore, thô perhaps what I have had occasion to object against DesCartes, as in Duty bound, in my Scepticall Naturalist, will not2 be the same which the Jesuites have urgd, nor much of Kinne to them.e I am obleig’d to Dr Beale for ‹what› he desird you to acquaint mee with, but I hope as well as you that it is a mistake, I a

For Anthony Thompson see above, p. 440n. There is no record in Birch of this instrument. c Quatenus, ‘to what extent’. Boyle left Oxford some time before 4 July to stay at Durdens, near Epsom in Surrey; see above, p. 488n. The news of the Duke of York was reported in Oldenburg’s letter of 4 July 1665, above, p. 491. d For Thevenot’s Voyages sent to Boyle via Oldenburg see above, p. 488. e ‘The Sceptical Naturalist’ does not survive, although it is mentioned in ‘The Order of my Severall Treatises’ (c. 1665), and the list of Boyle’s writings in Cold; see Works, vol. 1, pp. xxxiv–v, and vol. 4, p. 517. See also Beale to Boyle, 13 June 1666, vol. 3, p. 176. The ‘Anti-Cartesian Dispute’ has not been identified. b

494

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 8 July 1665

know not what to doe in soe nice a Busenes, where but ‹for› seeming to beleive the possibility of such ‹an› Engine a Man may be thought credulous; besides that I confesse I am not forward to be accessary to the haveing such a Distructive thing drawne out of the Darke, where I wish it may be perpetually buryed.a As for Dr Beale’s seald Thermometers, I doubt there may be some mistake in the Observation, but have not now the Time to enlarge upon that Subject. There was lately presented me a stone (with a pretty odd signature),3 which being also figurd like a hart, gave occasion to a very Experienc’d Physitian to whom I show it to assure /85 (1)v/ me, that having had divers of them, he found some of them to be really (what I had suspected this to be) hollow almost like Eagle stones, & had severall times given the Earthy Kernell, or powder (for tis not always in a Lump) that was conteined in the stony part, with very good successe against the Cardialgia which agrees very well with some former Analogous Observations I had occasion to take notise of. This puts mee in mind that I lately saw a good fragment of that strang stone that was found together with a Monstrous Calfe in the Uterus of a Cow, & I hope to get leave to make some Tryalls upon it: As for the Preamble to the Latine Edition of Thermometricall Experiments &c. I doe not see that there will be any great need to4 alter ‹or say› much; For it may well be represented by the publisher, That5 the Three Treatises the Latine Booke consists of are such as doe not depend upon the History of Cold wherewith they were publishd, & therefore may well be put forth by themselves to gratifie the Curious, ‹till›6 the History of Cold itselfe, (which is some what Voluminous) can be translated; especially since the Experiments in the Thermometricall papers may be of use in the meane Time, & as to the Discourse against Mr Hobbs I see no Necessity of adding any thing to the version of the English Advertisement, unlesse it be ‹(by way of postscript)› that the Publisher did not scruple to let it come abroad with the rest, because that a great part of that ‹Discourse› stands upon its owne Legs:b And7 if any should think, That the passages which referr to the History of Cold, doe stand in any need of It, it will not bee very long before the publication of that History in Latin will convince the Reader that those passages were very justly vouched. I confesse I would gladly have that Booke sent abroad, before others put me upon the necessity of quarrelling for my owne. I am here about some Hydrostaticall Exercises, & if God vouchsafe me health & opportunity of staying in this place t’is like I shall, ‹publish› my Hydrostaticall parad[oxes]8 /85 (2)/ without staying for the Appendix to the pneumaticall Booke, which for want of Receivers & other fit glasses; I have here noe conveniency to compleate.c There is in this Country a Minerall spring, that by a

For Küffler’s incendiaries see above, p. 490n. For the Latin edition of Boyle’s Cold (1665) see above, p. 391n., and Works, vol. 4, pp. xxii–iii. c Boyle initially intended to publish his Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666) in conjunction with further pneumatic experiments made in the wake of Spring of the Air (1661). Ultimately, these experiments were published as Spring, 1st Continuation (1669); see Works, vol. 5, pp. xvii–iii. b

495

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

our best Physitians is preferrd to those of Barnet, Ipswich, & Tunbridge.a It is very much resorted to, & I am promisd some of the water of it, which perhaps will enable mee to tell you something about it. I would now send you the observation I promisd you of the milk that was found in Blood but that the Thing being very remarkeable I was desirous to have it very circumstantially from the Physitian himselfe, who haveing been all this weeke at this Medicall spring I could not see him till this afternoone, & then he was in such hast that I could only obtaine from him a promise that he would be with mee about the beginning of the next weeke about an Anatomicall Experiment,b & will then give an Account of his Observation to Sir Your very affectionate Freind & very humble Servant Ro. Boyle. 9

I forgot to tell you that in the Advertisement before the Examen of Mr Hobbs, the printer has left out two words in the last Line save one of the second page.c For the words should run thus to avoid marring the sense – Their causes rightly or not) not only in the production &c – My humble Service to as many of our Gresham Freinds as you meet, I hope you have not forgot the Edition of Des Cartes booke ‹de homine› in French, ‹for› I long to10 purchase it at any rate.d These To my much Honord Freind11 Endorsed by Oldenburg: ‘Here of blood [duplicated by “milk”] in veins’.e

a

Boyle refers to Epsom in Surrey. For Boyle’s residence there see above, p. 494n. The physician mentioned is possibly Richard Lower, for whom see above, p. 1n. The observations on milk in blood were printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 100–1 (no. 6 for 6 Nov. 1665). c See Works, vol. 4, p. 501. d Boyle refers to Descartes, Traités de l’homme et de la formation du foetus (1662). e On 85 (2)v is the following short memorandum, in an 18th-century hand: ‘a figured stone from the Uterus of a cow, ‹Notices› a medical spring, & of Milk found in Blood: with notices relating to the publication of some of his Works, & of his literary Occupations &c.’ b

496

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 23 July 1665

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

23 July 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 86. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 444–5.

July 23 1665 Sir you had reason to think I would looke upon your News about the siege of Meccha as very strang & soe do’s Dr Pocock to whom I imparted it, though he suspects it may be some other of the neighbouring people, who have formerly both attaqu’d & blunderd Meccha.a I have now Receivd Monsieur Thevenot’s Booke of Voyages, where I find some few things Curious enough, & however should find cause to be very sensible of the Givers Civilitys.b I am asham’d I cannot send you the Observation I promisd you about white Blood: But the Physitian from whom I exspect the particulars is soe honest a man & soe much my Freind, that I am confident nothing but want of memory or multitude of Busenes has made him worse then his Word, & that when /86 (1)v/ I see him agen he will performe his promise.c And to pay you Forbearance-mony in the meane time I shall acquaint you that two ‹very› Ingenious men Dr Clark & Dr Lower, the former once professor of Anatomy, & the latter knowne by Dr Willis’s Anatome Cerebri, they were pleasd to give me accounts of a pretty odd kind of observation.d One of them assuring mee that he had severall times in the Lungs of Sheep found1 considerable Quantity of grasse in the very Branches of the Aspera Arteria & the other relating to mee, that a few weekes since He & a Couple of Physitians (whom he namd to me) were invited to looke upon an Oxe, that had for 2 or 3 days almost continually held his neck streight up & was dead of a Desease the Owner could not Conjecture at where upon the2 parts belonging to the Neck & Throat being opened, they found to their Wonder, the Aspera Arteria in its very trunck all stuffd with grasse, is if it had been /85 (2)/ thrust there by maine force which gives a just cause of Marveiling & inquiring, both how such a Quantity of grasse should get in there, & how being there such an Animall, could live with it soe long.e Dr Lower & I have been a For Edward Pococke see above, p. 53n. The late 17th century was a period of confusion and civil war among the sharifian tribes who ruled Mecca under the over-lordship of the Ottoman empire. b See above, p. 488. c Boyle promised to send Oldenburg observations on blood with milk in it in his letter of 8 July 1665, see above, p. 496. The physician in question is probably Richard Lower, for whom see above, p. 1n. d This is probably Henry Clerke (c. 1622–87), an Oxford M.A. and MD, who in 1657 was appointed deputy lecturer on anatomy. He became F.C.P. in 1658 and F.R.S. in 1667. e This account is printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665),100–1 (no. 6 for 6 Nov 1665). See also Works, vol. 5, pp. 100–1.

497

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

repeating an Experiment to satisfie others rather then ourselves of the Truth of what I was relating at Gresham College when I was saying That I had observd that if the Thorax were sufficiently layd upon the Lungs though unhurt would not play.a But an Account of This the want of Time will not permit his annexing in this paper, that remains Sir your Very Affectionate Freind &3 Servant. Ro: Boyle

These To my much Esteemd / Freind Henery Oldenburg Esquire secretary to the Royall / Society Present At his house in the pell- /mell near St. James’s London

Seal: Broken seal. Top half of shield and crest visible. Shield: castle tower. Crest: oval. Postmark: ‘IV / 24’. Also marked alongside address ‘post paid 2d’. Endorsed at head of 86 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl.2.p’ and ‘63’[?].b

KATHERINE JONES, LADY RANELAGH, to BOYLE

29 July 1665

From the original in BL 5, fols 11–12. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 559–60 and Birch (ed.) Works (1772), vi, 525–6.

Lees July the 29thc I had, My Brother Rambeled soe farr before I was aware, in to other matters. In my last to you That I had not left my selfe, time or rome, to mention what I chiefely dessigned, & which I Could not therefore endure to mention, en passant, My satisfaction In heareing you had neere finished your treatise of, Substantial Formes, a

This experiment is discussed in Lower’s De corde (1669). On 86 (2)v there are scribblings in an unknown hand: ‘quanquam fando qu talia fando quis quis is is is is / 246 + 64 [followed by 2 deleted] / 44 / CqMB / quanquam’. c Evidently Lady Ranelagh was staying at Leese Priory in Essex, the home of her sister Mary, Countess of Warwick, to escape the plague in London. b

498

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 29 July 1665

which will yet soe much further Explicate your notion, of figures & texture as to help the considering part of mankind, to a cleerer prospect into this greate frame of the visible world, & therein of the power & wisedome of its great maker, than the rough draughts1 wherein it has heatherto been represented In the Ignorant & whole sale philosophie, that has soe long, by the power of an Implicite fayth in the Doctrine of Aristotle & the Schooles, gonn currant in the world, has ever binn able to assist them towards,a And I am not a litle delighted to find, that your discourse of the Excellency of devinetie wilbe finished about the same time since that wil make it apparantly2 come from one who chusses it not for the best because he knows litle besides, but from one who from a general knowledg of other things has upon deliberation chosen to give that the preheminence off them all, which may very probabely invite men to Consider it seriously who have upon a presumption of their other learneing esteemed themselves Intitled to neglect or oposse that.b /fol. 11v/ Though you tell me not who objected against your writing Occasionall Meditations because you have named me who encourages you to write more of them I dare venture to lay my Credit with you, that you yourselfe doe thinke, your celebrater as Competent a Judg in such cases as your Exceptions Maker, And I think the very objections, with the reasons of it, are a strong argument against its selfe & shews its made out of feare that such things written by a philosopher may doe that good in the world, that the objector (who I presume pretends3 to be one himselfe, because hee would think, being soe, sets a man above making a use of the creatures with refference to the glory of the Creator, or to beget Ingenious & gratefull thoughts in the harts of men towards him) would have donn, & therefore decrys it for its meannes whilst he dares not looke at the light it breaks out with least that should make him out of love with himselfe.c This makes me hope you wil not give such persons as prevayleing a power over your thoughts as you did Sir Petter over your discourse of the Scriptures, to cut them off from being published for the further good of those who owne themselves to be benifited by those you have already published but that since you are not to be suspected ‹able› to keepe from makeing occasional meditations upon a subject soe plentyfully affording you matter for them.d As the great /fol. 12/ Judgment now in this nation, & the effects it has already produced therein, you wil not be soe uncharitable as to keepe them to yourselfe, since the general feare struck by this Plauge into al sorts of people, does surely prepare the harts wherein it lodges with less resistance to heare of a a

Lady Ranelagh’s last letter to Boyle is not extant. The reference is to Boyle’s Forms and Qualities (1666); see Works, vol. 5. The title ‘An examen of the origine (and doctrine) of substantial formes. As it is wont to be taught by the Peripateticks’ is not in the 1st edition, but appears in the 2nd edition of 1667. b This is a reference to Boyle’s Excellency of Theology, which was not in fact published until 1674; see Works vol. 8. c Critics of Boyle’s Occasional Reflections (1665) are mentioned above, p. 486. d i.e., Sir Peter Pett, for whom see above, p. 367n. Lady Ranelagh refers to his treatment of Style of the Scriptures; see Works, vol. 2, p. xxvi.

499

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

God & the things of another life than before that preparation they would have binn apt to have heard them with. & since it may also wel be supposed that many who find that feare disquieting enough strive to free themselves from that, by endeavouring against thinking at all because they know not how to begin soe to think, as by thinking to get themselves relieved from the torments their feares bring them, or those everlasting ones which bring their feares upon them, upon the aproach of that disease that scatters death soe plentyfully round about them which they know sends into eternetie,a How obligeingly then might you teach such to help themselves in soe great a distress by reading your refflections on the grounds of their feares; without finding therein any perticular reprooffe adressed to themselves that might arme them with offence against all the good advice given thereupon, & In shewing them there how those who are prepared for death Can entertaine themselves upon the aproaches of it as rational & pious persons, takeing in as wel Comforts as Cautions to themselves, from both those principles upon the most Mortall occasions; & to find things Indeed donn Chookes all objections against attempting to doe the same things that /fol. 12v/ Can be rayssed upon the pretence of the Impossibiletie of doeing them & the beleeffe of a possibiletie of effecting things soe Conduceive to mens present peace & eternal Securetie as to be rendered hurt free (though not shot free) from death darts must be a very strong Ingagement to men to sett themselves diligently & resolutely to make that attainment their owne, Now pray doe not daube your owne Conscience for you wil never stop my Nor many more mouths with your allowable reasons knowne to yourself & producible ‹to› noe body else against soe seasonable & assisting a worke of mercy. but ‹tacke›4 up your pappers & adde these to the rest you Confest lay ready by you when you published the last & let us have the second edition to helpe the people to spend a fast day devotely & unwearyedly.5b I send you here the receipt I promised you in my last of which I long for an answere as to the inviteing part (here we wil help you to tacke up & transcripe)c Our palsey Balsumm, does wonders here & god does noe less than wonderfully In preserveing al these parts heatherto from infection though Crips Jealousy is very Instrumentally active towards it. al the ladys, the Countess & my girles are your Servants & I with great syncerety & Intyrenesd Yours K R a

For the spread of the plague see above, p. 480n. The 2nd edition of Occasional Reflections was published in 1669, but it has no additional content. c For Lady Ranelagh’s last letter to Boyle see p. 499 above. The letter to which Lady Ranelagh refers is not extant. d The reference is to a balsam against palsy. It is clear from Lady Ranelagh’s letter to Boyle of 9 Sept. 1665 that Crip is a servant either of Lady Ranelagh’s, or of the household at Leese Priory. For Mary, Countess of Warwick, see above, p. 87n. For Lady Ranelagh’s daughter, Frances, see above, p. 41n. Her other daughters were Catherine (1633–75) and Elizabeth. b

500

CHAMBERLAYNE

to BOYLE, 5 Aug. 1665

Endorsed at the top of fol. 11 by Miles ‘1665’ and with Miles’s ink number ‘No III’.

WILLIAM CHAMBERLAYNEa to BOYLE

5 August 1665

From the original in BL 2, fols 1–2. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Honoured Sir Sir St John Broderick, A gentleman whome I presume you are not unaquainted with ariveing latelie heare out of Ireland with an intent to drink some of the minerall waters this1 land afordes, hath accidentalie fixt on those neare the towne of Shafsburie in dorsetshire, into the nature of which he being informd you have made some inspection, he desiers2 (as the most competent judge) your opinion of theyr vertues, as allso whether they may be convenient in his present distemper, which according to the best collection I could make from his owne discoverie, may be thus brieflie stated.b About the beginning of Februarie last (after many preparative inconveniencies of the preceding part of winter) by first taking A surfet of flesh not thoroughlie readie, he was surprized with A more then ordinarie imbecillitie of his stomack, which his3 phisitian indeavord to ease with administring Pilulae Ruffiinae stomachicalie and other heating medicines, both as to evacuation and corroborating, by the over frequent use of which he falls into A great tension of the hypocondries, with A violent paine in the left side, which the Doctor apprehending to be A collection of matter tending to impostumation, he was advised to bleed in the arme, and at three severall times lost more then 3 xxx [30 ounces], from which larg evacuation he found rather an increase then diminution of his distemper, togeather with A continued series of troublesom cardialgiæs, rheumatismes, palpitations of the hart with other the most usuall concomitants of hypocondriacal distempers, he falls into A slowe feaver, which thowgh it had its exacerbations everie day, did by its attending symptomes discover it self rather A dowble tertian then A quotidian, thowgh it seemes both his phisitians (for he had then advised with another) were of an opinion it was an ephemera plurium dierum,c After his bleeding allso, which was in March and Aprill last, his feaverish distemper being over, he was often troubled with violent shakeings and as it were convulsive motions in the externall parts proceeding (as I conceive) from A scorbutick taint of his blood, whoes saline a b c

William Chamberlayne (1619–89), poet and physician. Chamberlayne possibly refers to Sir John Broderick (fl. 1665–85). ‘a short-term fever of several days’.

501

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

particles not admitting an asimilation of the succus nutritius,a through A defitiencie of the pneumatosis converted into that ichorous matter, which (nature abhouring so unwelcome A guhest) yet not able wholie to expell it, sent into the musculous parts, where by vellicating the fibers of the nerves, they caused these tremblings: His urine is most commonlie crude with ‹an›4 aboundance of farinaceous sediment, which thowgh himself asures me often varies its colour, I have not yet on severall inspections found otherwayes then verie white, appearing as A part of the unconcocted chile, which the5 acid salts the blood is overmuch saturated ‹with› before it can be assimilated ether to make A proper vehicle for the spirits, or A supplie /fol. 1v/ for the succus nutritius, precipitates into the emulgent vessells, in which cource, sometimes restagnating as is discoverable by A limpid urine, it then acumulating it self in the viscera subservient to the first and second concoctions, makes ‹his›6 distemper greater then at other times. Haveing gave your honour this meane discoverie, I shall onlie (by my patients desier) put you to the farther trouble of in requesting your opinion, and directions, in the cource as to the thereputick part, you think fitt to be taken. I not haveing time for larger preparation, gave onlie A gentle lenitive the night before he first took the waters which was on friday last. That of Marget mash which purges onlie by stoole he begun with, which may in probabilitie in some measure supplie the defect of A larger preparation, they passing verie well with him, as to 6: 7: or 8 stooles in A day. When he takes those that are onlie diurettick (his often unsuccessfull use of them makeing him abominate all sorts of purges,) I think once in 4 or 5 dayes to give A clister, I allso designe the opening the hemorhoides, the obstruction of which (for they used to flowe naturalie at spring and fall) happening sometime before his first falling ill, may be well reckond as an ante cedent cause of most of his present distempers, I have allso advised to an issue in the left leg, which7 with such A cource of diet as may be apperative, and such medicines as may corrobarate the weakned viscera, is all I yet think fitt to be done. But8 what soever your honour shall farther advise, shall with all diligence see performd, and in the meane time subscribe my self, Shaftsburie in the Countie of Dorset August the 5th 1665

Sir Your honours most humble servant Will Chamberlayne

Many of those symptomes mentiond in this description, as A confirmd hemicrania,9 ‹looseness of teeth›, ulcers, or spots in the legs, or any of the extream parts, Sir St John hath never been troubled with, his description rather10 apearing to be aplied to the scurvie in generall, then to his patient in perticuler, I sawe this inclosed paper since the wrighting my letter. a

‘nutritive juice’.

502

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 6 Aug. [1665]

For the honourable Robert Boile Esqr

6 August [1665]a

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

From the original in BL 5, fols 15–16. 4o/2 Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 558–9 and Birch (ed.) Works (1772), vi, 524–5.

I am glad My Brother to heare you goe on to mend dayly in matter of your health but sorry to find you are not yet quite recovered to your former state therein, if Our reports doe not speake louder than truth gives them leave to doe; god has againe put a new band of mercy upon this poore nation to draw it to him selfe. but for ought I heare we are like to make our returnes as disingenious towards him for this deliverance of the many preceeding ones that hee has afforded us. which makes me feare that ene our blessings wil prove bitternes to us in the end, I congratulate with you the happyeness god has given you In makeing the Imployments of your health such as you may seasonablely & comfortablely review & Continue in the times of your sicknes. the raretie of the mercy that brings any one to that Course of life /fol. 15v/ highly recommends it to your valew & gratetude, for most people doe soe live as to leave themselves noe better hope for their death beds: than that thereon they may by repentance undoe al they have binn doeing in their way theather. Wheather the Domminion1 you are recommending to men wil take soe much with them to rayse their Ambitions towards its attainment as that they most Commonly persue with much more paines: I know not & much doubt the worst. but Certainely its most likely the best way of Mans ruleing the Creatures is by his Imploying those faculties to that purpose which god himselfe has fitted In their Imployment to make him able to doe, so, & those are his rational ones whereby as he may discover the properties & uses of other things soe he may chuse to aply them thereby to their proper ends. the service & Instruction of mankind, but swords & gunns /fol. 16/ are taken upon the word [of the great]2 destroyer to be more suteable meanes to that end & used, accordingly, though we dayly see that by that way of overcomeing we spoyle what we should governe, Your nameing Oxford to me as free from infection makes me feare you may have some thoughts of goeing theather. which if you have I shal much more repent my not staying with you yet dare not persuade against it. because I assure my selfe you are carryed theather in persute of aymes that I would a The year to which this letter should be assigned is confirmed by its reference to the Great Plague, which continued to spread in Aug. 1665.

503

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

rather excite than obstruct you in. but I earnestly petition if you have, that you would before you goe give me warneing enough to make you a visit for I have now got a lodging at Newington greene,a which3 misses Illnes for 2 or 3 days has binn pretty violent. though now turned into an ague at present keeps from being used by Yours affectionately, Lees the 6th of Agustb

K.R.

The Ladys here present you services My girles are your humble servants For my Deare Brother Mr / Robert Boyle / These Endorsed in a seventeenth-century hand at head of fol. 15 ‘Lady Ranalagh Aug: 6: 1664 or 5’.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

6 August 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 87. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 453 and 496–7.

Oxford Aug 6th 1665 Sir The News you were pleasd to write me concerning the Parlement of Paris, & the Bishop of Munster agrees very well with that which I receivd at the same Time from my Lord Hartingtons Secretary who was here on Munday last, & by some Letters lately receivd from Paris from Dr Wren & others, wee make ourselves belive that the Breach among the Catholicks is more like to be widend then to be made up.c There is a Gentleman of Quality in this Towne, who seemes to be a man of a

Boyle was to use this residence himself in the mid-1660s. For the company at Leese Priory and Lady Ranelagh’s daughters, see above, p. 500. c Oldenburg’s letter referred to here is not extant. The news from France evidently was on the subject of the futile attempt by the parlement of Paris to resist domination by the king. Its members tried to refuse to register several edicts presented in 1665, but without any real success. Christoph Bernhard Galen (1606–78), bishop of Munster, declared war on the United Provinces on 14 Sept. 1665. His forces invaded Gelderland and took Lochem and other places by the end of the month. The advance was only stopped by French intervention in favour of the Dutch. It is not clear who Boyle refers to in the words ‘Lord Hartington’s Secretary’. Christopher Wren was studying French architecture in Paris. He left England in July and returned in early 1666. b

504

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 6 Aug. 1665

parts, & who having been borne, & for the most part bred in Italy is likely to give a good Account of the Roman Affairs, & these according to his Relations are not like to be managd with all the Wisdome & Moderation imaginable, but he commends the Pope in his Naturall Capacity, for a vicelesse, & a freindly man, though not free from an unwonted degree of Vanity.a I have not been very well this weeke, but yet I have not forborne to read over my Hydrostaticall Paradoxes, in order to the /87 (1)v/ fitting them for the Presse, when there shall be Occasion1 to publish them & the like service I have ‹been› doeing to the Discourse of the Origine of forms & Qualitys which possibly will not be unacceptable to the Generallity of Inquisitive Readers, thô I confesse it is some discouragement to the publication of that Treatise, that in case it come abroad in English any considerable time before it be ready to be publishd in Latine, divers of the Experiments which possibly will appear new & somewhat Curious, may be, (with2 or without a litle variation) adopted & divulgd by others.b I was awhile since visited by a Gentleman, who tells me that he met with a place in these parts of England, where though there be noe petrifying spring (for that I particularly askd) wood is turnd into stone in the sandy Earth itselfe, after a better manner then by any waters I have yet seene.c For I had the Curiosity to goe to looke upon peices of wood he brought thence, & hopd3 for the opportunity of makeing some Tryalls to examine that matter a litle further, then yet I have been able to doe. We have also been makeing some Experiments of the poison drawne from Tobacco at which I was not displeasd,d but I cannot now stay to set Them downe & therefore must conclude this Letter as soone as I have returnd you my4 humble thanks for the favour of yours, which I have the greater Inducement to doe because that they bring me assurances of the Writers safty, which as it is ‹very› much desird by soe the Knowldge of it cannot but be very wellcome to Sir Your Very Affectionate Freind & very humble servant Ro. Boyle

a The Italian mentioned here is probably Count Carlo Ubaldini, Tuscan nobleman and F.R.S. See below, p. 507. b For Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666), see Works, vol. 5, p. 189ff. His Forms and Qualities (1666), was completed by Nov. 1665. The Latin edition did not in fact appear until 1669. See also Works, vol. 5, pp. xxix–xxx. c This gentleman has not been identified. d A series of experiments on the effect of ‘oil of tobacco’ upon various animals had been performed at the Society’s meetings in the spring of 1665.

505

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

These To my highly Esteemd Freind Henery Oldenburge Secretary to the Royall Society / Present At his house in the pell-mell near St. James’s / London Seal: Oval. Man with balding hair, hooked nose. Perhaps a Roman emperor. Postmark: ‘AV / 7’. Also marked alongside address ‘post paid 2d’. Endorsed at head of 87 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl’. Endorsed on 87 (2)v by Oldenburg: ‘wood turnd into Stone’.a

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

10 August 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 32. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 332, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 189–91 and Oldenburg, ii, 457.

a In addition on 87 (2), there is the following extract by Oldenburg, evidently taken from a letter he had received from John Beale of 4 Sept. 1665 (see below, p. 522, and also Oldenburg, ii, 496–7): ‘L. Col. Val. Gratrix hath form[erly] assumed to himself the healing of all diseases and has done very much good to several person, but he has confessed that formerly he did use charmes, and tis knowne, that he did likewise study magick, but as he now sais, he makes use of neither. his manner is, of stroaking them with his hand on their bare skins extraordinarily hard and with as much peine to himself as the patient and so drives the distemper from place to place following it untill either it evacuate out of the posteriors or the eares or the mouth, several persons of this place have been with him some are the better some the worse, and those that pretend themselves heald of their lamenes are to us[?] so still and yet have no pein at all. Sir Thomas Daniers lady was troubled with the dropsy, and extraordinarily healed, but I am apt to believe, that the jogging of the coach 28 miles in the country was as great a means of the cure as his violent stroaking her naked belly, but perhaps the continuance of his warm hand on a ladies belly for 14 days together with a strong [?] might do much, but befor she was absolutely curd, he was summond before the consistory of Lismor, and being examind by what authority he did undertake thos things, he answerd, he and none but only his own strong imagination, whereupon Dean Gore indicted him and he gave his security not to proceed any further.19 Reports are here that he is now sent for the [sic] the Lord deputy of the Kingdom to cure persons of quality which if he dos, I shal give you an account thereof, several diseases he cannot cure, but these that he [is] generally reported good at, is the pox, Scorbut, and witherd limbs, he has attempted the Blind and to raise the dead, but faild, any woman with child presently miscarries at his first touch, which he cannot prevent, and therefor give them notice, I see nothing to increase my faith in this particular but charmes.’ There is also a memorandum in an 18th-century hand: ‘wood petrified in sandy Earth, without a petrifying Spring: advice of Experiments on the pocion of Tobacco, & on his Tract of Origine of forms & qualities.’

506

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Aug. 1665

London Aug. 10. 65. Sir, The Italian Gentleman ‹now at Oxford,› whom you hint to me in the favor of your last, I am, I think, not unknowne to. I guesse,’tis Signor Ubaldini, a Nobleman of Tuscany, a late protestant proselyte, of good naturall and acquired parts, as far as I have been able to discerne by the small acquaintance, I had with1 him, when he was at London.a He is indeed, as you say, very likely to give a good account of the Roman affairs, if his change have not cutt off that entercourse, whereby he might be enabled to doe so; the considerablest transactions there, being falne out, I think, since he left that Contry. The last Parisian letters relate this of it:b Nous sommes tousjours mal avec le Pape. On combat son infallibilité (this will please Mr White as much, as any Protestant) autant bien et avec autant de vigueur qu’il est possible. Le Parlement et la Sorbonne dans cete rencontre agissent de concert, et font leur devoir.c Je vous diray ce que produira leur union. On inprimera un Traitté de Mr Talon (the French king’s Sollicitor Generall) sur ce sujet que [je]2 vous envoyeray, quand je pourray.d Je ne trouve personne (so he goes on upon another occasion) qui aille en Angleterre, et je ne scay, comment vous envoyer ce que je vous ay promis. Monsieur Petit m’a demandé, si je ne pourrois pas vous faire tenir son livre dela Comete, mais je luy ay dit, que je ne scavois personne, qui passast la mer.e De Luy, et Messieurs Auzout, Martel, Thevenot, et de tous ceux, qu’ont l’honneur de vous conoitre (thus he complements) j’ay ordre de vous exhorter à sortir de Londres, le danger a

See above, p. 505n. ‘We are in bad odour with the Pope. His infallibility is being attacked…as thoroughly and with as much vigour as possible. The Parlement and the Sorbonne are acting together in this affair and doing their duty. I shall tell you the result of their union. A treatise by Mr Talon…is about to be printed; when I can, I shall send it to you. ‘I find no one going to England,…so I do not know how to send you what I promised. Mr Petit has asked me if I couldn’t send you his book on the comet, but I told him that I knew of no one who was crossing the Channel. Du Luy, Messrs Auzout, Martel, Thevenot, and all those who have the honour to know you…have commanded me to urge you to leave London, the danger being too great. A person of, etc., ought not to risk and expose [himself] to so great a peril. You will think about this, and preserve yourself for your own sake and that of your friends.’ c Louis XIV’s relations with Alexander VII had been far from conciliatory, he had occupied Avignon in 1662, and forced another humiliation on the Pope in 1664. However, Louis had been compelled to seek Alexander’s assistance in bringing the recalcitrant Jansenists to submission. Accordingly the Bull Regiminis apostolici was issued on 15 Feb. 1665. This Bull, in turn, proved highly distasteful to the Parlement of Paris, in which Alexander had not lost the opportunity to set the position of the Papacy at a high level. Thomas White (1593–1676), an English Catholic who had taught at Douai but later settled in England, was for a time an outspoken critic of the doctrine of papal infallibility. d Denis Talon (1628–98), conseiller d’Etat, procureur-général (1661), tended to support the Jansenists. However, no publication at this point is assigned to him. e The reference is to Pierre Petit, Dissertation sur la nature des comètes (1665). b

507

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

estant par trop grand.a Une personne de etc. ne doit pas hazardee et exposeé à un peril si grand. Vous y songerez, et vous conserverez pour vous et pour vos amis. /32 (1)v/ This kindnes, expressed in the last period, did somewhat surprise me, not thinking, the French had been guilty of ‹that3 quality in› so high a degree. I am likewise much obliged to ‹you,› Sir, for your favor of interessing yourselfe, as you were pleased to shew4 ‹it› in your last, in my health; which I shall endeavor, if the Lord shall think good to continue it, to employ with as much zele for your service, as for myselfe.b But to returne to the matters of that French letter; it gives me the following Extract of a Burning-Glas, made, it seems, at Lyons, which I intreat, Sir, you would please to compare with your owne, that I have heard you commend, if I remember well, for burning pieces of Silver; and haveing compared this description with the best effects of yours, to acquaint me with the difference, and in particular with those, that concerne the dimensions. If I find, that the Glasses, we have of this kind in England, doe not yet approach in goodnes to that, here described, I may, I think, in my next Transactions insert it, if God give me life;c and if you find it so too, I shall5 doe well, I think, not to anticipate the printing thereoff by ‹other› multiplied communications. It is verbatim, as follows.d Lugduni 18 julii, 1665 De efficacia speculi Domine Vilette, vera omnia perscripserat D.P. Bertet.e Vidimus effectum repetitis vicibus, mane, meridie, à meridie, semper efficacissimè urit et fundit et liquat objecta quævis, paucissimis certè6 exceptis. Nobis præsentibus eliquavit argentum (une piece de 15 sols) Cuprum (un Liard)f Orichalcum, frusta lebetis ferrei fusi, minuta frusta Chalybis, capita minora clavorum ferreorum; nam a

For Adrien Auzout see above, p. 85n.; for Jean Pierre Martel see above, p. 85n.; and for Melchisèdec Thevenot see above, p. 488n. ‘Du Luy’ is possibly Charles Honoré de Chevreure (1646– 1712), Duc de Luynes, who had visited England in 1663. b Presumably Oldenburg refers to Boyle’s letter of 6 Aug. 1665 (above, pp. 504–5). c François Villette (1621–98), specialised in making large burning mirrors. An account of Villette’s mirror is printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 95–8 (no. 6 for 6 Nov. 1665). Oldenburg’s correspondent was Henri Justel, for whom see above, p. 482n. d Justel received this information from Lyons on 18 July 1665. As with almost all the early letters written by Justel to Oldenburg the original has disappeared, perhaps because Oldenburg sent the letters to someone else interested in their political news. ‘Lyons, 18 July 1665. As for the efficacy of Mr Vilette’s mirror, everything that Mr Bertet has written about it is true. We examined its effects several times, in the morning, at noon, and in the afternoon. It always burned things most effectively, melting and liquefying any object with very few exceptions. In our presence it melted silver (a 15 sous coin), copper (a liard), brass, bits of a cast iron kettle, small bits of steel, heads of small iron nails; for it does not otherwise melt iron wrought by the e f

Jean Bertet (1622–92), a Jesuit, who taught in Lyons from 1663–5. i.e., one quarter of a sou.

508

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Aug. 1665

ferrum à fabris cusum aliàs non, aut ægre, liquat: sed calcinat vitrum, saxa ædificiorum (quæ in vitrum, fundendo, redegit, sicut et ossa animalium) etiam Vitrum ab utraque parte politum eliquavit, quia pori ejus strictiores, quàm ut radios à speculo reflexos simul exciperent: candelam avendit promptissimè, /32 (2)/ baculos crassos ligneos7 momento inflammat jucundo spectaculo; Radius speculi est pedum 4, et pollicum 8; focus, pedum 2, et 4 pollicum; diameter circumferentiæ, pedum 2, pollicum 6 et linearum circiter 2; speculo etiam à parte convexa politum cernitur; sed rectiùs ab ea politura abstinuisset artifex ob foramina quadam et hiatus, exteriorem faciem non nihil deformantes, quanquam et hoc nihil detrahat perfectione speculi concavi. Speculum ipsum jam est cum suo pedamento absolutum, æstimatur 150 aureis Ludoviciis. Sir, I rejoyce very much, to understand, that you have two such excellent subjects ready again for the Presse; and I hope, that this extraordinary Calamitous season will not prouve a reall discouragement for the future.a I assure you, I have done my part, both as to the Translation of the Thermometricall [pi]ece,8 and to the pressing of Mr Crook to have it dispatched.b But the interrupting of ‹the› Correspondence with Holland ‹on one hand,› and this sad visitation, on the other, hath disappointed all, for the present. I have begin [sic] to translate the Body itself of the History of Cold; and what you shall think good to commit hereafter, when it can be done with more safety than [now],9 to my hands, concerning the Hydrostaticks and the Forms, either for the printing, or translating, or both, I shall, God [willing]10 study to serve you in, with the best of my power.c I have now putt all my ‹litle› affairs and ‹my› papers in order, severing what belongs to the R[oyal] Society, to yourself, ‹and› to Mr Dury’s child and estate,d smith, but it calcines glass and building stone (which it turns to glass by melting, and so it does the bones of animals); and it melted glass polished on both sides, because its pores are too narrow to catch the rays reflected from the mirror. It lighted a candle very quickly, and thick sticks of wood which it set afire in a moment made a pretty sight. The radius of the mirror is 4 feet 8 inches and the focus is at 2 feet 4 inches. The diameter is 2 feet 6 inches and about 2 lines; the mirror was also found to be polished on the convex side, though the workman would have done better to have left it alone because of some pits and cavities rather defacing the exterior surface, not that these in any way detract from the perfection of the concave surface. The mirror itself is now finished on its stand; it is valued at 150 Louis d’or.’ a Oldenburg refers to Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666) and Forms and Qualities (1666), for which see Works, vol. 5, pp. 189ff. and 281ff. He also refers to the plague. b John Crook was Boyle’s London printer. Oldenburg refers to one of the sections for the proposed Latin edition of Cold. c Oldenburg began the translation of Hydrostatical Paradoxes in Nov. 1665, but the edition was not printed until 1669. The Latin edition of Forms and Qualities also appeared in 1669, although Oldenburg was not involved in its translation. For the non-publication of the Latin edition of Cold see above, p. 391n. Oldenburg alludes to the Anglo–Dutch war of 1665–7 and the disruption to business in London caused by the plague. d Dora Katherina (1652 or 1654–77), was entrusted to the care of Oldenburg and his wife after the death of Mrs Dury in the spring of 1664.

509

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

‹etc.› from mine owne, ‹and› intending,11 if the hand of the Almighty should visit me with others, at the very beginning of my indisposition to have those books and papers (and particularly yours, and my translations concerning you) conveighed to a healthy place, and ‹so› to recommend them ‹there,› that in case of the like accident to them, they would take the like care for these things.a /32 (2)v/ I am very well pleased with the Observation about the Wood’s being petrified in Sandy Earth; and I humbly thank you for the communication thereoff. I doubt not, but you will gett a full proof concerning the matter of fact, and then give me leave to insert it in my Transactions, if I live to print any more.b I wonder, whether those Experiments, you mention to have made with the poyson drawne from Tobacco, agree with those, that were made at Gresham, and by Mr Daniel Coxe.c I see, I have no more paper left, than is necessary for folding up this letter; wherefore ’tis time to say, what I am really Sir your faithfull humble servant, H. O.

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxfordd

Seal: Black wax; damaged example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Postmark: ‘AV / 20’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 32 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXXII’. Endorsed on 32 (2)v with Birch number ‘No . 32’. The manuscript contains printers’ marks.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

12 August 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 88. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 475. a Oldenburg had earlier expressed his fears for his safety in the light of the spread of the plague in London, and his desire to organise his papers and those of the Royal Society, in case he should be taken ill; see above, p. 488. b See above, p. 505. These observations were printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 101–2, (no. 6 for 6 Nov 1665). c The reference is to Daniel Coxe (1640–1730), F.R.S. Mar. 1665, MD Cambridge, 1669. His major scientific interest was chemistry. For the experiments with tobacco see above, p. 505. d For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

510

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 12 Aug. 1665

Aug: 12th 1665 Sir I am sorry, that in returne of your long ‹Letter,› I must make you an Apology for sending you but a short Answer, but this I am reduc’d to doe by the visits I have receivd (in spight of a declard designe of being private to write Letters) not only this Evening but till almost Ten this Night.a However I cannot but acknowledge, both the wellcome news you send me of your owne health, (whose continuance I heartily wish as well as your Freinds doe at Paris) & for the Provident care you we [sic] pleas’d to take of my Papers, & other concernes, though I hope that care will rather prove obleiging in your Designe, then seasonable as to Events.b We have been, though much diverted, yet willing to prosecute a litle the Experiment /88 (1)v/ of the oyle of Tobacco, which wee shall if God permit carry on a litle further. In the meane time we have found it able to poison some poisonous Creatures, & as for the spirit of Asafœtida I could not find it to be at all an Antidote against the oyle I here made, but another spirit of our owne præparing seemd to be effectuall enough. But of these things more perhaps hereafter. Your mention of Mr Daniel Coxe makes me desirous to know whether you keep any correspondence with him, or can at least direct Mr Hatherton how to convay1 Letters from mee to him. c As for you [sic] desires concerning the burning-glasse, it is a great while since I have had occasion to make any use of mine: But upon your commands I intend to take it out, & measure it againe, but this I can tell you at present that the Speculum mentiond by your Freind is much larger then mine, & therefore is probably able to performe divers2 things that mine will not; but I think the price it is held at, to be extravagant enough & I must tell you that ev’n your Freind’s is far from being of the biggest that have been3 made, for the famous Maginus made severall seizes bigger (of which there are yet at Rome,) & especially4 one sort, that dos farr more exceed your Freinds, then his dos myne.d But I judge this subject important enough to be mentioned when I shall have more roome & Time then this late hower of the night, & the short remaines of this paper will afford to Sir Your very Affectionate humble Servant Ro: Boyle a

Boyle refers to Oldenburg’s letter of 10 Aug. 1665, above, pp. 506–10. For Oldenburg’s concerns to organise his papers and those of the Royal Society see above, p. 488. c For the experiments with tobacco see above, p. 505n. For Daniel Coxe see above, p. 510n. Mr Hatherton has not been identified, but appears to have been an intermediary used by Boyle and Oldenburg. d For Villette’s burning mirror see above, p. 508n. Giovanni Antonio Magini (1555–1617), an astronomer, was professor of mathematics at Bologna, and a competitor for the chair at Padua secured by Galileo. b

511

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

These To my highly Esteemd / Freind Henery Oldenburg Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society Present At his house in the Pell-mell near St James’s / London

Seal: Oval. Initials ‘I.M.’ separated by branch. Postmark: ‘AV / 14’. Also marked after address ‘post paid 2d’. Endorsed at head of 88 (1): ‘Entered in LB. Suppl’. a The first two sentences on the recto and the sentence about Coxe on the verso have a vertical line through them.

HOOKE to BOYLE

15 August 1665

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 544. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 502–3 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 249–50.

Aug. 15, 1665. Most honoured Sir, I HAVE not since the receiving of your letter, had the opportunity of sending to Mr. Oldenburg, to learn from him the account of the experiment, which you were pleased to mention in it.b I have longed very much to be satisfied concerning it, as believing it very considerable. I have made trial since I came hither, by weighing in the manner, as Dr. Power pretends to have done, a brass weight both at the top, and let down to the bottom of a well about eighty foot deep, but contrary to what the doctor affirms.c I find not the least part of a grain difference in a weight of half a pound between the top and bottom. And I desire to try that and several other experiments in a well of threescore fathom deep, without any water in it, which is very hard by us. One of our quadrants does to admiration for taking angles, so that thereby we are able from hence to tell the true distance between Paul’s and any other church or steeple in the city, that is here visible, within the quantity of twelve foot, which is more than is possible to be done by the most accurate instrument, a There is also a memorandum in Oldenburg’s hand on 88 (2)v, possibly representing the subjects in Boyle’s letter of which he wished to make note, or to which he hoped to respond. The memorandum reads ‘Non answer to Gas[?] / Ox[ford] Answer to Burn glas [followed by ‘and to’ deleted]’. See above, p. 511. b Boyle’s letter to Hooke is not extant. The experiment in question is possibly those on tobacco, for which see above, p. 505n. c For Henry Power see above, p. 51n. Presumably Hooke refers to Power’s Experimental Philosophy (1664).

512

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Aug. 1665

or the most exact way of measuring distances. The other, which is yours, I hope within a day or two to perfect it, so as to go much beyond the other for exactness, of which I may give you an account as soon as I have tried. There happened lately a pretty odd accident: A very young and seemingly healthy gentlewoman by drinking the Epsom waters, and afterwards giving her young child (not yet much above a quarter old) suck, found, to her extreme sorrow, that though the waters did not at all work with her, yet that so wrought on the sucking child, that it fell into a most violent looseness and griping, which within three days killed it.a I made last night also a pretty odd discovery of a new kind of shining animals, whose blood, or juices, did shine more bright than the tail of a glow-worm, when the candle was put out. I have nothing more to add, but that I am, Most honoured Sir, your most faithful, and most humble servant, R. HOOKE. THERE is somewhat above thirty shillings due to Mr. Thompson. I have forgot the particular sum, but if I misremember not, it was thirty two shillings:b but as for Mr. Faithorne, I never made any bargain for more than twelve pound, nor did he at first mention any more of me.c If you have any further commands, you may send it thither by the post, I suppose, if not to be left for me at Gresham college, from whence I receive letters usually once a week. I am still at Durdens, my lord Berkley’s house near Epsom, where Dr. W. only remains, Sir W. P. being gone to Salisbury.d My service, I beseech you, Sir, to Mr. Crosse and his lady, and to Dr. Lower, if in Oxford.e

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

24 August 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 33. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 333, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772) vi, 191–2 and Oldenburg, ii, 480–2.

a

The spring waters from Epsom, Surrey, were widely drunk during this period. For Anthony Thompson see above, p. 440n. c For William Faithorne see above, p. 304n. d For the residence of Hooke, Wilkins (‘Dr. W.’) and Petty (‘Sir W. P.’) at the home of George (1628–98), Lord Berkeley, statesman and F.R.S., see above, p. 488n. For Hooke’s residence at Gresham College see above, p. 324n. e For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. His wife is not otherwise known. For Richard Lower see above, p. 1n. b

513

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

London Aug. 24. 1665. Sir, After such long letters of mine, ‹lately› thronging in upon you, I thought it but fitt to give you a litle respitt, and to promise you shorter ones hereafter.a I cannot but returne you my humble thanks for imparting to me somewhat of your philosophicall Employments, where you are: I am very glad, to understand, some others of our Greshamists are active also, and like to give us a good account of their spent time, at our1 meeting again, which I beseech God to hasten, if it be his will.b I should be very glad, to heare your thoughts concerning the Gas sulphureum, I mentiond formerly to you; as also a further information of the dimensions of your ‹owne› Burning glasse, if you have taken it out.c Dr Wren is well receaved at Paris, and conducted to some of their meetings; and made acquainted with Messieurs Auzout, Petit and Thevenot. My correspondent tells me this:d Je l’ay mené chez Monsieur Bourdelot, où ce jour là on dit quantité de belles choses. Il approuva fort ce qu’on y dit, mais il souhaitoit qu’on fit des Experiencese (This is like a member of the Royal Society) Le medecin de la Reyne de Pologne y expliqua la nature d’une Maladie, nommée Plica, à laquelle les Polonois et les Cosaques seuls sont sujets.f On y parla d’un sourd et muet, qui danse en cadence, et de plusieurs autres choses, qui luy plûrent assez. Nous l’avons aussi mené chez le grand Architecte le Chevalier Bernini.g Il a vû le Buste, qu’il fait du Roy en marbre, et le dessein, qu’il a fait du Louvre, dont il vous entretiendra. Je luy ay fait voir ce matin la machine de Mr Pascal, avec laquelle on peut faire toutes sortes de regles d’Arithmetique.h a

Oldenburg’s last letter was that of 10 Aug., above, pp. 506–10 The meetings of the Royal Society were suspended over the summer of 1665 due to the spread of the plague in London. The society did not reconvene in Sept., but waited until 21 Feb. 1666, when the plague had become less severe; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 61, 63. c The request for information about Boyle’s burning glass follows Oldenburg’s account of a burning glass at Lyon, sent on 10 Aug. (above, pp. 508–9). The allusion to ‘the Gas sulpureum’ has not been traced in any extant letter; the matter was perhaps dealt with in Oldenburg’s lost letter of before 6 Aug.; see above, p. 504, and see also the memorandum on p. 512n. d Oldenburg’s correspondent was probably Henri Justel, for whom see above, p. 482n. ‘I took him to Mr Bourdelot’s where today many fine things were said. He much approved what was said, but wished that they made experiments…The Queen of Poland’s physician explained the nature of a disease named plica, to which the Poles and Cossacks alone are subject. They spoke of a deaf mute who dances in time [to music] and of several other things which much pleased him. We also took him to the house of that great architect, Chevalier Bernini. He saw the marble bust of the King and the view which [Bernini] has made of the Louvre which he will tell you of. This morning I showed him Mr Pascal’s machine with which can be performed all kinds of arithmetical operations.’ e For Pierre Michon, abbé Bourdelot, see above, p. 265n. f The physician of the Queen of Poland from 1651 to 1667 was William Davisson (c. 1593– 1669), formerly first professor of chemisty at the Jardin du Roi in Paris. He published a treatise on the plica entitled Plicomastix in 1668. g Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini (1598–1680), painter, sculptor, and architect, was summoned to Paris by Louis XIV in 1665. h For Blaise Pascal, who invented this machine in 1642, see above, p. 300n. b

514

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Aug. 1665

I find by the same Letter, that the king of France hath now openly declared ‹for Holland,›2 and withall made Monsieur de Fucillade Generall of the French Forces to be sent against Munster; which doubtles will embroile all Germany afresh /33 (1)v/ yet the said Bishop is like to goe on in his dessein, which is double, to attack the Dutch upon his owne account, and if he prosper there, to send his Army to reinforce Flanders against the French.a ‹The›3 two Fleets are like to engage again very shortly: we were considerably foiled at Bergen, yet not without a great losse to the Dutch, having, as we say, sunk 3 of their ships, and destroied above 1000 men.b Our ‹owne› 8 Eastindia ships, valued £200000 sterling and our Eastland Fleet, to the number of 20, laden with substantiall naval commodities, are all safe in our harbors. All were confortable enough, if the Almighty were pleased to remove or mitigate this sore calamity, that lyes upon us, yet I cannot but observe, because very obvious; that not many houses of persons, that have healthy constitutions, and have not vitiated them by intemperance or otherwise, and doe enjoy a confortable subsistence (all these being taken together) are infected. But yet I think this very farre from a Demonstration against the Plague. Signor Borrhi, which I wonder at, remembers him to me in a letter, written by a friend, and offers me (very kindly) his Antidote for the Plague, if I will assigne a person, to whom he shall give it.c I could easily find a person, if I could but find a way, to have it sent over. However the kindnes and favor is the same, and I have let him know so much by a few lines, I inserted for him in the Answer to my friend. The same Borrhi had receaved news from Vienna, importing, that now the Christians need not fear the Turks any more, there being work enough cutt out for them at Meccha.d And it seems, that that News ‹is› continued still by letters to Amsterdam, the Jewes of Palestina referring still to their former letters, and alledging, that all their synagogues under the Turk, fearing a massacre by reason of this matter, have strictly forbidden the publishing of it as yet. But My faith grows fainter and fainter in this matter, finding, the news is not confirmed with that vigour, it began4 with. I remain Sir Your faithfull humble servant. a France and Holland had concluded a defensive alliance in 1662. Monsieur de Fucillade, the general, has not been further identified. For the advance of the Bishop of Munster and France’s intervention see above, p. 504n. b With the connivance of the King of Denmark, a British fleet attacked a Dutch East Indian convoy sheltering in Bergen harbour. However, the Danish forts contributed to the repulse of the attack with severe losses; Denmark thereupon allied herself with the Dutch, and England declared war on her. c For Giuseppe Francesco Borri, a celebrated empiric, see above, p. 40n. The letter from a friend has not been traced. d For the Siege of Mecca see above, p. 497n.

515

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house / in / Oxford.a

Seal: Black wax; overlaid by paper. Postmark: ‘AV/24’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 33 (1) by Wotton ‘Mr Oldenburgh’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘XXXIII’. Endorsed on 33 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 33’.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

27 August 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 89. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 483–4.

Oxford Aug: 27 1665 Sir I hope you were not in earnest when you made mee the surprizing Apology I last night receivd for what you call the prolixity of your former letters whose length I can assure you did but make them the wellcomer.b And therefore without any further notise of what I must looke upon as a peice of Gallanterie, I shall proceed to returne you my humble thanks for the good News you send mee in reference to the publick & the rather because wee had rumours here that made many expect Intelligence of a contrary nature.c I beg your pardon for my forgetting through hast to tell you in my last, that I have in generall a very good Opinion /89 (1)v/ of the Smoake or Gas, (as Helmont speakes) of Sulphur, having had some Experience of the Vertue it has to condize Liquors & keepe them from Putrifaction.d I have almost dayly been put off by the lowring Weather from takeing out my Concave,1 which I hop’d a faire day would at once invite me & enable mee to imploy, but on Munday God permitting I intend to measure it, without waiting any longer upon the Clouds, which have this morning afforded us good store of raine & thunder.e I hear out of Essex of a new blazing starr that is sayd to have been a

For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. Boyle refers to Oldenburg’s letter of 24 Aug. 1665, above, pp. 513–15. c Presumably Boyle refers to the news of the English fleet and the Dutch war. See above, p. 515n. d For J. B. van Helmont see above, p. 164n. e Oldenburg had requested that Boyle measure his burning mirror in the letter of 10 Aug. 1665, see above, p. 508. b

516

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 27 Aug. 1665

seene by many there, (two of Them being of my aquaintance) & to exceede both the late ones in bignes & splendor, But your silence of it makes me conclude, the Relators were mistakena I forgot to tell you that I have sollicitously sought, & now found among my Bookes one that I was very curious /89 (2)/ to procure formerly as being publishd by a very diligent Writer upon a very considerable subject. It consists of a Catalogue of all the Simples & other easily parable Medicines that have been found successfull against the Plague, most of them being put in the words & containing the particular Experiences of the Authors that commend them. The Booke being but a thinne octavo & having been many years out of Print, I think it were not amisse, if either at London or here, some Booke-seller did reprint it, especially if some able Physitian would add by way of supplement what Remedys have been approved in the2 great plague that happend since this Booke was made in the year 1605.b I should willingly part with my Booke on such an Occasion. I thank you for the Account you are pleasd to give mee of Dr Wren, & for the good news that divers of our Society are /89 (2)v/ not unmindfull of their being soe.c Dr Lower is on Munday next to goe into Cornwell, which will put a stopp to our Anatomicall Proceedings wherein this weeke we made some Tryalls whose Event I have not now time to sett downe, but you may command them hereafter together with some other Tryalls I have been makeing with oyle of Tobacco that are somewhat odd.d But some here are a litle Jealous that if our Experiments be known elswhere without being beforehand registred by you together with the Time of their having been made or proposd, they may beget such claimes & disputes as that which wee formerly made here of injecting into the Veines of live Creatures.e Soe that it would not bee amisse if something were offerd to remove this Jealousy which is not altogether groundlesse. But I must end with my paper, & therefore omit what I have more to say till I have through Gods goodnes another3 opportunity of putting you in mind of Sir your very Affectionate Freind, & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle a

Boyle’s informants have not been identified. This is possibly one of the works of Settala, to which Boyle referred in his letter to Oldenburg of 14 June 1665, above, p. 479. He also refers to the work of Thomas Cogan, The Haven of Health … a Preservation from the Pestilence, with a short Censure of the late Sickness at Oxford (1605). c For Christopher Wren in Paris see above, p. 504n. d Richard Lower’s home was Tremeer, near Bodmin in Cornwall. For the experiments with tobacco see above, pp. 505, 511. e A letter and a printed paper ‘concerning the invention of injecting liquors into the veins of animals’ was presented at the Royal Society on 11 Jan. 1665; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 6. The author of the paper was Johann Daniel Major (1634–93), MD in Hamburg. The paper was presumably a copy of Major’s Prodromus inventae a se chiurgiae infusioriae (1664). b

517

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Endorsed at head of 89 (1): ‘Entered LB Suppl.’ The MS has printers’ marks and the first two sentences have a vertical line through them.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

29 August 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 34. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 333–4, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 192–4 and Oldenburg, ii, 485–9.

London Aug. 29. 1665. Sir, I make the more hast of acknowledging the favor of your last, because I found myselfe urged by my thoughts, with speed to offer some of my considerations upon the contents of a1 Letter, from Dr Beale, which I receaved yesterday almost at the same time with yours.a If he be not misinformed, by one of his Majesties Chaplains, who now waites at Salisbury,b and Last week gave him a visite, you, Sir, are nominated Prevost of Eton;c which if so, our said friend hopes, and so doe I, you will not refuse it, considering, that that place hath many opportunities of influence on the Universities, and is able to oblige many: which strengthens our hope, that you will accept of it, especially since ’tis, as I understand, no burthen, and much accommodation; it being also but half a dayes Journey from thence to London, and not much more to Oxford. All Gods blessings be upon you, and his power determine your deliberations for the best to yourself, and his honor. If you should be so directed, as to embrace it, and there should occurre ‹any› laborious dispatches, that might be devolved upon others, I know, those that honor and love you, would be ready to ease you, and among them none more ready, to doe you service, than myselfe, as farr I am capable. I humbly thank you for your opinion of the Helmontian Gas, which is no small encouragement to me to continue the use of it, as it is prepared by Dr Poleman.d I hope, that you will also oblige me with communicating to me the dimensions and effects of your Burning Glas: the Meltings of Cast Iron, Glasse and Stone in that a

This letter has not been found. The Court relocated to Salisbury to escape the plague in London. c The story of Boyle’s appointment as provost of Eton is accepted by Birch in his ‘Life’ in Works, (1772), i, lxxiii, on the authority of this letter and of another from Beale to Boyle of 7 Sept.; it is also accepted by L. T. More, Life and Works of the Hon. Robert Boyle (New York, 1944), p. 117. However, it appears from Boyle’s reply of 8 Sept. that no such appointment was ever offered to him. d i.e., the fumes of burning sulphur, sulphur dioxide. Joachim Polemann was a German Helmontian of the mid-17th century and author of Novum lumen medicum (1648), which was translated into English in 1662. b

518

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 29 Aug. 1665

of Lyons, look like impossibilities, so that I shall endeavor to get the thing well attested, before it be published in print.a I heard as yet nothing2 of a new Comet, seen by any in this Towne: only Dr Beale intimated a forthnight since in generall, that they talked afresh of prodigies in the Air, and some of another Comete; but nothing in particular then, nor since. I should be glad to under /34 (1)v/ stand, at what houre, and in what quarter of the Heavens, it was seen by those of your acquaintance in Essex.b There were some of our Greshamists that thought,3 ‹one or ‹the› other of› the former Comets might be seen again after some time; whence it ‹is›4 a question, whether this, that is pretended to be lately seen, be a new one, or one of the former, growne visible again. I conceive, it would be obliging to the publick, to5 print that catalogue, you mention, of the Anti-pestilentiall medicines: and I think, it would be most conveniently done at Oxford, our Stationers and Printers having for the most part taken the Contry, as well as others.c I acknowledge, that that yealousy, about the ‹first› Authors of Experiments, which you speak off, is not groundlesse: And therefore offer myselfe, to register all those, you6 or any person shall please to communicate, as now, with that fidelity, which both the honor of my relation to the Royal Society (which is highly concernd in such Experiments) and my owne inclinations doe strongly oblige me to.d From Sea we heare of no late action; our Fleet being yet at Sowldbay, repairing the dammage receaved at Bergen and by Storme.e From Paris, I had this by the yesterday’s post:f La public a bien de l’obligation à Monsieur Boyle de travailler si genereusement et si scavamment, come il fait. Il faut avouër, que l’Angleterre a grand nombre de gens scavens et de curieux, et en plus grand nombre, que la reste de l’Europe: tout ce qui vient d’eux, est solide et particulier; le monde ayant esté assez long temps amusé des notions generales. Vostre Cour (so he passes on) a refusé les propositions, que le Roy luy a fait faire d’un accommodement; ce qui a Oldenburg first asked Boyle for these measurements in his letter of 10 Aug. 1665, in connection with the publication in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 95–8 (no. 6 for 6 Nov 1665), of a description of François Villette’s burning mirror, against which Oldenburg wanted to establish comparisons. See above, pp. 508–9. b The comet was reported by Boyle in his letter to Oldenburg of 27 Aug. 1665, above, pp. 516– 17. Boyle’s acquaintance in Essex has not been identified. c See above, p. 517. d For this concern on Boyle’s part and its context, see above, p. 517. e ‘Sowldbay’, Sole Bay or Southwold Bay in Suffolk. For the battle at Bergen see above, p. 515n. f Oldenburg’s correspondent is likely to be Henri Justel, for whom see above, p. 482n. ‘The public is very much indebted to Mr Boyle for working as generously and wisely as he does. It must be said that England has a large number of learned and inquisitive men, a larger number than is to be found in all of Europe, and what they produce is solid and detailed; the world has, for too long, been sufficiently entertained with general theories. Your Court … has rejected the proposals of the King for an agreement; this will force him to sign the treaty with the States. Moreover the relations between the King of England and Spain are well known; perhaps in time he will find that

519

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

l’oblige à executer le traité fait avec Messieurs les Estats.a De plus, on scait ce que le Roy d’Angleterre fait avec l’Espagne: peut estre, qu’avec le temps il n’y trouvera pas son compte.b L’Evesque de Munster continue ses levees, mais on croit et il y a bien de l’apparence, qu’elles se font en faveur dela maison d’Austriche.c On a bien des ressources icy, le Roy ayant de l’argent et des hommes, et quand il sera joint aux Hollandois, il aura des vaisseaux, et vous incommodera peut estre autant, que vous le pourriez faire, quoy que les Anglois nous mesprisent, et croyent, qu’on ne peut pas leur resister. Quand ils auront le Ciel et la Terre pour ennemis, ils changeront de langage, et seront, peut estre, estonnez, non obstant leur fierté. /34 (2)/ La mort du Duc de Mantouë est certainè. Monsieur l’Abbé de Beaufort est à la bastille, ‹pour›7 les affaires d’Angleterre.d La Reyne mere se porte mieux. Le roy a esté seigné au pied, à cause de quelque petite indisposition. Depuis un jour ou deux on espere beaucoup dela santé dela Reyne mere: mais avec tout cela ceux, qui conoissent son mal, ne croyent pas, qu’elle en puisse rechaper, la masse du sang estant corrompue. Cependant un medecin de Bar, nommé Alliot, reussit assez bien, et fait tout ce qui se peut pour conserver la Reyne.e Monsieur Colbert a eu le things will not work out as planned. The Bishop of Munster continues to raise troops but it is thought, as seems probable, that they will side with Austria. The King has good resources here in money and men, and when he is allied with the Dutch, he will have ships, and then will perhaps annoy you as much as you can do in return, even though the English despise us and think we cannot resist them. When they have heaven and earth for enemies they will change their tune and will perhaps be taken aback in spite of their pride. The Duke of Mantua is certainly dead. The Abbé de Beaufort is in the Bastille on account of [his part in] the English business. The Queen Mother is better. The King was bled in the foot because of a slight indisposition. For the last day or two everyone has been hopeful about the health of the Queen Mother; nevertheless everyone who knows what her malady is thinks she cannot recover, the blood itself being corrupted. However a physician from Bar, named Ahiot, has succeeded pretty well and does all that can be done to preserve the Queen. Mr Colbert has acquired the cordon bleu by the death of Mr de Nouveau who was Treasurer of the Order. Whatever is done at Rome, the Pope must accept the fact that here they have condemned [the doctrine of] his infallibility as contrary to reason and to the laws of the state. The King of Spain loses ground every day; nevertheless his silver fleet has arrived at Cadiz from whence they write that a galleon has been lost, captured by pirates. Fearing that the English may return to Bergen, the Dutch sailors have built batteries at the foot of the castles in order to be able to fire on a level with the water and have stretched a great chain and placed spars tied together across the entrance of the port while waiting for them to be drawn thither. If they cannot defend themselves they will put all their goods to the torch rather than let such rich spoils fall into the hands of the English.’ a The reference is to the States-General of the Netherlands. The failure of Louis XIV’s attempt to mediate between the English and the Dutch in 1665 forced him to declare war on England in Jan. 1666 in accordance with his obligations under the 1662 defensive alliance between France and the Dutch republic. b For relations between England and the Dutch republic see above, p. 392n. c For the Bishop of Munster and his forces see above, p. 504n. d Oldenburg’s correspondent refers to Carlo II (1629–65), Duke of Mantua; and to Regnier de Beaufort (d. 1722), a physician who had taken holy orders. e Pierre Alliot was physician to Charles IV, Duke of Lorraine. He wrote several works on cancer, and employed a ‘specific’ of his own upon Anne of Austria, wife of Louis XIII, for whom see above, p. 95.

520

BEALE

to BOYLE, 7 Sept. 1665

cordon bleu par8 la mort de Mr de Nouveau, qui estoit Tresorièr de l’ordre.a Quoy qu’on face à Rome, il faudra, que le Pape souffre, qu’on condamne icy son infallibilité, qui est contre la raison, et contre les loix de l’Estat.b Le roy d’Espagne diminue tous les jours: neantmoins sa flotte d’Argent est arrivée à Cadiz, d’où on escrit, qu’il y a un Galiòn de perdu, que les Corsaires ont pris.c De peur, que les Anglois ne reviennent à Berguen, les matelots Hollandois ont fait des batteries au pied des chasteaux pour pouvoir tirer9 à fleur d’eau; et l’on y a tendu une grosse chaisne et mis des masts liez ensemble à l’entree du port, en attendant qu’on les vienne tirer dela. En cas qu’ils ne puissent pas se deffendre, ils mettront le feu aux marchandises, plustost que de laisser entre les mains des Anglois un butin aussi riche, qu’est celuy là. But for fear of committing again, what I condemned in my last, I shall end with repeating the assurance of my being Sir your faithful humble servant. H. O.

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house / in / Oxfordd

Seal: Traces of black wax only. Postmark: ‘AV / 29’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 34 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXXIV’ and ‘No 34’. Endorsed on 34 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 34’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

BEALE to BOYLE

7 September 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 115, pp. 125–8. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 469–70 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 390. a

For Jean Baptiste de Colbert see above, p. 482n. Monsieur de Nouveau has not been identified. For relations between France and Pope Alexander VII see above, p. 507n. c Philip IV of Spain died on 17 Sept. 1665, Oldenburg’s correspondent refers to the shipments of silver from Mexico for the Spanish crown. d For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. b

521

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Sir, I wish thiese may find you in Eton College, and well setled there.a But I am allso to acquaint you, that by post on munday laste, I sent to Mr Oldenburgh two considerable accompts of Mr Gratrics healing.1b The one is in the hand of Mr Thomas Mall, a Minister (independent) Who (it seemes) tooke a journey from hence thither with speciall purpose to be throughly informed of the whole truth.c He noteth many peculiars, which deserve & require at least a double Testimony, especially that of the healers hand twice strucke dead, & blacke as a cole upon his unbeleefe: & as often healed by the touch of his other hand. If this can have noe other Witnesses but Mr Gratric & his wiefe yet then the constancy, & agreement of their testimonyes are fit to be recorded. The other accompt is from Lionell Beacher, sometime Mayor of Bidiford, Who could take noe satisfaction but from his owne eyes & eares.d This is said to be in Mr Worsleyes hand, & tis very like his hand. I received both from Dr Sydenham, Who presents his humblest service to you.e He promiseth to overwhelme us with cleare evidences2 of such wonders, as would be incredible, if not soe well confirmd. And I have seene many other good Testimonialls, of like Wonder. Sir, If you shall please to examine thiese accompts, perchance you will perceive many Things worthy the Sagacity of your owne further Enquiryes, & Directions; And your acquainetance in Youghall, Lismore &c may give you large opportunityes to adde to the Search & Evidence of a businesse, which deserves to be speedily published as far as is possible, & with fullnesse & exactnesse.f Tis a Convincing evidence of the powerfull Name of our Lord Jesus, In a seasone that needed some evidence, That all Revelations were not fanaticall. But I should referre all to your owne better advise, being allwayes

Yeavill. Sept 7th. 1665.

Honourable Sir, Your most oblieged & faythfull servant Joh Beale

For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr etc with speede & truste I pray. a

For the rumour of Boyle’s appointment to the provostship of Eton College see above, p. 518n. For the Irish ‘stroker’, Valentine Greatrakes (1629–83), with whom Boyle was to come into direct contact in 1666, see above, p. 506n., and vol. 3, p. 82ff. Beale wrote in greater detail about Greatrakes’s healing powers in a letter to Oldenburg of 4 Sept. 1665; see Oldenburg, ii, 496. c This is a reference to Thomas Mall, the celebrated Devon independent minister. d Lionel Beacher, Mayor of Bideford in north Devon, has not been further identified. e For Benjamin Worsley see above, p. 361n. Beale also refers to Thomas Sydenham, for whom see above, p. 84n. f Beale alludes to the area in County Cork where Boyle spent his childhood. b

522

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 8 Sept. 1665

Seal: Traces of wax; seal-shaped repair to paper. The MS contains printers’ marks.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

8 September 1665

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 249–50. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 66–7 and Oldenburg, ii, 501–3.

Oxford, Sept. 8, 1665. SIR, AS I was last Saturday in the evening disposing myself to write to you, I was hindred by the unexpected arrival of my lord and lady Clifford, and since that have been tied to so much attendance on my lord Chancellor, my lady Clarendon, and her new daughter-in-law, my lord Chamberlain, and others, that went away but this day, that I have been fain, though very unwillingly, to omit acknowledging /p. 250/ the favour of your letter, wherein I found, that I had cause to return you my thanks for your resentment of an information, wherein you supposed me concerned, though indeed I were not at all so. a For neither do I believe, that any such thing, as our worthy friend Dr. Beale was told, was at all designed; neither if it had been proposed, would it have been much welcomed.b I did, as I promised you, take out my burning glass, which, though but of ten inches in diameter, is made of so good a metal and figure, that it will not only in a moment almost kindle an ordinary stick of wood, but in a trice melt laminated lead, and in a short time colour bright iron or steel, and make it smoke, and will perform divers other things, of which, I remember, I have some where set down some memorials.c I presume I may in my next tell you the diameter of some of those concaves, that they yet have in Italy, there being here some persons lately come from Rome, that have let me know they mean to visit me; and I confess, I think the making of such burning glasses not unworthy to be encouraged, being apt to imagine, that if I had one of them, I could make it in more senses than one condense the beams of light. If your a Boyle refers to his nephew, Charles Boyle (1639–95), Lord Clifford of Lanesborough, and his wife Jane (1637–79). For Edward Hyde, Lord Clarendon, the Lord Chancellor, see above, p. 66n. His wife was Frances, daughter of Sir Thomas Aylesbury. Clarendon’s 2nd son, Laurence Hyde (1641–1711) was married in 1665 to Henrietta, sister of Lord Clifford, for whom see above, p. 89n. The Lord Chamberlain of the Household from 1 June 1660 until his death was Edward Montagu (1602–71), 2nd Earl of Manchester. b Boyle refers to the incorrect rumour of his appointment to the provostship of Eton College, first reported in Oldenburg’s letter of 29 Aug., and repeated by Beale in his letter to Boyle of 7 Sept. 1665, see above, pp. 518, 522. c For Oldenburg’s request that Boyle measure his burning mirror see above, p. 508.

523

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

friend be master of any of them, I would gladly have a few experiments (not difficult) recommended to his trial, having already collected divers observations of that sort, but made with smaller glasses, in what I formerly writ about heat and flame.a I was lately making some trials with the petrified wood I told you of, which I find to be a very odd substance wonderfully hard and fixed; and I have got also a parcel, that looks like iron ore, and is very heavy.b If I had opportunity to reprint the History of the Fluidity and Firmness, which I have often been solicited to do, I could add divers things about stones, that perhaps would not be disliked; and I hope, if God vouchsafe me a little leisure, to insert several of them in fit places of that history against the next edition.c Here is a certain stone, that is thought to be petrified bone, being shaped like a bone with the marrow taken out; but with a fit menstruum I found, that I could easily dissolve it like other soft stones, and possibly it may prove as fit as ostiocolla for the same medicinal uses. I am much obliged to those virtuosi in France, that are pleased to entertain so favourable an opinion of my poor endeavours to gratify such as they; but I have not of late had any opportunity to prosecute my studies vigorously, the perpetual resort of English strangers, and the want of glasses and other mechanical employments, leaving me neither leisure nor accommodations suitable to my desires and design: yet, if I had not forgot it, I should a fortnight ago have told you, that among some hydrostatical things I was once pursuing, I bethought myself of an easy slight instrument, which I called the measuring (or steriometrical) balance, whereby I can, without rule, or compasses, &c. or calculation, a measure with greater exactness, than by the geometrical ways, the magnitude of smaller bodies, whether regular or as irregular as you please.d Of this I may hereafter tell you more, if God permit; in the mean time begging you to take notice of the date of this, I must, to conclude with my paper, subscribe myself abruptly, SIR, your’s, &c. R. B. DOCTOR Wallis desires, that if you have any conveniency, you would do him the favour the first opportunity to convey the enclosed according to the address (he not knowing how otherwise to get it sent) in which request I join with him.e a Boyle’s unpublished ‘Dialogue on Heat and Flame’, of which only a few pages survive, is printed in Works, vol. 13. b On petrified wood see above, p. 510. c Boyle’s History of Fluidity and Firmness first appeared in Certain Physiological Essays (1661), for which see Works, vol. 2, pp. 115–204. It also appeared in the 2nd edition of 1669. d This passage refers to the method of measuring the volume of an irregular solid described in Medicina Hydrostatica (1690); see Works, vol. 11, pp. 241–4. Boyle’s method was to weigh the solid in both air and water – in the latter with a sinker if necessary – then, from Boyle’s measurement that a cubic inch of water weighed 156 grains, the volume of the solid could readily be calculated. e The exact nature of the (lost) enclosure is unclear.

524

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 9 Sept. 1665

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

9 September 1665

From the original in BL 5, fols 13–14. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 560 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 526–7.

Lees the 9th of Septembera I find My Brother that though you be retyred from London you Cannot be soe from the visits of your friends, nor from the distractions that the kindnes of them gives to the happyer Imployments god has enabled you to dedicate yourselfe too, & though I be apt to think that those things that would bee esteemed by others welcome diverssions are to you interruptions uneasy enough.b yet I know not weather they doe not as much recommend more retyred & serious entertainments to us, ‹in general› by the varietie they make us tast then they hinder us in the actual exersise of our thoughts about them dureing the time we are forced to let them take us up. which seemes to me a peece of the necessary pennance of this life that all must now & then undergoe, to discharge the exactions of natureal relations & to continue the affections with which they ought to be discharged, In your letter I mett the onely news I had heard this good while of my Lord & Lady Clifford who I presume tooke you in their way towards Yorkeshier where the /fol. 13v/ Countess has already payd her sister Dutchess a visit of a whole weeke long & from that went home ful of the dessigne of treating her & the Duke at her owne house from which you wil not suspect she wil too easely bee diverted by mortefieing considerations, though besides the Publick & e’n’e general ones which are very great, there is a smale perticular one added by poore Charles Supples being shott in the last sea fight With a Musket bullet Into the head of which Its thought [he]1 wil hardly recover.c The London weekely bills doe I assure my selfe give you the sad news that place affords. which is extraordinary enough to be amazeing to those who would but seriously reflect upon What was doeing in that place before we left it & What has binn suffered there since.d Not that the former is not an apparent & Just cause of the latter, but that that Cause & effect both may confound us in the serious refflextion upon them but since you still Continue resolute against publishing those you make I dare urge it noe further.e Espetially /fol. 14/ since you seeme to decline a

For Lady Ranelagh’s residence at Leese Priory in Essex see above, p. 498n. Boyle left London for Oxford in late May 1665 to escape the plague. c For Lady Ranelagh’s nephew and niece, Lord and Lady Clifford see above, p. 523n. Jane, Lady Clifford, had two sisters, Frances (d. 1681) and Mary (d. before 1673). In 1665 Frances was married to her 2nd husband, the 4th Earl of Southampton (for whom see below, p. 566n.), and Mary to Heneage Finch (d. 1689), 2nd Earl of Winchilsea. It is not clear to which of these couples Lady Ranelagh refers. Charles Supples has not been identified. d The reference is to London’s weekly Bills of Mortality. e For plans for a 2nd edition of Occasional Reflections see above, p. 500. b

525

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

that in order to recommending things of more use in order to Religion, the intrests where off have binn soe long soe much neglected that they e’n’e seeme to lye a bleeding ‹now› & therefore to be now serviceable to them wilbe a worke that wil apeare to carry such a syncerety in it as god wil not fayle aboundantly to recompence. & how delightful it must be to see you who I love soe perticularly, Ingaged In such workes that lead to such rewards you may easely guess. I can Just requite the news you send me oft Oxford with sending you the like of this place. which is yet thorough the rich Mercy of god (as is also my poore house at London or at least was 3 or 4 days since) preserved Cleere from the spreading infection of this Plauge. but its now more beset with it than it was when I writ last to you the next towne to Chensforda & one house at Burntwood haveing had some In them dead of it by the Comeing of persons theather from other infected places but few places have it noe neerer them than this yet has. The roade from Epping to Blechington my Lady Anglesey wil be able to teach /fol. 14v/ you for she went it her selfe & wil I dare say hartely allow you to lodg at her house of Parke Hall which is but a mile or 2 from Epping & from thence heather is about 18 milesb For my Lord of Warwick I can assure you as he does me that he is not onely not afrayd but desierous of your Company here & he advises your lyeing at Kimbolton my Lord Chamberlains house a days Jorney from Oxford. & from thence at Audley end another days Jorney & thence heatherc but to Mr Wallers which I hope is uninfected & in whose house I dare say you may lye & be welcome neere Bekinsfield & thence to Parke Hal which is also cleere for ought I know & thence heather is your neerest way, & Crip would send a man to guide you when you Come towards these parts if we might know when you would doe soe,d but one of these two ways wil easely be found & both I hope are safe. you wil be hartely welcome & very quiet here & I am sure give much satisfaction to several though most to me & it wilbe to your good Nature some to give soe much & therefore In hope of that happyenes with the services of al here presented to your honor I shal Conclude my selfe yours if you make not hast the Court wil overtake you at Oxford. Endorsed at the head of fol. 13 by Miles ‘1665’ and with ink number ‘No IV’.

a

i.e., Chelmsford. Lady Ranelagh refers to Elizabeth (1620–98), Countess of Anglesey, wife of Arthur Annesley (1614–86), 2nd Earl of Anglesey. c For Charles, 4th Earl of Warwick see above, p. 234n. For the Lord Chamberlain, the Earl of Manchester, see above, p. 523n. d For Edmund Waller, whose family home was at Beaconsfield see above, p. 99n. For the servant Crip see above, p. 500n. b

526

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES

to BOYLE, 13 Sept. 1665

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLAND to BOYLE 13 September 1665 From the scribal version in the Guildhall Library, London, Guildhall MS 7936, fol. 6. Fol/2. Bottom quarter of second leaf missing. Previously published in Ford, Some Correspondence (above, p. 382), pp. 11–15.

Right Honourable Yours of the 1st of March 64. wee have received much rejoyceing to see the Continuance of your pious care, & stedulous endeavour to promote this glorious & hopefull worke of the Converssion of these poore Natives in this remote parte of the World;a who not withstanding all the temptations & discourragements they are compassed about with yet (accordinge to the information wee have received from the Instruments1 imployed therein) doe continue their wonted care, & diligence in attending to the things of god, & their owne ever lasting salvation, & sundery are daly added to their meetings professing themselves wiling to heare & learne the knowledge of God in Jesus Christ, a further & more particuler account hereof wee must referre to Mr. Elliot;b For your honours acceptance of our last returne wee present our humble thanks; your pleasure signified refering to the advance to bee made by such as receive the moneyes in England, wee acquainted Captain Davy 2 & Mr. Usher therewith, on heareing where of Captain Davy: tendered £15 per Cent & after some conferrance had with him his finall answer was that in case master Usher would give £16 hee was willing that hee should have it which Mr. Usher complying in according to your advice wee have given him bills for £400 & for that which hee received last yeare hee hath consented to allow £14 per Cent: that which hee now allows £16 per Cent advance to bee paid in Cash here, on all demands, as the ‹receivers›3 have occatio[n] whereby all danger of Losse by any Exegent, as alsoe charges for keeping accounts is wholly prevented, wee apprehend is a competent & full allowance, such as will not easily bee bettered as to the ende intended.c Your honours direction refering the printing presse, wee have also attended, and at Mr. Elliots Requeste wee have consented to allow for the printing of the practice of piety 40 shillings per sheet the printers makeing allowance for the Corrections of the Presse, & wee findeing paper & Mr. Johnson is joynte partner with our printer in the worke what Letters hee hath now brought a

This was presumably in reply to a revised version of the letter from Boyle of Feb. 1665, above, pp. 454–6. b For John Eliot see above, p. 21n. c The commissioners’ last letter to Boyle was presumably the one of 10 Sept. 1664, above, pp. 317–20. For Humphrey Davie see above, p. 455n., and for Hezekiah Usher see above, p. 119n.

527

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

over wee doe not yet understand the quarter of, but are advised that they are not the same that were advised by himselfe here;a hee told us that the whole ‹font›4 were not belonging to the Corporation, by reason that the monyes that hee received of yourselves was not suffissient for the purchas thereof wee are not able of giveing your honours a further account by reason that wee are ignorant of what monyes hee received of yourselves, as also of the account of the letters ‹that› hee5 acknowledged to bee yours: hee haveing now brought over a Printing-presse with supplye of letters for himselfe; besids ‹his›6 intrest which hee claimes in that ‹font› of Letters which hee sayth is yours wee apprehend that it will bee lesse convenient that the publicke stocke should continue mixt with his, /fol. 6 (1)v/ which wee shall endeavour to prevent being enabled thereto by your honours further information, wee have also conferred with Mr. Chauncy (Mr. Elliot being present) in relation to his Letter, & finde that the former President, did agree with the Printer to allow the Colledge for the use of their Presse-letters, & all other Charges about the same, Correcting of the Presse being included, the summe of 10 shillings per sheet: but the Presse & Letters being now yours & a full allowance made the Printer for all other charges, wee see not the like reason to doe it now, yet neverthelesse if you shall please to order any encourragement to the Colledge, on this or any other consideration wee shall thankfully embrace it, wee have also satisfied Mr. Chauncy & Mr. Elliot that the allowance made by us to the schoolemasters & Tutors have ben sufficit [sic]7 & equall, wee haveing noe other aime or intrest save ‹only› the promoting of soe good a worke according to the truste reposed in us,b wee understand by Mr. Elliot that your honours have ordered him to translate into the Indian Language & cause to bee printed, the Practice of Piety & some works of Mr. Shepherds which will cost nere £200 wee humbly conceive that those with what are alredy printed, will bee sufficient for the Natives for many yeares, & had they ben lesser books or some abridgement of these, they would have ben altogether as usefull for the Indians, & the disburstments for the same farre lesse:c Wee have herewith sent your honours an account of the last yeares disburstments wherein is something charged for powder & shoott deliver’d Mr. Eliot for the Indians, to bee imployed only for their necessary defence against the Mohawks which are professed Enimies to all our neighbouring Indians, & have slayne sundry of them. a The work referred to is Lewis Bayley’s The Practice of Piety for which see above, p. 383n. For Marmaduke Johnson see above, p. 46n. Commissioners’ own printer was Samuel Green, see above, p. 46n. b For Charles Chauncy see above, p. 45n. c Thomas Shepherd (1605–49), Puritan minister, who became the minister of the church at Newtown, Massachusetts, subsequently renamed Cambridge. He was a friend of John Eliot and was interested in the conversion of the Indians. Eliot translated Shepherd’s The Sincere Convert (1641) and The Sound Believer (1645); the latter was probably never printed, while the former was not published until 1689. See Pilling, Bibliography of the Algonquian Language (above, p. 319), pp. 174–5.

528

COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES

to BOYLE, 13 Sept. 1665

The Providence of the Lord refering to the two Indian students at the Colledge have ben very Sad & humbling, the one of them goeing home to vissit his parents about 100 miles distant, on Martins-vinyarda in his returne the vessell wherein hee was being cast away, both hee & all the soules in it about 7 or 8: persons were Lost: whether by ship-wrack or by Massacre of the Indians wee cannot yet certainely find out: the other surviveing took his degree this summer of Bacheldor [sic] of Art but is now fallen into a deep Consumption (an epedemicall disease among the Natives & mortall) soe that there remaines littell hope of his life, the remainder are in No: 7 whereof one is lately entred into the Colledge a towardly Lad: & apt witt for a scholler, & the other 6 are at the schoole 3 of them at Roxberry to learine [sic] English, & 3 at the Grammer Schoole ‹in›8 Cambridge, but they alsoe are in the Lords hands to dispose of according to his good pleasure.b Before wee conclude its nessesary that wee give your honours an account (though but brefely) of our present Capassity in this our returne, which stands thus (i.e.) our ‹Confederaction› being at present under consideration of a trienall /fol. 6 (2)/ meeting in lew of that which was yearly except in Case of any immergency, that the trust reposed in us by yourselves might9 not bee neglec[ted] it was agreed at our last meeting that those two years wherein the whole number of Commissioners did not meet, the Commissioners for the Massachusets ‹Colony›10 with any one of the Commissioners for the other Collonies meeting at Boston at the ordinary time, they should transeact11 that affare, & make returne thereof to your honours, as also to give an account of such their acts to the whole No: of Commissioners at their trienall meeting, in observeance of which agreement wee have mett, & made upp the account with Mr. Usher, as therein is more particulerly exprest; thus haveing endeavoured faithfully to present your honours with the true state of the whole matter, now the God of all grace & mercy abundantly recompence all your labour of Love: & care for the spirituall good of these poore people, blesse & prosper our deare Native Country, & continue peace with truth here, with the free passsage of the Gospell of our Lord & saviour Jesus Christ, & further progresse of this good worke amongst these poore Natives, which is the humble prayer & request of Right Honourable your honours humble Servants John Winthrop12c Simon Bradstreete Thomas Danforth

Boston Sept: 13: 1665 a

i.e., Martha’s Vineyard. The two Indian students were Caleb Cheeshahteaumauk and Joel Jacoomes, for whom see above, p. 45n. c For these commissioners see above, p. 31n., and p. 121n. b

529

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Endorsed by Thomas Danforth on fol. 6 (2): ‘Copied out of the orriginall on file, and examined 4.10.65. By Thomas Danforth’. Also endorsed: ‘[Copie of letter from the Commissioners]13 in New England’ on fol. 6 (2)v.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

c. 16 September 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 90. Fol/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 509–10.

Sir Though I assure you, you needed not make an Apology for the length of your Letters; yet I am not now able to make a proportionate answer, haveing been faine to spend the time I should, & would have imployed in writing, in wa‹i›ting upon my Lord Chancellor & the Governesse of the Duke’s Children (who are already come hither)a I am sorry for what you write concerning the designe of printing my Booke of colours in Holland, where I have noe reason to expect it should be soe faithfully translated as it has been in England, though Mr Herringman is I fear accessary himselfe to the prejudice this may bring upon him by his delatory Proceeding.b There is this weeke ‹here› come out a Booke of Mr Austins concerning fruite Trees to whose publication I doe not repent the having been in some sort accessary.c For though much of [it] were twice printed before; yet when he let mee know he meant to dedicate it to mee I easily perswaded him both to leave out many things which though for ought I know good in themselves were ‹of a› Theologicall not a rurall nature, & to add divers Experiments & Observations, which the great Trade he drives in fruite trees1 has since supplyd him with. If I know how to convey it I would send you the Booke /90 (1)v/ itselfe, which is but in Octavo. My2 Hydrostaticall & other papers are not yet any of them sent to the pressed The successive avocations which the Company that dayly flocks hither gives mee not allowing mee the leisure to read them over, which is ‹almost› all that I need doe to fit them for the presse, soe that I doubt whether too much Company3 & (the Effect of that) too litle leisure, will drive mee hence to some more quiet & solitary place a Boyle recorded the visit of the Lord Chancellor, Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, in his letter to Oldenburg of 8 Sept. 1665, above, p. 523. His further reference is to Lady Frances Villiers (d. 1677), governess to the children of the Duke of York. b Latin editions of Boyle’s Colours (1664), were published in London in 1665 and in Amsterdam in 1667. Henry Herringman was the publisher of both the English and the Latin (London) editions of Colours; see Works, vol. 4. c The 3rd edition of Ralph Austen’s A Treatise of Fruit-trees, published in 1665, was dedicated to Boyle. The earlier editions had been dedicated to Samuel Hartlib. d Boyle refers to his Hydrostatical Paradoxes and Forms and Qualities, both published at Oxford in 1666; see Works, vol. 5.

530

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 18 Sept. 1665

of which I am invited to more then one. I am glad of what Monsieur Serrarius promises you, concerning Honest Mr Borells manuscripts.a My Hydrostaticall Ballance I fear I shall not have time to have transcribd till I get out of this place, but before I writ to you I had actually made Experiment of it; I have obeyd your commands to Dr Wallis who is your humble Servant, & expects Hevelius’s Treatise of Comets which I shall be also glad to see when it comes forth.b I am very much pleasd with what you write mee about the goodnes of the new Telescopes, for I think all Dioptricall Improvements considerable things but as for your freind’s burning glasse though I cannot but returne you my humble thanks for your obleiging offer of getting my Queries satisfyd, yet what I have further to say of that subject must of necessity be put off to the next opportunity byc Sir Your Affectionate Freind & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle.

These To my much Esteem’d / Freind Henery Oldenburg Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society Present At his house in the Pell-mell / near St. James’s / London

Seal: Good example of seal on Boyle to Oldenburg, 2 November 1664. Postmark: ‘SE / 18’. Endorsed on 90 (2)v ‘paid 4s[?]:2d’ and ‘post paid 2d’. Endorsed at head of 90 (1): ‘Entered LB Suppl.’ Endorsed by Oldenburg: ‘Sept. 18 1665’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

18 September 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 35. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 334–5, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 194–5 and Oldenburg, ii, 511–13. a

For the transcript of Adam Boreel’s manuscripts made by Peter Serrarius see above, p. 481n. Oldenburg’s commands to Wallis are not recorded. For the work of Johann Hevelius on the comet of 1664–5 see above, p. 483. c Oldenburg’s ‘friend’, not further identified, is also mentioned in Boyle’s letter to Oldenburg of 8 Sept. 1665, above, p. 524. b

531

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

London Sept. 18. 1665. Sir, Seing you give me no authority to endeavor to deterre the Dutch men from printing your Book of Colors, I think, I ought not to appear ‹in› that busines: M. Herringman may thank himselfe, and impute the losse, it may cause to him, to his owne delayes.a If the importunity of company doe drive you away from Oxford, I hope, we shall heare by times of the place, you intend to remove to, where you are not like to be free from the persecutions of my letters, if the Lord spare me further, as he hath been pleased to doe hitherto. Though we had some abatement in our last week’s Bill, yet we are much afraid, it will run as high this week, as ever.b Mr Graunt in his Appendix to his Observations upon those Bills, (now reprinted) takes notice, that forasmuch as the people of London have, from Anno 1625 to this time, increased from 8 to 13, so the Mortality will not exceed1 that of 1625 except the Burials should exceed 8400 per week, which number we have been pretty neer to.c Sir Borrhy2 hath expressed a reall favor and kindnes to me, which, when he first mentiond it, I lookt upon as a meer complement.d For, he hath sent me his owne Antiloimoides,3 ‹so› conveniently prepared, that he inclosed it, (the medicine itselfe) in a fine bladder, which he so squared, that is [sic] was handsomely putt up in a letter, and so came safely4 to my hands, but had that strength of sent, that the man, who brought the letter, said, it must be some rare medicine, come from beyond seas against the plague. It is made up in the consistency /35 (1)v/ of Mithridate5 or Treacle, and hath a very confortable smell, yet I have not hitherto made use of it, but ‹only tasted›6 as much of it, as the bignes of a pins head, but know not, what to make of it. Me thinks, I find, Myrrhe, and Aloe, and Mithridate or Treacle in it; and I had sent you a pattern of it,7 In this very letter, but that I thought, you might be too much surprised by the sent thereoff. Wherefore I conceaved, I did best, to make this a forerunner, and, if you forbid me not, to let the thing itselfe follow by the next, God8 permitting; which I am the more desirous to doe, because I have an opinion, you will be pleased with seing and examining that Medicine, which comes from such a man, in such a way, for such an end, and, with such a character, annexed to it by the Author, that, if it were for a King, he know not to give any better, both for preventing and expelling the Plague. Having now receaved Monsieur Hevelius his present, which Dr Wallis hath a share in, I am now inquiring for a convenient and safe conveighance to him, which I shall have no sooner found, but I shall, God willing, make use off it.e ’Tis, me a For the Latin translation of Boyle’s Colours made in Amsterdam see Works, vol. 4, pp. xiv–v. For Henry Herringman see above, p. 126n. b Oldenburg alludes to the Bills of Mortality published weekly, recording deaths from the plague. c The reference is to John Graunt’s Natural and Political Observations upon the Bills of Mortality, published in 1662. d For Giuseppe Francesco Borri see above, p. 40n. e Oldenburg refers to the presentation copies of Hevelius’s Prodromus cometicus (1665).

532

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 18 Sept. 1665

thinks, very pleasant to read, and9 built upon an Hypothesis, which is ingenious, full of speculation, and appearing sufficient to solve all the phænomena of Comets. This may movere salivam.a Calling the other day at the Bishops Head in Pauls Churchyard, where Mr Thompson abideth by it, I heard of him, that Kircher’s Mundus Subterraneus is come over, and that he looks for the delivery within 4 or 5 dayes:b I perceive, the price will amount to 50 shillings at least, and yet but one volume. I find also, by his Catalogue, that the same Kircher has publisht a Scrutinium Physico-medicum Pestis, which I never saw before.c There is also come over Steno de Musculis et Glandulis, which I know not /35 (2)/ whether it hath been seen here formerly.d I find nothing else, worth buying, except it be johannis Heckeri, Dantiscani10 (Hevelius his kinsman) Motuum Cælestium Ephemerides, ab Anno 1666 ad 1680; grounded upon the Tychonian ‹observations› and Keplerian Hypotheses, and the Rudolphin Tables, composed ad Meridianum Uraniburgecum.e I believe, our taking of some more Dutch ships, so that there are in all 10 men of war, and 20 marchantmen, is come to Oxford ere this, as also that our fleet is returnd to Solebay, having been somewhat dispersed by the late high winds, yet, God be praised, without considerable damage to us.f I humbly thank you for the favor, you intend me, of sending Mr Austins new and reformed Edition;g and when you can conveniently send me your Queries for the Burning11 Glas,h they shall, I hope, be well recommended by Sir Your very humble and faithfull servant H. Oldenb. /35 (2)v/ P.S. I find, Sir, by your silence, that you are not satisfied with the testimonials, hitherto given of the Irish Healer.i Dr Beale and Dr Sidenham Jump in a a

‘make the mouth water’. The reference is to Athanasius Kircher, Mundus subterraneus (1665). George Thompson was a bookseller in London 1642–60. c Oldenburg refers to Kircher’s Scrutinium physico-medicum contagiosae Luis, quae pestis dicitur (1658). d The reference is to Nicholas Steno, for whom see above, p. 77n. e Oldenburg refers to Johannes Hecker (d. 1675), Motuum caelestium ephemerides ab anno 1666 ad annum 1680; ex observationibus correctis Tychonis Brahe et Joh. Kepleri… (1662). The two astronomers referred to are Tycho Brahe (1546–1601), and Johann Kepler (for whom see above, p. 218). The Tabulae rudolphinae were prepared by Kepler in accordance with his modification of the Copernican system. Uraniborg was the location of Tycho Brahe’s observatory on the island of Hveen, Denmark. f ‘Solebay’, Sole Bay, Southwold in Suffolk. g For the 3rd edition of Ralph Austen’s A Treatise of Fruit-trees see above, p. 530n. h On the subject of Villette’s burning mirror see above, pp. 508, 518–19. i John Beale sent two testimonials about Valentine Greatrakes to Oldenburg shortly before 7 Sept. 1665; see above, p. 522. Presumably Oldenburg had transmitted these to Boyle. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

full assurance of the truth of the thing,a and the latter of them saith, that for all he brought as much prejudice against it, as any man could, yet now he hath no more reason to doubt it, than to doubt, whether he is a man, or some other Animal. He adds, that if I shall desire particular accounts, he will take them for me, but that they are so many, that it may as reasonably be demanded of me, who am at London, who in particular have died of the plague, and how they are taken, to the end it may be discoverd certainly, whether there be such a disease, or no.

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house / in / Oxfordb

Seal: Remains of black wax; overlaid by paper. Postmark: ‘[SE] / 19’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 35 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXXV’. Also endorsed on 35 (2)v with Birch number ‘No . 35’.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

24 September 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 91. Fol/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 521–3.

Oxford Sept. 24 1665 Sir I must begin with my humble thanks for the promise you are pleasd to make mee of a Tast of Signor Borhi’s Antidote against the Plague which I am very glad you have actually receivd, especially because to my great greife you have soe much cause to wellcome it upon the Increase of the Plague, which after the last Weekes abatement & at this time of the year wee somewhat1 admire, as well as much deplore.c I am sorry I am not yet ready to send you my Queries about your Freinds great Concave, but I delay it because the Gentlemen I mentiond that have been at Rome & were with Kerker after having calld at my Lodging went unexpectedly a

For Thomas Sydenham see above, p. 84n. For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. c Oldenburg offered to send some of the medicine against disease, which he had received from Giuseppe Francesco Borri, in his letter to Boyle of 18 Sept. 1665, see above, p. 532. b

534

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 24 Sept. 1665

out of Towne but with designe to returne within this Weeke.a A Learned Gentleman that comes from surveying the World & stepd in at Oxford assures mee that he saw in more then one place Bodys preservd many years uncorrupted without be [sic] embalm’d or ‹that he could guesse› otherwise artificially handled.2b On which occasion I call to mind some Experiments I remember I made about preventing putrefaction of Bodys, which were not unsuccessfull, & if God vouchsafe me Life & opportunity to put out another Edition of the usefulnes &c I3 /91 (1)v/ presume they may perswade Inquisitive men that That subject has not yet been narrowly lookd into.c The crowd & hurry that now distracts us here keepes mee from transcribing my Hydrostaticall Instrument.d But the ground of it is That I had4 by diligent Experiments (which were difficult & troublesome enough) found out the true weight of a Cubick Inch of water, that is, as much of that Liquor as would exactly fill a hollow vessell of every way an Inch in its Cavity. For this weight being once obtaind t’is easy to discover by the weights to be added to that5 scale at which the Body to be measurd hangs immersd in water, how many times it looses by that immersion as much weight as amounts to a Cubick Inch of water: soe that although by a peculiar Statera the thing may be better performd, without Calculation; yet6 I soe contrive the matter that only useing peculiar weights (which may be easily made & of what heavy body you please) any ‹good paire of› ordinary scales may be made with tollerable accuracy to define the magnitude of the immersd Body. Here is an Italian Count a Man well versd in Civill affairs, & that speakes divers Languages, who is attempting to translate my History of Cold into Italian; but whether he will have the skill & the Patience to goe through with it I cannot yet ghesse.e I had ere now7 disposd of my Papers about the Origine of Qualitys & Formes, but that8 when I came to have it read over to mee /91 (2)/ I found that some things9 were lost in the Copy itselfe, whence that which is to goe to the presse was transcribd; but now I have supplyd what was wanting aswell as I could out of my memory, & hope the next weeke to have read all the rest over that belong to them.f Since I began this Letter I have been interrupted by two successive Visits the latter of which has detaind mee soe long that I can detaine you noe longer, but must for for [sic] this time conclude by subscribing myselfe a Boyle and Oldenburg had been corresponding about burning mirrors for some weeks. The queries about the French concave glass were requested by Oldenburg in his letter of 18 Sept., above, p. 533. The Roman gentleman who accompanied Athanasius Kircher has not been identified. b Oldenburg here added a note in the left margin: ‘Either by ‹intense› cold, or [followed by ‘by the sands’ deleted] exsiccating sands.’ The learned gentleman in question has not been further identified. c The 2nd edition of Usefulness was published in 1664; there was no 3rd edition. The 2nd ‘tome’ of the same work did not appear until 1671; see Works, vol. 6. d The reference is to Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666), for which see Works, vol. 5. e This Italian version of Cold was never published. f For Boyle’s Forms and Qualities (1666) see Works, vol. 5.

535

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Sir your very Affectionate Freind & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle 10

Dr Cox who came to Towne some howers since presents you his service, as I doe my thanks for the Advertisement you give me of Kirkers Mundus Subterraneus & if in any of the other shops you find any Bookes which lately come over which you shall judge for my turne you will obleige mee to give me a word or two of Intimation of them before they be disposd of.a These To my much Esteem’d / Freind Henery Oldenburg Esquire secretary to the Royall / Society Present At his house in the Pell-mell / near St James’s / London Seal: Seal missing; wax remnants Postmark: ‘SE / 25’. Also marked beneath address ‘post paid 2d’ and ‘sept 25 65’. Endorsed at head of 91 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl.’. Also endorsed by Oldenburg on 91 (2)v ‘Hydrostaticall Instrument’.b a For Daniel Coxe see above, p. 510n. For the books Oldenburg found at George Thompson’s shop in St Paul’s Churchyard see above, p. 533. b In addition to these later endorsements, there are several longer memoranda in Oldenburg’s hand containing comments and material that Oldenburg subsequently used in his letter to Boyle of 28 Sept. 1665. The memorandum at the head of the letter [91 (1)] reads ‘See Gadbury, how A.36, it decreased and increased again. Tho I have reason to welcome it, yet I think it not advisable to stirr up the state of my health in this ‹thicklish and› [replacing ‘damp and’ deleted] catching time. but reserve it for an expulsive under Gods blessing, in case he think it be pleased to visit me also, with this sad distemper: In which, [duplicated by ‘concerning’] as in all other [followed by ‘things avol[?]’ deleted] things under the sun, [followed by ‘it is’ deleted] I desire to make [followed by ‘The n’ deleted] this my comfort, that I [followed by ‘may com’ deleted] have with the servants of God the priviledge to commit my self to him, who doe nothing but what we would doe, if we saw so much as he. Of Gadbury, of Kircher Metallo Stattica, Pansperma rerum, Lapide Philosophorum. / I beg your avise herein, which I doe with the more freedom because I hear, you have indulged to the Academicians to degrade yourself to be Doctor, and therefore will I am persuaded, condescend also to assist me with your counsell. / velocitum cursum 12d. 11h a swallow fly round about the world.’ In this Oldenburg refers to John Gadbury (1627–1704), and his London’s Deliverance Predicted: in a short discourse, shewing the cause of plagues in general (1665); and also to Athanasius Kircher’s Mundus subterraneus (1665). The Latin reads, ‘On metallostatics [and on the] panspermia of things [and] on the philosopher’s stone’. Oldenburg also alludes to Boyle’s honorary doctorate, in a draft of a sentence used in the letter of 28 Sept. for which see below, p. 539n. The 2nd memorandum is written at the foot of 91 (2), and reads: ‘NB. Tis greatly hoped, that tho there was some increase again of the bils yet there wil be a corresponding decrease, which God grant, and confort again. This sad cadaverous citty, after so heavy a visit. wherein dyed no less, then 60000. / Gadbury doth heavily charge Saturn and Mars, if he predict no better than hitherto they will need no advocat to bring them off; their squinting and staring looks (which I take to be the Eng-

536

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 26 Sept. 1665

VISCOUNT MASSEREENE to BOYLE and MORAY before 25 September 1665 This letter from John Clotworthy, first Viscount Massereene (d. 1665), was referred to at a meeting of the Council of the Royal Society on 8 August 1666, where it is described as ‘concerning the hundred pounds intended by him [Massereene] as a donation for the use of the society’; it was ordered that it should ‘be sent to one of the members of the society residing at Dublin, who should be desired to deliver a copy of it to the present lord Massereene, to see his inclination to the performance of that intention’ (Birch, Royal Society, ii, 106). Massereene died on 25 September 1665, hence this letter must be of earlier date.

HOOKE to BOYLE

26 September 1665

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 544–5. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 503–4 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, vi, 251–3.

Durdens,a Sept. 26, 1665. Most honoured Sir, I WAS a little troubled at the miscarriage of my last letter, and so much the more, because I could not till now find an opportunity of repeating my request I therein made.b I did therein, as I remember, send an account of some trials I had then newly made in a well not far from us, which, upon measuring, I found to be no less than three hundred and fifteen foot in its perpendicular depth, though that was short also of the depth, that I was assured it was of, before it had been filled up by timber, stones, and other rubbish; for the owner of it affirmed it to be no less than seventy fathoms deep by measure, or four hundred and twenty foot, so that it seems no less than a hundred foot is filled with rubbish, at least it is stopped by some cross timber, which I rather suspect, because that I found the weights to be stayed by them, if I suffered them to descend below that depth. One of the experiments I tried in it was that of gravity, which upon accurate trial I found to succeed altogether as the former, whereof I gave you an account before. I tried also an experiment in it with four large candles, lighted and placed at a convenient lish of their quadrate and opposite Aspects) will hardly make them be found guilty by any judicious and honest jury of philosophers. yet he has some natural observations that make his pamphlet worth the mony, / To mention, that I have sent Hevelius to Wallis by water this day’. In the first line, Oldenburg alludes to the London Bills of Mortality, and to the city’s losses from the plague. In his letter to Oldenburg of c. 16 Sept. 1665 Boyle wrote that Wallis was expecting Johann Hevelius’s Prodromus cometicus (1665); see above, p. 532. a For Durdens, the home of Lord Berkley, where Hooke went to stay in Aug., see above, p. 494n. b Hooke’s last letter to Boyle is not extant.

537

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

distance, one from another, in sockets fastened on a board for that purpose. The issue was, that they burnt very freely, and blazed, till they had descended about two hundred and forty foot from the top, where they suddenly began to grow dim, and quickly after went out all together, as if suddenly quenched or extinguished by their sinking into a damp; which if so, the damp must be no less than threescore foot deep. I was not then able to repeat the experiment, by reason of the loss of those candles by an unlucky accident before I had got up the line; nor have not since had time, but I propose, God willing, shortly the further prosecution of it, together with a long series of experiments, which I have thought on, it being such an opportunity, as is scarce to be met with in any other place I know. I have in my catalogue already thought on divers experiments of heat and cold, of gravity and levity, of condensation and rarefaction of pressure, /p. 545/ of pendulous motions and motions of descent; of sound, of respiration, of fire, and burning, of the rising of smoke, of the nature and constitution of the damp, both as to heat and cold, driness and moisture, density and rarity, and the like. And I doubt not but some few trials will suggest multitude of others, which I have not yet thought of; especially if we can by any means make it safe for a man to be let down to the bottom. I should very gladly receive from you, if it be not too great a trouble, a catalogue of such experiments, as you shall think fit to be tried to it, which was indeed the chief business of my last scribble. I am going shortly for a little while into the Isle of Wight,a and so perhaps may not till my return be able to make those trials; but I suppose the winter will not afford less instructive experiments than the other. And therefore what you shall please to suggest now will not come too late for winter experiments, especially if I can give order for making ready an apparatus for them before I take my journey, which I shall be able to do, if by the return of this bearer you please to send them to, Most honoured Sir, your most humble, and most faithful servant, ROB. HOOKE.

28 September 1665b

OLDENBURG to BOYLE From the original in Early Letters OB 36. 4o/2. a b

Hooke was born on the Isle of Wight and members of his family still lived on the island. Mistakenly printed in Birch, Works, under 18 Sept. 1665.

538

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 28 Sept. 1665

Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 335–7, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 195–7 and Oldenburg, ii, 531–5.

London Sept. 28. 1665. Sir, I venture to send you here inclosed a small proportion of Signor Borrhi’s Antidote, which hitherto I have made no other use off, but barely to taste it, much scrupling in this ticklish time to stirre the state of my health, especially by the use of a medicine, I have no other Elogium off, but that of the Author alone. yet I doe very much wish, in case you taste it, or otherwise examine it, that you would favour me with a free communication of your Judgement concerning it, as also of your advise about the beneficialnes or conveniency of using it as a preservatif, for which the Donor recommends it as much, as for an expulsif.a And this advise I doe now take the greater liberty to intreat of you, since I am very credibly inform’d, that you have indulged to the Academicans to degrade yourself to be Doctor, and therefore am the more confident, you will both as such, and as a Noble friend, assist me with your counsell herein.b I returne you my humble thanks for communicating to me the ground of your Hydrostaticall1 Instrument, which I am much pleased with.c Turning over a part of Kirchers Mundus Subterraneus the other day at Mr Thompsons (who will certainly keep an Exemplar of it for you) I found him treat also something of Hydrostaticks, as also of Metallo-staticks; but in what manner, a bare running over of some leaves could not enable me to give an account off.d In the mean While, I doe much feare, he gives us rather Collections, as his custom is, of what is already extant and knowne, than any considerable new Discoveryes. The titles and heads of chapters are very august, if the2 matter equall them, I shall not repent of what I must pay for it. I have already offred Mr Thompson the value of 48 shillings3 in Books, I intend to part with (which /36 (1)v/ himself must acknowledge to be more worth) and yet he demurrs to make the exchange, though Kirchers book make up but one midlesized volume, the Cuttse of it being also not very many, and most of them in wood. ’Tis certain, this Book takes in all the considerable particulars, belonging to that world, Waters, Mettals, Stones (where he forgets not that of the Philosophers) Fires, Earths, Insects, underground Men, and Dæmons ‹themselves› etc: but how he acquits himselfe of it, you must Judge. I have sent this very day by water for Oxford Hevelius his Prodromus Cometicus, desseined by the Author for Dr Wallis, accompanied with another for a

For Borri’s medicine against the plague see above, p. 515. Boyle was given the honorary degree of Doctor of Physic by Oxford University on 8 Sept. 1665. c See above, p. 535. d Oldenburg found Kircher, Mundus subterraneus (1665) and other continental works in George Thompson’s bookshop in London. See above, p. 533. e i.e., the woodcuts or illustrations. b

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2, 1662–5

the Bishop of Exeter, ‹and›4 my letters for them both;a and I hope, the role will come safe, and the Bishop will meet his present, coming to sit in Parlement. When you are ready to send your Queries about the great French Concave, I shall be so also, to recommend them, I hope, to good purpose.b A late letter from Paris to me hath this further, for its commendation.c Le miroir de Monsieur Septalius (which I gave lately a description off to Sir R. Moray) n’est pas à comparer à celuy de Lyon, qui n’a pas son pareil au monde.d Monsieur Auzout vous en entretiendra d’avantage au premier jour (but this entertainment I have not had yet) et vous en dira bien d’autres effets, ou au moins plus considerables, que ceux, que je vous ay mandé:e bien de gens le marchandent; et il y a bien de l’apparence, qu’il sortira de France; nos Francois n’estans pas assez curieux. I cannot imagine, after what manner the preservation of Bodyes uncorrupted for many years, without embalming or other artifice, can be peformed, except it be by intense natural Cold, or by Exsiccating Sands. I hope, I shall have a share in what the Travellour, ‹you mention,› may impart to you concerning it; and I am very glad to find, you remember a second Edition of the Usefulnesse of Experimental Philosophy which you can hardly think how much it is desired by all sorts of men.f I have gone a good way, in continuing the Latin traduction of it:g the like I have done of your Experimental History of Cold, in regard of which latter it will be, me thinks, not only unnecessary, but also prejudiciall to the Printer of the Latin for Cold, to have the same translated into Italian, for this latter would certainly hinder the sale of all Latin Copies in Italy, where they love every whit as well to read books in Italian, as the English doe to read them in English.h Wherefore I propose only, whether it might /36 (2)/ not doe well, to give some indirect hint to that Italian Gentleman, that has such an intention, as you speake, that the Latin Version is like to be finisht a

In his letter of c.16 Sept. 1665 (above, p. 532), Boyle told Oldenburg that Wallis was expecting a copy of Hevelius’s Prodromus cometicus (1665) from Oldenburg. For the Bishop of Exeter, Seth Ward, see above, p. 72n. b The queries about the French burning mirror were first requested by Oldenburg in his letter to Boyle of 18 Sept. 1665, above, p. 533. c This letter was probably from Henri Justel, for whom see above, p. 482n. ‘The mirror of Mr Settala … is not to be compared to that of Lyons, which has no equal in the world. Mr Auzout will entertain you with more at the first opportunity … and will tell you as well of other effects, or at least more considerable ones than those I have told you of: many people are bargaining for it and it looks likely that it will leave France, since we Frenchmen are not sufficiently inquisitive.’ d For Settala see above, p. 479n. The letter from Oldenburg to Moray has not been found. e For Adrien Auzout see above, p. 85n. f The 2nd edition of Boyle’s Usefulness had appeared in 1664, therefore Oldenburg intends to refer to the 3rd edition, of which there was none. Usefulness II, sect.2 appeared in 1671; see Works, vol. 6. g No translation by Oldenburg of this work was ever published. For a published Latin version of 1692 see Works, vol. 1, p. lxiii and vol. 3, pp. xxv–vi. h For the unpublished Latin translation of Cold see above, p. 391n. In his letter to Oldenburg of 24 Sept., Boyle reported that an ‘Italian Count’ was attempting to translate Cold into Italian, see above, p. 536.

540

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 28 Sept. 1665

within a month or so, and that the Copies thereof being sent abroad into all the learnd parts of the world, and consequently into Italy too, ‹will›5 preoccupate the sale of the Italian translation etc. What I mention of finishing it within a month or thereabout,6 I hope, by the help of God, shall be performed. Now for some Statenews, and I have done. I receaved lately a letter from Amsterdam, which does not only acknowledge their late great losse, but laments withall, that they see, that all the power, they can make, and all the policy they can use, availes them nothing, divine providences appearing so adverse to them.a It seems by all the circumstances of this letter, that they had contrived the greatest power, and the best conduct, they are masters off, to come off well this second time, and to fight their marchantmen home with good succes; but being extreamly defeated in their exspectations, the soberest of them fall to consider, what will be the event of it, especially now the Bishop of Munster is also actually upon their skirts, and finds as yet no considerable resistance.b I am persuaded, that, if they would yet come downe from their haughtines, they would find much generosity and equity in the English, of granting them such terms, whereby they might handsomly continue their Trade for a confortable support of their Contry; and they hardly deserve more, in my opinion. I am apt to believe, that France will prouve a broken reed to them;c and that at last, seing the Seapower of England, they will strike in with them, for a share in7 Trade; especially now they seem to be set upon it more, than ever, to advance the same in their Contry: for which purpose orders are already issued, as I find by letters, ‹not only› to promote the Manufactures of Cloath and Silk, but also to sett up severall others, of which they specifie Glasmaking, in so much that no Venice-Glas is any more to be imported into France, as also Lace-making, of which latter commodity none is to be sold henceforth in that kingdome, but what shall be made by their owne people, and so of other manufactures, that so they may keep their monyes at home and make conquests with it abroad. The French king hath sent an Ambassador à la Porte Ottomanne, which is the same, that was lately so ill treated there.d To conclude.e La Reyne mere se porte beaucoup mieux de son cancer, le medicin Aliot luy mettant des poudres, qui font sortir la chair pourrie.f Il croit fort de la pouvoir guerir, ce qu’il a dessein de a

This letter, perhaps from Peter Serrarius, is now lost. The 2nd Dutch war was declared in Mar. 1665. For the Bishop of Munster and his forces see above, p. 504n. c For the French alliance with the Dutch republic see above, p. 515n. The allusion is to Isaiah 42, 3. d The French ambassador to Turkey at this time was Denis de la Haye, sieur de Ventelet. e ‘The Queen Mother is recovering from her cancer, the physician Ahiot applying powders to her which make the rotten flesh come away. He is hopeful of being able to cure her, which he intends to do by reducing the breast to nothing by means of his powders. The King having recognised the impotence of medicine and the ignorance of those who practise it has ridiculed these by means of a comedy which he has had performed at Versailles in his presence.’ f For Pierre Alliot, who treated Anne of Austria, see above, p. 520n. b

541

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

faire en reduisant la mammelle à rien par ses poudres. /36 (2)v/ Le Roy ayant reconnu la foiblesse dela medecine, et l’ignorance de ceux, qui la pratiquent, il les a tourné en ridicule dans une comedie, qu’il a fait jouer à Versailles en sa presence.a I doubt not, but you will rejoyce at the decrease of the plague, so considerable this week, that the burialls are lesse by 1837 than they were the week before. the Lord give us truly thankfull hearts, and be pleased to enlarge his mercyes more and more, and ‹to› stop the torrent of abusing them. So prayes Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. O. Just, as I was going to send away these letters, came8 some both of France and Holland to my hands, which are all considerable; but I have not time, to adde them now: only this I shall touch. that the French letters assure the death of the king of Spain; and the Dutch the Meccha-news.b M. Serrarius tells me, that the transcribing of Mr Borrels manuscript9 goes on a pace, and desires, that some mony may be assigned, at first some 30 or 40 gilders: which is about £3 sterling you may see his owne letter, if you please.c For yourselfe. Seal: Black wax; overlaid by paper. Endorsed at head of 36 (1) by Miles in crayon‘To Mr Boyle’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXXVI’. Endorsed on 36 (2)v with Birch number ‘No 36’. The manuscript contains printers’ marks.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

30 September 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 92. Fol/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 535–8.

a The reference is presumably to L’amour médicin (1665) by Molière (Jean-Baptiste Poquelin, 1622–73); his Le médicin malgré lui was first put on in 1666. b King Philip of Spain died on 15 Sept. 1665. For the Siege of Mecca see above, p. 497n. c For the manuscript of Adam Boreel see above, p. 481n.

542

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 30 Sept. 1665

Oxford Sept: 30th 1665 Sir By yours I receivd this morning the Paterne you were pleasd to promisse1 mee of Signior Borri’s Antidote for which I ‹thô› doe now Returne you my humble Thanks yet I shall not send you my full thoughts of it, till I have showne it to some of our Physitians, only thus much seemes already evident enough to me both by the Tast and Smell; That there is pretty store of Treackle or Methridate in it.a I am of your mind that t’is not very adviseable for you to make any great alteration in your Body without some considerable motive, & I wonder that the Author should omit to informe you (for I presume you would not have forgotten to tell it mee) which way this medicine workes. For if it bee a Cathartick I think2 you ought the more to suspect the safty of it for prevention; there being severall examples of those who in infectious Times have fallen into Pestilentiall Feavers upon their having purgd or bled to prevent Them, that great commotion of the Blood, or debilitating losse of It, having excited & brought inwards those latent seeds of Contagion which Nature might else have by degrees dischargd by Transpiration. Your publique News agrees well with ours here, the French Embassadour with whom I happend to bee when he was reading his Letters assures us of the King of Spaines being dead, though the Spanish Embassadour will not owne any such thing, which neverthelesse we now doubt not of.b I had the pleasure this afternoone to meet at Secretary Morris’s both the Dutch Imbassador & Sir George Downing we [sic] /92 (1)v/ who argued long, as became them.c The French Embassadors as we say at Court have freshly threatned us in a very positive way with their Master’s Resolution to exicute the Treaty betwixt him & Holland:d But upon the whole I think I see cause to beleive that the Dutch would be very glad to purchase a peace at a considerable rate; & our Letters assure us that five of the East India ships are not yet come to harbour, not perhaps will in hast. The Intimation you mention about the ‹Latine›3 Version of the History of Cold has been already given before I receivd your Letter. But as that did not discourage the Count that has undertaken the Italian Translation, soe I thought it not fit to urge his desisting from it since it will be the Printers fault if the Latine Edition be not vended before the other will be sent over into Italy, where consequently it will be bought by few a For Borri’s medicine against disease see above, p. 515. The letter from Oldenburg which contained the sample was that of 28 Sept. b The regular French ambassador in England was Jean-Baptiste Gaston (1613–70), Comte de Cominges, the Spanish ambassador was Don Antonio Francisco Mesia de Tobar y Paz, Conde de Molina. For the death of the King of Spain see above, p. 521n. c For Sir William Morrice see above, p. 276n. The Dutch ambassador was Henry van Goch, for whom see above, p. 298n. For Sir George Downing see above, p. 299n. d For the French alliance with the Dutch republic see above, p. 515n.

543

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

or none save those that read Italian, not Latine Bookes[.]a I am not sorry that a New Edition of 4 the Usefullnes &c. is desird, & that will encorage mee if God vouchsafe mee Life & health to add some things that will not make it the lesse wellcome; but to be able to doe that, as any thing else that is Philosophicall I see I must withdraw from this place, where the makeing & receiving of Visits takes up almost all my time:b yet I had the honor of one5 that made mee amends for all the rest, which you will easily beleive when I tell you That it was made mee by Sir Robert Murry, Sir paul Neale, Sir William Petty, Dr Wallis, Dr Cox, Captain Grant, Mr Williamson (& afterwards Mr Secretary Morris, who yet knew nothing of the Company he found.)c These Gentlemen I had put in mind that there being now at Oxford noe inconsiderable number6 of the Royall society insomuch that the King seeing Sir Robert Murry & mee with some others was pleasd to take notise of it, I did not know why we might not, though not as a society yet as a company of Virtuosi renew our meetings & being put upon nameing the day & place I proposd Wednesday as an auspicious day, being as you know that of our former assemblys, & for the place till they could be better accommodated I offerd them my Lodging, where over a dish of Fruite we had a great deale of pleasing Discourse, & some Experiments that I showd them particularly one, which was thought odd enough of turning a Liquor like faire water in a moment into an Incky substance, & presently changing That first into a clear Liquor & then into a white one almost like milk. That Mr Oldenburge was mentiond & drunk to, by some of us I have scarce time & paper to informe you, & that you were wishd here you will I hope easily beleive if you remember that there was in this company besids Sir Robert Murry Sir William Petty & Dr Wallis your very Affectionate Freind & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle 7

Dr Wallis & Dr Cox are your servants. If you call at Pauls I would gladly know if Mr Crooke of the Ship be yet returnd, & when he will be ready to reprint the Scepticall Chymist (which is often enough enquird after) for I hope when I retire hence to have time to read it over, & add two or three Experiments to it.d I would likewise gladly know whether he hath sold of his first Impression of the History of Cold, & I am glad to hear that the Latine Version is ‹soe› forward as you mention. a

For the Latin edition of Boyle’s Cold see above, p. 391n. For the Italian who proposed to translate Cold into Italian see above, p. 536n. b For the plans for a 3rd edition of Usefulness, which never materialised, see above, p. 540. c For Sir Paul Neile see above, p. 99n.; for William Petty see above, p. 103n.; for John Graunt see above, p. 396n., and for William Morrice see above, p. 276n. Oldenburg also refers to Thomas Coxe (1615–85), physician and F.R.S., and Joseph Williamson (1633–1701), statesman and diplomat. d ‘Pauls’, i.e., the booksellers in St Paul’s Churchyard. The reference is to John Crook, who had published the first English and Latin editions of Sceptical Chymist, and also Cold. Sceptical Chymist was not reprinted until 1680.

544

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 5 Oct. 1665

These To my much Esteemd / Freind Henery Oldenburge Esquire secretary to the Royall / Society / Present At his house in the pell-mell / neare St James’s / London Seal: Octagonal seal; undecipherable [possibly the same as seal on Boyle to Oldenburg, 18 November 1665]. Postmark: ‘OC / 4’ (stamped twice). Also endorsed ‘post paid 2d’. Endorsed at head of 92 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl:’. The postscript and the last few lines on 92 (1) are crossed through in pencil.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

5 October 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 37. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 337–8, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 197–9 and Oldenburg, ii, 543–6.

London Oct. 5. 1665. Sir, Considering with myself yesternight, what my employment would be this day, I did not think, I could possibly redeeme so much time, as to scrible a few lines, to performe therein, what I promised by my last.a And I had already intimated so much to Sir R. Moray in a letter, which I wrote for him yesternight late, after I had taken leave of a pipe of Tobacco, supposing, he would be gone from Oxford, before my next should ‹come›1 there.b Yours of Sept. 30, the same date with the last of Sir R. Moray’s, came not to me till this morning, whereas I receaved the other on Tuesday;c the cause of this difference I cannot imagine, and not being at home, when it was brought, I could neither inquire into it. I have mentiond some more particulars of Sir Borrhi’s medicine in Sir R. Moray’s letter, which I know he will show you; wherein you will also find, that it works chiefly by sweat, and at last par selle,d which circumstance will perhaps make you guesse the better at the chief ingredient thereoff. The mentiond letter to Sir Robert contains all the State-news, I have receaved since my last to you; and I am persuaded, they will not displease you. For philosophicall news, I shall in those few minuts, I have remaining, hasten to give you that account, which I receaved last week from Paris concerning the a

Oldenburg’s last letter to Boyle is that of 28 Sept. 1665, above, p. 538–42. Only the memorandum survives of Oldenburg’s letter to Moray; see Oldenburg, ii, 543. c For Moray’s letter to Oldenburg see Oldenburg, ii, 538–40. d ‘by stool’. b

545

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Miroir ardent, and which I thought, I should have ‹been› obliged to putt off till another week. It came to me in French, in these very words;a /37 (1)v/ La figure du miroir est ronde, du diametre de 30 pouces et quelque chose de plus. Il est bordé d’un costé d’un cercle d’acier, à fin qu’il demeure dans sa juste mesure. Il est aisé de le remuer, quoy qu’il pese plus d’un quintal, et l’on le met aisement en toutes sortes de situations. Le point brulant est distant du centre du miroir d’environ 3 pieds. Le Focus est large, comme d’un demy Louys d’or. On y peut passer la main, pourvû que ce soit avec precipitation, car si elle y demeure le temps d’une seconde, on seroit en danger de se faire beaucoup de mal. Le bois vert prend feu en un instant, come plusieurs autres corps. Un petit morceau de fer de marmite s’est mis en goute prest à tomber à terre, en 40 secondes. La piece de 15 sols a esté percée en 24 second. Le clou de paysan s’est mis en goute en 30 second. Un bout de lame d’espee d’Olinde s’est bruslé2 en 43 sec; un jetton de letton a esté percé en 43 sec; un petit morceau de fer bleu a esté percé en 6 sec. Un morceau de cuivre rouge s’est mis en goute prest à tomber en 42 sec. Un morceau de quarreau de chambre s’est vitrifié et mis en bouteille en 45 sec. L’acier, dont les Horologers font leur ressorts s’est trouvé fondu en 9 sec. La pierre de mine, que l’on met aux arquebuses à rouët, s’est calciné et vitrifié en une minute juste; et un morceau de mortier s’est vitrifié en 52 sec. Enfin il n’y a point de corps, qui par ce feu lá ne se consomme. Si l’on vouloit faire fondre quelque grosse quantité de metal, il faudroit beaucoup plus de temps, outre que l’action ne se fait que dans la grandeur du Focus, de sorte qu’on n’y expose ordinairement, que de petits morceaux. Un, nommé Mr D’Alibert l’achepte, et en donne 1500 livres. Sir, I presume, this relation will be no discouragement to the Queries and Experiments, you have desseined for this Glasse; which I long to receave, and to send to my correspondent.b a

‘The mirror is round, with a diameter of 30 inches and a bit. It is edged on one side with a steel circle to keep it in its proper shape. It is easy to move although it weighs more than a hundredweight and it can easily be put in all sorts of positions. The burning point is about 3 feet from the centre of the mirror. The focus is as broad as half a louis d’or. It is possible to pass one’s hand through it, if this is done quickly; if it remains for as long as a second one is in danger of injuring oneself. Green wood catches fire in an instant, and so do many other substances. A piece of an iron pot was melted almost enough to fall to the ground in 40 seconds. A 15 sol piece had a hole burned through it in 24 seconds. A country nail was melted in 30 seconds. The tip of an Olinda sword blade was burned in 43 seconds; a brass token had a hole burned in it in 24 seconds; a little piece of blue steel had a hole burned in it in 6 seconds. A piece of red copper was melted to the point of falling in 42 seconds. A piece of room-tile is vitrified and bottled [?] in 45 seconds. The steel from which clock springs are made is melted in 9 seconds. The mined stone [pyrites] used in wheel-locks is calcined and vitrified in exactly 1 minute; and a piece of mortar is vitrified in 52 seconds. There are in fact no substances which that fire does not consume. If one wants to melt some large quantity of metal, it would require much more time; besides, the action takes place only in the space of the focus, so that ordinarily one only exposes small pieces to it. One Mr d’Alibert is buying it for 1500 livres.’ The burning mirror fashioned by François Villette of Lyons is described above, p. 508. b Oldenburg first requested Boyle’s queries in his letter of 18 Sept. 1665, above, p. 533. The Paris correspondent is likely to be Adrien Auzout, for whom see above, p. 85n.

546

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 5 Oct. 1665

I cannot now adde any more, than to intimate in a word, that the Meccha-news grows stronger, and to returne you my /37 (2)/ humble thanks for giving me, though absent, a share in your philosophicall collation, which is some solace for my unhappinesse of not enjoying more.a Me thinks, you are so many Fellows of the Society, that you can make more than a Quorum, but that you want the President. I rejoyce to find by yours, that you intend to make so good use of that opportunity, ‹as you doe,› and I hope, since you are so many, and so considerable ones of our Body, you will make ‹it› a part of your busines, so to insinuate the desseins of the Royal Society into the Oxonians, that they may relish ‹them›3 as much, as most of them have been reported to disgust them, and give them cause to prefer that solidity of knowledge, the said Society aimes at, before Scholasticall contentions. So ends abruptly Sir Your faithful humble servant H. Old. I acknowledge myselfe unworthy of the favour, expressed to me in your collation by those worthy persons, you were pleased to name. I humbly intreat you, to assure them of the deep sense, I have of it, and of my very humble service, particularly to Sir William Petty, Dr Wallis and Dr Coxe.b I know not, Sir, whether I mentiond to you in my last Mr Serrarius his desire, about the disbursing of some mony for the transcribing of Mr Borrels papers.c I am sure, I intended it; but often, I think, the concurrence of many particulars4 makes me forget some of them.

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxfordd

Seal: Black wax; broken example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Postmark: ‘OC / 5’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 37 (1) by Wotton: ‘Mr Oldenburgh Account of Fr. Mirroir ardent’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. XXXVII’ (altered from ‘XXXVIII’. Endorsed on 37 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 37’. a For the Siege of Mecca see above, p. 497n. Oldenburg alludes to the gathering of Royal Society members at Boyle’s lodgings in Oxford, described in Boyle’s last letter. b For William Petty see above, p. 103n., and for Thomas Coxe see above, p. 544n. c For the transcription of Adam Boreel’s work by Peter Serrarius see above, p. 481n. d For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

547

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

10 October 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 38. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 338–9, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 199–201 and Oldenburg, ii, 555–9.

London Oct. 10. 1665. Sir, I am glad, you like the French Burning-glasse, which you ‹will› doe the more, being assured by the letters, sent me, that1 the performances mentiond are so reall, that no man there, doubts of the truth thereoff. Since I sent you the Transcript, I have lost the originall, at least I have so mislaid it, that I must use the freedome of desiring a Copy of what you have.a The Inquiry about Sounds is worthy of Philosophers, and I find, that Kircher even under Ground could not forbear to medle with it. For, in his Mundus Subterraneus, treating of the Center of the Earth, and of Pendulums, he takes occasion to treat2 de Chordarum harmonicarum motu,b affirming, that the motion of strings in Musicall Instruments is after the same manner, as the motion of Pendulums, and deriving thence all Musick.c Cùm enim (saith he) sonus quilibet componatur ex tot acuminis et gravitatis gradibus, quot diadromomum reflexorum puncta sunt, quibus toties Auris tympanum, dato aliquo tempore, à commoto aëre percutitur; luculenter patet, tam sonos, quàm consonantias dissonantiasve omnes nil aliud esse, præter varios motuum aëris, ad aures appellentium, numeros nervorum spirituúmque Acusticorum ope ad cerebrum delatos. And a litle after he proposes this Experiment;d Tendantur duæ chordæ æqualis crassitici et longitudinis eodem pondere, ut utræque ad invicem Unisonum sonent, tum sicuti se habet chorda ad chordam, et pondus ad pondus intensivum, ita se habebunt Vibrationes ad se invicem: quoniam itaque chordæ sunt æquales, eæ æquali tempore æquales vibrationes perficient. Thence he goes on, by the division of strings, and a due application of weights, to ‹give›3 Diapasons, Disdiapasons etc. as you will better find in the Book itselfe.

a For the extract from a letter from Paris, copied out by Oldenburg, on the subject of François Villette’s burning mirror, see above, p. 546. Boyle’s reply is not extant. b ‘of the motion of strings in harmony’. Oldenburg refers to Athanasius Kircher’s Mundus subterraneus (1665). c ‘For since…any sound is composed of so many degrees of sharp and flat tones, as there are points in a swinging pendulum, with which tones the whole eardrum is struck, at any given time, by the air set in motion; it is very evident that not only all sounds, but all consonances and dissonances are nothing but various numbers of motions of the air, approaching the ear, and carried to the brain by the acoustic nerves and spirits.’ d ‘Let two strings of the same thickness and length be stretched by equal weights so that both sound in unison. Then, as one string is to the other and one tension to the other, so will the vibrations be to one another; and so, since the strings are equal, they will perform equal vibrations in equal times.’

548

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Oct. 1665

I was but yesterday with Mr Thompson, who uses to acquaint me with the new4 Books, that come abroad, but he neither then, nor afore, told me any thing /38 (1)v/ of Galilæo’s second Tome: but I shall aske him about it, God willing, the next time I passe that way.a I am very glad, that I have not been so forward, as some of my Correspondents would have had me, in diffusing the wonders, ‹said to be› performed by Gratrix, into all parts of the world, and that with my owne asseverations of the Truth thereoff: for I find your intelligence much differing from mine; though indeed I heard lately, that this Healer did faile in some cures, but that it was about such persons, as had their sinnews quite whiterd,b and their vitalls totally destroyed, and the balls of their eyes lost; and that therefore Himselfe did sadly complaine over, and much commiserate the ill-advised Journey’s of such persons, saying, that God had given him the guift of Healing, but not Creating Limbs.c By the very last, I receaved this Information, that a Childe in Dr Beale’s neighbourhood is5 cured of the stone or other stoppage of Urine, which came all, as he saith, with horrid paine in threads, or ropes, but now, after the touch, is very perfectly naturall, and without paine. Having related this, He adds, It cannot be denyed, that innumerable great cures are done, ‹and›6 ’tis ‹not› possible, that all exspectations should be satisfyed, without a generall restauration equivalent to a Resurrection. And then he concludes, that the fame must suddenly fall, because ’tis odious to many, and winter hinders the passage, and himself is7 tyred with the infinite resorte, and mens exspectations.d I have heard the like, you are pleased to mention, concerning the effects of Spirit of Harts-horn, of M. Whitaker, who is perhaps the young practitioner about London, you hint in your letter.e But I doe not understand, upon what account the Sulphur Auratum Diaphoreticum,8 being, a vomit, as you intimate, should be a safe medicin for the plague.f I have here inserted M. Serrarius his owne Note of what is desired at present for ‹the copying of› M. Borreels papers.g you may doe, as you think fit. I have in the meane ‹while› written to him, that I have acquainted you with it, and that I doubt a

This probably refers to the 2nd ‘tome’, part I, of Thomas Salusbury’s Mathematical Collections and Translations, which was published in 1665 and contained an English version of Galileo’s Discorsi e dimostrazioni matematiche intorno a due nuove scienze (1638). No known copy contains this 2nd ‘tome’. For George Thompson, bookseller, see above, p. 533n. b i.e., ‘withered’. c For Valentine Greatrakes see above, p. 506n. d Beale’s letter to Oldenburg is not extant. e Oldenburg possibly refers to William Whitaker (d. 1670), admitted candidate of the College of Physicians 1654, who lived in Holborn. f This may be the same as Sulphur auratum antimonii, a strong emetic. g This letter from Peter Serrarius has not been found, nor is there any surviving draft of Oldenburg’s reply. For Serrarius’s transcription of Adam Boreel’s work see above, p. 481n.

549

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

not but you will give all reasonable satisfaction for the paines taken in this matter. /38 (2)/ I have likewise inclosed M. Auzouts printed paper, containing his censure of the Hevelian Observations of the ‹first› Comet, to the end, that our Oxonian members, comparing both together, may be the abler to Judge of the controversy: concerning which our President writes thus to me in a letter, (written on board of the Dutch Slothany Prise), which came to my hands yesterday:a I shall peruse Hevelius’s book, you sent me, and give you some account of it; but it will be convenient, I first see what M. Auzout objects, and not amisse too, to know the sense of our members at Oxford, the same being likely also to be my opinion, and then my assent only will save me further trouble; and if we differ, it were fitt to reconcile them first, before a return be made to Hevelius. I agree with you, that it were not fit to return for answer, that the discontinuance of our usuall meetings, during the plague at London, incapacitates the Society to give their opinion of it, without sending at the same time the judgement of those, you mention. Sir, Those persons were, yourselfe, Sir R. Moray, Sir William Petty, Dr Wallis. And you see by this, how necessary it is, that this printed paper should be with speed perused and considered by the Oxonian Club, that ‹so› it ‹may quickly›9 be returned hither for his Lordship.b On Saturday last I gave Notice to Sir R. Moray by the post, that I had then sent away10 ‹two of› Hevelius’s books for Oxford by a Barge, whose owner is one Mr Moise, carrying severall things belonging to the Duke of york and Prince Rupert, the Dukes Confectioner going along with it. I heare, the Barge stayes 5 miles short of Oxford, and that there other conveyghance is provided to carry it to Oxford; as also, that my Role is putt up with the Dukes goods. I doubt not, but Sir Robert will inquire, and ‹take care,›11 that it may be delivered to Dr Wallis, who is most concerned therein.c In the same letter to Sir Robert, I took notice to him of what a certain odd Philosopher (whom you know better, then He, it being Signor Spinosa) hath very lately written to Me concerning M. Hugens, his transmigration into France, ‹his Penduls,› and his progresse in Dioptricks etc.d The same Spinosa expresses12 a very great respect for you, and presents you his most humble service, and is displeased, that the Dutch Stationers will, in spight of our teeth, sell off one of their owne Lattin impressions of your History of Colors, before the13 Translation, made here, can be sent thither.e a

For Adrien Auzout see above, p. 85n. For the publications of Auzout and Hevelius on the comet of 1664–5 see above, pp. 482–3. Evidently Oldenburg’s correspondent was William Brouncker. b For William Petty see above, p. 103n. Oldenburg refers to the gathering of Royal Society Fellows in Oxford, during the hiatus in official meetings in London due to the plague. c Oldenburg transmitted Hevelius’s Prodromus cometicus (1665) ‘by water’ to John Wallis shortly after 24 Sept. 1665; see above, pp. 532, 537. For the Duke of York see above, p. 367, and for Prince Rupert see above, p. 102n. Neither the Duke’s confectioner nor Mr Moise have been further identified. Oldenburg’s letter to Moray is printed in Oldenburg, ii, 549–50. d The reference is to Baruch Spinoza (1632–77), apostate Jew and philosopher of Amsterdam. His letter to Oldenburg, of Sept. or Oct. 1665, is printed in Oldenburg, ii, 540–2. e A Latin edition of Colours was printed at Amsterdam in 1667.

550

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 10 Oct. 1665

To give you an Extract of what he is thinking and doing, he writes thus; /38 (2)v/ a Gaudeo, Philosophos vestrates vivere, sui suæque14 reipublicae memores. Quid nuper fecerint, exspectabo, quando bellatores sanguine fuerint saturi, et, ad vires nonnihil instaurandas, quieverint. Si celebris ille Irrisor hac ætate viveret, risu sanè periret.b Me tamen hæ turbæ nec ad risum, nec etiam ad lacrymandum, sed potius ad Philosophandum, et humanam Naturam melius observandam, incitant. Nam nec Naturam irridere, mihi fas existimo, multò minùs ipsam deplorare, dum cogito, homines, ut reliqua, partem tantùm esse Naturæ, meque ignorare, quomodo una quæque pars Naturæ cum suo toto conveniat, et quomodo cum reliquis cohæreat; et ex solo hujus cognitionis defectu reperio, quòd quædam Naturæ, quæ ita ex parte et nonnisi mutilaté percipio, et quæ cum nostra mente philosophica minime conveniunt, mihi ante hac vana, inordinata, absurda, videbantur: Jam verò unumquemque ex suo ingenio vivere sino, et qui volunt, pro fecto suo Bono moriantur, dummodò mihi pro Vero vivere liceat. Compono jam Tractatum de meo circa Scripturam sensu;c ad id verò faciendum me movent, 1. Præjudicia Theologorum; scio enim, ea maximé impedire, quò minus homines animum ad Philosophiam applicare possint: ea igitur patefacere atque amoliri à mentibus prudentiorum satago. 2. Opinio, quam Vulgus de me habet, qui me Atheismi insimulare non cessat: Eam quoque averruncare, quoad fieri potest, cogor. 3. Libertas philosophandi dicendiqué quæ sentimus; quam asserere omnibus modis cupio, quæque hîc ob nimiam concionatorum authoritatem et petulantiam utcunque supprimitur. a ‘I am glad that your philosophers are alive, and mindful of themselves and their country. I shall expect news of what they have been doing recently when the soldiers are sated with blood and rest in order to renew their strength somewhat. If that famous scoffer were alive today he would surely die of laughing. Yet these disorders do not move me to laughter or even to tears, but rather to philosophizing, and to the better observation of human nature. For I do not think it right for me to laugh at nature, much less to weep over it, when I consider that men like the rest are only a part of nature and that I do not know how each individual part of nature is related to the whole, nor how it is joined to the rest. I find that it was merely from lack of knowledge of this kind that certain things in Nature used to appear to me vain, disorderly and absurd because I perceive them only partially and in mutilated form and because they do not agree with our philosophical outlook. But now I let everyone live according to his own ideas, and let those who will, die for their own good, so long as I am allowed to live for the truth. I am now putting together a treatise on my interpretation of the Scriptures. I am moved to this by the following reasons: 1. The prejudices of the theologians, for I know that these are the chief obstacles preventing men applying their minds to philosophy; accordingly, I strive to expose them and to remove them from the minds of sensible people. 2. The opinion which the common people have of me, who do not cease to charge me with atheism; I am also obliged to set this charge aside, as much as I can. 3. The liberty to philosophise and speak as we believe; I desire to vindicate this in every way, for here it is suppressed at every turn by the excessive authority and petulance of the preachers. I have not yet heard that any of the Cartesians explains the phenomena of the recent comets according to Descartes’s hypothesis, and I doubt whether they can be explained correctly in that way.’ b The reference is to the Greek philosopher, Democritos (4th century BC), who became known as ‘the laughing philosopher’. c Tractatus theologico-politicus, published anonymously in 1670.

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Nondum audio, Cartesianum aliquem ex Cartesii hypothesi, nuperorum cometarum phænomena explicare; et dubito, an ex illa ritè explicari possint.a Monsieur du Son, being the other day at my house, where we talkt at randome of many things, told me among the rest, that he had knowne the blind Man at Mastrich, that sees colors with his fingers ends, and ‹had› conversed with him a good while, during which, he had seen him play at cards, with better succes, than any man, he played with, as also, to15 distinguish men ‹and women› from one another by feeling their hands, or necks, and to discriminate the severall colors of haire, and lastly, to discern the beauty of woemen by their voyce.b Of State16 news we have the following particulars: that the whole Dutch Fleet is come to Soule-bay, for a bravado, our Fleet being not there: that the French Auxiliaries are upon their march to Joyne with the Holland forces against Munster: that the French king hath given order to buy up 40000 new muskets: that the king of Spain hath been dead this 6 months, and that, when ‹they›17 told us, some weeks since, of his being a spectator of a Bull-baiting, it was his Effigies, that lookd on,18 so artificially made, that it moved quaquaversum.c /38 (1)/ 19 I pray, Sir, oblige me by quickning our friends to peruse this printed paper, that I may have it again speedily; for I am unwilling to have M. Hevelius his patience tryed too long. I reserve my writing to Sir R. Moray till Thursday, to whom, I pray, my humble service.d I heard not from him, when I did from you last. Endorsed at head of 38 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXXVIII’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks

a The comets referred to were the one already noted, see above, p. 482n., and a 2nd which appeared as the 1st faded, in Mar. 1665; their appearance was the subject of much debate amongst continental observers. b Boyle was told the story of the blind man at Mastricht by Sir John Finch, see also p. 373 above. It appears in Colours (1664); see Works, vol. 4, pp. 40–1. Oldenburg refers to Monsieur de Son, du Son or d’Esson (b. 1604), seigneur d’Aigmont, a French engraver and inventor, who worked in England from 1664. c ‘in any direction’. The reference is to Sole Bay, Southwold, Suffolk, where the English fleet had been sheltering. For the French intervention in the advance of the Bishop of Munster’s forces into the United Provinces see above, pp. 504, 515. d Oldenburg’s letter to Moray is not extant.

552

BEALE

to BOYLE, 11 Oct. 1665

BEALE to BOYLE

11 October 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 116, pp. 129–32. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 470–1 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 391–2.

Sir, I made as much haste as I could to returne my most humble acknowledgements of your laste favours by the same hand that brought them to me But nowe hearing that you give life to the engagements of R Soc by a Club in Oxford, & That you have opportunityes to conferre with Mr Austen, I make bold to propose an expedient or two, by which his Industry & faythfullnesse to experiments may correct, & amend old reports; & much improve our vegetables for alimenta Much of this I can give in one reference, viz, to Palladius, & more particularly his 14th booke de Insitione.b Where, though wee must expect a poeticall glosse, & overstraining for Wonder, & I have seene some experiments fayle of his character; Yet I cannot heare of any sufficient prosecution of the argument by reall & carefull Essayes, which may at easy rate be made in a Nursery, Where the neighbour graffesc may be permitted to drawe from their1 native stoc, more, or fewer yeares, for variety of experiment: I heare of many Essayes of Mr Fynch in Herefordshire, & Worcesterrshire:d But not of any such largenesse in his ayme. Wee see, That Palladius wrote much upon reall experience, himselfe being an Illustrious persone of large revennues, his lands in Italy, Naples, & Sardinia, &c very differing soyles &c. More particularly, & of more generall usefullnes, & at some certainety, Wee may complaine, that we have too long & too much neglected the liquor of cherryes. For tis beyond beliefe what store of cherryes one acre of kind land will yield in a fit air, when they escape frosts. And by this you may judge of their cheapenesse, that wee have often seene cherryes brought from Poykee neere Worcester to Hereford (which is 18 miles) on horsebacks for 2d per pound, or thereabout. For such carriage they must be gathered more carefully than for the presse, & the liquor may yield a far greater value; but I could never obtaine a due examination of the salubrity of the liquor, or /p. 130/ what kind of cherry yeelded the best & wholsomest a Boyle and others had been meeting at Oxford while the plague caused the suspension of the Royal Society in London. For Ralph Austen see above, p. 269n. In 1665 the 2nd edition of Austen’s Treatise on Fruit-trees appeared. b For Palladius see above, p. 171n. The De insitione liber, written in verse and added to the De re rustica, (1472), was first printed in 1510. c i.e., grafts. d Mr Finch has not been traced. e i.e., Powick.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

liquor, howe long they should be in the heape, aftr they are gathered, before they be pressed: & the time of the liquors maturity:. I was in Covenant with many persons to prosecute these enquiryes, & to devise commodious presses; & some applauded their successe, some fayld, none tooke encouragement to continue the experiment & to advance it to any considerable quantity. And tis to be considered, that some land & air is fitter for cherryes, than for other fruite. And perchance they would doe lesse hurte in liquor, than in their kind: otherwise I would say little for them. I concieve they should be prest within 24 houres after they are gathered; yet not immediately: & the liquor speedily enclosed for fermentation. For it seemes apt to expire. But Sir I should not give you this trouble, Neyther doe I intend it otherwise than by your recommends with my service to Mr Austen. I have indeed many other thoughts concerning apples, peares, & cider fruite, but that worke thrives happily, & needes noe nice curiosity.a For the Vegetables Dr Syd[enham] is a very heretique. He detracts as much from the worth of their knoweledge, as they overspoke it, who gave them a Godhead. And Hortus Sanitatis is lesse faulty in overnumbring their Vertues, than He in diminishing the accompt.b He was much pleasd with the accompt I offered of the correspondence of parts in plants. I had my first directions in a briefe MS from Mr Hartlib, De Herbis sine Duce cognoscendis; Which I did put into my Lord Breretons hands, intending it for the public; And I conceive it worthy to be further sollicited.c Sir Since you have appeared soe heartily, & successefully for religion, & have once allowd me the freedome to advise you in one pointe, Wherein you will please to remember, that I did not engage them in a Controversy, but only mov’d you to decline the engagement; I pray you, Let me further prevayle with you to adventure halfe a quarter of an houre (It cannot cost you more time) to reade the 2d chapter of Socinus his prælectione.d /p. 131/ In quo quæritur, quid sit in homine naturaliter, quod2 ‹ad› religionem pertinet,e It hath beene much in my thoughts above thiese 30 yeares, And it advertisd me to dive into the spirits of many people to find their bent, notions, & grounds. And as to the generall, I find it very hard to discerne, a In 1664 Beale’s notes on cider appeared in the Pomona, an appendix to Evelyn’s Sylva, or a discourse of forest-trees. Although technically a collaborative production, Pomona was really the result of Beale’s interest in propagating cider fruit. See Stubbs ii, 323–63. b For Thomas Sydenham see above, p. 84n. As well as pressing the Royal Society to undertake work on fruit, Beale encouraged its members in the improvement of vegetables. For Hortus sanitatis see above, p. 157. c For Samuel Hartlib see above, p. 67n. This manuscript ‘On recognizing plants without a guide’ is also referred to in Beale to Boyle, 28 Apr. 1666 and 13 July 1666, where Beale indicates that Brereton passed it on to Boyle (vol. 3, pp. 143, 176). For William Brereton see above, p. 102n. d For Faustus Socinus, author of Prælectiones theologicæ (1609), see above, p.147n. e ‘In which it is asked, what is natural in man, that pertains to religion’.

554

BEALE

to BOYLE, 11 Oct. 1665

Howe much or howe little of religion wee have in the frame of our natures; & to distinguish that from all kinde of Revelation, or Tradition. And Mr Hales told me often that he found himselfe utterly at a losse in that pointe. And soe he notes in one of those scraps that are printed.a Yet I encline to conceive, That all the world over, there is more of Revelation & Grace, than we can strictly claime from our naturall frame or any lines written in our hearts. And I hope this will acquit me from Pelagianisme, which the Calvinians doe liberally dash upon all their adversaryes. And for ought I can heare, the Americans in generall take more reverend knoweledge of Superiour & divine powers, than some that live amongst us. And I can shewe you in England the full body of some Townes & Countieyes, very zelous, devote, ready to doe, to suffer, & to exspend freely in the way of their religion ‹yet› within 20 or 30 mil[es]3 of that place the whole body of people habitually, & time ou[t of] minde, unsensible, & wholly as unconcernd in all discours[es] of religion, & apt to take ‹all› to be fanatics that make any pretence to seriousnesse in devotion. Hence I collect That by custome many4 people doe unconcerne themselves in the holy Traditions, which they received from their ancestors. And yet allso that all5 Nations very generally, if not universally, have somewhat of holy Tradition; And therefore tis the best use wee can make of our reasone, if wee employ it candidly & heartily to find out safe & firme grounds Why & howe far we should admit of Revelation, by what evidence &c To the words of Socinus6 Hoc autem nihil aliud est in argument 12 of that chapterb I can adde the fullnesse of primitive fathers of best authority, which being added to the Elegancyes of Cælius Secundus Velcurio De Amplitudine Regni Dei, will plead more comfort for /p. 132/ good naturd, sober & honest Gentles, [sic] & much more yet for devoute Jewes & Mahumedans than for our overgrowing Atheisticall drolls.c But the letter I intended is become a booke of blots, & tis time I subscribe Most honoured Sir Your most oblieged servant J Beal.

Oct. 11. 1665

These are For the Honourable Robert Boyle / Esqr &c &c At his Lodgings in / Oxford. a

For John Hales see above, p. 70n. The desultory tone of Beale’s reference to Hales’s publications was probably due to Hales’s own reluctance to write for publication and the fact that many pieces were published during his lifetime without his permission. Hales wrote several religious tracts and the text Beale refers to here has not been individually identified. b See above, p. 554. c Beale refers to De amplitudine beati regni Dei (1554) by the classical scholar Coelius Secundus Curio (1503–69).

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2, 1662–5

Seal: as seal on Beale to Boyle, 1 January 1663: shield difficult to decipher but possibly with a sun in chief. Endorsed on p. 132 by Miles ‘October 11 1665’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XVIII’.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

14 October 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 93. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 569–71.

Oct 14th 1665 Sir There were divers particulars in your Letter, whose surprizingnes deservd my Wonder as well as my Thanks but a Mathematician newly come to Towne has by a long & unexpected visit deprivd mee of the time I hop’d to have had wherein to take notise of particulars;1 wherefore I shall rather tell you that at our meeting on Wednesday last (at Dr Wallis’s) two Letters of yours to Sir Robert Murry were publiquely read which administerd Occasion of much discourse;a & more wee should have had, if I had then receivd Monsieur Auzouts Paper which I showd Sir Robert Murry as soone as I receivd it, & which is now in the hands of Dr Wallis who desird to consider it, & both he & I cannot but Wonder to find2 that either your Ingenious Monsieur should soe much misrender Hevelius’s Affirmations, or that Hevelius should soe widely mistake in3 affirming that, which disagrees soe strangly /93 (1)v/ not only with Monsieur Auzouts Observations at Paris, but with what if I much misremember not my Lord Broncker, Sir Robert Murry, & I observd at London.b I humbly thanke you for what you write mee of Monsieur Duson’s Observations concerning the blind man, & if you could procure from him in writeing, what he remembers concerning that subject, it would be as the more Authentick soe the more wellcome.c I am much obleigd to your Spanish Philosopher for the Favourable Opinion he is pleasd to have of mee, & beg you to returne him my humble thanks for his Civilitys to mee.d But as to what he say’s of Monsieur Hugenius I doubt he is therein a litle too severe & perhaps the more soe because he, I meane4 a The mathematician has not been further identified. Boyle refers to the meetings of Royal Society members in Oxford, in the absence of official meetings in London due to the plague. b Oldenburg’s letter, to which Boyle refers, is that of 10 Oct. 1665 (above, pp. 548–52). For the publications on the comet of 1664–5 by Hevelius and Auzout, and the disagreement between them, see above, pp. 482–3. c For Monsieur du Son and the blind man at Maastricht see above, p. 552. d For Baruch Spinoza see above, p. 550n. His compliments to Boyle were conveyed in Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 Oct. 1665, above, p. 550.

556

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 14 Oct. 1665

your Spanyard has appeard soe publiquely a professd Cartesion, thô I am glad to find that he dissents from Descartes, about One of the rules of Motion, as I doe about more then one. At our meeting I showd the Company Experimentum Rymeivum,a of which though an Ingenious, & as farr as it reaches a true Account hath been given: yet having been led by my Principles further then those of the Linseans would5 carry them I have added a Phoenomena to it, that I presume6 would surprize & puzle the Inventors of it.b I likewise showd them that the which nothing but an Ocular Demonstration would make most Virtuosi beleive that I have an easy way of suspending [mercury] in a Pipe open at both ends & held perpendicular, though nothing keep it from falling but the resistance of the7 subjacent water in an open vessell. And lastly I showd them severall Experiments with the poison I here drew from Tobacco, as particularly that by a /93 (2)/ bare outward application of a8 Drop [of] it to the Neck of frogs, it would presently render9 them as it were Paraliticall & soone after kill them. The like I remember I formerly tryd as well with Toads as froggs[.] But that which most pleasd mee when I first devisd it, & which I now also showd them was that by giveing just such a Dose to a pullet or Chick I could in a minute of an hower cast it into a seemingly dead sleep out of which if the Bird were too early awakd he would drop into it agen, but after a while would [by]10 degrees recover sense & Motion [without] the help of any Medicine whatso[ever.] There are divers other Tryalls that I [privately] made with this poison, which intending [to pub]lish in my next Edition of my [Use]fulnes &c, if you ‹should› think fit to make any mention of them before, it will not be amisse to referr the Reader thither[.]c I doe not well know what the value of the Dutch florens are, but as I remember you mentiond that three pound should be sent to Mr Serrarius for which I therefore transmit you a Bill, & if more be needed, you may be pleasd to signify it tod Sir Your very Affectionate Freind & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle

These / To my highly Esteemd Friend Henery Oldenburge Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society / Present a This word makes no sense. As Oldenburg remarked in his reply of 17 Oct., the word had some ‘odd strokes’ through it which made it difficult to decipher. b The reference is to the Accademia dei Lincei, of which Galileo was a member. c The reference is to Boyle’s Usefulness II, sect.1 (1663), for which see Works, vol. 3. d For Peter Serrarius see above, p. 328n. Presumably the payment was for Serrarius’s transcription of the manuscript of Adam Boreel, for which arrangement see above, p. 481n.

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At his house in the Pell mell near St James’s / London

Seal: Wax remnant only. Postmark: partial and faint; not legible. Also marked beneath address ‘post paid 2d’. Endorsed at head of 93 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl.’ a Dated by Oldenburg on 93 (2)v: ‘Oct. 16 65’. The last sentence is crossed through in pencil.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

17 October 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 39. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 339–40, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 201–2 and Oldenburg, ii, 571–2.

London Oct. 17. 1665. Sir Self-interest makes me sorry, you were last time hindred of the favour ‹you› intended me, of taking notice of more particulars of mine, than you did.b I wish you more leasure the next time for accomplishing your intentions, that cannot be but very advantagious to me; and in the interim returne you my humble thanks for those informations, you were pleased to impart to me, concerning your Experiments of the Tobacco-poison, and that other, which, because the chief word of the paragraph, relating of what kind ‹that Experiment›1 was, had some odd strokes passing through the letters thereoff, I can only guesse ‹by the context› to have been some Mercuriall one. You may be sure, Sir, when ever I mention any thing, coming from you,2 I shall doe you right; and as I have mentiond in my next Transactions some particulars, you have been liberall to impart, so I intend, God willing, ‹to doe› in the following, without omitting in either the fountain, whence I receaved it. I suppose, you did not think, when you gave an answer to my last, that I would so soon need that Copy, I begged of you, concerning the Burning-glas of Lyons;c but I have ‹all› ready for the next Papers, to be printed, if God permit, the first a In addition to these endorsements, there is a short memorandum on 93 (2)v in Oldenburg’s hand, which reads ‘To desire to send me the copy of Burning-glasse. Sorry to hear nothing of the role’. This evidently represents what Oldenburg wished to communicate in his next letter to Boyle, as these matters are raised in Oldenburg to Boyle, 17 Oct. 1665, see below, pp. 558–9. b See above, p. 556. c For the burning mirror designed by François Villette see above, p. 508n. Oldenburg had sent the French transcript to Boyle on 5 Oct. 1665, but subsequently lost the original, and requested a copy of Boyle’s copy.

558

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 17 Oct. 1665

Munday of November, and should have sent them by this very post, that they might come time enough, to be reviewed by my Oxonian friends at their leasure, before their entring the Presse, but that I want that French Copy, to putt it into English, having left3 a Blank for it in those Papers.a I beseech you therefore again, to favour me with giving your servant order to transcribe it for me, and to send it hither by the next post, by which I may receave it on Friday next, and so transmitt my Papers the very next day, as I ‹wrote›4 to Sir R. Moray I would doe.b /39 (1)v/ I wonder somewhat, I hear nothing of5 the arrivall of my Role, containing the Prodromus, it going away from hence Oct. 7. But I believe, that some Copies thereoff were sent by Mr Thompson to Oxford, before mine went; so that those, who will take the pains of perusing it, ‹and›6 compare both, may find the book at some Stationers in the towne, where you are.c At this present I have no news, neither Philosophicall, nor other, no letters being come ‹to me› since my last, but7 Dutch, which speake of their Triumphs over some Colliers and Fishermen, as also of more Stories from Meccha, confirming the former.d Some mention is also made therein of the Bishop of Munsters disturbances and mischiefs, he gives to the Dutch people in severall parts.e What is added of the rumour, as if the8 French king were killed by a shott, is here looked upon as fabulous, our last letters mentioning not a word of such an accident; whereas I am sure, my correspondent, from whom I then receaved two letters, would have given9 notice of it tof Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. O. We hope for a decrease of 1500 this week: which God graunt.g

For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in Oxfordh a

See Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 95–8 (no. 6 for 6 Nov. 1665). Oldenburg’s letter to Moray is not extant. c The reference is to Johann Hevelius’s Prodromus cometicus (1665). For George Thompson, bookseller, see above, p. 533n. d For the Siege of Mecca see above, p. 497n. e For the Bishop of Munster and his forces see above, p. 504n. f Oldenburg’s correspondent was presumably Henri Justel, for whom see above, p. 482n. g Oldenburg alludes to the number of deaths from the plague. h For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. b

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Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘OC / 17’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 39 (1) by Wotton ‘Mr Oldenburgh’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXXIX’. Endorsed on 39 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 39’. The manuscript has printers’ marks.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

c. 18 October 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 94. 4o/1. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 573–4.

Sir Nothwithstanding the extreame hast I am obleigd to be in, to endeavour to hinder poore Ireland from being utterly undone by a Bill now brought into the House of Commons for an utter Restraint of the Importation of Irish Cat[tle] [this]1 time of the year;a I cannot but [spare] a few moments to returne you [my] thanks for your last, & to let you know that though Sir Robert Murry & Dr Wallis have not yet told mee what they have been able to doe with Mr Davis about2 the printing your Transactions:b yet I shall endeavour to make him advance the Proceed of the first Weekes Edition,3 if not also of the second, & therefore haveing by good luck a small ‹Remnant›4 yet remaining in the Hands of Mr5 Linsay I send you the inclosed Bill, for which you may be pleasd to returne an order by way of Discharge to Mr Davis, or what other Printer wee shall agree with for soe much which, I presume may be some litle Conveniency in this regard, that t’is extreemely difficult to get mony conveyd from hence to London, where that you may be preservd from the Danger that I find by Sir R. M. letter was come soe near youc is the hearty Prayer of a In 1663 an act was passed limiting the transportation of cattle from Ireland during the unfavourable period between 20 Dec. and 30 June. A further bill to prevent the importation of foreign cattle and fish was introduced in the House of Commons on 18 Oct. 1665 by Sir Richard Temple. Boyle had advance notice of his intention and on the morning of the 18 Oct. went with Conway and Petty to consult Arlington about it; see Commons Journal, viii, 617. See also P. Seaward, The Cavalier Parliament and the Reconstruction of the Old Regime, 1661–1667 (Cambridge, 1989), p. 243, and CSPI, 1663–5, p. 652. b Boyle and Wallis acted as publishers for Oldenburg’s Phil. Trans. For Richard Davis, a leading Oxford bookseller, see above, p. 294n. The explanation of these arrangements seems to be that Boyle allowed Oldenburg to draw on some funds of his own in London, for which he would be repaid by the printer’s advance in Oxford. Mr Lindsay has not been identified, although he was evidently a merchant or financier. c Moray’s letter to Oldenburg of 19 Oct. 1665 (printed in Oldenburg, ii, 574–6) does not indicate precisely what the great danger was.

560

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 22 Oct. 1665

Sir Your very Affectionate Freind & very humble servant Ro: Boyle

These / To my highly Esteemd Freind Henery Oldenburg / Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society Present/ At his House in the Pell-mell / near St James’s London.

Seal: Wax remnant only. Postmark: ‘OC / 20’. Also marked ‘2d’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 94 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl.’ Endorsed on 94 (1)v in Oldenburg’s hand ‘oct.20’. The first sentence is crossed through in pencil.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

22 October 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 95. 4o/1. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 576–7.

Oxford 22th 1665 Sir I presume you have receivd the Letter I writ you by post this present Weeke, & I hope you will pardon mee for once or twice I suffer the Duty I ow to a poore sincking Country (upon whose Account I have been waiting [all]1 afternoone without successe 5 or 6 h[ours] on a Committee) permit2 mee [not] for a weeke or 10 days to cont[inue] my Correspondence with you so regularly as I was wont.a Whilst I was attending the Irish Busines Dr Wallis has been twice to seeke mee, perhaps that he might give mee some Account of what Mr Davis will doe about the printing your Transactions, in order to which it is that at this late hower of the night I send you these hasty Lines that this paper may serve as a Cover to the inclosed which you should have receivd by the last post, but that on Thursday the Letters are soe late delivered (whereas they3 were wont to come in on Wednesday in the a Boyle refers to his letter of c. 18 Oct. 1665, above, pp. 560–1. For the prohibition on the importation of Irish cattle see above, p. 560.

561

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Evening) that though I hastned as early as I could from attending the Irish Businesse:a yet the Post was gone before I could get the passages you desird about the Burning glasse in a readynes to be dispatchd.b I this day receivd in a Letter from Mr Williamson a small printed paper, newly sent him out of Germany which by the Title I find to treat of injections into the Veines of Animalls but I have not had time to read one page of it noe more then I have to write any thing in this Letter that is not necessary to stile meec Sir Your very Affectionate Freind, & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle These To my much Esteemd Freind Henery Oldenburg Esquire Secretary to the / Royall Society Present / At his House in the Pell-mell near St / James’s London Seal: Wax remnant only. Postmark: ‘OC / 23’. Also marked ‘post paid 2d’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 95 (1): ‘Entered LB Suppl’. Also endorsed in Oldenburg’s hand on 95 (1)v: ‘p. 618. To be put into the Latin ut προση non hinc me gererem [as I have not yet brought myself thither]’. In addition, an ink line has been drawn through the section relating to current affairs.d

a For the payment connected to the printing of Phil. Trans. see above, p. 560n. The enclosure referred to is lost. b For Oldenburg’s request for the transcript of Villette’s burning mirror see above, p. 558. c For Joseph Williamson, keeper of the State Paper Office, see above, p. 544n. No letter from Williamson to Boyle is extant. Oldenburg informed Boyle in his letter of 24 Oct. 1665 that the author of the tract, entitled Prodromus inventae a se chiurgiae infusioriae (1664), was Johann Daniel Major, a physician in Hamburg, for whom see above, p. 517n. However, in his letter to Oldenburg of 28 Oct. Boyle reported that several members of the Royal Society were of a different opinion. A printed paper by Major, presumably the same work, was read at the Society’s meeting of 11 Jan. 1665; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 6. d In addition to these endorsements, there is on 95 (1)v a memorandum in Oldenburg’s hand, which reads ‘To morrow, Penknife. Mony for [‘pa’ deleted] Corses Transaction for Colwell and Thompson. Rust.[?] Southwels mony.’

562

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Oct. 1665

24 October 1665a

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

From the original in Early Letters OB 68. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 370, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 247–48 and Oldenburg, ii, 578–9.

London Oct. 24. 1665. Sir, Seing publick affaires require some suspension of your favor of communicating your news to me, I must submit (tho I should be angry with almost any other, but of that nature) and shall only wish a speedy removall of this impediment.b In the mean time be pleased to receave my humble thanks for the kindnes of your last bill to Mr Lindsey, for which I send the inclosed discharge to Mr Davis, according to your order.c The Transcript of the account of the Burning glas, being also come to my hands, and being presently inserted into my Transactions, I doe by this very post send them to Sir R. Moray, and with them, the particulars both politicall and philosophicall, I receaved yesterday from Paris and other parts, scrupling to interrupt you with prolixe letters, during the time of the extraordinary diversions, you have ‹lately› met with.d But this one thing I cannot omit, to acquaint you with, as a thing hardly ever attempted afore, vid. that one Mr Thompson, a person that is between a Doctor and an Apothecary, and hath1 the reputation of having done much good in this mortality, had the courage to open the body of one that died of the plague; the consequence whereof was (as it was related to me by severall, and among them, by a very honest and intelligent Marchant, who, a month since, was by this very Thompson recovered of the same disease) that when he handled the viscera, and had his hands embrued with the bloud, he ‹soon› found one of them much benummed; which made him dispatch the faster, and to goe home to bed, taking /68 (1)v/ such medicine, as he had2 provided and prepared for such an event: and finding himselfe pretty well again the next day, he went abroad, but relapsed, and then apprehended himselfe in much more danger, than afore, yet using his owne remedies (which I heare, are a powder (that is sudorifick) and an excellent cordiall) did perfectly recover, and hath ever since visited infected persons with great successe.e Inquiring, whether he had observed any thing in that a The last figure in the date of this letter is easily read as ‘7’. It was taken by Miles to be ‘7’, and the letter is bound among those for 1667 in the Royal Society’s Guard Books. The content clearly indicates that the date should be read as 1665. b For Boyle’s preoccupations at this time see his letters of c. 18 and 22 Oct. 1665, above, pp. 560–1. c For this payment see above, p. 560. For Mr Lindsay, see above, p. 560n. d For the account of the burning mirror see Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 95–8 (no. 6 for 6 Nov. 1665). Neither the incoming letters nor the one to Moray are extant. For Richard Davis see above, p. 294n. e The reference is evidently to the Helmontian physician, George Thomson (1619–77), author of Loimologia. A consolatory advice … concerning the present Pest (1665). However, Oldenburg’s merchant informants have not been further identified.

563

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

dangerous dissection,3 I had this answer from the said marchant, that he heard him affirme, he had discovered some things, which in due time he would bring to light, looking upon them, as very considerable in the Theory of the plague, and usefull for the cure thereoff. I shall conclude with a request, that you ‹would› please to gratify My Lord Annesly with sending the ‹inclosed›4 to Mylady his mother, to whom, I understand by letter from his Governor, he hath written severall times without hearing a word of 5 returne.a I suppose, her Ladyship does visit Oxford sometimes, she living so neer it, or sends frequently thither, by which means this Note of mine may easily be conveighed to her. I suppose also, that Mr Southwell is, where you are; and it will be still an encrease of your favors, to send the other letter, here annexed, to him, fromb Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. Old. I have dated the discharge the same day, I suppose the first transaction will be printed at Oxford, and left a blank for the name of the Printer, in case it should not be Mr Davis.c 6 The notice, you receaved from Mr Williamson, concerning Injections, I guesse to be sent him from Hamborough, and then they are very likely to be the same with those, I receaved a good many months since, which I did show you, and afterwards lent them to Dr Clerk, who hath it still. One Dr Major is the Author thereof.d

For his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosses house in / Oxforde

Seal: Black wax; broken example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Postmark: ‘OC / 24’. Also marked beneath address ‘4’. a Oldenburg refers to James Annesley (c. 1645–90), son of Arthur Anneseley, 1st Earl of Anglesey; his mother was Elizabeth, Countess of Anglesey, for whom see above, p. 526n. b For Robert Southwell see above, p. 40n. Oldenburg’s letter to Southwell is not extant. c Phil. Trans., 1 (1665) (no. 6 for 6 Nov 1665) was printed by Leonard Lichfield for Richard Davis. There had been a suspension of publication since 3 July. d For Timothy Clarke see above, p. 83n. For the enclosure in the letter from Williamson to Boyle, and the disagreement over its authorship, see above, p. 562. e For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

564

BOYLE

to FIRST EARL OF BURLINGTON, 24 Oct. 1665

Endorsed at head of 68 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LXVIII’. Also endorsed on 68 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 68’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF BURLINGTON

24 October 1665

From the original in hand E, signed by Boyle, in British Library, MS Althorp B. 4. Fol/2. Previously noted in RCHM Second Report (London, 1871), p. 19.

Oxford Oct 24th 1665 My Dearest Brother This Paper is intended only for a Cover to the inclosed Letters,a which (yesterday) meeting with accidentally in the Hands of one from whom I could not learne whence they came, my not knowing of what Concerne they might bee, made me think it my Duty to convey them to You, though in a Letter wherein my hast would forbid mee to add any thing; were it not that I think it very fit You should know that Ireland is like to be ruin’d by an1 unexpectedly [sic] Bill brought ‹in› & already passd the House of Commons for the totall restraint of the Importation of Irish Cattle to begin on the 10th of December next.b My Lord Conway, the Bishop of Lymmerick, Sir Will Petty & I have left nothing undone to stave it off in the House of Commons but in vaine. I have engagd my Lord Chancellor, & the Archbishop who are both Earnest for Us.c But my Lord Treasurer is sayd to be our great2 Adversary not could we worke upon him, which we much desird to doe that the Bill might be stoppd in the House of Lords, without putting the King (who vouchsafes to plead our cause very graciously & intelligently) to give the House of Commons a flat Denyall in a thing they are incredibly bent upon: soe that if You please to dispatch what3 Letters Your think fit to the Members of the House of Lords & the Councell (which Your Interest & Dignity in Ireland warrant You to doe) tis possible the delays we shall be able to interpose will make Your Letters come time enough to engage divers of the Secular Lords (for the Bishops wee are a

The enclosures are not extant. For the bill to prohibit the importation of Irish cattle see above, p. 560n. Burlington was Lord Treasurer of Ireland from 1660 to 1695. c Boyle refers to Edward Conway (c. 1623–83), Irish Privy Councillor, and William Fuller (1608– 75), Bishop of Limerick from 1664. For William Petty see above, p. 103n., and for Edward Hyde, Lord Clarendon, the Lord Chancellor see above, p. 66n. The Archbishop of Canterbury at this time was Gilbert Sheldon (1588–1677). b

565

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

pretty confident of) & to take off my Lord Treasurer whose being against what is soe much the King’s Interest is much wonderd at here & particularly bya My Dearest Brother Your most Affect: most Faithfull & most humble Servant Ro: Boyle. 4

My most Humble service to my Dear Sister & all yours.b For fear I should be gone before your Letters come it would not be amisse to direct those that concerne the publique to ‹be deliverd to› my Lord Conway or the Bishop of Lymmerick in my absence These forward To the right Honourable the Earle of Burlington / Present To be left with the Post-Master in Yorke to be sent to his House at Lawnsborowc In Yorkeshire post paid to London Postmark: ‘OC / 25[?].5 Also marked ‘9d’ in ink.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

28 October 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 96. Fol/1. First section written at right-angles to page, the remainder down it. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 580–1.

a This is a reference to Thomas Wriothesley (1607–67), Earl of Southampton, Lord Treasurer from 1660 to 1667. The bill was introduced in the Lords on 25 Oct. but was lost when the session was prorogued at the end of the month. The bill was reintroduced a year later and received the royal assent in early 1667; see Lords Journal, xi, 694, and Seaward, Cavalier Parliament (above, p. 560), p. 243. b Boyle greets his sister-in-law, Elizabeth, Countess of Cork, for whom see above, p. 89n. For the Earl’s surviving children see above, p. 89n. c The seat of the Earl of Burlington was Londesborough, Yorkshire.

566

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 28 Oct. 1665

Oct: 28th 1665 Sir The unhappy & Importunate Avocations that kept mee from writing to you at large doe still continue, but I hope they will not long doe soe, & ‹will› end pretty well for Poore Ireland, which is like to be reprivd though not savd.a I presume you will receive from Dr Wallis an Account of your Philosophicall Transactions some part of which he having accidentally got time to read to mee I desird him to leave out at present that paragraph, wherein mention is made of my Sterio-metricall Ballance, which Liberty I presum’d1 you would allow mee because there was some mistake in the Businesse.b For (besides that I did not write soe carefully & clearly of that ballance as I would have done had I thought you would have made that part of my Letter publique) you take notise that a fuller account of this Instrument is coming forth in my Hydrostaticall Paradoxes: whereas I did not intend to publish ‹It›2 in that Booke because indeed it belongs to the unprinted part of the Usefulnes &c. & was but occasionally mentiond in the same Letter of mine to you wherein I gave you notise that the Hydrostaticall Papers which3 are now in Dr Wallis’s hands, were goeing to the presse.c I told Mr Davis that wee expected4 on your behalfe two Dozen of Copys of the Transactions, which will be here wellcome to many of the Curious.d Some of our society conjecturd as well as you, That the litle Booke I receivd concerning Injections into Animals was the same that you had from Hamborough, but though wee cannot here confront them yet they are now of another Opinion.e The Tract is calld Clysmatica nova, the Authors name, the booke having been borrowd at our Meeting I cannot tell you, but as I remember it is not Major.f There are 3 Experiments tryd upon humane Bodys that make it not inconsiderable; when I reccover ‹it› You may if you think fit command;5 & if you make use of it in your Transactions it is here thought adviseable that right be done to the Members of the Society who practicd the same way divers years before this Author pretends to have thought upon it. One of the secretarys of state told mee today, that he had receive fresh Letters importing that the Count of Waldeck, & the Luniburgish forces are not like to make a Conjunction with the French (the a

For the ban on the importation of Irish cattle see above, p. 560n. Evidently Oldenburg had inserted in his copy for the printer an extract from Boyle to Oldenburg, 24 Sept. 1665 about the stereometrical balance without asking Boyle’s permission. It does not in fact appear in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665) (no. 6 for 6 Nov. 1665). c For Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666) see Works, vol. 5. Further sections of Usefulness were published in 1671 and others have been published this century (Works, vol. 13, p. 289ff.), but this material appears nowhere within them. d For Richard Davis see above, p. 294n. e i.e., Hamburg. For the tract and its disputed authorship see above, p. 562n. f For Johann Daniel Major see above, p. 517n. The work referred to here is by J. S. Elsholtz, and was published in 1661. b

567

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Count himselfe being supposd to be taken off by the English who I have great cause to think have endeavord it) a Monsieur De Beaufort has sunck a rich marchant of ours in the streights & taken two small English Vessells, which makes us the gladder of the News the Secretary receivd that 3000 of the Imperiall Horse & 4000 foot are drawne downe to assist the Bishop of Munster in case the French invade him.b Your complaint of the Dearnes ‹of Coals› has been presented to some of the cheife of the Privy Counsell, (who seemd sensible of it) by Sir your very Affectionate Freind & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle These To my highly Esteemd Freind Henery Oldenburge Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society Present At his house in the Pell-mell / near St James’s London Seal: Wax remnants. Postmark: unclear. Also marked ‘post paid 2d’ in ink. Endorsed at head: ‘Entered LB. Suppl.’c On 96 (1)v endorsed ‘On injections into the Veines &c’. The first sentence and the section on state affairs are crossed through in pencil.

a The reference is to Georg Friedrich (1620–92), Count of Waldeck, general of the Imperial forces. For the French intervention on the side of the Dutch republic see above, p. 515n. The Secretaries of State at this time were Henry Bennet (1618–85), Earl of Arlington, Secretary of State 1662–74, and Sir William Morrice, for whom see above, p. 276n. b Boyle refers to François de Vendôme (1616–69), Duc de Beaufort. For the Bishop of Munster and his forces see above, p. 504n. c In addition to these endorsements there is on 96 (1)v a memorandum in Oldenburg’s hand, which reads ‘Of a woman of [followed by ‘81’ deleted] 97 had the plague in Bishops gate parish. / 1. Whether my letter to Lady Anglesey. / 2. To send by all means the Experiments of Injection, / 3. Whether the role delivered. / 4. Contents of Mr Beale, Of hemp[?] not yet said to Boyle. / Mr Beale Thermometer / Whether nothing of drowning the Bishop’. The points in this memorandum were addressed to Boyle in Oldenburg’s letter of 31 Oct. 1665 (see below, pp. 570–3). Oldenburg’s letter to Lady Anglesey was enclosed in his letter to Boyle of 24 Oct 1665, see above, p. 564. For the work on injections see above, p. 517n.

568

WORSLEY

to [BOYLE], 30 Oct. 1665

BENJAMIN WORSLEY to [BOYLE]a

30 October 1665

From the copy in hand F on fol. 83 of Boyle’s work-diary, ‘Promiscuous Addenda to my several Treatises’, BP 8, fols 63–91, dating from the late 1660s.b Not previously printed. 1

Here happened a pretty odd Experiment to me since I came in to the Country. My Lanlord would needs call me out one night, to see a large quantity of wood, which his2 servants had cleft out for the fire; and which being together, gave a very wonderfull light, as being very rotten in many parts of it. One stick that I judged the lightest, I tooke which was about /fol. 83v/ a foot long, and about an Inch and halfe in some places broad[;] with the helpe of this stick, I did in a very darke night, see in a small Studdy every thing in it distinctly, by moveing from one place to another (and which was much more, could see to read the Tytles of the severall Bookes of the Bible as they stood on the tops of the Pages, in a large folio, English Bible,) this I did the more wonder at, because I had curiously observ’d a Glow-worme, and could not, discerne any Rayes of light, that it did emit that were considerable: Whereas this wood was not only very Lucent & bright, Objectively; but Communicably; so as that I ‹could› make a shift to read severall words very distinctly and plainly. But being therefore possessd, as I judged, of a great Jewell, I carefully preservd my Sticke, expecting to have frequent entertainment by it. But after a very few dayes, I cannot directly say how many, I found my sticke: thô every way untouchd, to have quite lost its lucid parts, & yet without any diminution of substance, or any parts of it, being Crumbled that I could discerne[;] I wondring at this, exposd it to the Sunne and after that to moisture and change of Aire; But it remaind darke, & is as darke as any other wood that is sound. I made strict inquiry what wood this was, and was assurd it was Crab. I again made enquiry what wood did most shine; and whether all did shine alike, and my Lanlord did informe me, he never rememberd to have seene Oake or Elme to shine, and did principally commend Horne Beame. &c Theobaldsc October 30th 1665

B Worsley3

a We have deduced that this letter is likely to be addressed to Boyle, although this is not directly stated, in the light of his earlier contact with its former Hartlibian author, Worsley, for whom see above, p. 361n. Worsley’s interest in luminescence interestingly prefigures Boyle’s own, as published in Phil. Trans. in 1672; see Works, vol. 7, p. 457ff. This letter is quoted (as ‘from a certain learned doctor’) in Boyle’s Mechanical Production of Light, see Works, vol. 14, pp. 45–6 b For Boyle’s work-diaries see Michael Hunter and Charles Littleton, ‘The Work-diaries of Robert Boyle; a newly discovered source and its Internet publication’, NRRS, 55 (2001). c i.e., the former royal palace in Hertfordshire, where Worsley had perhaps retreated to escape the plague.

569

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

31 October 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 40. 4o/1+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 340–1, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 202–3 and Oldenburg, ii, 584–8.

London Oct. 31. 1665. Sir, The unexspected favour of your letter this week, obliges me to a speedy acknowledgement, which I returne to you the more cordially, because of the franknes, therein expressed, of rescinding some things of the Transactions; concerning which, the more freedom, you and my other Friends doe use, the more obliging and satisfactory it will be to me.a the Stereometricall Ballance, being mentioned immediatly after your taking notice of the Hydrostaticall papers being ready to goe to the presse, induced me to beleeve, that it was to be inserted there. I heard nothing from Dr Wallis, whom you seem to mention as inclined to write me some Account of the said Transactions: and ’tis almost a forthnight, since I receaved any thing from Sir R. Moray, since which time I have sent him severall packets, both from others and myselfe. I hope, he is well, and then I am sure he will not forgett me, though he be not in Oxford. I shall be very glad, to ‹see›1 the book of Injections, and shall then be better able to say, what is fitt, on the behalf of those members of the Society, that ‹had›2 invented and practised the same way before any others, knowne to us.b And it would not be amisse, if I might receave3 the Information of some particulars, concerning that matter; of which, I think, I shall meet with [some]4 thing in your Usefulnes etc.c [Since] my last, I receaved from Paris, what follows;d [Il y a] icy une personne, qui a travaillé à l’Histoire de l’Academie [des Lyncei] qui estoit composée de plusieurs habiles gens: A porta /40 (1)v/ en estoit, et un Terrentius, et Molitor, qui a fait quantité d’observations touchant les Animaux, dont on a quelques fragmens.e a Oldenburg refers to Boyle’s letter of 28 Oct. 1665, and Boyle’s request that a passage from an earlier letter on the subject of the stereometrical balance be omitted from Phil. Trans.; see above, p. 567. b Boyle requested this caveat regarding the tract Clysmatica nova in his letter to Oldenburg of 28 Oct. 1665, above, p. 567. c The reference is to Boyle’s Usefulness (1663), for which see Works, vol. 3, pp. 327–9. d This account was written by Martin Vogel (1634–75), who practised medicine at Hamburg, and later became a correspondent of Oldenburg’s. The Parisian correspondent was probably Henri Justel, for whom see above, p. 482n. ‘There is a person here who has written the history of the Accademia [dei Lincei] which was composed of a group of able men. Porta was one of them, and Terrentius, and Molitor, who made voluminous observations on animals of which some fragments e Those named here are Giambattista della Porta, for whom see above, p. 219n., Johannes Schreck, or, in Latin, Terrentius (b. 1576), and Theophilus Müller, in Latin, Molitor, (b. 1576), professor of botany at the University of Ingolstadt.

570

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 31 Oct. 1665

S’il avoit trouvé un Libraire, qui luy voulut faire une honeste reconoissance, il luy donneroit sa copie, qui est presque achevee. Il y parle de l’establissement de cete Academie, de ses Statuts, des desseins du Prince Cesi, qui en estoit le Chef, et qui vouloit establir des Societés par tout le Monde, mesme en Afrique et en Amerique, afin que d’estre bien informé de ce qui se trouve dans ces pais lá! a (This, me thinks, the king should know, if he does not already.) Il parle aussi de l’Esprit des Academiciens, et de leurs Ouvrages, et ne dit rien que sur5 de bons memoires, qu’il a eus à Rome. Il a, outre cela, un Traité intitulé, Philosophia naturalis Variorum, que ne contient, que des Observations faites sur les Choses Naturelles par des Modernes.b Il en a fait aussi luy mesme, qui sont curieuses. Je l’obligerois à donner tout cela au public, si j’avois trouvé un libraire, qui en voulut entreprendre l’impression, et payer pour la copie. C’est homme là est grand ami de Redi, autheur du Traité dela Vipere,c et de Tilman, ce grand Anatomiste,d qui est au duc de Florence, comme aussi d’un, Corneli, qui a fait Progymnasmata Physica,e comme je vous manday par une de mes precedentes. I think, I shall answer to this, that if the person, that is writing those things, and possesses those manuscripts, be of repute, and the written papers composed by6 such ‹men› also, Printers ‹can› not be wanting in this Curious Age, to publish such matters. I doubt, Mr Sprat must not know, that such a Relation is comming abroad of an Italian Academy, for feare, it should yet more slacken his Description of ours, by begetting in him a [curiosity]7 to have a view of that, for some advantage or other to this[.]8f survive. If he had found a stationer who would have given him a fair gratification, he would have handed him his copy, which is almost finished. In it he speaks of the establishment of this Academy, of its Statutes, of Prince Cesi’s plans, who was the head of the Academy and who wished to establish societies all over the world, even in Africa and America, in order to win information of all that there is in those countries! … He speaks also of the spirit of the academicians, of their works, and insists on the fine memoirs that he saw at Rome. He has besides that a treatise entitled Philosophia naturalis variorum, containing nothing but observations of natural history made by the moderns. He has made some himself too, which are curious enough. I would oblige him by publishing all this, if I had found a stationer who would undertake the impression and pay for the copy. This man is a great friend of Redi, author of the Treatise on the Viper, and of Tilman, the great anatomist patronized by the Duke of Tuscany, as also of one Corneli, who wrote Progymnasmata physica, as I told you in one of my previous letters.’ a The reference is to Prince Federico Cesi (1585–1630), Duke of Aquasparta, founder of the Lincei and friend of Galileo. b Evidence for this tract has not been found. c Francesco Redi (1626–97), physician, member of the Accademia del Cimento, was the author of Osservazioni intorno alle vipere (1664). d Tilman Trutwin (or Tructwyn), a physician from Roermond in Brabant, who died in Florence in January 1678. He published nothing. Ferdinand II (1610–70) was the Grand Duke of Tuscany. e Tommaso Cornelio (1614–84) published Progymnasmata physica at Venice in 1663. f For Thomas Sprat, then writing the History of the Royal Society (1667), see above, p. 415n.

571

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Dr Beale mentions, that in the late great storms, Oct 25 and […] the last day in the Evening, his [mercury] ‹was› subsided half an inch lower than [… ] these two yeares. /40 (2)/ Have you heard nothing of the verses, made ‹to›9 the Royal Society, of which I had ‹only› sent me the first Stave, as follows; Heroic Constellations dispence One ray of your Celestiall Influence, that with this Telescope I may descry The Sacred Treasures of your Pansophy, Else lockt up from the very Lyncean Eye. etc.

I am promised the rest, if my friend can get the true copy. the author subscribes, I heare, Galeazzo Victorio Villaro di Stato; and I hear, there are 26 staves in all, in which they are taskd to the full, and without reproach.a I hope, Mylady Anglesey, and Mr Southwell ‹are›10 in Oxford, to receive those letters, I gave you the trouble off, last week. I wonder, I heare nothing yet of the Role with the Prodronius, and that the more, ‹because›11 I understand, the man, that carried it, is ‹already› come back to London.b We are much afraid here, that those Munsterian forces, that went into Groninguerland, are in great danger to be drowned there. And as to the Ships, taken and sunk by the French, we say here, that they were carrying provision into Tunis, their Ennemies, and that one of them not only refused to strike, being but a marchant, but also let fly a broad side against the French.c Though the Non-Conforming Preachers are said to be banished out [of]12 Corporations, by Act of Parlement, yet they have great liberty at p[resent] here in London, many of them preaching publickly in severall Pur[itan] Churches, nemine contradicente.d It seems, the Governors of the […]13 care as litle, to hinder the Sectary ministers from preaching, as Physitians doe, to keep Apothecaries from practising physick. I am glad, the Count of Waldeck is taken off, he being a very good [comma]nder, both for Conduct and14 Action.e [This is] all at present from Sir a

This appears to be the only reference to this curious work. The author has not been identified. The letters to Lady Anglesey and Robert Southwell were enclosed in Oldenburg’s letter to Boyle of 24 Oct. 1665, above, p. 564. Presumably the roll of papers alluded to is Hevelius’s Prodromus cometicus, for which see above, pp. 550, 559. c For the Bishop of Munster and his forces see above, p. 504n. For the French attack on English shipping see above, p. 568. d ‘with no one speaking in opposition’. Legislation against Dissenters began in 1661. Oldenburg refers to the Five Mile Act of 1665. e For the Count of Waldeck see above, p. 568n. b

572

ASHURST

to BOYLE, 2 Nov. 1665

Your faithful humble servant H. O. For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxford franceda Seal: Good example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Postmark: illegible. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 40 (1) by Wotton ‘Mr Oldenburgh. Account of a designed History of the Academici Lyncei at Rome’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XL’. Endorsed on 40 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 40’.

ASHURSTb to BOYLE

2 November 1665

From the original in BL 1, fol. 11. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Much honered Sir I soe fell out that I could not posibly returne you Answer about the bill of exchang untill now, the post haveing soe many leters. those we did formerly receive on Mundayes, are not often delivered untill 9 or 10 on Tuesday, soe my messenger aquanted me, who brought yours that day, the post returning at night, could not mak enquiry to receive satisfaction,c I heere mr Swinnerton is at Toulon, to whom if you pleas to writ unto I will send your letter & Certainely get you an answere, & I hope therwith order for your moneyd I doe very much shame at my mistak as your leter expreseth for my full purpose was humbly to entreat my Lord Chancelers advic with your owne about the peticion, not my Lord Chamberlin, and I thinck I mentioned it, as the same Course which was taken with the last, I have maid bould to troble you with it againe,e and the rather because since I sent it you, ther is come a great Bundle of papers, that I suppose to be the proofes of what they mention in ther peticion, Sir I humbly begg your excuse, I did declare my Mind a

i.e., franked. For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. For Henry Ashurst see above, p. 20n. Boyle’s letter to Ashurst is not extant. d Mr Swinnerton at Toulon has not been further identified. e Ashurst refers to the petition of the Massachusetts colony presented to the king in Oct. 1664. Ashurst and Boyle were witnesses to the Lord Chancellor’s reply to the colony. See above, p. 458n. b c

573

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

against being trobled with ther bussines in the kind, as being In many respects a most unfitt person, but they are brought to my hands att Hackney, by a perticuler person, to whom they are sent unto, I thought it Convenient to receive them, & to aquant you with them, for our bussines relating to the Indians being countenanced & promoted by them freely, I Judg they doe the rather put this upon me, presumeing upon youre respect alsoe,1 I am a suire stranger to them, and have nothing to doe with them, In any respect either as to ther sivell or religious affaires, neither is ther any obligation upon me, but as they are Christians, I shall neither excuse them, nor plead for them In any of ther Speeches or Caredges unbecomeing them, towards there & our Soveraine Lord the King, or any Commissioned under him, only if It stands with your pleasure to Let my Lord Chanceler or secretary Morris see it, or be aquanted with it that ther is such a thing & such papers that if It should be my Lord Chancelers pleasure to Call for them It may be knowne wher they are. I am purposed not to open them, but as I writ them to deliver them, if I am thereunto Called, I humbly hope ther wilbe noe blame lye upon me, who I hope with some sincerity & truth can say, I would not knowingly countenanc either persons, or things, prejudiciall to his majesties Interest, for whose present & future happines as in duty bound, my souls desire & prayer is for,a oh how well were it if the great god of heaven, would pouer a forth a spirit2 of hollines humility meeknes self deniell, & uprightnes upon the Inhabitants of the Nations, what amiable subjects should we be, to god & the King[,] how might we hope that righteousnes peac & truth would Imbrase each other. I cannot tell what you Judg of me for this my bouldnes & freedome but that I am soe fully perswaded of your goodnes & respect to me, that you will mak a favorable construction theereof. I shall not further troble you now, but to aquant you with the Continuanc of the Lords inexpresable favor towards me & Mine, and alsoe that I shall without complementing be reddie & desireous in any thing that is in my poor power to be Yours truly to serve you H Ashhurst

Nov the 2 1665

Endorsed by Miles ‘Sir Henry Ashurst nothing material not to be published.’b The last four words are written in shorthand. Miles subsequently deleted ‘Henry’.

a

For the Secretary of State, Sir William Morrice see above, p. 576n. In fact, Ashurst was never knighted, but his eldest son, also called Henry (1645–1711), was made a knight and subsequently a baronet in 1688. Miles was evidently also confused by the signature, which looks like ‘W. Ashurst’, a matter which also confused the Commissioners of the United Colonies (see above, p. 20n.) However, there can be no doubt of the identity of the author of this letter. b

574

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 4 Nov. 1665

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

4 November 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 97. Fol (two-thirds of leaf only)/1. First section written at right-angles to page, the remainder down it. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 588–9.

Oxford Nov: 4th 1665 Sir Some unexpected Papers of publick concernment coming to my hands some what late this Night will keepe mee from writing to you at large ‹thô› the Bill about Irish Catle be after much adoe layd asyde till the next sessions of the Parlement.a you doe not surprize mee by takeing in good part the freedome1 I us’d ‹in leaving› out ‹of› the Philosophicall Transactions the Sterio-metricall Ballance; to make you amends for which, being advertisd by Dr Wallis that there would want a page & some what more to make up three sheets I supplyd him with the Relation of the white Blood which you will find at the end of the Transactions this day come forth, & which is lookd upon as a very odd observation.b Here is great talk at Court of an Oxe tooth that hath been found in part cas’d with Gold. The2 Gentleman to whom it was sent was pleasd to tell mee he kept it for mee to looke upon, & 3 having it in my Custody I confesse4 to you that the thing seemes pretty & gives noe just suspitions of Imposture;c as I hope to be ‹able› by the next oppo‹r›tunity to tell you more at large, & till then it will not perhaps be convenient to take any publique notise of what I write to you, for I must not thinke divers of those particulars I mention to you to be soe considerable as that the bare Intimations of them are fit to be recorded as if they were things worthy the World’s hopeing, ‹for,› since t’is very well if they obtaine acceptance, when they appear without the disadvantage that Expectation may put them under. Here was this day a Virtuoso with mee, who tells mee of a Freind of his, that hath found out an excellent way of makeing white Earthen Vessells very fine & light & who either has taken, or is taking out a Patent for the making of such colourd Paper (as blew, yellow &c) as has hitherto been brought us from beyond sea.d But t’is soe late & I am soe tyr’d, That I must begg your Pardon if insteed of entertaining you any further at present [on]5 such subjects I forthwith subscribe myselfe Sir Your very Affectionate Freind a

For the action against the importation of Irish cattle see above, p. 560n. The relation is printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 100–1 (no. 6 for 6 Nov 1665. See also Works, vol. 5, pp. 499–500, 501. c This gentleman has not been identified. d The virtuoso and his friend have not been identified. b

575

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

& very humble Servant Ro: Boyle. These To my highly Esteemd / Freind Henery Oldenburge Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society / Present At his house in the pell mell / near St James’s / London Seal: Wax remnant only. Postmark: ‘NO / 6’. Also marked ‘post paid 2d’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 97 (1): ‘Entered LB Suppl’. There is a pencil line through the first sentences.

DANIEL COXEa to BOYLE

6 November [1665]

From the original in BL 2, fols 52–3. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir You pleased not long since so far to Condescend as to Converse freely with mee, and encouraged mee in your absence to write to you, a favour I could not have desired without presumption.b I would willingly shew sufficient thankfulnesse for so high an ‹obligation›1 but your benefitts are boundlesse, and you are so gracious an obliger, that I was payed long ago beforehand for all the services I can ever possibly performe for you. So that truly Sir itt doth somewhat afflict mee when I Consider that if you will bee pleased to Continue the2 Commerce which by your permission I have begun, I am like perpetually to put you to paine & trowble, & Sir you will bee seldome freed from the Effects of a trowblesome Friendship. Yet although I am like to bee all my life time indebted to you, and that itt can only bee in my heart where I can bee so liberall as your selfe; I beleive Sir you are so generous as to Content your selfe with this secreet acknowledgment; And I assure my selfe you have acquired such a habitt of doing good, that you will readily pardon mee if Sir I further importune you: Hoping withall you will not take itt amiss when I acquaint your Honour that you are under a kind of Obligation not to place mee amongst matters, or persons indifferent to you, since Sir you first occasioned a

For Coxe see above, p. 510n. Boyle’s desire to open a correspondence with Coxe is first recorded in Aug. 1665; see above, p. 511. This letter has been assigned to 1665 since it clearly falls at an early point in Coxe’s correspondence with Boyle. b

576

COXE

to BOYLE, 6 Nov. [1665]

my enquiry into experimentall Philosophy and if I ever acquire any Considerable insight into affairs of that nature I must humbly acknowledge that I derived all from your encouragment, and assistance. I hope Sir you will Helpe this Embrio into the world which perhaps one day you will not bee asshamed to own for your offspring being you have been pleased allready to beleive there is some resemblance which in processe of time may approach neerer to the Originall by which I Coppy: For really Sir whatsoever I do, I have you allways present, thereby to oblige my selfe not to Come short before so great an example, apprehending itt impossible to have att once so glorious an object & degenerous thoughts. Nothing can hinder mee from taking entertainment with you or from the frequent tast of those excellent discourses wherewith you have honored mee, I have allways Sir departed from you fully informed how to act, and never had any Conference with you which cured mee not of some mistake: How tenderly do I embrace those pledges of my forepassed happinesse? Heaven never bestowed on me any worldly blessing which I more ardently desired, or more thankfully received then Sir endearing mee in some measure unto you. And assure your selfe Sir that there is nothing in the world so Conformable to my humor & inclinations which can Content mee whilest I am so remote from a person whom I do3 so exceedingly honour & who is (pardon the expression) Dear to mee beyond imagination. You have Sir so absolutely purchased my thoughts & affections that as long as you shall bee pleased to honour mee with your Freindship, I shall looke, with a little kind of contempt on all the pretty Animalls or Hermiones in the world, although the Respect I ow that sweet Sex were an hundred times greater then you were pleased to surmise itt. And truly Sir should I bee deprived of your person or Affection, itt would bee a most deep discomfort unto mee there not being any sinister Fortune I would not rather desire then such a losse. And Sir assure your selfe that off all those who have any share in your Favours there is /fol. 52v/ not any one who is herein more proud of his good Fortune4 or would more passionately Embrace your Interests then my selfe; you may Sir att all times draw effectuall proofs hereof, whensoever you shall bee pleased to employ mee in your Service; wherein if I bee not so serviceable as I ought, blame not my will but my want of Abilities, And indeed Sir verry difficultly will my parts answer your Expectation, which Reflection makes mee reiterate my Humble Suite to you to love mee allways your Endeavours Sir may prove Conducive to make mee such an one as you would desire I should bee. Had I been att Newington I should have been better advised then to weary your Honour with so tedious, & Impertinent a discourse;a but rather I should have acquainted you with my imployments, and what I had mett with worthy my Content or Observation: But being absent from my Laboratories all that I can do here a Coxe’s home was in Stoke Newington, London. Evidently Coxe was staying at Hertford, at his parents’ home.

577

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

is to immerse my selfe in Speculation. your Honour is not ignorant that Philosophy is my darling, and Indeed Sir from a Child of 14 or 15 yeares old I have been possessed with a strong persuasion that some of my Endeavours should prove Conducive to promote that Grand designe which of late yeares hath been set afoot sc: of writing a Hystory of Nature and giving a Mechanicall Solution of all the perticular Phenomena therein I must humbly acknowledge my weaknesse & vanity Sir to you, to this very day I cannot divert my selfe from entertaining the same foolish presumptuous apprehentions:a for although few are more Conscious of their own Disabilities then my selfe, yet I cannot but sometimes flatter my selfe into a beleife that nothing is so difficult which may not bee effected by one armed with a strong Resolution, & that prosecuted by a Constant Endeavour. The subject of my disquisitions is no lesse then all Mineralls, Vegetables, & Animals: The End I propose to my selfe is cheifly mans welfare, or the Improvement of all those arts & sciences which are of most use to him, but more especially Medicine: for I should scarcely vallue the Knowledge of Truth or the gratifying my Curiosity if I were not enabled thereby to exercise a goodnesse beneficiall to others; And I should rejoice more in the preserving of one mans life then in laying down the most solid principles in Philosophy, and the most Plausible Hypothesis that Could possibly bee Contrived. But Physick & Philosophy are not of such different natures, but that the designes of improving both of them may bee carried on together; our inquiries into the one5 giving us a further insight into the other. Sic res accendunt lumina rebus.b And for my own part I shall not despair of imploying my Time & labour successefully enough in them having so judicious & Faithfull a guide Sir as your selfe: And indeed Sir I should bee injurious to you should I expect inconsiderable matters from your encouragement & Assistance. Sir you were pleased ‹lately› not ‹only›6 to communicate to mee many Considerable Observations but also encouraged mee to expect from you an account of severall Processes the Titles of which I have inclosed.c If you will bee pleased to send me a7 ‹Catalogue› of those Qualities or other subjects of which you intend to give the world some Account with a Scheme of the inquiries I shall in Obedience to your Honours Commands returne8 all those Remarkable Observations I have mett with Concerning those Subjects, Allthough I9 Despair of Communicating any thing which is not allready Familiar to you. Sir I have no more att present, only most humbly beseeching you to love mee allways since itt is impossible to bee more then I am Hartford. Nov. th. 6th.

Sir Your Affect. & Humble servant Dan; Coxe /fol. 53/

a

There is no evidence that this tract was published. ‘Thus matters add light to things’. Coxe alludes to Lucretius, I. 1117, ‘ita res accendent lumina rebus’. c The enclosure is not extant. b

578

BEALE

to BOYLE, 9 Nov. 1665

Sir If you will be pleased to honour mee with a letter, order itt to bee left for mee with Mr Hollowell in Hartford.a my Parents will not permitt mee to returne to Newington so soon as I intended10 a neighbouring howse being infected, which is one of the most unhappy accidents that could have befellne mee

These / For the Honourable Robert / Boyle Esq. To bee left with Mr Crosse an Apothecary living neer University colledge In / Oxford.b

Seal: Oval. Quarterly shield: each quarter charged with a roundel. Postmark: ‘NO / 14’.

BEALE to BOYLE

9 November 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 117, pp. 133–6. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 471 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 392–3.

Sir, By the favour of your conveighance I have received a pacquet from Mr Austen, of which I knowe not howe to acknowledge the receipt, but by giveing you the trouble of it.c I believe Mr Austen hath given you the same accompt, which he does to me: And is very sollicitous to promote Cider by lawes.d I hope there is noe neede of such enforcement. For, I heare that Nurseryes of fruite-trees are advanced in every County, & that will [engage]1 præpare, & encourage the present, & posterity. But because Nurseryes are slowe, & the Men of this age are impatient for dispatch, I can propose an Expedient that would entertaine the curious, & find them an imployment in their Nurseryes, as hopefull, & as usefull, & as delightfull as in any kinde, eyther of philosophy, or of Agriculture. I meane the reexamination, & the a Mr Hollowell in Hertford has not been traced. Coxe’s father was Daniel Coxe sr, also probably a physician. Presumably, Coxe refers to the dangers of the plague in London. b John Crosse was Boyle’s landlord in Oxford. c For Ralph Austen see above, p. 269n. d Austen, Beale, and others in the Hartlib circle had endeavoured to publicise techniques of fruit production in the 1650s.

579

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

further prosecution of the noble Palladius his 14th booke, which is de Insitione.a Of this I made mention in my laste to Mr Austen; & nowe I have doubly recomend it to your owne advice. If I had leysure, I would adventure it in a more publique manner, together with some other collections, which I have found in old writers, & compared with moderne Essayes. And I thinke wee may wonder at our selves That wee have done soe little in a field soe large, upon an argument soe pleasant. And I wish some good printers would take notice That Palladius, & the other three Rei Rusticæ Authores Latini Veteres will never be out of requeste, but have this long time beene out of printe;b Dr Fell found it a hard worke & of long time to procure me one of them; & that is in a very faulty edition of Hier Comeline Anno 1595.c Mr Oldenburgh hath them in the edition of Robert Steven, It were noe hard worke for an Academicall corrector of the /p. 134/ presse to improve the best edition, as by the notes of Barthius his notes in Collmellæ lib 10 De cultu hortorum &cd And in my time wee were many of us in Cambridge, Who did freely offer our assistance to the Correctors & printers upon all such occasions. But Sir I must crave your pardone for my frequent importunityes Honourable Sir Your most oblieged servant Joh Beal

Nov. 9. 1665. For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr Oxford.

Seal: seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Endorsed by Miles: ‘Novr. 9th. 1665’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No2 XIX’.

a

For Palladius see above, p. 171n. For the Roman writers on agriculture, Cato, Varro, Columella and Palladius see above, p. 171n. Beale refers to the collection of their writings, the Rei rusticae auctores latini veteres. M. Cato, M. Varro, L. Columella, Palladius, of which the last edition had been printed in 1595. The ‘faulty edition of Hier Comeline’ which Beale goes on to mention, is this 1595 edition, printed in Heidelberg by H. Commelini. c Beale refers to John Fell (1625–86), dean of Christ Church and bishop of Oxford, who encouraged scholarly printing at Oxford. d Beale refers to Libri de re rustica, M. Catonis lib.I. M. Terentii Varronis lib. III. printed by R. Stephani in 1543. In Beale to Boyle, 9 Nov. 1663, where he also mentions that Oldenburg owned a copy of the Stephanus edition, Beale says this is the ‘best’ edition of the opera agricolationum of these authors (above, p. 176). De cultu hortorum is Columella’s metrical 10th book of the Res rustica, and Beale refers to an edition annotated by the German philologist Caspar von Barth (1587–1658), which is not catalogued in the lists of texts edited or annotated by Barth. b

580

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 11 Nov. 1665

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

11 November 1665

From the version in hand E , signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 98. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 603–4.

Oxford Nov: 11th 1665 Sir I am halfe ashamd as well as troubled that I must reiterate my former complaints of not having time1 to write to you as I was wont. But the Truth is that the great Concourse of strangers that is now made here from all the parts of England has brought mee not only this day but all this Weeke such a multitude of Visits, that I am resolvd, if God permit that in case I doe not goe within this weeke to Lees I will remove for a while to a place 4 or 5 miles hence that I may have some time for those necessary things calld Eating, & Sleeping, & Reading & Writing.a I humbly thanke you for the Experiment you propose with the Liquor but I would gladly learne whether it bee one of those extant in Kerkers New Booke, & though /98 (1)v/ I have ‹not› had time to consider it yet at the first glance I am tempted to suspect it because all the2 acid Menstruums I have yet met with doe either not worke upon stones or fret them, & ‹thereby› make them apt to molder & unapt to be polishd.b I am glad Monsieur Serrarius is like to get Mr Borell’s Copy3 at length finishd But I wonder neither he nor any of your other correspondents say any thing of Seignior Warnero’s Translation of the Turkish Bible[;] if you hear any thing of it you will obleige mee to let mee seasonably know it.c Mr Seaman being now here our Turkish Version of the New Testament goes on apace.d The presse having dispatchd, if I misremember not, as farr as the end of the Epistle to the Romans. And Mr Seaman hath brought with him a Turkish Dictionary of his owne, which a Critick that hath seene it, did this evening estimate to be not much Inferior in Bulk to Gorius’s [sic] Arabick Lexicon.e My Papers of the Origine of formes are now in the presse, & I presume the Hydrostaticall Paradoxes may be sent thither on Tuesday next.f Since the beginning of this Letter, Sir Robert4 Murry has been here to a Boyle refers to Leese Priory in Essex, the home of his sister Mary. Boyle did not in fact go to Leese at this time; it is possible that his next visit was the one he made in the summer of 1666. In order to escape the overcrowding in Oxford Boyle removed to Stanton St John, northeast of Oxford. See below, p. 584 and also vol. 3, p. 148. b Presumably Oldenburg mentioned this experiment, possibly involving salt and nitrous water (see below p. 584), in the letter to which Boyle was replying, no longer extant. Boyle refers to Athanasius Kircher’s Mundus subterraneus. c For Peter Serrarius, Oldenburg’s correspondent in Amsterdam, see above, p. 328n. For the concerns about the work of Levinus Warner on the Turkish translation of the Bible, see above, p. 430. For Serrarius’s transcript of the manuscript of Adam Boreel see above, p. 481n. d For William Seaman see above, p. 309n. e The reference is to Jakob Golius (1596–1667), an orientalist, who held the chairs of Arabic and mathematics at Leyden. His Lexicon Arabico-Latinum was published in 1653. For Seaman’s lexicon see above, p. 347. f For Boyle’s Forms and Qualities (1666) and Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666), see Works, vol. 5.

581

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

watch the successe of the Experiment of Kerker that you sent him concerning the Ebbing & flowing of the sea, of which you may if God permit receive next weeke an Account.a But for the present it being almost midnight you will I hope forgive if it be not in this Paper given you by Sir your Affectionate Freind & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle 5

I intend to morrow or next day to speake with Mr Davis about what is behind for the Transactions. If you know what is become of the Edition of my Booke of Colours that was designd to be made in Holland, you will obleige mee to let mee know it too.b These To my highly Esteemd / Freind Henery Oldenburge Esquire Secretary to the Royall / Society / Present at his house in the Pell-mell / near St James’s post paid to London Seal: Wax remnant only. Postmark: ‘NO / 1’. Also marked ‘2d’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 98 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl.’ The postscript is crossed through in ink.

14 November [1665]c

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 560–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 527–8.

Nov. 14, [1665] AS well for justice and experience sake, my brother, as for my own ease, I do rather believe, that it is my own misfortune, than your unkindness, that has kept me from receiving one line from you since that you wrote me by Sir William Lemans, though even so considered, it has afforded me some unpleasant doubts a

For Kircher’s theory of tides see also below, pp. 584–5. For Richard Davis, who printed the Phil. Trans., see above, p. 294n. Boyle refers to the Latin edition of Colours, printed at Amsterdam in 1667. See Works, vol. 4, pp. xiv–v. c This letter has been dated to 1665 on the basis of Lady Ranelagh’s reference to the plague. b

582

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 14 Nov. [1665]

concerning you, which have been increased by the memory of the promise you sent me of letting me know, how I might send to and hear from you before you left Oxford;a which whether or no you have yet done, I am ignorant of, and the suspence, that ignorance keeps me in, in respect of your /p. 561/ health, must be rendered the more uneasy, by the great mortality now stirring in this poor nation.b I have not therefore sat still under this unsatisfaction, but have twice or thrice wrote to you, by the way of London, not having had any opportunity in that time to send to you more directly from hence, till now Mr. Jessop’s going to Oxford gives me this; where if he meet you, he will be able to tell you, with how extraordinary a mercy he has preserved this family all this while, not only from that, which, by way of miserable excellency, is called the sickness, but from all other diseases, Crip only excepted, who had lately a roaring fit of the gout, but a very short one, in respect of those he used to have at this time of the year, which he attributes much to his chewing of scurvy-grass; of the benefit of which I have received another testimony from one, whom I advised to use it.c To repair to myself, your absence, as much as I can, next my submitting to the will of the all-wise Disposer, who is pleased so to cast us, I entertain myself with your books, which yet, by the very few studious persons I meet here, are, as fast as I can suffer them to be, begged or borrowed from me, who lend them willingly, upon the same account I spare you patiently, the hope, that both they and you will do more good abroad, than by being still with me; and I shall ere long have read them all over, as well those I had read before, as the last; and then my fingers will be itching, to look into the sealed roll of papers, written upon, ‘About religious matters;’ and I would fain open them, with your leave, which I hope my being so ingenious a coxcomb as not to do without asking it, will rather bribe you to give, than deny me.d But if it should not, I know not what I may be tempted to; and you know I am of a sex, that has long been allowed for an excuse of the frailties of those, who are of it; and, considering how much you believe of those, I must not fear, but you will consider them as tenderly as they require to be considered, and then you will not stick to afford me such a pardon. I am very much pleased with the assurance my experience of God’s goodness to you gives me, of your neither being idle, nor ill employed; nor only for your own good; but I should be much more pleased, in having a share in what you are about, that exceeds not my capacity of understanding; and if you a Sir William Leman (c. 1593–1667), citizen and fishmonger of London. The letter from Boyle is not extant. b Lady Ranelagh refers to the spread of the plague in London. c Evidently Lady Ranelagh was still absent from London because of the plague, and living with her sister Mary at Leese Priory in Essex. The reference is possibly to the physician Francis Jessop (b. c. 1631), who practised in Cambridgeshire. See Raach, English Country Physicians (above, p. 69), p. 59. For Crip, a servant at Leese, see above, p. 500n. d Lady Ranelagh refers to her expectation of a 2nd edition of Boyle’s Occasional Reflections (1665). For her persistence on this subject see Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, above, pp. 500, 525.

583

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

would let me receive some such present by the return of this bearer, you would do me a great favour, and give me a profitable employment; for all persons great and fair are not company, nor can give entertainment, that reaches beyond our senses in its pleasingness. Frank is, I bless God, freed from her spitting, but afflicted with her head-ach more than usual; to which her not sleeping well, and her want of tea, contributes very much.a If Leeshe be with you, pray present him my humble service, and my petition for some for her, who and her sister are your humble servants, and I with great affection and reality,b Yours, K. R.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

18 November 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 99. 4o/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 613–14.

Nov: 18th 1665 Sir I am very sorry for the Notise you now send mee (for I heard not off it before) about the Death of Warnerus, but since the News is true I am glad I know it time enough to ease Mr Seaman of his Apprehensions, & I think, with you That it is a good providence that in spight of all Discouragements a ‹good› worke has been begun & prosecuted here that is now not likely to be carryed on elswhere.c I am obleiged to you for your Sympathizing with the Troubles I endure by the multiplicity of visits, and trifling Avocations whose persecutions I can scarce beare any longer, & therefore intend if God permit about the beginning of the ‹next› weeke to withdraw for a while to a more private place where I hope for the opportunity of makeing more ample Answers to your Letters.d I suppose Sir Robert Murry has told you, that the Experiment about Salt & Nitrous water exposd to the Beames /99 (1)v/ of the moone did not succeed1 as Kircher promises, but as I foretold.e And for the same Authors Experiments with Quicksylver & sea water seald up in a ring, though the want of fit glasses, will, till the commerce with London be free, keepe a

This is a reference to Frances Jones, Lady Ranelagh’s daughter, for whom see above, p. 41n. Leeshe, perhaps a servant of Boyle’s. Besides Frances, Lady Ranelagh had two other daughters, Catherine and Elizabeth, for whom see above, p. 500n. It is not certain which one is referred to here. c For Levinus Warner, William Seaman, and the anxieties about Warner’s rival translation of the New Testament in Turkish see above see above, pp. 309, 430, 581. d For Boyle’s move to Stanton St John, northeast of Oxford, see above, p. 581n. e The reference is probably to Athanasius Kircher’s Mundus subterraneus (1665). b

584

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 18 Nov. 1665

me unable to try: yet besides that it is at most the same, but not soe probable as that which he publishd in his Ars Magnetica 20 or 30 year agoe,a I cannot but think it unlikely that it will succeed at least in our Climate, where by concentrating the Beames of the Moone with a ‹large›2 Burning-glasse, I was ‹not› able3 to produce any sensible Alteration, in Bodys that seeme very easily susceptible of them. I have been makeing an observation about Oakerb which I presume will not, when I have time to communicate it, displease you. In the meane time I am glad that you have finishd the version of the History of Cold (the promoting of which Subject, I find some Inquisitive men,4 are like to be put upon this Winter by what I have Attempted)c And since you are now at Leisure perhaps it may be a divertisment ‹to› you to fall upon the Hydrostaticall Paradoxes,5 which may if you think fit be sent you sheet after6 sheet as they come from the presse that soe they may be printing in English & Translating into Latin the same Time, Mr Davis promisd to bring mee the first sheet this Night but by failing of his word (for it is now about 11 of the Clock,) he denys mee the opportunity of speaking to him about what remaines due for the Transactions untill Munday at which time he is like to be put in mind of it byd Sir Your very Affectionate Freind & very humble Servant Ro: Boyle. 7

If you have heard any thing more concerning the Booke of colours in Holland you are desird in your next to send mee worde These To my highly Esteemd / Freind Henery Oldenburg Secretary to the Royall / Society / Present At his house in the Pell-mell / near St James’s post paid London Seal: Octagonal. Broken. Skeleton between a rose bush and branch, holding an hourglass, perhaps to denote Time. Postmark: ‘NO / 20’. Also marked ‘2d’ in ink.

a Kircher wrote several works on magnetism. The allusion here is probably to Magnes, sive de arte magnetica (1641). b i.e., ochre. c Boyle refers to the Latin translation of Cold, for which see above, p. 391n. d A Latin translation of this work, probably by Oldenburg, was published by Richard Davis at Oxford in 1669; see Works, vol. 5, pp. xviii–xxii. e For the Latin edition of Colours published in Holland see above, p. 530n.

585

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Endorsed at head of 99 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl.’ Also endorsed by Oldenburg on 99 (2)v ‘Nov. 20’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

21 November 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 41. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 341–2, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 203–5 and Oldenburg, ii, 615–17.

London Nov. 21. 1665. Sir, Seeing you doe not appoint me to addresse my letters to you otherwise, than I have done, though you withdraw to another place, I continue the former, not doubting, but it will come safely to your hands.a I am ready, to receave what shall be printed off, of your Hydrostaticall Paradoxes, if you please to send it, as you propose.b I find, Mr Hugens is very busy in making Tryalls of optick glasses by a very fine Engine, I heare, he has lately caused to be made for that purpose;c but I heard nothing more concerning your1 book of Colors in Holland, though I had lately another letter from Signor Spinosa, who is very much your servant, and who entertains me2 with a discourse of his, concerning the agreement and coherence of the parts of the World with the Whole; which is not unphilosophicall, in my opinion, though it would ‹perhaps› be tedious to you, to have a letter filled with it; and this makes me forbeare to send it you.d ’Tis an ill Omen, me thinks, that the very first Experiment, ‹singled out by us› out of Kircher, failes, and that ’tis likely,3 the next will doe so too.e If It had been convenient for you, to have sent me your Observation about Oaker, I should have owned that favor, unles you had forbid me, in my next Transactions, which are almost ready to be sent to Dr Wallis.f They write me from Paris, that Monsieur Vossius is at the present employ’d in writing a ‹Tract›4 of the Origine of the Nile, in opposition to that of Monsieur dela a

For Boyle’s departure from Oxford see above, p.581n. Oldenburg refers to the Latin translation of Hydrostatical Paradoxes, which Boyle wanted Oldenburg to translate as the English came off the press, see above, p. 585n. c Huygens’s lens-grinding machine of 1665 is described in Œuvres complètes, xxii, 302. d The earlier letter from Spinoza is probably the undated one of Sept. or Oct. 1665, printed in Oldenburg, ii, 540–2. The recent letter from Spinoza referred to by Oldenburg is that of 10 Nov., Oldenburg, ii, 596–603. For Boyle’s enquiries about the Latin edition of Colours printed in Amsterdam see above, p. 585. e See above, p. 586. f Boyle’s observations on ochre were reported in his letter to Oldenburg of 18 Nov. 1665, see above, p. 586. They were not printed in Phil. Trans. b

586

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 21 Nov. 1665

Chambre, who is opiniatre in maintaining, that the Niter is the principal cause of the inundation of that River.a /41 (1)v/ One Monsieur de Farges hath written a book de l’Esprit, which I should be glad to see, the Author being a Cartesian, but patience, till the commerce be revived.b M. de Son has made some progres in his parabolicall Glasses;c M. Auzout has communicated to me his Speculations of the Changes, likely to be discover’d in the Earth and Moon, by their respective Inhabitants; and somewhat of a way, he hath invented, To measure by the means of a Telescope, distances of Objects upon the Earth, by one Station, without the use of any other Instrument.d And out of Germany a friend hath some particular imparted to me of Saltsprings, and of an odd spring in Westphalia: of which my next Transactions will give an Account;e where I also make a narration of the Rise and Attempts5 Of Injections into Veines, taking assistance from what you have recorded of that matter in your Usefulnes of Experimental Philosophy;f but wanting the precise6 time, when it was first started by Dr Wren at Oxford; which if you doe remember, or any of your friends,7 I pray, let it be expressed, and corrected what I8 may have erred in, who have set downe, that it is about 6 years agoe, when the first mention of it was made in England, long before any others, as far as we know, thought on such a thing.g If I had had my owne book, I lent to Dr Clerk, and that, which you had lately from Hamborough, I should perhaps have been a litle more particular in that busines; but I hope, what I have said, will be sufficient.h For Statenews, I can tell you, that France seems to caresse Spaine, having lately sent to Madrid an Envoye, M. de Belfont, to declare, that the king will keep the Treaty between the 2 crowns:i which looks like a Trick, to divert Spain from being too great with England. /41 (2)/ Though the French be generally for the Dutch, yet there are some, that wish very well to the English; and I hear, that Libels have been lately scatterd at Paris, importing, that the Goverment of England is far to a Isaac Vossius (1618–89), was the author of De nili et aliorum fluminum origine (1666). Marin Cureau de la Chambre’s Discours sur les causes du desbordement du nil was reissued at Paris in 1665, having been first printed in his Nouvelles pensées, sur les causes de la lumiere (1634). b Louis de la Forge, a Cartesian physician, published Traité de l’esprit de l’homme in 1666. c For d’Esson or de Son see above, p. 552n. Oldenburg published a note on d’Esson’s lenses in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 119–20 (no. 7 for 4 Dec. 1665). d See Auzout to Oldenburg, 12 Aug. 1665, printed in Oldenburg, ii, 461–75, from which extracts were published in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665), 120–3 (no. 7 for 4 Dec. 1665). e See ibid., 127–8. The original letter has not been found; the German correspondent has also not been identified. f See ibid., 128–30. g For Christopher Wren see above, p. 79n. For Wren’s experiments with injections see Works, vol. 3, pp. 327–9. h For Timothy Clarke, who undertook the defence of English priority in this matter, see above, p. 83n. The Hamburg text was J. D. Major’s Prodromus, for which see above, p. 517n. i Oldenburg refers to the Marquis de Bellefont (d. 1699), later ambassador to England. Oldenburg also refers to to the 1659 Treaty of the Pyrenees.

587

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

be preferrd to that of France, and that it were better for them to declare for the king of England. The same letter mentions, that the Dutch, who are at Paris, say, that France hath done them more mischief, than good; for, if they had not been assured by them of Sea- and Land-assistance, they had never begun the warre. From Bourdeaux come high complaints, that their wines must lye this year upon their hands, there being no Dutch ships come or coming to fetch them away: which will certainly vexe both the Gentry and marchants extremely, whose Estates, principally in those parts, does for the most part consist in Wines. Another letter from Paris mentions, that Mylord St Albans is comming over with new propositions for peace;a and that the King of France thinks himself sure of the Suedes, having augmented their pension by 200000 crowns per annum. It adds, Que le Duc de Luneburg a declaré, qu’il ne vouloit point prendre le parti d’un prestre, qui en hazardant tout, ne hazardoit rien du Sien.b This is an instructive consideration in the opinion of Sir Your faithful humble servant, H. O. Sir R. Moray mentions, that I should receave M. Auzouts letter from you.c For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house / in Oxfordd Seal: Black wax example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Postmark: ‘NO / 21’. Also marked ‘2’ in ink. Endorsed at head of 41 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XLI’ (replacing ‘XXXXI’ deleted). Also endorsed on 41 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 41’.

a

Henry Jermyn, 1st Earl of St Albans (d. 1684), was the English ambassador in Paris. ‘That the Duke of Lüneburg has declared that he would never wish to take the side of a priest who risks everything without risking anything of his own.’ This is a reference to Georg Wilhelm (1624–1705), Duke of Brunswick-Lüneberg; Presumably the Duke’s scorn is directed at the Bishop of Munster, for whom see above, p. 504n. Sweden was subsidised by France from 1661; see Sturdy, Louis XIV (above, p. 388), p. 125. c See Moray to Oldenburg, 16 Nov. 1665, Oldenburg, ii, 608–11. d For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. b

588

MORE

to BOYLE, 27 Nov. [1665]

MOREa to BOYLE

27 November [1665]b

From the original in BL 4, fols 79–80. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 551 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 513.

Sir I have forborn all this whyle to return you thanks for your kinde acceptance of that small signification of that respect and honour I have for your person and virtues; because till within a few days ago I had no information of the affaire which is the subject of the enclosed Letter.c But now I can tell you with what great thankfulness Mr1 ‹Fulwood› does embrace the termes specifyed in your letter, and also how glad his brother, my acquaintance now in the town, is of this opportunity given to his brother the Physician,2 (for that is his employment,) to improve himselve under so excellent and knowing a Person.d When you have use for him if you please to send me word, He shall have notice of it, and wayt upon you. I am much obliged to you for your favourable judgement touching my Idea, If any thing like you thus by peeces I know you will finde a new pleasure in considering the congruity of the whole, but most of all if 3 your leasure and patience will ever permit you to peruse my Synopsis also, and compare it with the Idea.e What you conceive of so free speaking & writing, that it is likely to procure me many adversaries, I am not only of the same ‹opinion›4 but have the certain knowledge and experience of it. And may very likely finde the effect of it in a rude manner this very day, Dr Sparrow visiting us this after noone.f But knowing so well what is at the bottom, I shall I hope bear cheerfully what ever he is able to doe against me: For I heard one say, that he protested he would prosecute my opinions as long as he liv’d. And what opinions nettle him and Mr Thorndike the most is not hard to conjecture.g I must confess it is very hard for me to suppress my zeal for the Protestant Religion, and I thank God it is so. You see how the case stands with me and therefore you will excuse me if I abruptly take leave to subscribe myself

a

For Henry More see above, p. 471. We have assigned this letter to 1665, since this seems a plausible date in the light of the matters discussed in it (see below). c The enclosure is not extant. d The first Mr Fulwood has not been traced, although his brother is possibly Peter Fulwood, M.A. 1662 at St Catherine’s College Cambridge, licensed to practise medicine in the same year. e More’s ‘Synopsis’ could be his Modest Enquiry into the Mystery of Iniquity (1664), which contained a general account of the manner and scope of his writings. It is not clear what he means by ‘the Idea’. f More refers to Anthony Sparrow (1612–85), theologian and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Cambridge. g The reference is to Herbert Thorndike (1598–1672), Anglican divine, and Fellow of Trinity College. b

589

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

C.C.C. November 27.a

2, 1662–5

Honoured Sir Your most humble and affectionate servant H. More

5

Sir I heartily thank you for your care in directing me to so excellent a Medicine as you specify in your note, against my Quartan. But my Quartan as it happend, was cured by this diatrion, Fasting, Sack, and Mathematicks – especially Oughtred’s Clavis – of this more when we meet – If they out me out of Christ Colledge my abode will be more at Londonb For the Honourable / Robert Boile esquire these present Leave them at / Mr Crosses, an Apothecary, over / against All-Soules College Oxfordc Seal: Damaged. Oval. A pelican in its piety. Paper impressions of seals from other letters. Postmark: ‘NO / 30’. Also marked ‘post paid 2d’. Endorsed on fol. 80v beneath address, in a hand different to that of the address. Also endorsed by Wotton ‘Dr More. Nov. 27’.

BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF BURLINGTON

2 December 1665

From the xerox copy of the original in hand E, signed by Boyle, in the British Library, RP 1823.d There is some damage to the top of the MS affecting a few words of the text.

a

For More’s residence at Christ’s College Cambridge see above, p. 472n. More refers to the mathematician and divine, William Oughtred (1575–1660), author of Arithmeticae in numeris et speciebus institutio… quasi clavis mathematicae (1631). The 2nd edition was entitled Clavis mathematicae (1648). c For John Crosse see above, p. 277n. d This copy was deposited at the British Library when an export licence for the letter was granted to Kenneth W. Rendell on 7 Nov. 1979. We have not been able to establish its current whereabouts. Earlier, it was apparently one of two Boyle letters to his brother dated 1665–7 sold at Sotheby’s on 25 June 1940 (lot 506), which are described in the catalogue entry as ‘mentioning Godolphin, Irish matters, etc.’, and one of which had Boyle’s ‘seal of a skeleton’. The other letter may be one of those printed in vol. 3, pp. 319–21. b

590

BOYLE

to FIRST EARL OF BURLINGTON, 2 Dec. 1665

[December 2 1665]1 My Dearest Brother Your last Letter’s not finding mee at Oxford will I hope excuse the slownes of my answer to it. And if it had not been for the same reason I should have prevented the need of your writing some of the passages I find in it. For soone after I had sent away my last to Lawnsborough, I met with Mr Southwell, & talking to him according to your Direction about the Bill for Cappoquine Bridge, he told mee, with divers Expressions of Civility to you, that though he had been hinderd from giveing you an Account of your commands, he ‹had› not been unmindfull to obey Them, having already dispatchd away the Bill for Ireland; of which he promisd mee by the first opportunity to give you an expresse Information.a At Mr Godolphins Lodgings I severall times was, at differing times of the day, but was answerd that he was gone I know not whether with my Lord Arlington.b But at length before I left Oxford I found him one morning at home, & let him know that I had earlyer endeavord by your orders to acquaint him with the message I then delivered him from You, which he receivd with great Civility, & would seeme not to have lookd upon Honest Mr Grahams oversight, as an Omission, but to have thought that you would have given him leave to serve you in the Busines of those /fol. 1v/ writings […]2 respect for You, & not as a Relation of […] the Secretarys.c Hee added other things that were very civill, & not unfit to be take[n] notice of when the Omission comes to be actually repayrd: which I assurd him in you[r] name would be speedily done. I humbly thank you for the advice you give mee & the Assistance you are pleasd to offer mee concerning Tubber.d Though I cannot well read the name of the Doctor you pitch upon for [my?] Referee in that Busines: yet it suffices mee that he is one your chusing, And therefor[e] thankfully accepting the proffer you make m[e] to write to him, I must beg You to do[e] it at your first Conveniency. But though I returne you my thanks for this part of your Letter: yet I must not for another that containes an Apology, & a Promise; the former of which was not needed, nor the latter desir’d. For I am still of the same mind, that I was when I told you how litle the putting Yourselfe to an Inconvenience in that affa[ir] to accommodate mee, would be expected by or wellcome to a For the Earl’s house at Londesborough, see above, p. 566n. For Robert Southwell see above, p. 40n. Cappoquin is in Lismore parish in Waterford County, Ireland. In 1666 An ‘Act for the building a bridge over the river Blackwater at Cappoquin in the county of Waterford’ was passed by the Irish Parliament. All Irish statutes had to be first approved by the English Privy Council. Southwell was at this time clerk to the Privy Council. b For William Godolphin, see above, p. 415. At this point, he was under-secretary to Henry Bennet, 1st Earl of Arlington, for whom see above, p. 568n. c For Richard Graham see above, p. 61n. d The manor of Tubber in County Dublin, Ireland, was bequeathed to Boyle by his father the 1st Earl of Cork. See Dorothea Townshend, The Life and Letters of the Great Earl of Cork (London, 1904), p. 484.

591

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

My Dearest Brother your most Affectionate, most Faithfull & most humble servant Ro: Boyle 3

I beg your Favour for the delivery of the Inclosed to my Lord Clifford, which but for an Error had been sent long agoe; which I hope you will be pleasd to let him knowa These To the right Honourable the / Earle of Burlington Present / At Lawnsborough To be left at the post house in / yorke to ‹be› sent as above Yorkshire.

Endorsed in connection with the transmission of the letter: ‘9d 6 15d’. Endorsed by Burlington: ‘2 December 65 From My Brother Robert’. Also endorsed in a contemporary hand: ‘1665 December 2 Robert Boyle’. Endorsed in pencil at the top of the first page in a modern hand ‘77 [in a circle] dec 2 1665’ and (on the copy rather than the original) ‘exp lec 910/373’.

WILLIAM FULLERb to BOYLE

3 December 1665

From the original in BL 3, fols 212–13. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 637–8 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 646.

Farnham Castle December 3 1665 Honourd & Dear Sir, Though I cannot give you a Church Preferment; I doe give you a Church Imployment. For I dare venture on your Goodnesse, & flatter my selfe that you will not be displeasd for my1 so doing. This Act which you receive with This Letter I shew’d to my Lord Chancelor at Salisbury for His Lordships Approbation; But Hee likd it not; as to the Forme, & a b

For Lord Clifford see above, p. 523n. For William Fuller, bishop of Limerick, see above, p. 565n.

592

FULLER

to BOYLE, 3 Dec. 1665

Drawing up: Yett2 withall Advised mee that it should not be presented to the Council, untill The Forme thereof were Altered,3 in a New Bill from Dublin. And that the Archbishop of Dublin might know4 how it might be Amended; His Lordship was pleas’d to say, That Hee would give by the next Post, The Reasons of his Dislike, to my Lord Lieutenant, which Reasons are not yet come to His Grace.a The Favour I begge of you is This, That after my humblest service is presented to my Good Lord Chancelor; you will desire of his Lordship to Impart to you The Faults of That Bill, that it may be Amended in the next.b I give you, Sir, this Trouble the rather, because I know you have a fair Reception from his Lordship And will therefore obtaine This favour the easier. What Answer you receive from his Lordship if you please to send to Mr Wyat Vice-principall of St Mary Hall;c you will farther oblige Your most affectionate & reall servant Guil Lymeric: 5

My Lord of Winchester remember him very kindly to you.d For Robert Boyle Esq. my very much Honourd Freind. Oxford Seal: Broken in two. Oval. Achievement of arms. Shield: barry [?] of three a sinister canton. Crest: a beacon proper [?]. Motto: lettering obscure — AD IP IT. Endorsed on fol. 213v by Wotton ‘Bp of Limrick Dec. 3. 1665’.

a

For James Butler, 1st Marquis of Ormonde, see above, p. 331n. Irish legislation had to be first approved by the English Privy Council. Fuller is probably either referring to the Irish Act of Uniformity, or the Act Enabling the Precentor and Treasurer of St Patrick’s and the Arch-Deacon of Dublin to Make Leases for Sixty Years, (Fuller was Dean of St Patrick’s 1661–4), or the Irish Cattle Bill, in connection with which he has already been mentioned; see above, pp. 560, 565. For Clarendon, the Lord Chancellor, see above, p. 66n. For Michael Boyle, archbishop of Dublin 1662–84, see above, p. 22n. c This is presumably William Wyatt (d. 1712), who became principal of St Mary Hall in 1689. d Fuller evidently refers to George Morley (1597–1684), bishop of Winchester since 1661. b

593

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

2, 1662–5

5 December 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 42. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 342, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 205–6 and Oldenburg, ii, 628–31.

London Decemb. 5. 1665. Sir, Though I have received1 the favour of your letter from Dec. 1; yet have I not yet seen those two sheets, which you therein mention, of your Hydrostatical paradoxes; nor that printed letter of M. Auzouts, which a forthnight since Sir R. Moray told me was in your hands, whence I was to receive it for My Lord Brounker, in order to compare it with the Hevelian Prodromus.a I think, it will be most convenient every way, to remit Signor Spinosa’s discourse de consensu partium till our personall enterview, which, I hope, the goodnes of God will grant us ere long, the Bills decreasing more and more very confortably.b I humbly thank you for Dr Beal’s letter, and I doubt not, but you saw a Copy of the swelling verses made upon our Society, and containing a bundle of bigg Interrogatories, which did putt me in mind of the Old ‹saying:›2 that one foole can make more questions, than ten wise men can answer.c But I will passe to my Philosophicall Intelligence. Take this, if you please from Rome: Campani hath had the advantage over Eustachio de Divinis. the Great Duke of Tuscany and Prince Leopold, after they had tryed both, found those of Campani better; with one whereof they saw men at 4 leagues distance, and distinguisht them easily.d Riccioli is busy at his Astronomicall Tables.e The Jesuite Grimaldi has made a Treatise de Lumine et Coloribus.f Redi hath made other Experiments of vipers, since he publisht his book upon that subject; and hath observed, that those herbes, which are said to be mortall to them, a Boyle’s letter of 1 Dec. 1665 is not extant. For Oldenburg’s Latin translation of Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes see above, p. 585n. Oldenburg requested Adrien Auzout’s paper, probably L’Ephéméride du comète…fait le 2 Janvier (1665), in his letter to Boyle of 21 Nov. 1665, see above, p. 588. Evidently it concerned the debate between Auzout and Johann Hevelius on the comets of 1664–5. For Hevelius’s Prodromus cometicus see above, p. 483n. b For Spinoza’s letter of 10 Oct., which contained the discourse ‘on the agreement of parts’, see Oldenburg, ii, 596–603. Oldenburg refers once again to the weekly bills of mortality for London. c John Beale’s letter is not extant. Oldenburg cites the verses of Galeazzo Victorio Villaro di Stato on the Royal Society in his letter to Boyle of 31 Oct. 1665, see above, p. 572. The proverb he quotes is recorded in John Ray’s English Proverbs (1670), p. 91. d For Campani and Divini, makers of optical lenses, see above, p. 312n. Oldenburg refers to the brothers Ferdinand II, Grand duke of Tuscany, for whom see above, p. 571n., and Prince Cardinal Leopold de’Medici (1617–75), who were the patrons of the Accademia del Cimento in Florence. e This is a reference to Giovanni Battista Riccioli, for whom see above, p. 413n. He was the author of Astronomiae reformatae, tomi duo (1665). f Francesco Maria Grimaldi (1618–63), was the author of Physico-mathesis de lumine, coloribus, et iride…libri duo (1665).

594

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 5 Dec. 1665

are not so; but that salt and sugar are.a /42 (1)v/ I pray, Sir, if you have the convenience of trying this with Salt and Sugar, let it be a part of your divertisement, and oblige me to acquaint me with the succes.3b Further, at Florence they have been making Experiments upon Salts, and found, that the Figures of them ‹in›4 each herb are different. And as to their Experiments, so long talked off, I now heare that they will not be printed yet this 4 or 5 months.c The book of5 vipers is printed at Paris in Italian, and I am promised it, with other things, at the6 first opportunity of sending.d As for Statenews, I shall give it you, as I receaved it lately from France:e Il y a un livre, dont l’autheur se veut mocquer des Hollandois et des Francois, parlant du Roy assez librement: mais je ne le trouve pas bien spirituel.f On croit, qu’enfin vous nous ferez la guerre, on s’y attend et on s’y prepare. Les Hollandois de leur costé s’y resolvent, aimans mieux faire la guerre avec la France contre tous, que de faire une paix desadvantageuse et dependre des Anglois.g On ne parle icy que de Milions et de sommes si excessives, que si je vous les disois, vous ne croiriez pas, que dans toute l’Europe il y eût tant de bien. Il est certain, que la France a des grands avantages à present: Un Roy Jeune et entreprenant; point de Favoris, pour causer des cabales; abondance d’argent, et partant de toutes choses; un Roy d’Espagne et un Empereur, foibles et pauvres tous deux.h (I confesse these advantages are important and to be considered.) On a affiché au Palais du Roy d’Espagne, de vant qu’il mourut, cette Pasquinade: El Principe esta malo; El Rey es de palo; l’Infanta se casa; Quien alquila esta casa. You need no interpreter, nor, I hope, any assurance of my being a For Francesco Redi see above, p. 571n. Redi’s Osservazioni intorno alle Vipere was published in Florence in 1664. b The experiment to which Oldenburg refers is not mentioned elsewhere. c The Saggi di naturali esperienze, describing the work of the Accademia del Cimento in Florence was not published until 1666. It describes no experiments like those mentioned here, but the Accademia did make some observations on the crystallisation of salts and the constancy of their characteristic forms, not detailed in the Saggi. d No evidence has been found for a ‘book of vipers’ printed in Italian in Paris. Redi’s book (see above p. 571n.), was printed in Florence. e ‘There is a book whose author wishes to poke fun at the Dutch and the French, and who speaks freely of the King: but I don’t find it very witty. It is believed that you will finally declare war against us; we expect it and prepare for it. For their part, the Dutch have made up their minds to it, since they would rather fight with France against every one than make a disadvantageous peace and depend on the English. Here they speak of millions and of such vast sums of money as you would never believe could be found in all Europe, if I did not tell you of it. It is certain that France enjoys many advantages at the moment: a young and enterprising king; no favorites, to create cabals; plenty of money coming in everywhere; a King of Spain and an Emperor who are both feeble and poor…Before the King of Spain died there was posted on his palace the following lampoon: The Prince is sick, the King is a stick; the Infanta seeks a spouse; who will rent this house?’. f This book has not been identified. g France joined Holland in the war against England in January 1666. For the French alliance with the Dutch republic see above, p. 515n. h King Philip IV of Spain died on 15 Sept. 1665. For Emperor Leopold I, who married the King of Spain’s daughter in 1666, see above, p. 352n.

595

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Sir Your very humble and faithful servant H. O. /42 (2)/ P.S. I intreat you, Sir, doe me the favour, and impart to me your thoughts of the thriving of the mechanicall or Cartesian Philosophy in our Universities, whether there be not now more of the young pregnant men, that relish it, than formerly. I doe intend, God willing, to write very shortly to Sir John Finch;7a if you please to command me any service to him, I am ready to receive and to conveigh it. I humbly thank you for your intention of retriving the Hanborough book for me, and of communicating the observations about Oker, and your Employments, where now you are.b

For his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esq, at Mr Crosse’s house / in / Oxford

Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘DE / 5’. Also marked ‘2’. Endorsed at head of 42 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 8 XLII’. Also endorsed on 42 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 42’.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

9 December 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 100. 4o/2.c Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 638–40.

Stanton Dec: 9thd Sir Calling at Oxford the day before yesterday I met with a Letter of yours1 for which this Paper is to returne you Thanks.e I wonder Mr Davis had not when your a

Oldenburg wrote to Finch on 7 Dec. 1665; see Oldenburg, ii, 631–3. The Hamburg book was J. D. Major’s Prodromus, for which see above, p. 517n. Boyle’s observations on ochre were requested by Oldenburg in his letter to Boyle of 21 Nov. 1665, see above, p. 585. Since mid-Nov. Boyle had been living at Stanton St John, northeast of Oxford. c This letter is bound as a folio leaf, although written on four quarto pages. d For Stanton St John see above. e Boyle refers to Oldenburg’s letter of 5 Dec. 1665, for which see above, pp. 591–3. b

596

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 9 Dec. 1665

Letter was written sent you the Hydrostaticall sheets his Promise having engagd him to doe it a good while before, but though my relyance on It was the only thing that kept mee from sending you them myselfe; yet t’is not the only promise he has faild in; since he undertooke to bring before such a time precisely, the four pound that remaind due for the 1st Transactions he printed, which if he had done, (& I suspected not the contrary till I was out of Towne) you might have received it some days sooner then now I fear you will, but perhaps he will be brought to make you some amends by paying in together with 4 pound what is due for the / 100 (1)v/ Transactions this weeke which I have not yet seene, but am told that they amount but to a sheete & a halfe.a As for ‹what› you mention of Campani’s glasses Mr Reeves chancing when I was yesterday at Oxford to dine with mee I acquainted him with it, who assurd mee that his glasses will performe soe much if not more then the seeing of a man foure Leagues off.b And when I demanded whether he sayd upon conjecture only or upon particular Tryall, (which latter, in case he had made it, I desird to be informd of circumstantially,) he told mee that from his house he could plainly see upon the steeple of Harrow on the Hill, not only the shape of the Windows & the differing colours of the stones of the steeple (which is 10 or 12 miles distant from Long aker) but the weathercock itselfe, which is an object farr lesse then the Body of a man.2 If there were any Virtuoso abroad that would bye his 60 foot glasse I find that provided the price were conceald he would be brought to abate near halfe of that which he hath hitherto stood upon, He talkes likewise of makeing /100 (2)/ some very large Concave glasses for burning, in which Designe I have not discouragd him. Monsieur Auzoits French Paper I deliverd to Sir Robert Murry at oxford to show to some of our Mathematicall Freinds & was not aware that it was brought home to my Lodging, but the last time I made a step over to Oxford I brought it thence, & now inclose it you, though halfe ashamd that it is soe much the worse for the wearing, in mens Pockets.c I am not here soe neere a Hermite but that there din’d with mee to day Dr Wallis & Dr Melanchton, the former of whome I hear is upon some worke (as he loves not to be idle) which when I have an Opportunity, which I wanted to day, I purpose to inquire after.d I now live in a Village soe perfectly disfurnishd of all that is requisite for an Experimenter that t’would make you smile to see what shifts I am put to for a few Magneticall Tryalls, which are the only ones I here ‹can› allow myselfe for a Diversion. You would doe more then smile /100 (2)v/ if I should tell you that the frost & snow that the last winter gave mee soe much imployment have this winter a For Richard Davis, printer of the Phil. Trans., see above, p. 294n. Boyle refers to the Latin translation of Hydrostatical Paradoxes, for which see above, p. 585n. b For Richard Reeves see above, p. 97n. For Guiseppe Campani see above, p. 312n. c For Adrien Auzout’s letter, first requested by Oldenburg on 21 Nov., see above, p. 588n. The enclosure is not extant. d Dr Melanchton has not been identified.

597

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

afforded mee only recreation, & that the cheife Experiments I try in hard weather are whether my stone-bow will carry true: &3 insteed of persueing Nature I follow the birds with a Gun on my shoulder to ‹the› commons & the woods. But this puts mee in mind of leaving to your Consideration whether you will in your next Transactions take occasion to intimate, that having by the hardships to which my Tryalls about cold exposd mee the last Winter, incurrd those Inconveniencys in point of health that deterr mee from repeating the like attempts this winter, especially being in a place disfurnishd of all accommodations for the makeing of nice Experiments; I doe not4 intend to meddle this season with the prosecution of the History of Cold hopeing that some of the curious that are better befreinded with5 health and opportunitys will repayr my necessitated Omissions. I have met with some rough copys of my notes about some subjects of which possibly6 ev’n small elucidations will not be unwellcome. I did not well know what was become of those Papers, & some ‹of› them I have not yet, that I remember read over this 5 or 7 years, the cheife heads are about sensation in generall, about the pores of greater & figures of smaller Bodys; & about Occult Qualitys.a The ordering7 these & some other papers that I found with them ‹will› take up a good part of that leisure time that is not challengd by a small Booke of Devotion upon an unusuall subject ‹which›8 he was a good while since engagd to write that has roome in this Paper to write noe more then that he isb Sir Your very Affectionate Freind &c. Ro: Boyle 9

The company stayd soe late with mee, that I had not time to compare the Note you did me the favor to send mee with the Passages in the history of Cold it referrs to.c But I intend to doe it before the next time I write to you. I presume you have e’re this receivd the Hydrostaticall sheets from Mr Davis, who will hince [sic] forward send them more immediately to you then by directing them to Mr Thompson.d Dr Beale write mee word that he sent you some observations of his about the Aire which are to bee imparted to mee.10e when you send the French Paper to our worthy President, pray obleige me to accompany it with my most humble service to his Lordship.f a Boyle’s ‘Notes upon the Section about Occult Qualities’, which survives in BP 22, pp. 201–44, was published by M. B. Hall in NRRS, 41 (1987), 111–43. For a further commentary on this passage, see Works, vol. 1, p. xxxiii. b This book is likely to be Boyle’s Excellence of Theology (1674), which is said by the publisher (possibly Oldenburg), to have been written in 1665; see Works, vol. 8. c The ‘note’ referred to here, possibly connected to Oldenburg’s corrections of Boyle’s Cold, has not been traced. d For George Thompson see above, p. 533n. e Beale’s letter to Boyle is not extant. f Auzout’s paper on the comet of 1664–5 was due to be sent to William Brouncker.

598

LOCKE

to BOYLE, 12/22 Dec. 1665

Endorsed at head of 100 (1): ‘Entered LB. Suppl.’ The whole of 100 (1) and first sentence on 100 (1)v is crossed through in pencil.

JOHN LOCKEa to BOYLE

12/22 December 1665

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 565–7. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 535–6 and E. S. de Beer, (ed.), The Correspondence of John Locke, 8 vols (Oxford, 1976), i, 227–31.

Cleve, Dec. 12/22, 1665. Honoured Sir, I LOOK upon it as the greatest misfortune of my journey hither, that it hath afforded me so little worth your notice; and that after having gone so far, and staid so long, I should yet send you so empty a letter. But, Sir, it is not unusual, that a man far in debt, after long delays, should pay nothing. And had I travelled through more fruitful places, and been myself better able to observe, I /p. 566/ should still have been in the same condition, and not have been able to return any thing of what I owe to your many and great favours. We are here in a place very little considerable for any thing but its antiquity, which to me seems neither to commend things nor opinions; and I should scarce prefer an old ruinous and incommodious house to a new and more convenient, though Julius Caesar built it, as they say he did this the Elector dwells in, which opinion the situation, just on the edge of a precipice, and the oldness of the building seems to favour.b The town is little, and not very strong or handsom; the buildings and streets irregular; nor is there a greater uniformity in their religion, three professions being publickly allowed: the Calvinists are more than the Lutherans, and the Catholicks more than both (but no papist bears any office) besides some few Anabaptists, who are not publickly tolerated. But yet this distance in their churches gets not into their houses. They quietly permit one another to choose their way to heaven; for I cannot observe any quarrels or animosities amongst them upon the account of religion. This good correspondence is owing partly to the power of the magistrate, and partly to the prudence and good nature of the people, who (as I find by enquiry) entertain different opinions, without any secret hatred or rancour. I have not yet heard of any person here eminently learned. There is one Dr. Scardius, who, a John Locke (1632–1704), philosopher. Locke was in Cleves in his capacity as secretary to Sir Walter Vane, at this time on a diplomatic mission to the Elector of Brandenburg (1620–88), Friedrich Wilhelm of Hohenzollern. See de Beer, Locke Correspondence (above), i, 225–7. b For the supposed foundation of the citadel at Cleve see S. V. Pighius (Pighe), Hercules Producius (Antwerp, 1587), pp. 35–6. For the inscription relating to Caesar see ibid., pp. 248–9.

599

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

I am told, is not altogether a stranger to chemistry.a I intend to visit him as soon as I can get an handsom opportunity. The rest of their physicians go the old road, I am told, and also easily guess by their apothecary’s shops, which are unacquainted with chemical remedies. This, I suppose, makes this town so ill furnished with books of that kind, there being few here curious enough to enquire after chemistry or experimental learning. And as I once heard you say, I find it true here, as well as in other places, that the great cry is ends of gold and silver. A catalogue of those books I have met with, some at Antwerp, and some in this town I here inclosed send you, and am told by the only bookseller of this place, that he expects others daily from Francfort. The weather is here exceedingly mild, and I have not seen any frost or snow since my coming; but it is an unusual clemency of the air, and the heavens seem to cherish the heat men are in to destroy one another. I suppose it no news to tell you, that the Dutch have forced a surrender of Lochem; there marched out of it two hundred and fifty of the bishop’s men.b In another rencounter the bishop’s men killed and took four hundred Dutch horse: so that this has only shaked the scales, not much inclined them to either side. The States of Cleve and March are met here to raise money for the Elector, and he with that intends to raise men, but as yet declares for neither side:c whether he be willing, or will be able to keep that neutrality I doubt, since methinks war too is now become infectious, and spreads itself like a contagion, and I fear threatens a great mortality the next summer, The plague has been very hot at Cologne; there have died there within this quarter of a year above eight thousand. A gentleman, that passed by that town last week, told me, that the week before there died there three hundred and forty eight. I know these little trivial things are as far distant from what I ought to send you, as I am from England: for this I do not only blame my own present poverty, but despair of the future, since your great riches in all manner of knowledge forbid me the hopes of ever presenting you with any thing new or unknown. I should not therefore take the boldness thus to importune you, did I not know, that there is nothing so slight or barren, which you cannot force to yield you something, and make an advantageous use of poor common things, which others throw away. This is that, which gives me the confidence to tell you, that I am, SIR, your most obedient, and most faithful servant, JOHN LOCKE. a Probably Johannes Schardius, the physician mentioned as being in Paris in 1664 by Olaus Borrichius; see Itinerarium (above, p. 254), iii, 403. b For the bishop of Munster see above, p. 504n. The Dutch lost a number of men in an encounter with the bishop’s forces near Delden on 9 Dec. but re-captured Lochem on 14 Dec. c The estates, i.e., the constitutional assembly. The county of Mark had been attached to the Duchy of Cleves since 1368.

600

LOCKE

to BOYLE, 12/22 Dec. 1665

SINCE I writ this I met with a Jesuit, who had been in Hungary.a I enquired, whether he had seen the mines; he told me, that he had gone down into a copper mine near Neisol (if I mistake not the name) six hundred fathom deep; that at the bottom in a hollow of some bigness, there dropped down water, which they received in a wooden trough, wherein they cast pieces of old iron, which by the water would be turned into good copper.b That a piece of iron of the bigness of a man’s finger would be changed in three months, and that the mutation began from the superficies inwards with streaks (or to use his word striatum;) that he had a horse-shoe, whose exterior part was copper, and inside iron. I asked him, whether it were cold or hot, he told me it was warm enough, so that the workmen were naked from the waist upward, and sweat in working. I had not time to enquire after more particulars, being hastily called away. He belongs to the baron de Goes, envoy here from the Emperor.c If you think this relation worth any further enquiry, or that I can any other way serve you here, I should be glad to receive your commands, which either Mr Godolphin or Mr. Proctor Thomas will convey to me.d Kercheri Mundus Subterraneus, fol. 1665.e Schotti Schola Steganographica, 4 to. 1665. Pet. Mitch. de Hevedia Opera Medica, fol. 1665. Heldebrandi Magia Naturalis, 4to. 1664. Bauschus Schediasmata curiosa de lapide hæmatite & ætite, 8vo. 1665. Strausius Conatus Anatomicus, 4to Giesae, 1666. Licetus de Monstris, 4to. Amstelodami, 1665. /p. 567/ Simon Pauli de abusu Tabaci & Theè, 4to. Argentor, 1665. Phil. Jac. Sachs Gammarographia, 8vo. 1665. Phil. Grulingii Medicina practica, 4to 1665. Ger. Blasii Medicina Universalis, 4to 1665 Schookius de Sternutatione, 12mo 1664. a

This is perhaps Franciscus Raulin, a Jesuit, and a correspondent of Locke’s. Locke refers to Neusohl on the Gran, about 90 miles north of Buda. See Edward Browne, Brief Account of some Travels (2nd edition, London, 1685), pp. 62, 66–9. It is now Banská Bystrica in Slovakia. c Locke refers to Johann, Freiherr von Goës (or Goëss) (1611–93), envoy from the Emperor to the Great Elector from 1665 to 1671. d For William Godolphin see above, p. 415n. For David Thomas see above, p. 451n. e Locke’s book catalogue contains the following books and authors; Athanasius Kircher, Mundus subterraneus; Gaspar Schott, Schola steganographica; Petrus Michael de Heredia, Operum medicinalium (1689, this is the only edition which survives); Wolfgang Hildebrand, Magia naturalis (1st edition 1610; the 1664 edition has not been traced); Johannes Laurentius Bausch, Schediasmata bina curiosa de lapide haematite et aetite; Laurentius Strauss, Conatus anatomicus; Fortunio Liceti, F. Licetus de monstris (1st edition 1616); Simon Paulli, Commentarius de abusu tabaci … et herbae thée; Philipp Jakob Sachs von Lewenhaimb, Gammarologia, sive gammarorum, vulgo cacrorum consideratio physico-philologico-historicomedico-chemica (1665); Philip Gruelingius, Medicina practica; Gerardus Blasius, Medicina universa; Marten Schoock, De sternutatione tractatus copiosus; Anton Deusing, Genesis microcosmi, seu de generatione in utero dissertatio. b

601

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

Densingius de Generatione & Nutritone, 12mo. 1665.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

19 December 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 43. 4o/2+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 343–4, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 206–9, and Oldenburg, ii, 645–9.

London Dec. 19. 1665. Sir, I shall begin this with taking notice of what you conclude your last with, concerning Dr Beal’s Barometricall Observations; Those I receaved not till after my last to you; and it seems, that our friend would have notice given to the publick of the Baroscope, ‹in›1 the Transactions; yet not without offering it first to your advice and directions.a He intends ‹then› to send to you his Calendar and some results, that they may be compared with Dr Powers Calendar, and others of the Southern distance from him ‹(Dr Power)› and the East, from himselfe, that so it may be discovered, Whether the Air gravitates more in the East or West, North or South; towards Sea or Land; In hotter or colder weather, and keeps the same seasons of changes; and by this publication, to awaken others to explicate the Phænomena, yet in the darke.b After this he abbreviates to me some particulars, videl. 1. My Wheele Barometer (saith he) I could never fill so exactly, as to exclude all Air, and therefore I trust more to a Mercuriall Cane, and take all my notes from it. ’Tis but 35 inch. long, of a very slender cavity, and thick glass. This may easily be conveighd to any place for Tryalls. The all [mercurial] Vessell is about 2 inch. wide. The [mercury] so well filld, that for some daies it would not subside, but hung to the top of the Glasse-Cane. I keep it in a closet pretty close, 9 foot high, 8 foot broad, 15 foot long, neer a Windore. This I note, saith he, because possibly the closenes of the room may hinder, that it gives not the full of all changes, as it might in more passable Air. 2. In all my Observations from May 28 1664 to this present, the [mercury] never ascended but very litle above 30¼ inches. /43 (1)v/ a Evidently the letter referred to is Boyle’s of 9 Dec. Beale had informed Boyle that Oldenburg had some of his observations ‘about the Aire’ which were to be passed on to Boyle; see above, p. 598. The observations were printed in Phil. Trans., 2 (1666), 154–9 (no. 9 for 12 Feb. 1666). b For Henry Power see above, p. 51n. He was elected F.R.S in 1663 and in that year was asked to undertake (along with Beale and Samuel Childrey) regular observations of temperature with one of a set of calibrated thermometers.

602

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 19 Dec. 1665

3. It ascended very seldom to 30¼ inches, chiefely in Dec 13 1664, the weather fickle-faire, in the Evening. 4. In my Calender of june 22 1664 I find at 5 in the morning, in a time of long setled faire weather, the [mercury] had risen about ½ an inch higher, then 30, but I fear some mistake, because I then took no impression of wonder at it. yet for 3 or 4 daies, at that time, it continued high in well setled, faire and warm weather, most part above 30 inches; so that I may note, the [mercury] to ascend as high in the hottest Summer-weather, as in the coldest winter-weather. 5. yet surely I have noted it to ascend a litle higher for the coldnes of the weather; as very frequently, both in Winter and Summer to be higher in the Cold mornings and evenings, then in the warmer midday. 6. Generally in setled and faire weather both of Winter and Summer, the [mercury] is higher, than a litle before, or after, or in rainy weather 7. And generally it descends lower after rayne, than it was before raine. 8. Generally also it falls in great winds, and somewhat it seem’d to sink, when I have open’d a wide dore to let in stormy winds. yet I have found it to continue very high in a long stormy wind of 3 or 4 daies 9. Again, generally it is higher in an East and North wind (cæteris paribus)a than in a South and West wind. 10. I tried severall times, by strong fumes and thick smoakes to alter the Aire in my closet, but I cannot affirm, that the [mercury] yielded any more, than might be exspected from some increase of heate. Such as have exact wheel-barometers, may try, whether2 odors or fumes doe alleviate the Air. 11. In this closet, I have not in all this time found the extreamest changes of the [mercury] to amount to more than 2 7⁄8 inches; of 2 ¾ inches I am full sure. So farr our Observing3 friend. Sir, if you think, that the publishing of such particulars as these may assist to excite others to make the like observations, and shall please to instruct me with your orders for bounds and method, ‹in the publishing,› I am most ready to follow your directions; though, I confes, M. Davies wrote me the other day so heavy a letter, that it would very much slacken any mans pace in continuing such labor.b For he tells me, that of the first Transactions, he printed, /43 (2)/ he then, when he wrote (Dec. 16) had not vended above 300; and that he fears, there will hardly sell so many, as to repay the charge of paper and printing: so that it seems, my pains and trouble would be of no avayle to me. Yet He concludes, that notwithstanding those discouragements, if you and I, doe think fit to have any more printed at Oxford, he will readily serve us in the managing thereof, and the present disbursing of the charge; intimating withall, that he undertook to print these papers, and a

‘other things being equal’. For Richard Davis, printer of Phil. Trans., see above, p. 294n. His letter to Oldenburg of 16 Dec. is not extant. b

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to give the Author, as his friends had proposed, yet provided, he might be secured from being a looser by it. What to say to this, I know not; If M. Davies give over, it will look very ill; and if he continue, I must suffer very much there too.4 He thinks, London being like to be open now for Commerce, if he do send to 3 or 4 active Stationers in severall quarters of the Towne; and besides to Cambridge, Exeter, Bristoll, ‹etc. item into› Ireland, Scotland; a far greater number should ‹then› goe off: but if he be not a man of an active and large correspondence, I had done much better, ‹never›5 to have committed it to him. He should, when he sends Copies to Mr Thompson, send some to a good Bookseller about the Exchange (for there I find, they are inquired after) and to another about Dunstans in Fleetstreet, and ‹to› another about Westminster, and so disperse them to the chief parts of the Citty, especially now Carriers begin to return hither.a Before I receaved this dull letter of his, I had already dispatcht away6 to Dr Wallis my MS, for the month of januaris; which, I think, he must print; but if in the Interim he speed not better, we must then7 consider of another expedient, or lett it fall. I am afraid, there being a kind of conjuration, and a very mysticall one, among Stationers, and Allestry having taken a snuff, ‹he does›,8 it may be, ‹so› colloque with Davies, that by not forwarding the next of 9these Transactions, they may bring downe the price to their lure.b I must aske your pardon for troubling you with so fastidious a Story; concerning which, I am willing to submit to the advice of my friends. I have not yet10 receaved any sheet of your Hydrostaticall papers, nor a penny from M. Davies, besides the £5, you were pleased to make over for me.c /43 (2)v/ Sir, I doubt, I shall not be so happy, as to receive a particular advice from you touching this troublesome busines, seing it must passe through the hands of an Amanuensis; yet, tho it be given a litle ænigmatically, I trust, I may find out the meaning. The performance of M. Reeve’s glas, of seing the shape of windows, and the differing colors of the stones, and the weathercock upon the Harrow-steeple, I suppose to have been done by his 60 foot Glasse; but, I believe, that of Campani’s,11 tryed at Florence, was not above 35 foot; whereof I exspect more particulars shortly.d As to the Sale of his longest glasse to some Virtuoso abroad, that is not like to be, because himself has obstructed it, by what I find printed by M. Auzout, who saith, that a while agoe a person of some quality, having ‹told a

For George Thompson see above, p. 533n. The bookseller near St Dunstan’s, Fleet Street, has not been identified. The problems Oldenburg and Davis had been experiencing with regard to the printing of Phil. Trans. were caused by the plague in London. In this letter Oldenburg makes clear that the disruption to business was beginning to ease as the severity of the plague retreated. b For James Allestry see above, p. 391n. c Oldenburg was waiting for the printed text of Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666), from which he was to make the Latin translation. d For Richard Reeves and Campani, makers of optical lenses and telescopes, see Boyle to Oldenburg, 9 Dec. 1665, above, p. 597.

604

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 19 Dec. 1665

Reeves,›12 that at Paris there were Glasses drawing the same length with his, that did beare a greater Aperture, et des Oculaires plus fortsa (leaving him thereupon to Judge, whether they were better,)13 that person receaved no other answer from him, but that his Glas was exceeding good, and that those, who did not think14 the same, should not think to have any of them.b In the same place the said M. Auzout takes notice, that the Telescope, sent by his Majesty to the Duke of Orleans, made by Reeves, beares no more aperture than 2 inches and 3 lines French,15 and ‹that› that of ‹the same Reeves› of 60 foot, beares not much above 3 inch. aperture, whereas his (M. Auzouts) glas of 21 foot,16 has commonly 2 inches 4 or 6 lignes aperture, French measure (which you know does somewhat exceed the English) and another of his of 15 foot, beares 2 inches, which latter is the aperture of Reeves’s glasses of 30 foot long.c I am sorry, I had not the favor of your last letter soon enough, to take notice of what you suggest, concerning your suspension of making further Experiments of Cold this winter, in the next Transactions, the manuscript whereof I had sent away two dayes before, making the more haste, that it might be printed off before the festivall dayes.d If they be continued, the next to these may seasonably enough, I think, make mention thereoff. /43 (3)/ I write this very day to My Lord Brounker, to send to him M. Auzouts letter, together with your Salute.e I hope, his Lordship will now shortly be in towne again, which fills apace; and the like I doe of Dr Wilkins and others.f Did not I understand, that your Book de Origine qualitatum was also begun to be printed?g I long to heare, what17 subject of devotion you are employed upon, as also, what work Dr Wallis has in hand; and am glad, you have retrieved those Philosophical papers about sensation and occult qualities, etc.h I met the other day in the Astrologicall discourse of Sir Christopher Heydon with an Experiment, which he affirmes to have tryed himselfe, importing, that cold accompanies reflected light, by employing burning Sphericall Concaves, or Parabolicall Sections, which, he saith, will as sensibly reflect the actuall Cold18 of Snow or Ice, as it will the heat of the Sun.i I would fain have this come ex ore duorum aut trium,19j the sole testimony or affirmation of so deep an Astrologer, as that Gentleman was, being not likely to be receaved by severe Philosophers. a

‘stronger eye-pieces’. Auzout’s printed paper is possibly his Lettre à Monsieur l’abbé Charles sur le Ragguaglio di due nuove osservationi &c. da Giuseppe Campani (1665). c Philippe, duc d’Orleans (1640–1701), brother of Louis XIV. d See above, p. 604. e Brouncker was due to receive Auzout’s paper on the comet of 1664–5; see above, p. 594. f For John Wilkins see above, p. 309n. g For the Latin edition of Boyle’s Forms and Qualities see Works, vol. 5, pp. xxix–xxx. h See above, p. 598. It is not clear to what Oldenburg refers with regard to John Wallis. i Sir Christopher Heydon (d. 1623), was best known for a Defence of Judiciall Astrologie (1602). j ‘from the mouths of two or three persons’. b

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No letters came from France to me, since my last; but I heare from others, that they will make up a warrefleet of 30 sayle for next summer, and that that king relyes so much upon his mony, (which he thinks to exceed 3 or 4 times the Treasury of our king) and the Strength and number of the Dutch Shipping, and the conjunction of Sueden and some German Princes, that he shall be able to tire England out, whom he believes not capable to continue a long warre.a Our Eastland fleet, of 37 marchant men, and 17 men of warre,20 is now come home, very well, God be thanked, laden with store of navall ammunitions. A good squadron of English Frigots, ‹are› shortly to set sayle for the Straits, where they will find work enough, in the persuasion of Sir Your very humble and faithful servant H. O.

For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq to be left at Mr Crosse’s / in Oxfordb

Seal: Damaged example of seal on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663. Postmark: ‘DE / 19’. Also marked ‘2’. Endorsed at head of 43 (3) by Miles ‘belongs to Letter 19 December) 1665)’ and on 43 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XLIII’ (replacing ‘XXXXIII’). Endorsed on 43 (3)v with Birch number ‘No. 43’.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

23 December 1665

From the version in hand E, signed by Boyle, in Early Letters B 1. 101. Fol/2. Previously printed in Oldenburg, ii, 649–52.

Dec: 23 1665 Sir I was exceedingly troubled to find at my last being at Oxford, that Mr Davis had taken up soe despondent an opinion of the disspersing the Transactions as to a b

For the French–Dutch alliance against England see above, p. 515n. For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

606

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 23 Dec. 1665

make soe many doubts & scruples in his Discourse to Dr Wallis & mee, that as I find by him & otherwise, you have some notise of it, soe I doe not well know at present what advice to offer about it.a Tis true, that for ought I can learne the Sicknes has soe interrupted & impaird the Trade and correspondency that was wont to be driven by the way of London be‹twixt› all the parts of England that Diurnalls are the only printed things that have any thing near as quick & generall a Vent as formerly;b & that too,1 as well upon the Account of their being now printed in halfe sheets of Paper, as upon that of the Athenianlike Disposition, that such a Constitution of Affairs as ours dos naturally produce,c But I2 have been informd & Mr Davis confessd it to mee that one of the reasons of the soe slow utterance of the Transactions, has been the too usuall negligence of the printer who has not supplyd him seasonably enough to dispatch a competent number of Copys by the Country Carryers /101 (1)v/ who will at this Time of the year as litle stay for any Body as the Winds or Tydes. And yet Mr Davis seemd to be soe backward to proceede to the printing any more till these he had already were somewhat more plentifully disposd of unlesse it were upon such Termes as may be very Prejudiciall to the Transactions for the future, that Dr Wallis & I thought it upon the whole matter adviseable not to tell him any thing of the Papers you last sent3 downe, till you be made acquainted, (which you will be by Dr or Mr Davis) with the Obstructions, & with the true state of the case.d And this Course I the rather inclind to because this frosty season gives us great hope that the cold will by Gods blessing ‹considerably› lessen the Infection at London, which if it doe the Transactions are4 soe well knowne & lik’d, that probably the delay will be a lesse Prejudice then a Condescention to unreasonable Termes upon an Account that wee hope will not long continue. But if you think otherwise & shall send mee your Directions they will come to a Person very much dispos’d to serve you. I admire to read in your Letter that you have not yet receivd any thing of the Hydrostaticall Paradoxes, ‹there›5 being five sheets printed off which I have by mee besides a sixt which I expected this day. But if at my next coming to Oxford on Tuesday or Wednesday6 next they shall not be already sent you I intend to inclose them all to Mr Hatherton; that you may be sure of them without further delay.7e I should now say something to you about Dr Beales Observations & other Particulars, but that there are ‹things› more pressing8 to be taken notise of, in the remaining part of this already long Letter, I meane your Quæries about some a

For Richard Davis, printer of Phil. Trans., see above, p. 294n. Boyle refers to the weekly newspapers, and the disruption to business in London due to the plague. c The allusion is to Acts 17, 21. d Boyle possibly refers to John Beale’s barometrical observations contained in Oldenburg’s letter to Boyle of 19 Dec., see above, pp. 602–6. e Oldenburg was translating Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes into Latin as the English proofs came off the press. For Mr Hatherton see above, p. 511n. b

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passages of the History of Cold.a For which I must first give you my humble thanks, & then returne these Answers to them; beginning with the last as the most considerable. For not only there seemes to be as you justly take notise a mistake of the scribe or the printer, ‹in› the first Line of the 695th page, where the Experiment referrd to being for ought I can remember the same, that is punctually recorded in the 692, there ought to be in the first namd place (as ‹well as› in the last) ¾ not 3 ⁄8 : but reading a litle further in the same 695 page, I find there is (Line the 5th) another mistake of almost for above; as is evident /101 (2)/ by the Numbers there mentiond, five parts of Eight being not almost but above halfe.b In the 628 page versus finemc the error you mention, & which is a great one as to the sense, was a very easy one for the Composer, that did not consider the sense, to slip into. For insteed of the word, leaving, he should have sett downe as I dictated, heaving ‹(up)›, which takes away all difficulty, as indeed I dream’t not there could have been any. The other suspition you have about page the 262 I ghesse may have been occasiond by the9 not including some words in a Parenthesis, or leaving out some Capitall Letters with which I use to point out Emphaticall Words. And10 ‹however› the clause you take notise of; beginning at Therefore & ending at Experiment agrees well enough with the Context; for having mentiond a mischance ‹that› happened to that glasse, I subjoyne, (where the printer ought not to have put a full point,) That because of that mischance though I made an Estimate of the Expansion of the water as if it amounted to the 12th part; yet I would not Relye on that Estimate, but meant to repeat the Experiment. As for the Difficulty about page 173 I suspect it to spring from an unadvis’d Criticisme of the Corrector of the presse, who11 in the third Line inserted the word, it, which is put in there against my intention & the Tenor of the Discourse; which, (that Particle being left out) has nothing obscure in it, the sense being plainely ‹this,› that though it would be12 otherwise most proper to forbare treating of the Line of Direction of Cold till I had first treated of its sphære of Activity (which13 I doe not till the 328th page, & the 13th Title) yet for the Reason there mentiond I chuse to invert that Order. There remaines but one passage more which is about the Proportions of salt & water in the 142 page, where there is noe mistake at all, as you will ‹find› if you please to compare that passage with Number the 4th in the 135th page; in which two ounces. i.e. 16 drachmes of water were taken to one drachme of Alcaly. whereas in the 142 page there was taken two drachmes of Alcaly to but 8 drachmes of water, which makes this proportion (though not this Quantity) of Alcaly14 foure times greater a The absence of these queries seems to indicate the loss of one letter. For Boyle’s Cold (1665), see Works, vol. 4. Presumably Oldenburg had listed these queries and corrections for the text of Cold in the course of his work on the Latin translation. For the Latin edition see above, p. 391n. b For these references, see Cold (1665) in Works, vol. 4, where the original pagination is given in the running heads. c ‘towards the end’.

608

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 30 Dec. 1665

then the other[.] But I have troubled you too long, & should need your pardon for having done soe, did not that paper of yours that containd your Quæries exact & thereby justifie the Answers I have given them, which I must not conclude without againe thanking you for acquainting me with what you think may stumble a Reader in the writings Sir your very Affectionate Freind & very humble servant Ro: Boyle 15

Mr Davis having againe faild to pay in the four pound remaining for the first Transactions; & Mr Linsay informing mee that he is now returnd out of the Country I doubt not but he punctually pay that small summe upon a Note I send to Mr Hatherton, who will deliver it to you, & I shall get it time enough of Mr Davis to serve my Occasions.a Endorsed at head of 101 (1) ‘Entered LB. Suppl’ and on 101 (2)v: ‘concerning the printing of the Philosophical Transactions & Corrections of Mistakes in History of Cold.’

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

30 December 1665

From the original in Early Letters OB 44. 4o/2+2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 344–6, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 209–12 and Oldenburg, ii, 652–70.

London Dec. 30. 1665. Sir, Your last speakes so much favour and care for my concerns, that I cannot write of any thing before I have given you the assurance of my humble and hearty acknowledgements, which I hope I shall have occasion so to demonstrate the realnesse off, as to convince you, I hate ingratitude.b I shall not trouble you with repeating here, what I said on Tuesday last to Dr Wallis, about the printing of the Transactions for the month of january, because I find by your letter, that you did intend to be on1 that, or the next day, at Oxford, a b

For Mr Lindsay see above, p. 560n. Boyle’s last letter is that of 23 Dec.

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where you are likely to receave that trouble from my letter to the said Doctor.a I wish only, there be no collusion among the Stationers, and that the deadnes of Trade and Correspondency,2 into which the reassuming of the printing of those papers is fallen, may not prove too great a prejudice to the dispersing of them for the future. ‹On› Thursday3 Mr Hatherton brought me the £4, for which I ‹gave him my receipt, and› cannot but give you particular thanks; but am afraid, M. Davis will prove backward in repaying them.b He seems to intimate in his letter to me, as if Dr Wallis would bind him to that Printer, who has hitherto done the4 Transactions, and as if the making use of another Printer, who would duely supply him with copies, would conduce to the better dispersing of them.c I believe, if this were so, he might easily receave satisfaction in this point. /44 (1)v/ Mr Crook, who was the other day in London, told me, that there were not above 200 copies left of your History of Cold, and that he was ready to reprint the Scepticall Chymist, as soon as he could yet [sic] men to worke, many Printers being carried away, among the rest, by this sad Contagion, which, God be blessed, is now falne to 152.d I have now receaved the 6 sheets of your Hydrostatical Paradoxes, which I have read with much satisfaction, as being very clear and instructive; and I spend now a part of my time of putting them into Latine; which if you think fitt to have also printed at Oxford, and that with speed, I am ready, from week to week to send you ‹my›5 sheets, upon your order.e This very day I had an answer from My Lord Brounker to my late letter to his Lordship, and to Mr Auzouts printed6 Animadversions upon the Hevelian Prodromus.f He saith, he cannot ground his opinion well upon what is in difference between those two Observers, untill he sees the last Observations made by M. Hook and what there are of Feb. 18 or later; and he adds, that the difference depending principally upon matter of fact, ’tis the authority, number and reputation of other Observers, that must cast the Ballance.g So far his Lordship, of this particular, which he concludes with returning his humble service to you. Mr Hook a Oldenburg’s letter to Wallis of 26 Dec. is not extant. For the problems faced by Oldenburg and his printer due to the interruption to trade caused by the plague see above, pp. 603–4. b For Mr Hatherton see above, p. 511n. c The letter of Hatherton to Oldenburg has not survived. d Oldenburg refers to the figures recorded in the London Bills of Mortality. For John Crooke see above, p. 91n. For Boyle’s Cold (1665) see Works, vol. 4. Plans for a 2nd edition of Sceptical Chymist came close to materialising in 1665–6, but largely due to the death of Crooke in 1669, nothing came of them until 1680, when an octavo edition was printed at Oxford. See Works, vol. 2, pp. xx–xxii. e For Oldenburg’s Latin translation of Hydrostatical Paradoxes see above, p. 585n. f Neither Oldenburg’s letter to Brouncker nor Brouncker’s reply has been found. Auzout’s paper was sent to Brouncker on 19 Dec.; see above, p. 605. For the texts of Auzout and Hevelius on the comet of 1664–5 see above, pp. 482–3. g In fact, neither Hooke nor anyone else was able to provide the crucial data that Brouncker required.

610

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 30 Dec. 1665

is now here, as well as Dr Wilkins, and I find, that the former is not like ‹at all› to relieve Hevelius by his Observations, extending to the 10 of March, which I have pressed him to look out, and to communicate to those persons, that have read and considered both Hevelius and Auzout.a This I intend also to acquaint Dr Wallis with, by this very post.b Monsieur de Son hath now ready one of his newfashiond watches, furnished with a slender spring, in stead of a pendulum, to regulate the Ballancier, /44 (2)/ which is ten7 times heavier, as he saith, than others, to command and bridle the wheeles, and thereby to cause an equality in their motion.c He tells me, he will by the first conveniency send it to his Majesty, having also one or two more in hand for the Duke of york and Prince Rupert.d He assured me also, the last time I saw him, that at his next visit he would show me his parabolicall Objectglasse finish’t; which I now8 with great impatience look for, every houre. For news of state, I believe, Sir, you have heard ere this, the discourse, that fell out lately between the Duke of Albemarle and the Dutch Ambassador, the latter whereoff, giving a visit to the other, took occasion to intimate to him, that, there lying upon him such weighty affaires at Land, he could surely not be dispensed with, to goe to Sea.e To which the Duke is said to have resolutely answerd, that if God graunted him any measure of health, he would be with them ‹before›9 the ‹midle› of Aprill, and see, whether they would doe him reason. The Ambassadour replying, that he doubted not but his Contrymen would acquitt themselves well, the Duke made answer, (as I was told by one, that said he was present) that he would fight them anywhere, and give them the advantage of ‹a›10 fourth, both as to number of men, shipps, and guns; not doubting of the blessing of God against a people, that were ‹so› guilty of both ingratitude, and breach of promise, the former being notorious to all the world, and the latter being also evident by the not restoring of Poleroon.f To which the Ambassadour replying, that the former charge was more easily made, than proved, and ‹that› the latter did concern the East India Company, not the States Generall; The Duke returned, that, as to the point of ingratitude, he was persuaded, that11 they did find proof enough of it in their owne consciences; and /44 (2)v/ as to the other, they were accustomed ‹to›12 it, to shift off from one to another the Injuries, they did to Princes and ‹other› Nations. Many other reciprocations there passed betwixt them, about the Grasp-

a

For John Wilkins see above, p. 309n. This letter also has not been discovered. c For Monsieur de Son see above, p. 552n. d For James, Duke of York see above, p. 367n., and for Prince Rupert see above, p. 102n. e For George Monck, 1st Duke of Albemarle, see above, p. 83n. The Dutch ambassador was Henry van Goch, see above, p. 298n. f Poleron, one of the Banda Islands in Indonesia. b

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ing of Trade, on one side, the want of mony for carrying on a long warre, on the other, and the like, which would be too tedious for a letter. ’Tis not unlikely, but some disorders may arise in France, the Prince of Conde being falne into new discontents, and the King having13 lately by his declarations, in the Parisian Parlement, cast a great Consternation into all sorts of people, but those, that are his Creatures, and depend altogether upon his Crowne.a We heare, the Bishop of Munster is in ‹a› condition good enough, and hath more than once offered the Ennemy battel, which they avoyded. The Luneburg forces, seeming14 to be backward for action, maketh many think, that the king of England hath good friends amongst them, and Count Waldeck himselfe.b Surely I need not tell you from hence, what is said here with great Joy of the Discovery of a Northwest-passage, made by 2 English and one French man, ‹lately› represented by them to his Majesty at Oxford, and answered by a Royall Graunt of a vessell, to sayle into Hudsons bay, and thence into the South-sea, these men affirming, as I heare, that with a boate they went out of a Lake in Canada, into a River, which discharged15 itselfe Northwest into the Southsea, into which they went, and returned North-East into Hudsons Bay.c I hope, if this be truth, I shall receave the favor of your confirmation, together with16 a correction of mistakes, as to the particulars. I send here inclosed the sequele of Dr Beales Barometricall Observations, concerning which he will be very glad, as well as myself, to hear your judgement. I remaine, Sir, Your very humble and faithful servant H. O. /44 (3)/ The Sequele of Dr Beales Barometricall Notes.d 1. Very often I have found great changes in the Air, without any perceptible change in the Barometer; as in the dewy nights, when the moisture descends in a a

Louis II de Bourbon (1621–86), Prince of Condé. For the Count of Waldeck, who supported Holland, see above, p. 568n. For the bishop of Munster see above, p. 504n. For the forces commanded by the Duke of Lüneberg see above, p. 588. c Oldenburg alludes to Médard Chouart des Groseilliers (1618–c. 1698) and Pierre-Esprit Radisson (d. 1710) who had traversed much of the territory between Lake Superior and the shores of the Hudson Bay during the late 1650s and early 1660s (but were not discoverers of a Northwest Passage). In the summer of 1665 Groseilliers and Radisson met with Charles II, and as a consequence of this, secured funding from Prince Rupert to undertake a trading expedition in search of a northwest passage from 1668; it was their reports from these journeys which led to the founding of the Hudson’s Bay Company, granted a charter by Charles II on 2 May 1670; see Peter C. Newman, Empire of the Bay: the Company of Adventurers that Seized a Continent (Ontario, 1989), p. 39. d Nos 1–3 of these notes are also printed as ‘A Relation of some barometrical observations and their Results’ in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 153–9 (no. 9 for 12 Feb. 1666), on pp. 157–9 , 154–9. The first instalment was given in Oldenburg to Boyle, 19 Dec. 1665, see above, pp. 602–3. b

612

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 30 Dec. 1665

great quantity, and sometimes the thicknes seems to hide the stars from us; in the dayes foregoing and following, the vapors have been drawn up so invisibly, that the air and sky seemd very clear all day: This I count a great change, between ascending and descending dews and vapors (which import levity and weight) and between thick air and clear air; which changes doe sometimes continue in the alternative course of day and night for a week or forthnight together, the Barometer holding the same. 2. Sometimes (to this I say, not often) the Barometer yields not to other very great Changes17 of the Air; as yesterday (Dec. 18) an Extraordinary bright and clear day, and this day (Dec. 19) quite darken’d, some raine and snow now falling, the [mercury] the same. So in high winds, tempests, and Calms, the same. 3. I do conceive, that such, as converse much sub dio,a and walke much abroad, may find many particulars much more exactly, than I can undertake. To instance one of many. Saturday last (Dec. 16) was a clear cold day, very sharp and strong East winds, the [mercury] very near 30 inch. high. About 3 in the afternoon, I saw a large black cloud, drawing neer us from the East and South East, with the East wind. The [mercury] changed not that day, nor the day following; yet I laid a wager, the weather would change before the morning. The stars and most of the Sky were very bright and clear, till 9 (Dec. 16) and then suddenly all the sky was darken’d: yet I lost my wager, no change of weather. Dec. 17 the frost held, and a clear day; about 2 of the Clock18 evening, many thick clouds low in the West; yet no change of weather (raine or snow) fell here: the wind, frost and [mercury], the same. Dec. 18 the [mercury] fell almost ¼ inch, and the sky and air so clear and bright and cold, and Eastwind, that I wondred what could cause the [mercury] to descend. I exspected, it should have ascended, as usually in such clear /44 (3)v/ skyes. Casually I sent my man abroad, and he discoverd the remote hills, about 20 miles off, coverd with snow. This seemd to discover, that the Air being emptied of the cloudes by snow, became lighter. I pray you, take further notice for Mr Boyle, that from Thursday evening, to this present Dec. 19 there has been a sharp and hard frost, the ice bearing the sliding boyes, & the frost deep in the Earth. This the Contry people here calld a Windfrost. It was very cold within dores, as in great frosts, but no freesing within doores, or very litle. Rosewater did not freeze in my window; nor did any frost or dewdrops, in the least, stick upon the glas in the windows. Friday, Saturday and Sunday the grass continued green; Munday and Tuesday the grass very white with frost, yet no dew on the windows: not in a very litle chamber, where 4 persons lay neer the window. This must be referrd to Mr Boyles examination, whether the Freezing Corpuscles are more in force by the Motion and agitation of the Air and winds; and how farr they passe with the Air. The Air getts to my Barometer, when a

‘in the open air’.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

the Wind does not; and where the wind strikes not much, the freezing is ineffectuall. I wish also, that such as have perfect19 Scales, would trye, whether [mercury] does not change its weight, or bulk, in some changes of Air, and Weather, cold, and heat; as by weighing it in a bladder, severall times the same; and when the Barometer does most of all disappoint Exspectation; and at greatest changes. Henceforth for some dayes I shall try another Method upon the Barometer, observing it, as it is before my eyes all day long, and especially at all changes in the Air and weather etc. This summer I had severall small funnels, of a small hole at the bigger end, and a very small shank, about 8 inch long. I filld one with the oyle or Spirit of Amber, the other with Spirit of Turpentine (both drawne, as ’tis commonly sold, by the widdow Matthews.)a Other funnels I filld with Spirit of wine, and then closed both ends with hard waxe, to try, what the motion of Amber and Turpentine would be, compared with Spirit of wine, to the purpose of Mr Boyle note, in his History /44 (4)/ of Cold p. 63.b I met with many disappointments, but had them some summer weeks before my eyes in my study-window. And sometimes I saw the Amber stirr by starts, as by a spring, which I guessd to be caused by the viscous adhesion to the pipe of the Glass. I told you about that time of a black stuff in my seald Thermometer, which hath disagreeing motions, sometimes in 5 parts, at much distance, sometimes neerer in two parts, sometims in three, sometimes close together in one etc. This I registred in Summer, and now in Winter, and ’tis somewhat strange to me. For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house in Oxfordc Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘DE / 30’. Also marked ‘2’. Endorsed at head of 44 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XLIV’ (altered from ‘XXXIX’. Also endorsed on 44 (4)v with Birch number ‘No. 44’.

a b c

Mrs Matthews has not been identified. See Works, vol. 4, p. 249. For John Crosse see above, p. 277n.

614

Textual Notes Boyle to Moray, Mar. 1662 1 altered from I. 2 altered from the. 3 From here to the end the text is written at right-angles to preceding text in the margin of fol. 2. Wallis to Boyle, 14 Mar. 1662 1 altered in composition. 2 The date, and all others in this letter with which Wallis prefaces his paragraphs, is written in the left margin. 3 altered from purposed [?]. 4 followed by beginning deleted. 5 followed by such deleted. 6 replacing being wellnigh deleted. 7 followed by of his deleted. 8 followed by most of them deleted. 9 followed by (the Translation being before that time compleated) deleted. 10 replacing carried deleted. 11 followed by p deleted. Three words later ‹halfe› replacing third deleted. 12 followed by pro deleted. 13 replacing proceed, & how deleted. six words later, ingaged followed by i [?] deleted. 14 replacing supply deleted. Five words later, on followed by as we deleted. 15 followed by ) had, upon Sugg deleted. 16 altered in composition. 17 followed by when deleted. Three words later returning altered from returned. 18 followed by but not knowing upon what Suggestion deleted. 19 followed by [new paragraph] The Agent, thinking it necessary though with opprobious words ‹he› told deleted. 20 followed by find deleted. Ten words later, Counsel followed by he deleted. 21 followed by was deleted. Next word is followed by due deleted. 22 accidentally repeated in MS. 23 followed by re deleted. 24 accidentally repeated in MS. 25 followed by Se [?] deleted. 26 followed by a small illegible deletion. 27 followed by c [?] deleted. 28 followed by pawned deleted. 29 followed by what in this deleted. The next word, considering, altered in composition. 30 repeated in MS and deleted.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

11–24

31 [ohn] [Wallis] written in pencil just below the initials. Wallis to Boyle, 14 Mar. 1662 1 The ellipses here and two lines later appear in the original. Boyle to Commissioners of the United Colonies, 15 May 1662 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Pulsifer has first. written as in/Corporation at line-end. in Pulsifer followed by formerly. Pulsifer has desirously. so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has N. Land. so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has care and a semi-colon after accordingly. In the next line Hartford text lacks same. followed by w deleted. Four words later, we in Pulsifer followed by willingly. in Pulsifer followed by and most preciouse. Eight words later, Hartford text lacks &. replacing good deleted; a accidentally also marked for deletion. so in Pulsifer; lacking in Hartford text. so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has refections. so in Pulsifer; lacking in Hartford text. Hartford text lacks the next three words. Hartford text lacks the next two words. replacing Indian work deleted. lacking in Hartford text. in Pulsifer followed by towards it. b altered from w. in Pulsifer followed by in America. Boyle to Michael Boyle, 27 May 1662

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12 13 14 15

followed by how [?] deleted. replacing the need deleted. This word is inserted in the left margin, in a different [?] hand. followed by I intend deleted. Four words later that followed by a small illegible deletion. followed by the principall ‹of those› good deleted. From or the MS continues in the left hand margin. Three words later ‹good› replacing pious deleted. The next word workes followed by there & also deleted. followed by or otherwise) deleted. The whole interlineation replaces the Principall ‹of those› good deleted. Nine words after this, have altered from shall. followed by And deleted. The next word, Hoping, altered from hoping. followed by I intend to apply about two thirds of the Benefit I receive, towards the Maintainance of Ministers, in case by the Accounts I expect I find it necessary, in the places, that may fall to my part, & towards the Reliefe of the Poore in those places, & other pious Uses deleted. Four words later ‹possibly› replacing alsoe deleted. altered from Propagation. altered from the. followed by like deleted. Five words later is followed by lik deleted. altered from charibable. letter in square brackets supplied for sense; dvis’d in MS. Ten words later, it followed by will best deleted. Next word becomes altered from become. replacing Church deleted.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

25–35

16 replacing Where deleted. 17 followed by Affaire deleted. Boyle to [Moray], [July1662] 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

The following words, until because, are lacking in the LBO copy. altered from worth [?]. followed by him deleted. Three words later, Hypothesis followed by of the hy deleted. The LBO version has it-self. from the next word after this until setting aside this case inserted in margin. followed by which to be deleted (on fol. 2). followed by filled with deleted. There is a mark on the paper at beginning of this word. altered in composition. The m of this word altered from t. written in margin of fol. 2v. [Hooke] to Boyle, July 1662

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

altered from it. altered in composition. followed by thr deleted. altered from had. altered in composition. followed by itself deleted. altered from that [?]. part of the word missing: paper torn at this point. part of the word missing: paper torn at this point. from this point to the end of the text written in the margin of fol. 1v. Winthrop to Boyle, 27 July 1662

1 followed by there deleted. 2 followed by of the discourse [?] deleted. 3 altered from 20. Enclosed with Winthrop to Boyle, 27 July 1662 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

replacing an deleted. This paragraph is omitted from the Phil. Trans. text. This word is followed by what looks like a closing bracket. followed by of deleted. From this word to the end of the paragraph the hand differs from the rest of the text. followed by whether deleted. altered from probably. altered from Southern. altered from Uplands. followed by i [?] deleted. altered from a [?]. followed by and deleted. The next word is altered from on. altered from thought. followed by till deleted.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

35–47

altered from Plough. altered from hough[?]. altered from haave [?]. altered from used. Four words later, letter supplied in square brackets where word written to edge of the page. The following sentence, from Some to Cropps by it is lacking in the Phil. Trans, text. altered from a closing bracket. The following sentence, from Sometimes to Embers &c, is lacking in the Phil. Trans. text. followed by will deleted. followed by Loafes deleted. altered from peeces. altered from about [?]. altered in composition. the english altered from an em dash. followed by made. repeated in MS and deleted. followed by ou [?] deleted. followed by a small illegible deletion or a blot. There is a short vertical line in the right margin beside the line like a Greene … which within. altered from as. Michael Boyle to Boyle, 13 Aug. 1662

1 altered from your. 2 letters supplied in square brackets where first half of word worn away by the fold in the letter. 3 The y has been added in a different hand. 4 altered from this. 5 address written on fol. 42v. 6 letters supplied in square brackets where paper damaged. 7 The superscription is possibly in a different hand. Commissioners of the United Colonies to Boyle, 10 Sept. 1662 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

replacing privilidge of protection deleted. altered from language. in Pulsifer; lacking in Hartford text. in Pulsifer followed by all; lacking in Hartford text. to blesse inserted from Pulsifer; lacking in Hartford text. so in Pulsifer; the in Hartford text. Pulsifer has labarers. in Pulsifer followed by senior; lacking in Hartford text. so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has the. in Pulsifer, followed by more particular; lacking in Hartford text. followed by per sheet deleted. altered from do. Accounts accompanying Commissioners to Boyle, 10 Sept. 1662

1 in Pulsifer followed by three quarters, instead of third part. 2 altered from 50 [?]. 3 in Pulsifer followed by senior; lacking in Hartford text.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

4 5 6 7

48–55

in Pulsifer followed by Martins; lacking in Hartford text. in Pulsifer followed by Thomas; lacking in Hartford text. This figure is taken from Pulsifer; the Hartford text is blank at this point. At this point Pulsifer (p. 279) has the following bill not included in the Hartford minutes. The text is taken from the original manuscript of the Plymouth version of the Acts of the Commissioners of the United Colonies preserved in the offices of the Plymouth Country Commissioners, vol. 2, p. 179: ‘The Comissioners are debtors to Mr Ushers bill of particulares for the printing of the bible disbursed since his last account To mending of the windowes of the printing house 01 – 00 – 00 To pack thrid and vellom 00 – 05 –06 To 2 barrells of Inke and lether for balls 20 – 00 – 00 To hide for the presse being broken 01 – 00 – 00 48 – 00 – 00 To 160 Ream of Paper att 6s per ream To printing the title sheet to the New Testament 01 – 00 – 00 15 – 00 – 00 To printing 1500 Cattachesmes To printing 21 sheets of the old Testament att £3 10s per sheet Mr 73 – 10 – 00 Johnson being absent 62 – 10 – 00 To printing 25 sheets with his healp att 50s per sheet 7 – 10 – 00 To binding 2 hundred Testaments att 6d a peece 7 – 5 – 09 To Mr Johnsons Board 237 – 05 – 00’ Stillingfleet to Boyle, 6 Oct. 1662

1 address written on fol. 128. Power to Boyle, 10 Nov. 1662 1 altered from ane. 2 from am obligd to the end, the inserted passage is in the margin. Within it, the word that, which was evidently accidentally omitted, has here been inserted from the version on fol 33v, in which this passage appears in the main text. 3 altered in composition. 4 altered in composition. 5 the version on fol. 33v lacks & if under that Notion you please to. 6 followed by obliged deleted. This follows a deleted subscription (on the same line): Sir Your Honours I [?] Honourd sir Your. Lower to Boyle, 26 Nov. 1662 1 written on fol. 208v. 2 From Mr Lower. / Westminster written in a different hand. 3 obscured by the binding of the volume. Pococke to Boyle, 2 Dec. 1662 1 written on fol. 135v. Glanvill to Boyle, [1662] 1 The final two letters supplied in square brackets where they are obscured in the recto by paper stuck over them; they are legible from the verso.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

55–68

2 written on fol. 18v. Winthrop to [Boyle], [1662?] 1 followed by bringing altered in composition, perhaps from bind, and deleted. 2 followed by who deleted. Nine words later, applyeth is altered from applyed deleted. 3 followed by in so / making them acquainted in Trade [replaced by with such inserted but deleted] teaching them learne [the first letter altered from g or f] some [accidentally repeated] imployment They would become more civil by degrees by which imployment deleted. 4 replacing religion deleted. Six words later, Christian is altered in composition. 5 followed by to deleted. 6 replacing cordage and two or three further words heavily deleted. 7 replacing the businesse that is of deleted. Two words later, businesse of replaces concernment to deleted. 8 altered from who [?]. Later in this heading, tending … imployment was added after the text was originally composed. 9 followed by desire deleted. 10 followed by which deleted. 11 altered in composition and followed by th deleted. 12 replacing the deleted. Three words later, the is followed by company deleted. 13 followed by free deleted. 14 from here to the end written in the margin. 15 followed by to be deleted. 16 altered in composition. Following a stock, approximately four to six words are missing due to damage to the MS. Boyle to 2nd Earl of Cork, 20 Jan. 1663 1 altered from were. 2 altered from sh…. 3 written in the margin of the first recto. Beale to Boyle, 23 Feb. 1663 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

replacing stigma deleted. preceded by Non deleted. first two letters obscured by mount. first two letters obscured by mount. followed by ab deleted. altered from Lycaei [?]; gyaris, two words earlier, has been read as gyris. letters supplied in square brackets where parts of the original note are obscured by binders’ tape. reading anguicalis [lit., ‘little snakes’] here for unguiculis. replacing have deleted. altered from as. omitted in MS. Supplied in order to complete the quotation. Beale to Boyle, 25 Feb. 1663

1 The Latin poem (item 100) has the following differences from the earlier version (item 98): the marginal notes are omitted; ll. 35–40 and 49–52 inclusive are omitted. The following deleted quotation appears opposite l. 12: Haec, utraque manu comquluque[?] asseret toto. Mart.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

69–89

l. 6 has spicula dira instead of tela, obelumque. l. 10 has aut instead of et. l. 11 has Ille instead of Non Te. l. 32 has vicem instead of moram. l. 33 has primis instead of paucis. l. 64 has visque instead of vis. l. 80 has destituatve instead of deficiatve. 2 replacing of deleted. Boyle’s gardener to Boyle, before 8 Apr. 1663 1 Right honourable, I deleted and altered to ‹Sir, I› by Oldenburg. Later in the sentence, for is altered from that. 2 altered from growne. Three words later, thrive altered from trives [?]. 3 followed by & deleted. 4 altered from neare. 5 The LBO version stops at this point, and the remaining section of text in the MS is crossed through. 6 The remainder is missing. 7 written in top left corner, deleted. 8 followed, on a new line, by About Potatos deleted; this deletion replaces Of Cyder deleted. Two words later, to replacing by deleted. Boyle to Commissioners of the United Colonies, 9 Apr. 1663 1 so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has caues. Four words earlier, the g of something is lost at the edge of the page. 2 followed by (P evidently intended for cancellation. 3 Pulsifer has five hundred. 4 followed by owne in Pulsifer; lacking in Hartford text. 5 in Pulsifer, followed by Mathew Mayhew; lacking in Hartford text. Ten words later, or followed by a deleted. 6 replacing supply deleted. Three words later ‹supply› replaces advance deleted. 7 so in Pulsifer; lacking in Hartford text. Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663 1 2 3 4 5

replacing all deleted. replacing giving deleted. Paper damaged. followed by of deleted. followed by will deleted. Boyle to 2nd Earl of Cork, 15 June 1663

replacing with the deleted. Within the insertion only followed by the altered to a deleted. replacing licence [?] deleted. altered from Hime. followed by unlike deleted. altered from frome. replacing apeare as if we both [?] deleted. replacing mind deleted. replacing they deleted. From willing, three words later, to the end of the letter the text is written in the margin. 9 written at right-angles to the text on the first page.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

90–113

Oldenburg to Boyle, 22 June 1663 1 2 3 4 5 6

followed by the deleted. replacing luy deleted. followed by an[?] deleted. replacing have a[?] deleted. followed by things deleted. followed by of deleted. C[ollins] to [Boyle], [summer 1663?]

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

altered from had. altered from is. letter supplied in square brackets where right edge of the page missing. altered from 2[?]. From this word onwards the letter continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. followed by up deleted. From this word onwards the letter continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. lacuna marked in square brackets where paper torn away. written upside down at the head of fol. 34. Saturday followed by Fr deleted. written on fol. 33v in top right corner of the page. preceded by Fr deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 2 July 1663

1 2 3 4 5 6

altered from last. altered from these. followed by two illegible words deleted. replacing thereof deleted. followed by he deleted. altered from disgoust. Hooke to Boyle, [c. 18 July 1663]

1 The asterisks appear in Birch’s text, presumably marking position of an illegible word. Wallis’s comments on Boyle’s Usefulness 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

followed by deleted character. followed by both deleted. altered in composition. followed by e [?] deleted. followed by ( deleted. followed by Coercit deleted. followed by Coerctio, deleted. followed by ( deleted. followed by because deleted. This and all subsequent references at heads of paragraphs are written in the left margin. replacing be deleted. followed by the deleted. Two words later, supine followed by Ape deleted. this line added at a later point to this paragraph.

622

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

113–22

written in the left margin. replacing I deleted. The next word consult altered from consulted. full stop replacing a comma deleted. followed by ad factum deleted. followed by a [?] deleted. This sentence continues in the left margin at right-angles to the text. replacing Nor shee hath not only deleted. altered in composition. followed by a being deprived deleted. Nine words later, being followed by deprived deleted. followed by befould deleted. followed by be deleted. written in the left margin. Four words later, say altered from saye. altered in composition. followed by whether deleted. followed by call deleted. followed by & deleted. followed by by deleted. followed by Antq deleted. Eleven words later, allso followed by O [?] deleted. followed by las [?] deleted. followed by u [?] deleted. altered from probably. followed by with deleted. followed by a [?] deleted. followed by pulled[?] deleted. Six words later the followed by moveable deleted. followed by sud deleted. altered from then. Three words later, the followed by pain deleted. followed by appearing deleted. followed by an deleted. followed by part deleted. Thirteen words later, allso followed by & deleted. followed by on [?] deleted. The next word followed by an illegible character deleted. followed by from deleted. followed by d [?] deleted. Commissioners of the United Colonies to Boyle, 18 Sept. 1663

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has finish. followed by the deleted. so in Pulsifer; lacking in Hartford text. followed by moved deleted. in Pulsifer followed by very; lacking in Hartford text. followed by had deleted. followed by for deleted. Pulsifer has Indians for pore Natives. followed by & deleted. in Pulsifer followed by by allowing him standing wages. followed by past deleted. in Pulsifer followed by for the present. altered in composition. in Pulsifer followed by College. in Pulsifer followed by certainly. so in Pulsifer; lacking in Hartford text. accidentally repeated.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

123–34

Account attached to Commissioners to Boyle, 18 Sept. 1663 1 followed by & deleted. 2 in Pulsifer followed by the maintenance of; lacking in Hartford text. 3 in Pulsifer followed by viz. William. Two words later, Magus followed in Pulsifer by and Tuppucke allies William. 4 in Pulsifer followed by his sallary. 5 Instead of severall Companies in the pequit Country, Pulsifer has Indians in severall plantations. 6 in Pulsifer followed by in places most convenient. 7 in Pulsifer followed by in New England; lacking in Hartford text. 8 in Pulsifer followed by weying, as is Ten ounces by 12d weight; lacking in Hartford text. 9 Pulsifer has 117 – 6 – 4. Beale to Boyle, 28 Sept. 1663 1 altered in composition. 2 followed by but Sir deleted. Nine words later Author obscured by ink blot, as is fruit in following line. [Beale] to [Boyle], 29 Sept. 1663 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

followed by Itaque iis qui hanc partem ingenii exercerent deleted. altered from conceeve. altered from Tediousning. obscured by an ink blot. followed by & deleted. altered from those. replacing ap[ar]t deleted. altered from Vowes. hinking [sic] in the MS. altered from obsevd. altered from heare or heere. Adiu written in the left margin before 1. Ten words later, Memoryes followed by That deleted. inserted above inratio- deleted, at the end of the line. However on the following line -nall is not deleted. The h is written over another letter, now obscured. repeated in lengthwise in the margin with note Correct thus. repeated lengthways in margin with note Correct thus. altered from deph. A horizontal line has been inserted across the page between the paragaphs. The printed version left a blank for this word. interlined above by deleted. written in the margin. altered from maste [?]. replacing moe deleted. The subsequent interlineation replaces then wilbe deleted. Mnemonicalls has been written, and deleted, at the top centre of this page. altered from imaginablee. followed by Wee deleted. followed by hou deleted. preceded by clue deleted. replacing warderhouse deleted.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

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134–48

altered from accostome. altered from axactly. altered from To. altered from imprestion deleted. Six words later, particle altered from particles. preceded by is = in the margin. Nine words later, I followed by d deleted. altered from accastome. altered from &. altered from by. altered from as. followed by mortall deleted. altered from chymiste. Four words later philosophye altered from philosopher. altered from destitude. written over Aud. altered from Esteeme. repeated in MS and the first deleted. altered from howses. altered from by. altered from scull. replacing my deleted. written over occ. altered from Wakes. altered in composition. Mnemomicalls written top centre. written in the margin. followed by worke deleted. followed by an illegible deletion. replacing of deleted. followed by this deleted. altered from disceplines. altered in composition, possibly from this or their. un replacing and obscuring other letters. Three words later, to followed by any deleted. a replacing r [?] or n [?]. replacing knowe deleted. replacing over deleted. replacing first deleted. replacing am deleted. The first part of this word replaces w. altered from value. followed by transit deleted. Beale to [Boyle], 2 Oct. 1663

1 2 3 4 5 6

altered from But. followed by to deleted. altered from practiceing. altered from phrases. replacing have deleted. altered from lostrous. Beale to Boyle, 17 Oct. 1663

1 Birch has adversaties.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

150–65

Boyle to Oldenburg, 29 Oct. 1663 altered from Himselfe. replacing two illegible words deleted. altered from Imersion. replacing You deleted. altered from the. followed by a comma in pencil. In the next line sustain’d is altered in composition. altered from that. Three words later of the ambient aire has pencil brackets around it. In the next line Quicksilver is followed by a comma in pencil. 8 From the next word to Body is omitted in the Latin version of this text.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Beale to Boyle, 2 Nov. 1663 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

altered from volume. altered from too [?]. followed by n deleted. word compressed at the end of the line. altered from vaine. The top left corner of this page has been repaired. altered from Jaundyes. Ten words later, which followed by b deleted. followed by althe deleted. This word is divided across the two pages. obscured by mount. replacing meane deleted. altered from give. Paper torn away. Paper torn away. followed by hi deleted. The interlineation as a whole replaces but deleted. replacing more cleare visible deleted. followed by tell deleted. The top left corner of the page is missing. altered from defluction. followed by mak deleted. replacing eyther deleted. altered from &. altered from coulds. followed by he deleted. Nine words later, veine altered from vaine. replacing first deleted. replacing a man deleted. Three words later ‹or› replaces & deleted. replacing till deleted. followed by Mechanicall deleted. The following word is altered from anatomicalls. Seven words after this, ‹what› replaces the deleted. followed by That deleted. followed by k deleted. written over &. Six words later, gav[e] is at the end of the line, and so incomplete. followed by was deleted. followed by shoud deleted. altered from mixed. Seven words later, life followed by with deleted. replacing gave deleted. written over Mr. followed by cloath deleted.

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165–87

Preceded by A gentlw deleted. followed by she had beene dead deleted. The top right-hand corner of this page is missing. missing at the end of the line. followed by when deleted. The top left corner of this page is missing. followed by humour deleted. From as onwards the text continues down the left-hand margin. Enclosed with Winthrop to Boyle, 3 Nov. 1663

1 i.e., barbarorum. 2 i.e., metamorphosis. Beale to Boyle, 9 Nov. 1663 1 followed by perf deleted. 2 followed by the deleted. Enclosed with Beale to Boyle, 9 Nov. 1663 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

followed by were [?] deleted. replacing activity partially obscured by an ink blot. The bottom right corner of the page is missing. replacing You will find deleted. replacing the deleted. { in left margin, from line beginning monthes that beget to the line ending us very generally. There is a note in the margin which has been deleted, partially obscured by the binding, Upri – Sindum vic et ubique [?]. In the subsequent sentence ‹in› inserted over an inkblot. replacing may [?] deleted. Obscured by an ink blot. replacing use deleted. altered from Platt. followed by young deleted. The first t is written over a g. followed by greate deleted. altered from be. Beale has written inigled. followed by than deleted; the next word is written over &. supplied (missing in MS). replacing -echestr deleted. altered from annas [?]. followed by ut deleted. There is no closing bracket in the MS. The MS has a hand in the left margin pointing to the line beginning with this word. { in the left margin from the line beginning aratro proscissa to the end of this paragraph. replacing Month of July deleted. eaned in MS. replacing villico [?] deleted. followed by desipiot deleted; the next word is partially obscured by an ink blot. followed by old deleted. followed by ow deleted. Altered from grassoppers.

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187–202

replacing helpe deleted. altered from obnoxia. followed by Coll deleted. followed by an illegible deletion of about three words. followed by red deleted. Seven words later, Nam altered from Name. followed by Tectis deleted. followed by est deleted. followed by For it was not deleted. followed by fursh deleted. followed by for other purp deleted. altered from beares. replacing not deleted. followed by The deleted. This paragraph is written down the left margin, there is no insertion mark in the MS. followed by which anot deleted. followed by f deleted. followed by matris deleted. replacing haberet deleted. followed by diligenti cura deleted. written over the. replacing before deleted. altered in composition. altered from mercantur [?]. replacing otiosis deleted. altered from Yet. Ten words later, as altered from &. followed by colubros deleted. This paragraph is written down the left margin. replacing small deleted. altered from Fureye. followed by spring deleted. altered from then. { and fist in the left margin. From the line beginning such as doe to the line ending (which alone. altered from Or. After the insertion, to altered in composition. replacing alii deleted. followed by (as to one private persone) deleted. Nine words later, fifty followed by But deleted. altered from heades. replacing kndd [?] deleted. followed by belly deleted. followed by birt deleted. altered from fastning. altered from were. altered from noteing. replacing most deleted. altered from essed. followed by by deleted. followed by 15 deleted. altered from Apolicall. an deleted at start of the Greek phrase. followed by of the juice deleted. altered in composition.

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202–15

altered from signatures. followed by it deleted. altered from natures deleted. altered from due. replacing Ptisan deleted. The following word altered from duering. followed by fe deleted. followed by eath deleted. Five words later, 48 written in pencil above the first part of unskillfull. followed by my heade deleted. altered from strawberyes. followed by ha deleted. replacing as deleted. followed by stag deleted. followed by Vertue deleted. followed by treul deleted. altered from King. Collins to Boyle, 20 Nov. 1663

1 Paper torn away. Date taken from endorsement. Words or parts of words in square brackets in the first four lines of the letter supplied where text effected by this damage. 2 altered from s. 3 written up to the edge of the paper, with th [?] written above. 4 followed by as [?] deleted. 5 altered from account [?]. 6 From this word onwards the letter continues at right-angles to the text in the left margin of the page. 7 written on fol. 32v. Beale to Boyle, 21 Nov. 1663 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

followed by C deleted. altered from noe. altered from rames. altered from or. Followed by seen [?] deleted. followed by of deleted. followed by wooll deleted. altered from Rame. followed by wor deleted. followed by for deleted. Beale to Boyle, 30 Nov. 1663

1 followed by spur deleted. 2 altered from barbary. Enclosed I with Beale to Boyle, 30 Nov. 1663 1 2 3 4 5

followed by to stoc deleted. replacing plough deleted. replacing Trade deleted. followed by of deleted. followed by si deleted.

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215–23

altered from desere. altered from dogs. altered from habeants. followed by sit instituta deleted. altered from Silicas. replacing get deleted. Four words later, the section from Yet to the end of the paragraph is written in the left margin; the insertion point is marked with a symbol. from Yet according to for shelter written at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. followed by reliqua deleted. altered from separtte. Two words later Kid followed by in weaning time deleted. Four words after this the interlineation replaces prnckling deleted. Four words after this, nose altered from note. followed by Quod surgente die mulsere horisque diurnis, Nocte premunt. deleted. The subsequent word, Ogilbee is written in the left margin, and is altered from Ogilobee. Enclosed II with Beale to Boyle, 30 Nov. 1663

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

altered from when. altered from differance. letters supplied in square brackets where insertion marked in MS but no letters interlined. altered from bodyes. replacing is deleted. altered from geve. replacing way deleted. inserted above the first line of the next paragraph. altered from lions. The following word, enraged, altered from raged. followed by wee deleted. altered from boldter. altered from it. followed by boldter, altered to bolster and deleted. altered from whilet. altered from ex. Nine words later ‹by› replacing with deleted. altered from Linge. altered from Shoopshire[?]. followed by eas, altered to las, and deleted. altered from night. replacing hath deleted, and followed by ve, also deleted. altered from emissititiis, and replacing emissi‹ti›tiis deleted. replacing is not visible deleted. letter supplied in square brackets where word written right up to the right edge of the page. Beale to Boyle, 7 Dec. 1663

{ in the left margin, from line beginning climate may be to line ending their legs. But. replacing by deleted. followed by of deleted. { in the left margin, from line beginning Gees are as good to line ending the breede increaseth to. 5 { in the left margin, from line beginning much of our wealth to line ending why may wee not as. 6 altered from Vecitato.

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replacing yet deleted. followed by the deleted. followed by inconst deleted. followed by to deleted. followed by did deleted. followed by a small illegible deletion interlined. replacing Turtles deleted. Five words later, Table is followed by & dieted deleted. altered from it. followed by corne deleted. altered from Ieland[?]. followed by Con deleted. altered in composition. followed by gr deleted. followed by are deleted. altered from [?]. from this word to the end the text is written in the lower part of the left margin. Clodius to Boyle, 12 Dec. 1663

1 altered from pernicium. 2 altered from infelis, itself altered from infelicem [?]. The next word, haec, altered from hanc. The following word mensis altered from mense [?]. Two words later plus followed by an illegible deletion. 3 followed by nuque deleted. 4 followed by an illegible deletion. The following word, promittetas, altered in composition. 5 followed by an illegible deletion. Five words later, necessitas followed by ( deleted. 6 followed by dum deleted. 7 preceded by jam deleted. Beale to Boyle, 14 Dec. 1663 1 2 3 4 5 6

The f is written over an e. altered from as. followed by that deleted. replacing an illegible deletion. followed by n., presumably written in error. Beale appears to have written the beginning of the second n. Countess of Warwick to Boyle, [late 1663]

1 replacing expecte deleted. Beale to Boyle, 11 Jan. 1664 higher is written in the left margin. altered from about. altered from their. repeated in MS and the second deleted. 1 { in left-hand margin, from the line beginning -triall Magnetisme to the line ending adhere to other. 6 altered from neighbourb. 7 replacing with deleted. 8 followed by easi deleted.

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altered from In. followed by of v deleted. 2 { in left margin, from line beginning at Gressam to line ending sometimes disa-. 3 { in the left margin, from line beginning of rusty iron to line ending notice of a Water. altered from than. of it written in the left margin. altered from Bethasday. altered from Than, followed by may th deleted. replacing illegible deletion. 4 { in the left margin, from line beginning in his travayles to line ending waste of your time. altered from ‘XIII’ [?]. Beale to Boyle, 18 Jan. 1664

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

followed by doe deleted. preceded by That deleted. followed by from deleted. replacing woul deleted. altered from vaine. followed by an illegible deletion of about two words, followed by as repeated but not deleted. altered from distant. altered from &. followed by but deleted. followed by shapes deleted. n missing at the right edge of the page. right edge of the page torn. followed by the deleted. altered from swalling. altered from as. Followed by not ye deleted. The final sentence of this paragraph is, perhaps because inserted subsequently, in smaller writing. replacing after deleted. yr in MS. altered from wete [?]. altered from Oecanomicall. altered from in. altered from mee [?]. Two words later, the is altered in composition. altered from ignorant. obscured in the margin, as are the letters supplied in square brackets two lines later. followed by I deleted. Beale to Boyle, 21 Jan. 1664

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

missing at the right edge of the page. followed by For deleted. letters supplied because top right corner missing. letters supplied because top right corner missing. letters supplied because top right corner missing. Part of the right edge of the page is missing; only the top half of the letters have survived. altered from sent.

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letters supplied because right edge of the page missing. letters supplied because altered from yellowes. letters supplied because right edge of the page missing. letters supplied because left corner of the page is missing. Boyle to Commissioners of the United Colonies, 7 Mar. 1664

1 lacking in Pulsifer. 2 Pulsifer has Indians. 3 Pulsifer has proceed. After and he has to, and seven words after that he has them that for those who. 4 lacking in Pulsifer. 5 Pulsifer has in. 6 lacking in Pulsifer. 7 in Pulsifer per Cent and at least are in the opposite order. 8 lacking in Pulsifer, who has that after effect, as does the copy in the Hartford minutes. 9 Pulsifer has into. Seven words later, he has the for &. 10 in Pulsifer, followed by of. 11 Pulsifer has said. 12 in Pulsifer, followed by an omission. 13 Pulsifer lacks to heare. 14 lacking in Pulsifer. 15 in Pulsifer followed by and as. 16 lacking in Pulsifer. 17 in Pulsifer preceded by and. 18 lacking in Pulsifer. 19 Pulsifer has thereof. Twelve words later, he lacks owne. 20 Pulsifer has of. Borrichius to Boyle, 30 Mar. 1664 1 There is a word missing where the paper is worn away at this point. The following word is also partly missing. 2 paper worn away, possibly two or three words missing. 3 written in the left margin, part of the marginal passage is obscured by the binding. 4 first half of word obscured. 5 followed by viol deleted. 6 written in the left margin. 7 altered from pàr[?]. 8 altered from io[?]. 9 followed by inter deleted. 10 followed by o [?] deleted. 11 altered from Es[?]. Boyle to Winthrop, 21 Apr. 1664 1 replacing desire for [?] deleted. 2 Here and subsequently, words are supplied in square brackets where they are obscured by damaged to the MS. 3 followed by at [?] deleted. 4 altered in composition, as is both in the next line. 5 in fact written libery. Five words later, the is followed by commissio deleted.

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altered from shall. Four words later, his altered from this. altered in composition. altered in composition. Six words later, Commissioners followed by when deleted. altered from them. altered from effects. replacing applicable deleted. altered in composition. Beale to Boyle, 25 Apr. 1664

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

goe written in the left-hand margin. followed by but deleted. followed by a small deletion, l [?]. altered from magnifyed. altered from compounde. replacing colors deleted. altered from mortifyes. altered from blood. followed by red deleted. Part of the right edge of the page is missing. Highmore to Boyle, [Apr. 1664]

1 followed by perm / posess [?] deleted. 2 followed by & [replaced by or] permanent deleted. The inserted passage replaces I beseech you Sir to Pardon my … [approximately four illegible words] you your farther satisfaction concerning your discourse of black. After this, disposition is repeated on fol. 20v, and from here to If blackness arise from, the text continues on fol. 20v, keying back to the text on fol. 21 with the words just quoted. On fol. 21, the following is underlined and crossed through at this point: You grant that all coloures ar nothing else but the severall modifications of light, & that which is to be called inhærent is the variouse disposition or texture of the superficies. & from the diversity of the superficies the light reflected with more or less shaddowes causes the name of the colour & therefore white bodies being so asperated in the superficies as to reflect all or most of the light makes a white color: but when the superficies is such that there is a paucity of beames reflected ‹the beame appeares blue›. 3 followed by And from deleted. 4 followed by whereto deleted; after the next word, all, of deleted. 5 followed by is square deleted. Two words later, white is followed by but if / But if the deleted. 6 altered in composition. 7 replacing would deleted. The section of text that starts five words later, from as in landskips to black because, appears on fol. 20v, replacing the following text on fol. 21 (where the word because is repeated): but what should alter the colour of those that are reflected from the poynts of those cylinders, cones, or pyramids that you say. 8 replacing allmost deleted. 9 followed by the deleted. 10 replacing must deleted. 11 here, of shaddows is inserted but deleted. 12 followed by topps deleted. 13 The entire section of text from I shall make bold to obliquely appears on fol. 20v, continuing on fol. 22 from As for and for the whole of the next three paragraphs.; the text reverts to fol. 21v with This conjecture. It replaces the following passage on fol. 21 which has been deleted: I shall make bold to propose this projection [?] whether the diversity of reflections ‹of light›

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272–7

may not make the diversity of coloures. As those figured asperities (which ar for example square) when the light falls more directly, doe reflect the same light in a direct line & so makes the colour more resemblinge light, & that is whit. the more the angles of those asperities decline from the square, the ‹more› oblique the reflection of light must be & the light not so briskly reflected must vary its appearance & the most oblique reflection make that we call black. followed by pr deleted. followed by salt deleted. followed by whose poynts deleted. altered from directly. replacing at the poynts of deleted. followed by & that may be called white because it deleted. smudged and rewritten. Five words later, from the is followed by former deleted, and after the next word, direct, reflections that were white & that must deleted. followed by which is deleted. This passage appears at the bottom of fol. 22 in two sections, replacing the following deleted: This may be ‹first &c.› confirmed by what I have seene in the making of salts which by their fastning themselves into certaine figures have for no sparse coloures though some weare opposed to the light were deep & void of all coloure. In the &c. This was superseded by the passage starting Secondly … angles that was then copied out lower on the page. The phrase by the use … make use of duplicates the immediately preceding words, from the diers use of salts &c. Six words later, coloures is followed by I shall take notice deleted. followed by directly [?] deleted. followed by the deleted. replacing glass body and followed by a pretty quantity of figured bodies deleted. Three words later, out followed by ll deleted. replacing the following deleted: for [followed by about six words illegible due to damage to MS] these points were thicker at the botome as they lay on the glass & so rose up of the thicknesse of a barlycorne into a very square edge both upper & lower parts resembling the edge & back of a knife. followed by it appeared white deleted. Brereton to Boyle, 9 May 1664

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

altered from but [?]. altered from Wi. altered from breed. followed by g deleted. followed by up deleted. Nine words later, He altered from be [?]. followed by I [?] deleted. altered from obliged. followed by I deleted. altered in composition. Cudworth to Boyle, 27 May 1664

1 altered from may. 2 written on fol. 84v. 3 replacing Reynolds deleted. This line of the address is written in a different hand to the rest of the letter.

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Sharrock to Boyle, 13 July 1664 1 followed by 9th under a blot. The remainder of the date is partly missing as the top right corner of the page has been lost; this loss also accounts for the use of square brackets in the first two lines of this letter. 2 This word is written in the left margin. 3 From this word onwards, the letter continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. Cooke to Boyle, 13 Aug. 1664 1 altered from evill. Oldenburg to Boyle, 25 Aug. 1664 replacing 4 deleted. altered from fatter. replacing are deleted. Three words later, lye is altered from lyeth deleted. followed by action [?] deleted. followed by repl deleted. followed by together deleted. replacing severall deleted. followed by wa deleted. followed by present deleted. followed by in Ch deleted. followed by and deleted. altered from Bells deleted. followed by the deleted. followed by and deleted. Eight words later, the word countries is partly missing because of damage to paper. 15 replacing and deleted. 16 followed by are deleted. Three words later, the letters in brackets are supplied where the page is damaged, as are those in the following line. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

Eliot to Boyle, 26 Aug. 1664 1 vigilace in MS. 2 written on fol. 154v. Oldenburg to Boyle, 1 Sept. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

followed by fittest deleted. followed by of deleted. followed by the deleted. replacing where deleted. followed by by the deleted. replacing then deleted. The next word downe is followed by as deleted. altered from brings. followed by la deleted. altered from bulled. followed by this[?] deleted. followed by him deleted. replacing good deleted. Eight words later, the altered from a.

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replacing gentleman deleted. followed by so deleted. Eight words later, you followed by your deleted. followed by f deleted. followed by and deleted. altered from meldew. followed by gr deleted. followed by the making and preserving of Hay deleted. altered from XII. Commissioners of the United Colonies to Boyle, 10 Sept. 1664

1 in Pulsifer followed by ought; lacking in Hartford text. 2 in Pulsifer followed by great; lacking in Hartford text. 3 in Pulsifer followed by truely; twelve words later, whereof there followed by wee hope. Both lacking in Hartford text. 4 so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has Home. 5 so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has Home. 6 in Pulsifer followed by doe; lacking in Hartford text. 7 altered in composition. 8 in Pulsifer followed by agreed for haveing; lacking in Hartford text. 9 followed by as well deleted. 10 in Pulsifer followed by sorts; lacking in Harford text. 11 so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has one. 12 List of signatories given from Pulsifer; Hartford simply has Simon Bradstreete President &c. Account accompanying Commissioners of the United Colonies to Boyle, 10 Sept. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

in Pulsifer followed by of Boston. in Pulsifer followed by doth appear; lacking in Hartford text. in Pulsifer followed by att; lacking in Hartford text. in Pulsifer followed by att; lacking in Hartford text. in Pulsifer followed by and Recarr[y]ing Pulsifer also has £3, not £1. so in Pulsifer; Hartford text has a. in Pulsifer followed by teaching and. followed by dyatt deleted. in Pulsifer followed by senior. so in Pulsifer. The following two lines are then omitted in Pulsifer. in Pulsifer followed by Richard. in Pulsifer followed by on Long Iland. in Pulsifer followed by accoumpted for. followed by appr deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 Sept. 1664

1 The ink is washed out by damp in this line; lacunae marked by […]. 2 The ink is washed out by damp in this and the subsequent two lines; lacunae marked by […]. Oldenburg to Boyle, 22 Sept. 1664 1 followed by was deleted. Six words later, the interlineation replaces an illegible deletion. 2 These words are supplied as the paper is damaged here and in next the line. 3 altered from circas.

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330–41

followed by may [?] deleted. replacing the deleted. followed by till deleted. replacing an illegible word deleted. Next word, in altered from it. followed by He deleted. Sixteen words later Monsieurs followed by cuissent deleted. followed by satisf deleted. followed by doe deleted. Three words later, with followed by the deleted. Winthrop to Boyle, 25 Sept. 1664

1 followed by very in MHS version. 2 here the MHS version has the following passage: taking this principle for granted, which upon long & serious observation & consideration of the condition of those heathen I have thought a tried and viable[?] measure that brings them to a course of labor is the readiest way to their civilizing & that a good preparation to their religion: the necessity of attending wholy some publique occasions for the [followed by good [?] deleted] peace of the country since I came last over hath /verso/ diverted a while the prosecution of some experienced [followed by & deleted] which would I hope make appeare the reality of some of those proposalls in that paper which I urged not then understanding the corporation then not in the capasity for raising so great a stocke as was propounded as expedient [followed by to deleted] but now having by that hint in their letter had some suggestion that such a stock might be in their command I thought fitt to [followed by prepare deleted] rewrite something of that proposal, that your honour & my worthy friend Mr Ashurst & … [damage] the rest of the honourable corporation might consider how farre the propositions in that paper might suit with the demands they were pleased to make in that letter to the commissioners of the colonies. In this version, the letter was going to end here, and the paragraph that follows in the fair copy is missing. 3 altered in composition. 4 altered from that. Oldenburg to Boyle, 29 Sept. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

followed by they were deleted. replacing two deleted. altered from 6th. followed by pe deleted. followed by obscurer deleted. altered from Jismutum. followed by Io deleted. followed by so deleted. replacing which deleted. followed by about it deleted. followed by int deleted. followed by else deleted. followed by by deleted. altered from a. Followed by gener deleted. followed by ‹saying it to be› deleted. altered from they. Seaman to [Boyle], 5 Oct. 1664

1 altered from Testamant.

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Oldenburg to Boyle, 6 Oct. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

altered from that. Three words later, of followed by prolber [?] deleted. followed by up deleted. followed by which is deleted. followed by make deleted. followed by conversant deleted. followed by sent deleted. followed by was deleted. followed by being deleted. altered from was. followed by he had deleted. replacing and deleted. followed by one deleted. replacing the deleted. Four words later, of is followed by the deleted. replacing with deleted. replacing them deleted. followed by frozen in winter deleted. Two words later, up altered from upon. replacing break deleted. Next word, them followed by asu deleted. Turberville to Boyle, 6 Oct. 1664

1 the f deleted and interlined. 2 from this word onwards the letter continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. 3 written on fol. 146v. Oldenburg to Boyle, 13 Oct. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

replacing brought deleted. replacing of deleted. followed by ha deleted. followed by and deleted. followed by pl deleted. followed by a single letter deleted. followed by brou deleted. paper damaged. Four words later, though followed by the deleted. replacing extremely deleted. written upside down at head of letter on 17 (1). Seaman to Boyle, 19 Oct. 1664

1 altered in composition. Endecott to Boyle, 19 Oct. 1664 1 replacing of deleted. 2 altered from continuance. 3 followed by of deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 20 Oct. 1664 1 followed by of deleted. 2 altered from angle.

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replacing Hereu deleted. replacing the deleted. followed by written deleted. followed by had deleted. followed by and deleted. followed by going deleted. appears twice but only partially legible. Oldenburg to Boyle, 22 Oct. 1664

1 followed by hath deleted. 2 followed by tyed deleted. 3 followed by of deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 27 Oct. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

replacing saw deleted. followed by and deleted. followed by the deleted. followed by and deleted. followed by forget deleted. written upside down at head of page 20 (1). followed by doe deleted. Hooke to Boyle, [28 or 29 Oct. 1664]

1 followed by a blank space in Birch. Boyle to Oldenburg, 30[?] Oct. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

the first b altered from p. replacing have deleted. altered from send. altered from Girlles. altered from fit deleted. written in the margin. followed by of deleted. MS damaged. followed by them deleted. followed by [?] deleted. altered from your. Followed by honor deleted. Turberville to [Boyle], [c. Oct. 1664]

1 2 3 4 5 6

altered from drinke. altered from surg[?]. followed by futh deleted. followed by d deleted. altered from weel. The remainder of the page is missing. Cuninghame to Boyle, 2 Nov. 1664

1 followed by requiess deleted. Four words later, feriatum followed by Iis deleted.

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2 written in a differnt ink from the main text. 3 followed by in deleted. The following word crimini altered from crimine. Two words later, Publicus altered from Publicu[m][?]. Following this, tuus altered from tuum, followed by genius altered from from geniu[m][?]. 4 followed by pro [?] deleted. 5 followed by secret deleted. 6 for torminibus read terminis. Chauncy to Boyle, 2 Nov. 1664 1 altered in composition. 2 endorsement not evident in MS; text printed in Ford, Some Correspondence (above, p. 382), p. 10. Oldenburg to Boyle, 3 Nov. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

followed by of deleted. followed by very deleted. Ten words later, ‹that› replaces that deleted. followed by oth deleted. followed by exa deleted. altered from that. followed by that deleted. followed by utmost deleted. Three words later, and followed by that deleted. followed by Kn [?] deleted. followed by to deleted. followed by that deleted. followed by very deleted. replacing a or wine [?] refracted deleted. altered from que. paper damaged. altered from af [?] deleted. followed by with deleted. followed by an illegible word deleted. altered from coaches. Oldenburg to Boyle, 5 Nov. 1664

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

followed by hope deleted. followed by ag deleted. altered from this. followed by and deleted. letters supplied in square brackets where paper is damaged here and in best, twelve words later. replacing which deleted. followed by not deleted. followed by not deleted. Four words later, gratefull altered from ungratefull. followed by contributions deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, early Nov. 1664

1 followed by Administration deleted.

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Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 Nov. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

followed by have deleted. followed by for deleted. altered from please. followed by that deleted. replacing certain pipe deleted. followed by very deleted. letters supplied where ink is smudged. Further smudges marked by bracketed words over next five lines. followed by above deleted. followed by would deleted. followed by fi deleted. altered from seems. altered from tempera. Followed by of deleted. altered from it. followed by may deleted. letters supplied where ink is smudged. Further smudges marked by bracketed words over next four lines. followed by have deleted. letters supplied in square brackets where paper is damaged, here and in Seaman, thirteen words later. altered from whose. Eleven words later, letters supplied where paper damaged. followed by a deleted. followed by and deleted. followed by bein deleted. letters supplied where ink is smudged. Further smudges marked by square brackets and blanks over next four lines. followed by which deleted. followed by and deleted. altered from of, and followed by some[?] things deleted. Two words later, it replaces they deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 17 Nov. 1664

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

followed by is for deleted. altered from toyou. altered from transcriptions. replacing found deleted. followed by p deleted. replacing least deleted, followed by refrac deleted. replacing the deleted. Two words later, he replacing you deleted, followed by may deleted. followed by as deleted. Five words later, cold altered from cols. followed by bea deleted. followed by those deleted. followed by as deleted. altered from maketh. followed by of it deleted. replacing his deleted. followed by a deleted. altered from cannot. replacing are caused by deleted.

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18 followed by conce deleted. 19 altered from athome. Turberville to Boyle, 17 Nov. 1664 1 2 3 4 5

written in the left margin. written in the left margin, with insertion point at this position in text. altered from spoonef. The remainder of the letter is written in different [?] hand. from this word onwards the letter continues at right-angles to the main text in the lower half of the left margin. Oldenburg to Boyle, 19 Nov. 1664

followed by the deleted. Next word, Presse altered from Presser. followed by Prob deleted. followed by some deleted. followed by as soone as deleted. replacing will deleted. followed by an illegible deleteion. replacing for deleted. Two words later, an one replaces as deleted, and the following word, that, is inserted in the left margin. 8 altered from qu’. 9 followed by pour deleted. 10 followed by ce prisonnier deleted. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Evelyn to Boyle, 23 Nov. 1664 1 followed by ser deleted. Immediately following this, the Letterbook version has concerne for businesse. 2 Letterbook version has your. 3 Letterbook version lacks but one single … shall not slacken. 4 altered from himn[?]. 5 In this sentence, the Letterbook version has recommend for mention; inform’d for savd; shortly to be sent for coming; in effect, what for in short, the account; and to say after has. After approv’d it adds of. 6 The Letterbook version has the honor to kisse your hands for see you. 7 The top of the page has been cropped in the MS, supplied from the printed version. 8 The Letterbook version has relating to that Horrible iniquity. 9 The Letterbook version has controversy; three words later, it has the Dutch after Neighbours. 10 altered from falls. Earlier in the sentence, the Letterbook version has in Kent and Sussex after Ports. 11 The Letterbook version has desire; seven words later, it has whereof for of it. 12 repeated, without being deleted, in the MS. Seven words later, the Letterbook version has in for by. 13 The Letterbook version has and those other places in my charge. 14 beginning on fol. 26. In this sentence, the Letterbook version lacks good and and adds of the kind after booke. 15 The Letterbook version has hardly for but little. Later in the sentence it has of after like; the style seeming to be the lesse for nor is the style so; and is for was. It gives the next sentence as Dr Mer. Casaubon upon the same subject I presume you have seen. 16 The Letterbook version lacks and sincere; sincere is very hard to read in the Add. MS version.

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17 the Letterbook version has circumstances for accessories, and from here to the end it reads: but God onely knows when by opportunities will permit me to bring it to maturity: My most humble service to Dr Barlow whose Answer to Cressy &c I infinitely breath after. Sayes Court 23 Nov. 1664. The work to which he refers by Boyle’s friend Thomas Barlow (above, p. 411) – evidently a reply to the Catholic polemicist, Hugh Cressy (1605–74) –was apparently not published. Oldenburg to Boyle, 24 Nov. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

followed by taketh tak deleted. altered from inventor. followed by as I deleted. replacing together with deleted. Three words later, thanks followed by to yourselfe deleted. followed by notdeleted. followed by the deleted. altered from oú. followed by we[?] shoul deleted. replacing did deleted. followed by for deleted. followed by by deleted. followed by that deleted. altered from Mountaines. followed by yo[?] deleted. followed by exam deleted. of repeated at top of next page, though not presented as a catchword. followed by it was deleted. altered from a new. Three words later, he followed by seems deleted. followed by to me deleted. written upside down at head of page 26 (1). replacing had deleted. followed by again deleted. followed by as deleted. followed by ‹and in› deleted. followed by of deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 26 Nov. 1664

1 followed by f deleted. 2 followed by out deleted. 3 followed by the deleted. Hann to Oldenburg, 29 Nov. 1664 1 Birch has out; altered for sense. Oldenburg to Boyle, 3 Dec. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

followed by with deleted. followed by by deleted. Later in the line ‹take another› replaces keep deleted. followed by for its deleted. followed by that you deleted. Five words later trouble followed by of deleted. followed by un deleted. followed by h deleted. Ten words later, where followed by th wants deleted. replacing are deleted.

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followed by ha deleted. followed by san deleted. with NB written above. followed by and deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 Dec. 1664

1 followed by of deleted. 2 replacing had deleted. Next word, entertained altered from entertainment. Two words later, ‹by› replaces from deleted. 3 followed by and salt w[?] deleted. 4 followed by the deleted. 5 replacing was deleted. 6 followed by his deleted. 7 letters supplied in square brackets where page is damaged here and in the next line. 8 written upside down at head of 29 (1). Spannut to Boyle, 12 Dec. 1664 1 2 3 4 5 6

altered in composition. altered from Impottunitate[?]. altered in composition. altered from chymich [?]. Three words later, conflatos altered from conflatis. altered from Inferiius[?]. text obscured by guardbook mount. Enclosed with Codrington to Boyle, 22 Dec. 1664

1 This couplet Jure … saxeis is repeated in the MS. 2 spelt Sidus as the catch word on fol. 26v. 3 This line does not scan properly. It is a trochaic, not a iambic dimeter. It is probably a simple mistake, rather than any attempt at a strikingly un-Latin effect. Sharrock to Boyle, 7 Jan. 1665 1 followed by the deleted. 2 followed by for deleted. 3 followed by such deleted, replaced by an illegible word, also deleted. Four words later, Press followed by It deleted. 4 letters supplied in square brackers here and in the next line where paper is damaged. 5 followed by their deleted. Austen to Boyle, 14 Jan. 1665 1 2 3 4 5

altered from it. followed by th deleted. followed by to receive deleted. written on fol. 17v. altered from 12. Thomas to Boyle, 30 Jan. 1665

1 followed by tell deleted. 2 followed by w deleted.

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3 followed by last deleted. 4 inserted in the left margin. The following word, greeneish, altered from greene in. 5 followed by the great deleted. Eight words later, be replaces shall deleted. The next word, this, altered from though. Boyle to the Commissioners of the United Colonies, Feb. 1665 1 replacing doubting of your deleted. And within interlineation replaces gene [?] deleted. Two words later, in followed by ordering & deleted. 2 replacing such stoc [deleted] monies & stock as are & shall come to your hands dedicated to that pious use, for the best promoting & advancing thereof. deleted. 3 followed by & deleted. 4 letter supplied in square brackets where word is written up against the edge of the page. 5 followed by p deleted. Eight words later his followed by Agent deleted. 6 No insertion point. Humphrey altered from Humfrey. Written over required) by his Agent. 7 written partly in the left margin. 8 replacing who wee are confident deleted. 9 followed by b[?] deleted. Four words later which followed by in you deleted. Six words after this followed by & further deleted. 10 followed by verie greate deleted. 11 replacing had Conscience to doe the deleted. 12 followed by doe deleted. 13 followed by who have deleted. Seven words later, from busines onwards interlined text written in the left margin. 14 followed by are deleted. 15 replacing may deleted. 16 conveniently done replacing him againe deleted. Him againe much desiring to it may be written in main text; conveniently done written in left margin. 17 From ‹But we referre to on his behalf replaces for that you mention[?] in your letter that you hope to have the worke done by the Printer at an easier rate deleted in left margn. 18 followed by & deleted. The next word followed by belonging to deleted. 19 followed by Mr Chauncy deleted. The following word, &c marks the end of the whole insertion, replacing which notwithstandinge wee referre ‹it› to your wisdomes, & although wee finde that he is resolved to retorne to New England yet wee have not contracted with him for any further employment in our service, but desire you to heare what Mr Eliot & Mr Chauncy will say ‹can say on his behalf to› for him & doe therein as God shall direct you deleted, after you have heard what Mr written above wee finde that he is resolved to deleted without an insertion point. 20 altered from the. Followed by Colledge & deleted. 21 altered from nor. 22 followed by those deleted. 23 replacing reasonable deleted. 24 followed by your deleted. 25 altered from Comitting. 26 followed by wee remayne deleted. 27 followed by a blank space in MS. 28 written on fol. 5. Four words later, over followed by to Mr Elliot deleted. 29 replacing letters font of Pica letters Roman and Italica deleted. 30 Imperfect written in a different hand. 31 Date is obscured by binding in MS, and is only known from Ford (ed.), Some Correspondence (above, p. 382), p. 8.

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456–8

Winthrop to Boyle, 28 Feb. 1665 1 preceded by concerning deleted. Three words later, former is altered from formere. 2 followed by brief deleted. Three words later, an is followed by for deleted, and five words after that of is followed by Bayston deleted. 3 followed by goes thence deleted. 4 There follows a whole section bracketed and underlined, evidently for deletion: the [?] remoteness of my present habitation [followed by abo deleted] (about 150 miles from Boston & 200 from Pascat.) for those [followed by an illegible deletion, possibly shipping] ports where shipping resort makes it difficult especially this winter season to have letters conveied at the fitt seaons of passing [followed by the deleted] which mak. He then started again: I [followed by since deleted] have beene not long since, at New Yorke where I had oportunity the. He then started yet again: I was not unmindful of your commands, before my comming out of England and then had collected some but then had not tyme to finish what I had begun to collect out of m / by the ships hasting to be gone, and deleted, to collect out of m prior to the rest. 5 altered from the and followed by ex deleted. Three words later, some is followed by some notices of some deleted, and the next word but one, of, is followed by the deleted. 6 followed by there may be deleted. Three words later, therein replaces to the deleted, and the next word but one, Europe, is duplicated by therein which is then deleted again. 7 followed by one inserted and deleted. 8 At this point, the text of the letter to Boyle ends with the following note, marked with an asterisk: The Orchards of Aples &c [as in the former leafe]; also, by the asterisk is the note: as in the former written above the line but smudged. This clearly relates to the final paragraph of the Oldenburg letter that forms the remainder of this item; see Oldenburg, xiii, 403–4. 9 duplicating severall. Two words later, & followed by ‹the› deleted, and three words after that, them followed by other deleted. 10 replacing old deleted. 11 altered in composition. 12 followed by but deleted. Five words later, on altered from in; branches followed by therein deleted and the next word, with, followed by in deleted. 13 followed by no [?] deleted. 14 This word has been deleted but we have restored it for sense. 15 replacing has deleted; hopefull smudged. Seven words later, to be followed by yet deleted. 16 replacing yet [?]; followed by accompanying deleted. 17 altered in composition. 18 followed by but deleted. Ten words later, together is followed by that many cut down there, or deleted. 19 followed by had deleted. 20 altered in composition, as is yet twelve words later. 21 followed by h deleted. 22 altered from the. 23 followed by very curiously bin[?] deleted. Four words later, & repeated and the first deleted. Eight words after that, originall followed by of them deleted. 24 followed by ver[min?] deleted. 25 altered in composition. The next word, motion, is followed by & so as he concluded deleted. 26 followed by so deleted. 27 followed by from the deleted. Four words later, clouds followed by or even deleted. 28 followed by lieth deleted. Five words later, trees altered in composition; Eight words after that, that followed by are deleted; two words after that, boues replaces feete deleted. 29 altered in composition.

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458–73

30 altered in composition. Three words later, generation replaces production deleted. Six words after that, these is followed by small deleted. 31 followed by & the these [?] also may deleted. 32 followed by on deleted. Eight words later, they altered in composition. Three words after that, pear altered from peare. 33 followed by but deleted. Three words later, they followed by delight deleted. Five words after that, sweet followed by they deleted. 34 replacing being deleted. 35 followed by present deleted. 36 followed by that deleted. Eighteen words later, bigger followed by act [?] deleted. 37 followed by strangely ( deleted. Three words later, multitudes is followed by stealthily [?] deleted. Boyle to Endecott, 17 Mar. 1665 1 from here to the end written in the margin. Boyle to Winthrop, 17 Mar. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6

replacing also [?] deleted. followed by ten [?] deleted. followed by with a Physitian that showed mee deleted. altered from Epidemicall. altered from of. altered from 22. Unknown correspondent to Boyle, 26 Apr. 1665

1 altered in composition. 2 from this word onwards the letter continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. 3 written on fol. 20v. Wallis to Boyle, 29 Apr. 1665 1 replacing particular deleted. 2 From this word onwards the letter continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin of fol. 173 and onto fol. 172v. 3 inserted for sense. Beale to Boyle, 27 May 1665 1 followed by good deleted. Bellingham to Boyle, 31 May 1665 1 followed by our[?] deleted. 2 altered from would. 3 preceded by 2ly in the margin, matching the 1 preceding a previous paragraph. Baxter to Boyle, 14 June 1665 1 followed by ‹of› deleted. 2 replacing whose deleted. Eleven words later, unwholesome altered in composition.

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3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

473–86

followed by through deleted. altered from it[?]. In Dr Williams Library copy a blank is left for this word. followed by said deleted. altered in composition. followed by For deleted. Two words later are altered from is. altered from pleasing [?]. written over I. altered in composition. followed by ar deleted. replacing his[?]. Two words later, & is followed by the deleted. followed by as deleted. Dr Williams Library copy has highest; in the next line it has then for there. altered in composition. altered in composition. Boyle to Oldenburg, 14 June 1665

1 followed by to deleted. 2 paper damaged here and in the next two lines; letters supplied in brackets. In the following line, choyce altered from choyse. 3 paper damaged. 4 replacing by deleted. 5 altered from great. 6 replacing the deleted. 7 followed by that deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, c. 16–18 June 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

followed by shoul deleted. replacing the deleted. Four words later, an altered from any. altered from the. replacing be deleted. Four words later, expences followed by ha [?] deleted. replacing they deleted. replacing upon deleted. replacing of deleted. followed by also deleted. followed by July deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 20 June 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

replacing with deleted. followed by being S deleted. replacing th deleted. followed by ev’n deleted. The next word, in, is followed by the deleted. altered from wh. Fourteen words later, out is partly obscured by damage. followed by I am in deleted. written down left margin of fol. 84. The first word, My, altered from my. Boyle to Baxter, late June 1665

1 followed by as deleted. 2 bottom right corner of the page is missing.

649

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

486–99

3 replacing Piety deleted. 4 From this word onwards the text continues down the left-hand margin. Oldenburg to Boyle, 4 July 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

followed by is deleted. replacing my house deleted. followed by his deleted. followed by up deleted. followed by to deleted. followed by potest deleted. followed by these deleted. altered from 3. followed by doth deleted. followed by ha deleted. The next word is followed by fr[?] deleted. Eight words later, of followed by his Maj deleted. followed by and deleted. altered from friends. altered from said. Ten words later, it is followed by for deleted. followed by w [?] deleted. altered from kinghath. replacing hence [?]deleted. replacing the deleted. followed by his deleted. Five words later [there] supplied because of paper damage. This applies to bracketed words and blanks throughout the remainder of the letter. followed by are deleted. followed by will deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 8 July 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

replacing that deleted. followed by perhaps deleted. Two lines later, the deleted after mistake. followed by f deleted. alternative ‹say› deleted. followed by of deleted. followed by ‹the [?]› deleted, together replacing before deleted. altered from &. In the next line, It is altered from it. MS damaged. written down the left-hand margin of 85 (1). altered from at. left incomplete and mostly deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 23 July 1665

1 followed by gr deleted. 2 altered from they. In the next line, Arteria followed by itselfe all deleted. 3 followed by two words rendered illegible through deletion. In the last sentence of the letter, annexing and remains damaged by paper loss. Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 29 July 1665 1 followed by in deleted. 2 followed by to deleted.

650

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

499–511

3 altered from pretences [?]. 4 replacing tooke deleted. 5 Miles has transcribed this word above the original. Chamberlayne to Boyle, 5 Aug. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

followed by nati deleted. followed by your deleted. followed by ordinarie deleted. Two words later indeavord altered from indeavoring. replacing A great of which great deleted, but A accidentally left when deleted. followed by aseid deleted. The next word followed by blood deleted, and salts followed by in deleted. replacing theyr deleted. Seven words later Haveing followed by given deleted. accidentally repeated in MS. followed by in deleted. Twelve words later, see followed by it deleted. followed by blood flowing from the gums deleted. The following interlineation is written in the left margin. followed by appea smudged. Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 6 Aug. 1665

1 altered from Dommion. 2 words supplied in square brackets where words are missing because of paper damage at the top of the page. 3 altered from but [?]. Boyle to Oldenburg, 6 Aug. 1665 1 2 3 4

altered from occasion. altered from without. altered from hope. from here to the end, written in the margin. In the next line, Writers followed by being pre[?] deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 Aug. 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

followed by th deleted. supplied as the paper is damaged. followed by ‹proper› deleted. Thirteen words later, ‹you,› replaces yourself deleted. altered from doe [?]. followed by desire deleted. Six words later, to is followed by divulge it, deleted. followed by obs deleted. altered from lignos. supplied as the paper is damaged. obscured by seal on reverse. supplied as the paper is damaged. Five words later, in [?] is followed by it deleted. followed by that deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 12 Aug. 1665

1 followed by a deleted. 2 Following this word, the text is written in the left-hand margin. 3 altered in composition.

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511–30

4 followed by so deleted. Six words later, more followed by exceed deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 24 Aug. 1665 1 2 3 4

followed by next deleted. replacing against us deleted. replacing One [?] deleted. followed by to deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 27 Aug. 1665

1 followed by for deleted. 2 followed by the deleted. 3 following this word text continues in left-hand margin. Both through in the previous line and the signature are damaged by damp. Oldenburg to Boyle, 29 Aug. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

followed by certain deleted. followed by yet deleted. altered from thoughts. Six words later, the followed by a letter deleted. replacing be deleted. followed by pub deleted. followed by sha deleted. replacing an illegible word deleted. altered from part. followed by un deleted. Beale to Boyle, 7 Sept. 1665

1 altered from healed. 2 followed by of deleted. Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, 9 Sept. 1665 1 word supplied in square brackets wehre missing because of paper damage. Commissioners of the United Colonies to Boyle, 13 Sept. 1665 1 altered from insteruments. 2 altered from Dacy. 3 replacing Concerned [?] deleted. Two words later, letter supplied in square brackets wehre word written up against the edge of the page. 4 replacing Sett deleted. 5 followed by doth deleted. The next word, acknowledged, altered from acknowledges. 6 replacing an deleted. Seven words later, ‹font› replacing set deleted. 7 probably intending sufficient but written up against the edge of the page. 8 replacing & deleted. 9 altered from may. Three words later, letters supplied in square brackets where paper damaged. Neglected followed by S[?] deleted. 10 written in the left margin. 11 altered from tranceact. 12 None of these names is an actual signature. 13 words supplied in square brackets where text obscured by mounting in the volume.

652

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

530–44

Boyle to Oldenburg, c. 16 Sept. 1665 1 followed by he drives deleted. 2 followed by Pap[?] deleted. 3 followed by ( deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 18 Sept. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

followed by not deleted. written above this, in the hand of Miles, Signor Borrhy. followed by two illegible words deleted. followed by the deleted. altered from Mithridateo. replacing of deleted. followed by but that deleted. G altered from f. followed by is deleted. followed by and deleted, inside the brackets. B altered from T. The next word, Glas followed by I hope deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 24 Sept. 1665

1 somewhat is underlined and marked with a cross. Oldenburg attached the first paragraph of his memorandum for a reply at this point. Four words later, as followed by somewhat [?] deleted. 2 otherwise artificially handled partially underlined. 3 followed by catchword hope deleted. 4 altered from have deleted. 5 followed by amo [?] deleted. 6 followed by two illegible words deleted. 7 followed by finishd deleted. 8 followed by copie [?] deleted. 9 followed by that deleted. 10 written down left margin of 91 (1). Oldenburg to Boyle, 28 Sept. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

followed by Ex deleted. altered from they. Eight words later, of followed by the deleted. followed by (with himselfe deleted. replacing with deleted. replacing would deleted. altered from thereabouts. followed by the deleted. followed by th deleted. followed by gets deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 30 Sept. 1665

1 2 3 4

Insertion mark written between promisse and mee but no interlineation given. altered from thank. replacing Italian deleted. altered from that.

653

TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

544–57

5 followed by up[?] deleted, replaced by ‹ch›[?] deleted. 6 From here Boyle continued in the left-hand margin. 7 written in left margin of 92 (1). Oldenburg to Boyle, 5 Oct. 1665 1 2 3 4

replacing find him deleted. altered from bruslée. replacing it deleted. followed by ju deleted. Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 Oct. 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

followed by they deleted. followed by the deleted. replacing produce deleted. altered from news. followed by st deleted. replacing neither nor that deleted. NB written above. followed by vomits deleted. replacing might deleted. followed by ‹one› deleted. replacing watch deleted. followed by an deleted. followed by [?] deleted. followed by mem deleted. followed by discern and deleted. altered from States. replacing the deleted. Three words later, some followed by few deleted. followed by and deleted. written upside down at head of 38 (1). Beale to Boyle, 11 Oct. 1665

1 altered from thear [?]. 2 altered from quoad. 3 In this and the following line, letters in square brackets are supplied where part of right edge of the page is missing. 4 altered from may. 5 altered from alls. 6 followed by I could, deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 14 Oct. 1665 altered from particularly. altered from ob. followed by affirm deleted. altered in composition, as is Spanyard two words later. Two words after this, has deleted. followed by co[?] deleted. After the next word, carry, Boyle continued in the left-hand margin. 6 followed by will deleted. 7 followed by a deleted.

1 2 3 4 5

654

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557–66

8 followed by bear deleted. 9 first letter altered, possibly from h. 10 paper damaged. Six words later, without supplied by Oldenburg where the paper is damaged. This applies to all subsequent words or parts of words printed here in square brackets. Oldenburg to Boyle, 17 Oct. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

replacing it deleted. followed by that deleted. followed by a Place empty place deleted. replacing promised deleted. followed by you deleted. replacing to deleted. followed by the deleted. followed by ki deleted. Three words later, were followed by shot deleted. followed by me deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, c. 18 Oct. 1665

1 Missing or conjectured words supplied in square brackets in this line and the following are the result of paper damage. 2 altered from above. Two words later, printing is altered from reprinting. 3 followed by & deleted. 4 replacing summe [?] deleted. 5 From here text continues in the left-hand margin. Boyle to Oldenburg, 22 Oct. 1665 1 Words supplied in square brackets in this line and the following are the result of paper damage. 2 followed by mee deleted. 3 followed by wer deleted. Two words later after wont, text continues in the left-hand margin. Oldenburg to Boyle, 24 Oct. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6

followed by don deleted. altered from hath. followed by he deleted. replacing letter deleted. followed by th[?] deleted. written upside down at head of 68 (1). Boyle to 1st Earl of Burlington, 24 Oct. 1665

1 2 3 4 5

followed by unexpe deleted. altered from agreat. From this word onwards the text continues down the left-hand margin. Both postscripts are written upside down at the top of the page. figures smudged.

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Boyle to Oldenburg, 28 Oct. 1665 1 2 3 4 5

altered from presume. Twelve words later Businesse altered from Busenesse. replacing them deleted. Three words later, following Booke, text continues down the page. followed by are deleted. followed by on deleted. followed by it deleted. Worsley to [Boyle], 30 Oct. 1665

1 At the beginning of diary entry in the left margin is the pencil title, of rotten wood, while a further title in ink appears in the left margin at the end of the first paragraph: shining wood; there is also a marginal note: Tbd. 2 altered from he. 2 altered from Worsly. Oldenburg to Boyle, 31 Oct. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

replacing have deleted. replacing have deleted. Eleven words later to altered from unto. followed by the assistance som deleted. Words in square brackets in this line and the following two lines are supplied where the bottom left-hand corner of the page is missing. followed by des deleted. Next word de followed by bons deleted. followed by men deleted. Five words later, can replaces will deleted. Missing or conjectured words in square brackets here and in the next four lines are the result of paper damage. Because of paper damage it is not certain that the sentence ended here. replacing upon deleted. replacing were deleted. Next word in followed by tow deleted. replacing that deleted. Conjectured words in square brackets here and in the remainder of the letter are the result of paper damage. followed by ‹can, or› deleted, replacing care deleted. followed by Ex deleted. Ashurst to Boyle, 2 Nov. 1665

1 followed by but as deleted. 2 followed by a spiri [?] deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 4 Nov. 1665 1 altered from freeedome. Five words later, out altered from about when insertion made. 2 altered from then. Six words later, sent followed by to deleted. Fourteen words later & followed by having deleted. Seven words later, following confesse, text continues down the page. 3 paper damaged. Coxe to Boyle, 6 Nov. [1665] 1 replacing liability[?] deleted. 2 accidentally repeated in MS. 3 followed by ex deleted.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

577–90

followed by then my selfe deleted. followed by not deleted. replacing long since deleted. altered from an deleted. The next word, Catalogue replacing account deleted. followed by you deleted. From this word onwards the letter continues at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. 10 altered from intending. 4 5 6 7 8 9

Beale to Boyle, 9 Nov. 1665 1 word missing because of hole in the paper. Birch supplies also, but this seems less likely since no ascenders are visible. 2 followed by an illegible deletion. Boyle to Oldenburg, 11 Nov. 1665 1 2 3 4 5

altered from to. followed by scale [?] deleted. followed by com [?] deleted. From here text continues in the left-hand margin. written in left-hand margin on 98 (1). Boyle to Oldenburg, 18 Nov. 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

altered in composition. followed by Burne [?] deleted. altered from unable. followed by will be deleted. Ten words later, what altered from which. altered from paradoxs. From here text continues in the left-hand margin, using after as a catchword. written in left-hand margin on 99 (1). Oldenburg to Boyle, 21 Nov. 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

altered from the. followed by therein deleted. altered from unlikely. replacing Treatise deleted. followed by made deleted. The next word, Of, altered from of. followed by year, deleted. The next word, time, followed by and year deleted. followed by a deleted. followed by h deleted. More to Boyle, 27 Nov. [1665]

1 2 3 4 5

altered from he. altered in composition. altered from it. written in the left margin. The following word, but, altered from bee [?]. written at right-angles to the main text in the left margin.

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591–604

Boyle to 1st Earl of Burlington, 2 Dec. 1665 1 The lower part of Boyle’s original date is apparently present, but the rest is missing. 2 Here and hereafter, square brackets mark where the text has been cropped on the photocopy. 3 written at right-angles to the main text in the left margin of fol. 1v. Fuller to Boyle, 3 Dec. 1665 1 2 3 4 5

altered from it. Three words later, This altered from The. written over And. followed by in deleted. followed by w deleted. written at right-angles to the main text in the left margin. Oldenburg to Boyle, 5 Dec. 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

altered from receaved. replacing proverb, deleted. Square brackets enclosing this sentence are not printer’s marks, but Oldenburg’s. replacing of deleted. followed by the deleted. followed by ve[?] deleted. followed by and deleted. followed by XXXVII deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 9 Dec. 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

followed by I met with a Letter, of yours deleted. followed by He would deleted. followed by of deleted. followed by inten deleted. followed by he deleted. From here Boyle continued in the left-hand margin. followed by & deleted. replacing that deleted. written in left-hand margin of 100 (1). From here Boyle continued upside down across the head of the letter. Oldenburg to Boyle, 19 Dec. 1665

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

replacing by deleted. followed by oth deleted. altered from Observes. followed by yet deleted. Next word He, altered from me. Nine words later, for followed by Tra deleted. replacing not deleted. followed by my deleted. followed by the deleted. replacing and deleted. Five words later, colloque altered from colloquay. followed by them deleted. followed by any deleted. followed by wi deleted.

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TEXTUAL NOTES TO PAGES

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

605–14

replacing said to him deleted. followed by and that deleted. followed by so deleted. Two words later, same followed by g deleted. followed by whereas deleted. Seven words later, the interlineation beginning ‹the same›, replaces his deleted. followed by bea deleted. followed by book deleted. followed by of Snow deleted. followed by that deleted. followed by ar deleted. Boyle to Oldenburg, 23 Dec. 1665

followed by as deleted. altered from we; But altered from but. altered from send. with a line drawn through the ‘r’. replacing your deleted. followed by night deleted. From here text continues in the left-hand margin, using I as a catchword. followed by The deleted. Fifteen words later, I altered from to [?]. followed by leav deleted. deleted but marked for reinstatement. followed by put deleted. followed by most deleted. From here text continues in the left-hand margin. The catchword which appears first without brackets, the second time with. 14 brackets originally closed here. 15 written in the margin of 101 (1).

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Oldenburg to Boyle, 30 Dec. 1665 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

followed by Tues deleted. followed by we have been deleted. altered from Yesterday. altered from them. replacing the deleted. followed by lett deleted. followed by or twelve deleted. followed by look deleted. replacing by deleted. Two words later, midle replacing 10th deleted. replacing the deleted. followed by their deleted. replacing of deleted. Thirteen words later, to followed by other deleted. followed by by deleted. followed by also deleted. followed by into deleted. followed by some deleted. followed by in the Weather deleted. followed by in the deleted. followed by Barometers deleted.

659

Biographical Guide The following are mentioned frequently in the text of this volume. Whereas those mentioned only occasionally are dealt with in footnotes, with cross-references back to the place where they are initially identified, it seemed preferable to introduce these more fully here.

Beale, John (1608–83). Beale, who came from a Herefordshire family, was educated at Eton and King’s College Cambridge, where he trained for the ministry, becoming a Fellow of King’s in the 1630s. Subsequently, he held various cures in Somerset and Herefordshire, notably, from 1660 until his death, that of Yeovil. In the years prior to the Civil War Beale had links with figures like Sir Henry Wotton (see above, p. 67). In the 1650s, he emerges as an enthusiast for agricultural improvement, and his tract, Herefordshire Orchards, A Pattern for All England, was published in 1657. At this point, he began to correspond with Samuel Hartlib, and his epistolary contacts subsequently extended to include Henry Oldenburg (see below), John Evelyn (see above, p. 25) and Boyle. These contacts meant that, although a somewhat isolated figure in his rural setting, Beale played a significant role both in the circle associated with Hartlib in the 1650s and, after 1660, in the Royal Society. He continued to advocate improvements in a wide range of fields until his death. The fullest study of Beale is provided by Mayling Stubbs, ‘John Beale, Philosophical Gardener of Herefordshire, Part I. Prelude to the Royal Society (1608–63)’, Annals of Science, 39 (1982), 463–89, and ‘John Beale, Philosophical Gardener of Herefordshire, Part II. The Improvement of Agriculture and Trade in the Royal Society (1663–83), ibid., 46 (1989), 323–63. Studies of him also appear in Michael Leslie and Timothy Raylor (eds), Culture and Cultivation in Early Modern England (Leicester, 1992). Brouncker, William (1620–84), 2nd Viscount. Brouncker was born at Castle Lyons in Ireland, from which his father, the 1st Viscount, took his title. In the 1640s, Brouncker emerged as a highly proficient mathematician who earned the respect of such figures as John Wallis (see below); his only publication was a translation of Descartes’s Musicae Compendium published in 1653. In the 1650s Brouncker lived privately in Oxford, pursuing his mathematical and other interests, but he came to the fore at the Restoration, when he became a prominent courtier, being appointed Chancellor to Queen Catherine in 1662. He became President of the Royal Society under the first Charter of 1662, playing a very active role in the Society’s affairs from then until his effective deposition from the post in 1677. He was also a Commissioner for the Navy from 1664 to 1679 and for the Admiralty from 1681 to 1684; in this capacity he is a familiar figure in the diary of Samuel Pepys.

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There is no full-length study of Brouncker. A useful account of him by J. F. Scott and Sir Harold Hartley, with an appendix by D. T. Whiteside, appears in Sir H. Hartley (ed.), The Royal Society: its Origins and Founders (London, 1960), pp. 147–57. There is also much information about him in Robert Latham and William Matthews (eds), Pepys’s Diary, 11 vols (London, 1970–83), and in such sources as Birch, Royal Society, and Oldenburg. Burlington, Richard Boyle (1612–98), 2nd Earl of Cork and 1st Earl of. He was born at Youghall in 1612, the second son and eldest surviving son of the 1st Earl of Cork by his second marriage. He travelled abroad from 1632 to 1634 and on his return married Elizabeth (1613–91), Baroness Clifford. In 1641 he became governor of Youghall and he played a prominent role in the Civil War. He succeeded his father as Earl of Cork in 1643, in which year he also succeeded to the estates of the Clifford family on the death of his wife’s father, the 5th Earl of Cumberland. Having been a staunch royalist in the 1640s, he collaborated with the Cromwellian regime in the 1650s. At the Restoration he was highly favoured, holding the office of Lord Treasurer from 1660 to 1695, and being created Earl of Burlington in 1664. As one of the wealthiest landowners of the day, he played a central role in Anglo-Irish landed society. He was Boyle’s executor and inherited his estate by virtue of the provisions of the will of the Earl of Cork, despite the slight distance between the two noted by contemporaries (see RBHF, p. xli). The fullest available account is T. C. Barnard, ‘Land and the Limits of Loyalty: the Second Earl of Cork and First Earl of Burlington’, in T. C. Barnard and Jane Clark (eds), Lord Burlington: Architecture, Art and Life (London, 1995), pp. 167–99. Hooke, Robert (1635–1703). Hooke was a minister’s son from the Isle of Wight, who went to Westminster School and then to Christ Church Oxford. While at Oxford, he entered Boyle’s employment, and he was primarily responsible for the successful operation of Boyle’s famous air pump in the experiments published in Spring of the Air. In 1662, Boyle dispensed with his services so that he could become Curator of Experiments to the Royal Society, and he was to continue in this role for much of the rest of his life, combining it with a Lectureship founded for him by the City financier Sir John Cutler; with the Gresham professorship of geometry; and with work as City Surveyor. Hooke’s celebrated Micrographia was published in 1665; thereafter he published a handful of works, including his Lectiones Cutlerianae and various edited collections that partially filled the vacuum left by the demise of Philosophical Transactions after Oldenburg’s death. Hooke’s fertility of invention, and his versatility, were legendary. Also well-known is his cantankerousness and his rivalry with Newton, while his lifestyle has been scrutinised by various historians on the basis of his extensive diaries. For a biography of Hooke, see Margaret ’Espinasse, Robert Hooke (London, 1956), which may be supplemented on the Cutlerian bequest and its background by Michael Hunter, ‘Science, Technology and Patronage: Robert Hooke and the Cutlerian Lecturship’, in Establishing the New Science (Woodbridge, 1989), pp. 275–338. For an evaluation of various aspects of his activities, together with a comprehensive bibliography, see Michael Hunter and Simon Schaffer (eds), Robert Hooke: New Studies (Woodbridge, 1989). Moray, Sir Robert (c. 1608–73) was the son of Sir Mungo Moray of Craigie, Perthshire. His early career was in the French military service, but he returned to Scotland to fight on

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the royalist side in the Civil War, spending the Interregnum partly in Scotland and partly on the Continent, where he was involved in further military and other intrigues. At the Restoration he returned to this country permanently, spending most of the rest of his life at the royal court in London, though he returned to Scotland in 1667. Moray was one of the most significant figures in the Royal Society in its early years, playing a major role both in the Society’s activities and in its organisation; it is significant that it was he who chaired more of its meetings than anyone else in its formative period. He also acted as a go-between between the Society and Christiaan Huygens. Moray was an active freemason, and this aspect of his life has been the subject of recent study. A fascinating account of Moray is given by David Stevenson in ‘Masonry, Symbolism and Ethics in the career of Sir Robert Moray’, Proceeedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, 114 (1984), 405–31, partly recapitulated in ch. 7 of his The Origins of Freemasonry: Scotland’s Century, 1590–1730 (Cambridge, 1988). Some worthwhile information is also available from A. Robertson, The Life of Sir Robert Moray (London, 1922) and from D. C. Martin’s article on Moray in Hartley, The Royal Society (above, p. 661), pp. 239–50. Oldenburg, Henry (c. 1618–77). Oldenburg originally hailed from Bremen. He came to England in the 1650s, initially as an envoy of his native city. However, he seems to have decided at an early stage to make England his home, and he found employment as a tutor to the children of members of the aristocracy, including the Boyle family. It was evidently thus that he met Boyle, and their correspondence begins in the late 1650s. In 1660, Oldenburg was associated with the steps to form a new, national scientific institution, the Royal Society, and (with John Wilkins) he was appointed first secretary to the Society in 1662. Thereafter, Oldenburg came to the fore as the Society’s chief epistolary agent, and his correspondence forms one of the chief chronicles of the intellectual life of his day. His letters to Boyle are among the most profuse, and also the most intimate, of any that he exchanged. These predominantly date from the period before 1668, when Boyle moved to London. The key source for Oldenburg’s career is the edition of his Correspondence already referred to. A. R. and M. B. Hall, its editors, provided two ancillary biographical studies, ‘Some Hitherto Unknown Facts about the Private Career of Henry Oldenburg’ and ‘Further Notes on Henry Oldenburg’, NRRS, 18 (1963), 94–103 and 23 (1968), 33–42, while the same journal contains an important study of Oldenburg’s formative years by Iordan Avramov, ‘An Apprenticeship in Scientific Communication: the Early Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg (1656–63)’, ibid., 53 (1999), 187–201. Ranelagh, Katherine Jones (1615–91), Lady, was born Katherine Boyle at Youghal on 22 March 1615, fifth daughter of the 1st Earl of Cork by his second marriage. In 1630, she married Arthur Jones, eldest son and heir to the 1st Viscount Ranelagh; her husband succeeded his father to the Viscountcy in 1643. In the 1640s, Katherine’s family connections brought her into contact with the parliamentary party, and not least with Samuel Hartlib and his circle, and it may well have been thus that Boyle first became associated with Hartlib. In the mid to late 1640s she lived in London, but in the 1650s, a time of financial crisis for her and her husband, she seems to have lived partly in Ireland. After 1660 she settled in London in a house in Pall Mall, where Robert came to live with her in 1668, continuing to share the house with her until her death in 1691. She was a remarkable

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woman in her own right, the closeness of whose relationship to Boyle is indicated by Burnet’s funeral sermon. There is currently no satisfactory modern account of Lady Ranelagh. For a brief account see Kathleen M. Lynch, ‘The Incomparable Lady Ranelagh’, in John Butt (ed.), Of Books and Humankind (London, 1964), pp. 25–35, and for further information, see Lynette Hunter and Sarah Hutton (eds), Women, Science and Medicine, 1500–1700 (Stroud, 1997), esp. pp. 178–89. For Burnet’s evaluation of her, see RBHF, pp. 52–3. Wallis, John (1616–1703), was born at Ashford, Kent, where his father was rector. He was educated at Felsted school and at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and took orders. In the Civil War, he acquired a certain notoriety as a cryptographer on behalf of parliament, and in its aftermath he was employed as secretary of the Westminster Assembly. In 1649 he was appointed Savilian professor of geometry at Oxford, a post he was to retain until his death; he was also keeper of the archives at Oxford from 1658 to 1703. Wallis emerged in the 1650s as a mathematician of international significance. From 1656 onwards he became involved in a bitter dispute with Thomas Hobbes, paralleling that in which Boyle himself engaged after the Restoration, from which Wallis ultimately emerged as victor. He also published an English grammar in 1652, and some of his letters to Boyle deal with related topics. He was a close colleague of Boyle during his Oxford years; after 1660, he was less in London than Boyle, and hence corresponded with him more than previously; but his absence from London did not prevent him from being a powerful force in the Royal Society in its formative years. A recent account of Wallis’s dispute with Hobbes is to be found in D. M. Jesseph, Squaring the Circle: the War between Hobbes and Wallis (Chicago, 1999). The best older study is J. F. Scott, The Mathematical Work of John Wallis (London, 1938); see also Scott’s account of Wallis in Hartley, The Royal Society (above, p. 661), pp. 57–67.

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Glossary On the rationale of this section, including comment on what words are included and why, and on the sources used, see vol. 1, p. xliv. acetum philosophorum: ‘vinegar of the philosophers’, a term applied to various real or putative corrosives capable of radically dissolving other substances acetum radicatum: ‘radical vinegar’, concentrated acetic acid; or more broadly in some contexts, a concentrated or highly corrosive liquor ad siccitatem: to the point of dryness aelopile: a pneumatic instrument illustrating the force with which steam generated in a sphere rushes out of a narrow aperture aes: copper album graecum: ‘greek white’, dried dog dung used in pharmaceuticals alcalisate: alkaline alcool: an essence, or spirit obtained by distillation, or a very fine powder alcool vini: alcohol of wine, pure or rectified spirit of wine alembic: an apparatus formerly used for distillation, consisting of a cucurbit or gourdshaped vessel, containing the substance to be distilled, surmounted by the head, or alembic proper, the beak of which conveyed the vaporous products to a receiver, in which they were condensed alexipharmic: having the properties of an antidote alkahest: Joan Baptista van Helmont’s universal solvent, which was supposed to reduce all substances first into their essential ingredients and then into water altey plumbi: acetate of lead or sugar of lead, a sweet tasting salt of lead alumen-plumosum: asbestos amausen: counterfeit gems amianthus: asbestos amma saturni: bandage made with lead, used for a rupture anatomia essata: preparation of medicaments made with parts of human body aniada: in Paracelsian philosophy, astral powers promoting longevity in men anodine sulphur of vitriol: a putative preparation from copper vitriol promised by van Helmont in De lithiasi (1644) which had curative and narcotic properties. anthos: rosemary antiloimoides: prophylactic against disease antimonium diaphoreticum: a sweat-inducing and laxative mixture of antimony oxide and potassium antimonate prepared by deflagrating antimony sulphide (the native ore) with saltpetre in a red-hot crucible

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antimonium rosatum: antimony trisulphide aporrhea: a morbid exhalation, emanation, or effluvium aqua carbunculi: ‘water of carbuncles’, perhaps a neutralized solution of the semiprecious stone in acid aqua cinamonii: water of cinnamon, an aromatic beverage prepared with cinnamon, acting as carminative and restorative aqua cochleariae spiritualis: water of snail-shells aqua fortis: literally ‘strong water’, a corrosive acid, usually nitric acid aqua limacum: water distilled from a mixture of herbs and snails; used as a pharmaceutical aqua mirabilis: literally ‘wondrous water’, a cordial distilled from a mixture of various spices and aromatics with alcohol aqua persicaria: water distilled from the herb persicaria (arsmart) aqua regia: a mixture of nitric and hydrochloric acid, so-called for its ability to dissolve the ‘noble’ metal, gold aqua reginae Hungariae: ‘water of the Queen of Hungary’, made by steeping rosemary flowers in alcohol, and distilling the mixture aqua roris solis: water of sundew aqua sulphurata: sulphureous water arcanum: secret; often used to refer the hidden preparation of a particularly precious secret substance arcanum corallinum: a Paracelsian medicine also mentioned by van Helmont; see J. R. Partington, A History of Chemistry, 4 vols (London, 1961–70), ii, 176 archeus: the vital, immaterial, principle which Paracelsus and his followers claimed ruled over all animal and vegetable life and natural processes aroph: one of the pharmaceutical arcana promised by Paracelsus and mentioned by van Helmont; its composition remains uncertain aspera arteria: the trachea assa foetida: a gum resin prepared with the roots of fetula assa. It was used to cure nervous distempers and as a sudorific athanor: a digesting furnace in which a steady heat was maintained continuously, often by means of a tower which provided a self-feeding supply of charcoal aura seminalis: seminal spirit, the vital principle contained in animal seed auripigmentum: ‘auripigment’, a bright yellow mineral, the trisulphide of arsenic, used as a pigment and in chemistry aurum fulminans: ‘fulminating gold’, an easily explosive powder made by precipitating gold from its solutions with an ammonia compound aurum rosatum: possibly potable gold, a controversial medicine, described as gold dissolved in aqua regia (q.v.) balm of Gilead: this balm, from the mecca balsam, a small evergreen tree, was proverbial, being cited in the Old Testamnet as a symbol of luxury. See vol. 6, p. 21 balneum Mariae: ‘bath of Mary’, hot-water bath, a vessel of water in which another vessel is heated; named after an alleged Jewish alchemist of the first century balsam: a name given to certain resinous and odorous substances, often procured by making an incision in the bark of plants. It was believed to have the power to preserve substances from putrefaction. Also used to refer to any thick, syrupy medicinal preparation used as a salve

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balsamic spirit of salt: see spirit of salt balsamus sulphuris terebinthinati: ‘balsam of therebinthated sulphur’, a balsam for chest afflictions made from sulphur and turpentine digested and distilled together basilicon/unguentum basilicum: an ointment containing olive oil, beeswax, colophony (q.v.), pitch and turpentine bezoardum minerale/bezoar minerale: an oxide of antimony used medicinally, generally made by digesting butter of antimony (q.v.) with aqua fortis (q.v.) bezoardic: having the properties of a bezoar, an antidote Bologna stone: phosphorescent barium sulphide boracite: a mineral composed predominantly of magnesium borate borage water: water distilled from the herb borage, used as a cordial Boreas: the north wind Bristol diamonds: transparent rock-crystals found in the limestone deposits near Bristol, resembling diamonds in their brilliancy butyrum antimonii: ‘butter of antimony’, white crystalline antimony trichloride, made by dissolving antimony trisulphide (the native form of the antimony ore) in hydrochloric acid and distilling it, or by distilling a mixture of the antimony ore with corrosive sublimate (mercuric chloride) cacochymick: unhealthy or depraved cadmia/cadmian earth: calamine (zinc oxide and carbonate) calcination: reduction by fire to a calx, powder or friable substance, by subjecting a substance to a roasting heat calx: a powder or friable substance produced by roasting calx murarica: lime cantharides: a genus of coleopterous insects of the family Trachelidae. The species used in pharmacy (Spanish fly) has golden-green elytra caper: a privateer caput mortuum: ‘dead head’, the substance remaining at the bottom of the retort after distillation carduus benedictus: ‘the blessed thistle’, a bitter and astringent Mediterranean plant used medicinally as a tonic and universal antidote Castile soap: a fine hard soap made with olive oil and soda, also called Spanish soap castor: preparation made from beavers cathartical: cathartic, purgative, promoting evacuation cephalic: situated in the head, pertaining to the head cerussa: white lead, i.e., a mixture of carbonate and hydrate of lead chalcanthum: blue vitriol (sulphate of copper) chalcanthum viride: green vitriol (sulphate of iron) chauldron: a measure of coal chinchona: peruvian bark, also the drug prepared from it, used to reduce fever chyle: the white milky fluid formed by the action of the pancreatic juice and the bile on the chyme clyssus: in Paracelsian chemistry, the reunion of chemical principles through long digestion; also used to describe the product of the detonation of nitre with any other substance cochineal: a dye-stuff consisting of the dried body of the insect Coccus cacti which is found on several species of cactus in Mexico

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cohobation: the repeated distillation of a material, done by pouring the distillate back onto the residue colcothar of vitriol: the brownish red iron or copper oxide which remains behind after green or blue vitriol have been strongly roasted. Often the residue left in the retort after the distillation of sulphuric acid from iron sulphate colophony: a type of resin condize: to preserve conservatum pæoniarum: conserve of peonies contrayerva: a name given, in general use, to the root stock and scaly rhizome of species of Dorstenia, native of tropical America and used as a stimulant and tonic cornu cervi: hartshorn (q.v.) corallatus Paracelsi: see arcanum corallinum corpora fixa: fixed bodies cortex mediana ebuli: the middle bark of sambucus ebulus, a plant of the family Caprifoliaceae, i.e., danewort Coventry blue: a kind of blue thread manufactured at Coventry and used for embroidery crabs’ eyes: concretions of carbonate and phosphate of lime found in the walls of the stomach of river crayfish, which, when powdered, were used medicinally as an absorbent crasis: in medicine, the due distribution of the bodily humours in a healthy person; in chemistry, a mixture or the totality of the virtues of a given substance cremor tartari: cream of tartar, tartar purified by crystallisation creta: chalky earth crocus: any of various yellow or red powders, often obtained by calcining metals either alone or with sulphur, especially iron cucurbite: a vessel or retort, originally gourd-shaped, forming the lower part of an alembic (q.v.) daze: mica decumbiture: lying down due to illness, taking to a sickbed diachylon: a plaster made with white lead and olive oil diapalma: a drying compound plaster containing olive oil, litharge, white wax, hog’s lard, and sulphate of zinc diaphoretic: causing sweat diascordium: confect of scordium, or water-germander, a cordial medicine made with scordium, cinnamon, bistort, galbanum, gum arabic and several other ingredients diathesis: condition of the body which renders it liable to certain diseases ductus communis: ‘common duct’, the common excretory duct of the liver and the gall bladder duelech: term used by both Paracelsus and van Helmont to mean the urinary calculus. According to van Helmont, it was not tartar, as Paracelsus claimed, but made from spirit of urine and spirit of wine. See Partington, History of Chemistry, ii, 233 edulcoration: sweetening, the process of eliminating corrosive principles elaterium: a laxative medicine prepared from the juice of wild cucumber elixiacus: spirit of salt

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elixir proprietatis: Helmontian medicine, made by dissolving aloes, myrrh and saffron in a solution of salt of tartar (q.v.), and evaporating, then extracting with spirit of wine; see Partington, History of Chemistry, ii, 300 emplastrum Vigonis: plaster of Giovanni de Vigo (1450–1525), an Italian surgeon; an external, curative application which was solid or semi-solid and became adhesive at the temperature of the body empyema: a collection of pus in the cavity of the pleure, the result of pleurisy emunctory: pertaining to the blowing of the nose, or a cleansing organ or canal ens veneris: essence of copper, a copper compound with medicinal properties mentioned by van Helmont and prepared by George Starkey and Boyle; see Usefulness, II, sect. 1 (1663), in Works, vol. 3, pp. 500–5 ens primum: first essence, the material containing the essential properties of a substance enula campana: common elecampane erysipelas: a local febril disease accompanied by diffused inflammation of the skin esurine (acid): ‘hungry acid’, i.e., corrosive; it was a medicament of an acid nature, often comprising mineral acid salts extractum cardiacum: medicine supposed to stimulate the heart, a cordial febrifuge: a medicine to reduce fever fisgig: a kind of harpoon fitch: vetch flores: ‘flowers’, sublimates fluor albus: ‘white flux’ or ‘white fluor’, in mineralogy, a white mineral used as a flux in the melting and refining of metals; in medicine, the whites (q.v.) flux-pox: an abnormally flowing of blood; excrements from the bowels or other organs fritta/frit: a partly fused mixture of sand and fluxes ready to be melted in a crucible to form glass; also shreds or fragments genethliac: one who casts horoscopes genus nervosum: a general term used to denote the nervous system glossopetra: a stone said to have the shape of human tongue. It was often employed to indicate fossil teeth gorgonick principle: lapidific principle implanted in the earth, an idea employed particularly by Walter Charleton, and alluding to the myth of the monster slain by Perseus which was capable of transforming onlookers into stone gum dragon: the viscous substance obtained from the plant tragacanth, used in plasters, ointments, etc. gutta serena: amaurosis, a disease of the eye hartshorn: the horn or antler of a hart, the substance obtained by rasping or slicing the horn. Distilled, it is the chief source of ammonia haustus: dose hemicrania: headache confined to one side of the head hemiplagia/hemiplegia: paralysis of one side of the body hyle: matter icterial/icterical: affected with jaundice ignis fatuus: a phosphorescent light seen hovering over marshy ground

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ignis lambens: see ignis fatuus infundibulum of the brain: a funnel-shaped prolongation downwards and forwards from the third ventricle at the extremity of which is the pituitary gland jejunum: the middle section of the small intestine, between the duodenum and ileum Jesuits bark: the medicinal bark of cinchona, a Peruvian tree, introduced into Europe by the Jesuit missions in South America lactification: the making or secreting of milk lapis osteocolla: a deposit of carbonate of lime forming an incrustation on the roots and stems of plants found in sandy ground, especially in Germany lapis calaminaris: calamine stone, a corruption from the Latin cadmia, zinc ore, used in medicine since antiquity, mainly for the healing of ulcers lapp: a seed vessel or bur laudanum: a remedy made from opium laurine: oil of laurel leucophlegmacy: a dropsical tendency, denoted by a pale and swollen condition of the body lignum rhodii: candle wood lilium or lily: A powerful medicinal arcanum promised by van Helmont, and of unknown composition. liquor salis: spirit of salt (q.v.) litharge: lead oxide lithostratum: mosaic pavement lixivium: water impregnated with alkaline salts extracted by washing or dissolving a substance, often wood ashes lixivium saponis: ‘lixivium of soap’ ludus: a mineral purportedly able to dissolve the stone (renal or urinary), mentioned by Paracelsus and adopted by his followers. J.B. van Helmont claimed that ludus, when calcined and dissolved by the alkahest, produced the most powerful remedy against renal calculi lues: plague or pestilence, especially syphilis lumbrici sati: intestinal worms lusus naturae: ‘a play of nature’, a supposed sportive action of nature, to which the origin of marked variations from the normal type were ascribed. In the Renaissance it also meant fossils lypothymia: fainting mace-ale: ale brewed or infused with the spice, mace magistery: a concentrated essence, or the residuum obtained by precipitation from an acid solution. In Paracelsian chemistry, a preparation of any material in which there is no separation of parts, but rather the reduction of the entire substance into a new form marasmus: wasting away of the body, especially in undernourished children maxy: marcasite medicamenta alterantia: medicaments producing an alteration and purification of blood medulla oblongata: ‘prolonged marrow’, a part of the brain megrim: migraine mel anthasatum: honey prepared with rosemary flowers

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menstruum: ‘solvent’, a term popularized by the medieval alchemists of the Lullian school and employed by van Helmont and many others menstruum peracutum: a solvent developed by Boyle himself, made by distilling aqua fortis with butter of antimony (antimony trichloride); Boyle claimed that it could volatilise gold and transmute a portion of that metal into silver. See Laurence M. Principe, The Aspiring Adept (Princeton, 1998), pp. 80–6 mercurius diaphoreticus: a mercury compound, sometimes red mercuric sulphide, used as a sudorific mercurius dulcis: ‘sweet mercury’, i.e., calomel, mercurous chloride; also known as sweet sublimate. It was used as a laxative or purgative mercurius sublimatus corrosivus: mercury sublimate, mercuric chloride, a poisonous white powder prepared by subliming mercury, vitriol and common salt. It was also known as corrosive sublimate, white sublimate, or sublimate and was used in various preparations to cure venereal disease mercurius vitae: ‘mercury of life’, antimony oxychloride, a poisonous and violently emetic white powder made by precipitating butter of antimony (q.v.) with water; later known as algaroth, or pulvis Algarotti mercurius cum sulphur: ‘mercury with sulphur’, mercury sulphide meseriacal: mesaraic, mesenteric mildew: a morbid destructive growth upon plants, consisting of minute fungi mineral bezoardick: see bezoardic minium: red lead oxide, made by roasting lead or litharge (lead monoxide) in air; also known as red lead mislin, maslin: mixed grain, usually rye or wheat Mithridate: a compound substance consisting of myrrh, saffron, ginger, cinammon, spikenard, and several other odoriferous spices and resins, and used as a universal antidote; also known as the Mithridate of Damocrates or Venice treacle mummia/mummy: a medicine prepared in various ways. The most popular was made with bitumen and pitch, other recipes include myrrh and aloe, others human blood. Paracelsus used this term to signify the spirit supposed to exist in all bodies and to remain some time after death. It was used for various purposes, such as dissolving coagulated blood and curing epilepsy mundick: a name given by Cornish miners to iron pyrites and pyrites in general Mynsicht pilulae Alephanginae: pills made with aloe and other aromatic substances, recipe devised by Hadrian Mynsicht (c. 1603–38) nardinus: oil of nard, was prepared from the roots and leaves of nard. It was highly regarded as a diuretic nephritic: pains and diseases affecting or having their origin in the kidneys nodosa podagra: gout non-naturals: in Galenic medicine the non-naturals were a mixture of physiological, psychological, and environmental conditions held to affect health, air, exercise and rest, sleep and waking, food and drink, repletion and excretion, and the passions of the soul nubecula: ‘little cloud’, light particles swimming on the urine octroi, octroy: privilege; exclusive right of trade

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offa alba: a white precipitate formed by mixing spirit of urine (ammonium carbonate solution) with spirit of wine. See W. R. Newman, Gehennical Fire (Cambridge, Mass., 1994), pp. 182–3 offatim: ‘in little pieces’ oil of benzoin: oil obtained by distillation of benzoin (a resinous substance obtained from the Styrax benzoin, a tree from Sumatra), used in medicine as an antiseptic and in perfumery oil of caryophill: oil of cloves oil of Saturn: any oily substance prepared with the use of lead (the name alludes to the traditional association of lead with the planet Saturn) oil of terebinth: oil derived from the turpentine tree (q.v.). It was used as a diuretic oleum ligni rosii: oil of rose wood oleum philosophorum: ‘oil of the philosophers’, often referring to the substance prepared by soaking brick dust in olive oil and distilling oleum rosarum: oil of roses oleum succini: oil of amber oleum vitriolium: oil of vitriol, concentrated sulphuric acid omrah: a lord or grandee of the Muhammadan court orichalcum: yellow bronze orpiment: see auripigmentum Orvietan electuary: an antidote against venoms, see treacle os petrosum: ‘petrous bone’, a part of the temporal bone osteocolla: a deposit of carbonate of lime forming an incrustation on the roots and stems of plants, used as a treatment in setting broken bones paronychia: a genus of herbaceous plants, whitlow-wort. In medicine, an inflammation about the finger-nails caused by trapped pus parotydes: the parotid gland pars corticalis: in plants, the bark; in animals, the external part of an organ, esp. of the brain, the cortex per campanam: ‘by means of a bell’, a method of preparing oil of sulphur by suspending a glass bell jar over a dish of burning sulphur and collecting the liquid which condensed on the walls of the jar per deliquium: a hygroscopic salt was said to ‘run per deliquium’ when it changed from solid to liquid by extracting water from the air Peruvian balsam: the balsam of Peru was obtained by boiling twigs of the yroxylon peruvianum in water. It was used as an expectorant phrenitis: brain fever, inflammation of the brain or its membranes, attended with delirium and fever pia mater: the delicate innermost membrane enveloping the brain and spinal cord pill of property: pill made from elixir proprietatis (q.v.) pilulae alaephanginae: pills made with cinnamon, clove, cardamom and other ingredients pilulae aloe lota: pills of purified aloe, a drug of bitter taste and purgative qualities pilulae lunares: ‘lunar pills’, silver pills, made from silver dissolved in nitric acid, evaporated into crystals and mixed with a solution of nitre in water; used for dropsy and headaches pilulae Ruffi: Rufus’ pills, made of myrrh and aloes, said to have been invented by Rufus of Ephesus (end of the 1st century AD)

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plaster of Paracelsus: styptic plaster, containing oil, myrrh and litharge amongst its ingredients plate cobs: a type of silver currency, used in the Spanish New World in particular plica polonica: a matted filthy condition of the hair due to disease Pope’s eye: the lymphatic gland surrounded with fat in the middle of a leg of mutton porraceous: of the nature or colour of the leek porus biliarius: the hepatic duct, the trunk of the biliary pores PP: ‘praeparare’, to prepare ptyalism: excess of salivation pulvis chrysopoeius: the alchemical powder of projection pulvis of Joannes de Vigo: powder containing mercury, from Giovanni da Vigo (1450– 1525), Italian surgeon pyrethrum: the plant Anacyclus Pyrethrum, the pungent root of which is used in medicine radix jacobi: root of Jacobea radix virginiana: Virginia snakeroot red sudorifick: see mercurius diaphoreticus regulus antimonii: metallic form of antimony prepared without the use of other metals regulus martis: ‘regulus of Mars’, metallic antimony, reduced from its native sulphide ore by the use of iron (the name alludes to the traditional association of iron with the planet Mars) regulus martis stellatus: ‘stellate regulus of Mars’, regulus martis whose surface is covered with a striking crystalline pattern resembling a star resina jalapii: resin of jalap, used as purgative sachem: Indian ruler sacculus: a small sac, or bag. The smaller of the two vesicles or sacs in the membranous vestibule of the internal ear. saik: a type of a Turkish sailing vessel sal armoniac: a mixture of ammonium salts, predominantly ammonium chloride sal circulatum (of Paracelsus): often used as a synonym for the alkahest (q.v.) sal commune: common table salt, sodium chloride sal gem: rock salt, sodium chloride in its native mineral form, found as crystals in the earth sal prunellae: a salt (usually potassium carbonate) prepared by casting a small burning coal (prunella) into melted nitre; used medicinally to soothe the throat salt of cornu cervi: a volatile salt distilled from hartshorn (q.v.); generally ammonium carbonate salt of tartar: potassium carbonate, prepared by the calcination of tartar salt of urine: term applied to all ammonium salts, especially those isolated from urine sanies: a mixture of thin foetid pus with serum or blood scoria: slag or dross remaining after the smelting of a metal from its ore scorzoneras: black salsify (scorzonera hispanica) sectator: disciple, follower secundinae: afterbirth, the placenta with the membranes and umbilical cord shode: fragments of iron, tin or copper ores mixed with earth on the surface of the ground, which indicate the proximity of a seam of ore smut: a fungous disease affecting various plants, esp. cereals

672

GLOSSARY

species: appearance, outward form spermaceti: a fatty substance found in the head of the sperm-whale and some other whales; it was applied outwardly against ulcers spike oil: oil made from spike lavender, or spikenard spirit of bread: a corrosive liquor prepared by the dry distillation of stale bread spirit of hartshorn: an aqueous solution of ammonia obtained from the dry distillation of hartshorn spirit of lavender: a distillate from flowers of lavender spirit of nitre: nitric acid spirit of salt: hydrochloric acid spirit of sulphur: an acidic fluid (largely sulphureous and sulphuric acids) prepared by burning sulphur under a moistened bell jar (campana) and collecting the condensed fumes; also known as oil of sulphur or oil of sulphur per campanam (q.v.) spirit of vitriol: sulphuric acid made by distilling one of the vitriols, either iron or copper sulphate spirit of wine: ethyl alcohol spiritus ardens Saturni: ‘burning spirit of lead,’ a flammable distillate, predominantly acetone, prepared by the dry distillation of lead acetate (the name alludes to the traditional association of lead with the planet Saturn) spiritus Clodii urinae: solution of ammonium carbonate spiritus cornu cervi: spirit of hartshorn (q.v.) spiritus fuliginis: ‘spirit of soot’, an ammonia-contained liquid prepared by the dry distillation of soot spiritus lignum rhodii: spirit obtained from the distillation of rhodium, i.e., the sweetscented wood of two species of convulvulus or bindweed, used for perfumes spiritus microcosmi: the vital spirit, or spirit of blood, a volatile liquid prepared by the destructive distillation of blood spiritus mundi: spirit of the world. In Neoplatonic cosmologies a semi-material substance diffused in the universe. It was conceived as the origin of life in the world stanch thermometer: a watertight or weatherproof thermometer standish: a inkstand statera: a steelyard or balance stellate regulus of mars: see regulus martis stibium: stibnite, antimony, used as an emetic struma: a goitre-like growth or tumour sugar of Saturn: a sweet-tasting salt of lead, lead acetate (the name alludes to the traditional association of lead with the planet Saturn) sulphur antimonii: the putative combustible component of antimony; Basil Valentine claimed to extract this substance from glass of antimony by acetic acid. See L. Principe, ‘“Chemical translation” and the role of impurities in alchemy’, Ambix, 34 (1987), 21–30 sulphur martis: the essential Sulphur putatively extracted from the metal iron supressio mensium: suppression of menstruation tarras: a type of rock used for making mortar terra damnata: see caput mortuum terra sigillata: ‘sealed earth’, a type of clay used medicinally for its astringent and sudorific properties

673

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

2, 1662–5

terrella: a spherical loadstone or magnet theriaca andromachi: see Venice treacle tinctura opii: laudanum, a medicine made from opium and alcohol tinctura proprietatis: see elixir tincture of coral: coral dissolved in a corrosive solvent, often vinegar tincture of gold: potable gold (q.v.) treacle (theriac): an ancient polypharmaceutical preparation, especially an antidote against poisons. The Orvietan was a somewhat similar highly multiple preparation, considered a great remedy against venoms, poisons, and plague trochisci Alhandal: tablets made with Colocynth, or bitter cucumber (Alhandal), used as a purgative tunica cornea: the cornea turbeth/turpith mineralis: turpeth mineral, a hydrolysed form of mercuric sulphate, a lemon yellow powder used as an emetic, purgative and treatment for syphilis unguentum alabastrinum: ointment with alabaster and resin, used to cure the stomach and gums unguentum tutiae: tutty ointment, a crude oxide of zinc used as an astringent lotion and ointment universal solvent: see alkahest urinator: a diver usquebagh: whisky, Gaelic for ‘water of life’ vasa lactea: the lacteals or lymphatics, a network of vessels carrying lymph fluid from the tissues into the veins vasa thoracica: possibly the thoracic duct, conveying lymph and chyle into the blood. It is the common trunk of all the lymphatic vessels of the body vena cava: a major vein of the body vena porta: portal vein venereal alcali: alkaline salts of copper Venice treacle: also known as treacle of Andromachus, a compound mixture consisting of a wide variety of ingredients which was used as a universal antidote vinca pervinca: periwinkle, the common name of plants of the genus Vinca vinum medicatum: ‘medicated wine’, a solution of medical substances in wine Virginian snakeweed: snakeweed is the plant bistort. The roots of the Virginian snakeweed were used against plague, pox and poison ‘virgula divina’ or divinatoria: a divining rod, with which miners claimed to discover where the ores of metals lay vitriolum martis: ‘vitriol of Mars’, iron sulphate (from iron’s identification with the planet Mars) vitrum antimonii: glass of antimony, a vitreous material composed mostly of antimony oxide, obtained by roasting antimony trisulphide (the native form of the antimony ore) and fusing the resultant ‘ash’; used as an emetic vitrum hyacinthynum: yellow glass, vitrum antimony (q.v.) volatile spirit of vitriol: see spirit of vitriol whites, the: leucorrhea, a secretion of whitish or milky mucous from the membrane lining the uterus

674

T HE C ORRESPONDENCE OF R OBERT B OYLE

Principal translators DAVID MONEY TERESA BRIDGEMAN Principal editorial assistants BEN COATES ROSALIND DAVIES SARA PENNELL

THE C ORRESPONDENCE OF R OBERT B OYLE Edited by Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio and Lawrence M. Principe

VOLUME

3

1666–7

First published 2001 by Pickering & Chatto (Publishers) Limited Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © Taylor & Francis 2001 All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. BRITISH LIBRARY CATALOGUING IN PUBLICATION DATA

The correspondence of Robert Boyle, 1636–1691. – (The Pickering masters) 1. Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691 2. Scientists – England I. Hunter, Michael II. Clericuzio, Antonio III. Lawrence M. Principe 509.2 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691. [Correspondence] Correspondence of Robert Boyle, 1636–1691 / edited by Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio and Lawrence M. Principe. p. cm. – (The Pickering masters)

1. Boyle, Robert, 1627–1691 – Correspondence. I. Hunter, Michael Cyril William. II. Title.

2. Scientists – Ireland – Correspondence.

Q143.B77 A4 2001 509.2 —dc21 [B] 2001021813

ISBN-13: 978-1-85196-125-2 (set) DOI: 10.4324/9781003253853 Typeset by P&C

Contents List of abbreviations

vii

1666

1

1667

274

Textual notes

393

Biographical guide

430

Glossary

435

v

List of Abbreviations Add MS Birch, Royal Society BL BP Commons Journal CSPD CSPI DNB F.R.S. Lords Journal Maddison, Life NRRS OED Oldenburg Ortus medicinae

Phil. Trans. RBHF RBO RCHM RS Works Wotton’s list

British Library Additional MS Thomas Birch, The History of the Royal Society of London, 4 vols (London, 1756–7) Royal Society Boyle Letters Royal Society Boyle Papers Journal of the House of Commons, 1547– (London, 1803–) Calendar of State Papers, Domestic Series Calendar of State Papers relating to Ireland, 1603–70, ed. C. W. Russell et al., 13 vols (London, 1870–1910) Dictionary of National Biography Fellow of the Royal Society Journals of the House of Lords, 1509– (London, 1846–) R. E. W. Maddison, The Life of the Hon. Robert Boyle (London, 1969) Notes and Records of the Royal Society Oxford English Dictionary A. R. and M. B. Hall (eds), The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 13 vols (Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1965–86) J. B. van Helmont, Ortus medicinae. Id est initia physicæ inaudita, ed. F. M. van Helmont (Amsterdam, 1648; reprinted Brussells, 1966) Philosophical Transactions Michael Hunter (ed.), Robert Boyle by Himself and his Friends (London, 1994) Royal Society Original Register Book Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts Royal Society Michael Hunter and Edward B. Davis (eds), The Works of Robert Boyle, 14 vols (London, 1999–2000) William Wotton’s list of Boyle letters, published in vol. 6 of this edition, pp. 397–414; see also vol. 1, pp. xiii, xxvii. vii

— 1666 — Lost letters dating from 1666 are as follows: Wotton’s list contains the following items: No. 89 ‘WB.’ Unidentified. In view of Wotton’s general accuracy, it seems unlikely to be the letter from William Boyle to Boyle, 14 May 1668 (see vol. 4). No. 94 ‘Dr. Stubbe’s’. Henry Stubbe (1632–76), physician and controversialist. No. 95 ‘Mr. Verney’. Conceivably a member of the Verney family of Claydon, Buckinghamshire, Boyle’s links with which are otherwise undocumented. Two letters from the second Earl of Cork (now first Earl of Burlington) to Boyle are recorded in Burlington’s diary (see vol. 1, pp. xxvii–iii), dated 17 and 28 August. The following letters, referred to in surviving letters, are no longer extant: Six letters from Boyle to Oldenburg, one undated but before 16 January, 20 January, 19 February, before 18 September, before 2 October and before 15 November 1666 (below, pp. 14, 44, 79, 236, 244, 269). Elizabeth Boyle, Countess of Burlington, to Boyle before 18 January 1666 (below, p. 30). Several letters from Hooke to Boyle before 3 February 1666 (below, p. 48). Richard Boyle, first Earl of Burlington to Boyle, 22 January 1666 (below, p. 50). Three letters from Boyle to Daniel Coxe, before 19 January, 5 February, before 5 March and before 7 November 1666 (below, pp. 30, 69, 82, 264). Boyle to Beale, 27 February (below, p. 140). Boyle to Richard Lower, before 6 July 1666 (below, p. 182). Two letters from Katherine Jones, Lady Ranelagh to Boyle, one before 15 September and one dated 15 September 1666 (below, p. 239). John Winthrop to Boyle, various letters from 1666, but no later than 29 October 1666 (below, p. 259). For other lost letters that have been placed by date, see below, pp. 47, 164, 177, 197, 266). 1

DOI: 10.4324/9781003253853-1

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

The following letters between Boyle and Oldenburg, known only through being published as articles in Phil. Trans., have not been included here since they have already been published in vol. 5 of Works. These are as follows: Boyle to Oldenburg, 7 March 1666. First printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 181– 5 (no. 11 for 2 April 1666). Printed in Works, vol. 5, pp. 504–7. See also Oldenburg, iii, 52–5. Boyle to Oldenburg, 7 March 1666. First printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 179– 81 (no. 11 for 2 April 1666). Printed in Works, vol. 5, pp. 502–3. See also Oldenburg, iii, 55. Boyle to Oldenburg , April 1666. First printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 199– 201 (no. 12 for 7 May 1666). Printed in Works, vol. 5, pp. 512–13. See also Oldenburg, iii, 95–6. The same applies to a letter from Locke to Boyle, 5 May 1666, published in General History of Air (1692) which has been published in Works, vol. 12, pp. 92– 5. Also printed in E. S. de Beer (ed.), The Correspondence of John Locke, 8 vols (Oxford, 1976–89), i, 273–6.

JOHN READa to [BOYLE]

[1666?]b

From the original, signed by Read, in BL 5, fol. 32. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

May it please your Honour I come not to you who are of Noble derivation and a Ray of the splendid Nobility shineing about the throwne of England for any worldly advancement but to beseech your Honour to make me my wife and servant your servants that I may retired Live and serve the Lord god Jehovah unto whom I am dedicated and be free in body and mind to pray unto God concerning these three Nations prayer being a

It has not proved possible to learn any biographical details about Read beyond those that appear in this letter and enclosures. The letter relates to the ‘Society of Chemical Physicians’, a body of Helmontians with strong courtly patronage which flourished in the mid 1660s, and which is dealt with in Sir H. Thomas, ‘The Society of Chymical Physicians: an Echo of the Great Plague of London, 1665’, in E. A. Underwood (ed.), Science, Medicine and History, 2 vols (London, 1953), ii, 56–71. See also P. M. Rattansi, ‘The Helmontian-Galenist Controversy in Restoration England’, Ambix, 12 (1964), 1–23, and H. J. Cook, ‘The Society of Chemical Physicians, the New Philosophy, and the Restoration Court’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 61 (1987), 61–77. Read does not appear in any of these. b This letter is placed in 1666 on the assumption that Read’s encounter with Boyle’s former Oxford colleague, the philosopher John Locke (1632–1704), mentioned here as occurring in ‘Aprill Last’, took place in 1665.

2

READ

to [BOYLE], [1666?]

the Valley of Vissions the mount of heavenly Raptures where God feasts his people with Divine apearances if ever your Honour would be Ravished with hints of love or speciall discoveryes then pray unto god Christ him selfe had the brightest Sunshine of his fathers discoveryes uppon him when he was moveing in the Orbe of prayer[.] And your Honour knowes that as Christ prayed the heavens opened and the spirit of god desended upon him ‹as› Christ prayed the fashion of his Countenance was Changed and his Rayment was white & glistering[.] Christ as he prayed did shine as the Sun:a prayer drawes downe glory would your Honour meete with glorious transfigurations uppon your Soule then pray unto god what though god hath given me passive worke to undergoe and that the Cloud of god is uppon me and my family and that I am wrapt up in sad diversions yet I hope that the result will be the peacefull fruite of Righteousnes and that your Honour will not thrust me from you nor Interpret god his love by his Rod seing that some times his dearest darlings1 are in deepest sufferings Jesus Christ was greately beloved yet greately afflicted as the Law was built very much uppon promises of Temporall prosperity soe the Gospell is founded much uppon Temporall Adversity[.] the King of Saints is the King of sufferings and the heires of god are the heires of sufferings and whilsts here are many times Commonners with the wicked in woes and Calamityes: It is my trouble I can not give your Honour Knowledge of me[.] the trueth is I doe not Knowe my selfe oh what is man that god is mindfull of himb I derive my pedigree from dirt and am a Kin to Clay the begerly Elements are my materialls and as they hold in them the seedes of my begining soe of my disolution what my2 dealing of late hath bene with men I have here with sent unto your Honour in writting Cheifly occasioned by Mr Lock who in Aprill Last brought me to Doctor Williams instead of Albertus Otto Faber and Constantine Rhodocanaces their Quintessence & first Ens & Alexiacus spirit of Salt of the worldc but because disputes in Chymistry doeth not end Controversies but hightens them I produced a water of a bath somewhat like to that of which your Honour write of in these words saying the Famous Archimedes lighting in a bath uppon an Experiment to resolve a perplexing difficulty in Naturall phylosophy leapt out of the bath and run uncloathed like a mad man crying out .Nothing. but I have found it I have found it by this holy liquor Mr Lock though [sic] all Nature might be discovered and because I did not tell him in what manner god did send it to men he in greate a

Read alludes to Matthew 3, 16, and 17, 10–7. The allusion is to Psalms 8, 4. c For this paper see below, pp. 11–12. Thomas Williams (c. 1621–1712), was admitted extralicenciate of the College of Physicians in 1660. He became chymical physician to the King in 1670, and was created Baron in 1674. For Albert Otto Faber, a German doctor with Helmontian leanings living in England, see Harriet Sampson, ‘Dr Faber and His Celebrated Cordial’, Isis, 34 (1943), 472– 96. Constantine Rhodocanaces has not been identified For the background to the chemical controversy bertween Read and Faber and Rhodocanaces, see the enclosures with this letter, below, pp. 5–7. b

3

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

displeasure told me and Doctor Williams that we had both agreed to Exclude him from soe greate a benifitt wherefore he repented his bringing us togeather and I now live under his Censurea Doctor Williams alsoe with greate Earnestnes desired that he might se in what manner this Naked & unclothed bath of Archimedes did flow from Nothing or desend from the invissible uppersprings of Nature as the Hieroglyphicks of the Magie shew it[.] it is true it is a Nothing demonstrative No tongue told3 yet spake or pen write its true Name Helmont calls it the unutterable word because he saw to whom he dedit included in the holy and incomprehensible name of god icated all his workesb The jewes set it forth by the three Hebrew Mothers so doeth the Chaldeans[.] Bacon ‹alsoe› finely figures it ‹in› his booke of three Letters and other in their Wisdom Curiously disciphers4 it in Letters Numbers Names Characters figures & Hierogliphicks so that all Nations Languages and tongues might Read them of which I Aquainted Doctor Williamsd who supposeth that he hath the same thing but after another manner by a Magnet as himselfe Expresseth5 it[.] but when I told Doctor Williams that no Universall could be drawne ‹from›6 any specifick thing and that the Liquor which I7 brought him did generate it selfe from nothing and that the Hierogliphicks shewed it to be a Saphirick Aire breathed from the bosome of the Æther through the Invissible fire world that its Region is in the Circumferance8 of the Divine light that it was a pure Essence not Tintured with any matteriall Contagion then Doctor Williams more Earnestly pressed me to let him se how that Invissible being did flow first into appearances to its owne manifestation at which I was most greviously affected with inward sorrow and he still pressing me to shew him or tell him why9 I would not I could not tell what to saie in a matter of such weighty Consequence[.] But the Doctor still Urgine me and with all propounded three things to me which he said hee would leave to my owne Choyce whether I would agree to them or noe . first whither I would be operator to the Chymicall societye . secondly whither I as affecting10 a more private life would be operator to your Honour . Thirdly whither I would shew him the sacred way of procureing the holy Liquor these three proposalls made my hart even ready to breake with in me .to the first I pleaded my owne Inability a

For this famous story, see Works, vol. 3, p. 201. Read may be referring to this passage. Read’s altercation with Locke must have postdated the letter to him included below, pp. 11–12. b The reference is to the Flemish chemist and physician, Joan Baptista van Helmont (1579– 1644). His Ortus medicinae bears the dedication, accompanied by the tetragrammaton: Verbo Ineffabili, ‘to the unutterable word’. The Hebrew word is often transliterated as ‘yahweh’ or Jehovah, one of the terms used to denote God. The actual name of God was considered too sacred to speak. c Read here describes his secret substance with these three Hebrew letters; by ‘Mothers’ he means the radicals which form the root of most Hebrew words. These three letters occur in the word for ‘alas’, but how they apply to Read’s purposes remains obscure. d Read refers to the Tractatus trium verborum (Treatise of the three words) by Roger Bacon (1214–94), the English Franciscan philosopher. e Read refers to the Society of Chymical Physicians.

4

READ

to WILLIAMS, ENCLOSED with READ to [BOYLE], [1666?]

. to the second my owne unworthynes .to the 3d I did beseech the Doctor to rest in an Answer without an Answer for if I said I would not shew him it I might happily saie what I meant not[.] And if I should saie I will shew it him then cast I myselfe into distruction head long the ‹which› I knew he in his Wisdome would not have me doe And therefore hoped he would not Expect that I should at present determine anything but Inocency is not a defence against jealouscy the Doctor said I might think him unworthy and therfore not Comunicate it to him Thus am I blamed what meanes I used to serve the society of Chymist as a Society my papers in the Doctor hands will shew your Honour a Copie of which all but the Catalogue of about 200 select Chymicall Medicines I have herewith sent your Honour that you may truely be informed beseeching your Honour to Ad me to the Number of your servants that I may live retired and free from worldly imployments and the Society of men under your Honours protection in all holy and Divine11 operations untill the time it shall please God that I dye and be no more seene I beseech your Honour to give me Leave to subscribe my selfea Your Honours most humble servant John Read

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: READ to WILLIAMS

[1666?]

From the copy in Read’s hand in BL 5, fol. 33. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Concerning Albertus Otto faber the German and Constantine Rhodocanaces the Greetian I did write to Doctor Williams to this Effect as the writting within his hands testifieb Sir our Country cryes as if the God of Israell were not the god of England and by our silence think that we aprove of Albertus Otto Faber ‹his› Ens Entium or1 first Ens of the soure springs in Germanie & of Constantine Rhodocanaces his Elixiacus spirit of the Salt of the World they giveing out that England hath no knowledge in Mysteries Divine but ‹what it›2 Larned of them but we are readye to prove before all the Universityes of Germanie and Schooles of Greece that England Learning is in the Light supreame and not of those deluders[.] for England hath a b

Read refers to the enclosures, for which see below, pp. 5–11. For these authors, Dr Williams and the dispute which occasioned this paper, see above, p. 3n.

5

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

another Quint-Essance first Ens or soure3 spring which is above Nature ordinary process viz a thing the true name of which no Voyce could yet speake forth or pen write though not without good cause it is called the Vinegar of phylosophers the spirit of Vitriol the stone of fire the Water of paradice &c but the holy thing though it be soure is not Vinegar nor spirit of Vitriol neither is the blessed Stone of fire a stone phylosophers call that stone from which the Elements may be separated by Art for by Conjunction of them in the Worke of holy Alchymie is raised the substance of a stone it is called blessed because beyond the foure Elements there resteth a fiveth Essence called spirit because this spirit cannot be seene by us nor felt4 without a bodye assumed in some Element this spirit for the Nobleness of its Nature takes a body in a Nobler and superior spheere5 to wit of the Elements Namely of the firye spheere of the most Noble fire and yet its spirituall Nature remaineing therefore Neither is it fire nor hath it the Nature of fire soe much as is of its selfe and againe because the bodie of this spirit is firy6 for its subtilty & purity & this can not be seene by us therefore with fit Instruments by meanes of the workemans Industry thickning its subtil substance it is converted into the forme of Water and floweth Now this Essence because it was first of all Elevated in the Creation with the throwne of Divine Majesty when the waters of the heavens were Established therefore phylosophers call it the water of paradice Now to tell you what parradice is I can not for who can Number or tell howe7 greate is[.] parradice is jod Jehovah our throwne where we shall raine in Union tis the height of felicity tis the pavement of god the glorious glory throwne uppon which Union sits tis the Cœlestiall glory the Life Evangelicall tis the Lilly of the Skie the sparkling glory which the all Unity inhabiteth tis the Aurora Morne inclue or birth of the Union in three tis the Excellency of the Tran the Light Cœlestiall Vestally to be inhabited tis the glorious-glory perfection in Unity tis the Rod which Rules the Skie tis the inclue yea Eternity tis the holy holy holy one Deity in UniUnione8 tis the Cœlestiall three that ever was but one and still the same thus according to the Character Charactered and Numbers Numbered is unfolded a Glimps of parradice a9 glimps of glory for the Skie of Eternity Sir I humbly Committ to your Learned consideration foure words that may seeme Nonsencicall viz the pavement of god the Lilly of the Skie the Excellency of the tran the Rod which rules the Skie words indeed seldome Uttered and very dificult to be understood yet are they such as the Collected Numbers bareb The pavement of god is the supernaturall foundation of the all Created tis the phylosophers Adamicall Earth in its first principle tis the Cœlestiall spirituall earth with which Moses opened the Elementall for Corah and his Companie tis the a b

The two Hebrew letters given here are (yod) and (heh). The four words Read goes on to elaborate are ‘pavement’, ‘lilly’, ‘tran’ and ‘rod’.

6

READ

to WILLIAMS, ENCLOSED with READ to [BOYLE], [1666?]

Aleph the Alpha in the Omega tis the sacred secret occult Intrincicall parradicicall earth in the Water of parradice through which the upper springs of Nature flowes into manifestation tis the parradicical Earth which takes the manifest water of parradice into its owne Earthly invissibility & hides it within its owne hidenness & by its wounderfull Magneticall vertues drawes the water of parradice into its owne earthly Intrincicallity and through the occultnes of this parradicicall water Makes its owne parradicicall Earthliness manifest tis the occultum & manifestuma of the Hebrewes Chaldeans persians & Greeks which had its originallity out of the Divine Ternary and rose from the Trinity of god the Almighty hath marked for his owne And ingraven his Hierogliphycall Ternary in it as is seene in the phylosofick worke . the Hebrew word is Rezeph which signifies a pavement streching out a burning firy Stone Isai. 37. 12b /fol. 33v/ The Lilly of the Skie King Solomon well understood for he sett the Charactered Number in an Emblematicall figure on his greately Mysterious brazen Sea in which only the preists were to bath in. 2. Chron. 5. 6c The Excellency of the Tran this word Tran I can not sound forth other wise the Character is of wounderfull frame10 and Divine Composure and the inherent Number I can not Comeprehend in any other word Utterable. with the Rod that Rules the Skie Elias and others wrought wounders Moses Miracles Joshuah Comanded the Sun to stand still uppon Gibion and the Moone in the Valley of Ajalon they knew that That in which Nature first Exercised Magicall Efficacy is the voyce of God and first matter of the phylosophick worke and that is the reason that words are soe powerfull in magicall works &cd se here England hath an Elixiacus spirit of Salt of the world Quint Essence or first Ens which Sir the German understands not Neither doeth Albertus knowe the Abanah stones or11 building of the phylosophers nor the Hebrewes Abiam Father of the Sea nor their Abiahil the Father of Light nor their Abital the Father of Dewe neither hath the Greecian12 seene the phylosophers Gemelah the Valley of Salt Constantine knowes not Carmi my vine or knowledge of water nor doeth he understand the Hewbrewes Chorashom River smoake[.] No No Rhodocanaces knowes not the Rodotus the Chariot of the Collour of Roses belonging to the phylosophers nor what is included in this figure [antimony] he understands not this . . [antimony] magicall marke of the Magie nor the Ebrewes Rezeph pavea

‘hidden and manifest’. ‘rezpeph’ is a Hebrew word meaning a flat used in cooking or in paving, and which can also be interpreted as a hot coal. c Read makes a mistake here, as the reference should be 2 Chronicles 4, 6. d Joshua commanded the sun to stand still over Gibeon and the moon to remain over the Valley of Aijalon; see Joshua 10. Read’s allusion to the miracles of Elias and Moses is more generalised. e For Albert Otto Faber see above, p. 3n. Throughout the letter, Read continues to use Hebrew words, presumably as cover names to hide the identity of things or substances. He gives their English equivalents immediately after: e.g., ‘Abanah’, meaning stones; ‘Abiam‘, father of the sea; ‘Gemelah’, valley of salt. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

ment13 Burning Cole stretching forth the firy stone[.] true it is many doe not know the maadiah of the Magie the Testimony or Covenant of the Lord the Covenant of Salta Wherefore ought not England14 as well as Israel to know that the Lord God of Issrael hath given the Kingdome over Israel to David and to his sonnes for ever by a Covenant of Salt ‹2 Chron 13.15 5› and Christ himselfe spakeing of this firy Salt saith every man shall be salted with fire Marke. 9. 49 And this . [salt] honored Christ Comands us to have in ourselves .V. 50b I would willingly serve16 the Society of Chymists but haveing dedicated my selfe to God knowe not Now what Agrement to make with men[.] I desire no other preferment then to stand at the feete of the servants of the Society and live retired soe please the Society to mainetaine me and my family being foure in Number I shall not need to seeke further but bless god for their suporting me:c Jo Read

READ to WILLIAMS, ENCLOSED WITH READ to [BOYLE]

[1666?]

From the copy by Read in BL 5, fol. 34. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

after a Catalogue of about two hundred of the Choycest and select Chymicall Medicines I did write Dr Williams this followingd Sir all these Medicines and all other spirits Salts and oyles not here named I shall as desired assist your operator in their preparations alsoe in his absence prepare them for the Society I hope in better Manner then hath bene practiced soe that the City and Country may be furnished with Medicines and the society stored that have layd out their moneyes for the same but I shall not be their operator but Leave that to a Judicious Ingenious dexsterious Artist[,] their being a Necessity of the Society to Entertaine such that they may not worke against them[.] as to all the Medicines in this Catalogue I shall declare their operation use and dose to them who buie them of the Society and if I have from the Society Encoridgment thereto a

For the Rezeph pavement of burning coals see above, p. 7n. The covenant of salt is a symbol of God’s everlasting covenant; see Numbers 18, 19 and 2 Chronicles 13, 5. In using Maadiah ‘testament of the Lord’, Read reiterates what he then writes in English. b i.e., ‘V[ide]’. In the previous line Read uses the symbol for salt in reference to Mark 9, 50, where Jesus says ‘Have salt in yourselves’. c See above, p. 2n. d For Dr Williams see above, p. 3n.

8

READ

to WILLIAMS, ENCLOSED with READ to [BOYLE], [1666?]

to I shall for the further satisfacton of Ingenious Artists frequently and publikely preach Chymicall lectures at such place and times as the Society shall apoynt and prove phylosophy to be the Highest Divinity and make good my assertions by manuell operations And procure such Medicines as shall Answer the Societyes desire in most difficult Cases and stope the mouthes of all gaine saiers if the aforesayd Medicines do not doe it Sir be not troubled that I Answered you with silence Concerning the makeing the Elixer proprietatis for it is not prepared but by a most Skilfull Phylosopher who not by thinking but by knowing that the Elixer proprietatis can not be prepared without that most holy Liquor the prepared Mercury of phylosophers[.] for other wise what will Aloes Mirrhe & Saffron ‹do› Indeed Arabia Antiently was famous for wise men and the Aloe tree is an Odorifferous & sweete smelling wood growing in1 Arabia and Mirrhe is found in Arabia only but the phylosophers will not goe theither to fetch them because there is nothing soe sweete nothing soe odorifferous Nothing soe delectable Nothing soe Exceedingly Ravishing to the sences as their most Odorifferous Panacia[.]a Againe phylosophers knowe that there Saffron is the Highest Tinctured flower of the Sun the Sun in which god placed his Tabernacle[.] the gifts of the Almighty are placed in this Sun but you may saie God his gifts are placed in the Light in the Sun in man it is true and it will goe their with a full saile of phylosophye But phylosophers dwell by2 the Lahai-roi the fountaine of the liveing and seing Gen. 25. 11.b and from this fountaine they have theire holy Liquor their prepared Mercury without which the Elixer proprietatis can not be made[.] In it is the En-shemesh the well or fountaine of the Sun Josh. 15. 7c the Spirit of the Sun is in it alsoe the Malcuth (ie) the Invissible Archetypall Moone by which our Cœlestiall Moone is governed and in this Lahai-roi the fountaine of the Liveing and seing phylosophers se glorious things[.] Oh how beautifull is the Rainebowe The hand of the most High hath bended it in the phylosophick Skies they se what is the operation of the moone in Sol what is the Influx in the Trine of Sol: what is Venus in her operation in the Moone what is the Trine of Sold in the human part of this Terrestiall What Influences from the Cœlestiall bodies inheres in us what is the Inherent inclue in3 the Trine of Sol what is the Radicak-radack in the Lunan Constellativee yea they se what is Light in its Essentiall being in God . scearch deepely it is not the Sun for the Light of the Sun & of Nature is not the4 harte of a i.e. panacea. For van Helmont’s elixir proprietatis, which he claimed to derive from the SwissGerman chymist and philosopher, Paracelsus (1493–1541), see his ‘Arcana Paracelsi’ in Ortus medicinae, p. 788. b Read alludes to ‘Beer-Lahai-Roi’, meaning ‘the well of the living one who sees me’. c ‘En-Shemesh’, Hebrew meaning ‘spring of the sun’. d ‘Malcuth’ is identified later in the same line. The astrological term ‘trine’ denotes the aspect of two heavenly bodies that are a third of the zodiac, i.e., 120°, apart; presumably here Read refers to this ‘aspect’ of the sun. e ‘Radicak-radack’ has not been identified.

9

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

god which shineth in secret No thou oughtest not to worship the light of Nature it is not the hart Light Essence or being of god but it is a kindled Light in Nature whose power standeth in the Unctuossity or fatnes of the sweete water and all the other spirits in the third birth or geniture and it is not5 Called God And although the Light of the Sun and of Nature be in god and from god yet it is ‹but› the Instrument of his handy work which can not Comprehend or reach back againe to the Cleare Deity in the deepest birth or geniture as the flesh cannot Comprehend or reach the soule . but it6 must not soe be understood as if the Diety [sic] were separated from Nature (Noe) but they are as bodie and soule Nature is the bodie and the Light in its Essentiall being in God is the soule[.] Oh all the most mighty powers in the Light supreame helpe and Assist me in setting forth the praises of my God even the praises of the Lord God Jehovah who is my king and my God for he hath given wisdome & understanding to the Sonnes of men and hath taught them to weigh the weight of the fire. 2 Esdras. 4. 5[.] yea the most holy heavenly sacred secret fire poynted at in the super excellent and greate name of the Divine Trinity Jehovah yea the splendid sparkling fire in the Light of Nature yea in God the fire Ætheriall yea that fire the fire of which that Comonly called fire with its Light and heate is but the Effects yea and god hath taught the English to7 measure the wind yea that which Hermes calls his wind Thea Chymicum Britanicum p. 141. l. 11.a yea /fol. 34v/ the Saphirick Aire breathed from the bosome of the Æther through the Invissible fire world yea & god hath taught them to call back the day that is past yea that which before the wombe of the morning had the dew of its youth psalm 110.b yea and made them to know what is the inclue in the Matrix and in the morning of every generation and Creation Created god hath made them to dwell by the Lahai-roi the well of the Liveing and seing and caused whole Nature to stand open to them elce Esdras could not from the phisick worke have dedicated the Lost bible to his scribesc It is true I did name to you the Tinture proprietatis as it is in Authors I know its preparation dose & use alsoe the pil of propriety but the true Elixer proprietatis is the8 most noble sacred secret of the Society of Chymist and their honnor is in haveing it and it is no where had but of them to help in a time of Neede[.] this is that which will distroy the Irreguler productions of the Anarkhy of fancie togeather with the petty Rattle pupetryes and Industrous trifles proceeding from the Chymicall Art publikely professed whose Effects are falce and fitt for Nothing but Currupt and Violent ends or to be quacked forth from the Numerous frye of serious bables which are no waies subject to the prudent septere of Nature and her fundamentalls as they that dwell by the Lahai-roi the fountaine of the Liveing & a A reference to George Ripley’s ‘The Compound of Alchemy’ in Elias Ashmole, Theatrum chemicum Britannicum (London, 1652), p. 141. b Psalm 110, 3 reads ‘from the womb of the dawn you will receive the dew of your youth’. c Esdras was the author of the first two books of the Apocrypha.

10

READ

to LOCKE and NEDHAM, ENCLOSED with READ to [BOYLE], [1666?]

seing both se and know for they dwell by the springe of the holy Trinity in which there soules receive the Light and se and know the truth[.] for it is the Eternall and Temporall Nature . but the Deity is not Natures but the will to Natures therefore I againe saie that we must not worship Nature we must not worship that for God which is not god[;] for God is the Lord this is his name and his glory will he not give to another Isai. 42. 8.a therefore if you will honner god he will honner you but if you forsake him he will forsake you and call others to his praise[.] there are High Expecttations of some deeds of honner to be performed by the English Chymist Now after all this noise and contention made in the world[,] therefore perpetuate your Names in9 the glory of god the honnor of your Country and the good of mankind in being the first Society and god will send you helpe alsoe matter & men that you know not of[.] keepe Uinity [sic] amongsts yourselves least like an howse on fire whilst many good hands are helping to squenich it then theeves are most readiest to steale booties soe while you are greiving murmuring and repineing one at the honour of an other the subtile theife Satan through the Crack of your divisions stepts in and steales away your peace from you Jo Read:

READ to JOHN LOCKE and MARCHAMONT NEDHAM, ENCLOSED WITH READ to [BOYLE]

[1666?]

From the copy by Read in BL 5, fol. 35. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Mr Lock I beseech you acquaint Dr Williams with what unhappines my society brings you for on August the 2d last I by the hand of Doctor Nedham petitioned him and the rest of that honourable society in these words }To the Most Noble Sosiety of Chymicall ‹Physitians› the English pilgram [sic] John Tithanah wisheth helthb Sirs1 The eyes of all the 74 Universityes are open towards you to whom I come In humble manner desireing that I may of you Enjoy Foode Rayment Lodgin and all a Isaiah 42, 8 reads ‘I am the Lord; that is my name! I will not give my glory to another or my praise to idols’. b For Dr Williams see above, p. 3n. Reed refers to Marchamont Nedham (1620–78), former republican author and medical writer in the Restoration period. The significance of Read’s alias, ‘John Tithanah’ is obscure; it is apparently not biblical.

11

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

Necessaryes for Life that soe I may here in the land of my Nativity retiredly live and spend the remainder of my dayes in the service of the Lord God Jehovah unto whom I am dedicateda Jo Tithanah To Doctor Nedham these Doctor The English Pilgram John Read Tithanah willeth the if it please you and that the thing seeme good unto you to deliver the enclosed to the Society of Chymicall physitians and to return him theire pleasure Concerning him it being no wayes pleasing to pilgrams to impose ought on mens beleife2 as to what they were or are if it suffice that he is a man of an obscure forme a poore pilgram, and stranger. Jo Tithanah by direction from Dr Nedham I called on his man to know the time when this Sosiety did sit and being a Great trouble by my long weighting I did write to the Doctor as Followeth Doctor your servant saith the Society of Chymicall Physitians meetes not yet Sir if they did, is it good manners in me to meete the magie in theire meeteing and interrup theyr publik3 with my private affaire what should I doe in the Congregation of the wise I have no oration to make them if I had who dares spake amongst the Larned without theire Leave or soe much as Answere in theire presents to any on question Asked without every theire perticuler Lisence[.] Language have I non the Lattine and Greeke tougnes are unknowne to me what then shall I say unto them more I cannot desire of them then my former writting Expresseth to4 what Necessity and humanity ‹requireth› theire wisdomes wants not my words motions to Charity is in the almoser as to my travells men meanely read in History5 may tell more then I the manners of men and Countryes I mattered not what of use I noted in book called the Diary of my life it is not likely any will require me to shew to them such Sophiesb as would se me may by me be attended at there severall habitations if you leave there names theire times and places with your servant for the English pilgram Jo Tithanah

a Read writes metaphorically about receiving food and lodging at the Chemical Society, conveying his desire for acceptance. Similarly, he styles himself as a wandering pilgrim. b i.e., sophisms. It is not clear in what sense Read uses the term ‘Diary of my life’.

12

READ

to LOCKE and NEDHAM, ENCLOSED with READ to [BOYLE], [1666?]

And now Sir since my Comeing to dwell in fleetestreet I sawe a Catalouge of 53 medicines set forth by Doctor Williams and the Chymicall societya the first of which is the Balsomick Spirit of Common Salt but it being well knowne that the Liquor Salis is the Balsom of Nature I shall desend to the Last called the Red sudorifick minererall [sic] Bezoardick . but where is that man and where doeth he dwell that can shew us Beazor or truly tell us what it is . amongst the Hebrews Besor is shewing gladnes or Incarnation[;] it is derived from the Hebrew word Bether (ie) first begotten or first fruits as also from Bezer .6 (ie) Vine branches now this is the philosophers burning wine & red sudorifick Minerall Beazor therefore let us Asend7 to the next above it In the Catalogue ‹Namely› Acetum Radicatum distillat fortis (ie) a most strong distilled Radicated Vinegar .Sir our Vinegar is the Acetum phylosophorum & the true Mercuriall-Water or otherwise Virgines Milke in which you se the Mettles are disolved And it is the Acetum Radicaly the Vinegar distilled out of its owne Roote and Matrix which truely is called the disolving Water . it is the Æs the true Venus the true Gold the true silver the true Chalibs &c which is pure and generated by it selfe without the mixion of any other thing whatsoever . our Acetum Radicaly holds in it selfe the true Æthna (or subterranian-fire Invissible and sulphurous which every way Answers to the Sun in man And the Invissible fire flowing from the Cœlestiall8 Sun preserveing and Nourishing that Naturall fire in man . our Acetum Radicaly is the true Liquor Alchaest (ie) the true prepared mercury which holds in it selfe the Alembroth the true Salt of mercury or Salte of phylosophersb Alsoe the Altey plumbi the sweete matter of [lead] . our Acetum Radicaly is the true Amianthus (a stone like to Alumen-plumosum whose Nature and /fol. 35v/ condition is not to burne in the Fire Wherefore it is called the Salamander because it is bred in the Fire is Nourished in the Fire and is the daughter of the fire .In our Acetum Radicaly is the Anatris and true Mercury which will distroy and Iradicate the Anatomia-Essata the mother of diseases for our Acetum hath the Aniaday an Eternall springing parradice or new world to come in it which joynes it selfe to our Aniadum our Cœlestiall body planted in us by the holy Ghost by which the Aniada the Fruits and vertues of parradice and heaven apeares with Astrall vertues and Cœlestial conduceing by theire Infuences [sic] unto long life of the Aniadus the Efficacy of things is Clearly seene in the Anima (ie) in our Mercury as also in Anima-Saturni the sweetnes of [lead] and the true Aluser the true manna . our Vinegar Radicaly and Ætherial Liquor is the true Æstphara which burnes the body of Mercury into Ashes or if you will into an Alcool or subtill powder for though we a

For Dr Williams and the Chemical Society see above, pp. 2–3. The reference to the printed catalogue could allude to a list of the medicines referred to in the broadside advertising the Society’s activities reproduced in Thomas, ‘Society of Chymical Physicians’ (above, p. 2), p. 56. b For the alkahest, see below, p. 33n.

13

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

burne with water and wash with fire yet our Ætheriall Liquor & subtill powder is the true Alcool Vini or Spirit of wine Rectified as also Alcosol Stipium or [antimony] all which positions though I am ready to prove by manuell operations against any Nation that shall Vie it with any of our Natives yet I never intented any thing against the English in whose hands this Divine thing is[.] I shall hartily pray to God to make you a happie Master and me a true and faithfull secret operator and that I may be kept indemnified for my Largenes of speech to you as alsoe to Doctor Williams concerning my question What it is in mettells & Minnerall that is Medicinal because if men know not what it is that they doe seeke how can they tell what it is that they shall find but because this9 thing is well known only to those that know ‹what› to doe with this holy Liquor when they have it therefore I acknowledge my greate presumtion in asking any questions aboute it For the which I beseech you to Crave pardon for Your Jo Tithanah

HENRY OLDENBURG to BOYLE

16 January 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 45. 4o/2+1. Previously printed Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 347–8, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 212–14 and Oldenburg, iii, 17–22.

London Jan. 16. 1666. Sir, The favour of your last, without any date of time or place, I receaved this day, and was very glad to find therein your approbation of what Dr Beal has observed of the Barometer;a whereoff if any thing be publisht in the Transactions, I shall, God willing, punctually observe the orders of your letter.b I rejoyce also, to understand, you are upon such a Book of Devotion, as you have now been pleased to expresse to me, such Treatises, solidly done, being too much wanting to keep men in this Curious and nice age from the disrelish of Divinity.c Mr Crook ‹being›1 now returnd for good and all, will be acquainted with what you mention about the a Boyle’s letter to Oldenburg is not extant. John Beale’s 2nd instalment of barometrical observations were sent to Boyle by Oldenburg on 30 Dec. 1665; see vol. 2, pp. 610–12. b See Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 154–9 (no. 9 for 12 Feb. 1666), and 163–6 (no. 10 for 12 Mar. 1666). c The allusion is probably to Boyle’s Excellence of Theology (1674) (see Works, vol. 8), said by the publisher (perhaps Oldenburg himself) to have been written in the year 1665.

14

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 16 Jan. 1666

printing of the Sceptical Chymist, as soon as I shall passe that way. The last time, I saw him, he expressed desire enough to goe on in the printing of the Latin History of Cold, as soon as workmen could but be obtained, which of that Trade have dyed in very great numbers.a When the Presse is ready for the Latine of the Hydrostatical Paradoxes, I hope not to be unready to comply with it.b I am sorry, you had not a sight of the MS. for the last Transactions, when it was in Dr Wallis’s hands, that you might have orderd the Title of your Book of Forms etc. according to your mind. But I may take occasion hereafter, to accuse myselfe for mistaking the Title.c /45 (1)v/ If the Transactions be printed at London again (which yet is very doubtfull, because of the plague keeping still on foot, and discouraging all sorts of people from setling to businesse) you are like to finde in the next some account of the particulars, contained in the Italian Treatise of Vipers, which has the reputation, I perceave, to have been composed with much care and accuratenesse.d It seems, the Author2 lodges that poyson in the two vesicles, that are about the Vipers teeth, and maintains by Experiments, that all the wounds of animals, that he rubbd with the liquor, contained in those baggs, prouved mortall. But I referre to the Print. From Paris I did lately receave an Experiment, made of the Lungs of a human fœtus, which I shall give you in my Authors owne wordse Un de mes amis ayant mis le poumon d’un fœtus dans un sceau plein d’eau, ce poulmon est descendu aussi tost au fond, et en soufflant dedans il est monté au dessus. Tous les poumons (so he goes on) des autres animaux ne descendent pas, ce qui fait voir que dans le ventre dela mere les enfans ne respirent pas, et que leur poumons n’agissent point. From Amsterdam I have an humble salutation for you from Mr Laurenz de Geer and Mr Serrarius; the former whereoff having lately receaved the ‹whole› a The reference is to the 2nd edition of Sceptical Chymist, plans for which were evidently underway in 1665–6, although partly due to the death of the printer John Crooke in 1669, the 2nd edition was not in fact published until 1680. See Works, vol. 2, p. xxi. On the Latin translation of Cold, which did not make it into print, see Works, vol. 4, pp. xxii–iii, and Marie Boas Hall, ‘What Happened to the Latin Edition of Boyle’s History of Cold?’, NRRS, 17 (1962), 32–5. b This translation was published in 1669 at Oxford. See Works, vol. 5, pp. xviii–xxii. c In Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 145 (no. 8 for 8 Jan. 1666), the title was given as Of the Origine of Forms and Qualities, deduced from Mechanical Principles. A review of Forms and Qualities, with the correct title appeared in Phil. Trans. 1 (1666), 191–7 (no.11 for 2 Apr. 1666). d An account of this book by Francesco Redi (1626–97), Osservazioni intorno alle vipere (1664), appeared in Phil. Trans. 1 (1666), 160–2 (no. 9 for 12 Feb. 1666), the first issue of the resumed London printing by the booksellers James Allestry (fl. 1652–70), and John Martyn (fl. 1649–80), who had been appointed booksellers and publishers to the Royal Society around 1660. e Oldenburg’s correspondent was probably Adrien Auzout (1622–91), astronomer and one of the original members of the Académie Royale des Sciences. ‘When one of my friends put the lungs of a foetus into a bucket full of water they sank to the bottom at once, but when air was blown into them they rose to the top. The lungs of all other animals do not sink, which shows us that children in their mother’s belly do not breathe and that their lungs do not move.’

15

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

remainder of the Translation of the Old Testament into the Turkish language, intreats3 you to favour him with an answer to the following Queries, for the encouragement of the printing that part of the Holy Scriptures.a 1. Whether in England they print with Vowels, or without? 2. ‹How much›4 is paid to the Printer per sheet; and, whether the Printer /45 (2)/ must pay the Correctors? 3. Whether the English have also letters, with Vowels on top; and whether Mr Boyle hath caused the Letters to be cutt or graven at his owne charge, or whether the Printer has paid them; and how many there are of them; and how much they cost? 4. What the Paper amounts to? 5. What number of Copies are to ‹be› printed? 6. To send over one sheet, as ’tis maculated with the Corrections. This is, I suppose, a periphrasis of what we call a Proof Sheet corrected. These things ‹resolved,› being likely to serve them for the better printing of the Old Testament, I doubt not, Sir, but you will give yourselfe the trouble of satisfying them therein. M. Serrarius tells me, that he is watching for a safe conveniency to transmit Mr Borrels copied MS; but adds (which I am surprised at) that the Account of the Copist amounts to 67 gilders and 10 stuivers, there being an 135 leaves, each 10 stuivers.b The £3, which you furnisht, I have already sent, witnesse his ‹friends› acquittance ‹not only› for that summe, ‹but›5 for £2 more, which I added, and would have made up the rest, if I had been able. In the mean time, I have intimated to Serrarius, that it is a pretty bigge sum for a writing, not yet seen by us; and that he needs not doubt, after we have seen it, to receave all reasonable satisfaction for it from hence. I am ‹now› casting about, how I may procure for our Astronomers here, some person or other in remote parts, that would Joyne their endeavors with us, for the finding out the true distance of /45 (2)v/ the Sun and Moon from the Earth, by ‹an› agreement made on certain times between the two Observators, furnisht with good Telescopes, prepared for that purpose, by a measuring rod placed within the Eyeglas at a convenient distance; as will be more largely directed, when the said a Oldenburg refers to the translation of the Old Testament into Turkish by the Dutch scholar Levinus Warner (1619–65), who had recently died in Constantinople. Laurens de Geer (1614–66) was Warner’s colleague in Amsterdam and, together with Peter Serrarius (1600–69), he had liaised with Boyle and Oldenburg in the matter of the translation of the New Testament into Turkish. For Serrarius, a Belgian chiliast and theological writer, see E. G. E. Van Der Wall, Der Mysticke Chiliast Petrus Serrarius (1600–1669) en zijn Wereld (Leiden, 1987) and ‘The Amsterdam Millenarian Petrus Serrarius (1660–1669) and the Anglo-Dutch Circle of Philo-Judaists’, in J. Van Den Berg and E. G. E. Van Der Wall (eds), Jewish Christian Relations in the Seventeenth Century: Studies and Documents (Dordrecht, Boston & London, 1988), pp. 73–94. b In June 1665, at Oldenburg’s instigation, Serrarius had transcribed the manuscript of the Dutch scholar Adam Boreel (1603–66), on the truth of the Christian religion; see vol. 2, p. 481.

16

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 16 Jan. 1666

Correspondency6 shall be procured.a I have Portugall and St Helens in my thoughts; but7 am afraid, the former is too neer us, and the latter destitute of a fitt Apparatus. Yesterday I wrote to Mr Hevelius his doom, shewing my letter to our President, who fully approved of it.b To add the Statenews, I have only these French particulars.c 1. Les Esperances dela paix s’evanouissent, et on croit, que la rupture est assurée entre les deux couronnes.d Cependant le nombre des malcontens augmente icy tous les jours à cause des taxes, qu’on fait paier aux gens d’affaires, et de l’evaluation qu’on a faite des charges. Mais les peuples ne sont jamais contens. Ceux qui governent, ne se soucient pas d’eux, pourvû qu’ils les craignent. 2. On leve icy des troupes, mais on aura dela peine à faire une armee come celle qui a esté cassee. Il faut plus de 20 ans de guerre pour en faire une semblable. 3. Quand l’Empereur aura espousé l’Infante, il tachera d’Obliger l’Allemagne à deffendre les pais bas, qui est le cercle de Bourgogne, qu’il aura à cause de sa femme.e 4. Les Suedois en veulent à Breme; et on ne croit pas, qu’ils agiront contre l’Evesque de Munster, ny contre l’Angleterre.f 5. On dit, que la ligue entre la maison d’Autriche et votre Roy est signée.g Si le Portugal s’accommode avec l’Espagne, la chose est hors de doubte. a

For this ‘Correspondency’ see Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 151–2 (no. 9 for 12 Feb. 1666). Oldenburg’s letter to the astronomer Johann Hevelius (1611–87) of 24 Jan. 1666, printed in Oldenburg, iii, 29–31, was no doubt drafted by Oldenburg on 15 Jan. See also Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 150–1. Presumably Oldenburg refers to the outcome of the rivalry between Hevelius and Auzout on the subject of the comet of 1664–5. c ‘1. Hopes of peace are vanishing and it is believed that a breach between the two crowns is certain. Here, however, discontent swells day by day because of the taxes that business men must pay and the assessment of costs. But the populace is never satisfied. Those who govern fear it not, provided they are feared. 2. Troops are being levied, but it will be difficult to create an army like that which was disbanded. It will need twenty years of war to make the like. 3. When the Emperor has married the Infanta he will seek to make Germany defend the Low Countries, that is, the Burgundian circle which he will have in right of his wife. 4. The Swedes are entangled at Bremen; it is thought that they will not act against the Bishop of Munster nor against England. 5. It is said that the alliance between the house of Austria and your king is signed. If Portugal comes to an agreement with Spain the thing will be beyond doubt.’ d France joined Holland in the war against England on 16 Jan. 1666. e The marriage between Leopold I (1640–1705) and Margarita Theresa (1651–73), youngest daughter of Philip IV of Spain, took place in 1666. Margarita Theresa had renounced her rights in the Spanish Netherlands in exchange for a large dowry, which Spain never paid. In addition an old law gave her, as first born, inheritance rights of devolution or succession over her younger brother. France fought Spain and the Empire for the Spanish Netherlands in 1666–7. f In 1666 Sweden tried to use military pressure to bring the City of Bremen under its control but this was opposed by Brandenburg and Brunswick; see K. Feiling, British Foreign Policy 1660–72 (London, 1930), p. 194. Christoph Bernhard Galen (1606–78), Bishop of Munster, declared war on the United Provinces in Sept. 1665. g England commenced negotiations with Austria in Sept. 1665 for an alliance against France, but the Austrians refused to commit themselves without Spain, which was at war with Portugal until 1668; see Feiling, British Foreign Policy 1660–72, pp. 156, 163–7. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

The inclosed is an Extract of what was further receaved of Dr Beales Barometricall Observations bya Sir your very humble and faithfull servant H. O. 8

Sir, I doubt, the good news, we had here, of the discovery of a Northwest passage, is not true, because you would else, I am persuaded, have done me the favor of confirming it by a word or two.b /45 (3)v/ 9

Extract of more Barometricall Observations

I must obtrude upon you more Barometricals, as occasiond by the good news, you give me of Honorable Mr Boyles Hydrostaticks coming abroad.c For it seems to me, that the Barometer ought to be an Appendage to Hydrostaticks; and no man so fit or so able to give an account of it, as Mr Boyle, whose right it is. And to me it seems the most wonderfull discovery, that ever was in the World; I dare not except Magnetismes, if we speake of strangenes, and Just wonder, and philosophicall importance, separated from the interest of Lucre. For who could ever exspect, that we men should find an Art, to weigh all the Air that hangs over our heads, in all changes of it, and as it were to weigh and distinguish by weight, the winds and the Clouds? Or who could believe, that by palpable evidence we should be able to prouve the serenest Air to be most heavy; that thick air, and when darkest clouds hang neerest to us, ready to dissolve or dropping, then to be lightest. To send a servant any houre of 10 day or night to bring information, what the weight of the Air, Winds, or Clouds. And surely this belongs to Hydrostaticks: And tho we cannot yet reach to all the Uses and Applications of it, yet we should be entertaind by the Inventor for a while upon the delight and wonder. The maine, I now can add to my former notes, is, That I have seldom seen the change to be very great at any one time. I doe not now take a deliberate view of my Notes, but I wonderd once to see, that in one day it sunk about ¾ of an inch. Of late I have altered my method, and am watching (by day, and much of the night) for the moments of every particular change, to examine what cause may appeare of every change. And now my wonder is to see, how slow it is, and how litle it does change at a time. It holds most between the 29th and 30th inch, of late. /45 (3)/

a

This is a reference to John Beale; the first two instalments of his barometrical observations had been conveyed to Boyle in letters of 19 and 30 Dec. 1665; see vol. 2, pp. 597–8, 610–12. b For this false alarm see vol. 2, p. 310. c For Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666) see Works, vol. 5.

18

CHAMBERLEN

to BOYLE, 17 Jan. 1666

May it belong to Hydrostaticks to enquire, whether a lb of sugar grows heavier, when it gathers mixture in dampe aire? A Grocers Wife would so persuade us, and pretends to betray anothers fraudulent frugality, whilst she kept her Sugar by the fire and sold the more for the money and weight. So Salt seems to draw the aquatick particles of air for increase of weight; and yet consumes and wastes by Expiration. And I cannot tell, whether Salts (some more then others) may not expire, and operate through a sealed glasse. I have seen them dissolve through dishes, and woodden Vessels, which retaine Water; and water passes through some woodden vessels, which retained [mercury]; and yet [mercury] passes through other small porosities, where water is arrested. This was in my thoughts, when I read in Mr Boyles Cold pag. 51 that some liquors have peculiar Texturs. And ibid. pag. 59 60 61 of a Thermometer yielding to an irregular Contagion.a jan.11 ‹5 and› 6 in the mornings, the glas-windores were full of drops, tho the weather very faire and warme. It was not so, since I wrote of it before, tho sometimes great frosts, and sometimes raine, and much dew without, and on our marbles within. And now a Saltseller, which I had emptyed of the Salt, had taken a good quantity of Saltwater, which I conceive to be drawne thither by the Spirit of Salt, residing in the mettall. Is no kind of liquor sometimes heavier, than at other times, by change of weather, drought or moisture, heat or cold? These also, I pray you, with my humble service to the truely honourable M. Boyle. Endorsed at head of 45 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No. XLV’ and at head of 45 (3)v in Miles’s hand ‘(belongs to a Letter of Jan:16 1666)’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

HUGH CHAMBERLENb to BOYLE

17 January 1666

From the original in BL 2, fols 5–6. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Honourable Sir The Plagues increase the last two weeks, makes me as well as others fear, that, without a timely prevention, this yeer may prove more fatal then the last: The sad consequences (to this Citty (if not to the King) & whole Kingdome) in case a a b

See Boyle’s Cold (1665), Works, vol. 4, pp. 245, 247–8. Hugh Chamberlen (1664–1728), physician.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

second mortality befall it should I think excite those in Authority to incourage & provide all probable remedies against it. The grounds of my feares is the existence of the former causes1 Contact & the Magistrates neglects, which (though at present may not have that general influence or preval[ence]2 on mens bodies as formerly: because its familiarity makes it less3 terrible, & men more hardy: and most having had it, much of that Pestilentialis apparatus supposed in most bodies is consumed) ‹yet›4 in some short time it may in the same bodies be again collected,) and after few months5 spread the disease incredibly: And also the noisome stink issueing out of many the buryeing places (because not deep enough buryed) so strong & offensive already, as not to be indured, which may more generally infect the Ayr, when the Sun shal have greater force to exhale. These considerations, & the hopes I have by Gods asistance to effect a great good, prevail with me humbly to beg your advice, whether I shall offer to his Majestie & Council my former proposition of freeing the Citty by Gods blessing in three months or loose my reward; which if you approve, I shall humbly beg you will, after perusal, cause the inclosed to Mr Williamson to be sealed & delivered, unless you shal please to advise a better way of proceeding.a I shall now presume by a brief relation, to putt you in mind of my contrived remedy. To hinder contact, which can never be throughly done, unless men are incouraged to declare their infection in time, & this wil be compassed by giving the infected plenty of all sorts of houshold provision for the time, & medicine & attendance gratis6 & then shutt them up: this seems but reasonable, that, when families are confined for the Publick good, they should be maintained at the publick charge. The 2d is to cure the infected, & preserve the well that converse with infected persons, or in infected houses, which will not be so difficult, when notice wil be given of all persons assoon as they sicken, becaus all care & medicine gratis, & it will much support the spirits of the sick & whole in the infected houses to have Christian care taken of them, & the personal visits of Physitians & Chirurgeons. These are the chief meanes I know to attain the end, & my reward I shall not expect (so it be in the mean time secured) till I have accomplished my undertaking: but they must find me medicines, &7 maintain me a competent number which I shall choose to assist me; And provide8 nurses & watchmen, and provision for the infected houses; for ther is no more reason that I should be at all that charge ‹which may not exceed £50000› then that an Architect (because he offers to build a fayr house upon liking ‹or loose his wages›,) should provide all materials out of his own purse. This trouble judging it a matter of importance I have presumed to give you, which temerity if you shall vouchsafe to pardon; you will infinitely oblige a Chamberlen refers to Joseph Williamson (1633–1701), statesman and F.R.S., at this time editor of the Gazette. Chamberlen’s proposal concerned treatment of the plague in the city; see below, pp. 23–8.

20

ENCLOSED

with CHAMBERLEN to BOYLE, 17 Jan. 1666

17o January: 1665/6

Honourable Sir Your devoted Servant Hugh Chamberlen

if you disapprove my designe please to bury this with the inclosed in silence or committ them to the fire. 9 If this deserves an answer & your leisure give you leave, be pleased to direct it for me at mr. Skrynes at the black bull on Queen hithe Londona These For the honourable Robert Boyle Esqr at mr Cross’s Apothecary in high-/ street over against All Soules in / Oxford.b Seal: Remnant only: design missing. Postmark: ‘JA / 18’. Also marked beneath address ‘4’. Endorsed on fol. 6v by Miles: ‘Dr Chamberlain about the Plague’.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: CHAMBERLEN to BOYLE

17 January 1666

From the original in BL 2, fols 7 and 10. Fol/1.c Not previously printed.

Honourable Sir having, (soon after your departure from London, for the satisfaction of several of my familiar acquaintance, who frequently desired my opinion of this Plague, & for my own ease to avoid a multitude of1 repetitions) compiled by way of Essay a brief account of it:d I did then presume in my resolutions to give you the trouble of perusing it. but, being disappointed of any oportunity of sending to you till the Right Honourable the Countess of Burlington was pleased to vouchsafe me one; I could not before now inclose it.e I humbly offer these my observations & reflections to your approbation or condemnation desiring you will add what in your profound a

Mr Skrines has not been identified. John Crosse was Boyle’s landlord in Oxford. His name appears regularly on letters addressed to Boyle at this time. c This letter serves as a covering letter for Chamberlen’s ‘Essay of the Plague’ (see below). It comprises a folded folio, which, because of the modern binding, now encloses the following item. d For Chamberlen’s ‘Essay on the Plague’ see below, pp. 23–8. e The reference is to Elizabeth (1613–91), Countess of Burlington, the wife of Boyle’s brother, Richard. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

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judgement you shal think necessary for my information, who can be proud of nothing more then to be pupill to that redundancy of Experimental knowledge you so eminently possess. I have lately (being on every hand discouraged as: first from my Lord Arlington, who would give himself no farther trouble in it:a because you did not declare your approbation of my Method & Medicines: but of my resolution & experience, of which they were before sufficiently satisfyed: And Secondly from the Citty who would make choice but of two Physitians & those yong Gentlemen recommended by the Colledge, I presume, rather to make their own fortunes (if they live) then to doe the Citty any considerable good, which had the Colledge designed they would have sett apart half a dozen of the ancientest & ablest to have served the Citty in this Extremity) resolved on a Country Practice during this sickness, which is less offensive & hazardous & equally profitable unless countenanced by the Magistrate, whom I feare God hath infatuated, that this miserable Citty might be layd open to ruine: for ther is little or no care taken to keep the Poor alive either with meat or medicine.b My first Proposition to the Citty was to serve them their own way so I might be no looser: My last was, to take care of every infected house, whilst shutt up, for 20 shillings (if able to pay for themselves & no more) & butt 10 shillings if the parish payd for them: And for this would I visitt them my self & endeavour to care the sick & preserve the whole: provided they would assigne me a full practice so long as it should please God ther should be enough infected: to this they answered they had done what they intended & more they would not. I was freely willing to expose my self to danger in doeing that little good I was capable of, though against the advice of my father and neerest relations:c but am now satisfyed it was not Gods pleasure, & think I may with a safe conscience desert that Practice, which rather declined me. I confess I had rather gaine £200 per annum by ordinary Practice than £2000 by curing the Plague provided my choice & hiding my talent may not offend God: for the noisomeness /fol. 7v/ of the Disease, the filthy habitations of the poor patients, their want of necessaries, the hazard, the abandoning friends, the swift & frequent mortality cannott be objects of any mans desire. I humbly beg your pardon for this trouble & rest Honourable Sir Your humble Servant Hugh Chamberlen. Honourable Sir If your leisure permitts you to send me your judgement both of the Plague & a Chamberlen refers to Henry Bennet (1618–85), 1st Earl of Arlington, at this time Secretary of State. b Chamberlen echoes the widespread criticism of the inadequacy of the response to the plague of the College of Physicians. c Chamberlen was the eldest son of Hugh Chamberlen sr (b. c. 1630–4), physician and economist.

22

CHAMBERLEN’S ‘ESSAY OF THE PLAGUE’

Cure, be pleased to direct your letter for me at my house in threadneedlestreet next the Crowntavern whence I shall receive ita Your most humble Servant H:C 2

These For the Honourable Robert Boyle. Esqr

CHAMBERLEN’S ‘ESSAY OF THE PLAGUE’, ENCLOSED WITH CHAMBERLEN to BOYLE 17 January 1666 From the original in BL 2, fols 8–9. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

An Essay of the Plague The Plague is a sickness, which by an active virulency in a short time subdues Nature & is communicable: for in some few hours it makes the like progress to the noble parts as another mortal distemper may doe in so many dayes: And it is as evident that it spreads by communication becaus usually most or all of a Family, that are necessitated to a dayly converse, & breathe the same Ayre, are infected, when the next neighbour not frequenting them is free. The manner, ‹how›1 this communication or infection is propagated, is obvious to such, as are not ignorant of the continued influx & efflux of those invisible corpuscles, which whilst living incessantly flow in & out of our bodies: as for Example, the sick party emitts a streame of infected atomes (all that are suckt in at the pores being impregnated before they are returned) which, when attracted by a healthy person, makes him, if his body be apt to receive it, become a prey to this voracious disease: for the premised cause, without a previous disposition in the body, is not sufficient to effect the Plague; and this seemes to be the reason why every person is not infected: and the degree & quality of this disposition is one reason, why all infected doe not dye: for quicquid recipitur, recipitur ad modum recipientis.b the selfsame Agent produceth various effects on different Patients, so a person, sick of the smallpox, may a b

There is no evidence that Boyle responded to this letter. The Latin is translated in full in the following phrase.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

infect another with the plague, and this a third with the smallpox again. Bodies disposed to infection are tender, of weak & infirm principles, plethorick, cacochymick, or obstructed. The Plague may derive its Origine, either from the whole Ayre contaminated with poysonous Exhalations out of shallow graves, great slaughters, stinking dunghills &c, or from so much of the Ayre as is included in the chamber of one infected, in fine from any noisome filthe abroad or at home: Or els from humours, which, by abuse of all, or any of the six Nonnaturals,a may have acquired a Malignity in the body able to produce it. Some attribute a power to the Starrs which may be lookt on rather as Signes than causes Astra non cogunt &c:b nor is it needfull to search the skies for causes when ther may be enough sufficiently probable assigned here below. The Signes & Symptomes attending the Plague are fully mustered in every treatise: but those, by which its first approach may be discouvered, have hitherto been omitted. The best Caution is to suspect the least deviation from former health: but to descend to particulars observe 1.2 A great dejection, & sudden sinking of the Spirits without any visible cause: this is the effect of a piercing poysonous Ayre often ushered in by feare: It kills speedily & seldom hath any other marks, unless the tokens appear a little before or after death. 2. A Bubo in a suspicious place Blain or Carbuncle, although without a fever: this is seldom dangerous, if the Patient is carefully tended. /fol. 8v/ 3dly A violent fever with the common symptomes of malignity, as paines, vomitings, looseness, &c. although no bubo blain carbuncle or spotts be complicated with it: this is dangerous, for it denotes abundance of the peccant matter & debility: but (if the inward Symptomes abate, & the malignity be sent to the circumference of the body) the Patient may likely recouver: if they continue notwithstanding the expulsion of part to the common emunctories, ’tis a miracle if he escape. The Plague proves as mortal by the unlucky contingencies which are coincident with it: as by the malignity of its own nature: For its bloody description facilitates the victory over timerous persons, & bereaves the infected, through their apprehending an impossibility to escape, of those assistances their assailed Spirits would in this danger afford them.

a Chamberlen refers to the physiological, psychological and environmental conditions that were believed to govern health: air, exercise and rest, sleep and waking, food and drink, repletion and excretion, and the passions and emotions. See Nancy G. Siraisi, Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine (Chicago and London, 1990), pp. 101, 120, 123. b ‘the stars do not compel’.

24

CHAMBERLEN’S ‘ESSAY OF THE PLAGUE’

A Second misfortune is the want of attendance & supply of necessaries, which (if so requisitt in common distempers, cannott be imagined superfluous in this worst of diseases.3 A third is the want, unskilful, or late administration of proper Medicines, which cannot otherwise be expected, when the Cure is often remitted to Chirurgeons, which were tolerable if to them alone; but for the most part to old wifes, nurskeepers, common Recipe’s or to God, who never graunts the end but by the meanes, & ’tis a vanity, if not a Sin to expect it. It is admirable to see men satisfyed with any slender endeavour or insignificant Antidote in the Plague, & yet in a less acute dystemper not content with a Consultation of Physitians: certainly if in this a Consultation be too little, in that a Colledge cannott be too much, this the 20th Section of the Colledges book seems to confirm, wher they imply a necessity of the presence of an able Physitian, whose judgement, upon sight of his patient, must farr surpass all they can write.a This being in generall promised, it will not be amiss to guess at the Causes & Cure of this present Plague, which hath been either brought to us out of Holland or some other infected place: Or bred in our bodies by the unseasonable weather of the preceding yeer, & the unwholesome dyett, which many a good housekeeper formerly accustomed to better, could not avoid, either through ignorance of rotten mutton, dearness of necessaries, or the late decay of trade, which (though to the nation may be the same as formerly) to particular persons was not so, ther being a greater number of inhabitants to share it, and consequently less must fall to every mans proportion. That it may spring from one of these Causes shal be proved first negatively, secondly affirmatively. 1. That it is not the Ayre, for then every person, in whose body is a disposition, would at the same time be infected, & consequently few families free: the contrary of this is evident & that it increaseth Gradatim.b Nor is the Ayre per se sufficient to infect, for if it4 were, what should hinder a Patient newly recouvered of the Plague from being again seized on by it, which hath not in one Sickness time been known. Some may perchance object that it is the Malignity of the Ayre, which causeth many to fall dead in the Streets. Before this be answered it were to be wished a strict inquiry had been made, whether those persons, that dye in the street, had not been sometime sick before, & whether it was not rather the predominancy of their internal distemper then the malignity of the ambient Ayre, which destroyed them: it being seldom observed that more then one of many that passed the same way dyed at a time, most of which, if that had been the cause, could not have avoided the like fate: but another a

Chamberlen probably refers to Christopher Merrett, A Collection of Acts of Parliament, Charters, Trials at Law and Judges’ Opinions concerning those Grants to the Colledge of Physicians (1660); see H. J. Cook, The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart London (Ithaca & London, 1986), pp. 136–7. b ‘gradually’.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

Cause may be surmised for subitea death without blaming the Ayre, & that may be a sudden surprise by a violent passion of fear or melancholy: And that excess of passions have so great a power as to kill, dayly experience in many cases putts it out of doubt: And strong imagination may as well imprint the tokens upon the expiring body, as the mothers imagination can leave such indeleble characters of their extravagant longings upon their innocent babes. /fol. 9/ 2dly. That it may be brought to us by goods or passengers out of Holland &c. is as probable as that it was brought thither from the Streights, which is generally concluded. Nor is it less probable, that it may be the evil consequences5 of bad & irregular dyett, since many surfetts send forth ill colourd spotts, malignant tumours or ulcers: And a sporadical Plague can sometimes be inferred to no other Cause. It wil not be impertinent to consider here, before the Remedy be consulted, whether it may become Christians to hope & endeavour for any against the Plague; or to acquiesce under it as Gods immediate hand upon them. 1. Dayly Experience testifies that many have & doe recouver by the use of seasonable meanes: & if this were doubted, wherfore are houses shutt up & other prudent rules observed. 2. If then ther be meanes, they may as lawfully ‹be› used6 & ‹with as much› hope to lessen or prevent the judgement: as to provide stores of provision against a famine: unless it7 might be Supposed that God would famish a place notwithstanding the plenty: but when God intends a judgement, he either removes the meanes of prevention, as he doth bread to introduce a famine: or hardens Mens8 hearts & blinds their eyes, as he did the Ægyptians,b that they may not use what he in mercy hath afforded to as many as shal use it. 3 Every disease according to its degree is a judgement: yet meanes are used, & for the most part with success. 4 God doth in a manner declare that ther are remedies in nature, in that he makes use of a Plague arising from natural causes, for the Plague is but the meanes, Gods end and judgement is death, which if he pleased he could bring to pass in a night, as he did upon the Assyrians before Jerusalem 2. Kings. 19. 35; Nor is it fitt to conjecture when the Almighty purposeth to chastize a Nation, or how? for ’tis evident that he makes no great difference in the dispensing his mercies or judgements to just or unjust: the tower of Shilo fell not upon the most wicked: nor is the rain & sun withheld any more from the unjust than just.c Good men often dye of the Plague, when bad escape: And the selfsame Plague may take a

‘sudden’. Chamberlen refers to the various plagues brought against the Egyptians, recounted in Exodus, 7–11. c References to God’s destruction of the tower of Shilo as a result of the wickedness of the Israelites, are found in Jeremiah 7, 12 and 14 and 26, 6. b

26

CHAMBERLEN’S ‘ESSAY OF THE PLAGUE’

away a good man in mercy & a bad in judgement. On this point there needs no inlargeing, since many Divines have written excellently well upon it. If it be then lawfull to use meanes, it may be convenient to consider, what? & with what method & order health may be surest acquired? 1 Every man should liberally bestow his charity towards the support of the Poor which are shutt up, who have lately, as is credibly reported, in their sore affliction wanted common & indispenseable necessaries: And it is better to part with a small sum towards the recouvery of the Poor, & freeing the Citty, then suffer it to increase, & themselves become the prey, & their goods imbezeled, which sometimes hath tempted their cruel Nurskeepers to send the Owners untimely to the grave. The Cittizens of Constantinople, becaus they would not bestow some of their treasure to defend the Citty, lost it all with the Citty to Mahomet, who beholding the vast riches deservedly upbraided their avarice: Nor is this distemper like others, for whilst the Poor ‹are› infected, the Rich have no assurance to escape it.a 2 The Magistrates will doubtlesly see this Charity faithfully dispensed wher it ought: &, if sufficient be not freely offered, to cause a supplement to be collected by tax. And likewise please after due examination to make Election of a convenient number of Physitians Chirurgeons & Apothecaries also Divines Messengers & honest Nurses, who should all receive a liberal Entertainment from the Citty & inhabitt in a convenient & noted place together wher all people may have free recourse for visitts, advice, medicine & other attendance gratis ‹for many will as willingly venture the Plague & keep the little money they have for bread: as part with it for medicine & certainly starve when recouvered›.9 And, when this Provision is made at the Publick charge, they may with less blame & more security cause houses to be shutt up, which to shun that they may not perish through want, many now wander with running soares. And ’tis better to incourage men to discouver their infection by rewards, then to punish them for concealing it. /fol. 9v/ 3. The Physitians & Chirurgeons duty is by dayly visiting to preserve & cure: That it is easyer preventing this disease & all other, than curing: & curing in the beginning, than in augmentation or state, is by none disputed: if then the forementioned incouragements be published, that all may make timely application for prevention & cure: ’tis very probably, that fewer wil be infected & more recouver then without this publick provision, & consequently, ‹in› fewer weeks, if not very few would this Plague be extirpated. The manner of Preserving must be either generall: if the cause be ill dyett, & then every person, of whose strength & paucity of ill humours there can be no good assurance, must be considered, in what respect he may be obnoxious to the Plague: a The reference is to the Ottoman Sultan Mehmet II (1432–81), and the fall of Constantinople in 1453.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

Or particular, if it be contagion, & then to take under care the well only of infected houses, such as have lately conversed with them, & timerous persons. The manner of curing the infected is, besides what specifickly respects the nature of the disease, to order medicines agreeable to the various circumstances and accidents to the Patient, & the progress the disease hath made, of none of which can the Physitian be so well informed as if he visitts the Patient. Both Preservation & Cure must respect the Causes, & be performed by proper and seasonable Evacuations, Alexipharmicks, Medicines attenuating, corroborating & attracting from the Noble to the ignoble parts, Fumes to dissipate the noxious atomes wandring in the Ayre, Good dyett & Carefull attendance.

CHAMBERLEN to WILLIAMSON, ENCLOSED WITH CHAMBERLEN to BOYLEa

17 January 1666

From the original in BL 2, fols 3–4. Fol/2.

Honoured Sir The late augmentation of the Plague in London & the recent eruption in other places about it as Wansor & Twitnamb & I hear also Oxford, gives me just cause to suspect a future mortality this yeer greater than the last1 what detriment (in case God of his infinite mercy should not avert it) would happen by it to the King & Kingdomes affaires? I leave to your judicious consideration. My duty therfore compels me humbly to tender my feeble assistance and (notwithstanding my former ill success) to renew my proposition of freeing the Citty with Gods help in three months or loose my reward, which (if you judge an acceptable motion) be please to promote)2 And if it finds favour I shall, as you may direct me, be ready to give what further satisfaction & when impowered, diligently imploy the uttermost of my abilities to bring it to a speedy & satisfactory issue. Sir I hope the consideration of my welmeaning in troubling you with this proposition, may procure a pardon to Your very humble and obliged Servant Hugh Chamberlen

170 January 1665/6

a Chamberlen asked Boyle to forward this communication to Joseph Williamson; see above, p. 20. b i.e., Windsor and Twickenham.

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to FIRST EARL OF BURLINGTON, 18 Jan. 1666

These For Mr Williamson at my Lord Arlingtons / Oxford.a

BOYLE to RICHARD BOYLE, FIRST EARL OF BURLINGTON, 18 January 1666 From the original in the Dibner Collection, MS 161A, Smithsonian Institution, Washington DC. 4o/2. Not previously printed.

Oxford Jan: 18th 1665/6 My Dearest Brother Now the Festivalls are over (during which I was loath to trouble You with Insignificant Letters,) I hope it may be allowable to1 inquire how You have passd them? & how You doe? To which Question I might answer myselfe if wee were sure to enjoy all the health & prosperity our Freinds wish us.b For their are some of Yours here that have not appeard sparing in that way of expressing their Kindnesse to You, (& Your good Company) among whom I must [not]2 forget my Lord ArchBishop, who never sees mee either at his owne Table /fol. 1v/ or at any others without remembring ‹you› with a glasse of Wine in his Hand.c And as for my Lord of Winchester what Designes he may have upon my pretty Lady Anne, let her remember that I give Her warning that shee will doe well to consider.d But I am now in noe Condition to persecute her on this occasion being myselfe persecuted by soe troublesome, & to mee unusuall a Distemper, as a great Fit of the Toothach; which keepes you from being entertain’d with the sad Complaints Capt. Smith makes of the severity of the Exchequer upon some Lands of mine in Ireland, especially upon Tomgreeny.e And his mentioning all my Dublin Rents to be purposely left unaccounted /fol. 2/ for by him, at least till he hears from mee about them obleiges mee to ‹put› you in mind of the promise You were pleasd to make mee of appointing some Trusty Person to receive those Rents for mee. upon which if You please to enable mee to write a word or two to Capt. Smith it will seasonably setle that Businesse betwixt him & a

Williamson was attached to the office of Arlington as secretary of state. Presumably Boyle refers to the Christmas period. Gilbert Sheldon (1588–1677) was Archbishop of Canterbury between 1663 and 1677. d The reference is to George Morley (1597–1684), Bishop of Winchester 1662–84. Boyle presumably refers to Burlington’s daughter Anne (d. 1671), who married Edward Montagu (1625–72), 2nd Earl of Sandwich; see Maddison, Life, p. 303. e Boyle refers to his agent John Smith. Tomgreeny has not been further identified. b c

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My Dearest Brother Your most Affectionate most Faithfull & most humble Servant Ro: Boyle. My most humble service to my Dear Sister, & to my Lord & Lady Clifford, from the former of whom I receivd the honor of an obleiging Letter, which the Contents make me think, I should have missd if the two that I writ to his Lordship & my Lady had come soe seasonably to their hands as I hopd they would. I am my sweet Lady Annes most humble servant.3a

These To the right Honourable / the Earle of Burlington my Dear Brother / Present / At Lawnsboroughb / In Yorkshire

Seal: removed. Endorsed by Earl of Burlington: ‘1666. Jan 18br From my brother Robin Boyle on his Irish affairs’. Also endorsed in connection with postal transmission: ‘From Oxford / in all 6d’.

DANIEL COXE to BOYLE

19 January 1666

From the original in BL 2, fols 54–7. Fol/2+2. Not previously printed.

Sir I received your letter which makes mee know I am more happy then I imagined, since I have the honour to bee sometimes in your Thoughts, and that I am not a person altogether Indifferent to you.c Therein you Encouraged mee to Reiterate a For Elizabeth Boyle, Countess of Burlington, see above, p. 21n. Boyle also sends his greetings to his nephew Charles Boyle (1639–95), Lord Clifford of Lanesborough, and his wife Jane (1637– 97). The Countess of Burlington’s letter does not survive, although in his letter to Boyle, Hugh Chamberlen says that the Countess gave him the opportunity to write to Boyle. There is no evidence, however, of Chamberlen’s letter having been enclosed in a packet from the Countess. For Lady Anne see above, p. 29n. b i.e., Londesborough, near York, the Earl of Burlington’s seat. c Boyle’s letter to Coxe is not extant.

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to BOYLE, 19 Jan. 1666

my importunities, which indeed is the only meane I have left mee of requiting your Expence of Time, & trouble cum sit Ingenui minimique ingrati animi cui multum debes et plurimum velle debere.a You were pleased to Command mee to lay aside Courtship (a crime I am not Conscious of) in my Epistolar Commerce; & ‹to› Converse with the Liberty Philosophy affords mee. Sir In Compliance with your desire I have ventred to acquaint you with some of my Sentiments concerning various subjects: Not as if I were so presumptuous as to Imagin that any of the Speculations, or Experiments I shall mention are not allready Familiar to you; My designe being only to let you1 understand how I have improved Those Catholick, Generous Principles, which I glory to have learned from you in personall Conferences, or derived from your writings. I hope your Honour on this as on all other occasions will rectify my mistakes, & suggest somewhat to mee which may Informe my judgement, & gratify my boundlesse Curiosity. You may Sir remember how sollicitous I was Concerning Menstrua when I last Enjoyed your Excellent Company, & Converse; then you intimated many things Concerning those subjects, which have since excited my Diligent search, considerably heighthened my hopes, and expectations. I hope Sir2 you will proceed to give mee some further insight into this Fundamentall part of Chimistry, & indeed Philosophy, my former, & more recent Experiments having Throughly Instructed mee that no Considerable progresse can bee made in disquisitions Concerning any Concrete in nature, especially Mineralls unlesse wee are masters of some Excellent Menstrua, from whose assistance wee may derive many Advantages. Either analyzing the bodies wee operate on & thereby Informe our selves what theire Constituent principles are; & Consequently wee might increase our power over nature whose Products wee might not only neerly imitate, but also perhaps meliorate, & Improve. For certainly The Substances wee seperate from Metalline & Minerall bodies being purified, Exalted, & variously Compounded, by a judicious Naturalist who can improve Fire & Menstruum to the utmost, the Result will bee, if not exactly what the Operator designs ‹yet› att least some Concrete which may Sufficiently requite his expence of Time, & Trouble. I confesse indeed most of the ordinary analyzers (such are corrosive Acid Spiritts & Salts) divide into Integrall only, not Elementary parts. But yet Neverthelesse I am fully satisfied that there are menstrua existent, or att least such may bee procured which will resolve Even the most solid fix’d bodies into their Component principles. I am induced to Entertain this persuasion from the Consideration of Mettalls & Menstrua in generall. I account of the first as bodies Consisting cheifly of Saline Sulphureous, Mercuriall and Earthy parts, which are Elevated by the mediation of a pure Centrall (according to the Cartesian Hypothesis) or more grosse Subterraneall fire, To which the heat of the Sun doth a ‘he is of such an honest mind, that when you owe him much you want to owe him more’, from Cicero, Epistulae ad familiares, II. vi.

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probably Concur.a For although wee perceive Scarce any, or att3 most but a moderate, digestive heat in the mines wee accounting nothing hot but what it is in a more brisk motion then the spiritts & humours in our Organ of feeling, yet certainly this degree of heat although itt Scarce sensibly affect us, may communicate so much agitation to the Salt, Sulphur, & Mercury as may occasion a Comminution of parts & consequently an Easy Elevation theire motion being prevalent over their gravity these Subtilized principles meeting together may bee readily united, needing no other Cement then immediate contact: which Substances thus united Constitute a little4 masse, or molecula of mettall, many of which are usually associated before they appeare in a visible or sensible forme. Now the Cohesion of the molecula is so loose (by reason of the Comparative greatnesse of theire parts) that many ordinary grosse menstrua may Easily Enough seperate them, But the Texture of the first Principles being more close, they are not seperable but by some extreeme Subtle Analyzer which by reason of the minutenesse brisk motion, & Convenient Figuration of itts parts may Disunite them. of the first Sort are5 Acid spiritts of Common Salt, Nitre Vitriol AR [aqua regia] AF [aqua fortis] &c.6 Alcalisate Solutions and I fear Spiritus Cornu cervi [?] Urinæ Sal Armoniac and Even Spiritus vinib ittselfe can hardly plead Exemption but7 is reducible to this classis. What there are of the latter sort I know not butt I apprehend that Spiritus vini digested with some Acid, or Volatile Spirit or Salts would afford some such menstruum. & Volatile Salt of Tartar digested in sand would perhaps in Time as Salt of Urine bee reduced into a liquor of Strang Energy in the solution of bodies. Helmonts Alcahest seems to have been somewhat of this Nature.c And now I mention the Alcahest I can ‹not› forbear acquainting your Honour with some of my Sentiments concerning this Excellent menstruum. I have been somewhat sollicitous in my Enquiries about this Universall Analyzer which if all that Helmont asserts of itt were true I should give itt the Preheminence in my esteeme and Desire before the Elixir Ittselfe. /fol. 54v/ I have frequently examined most of those passages in Helmont ‹which relate to the Alcahest› which although they may not instruct us how to make itt yet from them all put together I apprehend wee may derive some Information concerning itts nature itt seemes (as neer as I can Conjecture from those processes where itts mentioned) to operate after this manner. The small parts of bodies cohering only by immediate Contact, or Rest, there seem to bee few bodies whose Constituent parts are so closely united, but that the minute parts of this menstruum insinuating themselves between dissolves the Cement or Structure which kept the different bodies under the same forme, so that the particles being disjoyned naturally assoa

Coxe alludes to René Descartes (1596–1650) and his Principia philosophiae (1644), iv. 80–1, 94– 6, and plate XV. b i.e., spirit of hartshorne, spirit of urine, spirit of sal ammoniac and spirit of wine. c Coxe refers to van Helmont’s universal solvent, described in Ortus medicinae.

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ciate with their like, and possesse those places which divers degrees of gravity Levity, Fix’dnesse, or Volatility whither assigned by nature or the Menstruum so that the Sulphureous or Oleaginous ‹part› emerges to the Top, Mercury Subsides to the bottom the Saline part if Volatile enough perhaps usually united with the Menstruum and makes reperation for what was Spoyled in the act of dissolving if more fixd or of a different Nature from the menstruum itt is left att the bottom from which the Solvent liquor must bee abstracted; as in the preparation of the Ludus. This Alcahest Seems to bee a liquor of a middle nature between Volatility & Fixation, for having by mediation of itt dissolved a Charcoal into 2 Diaphanous liquors (oyles if I mistake not) by the heat of Balneum, or a gentle heat in Sand he distilled them from the menstruum: wheras having reduced the Ludus into a Saline forme he abstracted the menstruum in Sand therefrom: so in the Processe of us [mercurius] Corollatus Paracelsi. Hee Somewhere thus describes his Alcahest Est liquor qui omnia totius8 Universi corpora tangibilia reducit, in vitam eorundem primam, absque ullâ sui mutatione, aut virium diminutione. and elsewhere. Est liquor qui ad minimos redactus Atomos naturæ possibiles, Cœlebs, omnis fermenti Connubia spernitt: [sic] a solo autem suo Compari Subter jugum trahitur atque permutatur.a Somewhere Hee intimates that itt is made of [mercury] not the vulgar but to use his owne Phrase e o [mercurio] de o [mercurio]b That is the vulgar or metalline [mercury] freed from itts Sulphur and Earth, whereby itt is rendred so Homogeneous simple and indivisible that neither art or nature can Superinduce any alterations for where there is no Heterogeneity there can bee no division, But when by Nature or Art the [mercury] is inquinated with additaments whither Saline Terrestriall or Sulphureous, is thereby rendred obnoxious to numerous alterations and disguises appearing sometimes under a Saline, Otherwhiles under Earthy Sulphureous or Oleaginous forme. Now [mercury] freed from itts originall leprosy, and ascititious impurities not to deviate from his own expression Est virgo quæ non sinit se amplius a Sulphuribus aut Seminibus apprehendi, quin hæc confestim consumat, ac velut Conficiat excepto suo Compari.c which very same Phrase he assumes elsewhere with very little variation, concerning the Alcahest but I fear before wee can procure such a [mercury] wee must have the Alcahest ittselfe or Some noble Analyzer not much inferior to itt.

a ‘Alkahest is the liquor which reduces all the tangible bodies in the world into their first life with no change to itself or any reduction of its power’ and ‘It is a solvent that, reduced to the smallest atoms possible in nature, would chastely spurn the marriages of any ferment. It can be brought under the yoke and changed only by its compar.’ Coxe adapts these quotations from ‘Ignota actio regiminis’, sect. 11, in Ortus medicinae, p. 334, and ‘Imago fermenti’, sects 27–8, p. 116. b ‘from the mercury of mercury’; ‘Progymnasma meteori’, sect. 14, Ortus medicinae, p. 70. c ‘is a virgin who no longer allows herself to be seized upon by sulphurs and seeds; rather, she immediately consumes them, and in a sense conquers them, with the exception of her compar.’ Coxe again adapts this passage from ‘Progymnasma meteoris’, sect. 14, Ortus medicinae, p. 70.

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From these premises I Conjecture the Alcahest to bee a liquor consisting of small, yet solid parts, vigorously moved; By mediation of which subtlety Solidity Convenient figure & Agitation itt becomes the Idoneous menstruum of most bodies few Concretes in nature being able to Elude itts Analyzing power, although some admitt of a more Easy Solution then others. The main inquiry will bee what are the ingredients of this menstruum, And how ordred before made Alcahesticall. I cannot Sir smother a Suspicion I have long entertained that Salt of Tartar or Some other Alcali is if not the sole, yet att least one of itts cheife Ingredients for not to insist on such generall passages in Helmont as this that he who possesses the Volatile Salt of Tartar multum potest in Medicina & Chimia,a his stiling the Alcahest Ens primum Salium which Title he elsewhere attributes to Volatile Alcali’s.9 Neither shall I lay much stresse on the Name, although perhaps wee may derive thence Considerable hints, for Paracelsus calling itt Sal Circulatum seemes to intimate that itt is a Salt by Digestion or Circulation reduced into a liquid forme;b & some ingeniously enough Conjecture that under the name Alcali is Couched that of itts cheifest ingredient so that the Alcahest in plaine termes Alcali est. I shall not expatiatiate [sic] in this feild of fancy. But rather endeavour10 To evince by Reason that my Supposition is not so Extravagant as itt may seem att the first glance: To cleer which I shall premise. 1. That Alcalies, or fixd salts made by incineration or Calcination seem not to have been Such ea formac in the Concretes which afforded them but as Alcalies borne to bee the product of the Fire they not being Pruducible but by Calcination. Christalls of Tartar & Essentiall Salts differing vastly from Alcalis in Tast & other Properties. And although Alcalis’ & Volatile Salts seem exceedingly to differ, one being as fix’d, and will bear Fusion with as little or lesse losse of itts Substance then most mettalls; The other Volatile as Spirit of wine, besides difference of odour & Tast, & the Consideration that the Open aer & an intense heat necessary to the obtaining of one; close vessells & a small degree of heat requisite to the Procuring the other; I say notwithstanding all this I am apt enough to beleive the Alcali Salt before exposed to the action of the fire was Volatile which Persuasion I embrace on the account of the following Arguments. 1. Vegetables only afford this Alcali Salt (excepting Nitre.) now only a Nitrous Salt is extracted out of the Earth from which itt derives itts fertility and Vegetables a great part of theire Nourishment: now this Salt dissolved in water and conveied by the ordinary channell into the Plant itt is easy to Evince that by a Mechanical necessity itt must in itts Passage & perhaps in itts station be considerably exalted or volatilized by the active Principles with which itt is associated, the action & Reaction being mutuall: Nay Perhaps by itts sole motion and passage through the straite pores of the vegetable itt may bee attenuated or broken into such small pora b c

‘can do much in medicine and chemistry’. Ens primum salium, ‘the first essence of salts’. For van Helmont and Paracelsus see above, p. 9n. ‘in that form’.

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tions or parts that itts motion may bee Prevalent over itts Gravity which is the very Essence of Volatility. but how itt Should bee afterwards Alcalized in the Vegetable whilest growing is not Easy to imagin. This Conjecture is further Confirmed by Carious rotten woods, which yeild little or no /fol. 55/ Alcali of which no cause can bee rendred but that in Putrefaction & fermentation the Volatile Salt & Sulphur were Evaporated. My next enquiry is how this Volatile Salt becomes Alcali (That so wee may learne how to Volatilize itt.) which seemes to bee after this manner. By11 the action of the fire the Volatile Salt is united with the Sulphur to which nothing is necessary but convenient figuration & Juxtaposition of parts; Immediate and close Contact being the only Cement of bodies that I am acquainted with. The Salt being thus united with the Sulphur some notwithstanding their Union are yet so Volatile, (& indeed the major Part) that their motion is prevalent over their Gravity these fly away in Smoke and caught in close vessells the fumes Condense into oyles & acid liquors if in the Open aer into Soot which abounds with a Volatile Sulphureous Salt. The remaining Salt being united with the more grosse and fix’d Sulphur cannot be Elevated, no degree of heat being able to Communicate so much Agitation to itt as can prevaile over itts gravity. Itt may seem indeed somewhat strange to a person unacquainted with Chimicall Operations that 2 bodies so Active as Volatile Salt, & Sulphur, seperate, Should Conjoyned bee so sluggish & heavy; But lett him Consider the offa alba, as also how that Nitre & Arsenick (or any other Sulphureous minerall) both Volatile Substances which are yet fixd by melting together, or Cementation. Lett him also Consider how that Nitre is Alcalized by Charcoal, That if the Volatile substances destilled from Tartar Poured againe on the [caput mortuum] & abstracted, The Alcali salt is thereby increased in weight neer a 3d part. & then perhaps hee will suspend his admiration of the Effect to think of the Cause. Now if wee Could free the Alcali Salt from itts Sulphur itt would certainly ascend in a liquid or Dry forme; if the latter Perhaps by a tedious digestion itt might bee made fluid as Salt of Urine. which menstruum per se or United by Digestion with others might Prove of Excellent use. For I am apt to surmise that itt would12 not bee so Volatile as Spirit of Urine Sal Armoniac &c. itt Consisting of the larger sized Volatile particles, but withall they would be more effectuall then these mentioned because would not spend themselves (because of theire Magnitude Solidity & Convenient Figuration) in acting on other bodies as most other menstrua do. I have often thought with an excesse of pleasure wha[t]13 wonderfull operations wee might performe by the mediation of this Alcahesticall liquor. For if I were master of itt I Should expect that itt Should furnish mee with Experiments lucriferous, & Luciferous. For discovering to mee the Constituent principles of bodies and what proportion of them went to make up the Compound, I might bee enabled to imitate Nature, & Produce Even Gold gemms or whatsoever else is 35

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precious on the account of itts intrinsicall worth or the vallue the world places on itt. But my more mature deliberate thoughts have Suggested more doubts to mee then I can easily resolve. For I find that itt would bee a hard task to Satisfy a scrupulous judicious enquirer that the Substances wee obtaine were Præexistent in that forme before they constituted the Concrete which wee suppose to be the result of their Union. But taking itt for graunted that the Substances my analyzer affords mee were those that nature immediately imployed, yet Probably besides shee imploys a Seminal forme or Architectonick principle wherby these Substances acquire Such a Schematisme from whence this aggregate of Particles derives itts denomination. I do not here understand any occult Quality, or incorporeall Substance, but either a Constant, determinate degree of heat perhaps not imitable by art. Or Some Substance exceeding small in Quantity, but very Powerfull in Energy by whose irradiation matter is disposed to acquire the forme of Gold, Silver, or some other minerall according to the nature of the Active Archeus, or Passive Substances the Subjects of itts operation.a I am Confirmed in these Sentiments by the account Helmont gives of his Pulvis Chrysopœiusb in those Treatises he stiles Demonstratio Thesis, Vita æterna, arbor vitæ the Experiment he made himselfe,c & the narration is so particular, & accompinied with such honest circumstances that I should esteem him a very uncharitable Person that disbeleives him: Hee affirms that a small quantity of the powder of Projection perfectly transmuted a Comparatively vast quantity of Crude [mercury] if I misremember not above 19000 parts which how wee can recover from the gold is scarcely imaginable: for according to his Calculation there should not be above gr i [1 grain] in 3 xxx [30 ounces] of gold14d Therfore if I were Condemned to spend my days in the Study of the Elixir I should scarcely expect to find the seeds of gold in gold. Not butt that I may Possibly beleive that gold affords a substance which will transmute baser mettalls: But itt is also as Probable that there are15 many Concretes in nature base and Ignoble in our esteeme & cheap enough which Containe more of the Architectonick principle, commonly stiled the Tincture of gold then gold ittselfe. this may seem a great Paradox yet I presume itt may be easily enough maintained. Itt would require indeed a longer discourse then I intend to trouble your Honour with att present to Conjecture what minerals abound most with this Tincture. how to extricate itt, Exalt itts Primigeneall vertues & make itt of the nature of a Ferment: on what Concretes itt is to be Projected, how to dispose baser mettalls to receive this Tincture. And besides all that I can affirme concerning these particulars being only Conjecturall I suppose you would receive little Satisfaction in my expatiations they being butt aegri somnia, the ‹dreames›16 of a delirous, or Hypochondriacall pera In van Helmont’s terminology, an active immaterial principle implanted in nature and in human bodies. b ‘gold-making powder’. c These are titles of sections in Ortus medicinae. d Coxe alludes to the ‘Vita aeterna’, in van Helmont’s Ortus medicinae, p. 743.

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son; who although he may pleasingly entertaine himselfe with these bewitching Speculations might Expose himselfe to the hoot of the Vulgar, & severe Censures of17 the more judicious Persons Should hee Publikely avow these fancies. But I assure my selfe Mr Boyle will readily excuse mee when I acquaint him that although I may Perhaps beleive there hath been is now existent, or att least may bee Procured such a concrete as wee stile The18 Elixir; yet neverthelesse I am so far from making itt the End of my disquisitions that I do not regard itt in Comparison of many other /fol. 55v/ inquiries: and I am so much a greater admirer of Health & learning then wealth that I should readily prefer an Excellent medicine although far from being Universall, or an Alcahesticall menstruum which would unlock most bodies before the Elixir ittselfe abstract from medicine: For being So Operative, so effectually curing, or meliorating impure mettalls, Associated with the irregular humours in mans body if itt had any Spark of generosity certainly itt could not bee an idle Spectator of their inordinate actions but would rather putt a period to their Ravages, & if not potent enough to proscribe att least hinder the morbifick matter from making exactions to the seat of life. But to ‹reassume›19 my Discourse Concerning menstrua, I descend from Saline to Sulphureous. You may Sir bee pleased to remember how often I intimated my Apprehentions Concerning vegetable oyles. viz: that they might bee considerably improved as menstrua not only to bee imployed in the Solution of Sulphureous bodies, but also Saline, and Even metalline Commonly called Mercuriall. For although oyles are ascribed only to the Sulphureous principle yet tis Evident that they are far enough from being Elementary Sulphur most of them containing the Specificall proportion of their concretes concentred in a little room which is most Evident in Aromaticall oyles a few drops of which are a Compendium of a Comparatively vast Quantity of the subjects whence they were Extracted, whereas if they were Elementary Sulphur would all have the Same Properties. Besides many oyles subside to the bottom of water as that of Cinamon, Cloves, Sassafras an Evident signe that they abound with Saline particles, which also farther manifested by their pungent tast, a certain Indication of the existence of a Volatile Salt. so that I do not in the least disbeleive Helmont in that assertion of his that oyle of Cinamon by a secret circulation may be totally Converted into a Fugitive Salt.a Chimicall oyles may bee exalted to a Considerable degree of Subtlety either by a secreet fermentation (of which anon) or they may admitt of great Alterations and a Considerable improvement by digestion with Salts acid or Volatile in a fluid or dry forme. For although itt is Commonly asserted that acid Salts or20 Spiritts, & oyles will not incorporate, yet on the Contrary itt is well known that æquall parts spirit (Commonly stiled oyle) of Vitriol & oyle of Turpentine æquall parts put slowly together coagulate into an opacous thick mixture, which although destilled the spiritt of Vitriol and oyle of a

See van Helmont, ‘Tria prima chymicorum’, sects 77, 84, Ortus medicinae, pp. 411–12.

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Turpentine Come over seperate, yet perhaps by a long digestion they might bee radically united or yeild a 3d substance (oyle or spirit) different from either of great subtlety & Energy (as Oyle of Vitriol & Spirit of wine) For I am easily enough induced to beleive that many oyles (att least for a great part) are Volatile Salts disguised into which they may bee again reduced: For who can imagin that the most depurate Christalls, or Acid Creme of Tartar whose ‹acid› Pungent tast and many other Properties demonstrate that the Saline Principle is Prædominant, should yet neverthelesse ‹neer›21 3 parts of 4 oyle as appeares if itt bee destilled. The oyle therfore was not existent ea forma in the Concrete before Destillation but is for the greater part Produced by the fires action on the Salt, which I further Evince from this Experiment That if you pour what was Destilled from Tartar on itts Caput mortuum the Alcali is increased neer a 3d. which accession certainly itt derived from the Volatile Salt in the oyle fixd by a more close union with itts Sulphur. And that oyles of Tartar Cornu cervi[?] Fuliginis &c ‹abound with salt›a Evinced hence that if mixd with acid liquors such an ebullition ensues as if the Corrosive spiritts were mixd with their Contrary Salts, & some part of the Spiritt will bee mortifyed by the Volatile, or Alcali Salt in the oyle as I have frequently experimented the remainder Comes over cleer defecate & deprived in a great measure of the ill odour or Empyreuma itt Contracted from the fire or rather which itt derived from the Presence of the Volatile Salt. I intimated before, that oyles might acquire a Considerable degree of subtlety & activity by a secreet Fermentation which I shall endeavour to manifest lst. from the instance of wine which destilled before itt hath fully fermented yeilds an oyle as several of my friends have assured mee: but much acuracy is requisite & the very Criticall time to bee observed in order to the Procuring of this oyle, must take the wine when neither Sweet, nor vinous but between both, for if take too soon the body of the wine is not opned & destilled yeilds only Phlegme, if too late the oyle is mixd with the [tartar] or Converted into Spiritt. Therfore many of our Moderne Chimists22 account of Spiritus vini as an oyle to which indeed itts Inflamibility denotes a neer relation, or att least that the Sulphureous part abounds therein.b Itt is well worthy Enquiry how the oyle of wine is Converted into So ardent and Subtle a Spiritt; to mee itt seemes to bee much after this Method. The mustum or juice of the grape abounds with active parts, saline & oleaginous which being put in the motion wee call Fermentation by what Cause I shall not here determine; itt being sufficient to understand that by this Intestine Agitation of the vinous particles there is a Comminution made of the Sulphur whose branched particles are broke into smaller portions and of lesse irregular Figures whereby they loose theire pristine denomination of oyle, yet continue inflammible because Consist of very subtle parts and those not much a Coxe appears to write ‘Cci’, which we have tentatively rendered as cornu cervi, ‘hartshorn’; fuliginis, ‘soot’. b It is not clear to which modern chemists Coxe here refers.

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COXE

to BOYLE, 19 Jan. 1666

intangled with each other so that are easily put into a brisk motion by the accession of some exceeding active matter or actuall fire & thereby acquire that Schematisme wee call flame. This Spiritt is not sincere & unmixed but manifestly compound being an aggregate of the most Subtilized part of the sulphur or oyle, Volatile salt & most minute easily Elevated aqueous parts this further Evident in itts reduction to an Alcali which from the union of the [sulphur] & Volatile Salt in which operation most of the spiritt comes over in the forme of insipid Phlegme. Besides the Pungent tast indicates the Presence of the Salt Inflammability itts Sulphureous nature & perhaps fluidity that itt is not destitute of aqueous parts all which are in oyle. Indeed readily incorporates with water which true oyle doth not which is occasioned by chang of Figure, or rather from the Exitity of itts particles. Not only wine but vegetables destilled before Fermentation yeild oyle plentifully after Fermentation yeild little or no Oyle but only or cheifly very Volatile active Inflammable Spiritt Endowed with Tast & other specificall vertues of the Concretes as the Oyles. /fol. 56/ Now the oyles disappearing & the Spiritts exact imitation or Resemblance of the tast the oyle would have yeilded do sufficiently evince that the spiritts did not præexist in the Vegetables ea forma but is produced by fermentation the oyle loosing its denomination and being really transmuted into this spiritt. And indeed all burning spiritts seem to bee such as I have described for although many Talke of a spiritus ardens Saturnis23 if there bee any Such (for I Confesse I saw any) I suppose itt is only the Spiritus vini, freed from the Saline parts of the vineger wherein they were incarcerated, and that there is such a vinous Spiritt in Destilled, or the most radicate Vineger I could easily manifest. Also that24 burning spiritts are the Subtilized Sulphur is further evinced from hence that rectified Spiritts of vegetables digested with theire oyles absorpe & Convert them into their own nature. These Rectified spiritts whither of wine or Vegetables by mediation of their Volatile Salt and Subtilized oleaginous parts are rendred idoneous for many operations, I shall insist only on Spirit of wine because25 most easily Parable and in Quantity which usefull not only as itt dissolves many Sulphureous bodies, & even mettalls 1st. subtiliated by solution in other menstrua But I am Confident digested with solutions of mettalls & mineralls in Acid spiritts would in Time extricate the Sulphur so that would appear in an oleaginous forme. For wee are assured by numerous experiments many Mettalls & most mineralls abound with Sulphur as [copper] [iron] [antimony] Zink crude Sulphur, and Vitrioll &c. This mineral Sulphur seems to bee of 2 sorts. the one Conspiring with the other principles to Constitute the pure26 metalline part and is so strictly united with them that not seperable but by the mediation of some Alcahesticall menstruum. The other lies pretty lax or loose and is so plentifull in some mineralls, that when the concrete is exposed to the fire itt carries up the metalline part inveloped therein. Now I conceive that these mettalls or mineralls dissolved in their appropriate menstrua & digested with Spirit of wine in processe of time the Sulphureous part being 39

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

disintangled will subside to the bottom or emerge to the top in the forme of an oyle according as more or lesse pure & free from Saline particles which often associated with the Oleaginous make them heavier then aqueous. I am confirmed in these apprehentions. when I consider the nature of Sulphur, whose particles being as I collect from many Experiments branched, small, smooth, and, lubricous, which mix’d with Saline or Corrosive juices constitute27 sulphur crude Vitriolick or Antimoniall &c. for these Sulphurs seem to derive their specificall differences from the Salts with which they are united; as the sulphur of Vitriol is Narcotick, That of Antimony28 Emetick. But these sulphureous particles being freed either wholly or in a great measure from the consort of other principles (except perhaps some aqueous) having just so much motion as will keep them fluid, & lying so loosely on each other that easily disintangled by the action of any actuall fire and acquire that Scheme of matter wee call flame having I say all these properties this aggregate of Sulphureous parts is stiled an Oyle. But now for Vegetables wee must I suppose proceed after another Method to extricate their Oleagineous parts digesting the herb seed wood, root Resinous or gummous substance with Spirit of wine then mix and Digest with Alcalisate liquors such as Deliquated Salt of Tartar, or Nitre fixd by any Sulphureous mineralls or charcoal I like that best thats made with Regulus Martis. So vice versa wee may Extract with Alcalisate solutions then digest with Spirit of wine by either of which methods wee may I Suppose acquire an oyle which will bee enobled with the Specificall vertues of the Concrete afforded itt. But Sir the account you were pleased to favour mee withall of an oyle produced by the bare digestion of Spirit of Vitriol, & wine hath made mee a little Scepticall insomuch that I am apt to surmise that the oyles I procured some of the forementioned ways might bee the result of the menstruums digestion which before I thought not off.a For although the one bee Commonly (though abusively ) stiled an oyle, the other Sulphureous on the account of itts inflammability, yet their ready incorporation with water Secured mee from suspicions that the oyles I procured was the result of the union or action of 2 substances which separate seemed so much aliens from true oyle. This hath learned mee to avoid a rash & præcipitate assent, To bee more Shy in determining positively before I have scrupulously examined all possible meanes or Causes of the Operation. But to returne to my discourse concerning oyles: I do intend to make triall what Alterations they will receive by digestion with acid Spiritts of Nitre Common Salt Vitriol &c29 as also with Volatile Spiritts and Salts as Spirit of wine, Vegetable rectified spiritts, Cornu cervi [?] blood Urine Sal Armoniacb butt till my Digestive Furnace bee fitt for use I must suspend these operations. I apprehend that Vegetable oyles by their union with or att least by an irradiation from the Acid Spiritts part of which they might a b

Boyle’s letter to Coxe is not extant. See above, p. 38n.

40

COXE

to BOYLE, 19 Jan. 1666

Volatelize or absorpe, & thereby bee rendred the appropriate solvent of some minerall or Even metalline bodies: For thus fortified they may become so exceeding penetrant and active as to extract the mineral or mettalline Sulphur out of the most hard and Compact bodies. Although otherwise digested with mettalls, mineralls or their glasses they extract not the least Atom, and Though the Corrosive menstruum before dissolved the whole mettalline mineralls, or their glasses yet artificially united with the pure oyle they may extract the pure Sulphur only. And that oyles will dissolve the sulphureous or more tincted and even Saline parts manifest in Balsome off Sulphur where the whole body of the Sulphur is dissolved by the Spiritt of Turpentine, although itt abounds with ‹the› saline30 Principle which is perhaps predominant in the Sulphur for Quantity, if not Energy. The Same oyle of Turpentine digested on Antimony acquires a blood red Tincture, & Sir according to your Information oyle of Limons Extracts the more tincted parts out of 31 that solid body Corall (bee pleased to acquaint mee how the oyle is made) itt is also well known that Oleum Philosophorum is a good menstruum although I do not much admire the vulgar way of Præparing itt: /fol. 56v/ I shall putt a period to this discourse Concerning menstrua after I have made some slight reflections on the Desiderata in this Fundamentall part of Chimistry But where to begin my Complaint I know not wee having no Tolerable30 account even of menstrua in generall; to Confine my discourse only to mettalls & mineralls. What is the Appropriate, or Proper Menstruum of every mettall or Minerall. The Processe of dissolution, the Proportion of the menstruum to the mettall. as also an account of what menstrua are proper to Such a classis of bodies, as eous [sulphureous], Saline, & metall or Mercuriall. How far acid corrosive, Volatile, & Alcalisate33 liquors may bee subtilized & parts Concentred. for what Operations Volatile spirits idoneous such as Urinæ, Cornu cervi [?] blood, soot, Sal Armoniac ‹So Volatile Spirit of vitriol, Nitre & those that are extracted from minerals & mettals by the helpe of Salts.›34 but especially Spirit of wine & fermented Spirit of Vegetables which may certainly bee exalted to an incredible degree of subtlety & Purity. How to Concentre Saline menstrua without making them to corrode other bodies whither Redintegrated Vitriol or Nitre yeilds better Spiritt then the Ordinary. whither Alcali Salts in a dry forme or deliquated are not of more generall use then Commonly supposed to bee. Whither some Salts or sulphurs might not bee Contrived to strengthen or fortify menstrua Saline, or sulphureous[.] Difference of ingredients whither and how far they diversify the nature of the liquors afforded by them. as Common white, Bay, or Mayo Island salt.a White green, or Blew Vitrioll, whither Nitre made of burnt Lime Excrements, blood or bodies of Animalls yeilds the best or most Volatile spiritt. Infinite subdivisions & nice distinctions a These were all types of common salt available in the 17th century; Mayo Island is one of the Cape Verde islands, whose principal production is sea-salt.

41

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

might bee made in Reference to Time place materialls vessells fire &c. Wee may further enquire whither there are not such menstrua as will dissolve only gold & silver leaving other mettalls untouched, & vice versa. Whither there bee not such as will dissolve or Extract the purer parts of the mettall leaving the more grosse or greater molecula. whither mettalls might not bee kept from weakning themselves in corroding other bodies: & whither wee might not præcipitate bodies dissolved with Substances which might not adhere So tenaciously but that they might bee easily seperated from the concretes they precipitate without impairing destroying or indeed altring their Vertues & Properties. Wee want also some generall Rules which may discover to us what35 is the Result of the menstruums digestion what of the body digested with itt, & what from the union or Coalition of the parts of the menstruum with those of the mettall. &c. An Enumeration of Insipid menstrua is very desirable, which although highly magnified & esteemed by Some I do not I confesse much Doat on or admire. Neither Should I presently venter dogmatically to determine that because Insipid they are amicall to Humane nature, and not to bee branded with that formidable Title of Corrosive: for although by reason of the figuration or minutenesse of their parts they may bee unfitt to affect sensibly the organ of Tast may yet have a very great incongruity with the Stomach, Other parts and Humours in the body: for the Mettall acid liquor in the Stomach blood or other Humours with which this menstruum associates may render itt as noxious as [mercury] united with Salts. On the Contrary many excellent innocent medicines are infamous & rejected because præpared with menstrua Commonly accounted highly corrosive, from which pernicious Quality they suppose the medicine can never bee sufficiently freed: not Considering that there bee severall bodies which quite alter the nature of the acid Salts imployed to prepare them, they degenerating into another nature on the act of Corroding, or by associating there own particles with those of the menstruum that from the Coalition of both a 3d body emerges diffring in quality from either as you intimate in your Essay Concerning Nitre with which Quotation I conclude this Tedious discourse Concerning menstrua after I have Reiterated my humble Suite to you to Communicate somewhat Considerable on this subject. with some hints att least about the Volatile Spirit of Tartar. The Compendious way of Destilling Mercury: Method of reducing Alcalis into Earth: the flux powder which accelerates the fusion of mettalls.a If 34 you will bee pleased to intrust mee with these Arcana assure your selfe Sir you shall never have cause to repent that Ever you reposed so great a Confidence in mee. For I shall faithfully Conceale them if you oblidge mee to Secrecy & industriously improve them as far as my small Ingeny & Experience will permitt. Sir I humbly crave your pardon /fol. 57/ for my seeming neglect. Itt being rather my unhappia Coxe refers to Boye’s ‘Essay on Nitre’ in Certain Physiological Essays (1661); see Works, vol. 2, pp. 93–113.

42

COXE

to BOYLE, 19 Jan. 1666

nesse then my crime that I have so long deferred the returning an answer to the letter which from an excesse of bounty you were pleased to addresse to mee. I received itt not till neer a month after the Date, my occasions necessitating mee to absent my selfe some weeks from Hartford,a wee are lately returned to Newington I am fitting up my Laborotory And37 shall duly render you an account of whatsoever I meet with worthy my Content or observation I understand by my Correspondents att Oxford that you are removed to Stanton St John.b The vulgar Spiritts are not so much Concerned about the Court as the more Refined are for you, all your motions are attended as if the Destiny38 of the learnd world were included in yours. the ingenious Spiritts in The University greivously resent your Retirement as being thereby deprived of their greatest glory & cheifest Ornament but I am Confident none can so passionately deplore the losse of your excellent company as my selfe, who would prefer the happinesse of being even your Domestick, I mean one of those who constantly converse with you receive your dictates and are imployed in your Physiological affaires, before the most Splendid fortunes the world can affoard mee. I do allmost Envy that happy & truly ingenious Phisitian ‹Dr Rugely› who accompanies39 you in your retirement. I intreat you Sir have mee remembred to him and procure mee some Interest in his ‹freindship›:c having so artificially disguised mee to my selfe you may certainly much more easily represent mee to him as a person worthy his acquaintance, I am Confident Sir you have so far obliged him that when he shall once understand I am a person not indifferent to you I shall no longer bee so to him. Pardon Sir The Prolixenesse & Impertinencies of this discourse, & bee pleased to lay in the balance against my want of Ingeny & Discretion the grandure & sincerity of my affection for assure your selfe Sir itt is impossible to bee more then I am Your Affectionate40 humble & faithfull Servant. Dan; Coxe.

Stoke Newington Jan. th 19. 65/6.

Bee pleased Sir in your ne[xt]41 to give mee a short account of the Bow dy & if you intend to favour mee with an answer Direct your letter to bee left with Mr John Cressett in Charterhouse yard for me att Newingtond a

Coxe occasionally resided in Hertford, at his parents’ house. In a letter to Oldenburg of 11 Nov. 1665, Boyle complained of the overcrowding in Oxford. Boyle had relocated to Stanton St John, northeast of Oxford by 9 Dec. 1665; see Maddison, Life, pp. 121–2, and vol. 2, p. 594. c Coxe refers to Luke Rugely (c. 1617–97), physician, whose links to Boyle are unclear. d Coxe alludes to the tin mordant process for scarlet dyes made with cochineal invented by Cornelius Drebbel (1572–1634) and produced in the dyeworks at Bow, east London, run by his inlaws, Abraham and J. S. Küffler; see Charles Webster, The Great Instauration (London, 1975), pp. 399–91). The reference is to John Cresset, Coxe’s landlord. By ‘Newington’, Coxe means Stoke Newington. b

43

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

These. For the Honourable Robert / Boyle Esqr. To bee left with Mr Crosse42Apothecary over against Allsoules colledge / In Oxon Seal: Oval. Crest: bird (head obliterated). Letters ‘S.G.’. Postmark: ‘[IA] / 27’43. Also marked beneath address: ‘4’. Endorsed on fol. 57v: ‘39½’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

27 January 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 46. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 348–9, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 215–16, and Oldenburg, iii, 31–4.

London Jan. 27 1665/6. Sir, The favour of your last of jan. 20 came not to me till this morning;a after I had spoken with Mr Crook about the reprinting of the Scepticall Chymist, concerning which I found him so eager, that he assured, he would, as soon he had the promised additions, immediately give order for another impression; adding, that if he had not been very unwilling to offend you, he might have printed and sold a second Edition of another 500 copies ere this, to good advantage; and therefore intreats you, that you would please, as soon as conveniently you can, ‹to› expedite to him, what is to be added;b and engages withall, to cause the Latine History of Cold to be likewise dispatcht forthwith.c I find, that Micrography’s Latine Translation is advanced to Obs. 58 exclusive; where, I suppose, it is1 chiefly, that omissions are exspected; the directions whereof would now, I think, be seasonable, if addressed to Dr Wilkins (with whom that busines was transacted) without naming me for this intimation.d As for the Latine of the Usefulnes etc. which is with me, it begins (as, I remember, you directed, when it was undertaken) at the 5th Essay of the 2d part, and is ‹thence› advanced to the 13th Chapter; where it is not like to stick long, a

Boyle’s letter to Oldenburg is not extant. For the 2nd edition of the Sceptical Chymist see above, p. 15n. John Crooke was a London bookseller at the sign of the Ship in St Paul’s Churchyard. c For the Latin translation of Boyle’s Cold which was never published see above, p. 15n. d No Latin translation of Robert Hooke’s Micrographia is extant. The inference is that Boyle desired some omissions from Hooke’s section on pneumatics. For John Wilkins’s influence in the production of Hooke’s Micrographia see B. J. Shapiro, John Wilkins 1614–1672. An Intellectual Biography (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1969), pp. 191–202. b

44

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 27 Jan. 1666

my purpose being, God granting me further health, to finish it with all possible speed,a now I have done, what has been /46 (1)v/ sent to me of the Hydrostaticks, which is to pag. 128; having as yet received no more of it; and when more coms, that, and the sequel of the Usefulnes, may employ me by turns.b I have this very day sent Schottus to M. Hatherton, humbly thanking you for it, and begging your pardon for keeping it so long, which yet I would not have presumed to doe, if it had not been for the sad calamity, we have so long layne under.c Sir, you will much oblige me by the communication of the particulars of the Earthquake, you mention, (but we heard as yet nothing off) and of those relations of Gigantick bones, you intimate to have receaved formerly.d When I see Mr Hook, I shall tell him, what you bid me. He is now busy about2 his pocketwatches (which he thinks De Son hath taken from him) and his new-fashiond Chariot, which our President, who went in it from London to Colonel Blunts house, finds not unexceptionable, no more than he does that of the said Colonell:e but ’tis hoped, that the defects in both doe admit of emendations; which, I suppose, the Inventors are now employed about. We heare, the Earle of St Albons has brought also one from Paris, finer than any yet seen;f of which I should be glad to hear more certain and more particular news. I waited yesterday upon our President to Mr de Sons house, who shewed us three of his pretended Parabolar-Object-Glasses, but evaded the putting them into a Tube for a Tryall, by pretending, that one of them, which he looked upon as very good (being of Venice-glasse, the other being but of ordinary English glasse) was not ‹yet› perfectly polished. My Lord thinks the figure rather Hyperbolicall (and therefore fitter for Telescopes) than Parabolicall: And this Artist, professing himselfe no critick, nor so much as at all versed in the Termes of Art, is likely enough to mistake the one for the other, and to doe better ‹in this case,› than he speaks: a

Translations of at least part of Usefulness were prepared under the direction of Robert Sharrock and Oldenburg; however, neither was published. Only after Boyle’s death was a Latin translation brought out on the continent; see Works, vol. 3, p. xxvi. b For the Latin translation of Hydrostatical Paradoxes see above, p. 15n. c The work referred to, by Gaspar Schott (1608–66), the author of numerous scientific-technical works in Latin, has not been further identified. Oldenburg alludes to the plague in London as the reason for the delay in returning the book. Mr Hatherton appears to have been an intermediary between Boyle and Oldenburg. d Boyle’s account of the earthquake was printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 179–81 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666); see Works, vol. 5, pp. 502–3. The piece on bones was also printed in this volume. e Oldenburg refers to Robert Hooke, who claimed to have invented the method of controlling the oscillations of a balance wheel in an escapement by applying a spring to it. He accused both Monsieur de Son, du Son or d’Esson, Seigneur d’Aigmont (b. 1604), a French engraver and inventor, who worked in England from 1664, and later Christiaan Huygens (1629–95), of stealing this notion from him. Thomas Blount (b. c. 1604), Parliamentary colonel and inventor, had been elected F.R.S. on 8 Feb. 1665. He had been a member of the Committee of Kent in 1643 and as a Parliamentarian was imprisoned for a time in 1660. His house was in the country near Woolwich; he had been working on the chariot for at least a year. The president of the Royal Society between 1662 and 1677 was Lord Brouncker. f Henry Jermyn (d. 1684), 1st Earl of St Albans, was the English ambassador in Paris.

45

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

which error we shall easily pardon him. /46 (2)/ Those of the Society, that are now in London, doe endeavour to gett a good Collection of Naturall and Artificiall Curiosities for the Societies repository; and they hope, to make3 shortly an acquest of a very good stock of that kind, which will looke as something towards a foundation, and will invite generous men to increase it from time to time.a We have thoughts of engaging as many of the Society, as are cordiall and have opportunity, to observe and bring in, what is any wayes considerable of Naturall productions in England, Ireland, Scotland; every one his Symbol, for the bringing together a Naturall History of what is in the said kingdoms, as well as we4 intend to collect what is abroad, by enlarging our Correspondencies every where, we can. I doubt not, Sir, but you will prevaile with all your Ingenious friends both in England and Ireland, to contribute to this work what is in their power.b Mr Hook has also ready (having shewed it me and others) a Method for writing a Naturall History, which, I think, cutts out work enough for all Naturalists in the World; and intends, as I heare, to print it ere long: for the mentioning of which I desire, I may not be named.c Mean while, I wish most heartily, both yours and his were5 publick, considering the great good, it would doe to Philosophy; most men not knowing, what to inquire after, and how?d Now the French king hath declared warre against England (which he did, it seems, very briskly,6 when he sent word to the Queen mother of England, that he must doe ‹it› within 2 dayes) we shall, I feare, meet with some interruption of our Philosophicall commerce, /46 (2)v/ as we cannot but doe with a totall one of Marchant-trade.e I have since, pressed an English gentleman, that intends to come over with our Ambassadour (who is ‹now› arrested by the Goute [sic]) to bring over such Curious Books, as I have been by severall letters informed, are to be found at Paris, as Redi de Vipera, Mariana dela Chine, DesCartes de Homine in French, Petit des Cometes etc.f

a

On the Society’s ‘repository’, see Michael Hunter, Establishing the New Science (Woodbridge, 1989), ch. 4. b Oldenburg echoes the exhortation to collect data that had appeared in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 140–1 (no. 8 for 8 Jan. 1666). c RS ‘Classified Papers’, 1667–1740, 20, no. 50a, is Hooke’s ‘Lectures of Things requisite to a Natural History’, published in D. R. Oldroyd, ‘Some Writings of Robert Hooke on Procedures for the Prosecution of Scientific Inquiry’, NRRS, 41 (1987), 151–9. Hooke’s A General Scheme, or Idea of the Present State of Natural Philosophy was not published until 1704. d Boyle’s ‘General Heads for a Natural History of a Country’, were printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 186–9 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666); see Works, vol. 5, pp. 508–11. e In Jan. 1666 Louis XIV fulfilled his treaty obligations to the Dutch by declaring war on England. The French Queen Mother was Henrietta Maria (1609–69), sister of Louis XIII. f Oldenburg refers to Francesco Redi’s work on vipers (for which see above, p. 15n.), Descartes’s Traités de l’homme et de la formation du foetus (1662) and Pierre Petit’s Dissertation sur la nature des comètes (1665). The work of Juan de Mariana cited here was apparently never published.

46

CHYLINSKI

to BOYLE, 1 Feb. 1666

The Proclamation of the Warre, I find, was very solemnely made at Paris by Heraults;a and they say,7 the same Proclamators are to be sent hither, to give us faire warning. We think here, this will unite England, as one man: I am sure, the Duke of Albemarle bends all his thoughts and power to putt things into such a posture, as the importance of this affaire requires;b making sure of provisions, ammunitions and payments for a whole yeare, and of Captains, that know their work, and have courage to performe. Our Marchants seem now resolved, as they must ‹be,› to suspend all trafick, and to observe, Hoc Age:c which if well and succesfully done, will amply compensate that intermission. Since I wrote this, I had a visit from Dr Poleman, who tells me, that he has received Comenius his New Edition of the Drabician Prophecyes, maintaind by the Publisher, as ‹truly› Divine:d whereupon, when I shewed him Mr Spencers Animadversions, I had for answer, that all that, and ‹much› more, ‹was›8 answered in this Edition;e of which there is no more than one or two in England, as yet. When I shall have seen any of them,9 you are like to heare of some particulars ‹thereof› from Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. O. Endorsed at head of 46 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XLVI’.

SAMUEL CHYLINSKI to BOYLE 1 February 1666 Birch’s list (BL Add MS 4229, fol. 71v) records this as ‘Chilinski. Feb. 1 1665/6 Thanks for money’ (see also Wotton’s list, no. 330). Samuel Bogslav Chylinski (d. 1668), translated the Old and New Testaments into Lithuanian, and had appealed to Boyle for patronage in the early 1660s; see vol. 1, pp. 386–7.

a

i.e., heralds. George Monck (1608–70), 1st Duke of Albermarle, naval commander in the Dutch wars, put to sea on 23 Apr. 1666. c ‘Do this’. d The reference is possibly to Joachim Polemann, iatrochemist, author of Novum lumen medicum (1647). The prophecies of Miculas Drabik (1587–1671) were translated into Latin by Jan Amos Comenius in several stages. The reference here is presumably to Lux in tenebris (1657, 2nd edn 1665). e Possibly this was John Spencer (1630–93), Fellow and later Master of Corpus Christi College Cambridge, Hebraic scholar. We have not been able to trace to him any animadversions on Comenius or Drabik. b

47

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

HOOKE to BOYLE

3, 1666–7

3 February 1666

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 545. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), 504–5 and R. T. Gunther, Early Science in Oxford, 14 vols (Oxford, 1923-45), vi, 253–5.

Gresham College, February 3, 1666.a Most honoured Sir, I DID by my last letter, which I sent to you from Durdens, acquaint you with my last trials, which I made in the deep wells, which were indeed so considerable, that I have many times since wished, that I could have another opportunity of examining them further.b Whether that and another I sent not long before came to your hands, I now begin to doubt, being assured, that many other letters, which I sent from Epsom to be delivered at the post house, in that time of confusion, miscarried, especially since Mr. Oldenburg tells me, that you have intimated to him, that it is much longer since you have received any from me.c I am somewhat troubled, indeed, that my last did miscarry, if it has so, because therein I had set down, whilst they were fresh in my memory, most of the particulars, which I thought most observable in those trials. The sum of which, if I misremember not, was this; that the air at the bottom of the well was exceeding hot, when the air above was so very cold, that every thing froze immediately almost; so that, notwithstanding the great increase of pressure at that depth, yet the air in the instrument we let down for that purpose was abundantly much more rarified at the bottom, than it was before we had let it down, and after we had pulled it up. Another thing, which was not less observable, was, that all the glass vessels we let down into the well were, when we pulled them up, all covered over very thick with great drops of dew or water, so that from one of the bottles, I believe, several spoonfuls might have been collected; and notwithstanding this, the hygroscope I let down at the same time manifested, that the air at the bottom was exceeding much drier than it was at the top; the candles, which we divers times tried, went out much about the same depth always; and sometimes, by suddenly pulling them up about half a dozen fathom, they would rekindle, and burn afresh. We found but little difference between the time, that wooden and leaden bullets descended this space; nor could I sensibly distinguish, that there was any difference between the resounding eccho from the bottom, and the like eccho from an horizontal wall equally distant upon the ground, though the return were very much stronger, but more confused by the a

Hooke resided at Gresham College from 1664 until his death. Durdens, where Hooke was staying in Aug. and Sept. 1665, was the home of George, Lord Berkeley (1628–98), F.R.S. 1663. Hooke’s last surviving letter to Boyle, presumably the one he refers to here, is Hooke to Boyle, 26 Sept. 1665 (see vol. 2, pp. 537–8). c Lord Berkeley’s home was near Epsom in Surrey. Of these miscarried letters, the only one surviving is Hooke to Boyle, 15 Aug. 1665; see vol. 2, pp. 512–13. b

48

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 3 Feb. 1666

greatness of the noise. The weather was so very cold, when we made these experiments, that made us hasten then so much the more; and I have not since had an opportunity to repeat them, though, God willing, I intend to make many other of the like kind, either there or elsewhere, some time this summer; and I have great hopes of having an opportunity of examining both greater depths and much greater heights, in some of our English mines, and some of the mountains in Wales, which, with some other good company, I design to visit this next summer.a Mr. Tillotson has a very young child, which, from the swelling of the joints, some imagine to have the rickets;b and, upon my naming of your ens veneris, he has much desired me to procure him some of it.c I would desire therefore in your next, that you would be pleased to direct me, where I may meet with some of it, that is good and well made, that I may procure for him. I am now making a collection of natural rarities, and hope, within a short time, to get as good as any have been yet made in the world, through the bounty of some of the noble-minded persons of the Royal Society.d I hope we shall have again a meeting, within this week or fortnight at farthest, there being now a sufficient number of our members in town;e and then I hope we shall prosecute experiments and observations much more vigorously; in order to which also I design, God willing, very speedily to make me an operatory, which I design to furnish with instruments and engines of all kinds, for making examinations of the nature of bodies, optical, chemical, mechanical, &c. and therein to proceed by such a method, as may, I hope, save me much labour, charge, and study; and in this design there will be some two or three others, that will join with me, who, I hope, are of the same mind with me. But I much forgot my self, to trouble you, Sir, with these my impertinencies, before they are completed; though, when they are so, I must beg, that you will send a word or two of directions (concerning some chemical operations and methods) to, Most honoured Sir, your most humble servant, R. HOOKE.

a

Nothing is known of such a trip on Hooke’s part. Hooke refers to John Tillotson (1630–94), divine and later Archbishop of Canterbury, F.R.S. 1672. c For this medicine, see Usefulness, Works, vol. 3, pp. 391–2, 500ff. d For this ‘repository’ see above, p. 46n. e The Royal Society reconvened in London after the spread of the plague receded; the operatory did not materialise. b

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BOYLE to FIRST EARL OF BURLINGTON

3, 1666–7

3 February 1666

From the original in hand E, signed by Boyle, in the Waller Collection, University of Uppsala, Sweden. Fol. 2 Not previously printed.

Febr: 3d 1665/6. My Dearest Brother You will easily believe that the honor of yours of the 22th came but slowly to my hands when I have inform’d you, that I receiv’d it but this morning; which I am the more troubled at, because it come too late to allow me to give you a satisfactory Account of some of the Comands it brings mee.a For the King, Duke, Chancellor, Arch Bishop and allmost all the other considerable persons of our Sex being gone from Oxford, there is noe Body left from whom I may hansomely desire & reasonably hope to receive such an Answer, as were requisite to your Inquiries about the Exchequer.b But the best of it is, That since I who convers’d freely enough with none of the meanest did not hear of any such thing, till your Letter gave mee the hint of it, I presume it could scarce be generally taken notice of, & therefore it cannot reasonably be presumed that You in Yorkshire should know of such a thing by Instinct. And when they whose concerne it is, have a mind it should be noe secret, I doubt not but you will seasonably know of it, & consequently what is fit for you to doe about it. I am according to your Intimation directing Captain Smith to send a List of my Dublin Rents to Dr. Gorge, for your engageing whom to receive them on my behalfe, you have my humble thanks.c On Wednesday last there came downe purposely from London my Cousin Brady to know whether any Writing has been /fol. 1v/ found in Ireland to strengthen my Title against his; which I confesse, when I had last the happynesse to see you, seem’d to be better then mine did then appear.d The man I think is in want, which keepes me from wondering that he is pressing to be put into Possession; & therefore I beg to be furnishd (as soone as your conveniency will permit) with the answer I am to returne him. The Court’s Remove from Oxford will I suppose alter Your thoughts in reference to that place, but will not I hope deprive mee of the satisfaca

Burlington’s letter to Boyle is not extant. Boyle refers to James (1633–1701), Duke of York, and Edward Hyde (1609–74), 1st Earl of Clarendon, the Lord Chancellor. For Gilbert Sheldon, Archbishop of Canterbury see above, p. 29n. The court left London in 1665 to avoid the plague, moving first to Salisbury and then, in Sept. to Oxford, returning to London in Feb. 1666. Presumably Burlington’s enquiries about the exchequer were in connection to his position as Lord Treasurer of Ireland 1660–95; their exact nature is unclear. c For Captain Smith see above, p. 29n. Boyle also refers to Robert Gorges, Revenue Commissioner in Ireland in the 1660s and 1670s. Boyle’s brother, Roger, 1st Earl of Orrery, described Gorges as his nephew; see J. L. J. Hughes, Patentee Officers in Ireland, 1173–1826 (Dublin, 1960), p. 56 and CSPI, 1660–62, pp. 307–8. d For the kinship of ‘Cousin Brady’ and the dispute over land, ongoing since 1663, see vol. 2, p. 60. b

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to BOYLE, 5 Feb. 1666

tion of waiting on you in the warmer part of England, towards which I hope your Journye will not be retarded by the Gout; of which though others make a matter of Raillary; yet I’le assure you I doe not, but am heartily sorry to hear You are at all troubled with it, & shall be as glad if the Inquirys which my owne cases put mee upon may be as well serviceable to you as to My Dearest Brother Your most Affectionate most Faithfull & most humble Servant Ro: Boyle 1

Just as I last left Oxford Mr Kettle, the Land Lord of Kettle Hall, which was the house taken for you this Winter, was againe begging to know whether you had yet taken any order for his satisfaction, which therefore I hope you will be pleasd to doe with the first Conveniency.a I beg to have my most humble service presented to my Dear Sister & to my Lord & Lady Clifford & Their Sister.b I presume you may by this time have heard of the Queens having miscarryed, which many rejoyce at as it shows shee may be with child.c These / To the right Honourable the Earle / of Burlington at Lanesborough Present / In Yorkshire / to be left with the Postmaster in York to be sent as above Post paid to London Seal: design indistinct. Postmark: ‘FE / 9’. Endorsed after the address ‘paid 3d’. Endorsed: ‘1665/6 Feb 3d. R. Boyle’.

COXE to BOYLE

5 February 1666

From the original in BL 2, fols 58–61. Fol/2+2. Not previously printed. a Kettell Hall, alongside Trinity College in Broad Street, Oxford, was built in 1620 and leased by Trinity from Oriel. It was often sublet to private tenants. It was named after Ralph Kettell (1564– 1643), President of Trinity from 1599 until his death; see Victoria History of the County of Oxford. Vol. 3 (Oxford, 1954), pp. 239n., 242, 245. Presumably it is one of his descendants who is referred to here. b Boyle refers to Elizabeth, Countess of Burlington, for whom see above, p. 21n. For Lord and Lady Clifford see above, p. 30n. Jane, Lady Clifford, had 2 sisters, Frances (d. 1681) and Mary (d. before 1673); it is not clear which of these women is referred to here. c Catherine of Braganza (1638–1705), wife of Charles II, had several miscarriages, and did not produce an heir.

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3, 1666–7

Sir I cannot deny my selfe the Content of writing to you whensoever my most urgent imployments allow mee the free disposall of my Time: and were my desires authorized by your Commands, Encouragement, & nay even bare Permission, no week should passe wherein I would not Entertaine you some houres in Epistolar Converse, which is the only expedient I have left mee by whose mediation I may enjoy (Although but imperfectly) your most Excellent Company of which to my unspeakable greife I am unhappily deprived. I did indeed for awhile flatter my selfe with the Thoughts of your Resolution to make your residence in these parts, which agreeable apprehentions did alleviate my trowble for your absence which would otherwise have proved insupportable.a But w[he]n1 I understood you had altred your Intentions I was most sensibly afflicted,2 and scarce able to bear the Frustration of a happinesse I so ardently desired, and impatiently expected: And but for the kind expressions wherewith your letter abounded I had stood in need of all my Philosophy and Theology to comfort mee. Sir I Conjure you by all the charmes of a most violent & sincere Affection to finish the Cure you have so successfully begun I hope you will never cease to exercise a goodnesse which hath been so beneficiall to mee; And indeed I do after some manner meritt your Care considering how passionately I intereste my selfe in all your concernements I could Sir perhaps evince to you that Friendship is not so Calme a state as you are pleased to surmise itt: For I find all those innocent passions rampant in mee which do usually possesse the minds of persons who entertain an affection for those of a different sex. I with them do Continually tast the bittersweets of Freindship as they of Love. I am as3 they frequently harassed by the paines of absence (which like a rack the more itt is distended the more dolourous is the Sensation) The torment of Feare, & Jealousy, least the person I do so exceedingly honour and esteeme should withdraw affection when better acquainted with my Defects. but on the Contrary I am excessively Satisfied when I consider that the object of my love is exceeding lovely not to mine only but to Every judicious, & unprejudiced intellectuall Ey: And that hee hath been pleased hitherto to Correspond with my Love by reciprocally affecting of mee, the continuance of which is the height of my Ambition. I fear you will account of these discourses as extravagant or Impertinent, although in Reality they are only the breathings of a Passionate friend. Therfore in compliance with your Honours recent Commands I shall lay aside the title of an Innamorato and assume that of a Philosopher. Sir you have frequently intimated to mee the great delight you took in making factitious gemms. That you apprehended this pretty artifice was capable of great improvement, and your willingnesse to alott some time for trialls off this nature although I Question not butt that you have already made many instructive, or a Evidently Boyle had discussed his relocation from Oxford with Coxe, and by mid-Feb. had decided to take a house at Stoke Newington, where Coxe lived. See below, pp. 70–1.

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to BOYLE, 5 Feb. 1666

luciferous experiments on this Subject. My cheife designe att present is only to acquaint you with Some of my Sentiments annd [sic] intreat you to Suggest some considerable hints to mee whereby I may bee enabled to improve those incoherent Conceptions I have allready framed. There are severall ways of imitating those Stones Commonly stiled precious or:4 Some whereof are very Superficiall, & Slight, giving us no insight into their nature as placing a Colourate powder glasse or Tinctare under5 Transparent glasse or Christall which derives itts beauty from the supponed colour.a But this cheat being easily detected if the stone bee taken out off the ring, others (to make sure work) Cement 2 pellucid Christalls or glasses interposing a Colour So that the gemme which way soever looken on seems Curiously tincted if the Colour bee vivid and the Cutt of the Stone advantagious. But the more noble methods of Imitating gemms and about which I am most sollicitous (because wee may receive many intimations6 from them Concerning7 the nature of the Concretes they represent) seem reducible to these 4. 1. Amausæb which are made of Christall or Christalline fritt mixd8 with salts and metalline colours, & by the action of the fire well incorporated. These do Exactly resemble native gemms if the Operation bee well performed, as itt is if the fire bee increased gradually & act æqually on the masse. 2d. To Tinge pellucid glasse or Christall either by digestion in9 Tincted liquors, or by cementing with Conveniently Colourate Additaments. 3d. By impregnating petrescent liquors with lovely metalline Tinctures whose more lubricous or aqueous Parts Evapourating the remainder perhaps would Constitute a gemme. 41y to deprive baser gemms of Colour, and render them Pellucid, so would perhaps bee Diamonds, or by10 Intending or diluting their colours wee might withall chang the denomination. And Lastly most of these stones being Softned by these operations, or naturally not so hard as native Jewells I shall discourse breifly how those that have lost native hardnesse may retreive itt, & how others may acquire an hardnesse æquall to that of Diamonds or other gemms afforded by nature. of these in their Order. 1. As for the Amausæ the cheife or Summary of that art consists in making flint11 Christall Fusible and to harden & Colour them aright. /fol. 58v/ Now as for those that are made with glasse of lead Litharg, minium or cerusse 3 or 4 parts and 1 or 2 Christalls or flint ‹they› are little worth because Soft, inept for polisshing, too heavy, also itts green or yellow colour hinders or alters the Colours mixd therewith. Therfore I prefer that way of making them ‹with› pure fusible flints, or Christall which heated, extinguisshed in Cold water and well pulverised are to be mix’d with æquall parts pure fine salt of [tartar] or other Alcali not made in metalline vessells or glazed pans and with this fritt A few grains of the Colour is to bee mix’d, which are to bee taken from mettalls or mineralls they only being of so fixd a nature as to retaine their colour a b

i.e., the colour beneath. i.e., ‘amausen’, counterfeit gems.

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& bee capable of mixture without receiving detriment by the fire which doth easily destroy the Colours of other bodies. The mixture being well flowed in a wind, or the white Potters Furnace is to bee kept so long in Fusion till very well incorporated, & not to bee taken out till well freed from Sand and bubbles, which latter itt doth also Contract if whilest in Fusion poured out into another vessell: and the ‹past› exposed to the aer whilest hot is apt to crack into Small peices, wheras may preserve intire, and free from bubbles if wee sett the Crucible under a red hot Iron that itt may Cool gradually. As for what relates to the colouring of these glasses I apprehend that a few good preparations of mettalls or mineralls would enoble pellucid glasse or Christall with an almost infinite number of Colours; for supposing that there are 5 or 6 primitive colours, these variously Compounded ‹will› yeild an unimaginable variety, which most evident in the Painters Art, and by analogy in this. Nay farther the very same preparation of a mettall or minerall may variously colour the materiall or Fritt for glasse, according to the proportion used between itt and the glasse, The degree of fire, and Time that the matter is kept in Fusion. And I beleive there are many mettalline or minerall præparations which will give a more lovely Tincture then those that are ordinarily imployed. Red and green are the Colours I most delight in I intreat you to Communicate Some preparations which might Produce these colours especially green, for I can make a most lovely Rubine of gold which I suppose will give a good red, although most of itts other preparations ting with the Colour of an Amethist. The 2d. Method of imitating gemms is To12 Colour pellucid glasse or christalls by digestion in some Tincture or by Cementation with conveniently colourate additaments. for notwithstanding all that reason & experience Suggests to the Contrary I am ready to flatter my selfe into a persuasion that wee may both procure such menstrua as will extract the Tincture out of colourate glasse leaving itt pellucid or deprived of colour; & also make such tinging spiritts as may variously Colour pellucid glasse. The only plausible objection that opposes itselfe to this project is that ventrous assertion that glasse is not pervious to any known body excepting æther & the magneticall effluvia, and therfore these tinging spiritts cannot penetrate the Substance of the glasse or Christall unlesse itt first dissolve the externall parts. But taking this for graunted yet if the Christalls or Christalline glasses were Conveniently figured, I mean cut into the forme wee intend they shall retaine when sett: By a digestion with those spiritts their superficiall parts might receive a Tincture with which they might bee as itt were varnisshed, & the stone not rendred opake but might retaine itts pristine transparency & Consequently æmulate the best of gemms. But I cannot so easily disavow my 1st position of introducing a Contrall Tincture if I may so stile itt. I argued my selfe into this persuasion by Contemplating many analogous Operations performed by Art and nature.13 For itt hath been affirmed by credible judicious persons that many gemms receive great alterations from the Steames which Transpire through the 54

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to BOYLE, 5 Feb. 1666

pores of mens bodies. The Turchesea hath been found to loose itts vivid verdure, or Blewnesse if the person indisposed that weares itt, and as they amend itt reassumes itts pristine Beauty. Boet in his book of gemms furnisshes us with many14 Relations of this nature to most of which hee was an ey wittnesse:b and I am more easily induced to beleive him being a person neither crudulous nor superstitious. and I am Confirmed in these sentiments by a Relation I received from your own mouth Concerning a ring which was most sensibly affected by every slight alteration of weather often exchanging itts transparency for clouds a muddy colour & sometimes for a Blacknesse æmulating that of Jett.c Diamonds also are made more vivid & sparkling itts water cleer & free from clouds by digestion with certain liquors unknown to mee: so Rubies Saphires Emeralds: which Same gemms may also bee ‹of colourate› rendred pellucid by15 Cementation with certaine substances. Now if the Saline or sulphureous particles which issue from men by Transpiration can insinuate themselves into the pores of gemms and alter the Texture of their Constituent parts why may wee not performe the same by digesting in Some subtle active, Saline or Sulphureous Spiritts /fol. 59/ If 16 glasses receive such alterations from aeriall influences or rather from17 vapours flitting up and downe therein; why may they not from assisting spiritts which probably may exceed the aer,18 itts inclosed vapours or Exhalations, in Subtlety & activity. Finally if gemms freed from clouds by some liquors why may they not bee Coloured or clouded by them; by fire and Cement from their Tincture and made pellucid, why may not the Same fire and other cements render them variously Colourate. I would præpare my Tinctures by dissolving Some mettalls or mineralls crude, or prepared in Corrosive spiritts præcipitate with Spirit of Urine or Sal Ammoniacus. (which I prefer before deliquated Alcali’s on many accounts) having edulcorated the præcipitate I would extract the Tincture with Alcoholisate Spirit of wine or some other exceeding Volatile Spiritts Such as highly rectified Spiritts of Urine Sal Armoniac &c. which if distilled and the colour come over the helme with the Spiritt itts probable the Tincture will bee Idoneous for these operations. So perhaps æthereall oyle of Turpentine or some other highly rectified Vegetable oyle fortified by digestion with Acid or Volatile spiritts might extract the Tincted parts out of mineralls especially such whose Texture is pretty loose Such are Zink, Lapis Calaminaris Orpiment Arsenick Antimony itts vitrum Hyacinthynum &c. If by digestion in these tinctures the Stones should degenerate into a Softnesse (as possibly they may19) sundry Contrivances may bee excogitated wherby they might acquire their pristine or a greater hardnesse. A 3d method of imitating native Gemms is by imprægnating petrescent liquors a

i.e., turquoise. Coxe refers to A. Boethius de Boodt (c. 1550–1632), physician to Rudolph II and author of Gemmarum et lapidum historia (1609). c Coxe perhaps alludes to the stone that Boyle describes in ‘Of Absolute Rest in Bodies’; see Works, vol. 6, pp. 201–2. b

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3, 1666–7

with metalline Tinctures. I fancy this more then any of the forementioned ways itt seeming in my apprehention to bee that which nature takes in the generation of Precious Stones as I shall endeavour to manifest in the following discourse. I shall therfore before I mention those artificiall gemms (which seem to æmulate the native in all extrinsecall accidents and in the manner of their production)20 Consider how Nature acts that So wee may bee enabled to imitate her. The basis and most simple of all gemms (for so itt may bee deservedly stiled) seems to bee that which wee Call rock Christall which I apprehend to Consist cheifly of some transparent minerall substance or fluid Salt (I question whither there bee any thing metalline in itt) which liquor whither att first Elementary water in processe of Time impregnated with Saline steams, or the Salts themselves reduced into a fluid forme by the aer is not much materiall. But this substance being gathred in cliffs & Caverns (in a liquid Transparent forme) or Transuded out of rocks or Stones (as most gemms are) the more lubricous and fluid parts being Evapourated, the rest adhere to each other and Constitute that ‹Transparent›21 body wee call Christall. This pellucid Saline Substance being intercepted in the Cavities of the Earth and whilst fluid imprægnated with metalline particles according to the different quantity and Quality of the metall22 acquires this or the other determinate Colour. The hardnesse I derive from the Climate: For there are all sorts of gemms found in Germany and other Northerne countries which differ from the Orientall only in hardnesse and from Christall (which abounds also in those parts) only in Colour being as soft And those that are Afforded by our Northerne regions are much larger then the Orientall, but these latter emitt more vivid, and sparkling, or twinkling rays The causes of which Phenomena seem to bee the Solar ‹or›23 subterraneall fire which acts more briskly on the Ens primum of the gemme in the Orientall parts and Consequently deprives the masse of those parts that are most lubricous and easily elevated (which left behind in our colder climes) that remaining more closely united & Consequently more hard which if free from metalline particles are stiled Diamonds if embued with them colourate which embased thereby as to hardnesse and are more or lesse soft according to the Quality & quantitity of the minerall united with itts other Ingredients. These Orientall gemms derive their lustre from Texture, or Consistence of their parts so that the rays of ‹light which›24 reflected from or Refracted through ordinary25 Christall receives no alteration; in itts Passage through or reflection from them is so modified as to make those impressions on our Retina which wee stile Colour as Evident in Diamonds (which imitated although but imperfectly by the Prisme) But Rubies Emeralds &c of one similar Colour which from metalline parts that go up with the other principles to their Constitution; but their lustre and beauty depends on the closenesse of their Component parts. Thus I have found in the Orientall parts Christall even their Diamonds, in Northerne26 regions Diamonds such are Rock Christall & that Christalline substance commonly Stiled Pseudoadamas which latter seem to Consist much what of the Same principles with the former, & differ 56

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only in this That the Architectonick principle was more Elaborate in27 the torrid then in our more temperate Zone. But I cannot here disingenuously Conceal a formidable objection which may seem to invalidate all that I have hitherto affirmed viz. that wee cannot attribute the fabrick of gemmes only to Heat ‹some› regions in the Same Clime yeilding better gemms then others. I answer28 I confesse East India produces more noble Precious stones then those parts of Africa or America that are under the same degrees of latitude. But why may not this Proceed in America from29 The moderate Temperature of the aer (whence perhaps itt is that the natives are white) they being dayly refreshed with /fol. 59v/ gentle gales of wind: this Evasion will not hold for Africa the heat being there more intense then in any parts of Asia not excepting that between the Tropicks: yet Africa sayd to yeild no gemms: but perhaps if itt were as industriously Searched as the Orientall Indies itt would afford precious stones as plentifully as the other. But these are Evasions unworthy a philosopher I therfore acknowledge that somewhat must bee attributed to the nature of the soyle or Earth (I meane that aggregate of Earthy Saline Sulphureous and mettalline particles which commonly Comprehended under that generall Earth) As the same Indies which Produceth Such plenty of excellent gemms abounds also with Aromaticall vegetables which will not thrive att all or not so well in other Countries. But to reassume my discourse Concerning the manner of the generation of precious stones. Itt may bee enquired why30 I ascribed ‹so much› to the saline principle. I answer I do surmise or rather from obvious experiments and observations derive a very Probable Conjecture that the cheif ingredient of stones vulgar or precious is Saline. This will not seem incredible to him that Considers the nature of glasse or the analysis of stones. for Certainly if glasse had been found only in the bowells of the Earth wee should have accounted itt such a body as wee now do Christalline Stones, if wee had not known itts distinct ingredients and the manner of their Conjunction, wee should have apprehended itt was some condensed water, or made ‹a› firme body by some Gorgonick principle which altred the texture of itts parts: especially not knowing how to analyse itt, or reduce into itts Constituent principles Salt and Sand or earth which31 operations few are acquainted with. which hath occasioned that rash and unadvised position of some that glasse is indestructible & ‹not›22 reducible into itts Component principles although I suppose that as meane a Chimist ‹&› as little experienced as I am I can by a Slight experiment rectify their mistake: But so much for glasse. My Conjecture that the Saline principle abounds in stones is further evinced from their Analysis. The Ludus being reducible for the greater part (if not totally) into a Saline forme; and Vitriol stones before Exposed to the aer have no Tast but what is Common to other stones, being well pulverised & boyled in water the liquor is not altred thereby in odour colour Tast smell or any other property yet these stones resolved in the aer afford store of Vitriol. The same may bee asserted of the stone or oar of Alom although ordred after a different manner: And Nitre 57

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which is found in most earthes is Copiously afforded by Some rocks or Stones whose exsudation itt is whence itt derived itts name Sal petræ ‹(that christal’s sexangular seems to proced from the nitre itts prædominant principle. as I have evinced in a discourse de Figuris salium).›33a & that plentifully afforded by Lime stone well calcined is evident in old buildings or plaster floors. I confesse there is some ground for a suspicion that the Salt afforded were attracted from the aer, because the Stones manifest not their Salt till exposed to aeriall and astrall (Or solar) influence but ‹I could make itt›34 more probable that the seminal rudiments Convert by their plastick vertue that disposed matter into this or the other Salt, or rather that by mediation of the aer the Saline part was extricated or freed from the Terrestriall with which before they were so closely united that not perceptible. which is nothing to what is asserted by the daring Helmont that all Stones may be reduced into a salt æquiponderant with ittselfe whilest a Stone. and I assure my selfe his Testimony will bear a great Sway with your Honour who charitably suppose him to bee a credible person where hee affirms only matter of fact And I assure my selfe you beleive most of those Relations in his book that are genuine or his own & not suspected to bee Supposititious or spurious.b But to prosecute my defence I further affirme that stones were once fluid, now what is more powerfull then the saline Principle in the Coagulating of bodies, or what Conduces more to Firmnesse. And the most (& perhaps Consequently all) stones were once liquid may bee evinced from a thousand instances. There are many Ghurs or minerall juices which harden in the aer.c And I am informed that the stone which is digged in the quarry att Portsmouth is easily Shaped and fasshioned att 1st. but when hardned by the aer with much difficulty. and you acquaint us in your excellent discourse concerning Firmenesse & fluidity about a clay found in that great River Orenoqued which35 is soft as ordinary clay under water but exposed some time to the aer ‹acquires a hardnesse›36 æmulous to that of iron nay if I misremember not to that of Diamonds. You there also acquaint us that the Figures of fisshes and other animals hath been37 exactly pourtrayed on stones; nay even the whole animalls themselves have been found included therein a plaine indication that they were once fluid.e Some fountaines are notorious for their petrifying Quality, and in others the water is Converted into a firme Christalline ‹substance› before Itt38 can descend from the top of the Cave to the bottom. not to insist on those incredible a

At the Royal Society’s meeting of 14 Mar. 1666, Coxe gave an account of the nature of salts; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 67. His papers were published in Phil. Trans. 9 (1674) 4–8, 150–8, 169–78, (nos 101, 107–8 for 25 Mar., 26 Oct. and 23 Nov. 1674). b For van Helmont’s account of such matters, see his ‘De lithiasi’, ch. 3, sect. 28, in Opuscula medica inaudita (Amsterdam, 1648), p. 26. c ‘Gur’ or ‘guhr’, from the German, meaning a loose earthy deposit found in the cavities of rocks. In the 16th and 17th centuries ‘guhr’ was meant to be the matter of metals before they coagulated. d i.e., the Orinoco river. e The precise reference that Coxe cites here has not been located, but for Boyle’s interest in such matters see Certain Physiological Essays (1661), Works, vol. 2, p. 150ff.

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to BOYLE, 5 Feb. 1666

prodigious stories & relations of men Cattle and even whole Caravans & Cities Converted into stones by petrifying Exhalations. Having dispatcht this 1st Quere another difficulted [sic] must bee surmounted before I can proceed, Itt is this. In making Amausæ wee find that a few grains of mettall will colour some Ounces of the fritt or materialls for glasse now the enquiry is whither there bee so Small a proportion of the mettall in naturall gemms. I must necessarily acknowledge that I cannot readil[y]39 unty this knot which yet perhaps is soluble the only way too unloose itt were to have appropriate solvents for those stones whereby mee [sic] might reduc[e]40 them into the Principles whereof they were immediately Compounded. In the Interim I am apt to suspect there may bee more of a metalline part /fol. 60/ in native gemms then in the Artificiall from the Triall wee have made with granates of Bohemia (our European Rubies though a baser kind)41 which skilfully analyzed are found to abound with some mettall: And for any thing that I know itt may bee only a metalline glasse; mettalls without addition of salt or Earth admitting of Vitrification. Indeed neither Gold nor silver by any method of applying the fire or by the most intense degree of heat can bee reduced into glasse; But the42 Asshes, Croci, & scoriæ, of the more imperfect mettalls are easily enough ‹flowed› into pellucid or opake glasse coloured43 according to the nature of the mettall which afforded them. Although the accounts wee have of these operations are very mutilate and defectuous: I hope some industrious person will shortly informe us what mettalls or mineralls Can bee Vitrified, by what method, into what Colour, whither the whole mettall may bee changed into glasse, or part; and what proportion there is between the whole body of the mettall, & the glasse; from what vitrification there is regresse, from what nott. but in the Interim wee all know that the Scoriæ of Copper afford green, Tin opake white; Iron & Lead yellow glasses although of different shades. And even that Volatile Concrete [mercury] being præcipitated per se is of a purplish Colour & itts moleculæ in the Microscope appear transparent, & the same [mercury] præcipitated with gold the colour is exceeding Lovely and the glasse (if I may so stile itt) is more transparent; in a word they seem to bee little Rubies exceeding the Orientall for lustre & beauty. Rubies of the Same nature are Sayd to bee afforded by Auripigmentum sublimed; (yet I have been informed that on triall itt hath not succeeded.) and all that are but indifferently vers’t in Chimistry know that the grey powder which is made of Antimony Calcined per se being flowed affords a lovely vitrum Hyacynthinum as itt is Com[antimony] abusively monly stiled. And those flores or that præcipitate of termed us [mercury] vita yeilds a transparent yellow glasse. I could instance in Sundry other operations where the Fire apart and without Additaments produces strang alterations in mettalls introducing thereon various disguises as to Colour Consistence & other properties now if the same mettall by severall Successive alteration of degrees of heat receive44 divers adventitious colours, why may not their glasses, which by certaine methods deprived of weight & softnesse would æmulate 59

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native gemms. But notwithstanding what I have allready sayd I am Confident nature doth not imploy So intense a degree of heat in the generation of most (I say not all) Gemms as wee do in our Vitrifications. Most gemms being found neer the superficies of the earth in places where a Subterraneall fire was never heard of, And that which putts my Position out of Question is That in mines or Quarries of Diamonds when all the45 stones are digged the earth being lett alone a few yeares they find new ones produced which account although wee know itt of Travellours who use not to be over Faithfull Relators of what they have seen & heard; yet being Consonant to what wee find in other Fossills I easily give creditt46 to them now no one is ignorant that the Oars of most mettalls as Copper, Lead, Iron &c. with those of most mineralls and salts as Vitriol, Alom, Nitre, after have afforded all the mettal minerall & saline parts art can extract from them being exposed to sun & aer they are observed to acquire fresh supplies which dayly increased and meliorated. But I proceed to give your Honour an account of my undertaking to imitate nature in the Production of gemms: if my project succeeds not pardon mee Sir if I blame you who are the person that encouraged mee to beleive that by the bare disposition of the parts of a fluid body in reference to each other ‹itt is possible› so to alter the Texture thereof, by breaking some bending twisting47 Evapourating & præcipitating others: That the parts which did formerly48 move seperately or adhere butt loosely, may now bee reduced into a closer order or ‹be› more intangled, and thereby more firmely Connected. whereas the first hath very different Operations on bodies in Vitrification for glasse seemes not to bee made of branched particles interwoven within each other: But earth and Salt by the action of the fire reduced into Such Small parts that by close union or Contact the exquisite adaptation of one particle to another do constitute49 a solid pellucid body so that in ordinary factitious gemms or metalline glasses the union being only by juxtaposition of parts they not being intangled or breaded (as itt were) with each other no wonder the Concrete the result of their Union is so Soft and Brittle. I intended to discourse of the 4th way of imitating gemms which I proposed; as also of the Hardnesse of gemms what the originall cause of itt. How this Defect might bee supplied in artificiall but I fear I have been allready too prolix I shall therfore Conclude with the account of an Experiment I intend to try (as soon as I can with convenience) which is consonant to those principles and positions I layd down; or rather to the suppositions I made in my discourse concerning the 3d method of imitating gems which I /fol. 60v/ apprehend to bee the Course nature herselfe takes. I intend to mix 1 part rock christall heated, quenched, pulverised, and dried, with 3 or 4 parts (or so much as will make the glasse deliquable) pure Salt of Tartar or other Alcali which mixture being flowed and deliquated I shall pour on the liquor 2 or 3 parts highly rectified Spirit of wine50 and digest them together: I shall expect that the Sulphureous Spirit will dulcify the liquor and free itt in a great measure from the 60

COXE

to BOYLE, 5 Feb. 1666

Alcali (besides the Oleaginous parts itt may leave behind.) I shall add to this liquor a Small quantity of some lovely mettalline Tincture made with spiritt of Urine or Sal. Armoniac This liquor being deprived of most of those more easily Soluble Saline parts will bee so far from admitting the vapours in the aer, that I do rather imagin the aer will prey on the moisture and in Time reduce itt to a firme hard pellucid Substance which possibly may neerly resemble Native gemms. I have Severall other Contrivances of this nature which I would willingly ‹prosecute›51 with ‹various & numerous› experiments on other subjects having Leasure enough and the Opportunity of Furnaces of all sorts which I did formerly build: But my estate is not answerable to my spirit The latter may dispose mee to undertake great matters, which I cannot execute52 because ‹not› assisted (comparatively) by the former. Not but that my allowance ‹is considerable› and if I had not addicted my selfe to the experimentall part of philosophy to which Chimistry is very53 serviceable, I should not have envied any gentleman in England But that which if I had ‹been›54 idle or unactive would have exceeded a Competency is now no ways proportionable to the grandure of my designs. Indeed I cannot but account itt in some measure an unhappinesse that55 having a publike spiritt, I am disabled for manifesting this56 generosity which if excercised might perhaps prove considerably beneficiall to the57 learned, and mechanicall part of the Universe. I shall I hope henceforth accommodate my spiritt to my Condition, not designing things out of my reach; & Confine my selfe to the triall of experiments which although they58 seem triviall; may yet perhaps prove of more universall use then others whose native lustre is sett off by the meretricious dresse of great expences. I therfore beseech you for the future to expect nothing Considerable from mee, which Consideration doth almost wholly deter and discourage mee from writing to you: For I vallue your time so highly, and account itt so exceeding precious that I think the losse therof cannot bee requited by those trifling discourses wherewith you command mee to importune you. Although perhaps in a few yeares nay I hope monthes I may bee enabled to reassume those imployments I am necessitated to intermitt: and in the Interim itt will bee no Small Consolation to mee to Consider that Mr Boyle59 is by reason of his Learning experience Ingenuity and Quality fitted to performe as much as can bee expected from any mortall person. and I receive a farther Satisfaction from the kind and (I assure my selfe) unfained Testimonies of his Friendship although itt is my great greif that I cannot reciprocally communicate to him. Sir being (as I have allready acquainted you) about to retrench my expences in Chimistry I hope you will learne mee some thrifty arts. I am informed that there are some Chimists in London who have so contrived their digestive Furnaces that they Char their Sea Coal therein: you may Sir I am Confident acquaint mee with this artifice without prejudicing the persons that make an advantage of itt. I desire you would bee pleased to accommodate mee with a Scheme of your 61

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Lamp Furnace or direct mee to the person that makes them.a Commend what sort of wicck you find most usefull I will not enquire after an incombustible one which I despaire of attaining. If you know any extraordinary method of rendring the oyle pure & defecate besides digestion per se to free from earthy & which Alcalis from aqueous parts itt would bee very acceptable be pleased to Intimate whither60 The Potter att Brill hath found the mine of Vitriol and how I may procure some Quantity thereof.b If you can spare 3i [1 dram] or 3ii [2 drams] of Pilulae Lunares I desire you would bee pleased to accommodate mee therewith. and Sir if you will61 impart to mee what that minerall is that eradicates haire & prevent itts future groth with You62 ‹will› add an exceeding obligation to the rest. I have procured store of common Salt deliquated, of the Phlegme of oyle Tartar per deliquium Spiritt of Mayo Salt exceeding strong & in good plenty as also considerable Quantities of spirit [of] Sal Armoniack & fermented Urine you promised to Intimate to mee how I should improve them to the best advantage. If you know how to purify Tartar by a peculiar method of præcipitating itts feculencies bee pleased to communicate itt. and what artifice you use to keep in the Spiritts in Glaubers 2d Furnace you seeming to reject Lead for many inconveniencies which attend itt.c I beeseech you Sir Intimate to mee whither you have63 Thoughts of /fol. 61/ Honouring Cambridge or Mr Neuburgh this spring with your presence.d But above all I64 do most sollicitously inquire after your returne into these parts: And indeed I shall account my selfe unhappy so long as I am necessitated to write to you, & I do most ardently desire a Conjunction of all those Accidents that may prove Conducive to accelerate your Returne. In the Interim favour mee sometimes with an account of your health, and imployments. And I humbly beseech you pardon mee if att any Time I am too importunate; miscarriages that proceed from an excesse of friendship should65 methinks rather meritt your Love & pitty, then Resentment. Farewell Deare Sir (if you will permitt mee to use so familiar a Compellation) Itt is my parting request that you would continue to honour mee with your affection and assure your selfe that amongst all that have the happinesse to bee known to you there is none more Satisfied with his good fortune or more really then I am. Sir Your most Affectionate & Faithfull servant. Dan: Coxe

Stoke Newington. Feb.th. 5th. 1666/5

a

The chemists to whom Coxe alludes have not been further identified. On the lamp and other furnaces see Works, vol. 3, pp. 396–7. b The potter at Brill in Oxfordshire has not been further identified. c Coxe refers to Johann Rudolf Glauber (1604–70), author of Furni novi philosophici (1646–9). d ‘Mr Neuburgh’ has not been identified.

62

BEALE

to BOYLE, 6 Feb. 1666

Sir you were pleased to promise mee a parcell of the Ludus I am Confident itt will not bee able to elude the analyzing power of a certaine menstruum wherewith I would try Itt.66 If you can Spare any you may order itt to bee left att Mr Cressetts in Charterhowse yard and that with your letter will certainly Come to my hands.a I intend by the next to acquaint you with the successe I have had with divers of those medecines you have Commended to the world, and I shall suggest somewhat Concerning the Phenomena of sensation, the introducing67 or Destruction of Quality and Somewhat Concerning Medecine. Have mee Commended Sir I intreat you to Dr Wallis, Dr Willis & Dr Rugelyb

These For the Honourable Robert / Boyle Esq. To bee left with Mr Crosse Apothecary / over against Allsoules Colledge In / Oxon.

Seal: Circular. Partly missing. Achievement of arms. Shield charged with a seahorse [?] or bird [?]. Postmark: ‘FE / 6’. Endorsed in pencil between third and fourth lines of address: ‘2’.

JOHN BEALE to BOYLE

6 February 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 118 and 119, pp. 137–42. Fol/2+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 471–4 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 393–6.

Sir I must remember, that when first you bestowed your bookes upon mee, you blamed mee for not returning my Censure.c If I had neede of an Apology for such freedome as I here intend, Hence I could frame it. But your Vertue is more solid than to require smooth handling; And you cannot exchange your leysure for a compasse of softe words. a

For John Cresset see above, p. 43n. Coxe sends his greetings to John Wallis (1610–1703), Savilian professor of geometry at Oxford, and Thomas Willis (1621–75), physician and physiologist. For Luke Rugely see above, p. 43n. c See vol. 2, p. 269. It is not clear whether Boyle had specifically solicited the advice that follows. b

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1 Therefore to begin rudely with Generals; I shall tell you that which you will hardely beleeve. Persons of noe Ordinary Capacityes doe find your Three Discourses of Thermometers & Baroscopes difficult.a your assiduity upon the argument, with exemplars before your eyes, hath made all things soe easy to you, That you will scarse apprehend, Howe it can be intricate to another. Yet I see noe remedy you can have to cleare all, but by recomending the sale of all sorts of Weatherglasses, & Baroscopes to some persons, That are fittest, & of best truste, in London, Oxeford & Cambrige. Thiese are the liquid Demonstrations. And some Inventions may be better communicated in specie,b than by bookes. 2 I engage for you, That you neede not the Poets excuse, Brevis esse laboro – Obscurus fio:c For you are as plaine & ample, as can be. And whatever is of it selfe intricate, It comes often in your way, & is layd downe in variety of good Expressions. But whilst you take too much care to secure our Understandings,1 & to helpe us with much of your patience, Such as have not the objects before their eyes, are more apt to languish than to feele the life of your Arguments Were the Vertuosi furnished with these philosophicall utensills, Then you might permit your selfe in some repetitions to come off more roundly, & more briskely: And well you might adventure to refer this to your judicious Translator.2 I shall explaine my Sense by an Exemplar of a twofold aspect. A number of famous Lawyers did urge against mee, That our Learned Selden wrote the best Latine, That ever was utterd.d I denyed it to be his due prayse; For in truth He tooke too much care to be rightly understood, & to bound his owne Sense: And Ben Johnson, When he read Seneca cryed, Oh, That he would truste my understanding!e This was in a far differing Case, For he meant it of giveing the same Summ over & over in severall Coins. Of the latter fault noe man can accuse you; And for the former excesse I doe truely thanke you, /p. 138/ but all men will not turne it into your prayse. 3 More particularly, The translator may doe well to referre in the Margine to the Scheme or figure there intended: Or, to explicate Where the discourse requires some change of Figure. As I thinke pag: 33 which seemes to belong to the 1, or 2, & to the 5th figure, though not before mentionedf 4 And perchance there is some mistake of the printer pag: 792. l. 8 Where Zucclius pretends to a good sealed Weatherglasse, which if true, remooves the suspicion of a

Beale refers to Boyle’s Cold, for which see Works, vol. 4. ‘in the specific thing’. c ‘I try to be brief, I become obscure’, a quote from Horace, Ars poetica, 25. d Beale refers to John Selden (1584–1654), English jurist and orientalist. e Beale alludes to Ben Jonson (c. 1573–1637), dramatist, but we have not been able to substantiate his claim. f Beale refers to the putative Latin edition of Boyle’s Cold, begun by Oldenburg, but never published; see above, p. 15n. For the passage of Cold referred to see Works, vol. 4, p. 259. b

64

BEALE

to BOYLE, 6 Feb. 1666

pag 797, That it was not a seald glasse. And againe there pag 792.3 l. 9 Tis sayd to be observd three yeares together, which excludes the answere pag. 799.a 5 I should adde, That I am allmost become confident, That one of my Thermometers by such Insolation, as may be had in England from our stone walls, hath loste some ynches of liquor. For I cannot find any leake, or expiration, Neyther doth it waste at any other time, but under very strong heates: And a small cylinder of water on the [mercury] in my baroscope, & allso a white liquor, which in the extremity of laste Winter frosts was distilld from the spirite of Wine into the bolthead of my smallest seald Thermometer, Thiese two liquors doe remaine in the usuall solar rayes of my study unconsumed. From whence I seeme to argue That sealed Thermometers may fitly be graduated for our Winter, & for ordinary summers; but for hotter uses another Thermometer may be appendant, That at some seasons it may be compared, Howe far it agrees with the first rules of graduations in the Winter Thermometer. And if your perfect Scales will shewe, That a sealed glasse may by Insolation loose weight, Then you may advise your Translator of a shorte paragraph pag: 58. l. 14. For that in some cases, The Seale will not keepe the liquor from Evaporation. But who can enumerate all the discoveryes that may be made by sealed glasses, as well upon earth, & Vegetables, as upon air & liquids?b 6 I pray you suffer mee to rayse a question, which is more like to betray my owne ignorance, than to informe you. This I would not presume to doe if I had any ice or snowe here. Tis above 30 yeares, since I practised the freezing by snowe & salt. Then I seemed to apprehend, /p. 139/ That a kind of circular motion of that snowe & salt did accelerate & invigorate the freeseing. And this last May the 6th I tryed the like or more gentle but circular motion of the liquor in which Maccrells were boyled & pickled, for the Luciferous Experiment of Shin[i]ng4 in the darke. Which (though the Water or pickle was thic & muddy) succeeded without fayle, upon the motion of the hand in the same gentle circular manner, as the Dayry mayde stirreth5 the milke, to curdle it for cheese. When that motion ceased, it did not shine. But in this Experiment there were many other circustances [sic] requisite, of which I can give you a fuller accompt at your command. This seemed to our present purpose, The rest to belong more generally to fermentation. If this should have any importance towards Freezing, your Translator may be minded of it pag. 181. For though you signify neere the end of pag. 525 That it should be nimbly stird; And againe pag 593. l. 1. in a briske motion. And there againe l. 20 in another kinde of agitation.c And though the circular motion cannot be applied in many of your Experiments, yet if you find it true, or any kind of motion more a Beale refers to Niccolò Zucchi, whose work was discussed by Boyle in Cold; see Works, vol. 4, pp. 301, 319, 494ff. b Beale’s barometrical observations had been conveyed to Boyle in Oldenburg’s letters of 19 and 30 Dec. 1665 and 16 Jan. 1666; see vol. 2, pp. 597–8, 610–12, and above, p. 14n. c See Cold, Works, vol. 4, pp. 288, 402, 423.

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conduceing than other, The first recited place pag 181 may be fittest for the Record; And possibly this Inquiry, & the Microscope may somewhat assiste for the Hypothesis of Cold. If it proves impertinent, I hope you will not impute it to any want of my respects. For I offer it with diffidence enough. 7. Thus I have searcht for Cavills from the begnning [sic] to the Ende, And in the laste waste page of Opera nundum edita I find my discomforte.a For there I misse The Continuation of Lord Bacons Sylva Sylvarum, or Promiscuous Experiments, mentioned in your Physiologicall Essayes pag. 14 15 & 16.b This Title might preserve, & shelter many scattered papers of best note; & redeeme you from the trouble of Methodes, & ambages, & supply & rectify the first adventurer, our Lord Bacon; And would suggest many occasions to prove, That somebody hath at last advanced beyond his Expectation & Votes: And one well chosen Experiment is (in my opinion) worth more than many of the largest volumnes of old style. Yet this I durst not say, If I did not thinke It would rather ease you, and free you from some confusions, than adde to the burden, I am sure I am

Feb. 6. 1665.

Sir, Your most oblieged & most humble servant J Beal /p. 140/

Sir you gave us the first or fullest notice, that the smaller glasse canes doe drawe water higher above the ambient surface, than wider tubes. And the same heate which fits the bolt-heade to drawe water into the open weatherglasse, will not suffice to expell the same water; And the smaller weather-glasse requires the greater increase of heate to expell the liquor. And the Gravity of the Atmosphære hath more influence to interrupt the indications of heate & cold in one kind of ‹open› tube, than in another. But you give us good reasone, Why ‹wee›6 should not expect, That You should here lay downe all your owne observations. The white liquor which I noted to be distilld out of the spirite of Wine deepely tinged in the hardest frosts was done in a very small glasse that had the faults, which you mention pag. 41 42.c In the larger Thermometers it did not succeede, though they were exposd longer to the same frosts. This may accorde with Lord Bacons conjecture in Experiment 27. M. H.d /p. 141/ a

Beale refers to ‘works as yet unpublished’. Beale refers to Francis Bacon, Baron Verulam (1561–1626), his Sylva sylvarum (1627) and Boyle’s statement of his plan to continue it in Certain Physiological Essays (1661); see Works, vol. 2, p. 17. c See Works, vol. 4, p. 242. d Experiment 27 in Bacon’s Sylva sylvarum is an experiment ‘touching the version and transmutation of air into water’; see J. Spedding, R. L. Ellis and D. D. Heath (eds), The Works of Francis Bacon, 14 vols (London, 1870), ii, 348. The meaning of ‘M. H.’ is unclear. b

66

BEALE

to BOYLE, 6 Feb. 1666

Feb. 6. 1665. Of Macrells & their liquor shyning in the darke. On Thursday May 5. 1665 fresh Maccrells were boyled in Water with salt & sweete herbs in the usuall manner; being boyled, they were taken out of the water, And on fryday morning next following, the water being then perfectly cold, The Maccrells were put into it for a preserving pickle. On the morrowe being7 Saturday, more fresh & sweete Macrells were boyled in like water, & on Sunday morning were put againe into the same boyled water ‹being then fully cooled›, & both Macrells & water were ‹then› put together in the same vessell with the Macrells & water that were boyled on Thursday foregoing. On Munday Evening the butler8 stirring the Water to take out some of the Maccrells, found the water very luminous, & the fish shining through the water, as adding much to the light, which the Water yielded. I could see the fishes in their juste proportion, as they lay, emitting rayes all over the water; & both fishes & water spreading rayes at some ‹small› distance about the vessell. The Water by the mixeture of salt & herbes in the boyling, was of it selfe thic, & blackish, or darke. Yet being stirred, it shined as having some inherent light in it selfe, but the fishes appeared more luminous & in theyr owne shapes, as is above noted. I note, That the liquor had some inherent light in it aparte from the rayes of the fish; for that, Wherever the drops of water fell, they shined, both on the ground, & on the stooles. And my children caught drops in their hands, as big as a penny, or two pence, & these drops by shining seemed to me as broade as 6d, or a shillin[g.]9a Though neyther the fish, nor the water shined, till the water was stird, yet when it was stird, & shined, the drops that fell, continued to shine for some time, & the children ran about the house sheweing the drops shining in the palmes of their hands. The butler turned up that side of the fish, which was lowest, & thence came noe rayes of Light; but those turned fishes appeared blacke in the shining water. And the water after it was fully /p. 142/ setled, & at reste, which was about an houre after, neyther it not the fishes lying in it did shine at all. On Tuesday night wee repeated the same triall on the same fishes & liquor; And found the same effects. The water gave noe light, till it was stird, but was thic & muddy, as wee sawe by the foregoeing daylight, & then by candle-light; but being gently stird by the hand mooveing round, as the dayry mayde is usd to gather the10 milke into curds for cheese, the liquor & fishes did all shine together. a

Nothing is known of Beale’s children, or his microscopes, mentioned on p. 68.

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The fish did then shine, as well from the Inside, as from the outside, & chiefely from the throate, where the incision was made to take out the garbage, & ‹in›11 such places, as were broken in the boyling. I tooke a piece that shined most, & fitted it to my lesser microscopes, & allso to my greate microscope, but I found noe light in any of the glasses, nor from any drops of the shining water, when applied. On Wednesday I examined those broken pieces in my greate Microscope in the brightest Sun shine. At first wee could find nothing very remarkeable on the surface of the fish in any posture. After wee wound the object plate a turne or two belowe the juste distance, both others ‹and›12 my selfe thought wee sawe a very thin steame, rather darkish, than luminous, ariseing in the glasse, like a very small duste. And rarely here & there a very small sparkle in the fish. Of thiese sparkles I am certaine; For we numberd them, & agreed in the number, order & place. of the steame I am not very confident, Whethr it belongs to ‹our› eyes, or imaginations, or to some dust in the air, though it was without dores in the garden, Soe small it was, if it was any thing more than a phansy. This piece of fish being fitted to the greate Microscope by daylight, was reexamined in the darke of13 that evening, & it yielded noe light at all, eyther to the viewe of the glasse, or otherwise: Finding it dry, I tryed whether by the mixture of spittle, or by rubbing, it would shine. And soe it did a very little; not in the glasse, but to the naked eye; & in very small sparkes, such as soone vanished. I collected they were the same sparkes which wee sawe in the sunshine by the microscope. The14 fish were not yet fetide, & I causd two to be kept for further triall on Thursday night. And then they began to be fetide, & I expected more brightnes, but could find none eyther in the water stirred or in the fish taken out of the water. I boyled fish a fortnight aftr & fayled of the shining. I ghesse that the mixeture of the fresher fish & pickle with the former, did accelerate & enl[iven]15 the fermentation for shin[ing.] /p. 140/ 16 Sir In the last clause Concerning Shining Maccrells I would note, That I attempted the same Experiment in the same manner in all circumstances, excepting only that I did not adde another of more recent boyling, as in the former; & I could not obtaine any shining from the 2d triall, though I kept some of the Maccrells till they were very fetide. Every night I tryed in vaine. I ghesse at randome & without prooffe that every frozen body gathers a moisture in the freezing. This may be tryed by enclosing dust or dried earth in a sealed glasse, & then freezing it. If it should convert the Inclosed air, or collect the aqueous particles, it is to be added to the other observations. If it should adde to the weight of the glasse, It would yet be more strange & remarkable. Thus I fill the sheete & am allways

68

COXE

to [BOYLE], 19 Feb. 1666

Sir Your most obedient servant J. B. Sir I send the adjoyned Experiment least my words should rayse your Expection for greater matters.

For the Right Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr &c

Endorsed on p. 140 by Miles: ‘Feb: 6. 1665’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XX’. The MS also contains printers’ marks.

COXE to [BOYLE]

19 February 1666

From the original in BL 2, fols 78–9 and 62.a Fol/2+1. Not previously printed.

Sir Yours of the 5th Instant came to my hands the 15th which was most welcome to mee on the account of the person that wrote itt, The intrinsicall worth of the discourse, (itt suggesting many hints which invite mee to a more Industrious enquiry after, and will assist me in the Investigation of noble menstrua)b And for the good news itt Contained,which was so contrary to my Expectation that I Could not for a Considerable time creditt my eys fearing least my Affections, had bribed my sences; Philosophy informing us that wee may bee so strongly preposessed by some fixd imagination by mediation wherof the Sensorium receiving vivid impresses may bee affected as sensibly by this Internall Sensation as itt would have been by the Externall presence of the object. But being confirmed in my first Sentiments by the frequent perusall of those passages in your letter that related to the altring your Habitation, And perceiving by manifest signes that I was awake, & Sober; I was surprized with pleasing transports: Insomuch that many Ingenious gentlemen in whose company I was engaged att the receite of your letter immediately Congratulated mee the1 good news they assured themselves I had received a b

The leaves of this letter have been separated at some point, and are now bound apart. Boyle’s letter to Coxe of 5 Feb. 1666 is not extant.

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having never (as they affirmed) seen any Countenance wherin Joy & Satisfaction were Depainted in more lively & legible Characters.a And indeed Joy, Desire, & Hope were so prædominant that possibly their Excesse might have proved as prejudiciall to mee as that of contrary Passions doth frequently unto others if they had not been moderated by the Intimation of your Illnesse. For Sir I can assure you (without speaking the Court Language) that my own Health and Welfare is not neither will ever bee more Considerable to mee then yours. I have often looked sicknesse in the face with an unapaled Countenance; my mind hath not been much discomposed in the Paroxismes of most acute distempers, Life & Death have sometimes been matters of Such Indifferency to mee that if att my own disposall itt would have perplexed mee to think which I should choose: And yet the very thoughts of a slight Indisposition in Mr Boyle makes mee tremble I not being able to Secure my selfe from feares that itt may prove mortall. By my death the world would have lost only a private inconsiderable person But if deprived of Mr Boyle wee should loose the most accomplisshed publike spirited & most usefull person that these latter Ages have produced[.] Now Philanthropy, and Christianity Teaches mee to proffer the good and welfare of the Universe before my private Advantages. I do therfore dayly (as I am obliged in duty) most ardently beseech the supreeme Arbiter of Our Destiny to prolong the life of a person from whose goodnesse, Learning, & Industry, The Learned Mechanicall world in generall, and I in perticular expect to derive signall benefitts. Sir I received your Commands (for to mee all your desires are such) with inneffable pleasure, & executed them with all imaginable Celerity, & alacrity, yet not without feares of Frustration, For the laudible temperature of our Aer, The Convenient Distance of our Village from London, but above all the Sociablenesse, and incredible Unamimity [sic]2 of the neighbourehood in these sad Times of Seperation, & Division; Do all Conspire to fix even the most volatile Inhabitants, in so much that wee seldome hear that any house is to bee disposed off. So that I did almost despaire of procuring a convenient Habitation for a person of your Quality: But having engaged Some Considerable judicious friendes to make enquiry who being persons that have the happinesse to bee acquainted with your Honour were very ready to gratify my Desires the3 next day brought mee an account of all the Accommodations our Towne att present will afford. I went the Same day to view them being a howse, and lodgings. The howse is a pretty little Compact thing, hath a handsome front, and Courtyard, a spatious Hall wainscoted a parlour, Kitchen, & other offices below the Stairs. Above there is a faire dining room wainscoted (which answers to the dimentions of the Hall) with 5 or 6 lodging Chambers, & 3 or 4 Garrotts. There belongs to this house a pretty garden & a For Coxe’s earlier disappointment at Boyle’s delay in taking a house in Stoke Newington, where Coxe himself lived, see above, p. 52.

70

COXE

to [BOYLE], 19 Feb. 1666

Orchard wee account that itt stands in as good aire as any howse in our’s or the neighbouring Towns. Itt is distant from Westminster 3 miles, from the City little above 2. the annuall rent is ‹willbee›4 £44 or little lesse. The lodgings are in the next howse which is a noble spatious pile of buildings containing about 30 roomes, you may have your Choice of all in the Howse excepting one chamber which the Mrs of the howse a discreet Sober Gentlewoman hath reserved for her aged Mother: shee expects for the use of the Kitchin, a larg dining Room, and 4 or 5 fair chambers, (which I apprehended would bee most Commodious for you) /fol. 78v/ £30 per annum many are treating with her about Those lodgings, and the house I mentioned before whose owner shee also is but I have Engaged her to suspend her treating with any during 10 days in which Time I hope you will intimate your pleasure. I had almost forgot to acquaint you that there are all desirable Conveniencies for a Laboratory if you should designe to Erect one. And that a an [sic] acquaintance of yours a worthy gentleman who doth exceedingly honour & esteem you profers to accommodate you with stables for your horses & a Station for your Coach if you should have occasion for them. Thus Sir I have given you an account of the Employ wherewith you were pleased to honour mee although I am Conscious that tis very defectuous & immethodicall, which may bee attributed to my not being ever Exercised in a Negotiation of this nature, I beseech you Sir let mee understand your pleasure by the next post. If you dare intrust mee with a Commission to proceed I shall improve all that little Industry, Interest & Ingeny god and Nature have Conferred on mee for your Concerns. Or if you shall imploy Mr Adderton or any other person if hee Come over to Newington att any Time excepting Wenesday (on which day I have usually resort to the City) I shall shew him the howses & Accommodations.a I cannot here omitt to acquaint you with one or two materiall Circumstances which I suppose may Confirme your Resolutions. The First is that in the late Calamitous times few howses in our Towne were visited, not above 40 dying out of some hundred families, and neither of the howses I have mentioned to you were Ever infected;b Another and perhaps the cheif inducement that may encourage you to come to one of those howses is their being a pretty distance from my Fathers howse so that probably Mr Boyle will not bee so much or so often diverted from his Considerable Imployments by an Impertinent person who would bee too assiduous if our houses were Contiguous.c But to have you Sir so neer a neighbour as you are like to prove if you persist in your Intention of making your5 Residence att Newington is so great a felicity that methinks itt is Presumption in mee so much as to desire or Hope for itt: so that notwithstanding halfe an assurance from a person whose promises are most authentick, & inviolable a

Boyle’s acquaintance with stabling and Mr Adderton have not been further identified. Coxe alludes to the plague in London. c Coxe’s father was Daniel Coxe sr, also probably a physician. Coxe sr lived at Hertford, but presumably owned the house in which his son lived in Stoke Newington. b

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I cannot but Question the performance, or att least give mee leave to assume an Expression of yours with some Variation. I shall have more cause to beleive itt when I see itt then now I do not see itt. But in the Interim to cheer up my spiritts I am Content to beleive as you would have mee: if itt bee a dreame I had allmost Sayd6 I wish I may never awake out of itt. I thought Sir here to have concluded rather out of discretion then for want of matter but I perceive I cannot put a period to this7 letter before I have Entertained you with Somewhat Physiologicall which is like to bee very Substantiall I now Studying what I should make the subject of my discourse.a I designed to have given your Honour an account of the Successe of many of those medicines which you have Commended to the world with some observations Concerning the Delusion of the Sences change of Qualities. But (as a punishment for having expatiated so much allready) I must8 deprive my Selfe of that Content and insist only on medicines easily parable & simple perhaps in Every respect; But because Sir I know you slight nothing of this nature & because most of the ensuing have been imployed by judicious persons, and attended usually with desired successe I cannot account them contemptible. Amongst many urgent Symptomes in Diseases nothing is more frequent, trowblesome, and dangerous then a Violent Diarrhea which oftentimes Surprizeth the Patient, & allows the Physitian little Time for Consultation the patients weaknesse calling for timely releife. Itt therfore behooves a Physitian9 either to have by him some generous medicines which may put a period to that Colliquation10 or else to know some easily & speedily parable medicines. I shall acquaint you with such of the latter as I have known used with successe. An ingenious Physitian of this city by name Dr Bate being called to a gentlewoman a friend of mine who laboured under a Complication of distempers some of them single dangerous enough the most urgent was a violent Diarrhea which seemed to bee Symptomaticall the Effect of a Hectick feavour which had exceedingly emaciated her:b After many generous medicines fruitlessely enough employed the11 flux was immediately Stopped by a pill or 2 whose ingredients were lint, Magistery of Corall, & Peruvian Balsam: and the gentlewoman to our Amazement who had seen her in a most deplorable Condition was perfectly restored to her pristine Health. Dr Miclethwaite Uses12 a medicine he stiles Extractum Cardiacum with considerable successe in Fluxes as I can attest who am a wittnesse of severall ‹strang›13 cures performed by itt contrary to our Expectation who both made and used itt:c and were no profound admirers of itts ingredients or the method of preparing them Itt being only an Extract of Theriaca Andromachi Diascordium & Methridate with s [spirit of wine] inspissated.d Many good wives have Commended to mee as an approved Specifick in these Cases black berries gathred when green or reddish (if I may /fol. 79/ so speak a

i.e., Coxe’s paper read at the Royal Society, for which see above, p. 58n. Coxe refers to George Bate (1608–69), Court physician and F.R.S. 1660. c This is a reference to Sir John Micklethwaite (1612–82), physician. d i.e., thickened. b

72

COXE

to [BOYLE], 19 Feb. 1666

without being guilty of a Solecisme) which to be dried and pulverized. others tye up a quantity of the finest flour in a rag boyle in water 4 or 5 houres whereby itt is converted into a stone or Calx which powdred or Scraped into thickned milk or other idoneous Vehicle Seldome failes of curing ordinary lasks.a I cannot now I am on this subject forbear to acquaint you with an accident that befell mee 3 or 4 yeares agoe which made mee blesse my selfe that Ever I ‹minded›14 Physick & confirmed my uncertaine Thoughts in a Resolution I had lately assumed of persevering in that study. Being att a Relations in Summer one Evening as I returned from Botanizing (which was the designe that drew mee into those parts) I found the whole house in an uproar which was occasioned by a gentlewomans indisposition (who resided att that time with my Kinsman) which shee had that day Contracted by eating an incredible number of plums. when I came in shee was in an agony most apprehended her Condition desperate having had 50 stools & neer 30 Vomitts in the space of 2 or 3 houres and was so debilitated by the Copious Evacuation,15 vellication of her Stomack and griping in her bowells that Shee was not able to stand though otherwise a Robustious healthfull person; no Physitian or Physick being att hand I being overcome by their importunity ventred [sic] to make use of a medicine recently Commended to mee by a discreet gentleman who gave itt incredible Encomiums which hee Confirmed by a Relation or 2 of his own Knowledge. Itt was only ginger racedb putt in a chafingdish of coals whose Fumes Shee taking under her was in a moment freed from loosenesse & vomiting never being againe afflicted therewith, the griping remained which yet also in ½ an hour vanisshed: This instance learned mee to be cautious how I slighted any ordinary medicine: and inspired mee with a greate veneration for Specificks: of which I proceed to discourse I am informed that woodbine leaves boyled in milk Cure Istericks. And Firr lops or Shavings of gummous deal boyled in the beer that is brued for ordinary drinking doth alter the Saline Diathesis of the blood in Scorbuticall persons & in Time reduce itt to itts native Crasis by exalting16 and increasing the sulphur certainly the Same or much more would bee performed by more generous medicines abounding with the sulphureous principle. Our freind Mr Neuburgh doth highly extoll Spiritt of Elder berrys as specificall in the dropsie & assures mee that hee himselfe hath thereby Cured severall of that Distemper, and I remember perticularly an aged woman who had seen almost fourscore winters which to mee seemed pretty strang although Dr Croon in merriment told him that hee performed no Cure att all womens Soules lying crosse ways in them after they are threescore and ten & Seldome recovered the right posture till towards the latter end of the Century.c I have heard of a famous Beldame who cures Dropsie Epilepsie a

i.e., diarrhoea. i.e., rasped or grated. c For Neuburgh, see above, p. 62n. Coxe also refers to William Croone (1633–84), physician, F.R.S. and professor of rhetoric at Gresham College from 1659 to 1670. b

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& I17 think a myriad of Diseases by a medicine which if my Relaters are not partiall may bee stiled Universall. Although indeed itt is only ripe elder berries infused whole in Aq. vitæ, for 12 houres which liquor is to bee decanted and poured on fresh which operation shee reiterates 4 or 5 Times. Attriplex Olidaa made into a Syrup is Commended to mee for the prevention of abortion Shee hath to my Knowledge frequently experienced itt with wonderfull successe And18 adds this circumstance that itt must have grown 2 yeares on an old dungill. And yet the other day I mett with an experienced judicious Phisitian who hath used itts destilled water in Hystericall fitts with the Same Successe itt seldome failing him as hee solemnely assured mee. itt doth a little amaze mee that the same simple should have such different Effects: & yet I think I could produce Analogous instances19 There is an Empyrick in these parts famous for the Cure of the wormes who dying20 left the Secreet to his wife but shee not having the gift of taciturnity (like the rest of her sex) a freind of mine fisshed the receite out of her. I shall acquaint you with nothing new when I informe you that Crude [mercury] well wasshed in Spiritt of wine or distilled vinegar21 then boyled in Common faire water of which a few spoonfulls do allmost infallibly proscribe the Wormatick matter (to use my Honest friend M. N’s phrase) And that this medicine is as innoxious as Wormeseed22 Is evinced by freqent Experience for of many hundreds that have taken itt I never heard of any that miscarried.b Although I am Confident our tru Trojan Galenists will never cease to decry this innocent medicine and very gravely advise us to avoid itt with a præcaution proportionable to the grand use of the desperate poison itts cheif Ingredient and the evill impressions itt leaves behind. But now I speak of these meer Galenists (for I would not bee thought to reflect on many ingenious judicious Experienced Physitians abusively stiled Galenists by a Company of Ignorant hot headed Chimists & the giddy credulous multitude of their Sectators) They bring into my mind that successefull Physician in Acute distempers Dr de Boet whose pasport they are sayd to have made /fol. 79v/ I suppose rather from a principle of Ignorance then malice:c I had the Curiosity to enquire of an inquisitive gentleman the Drs23 intimate aquaintance many things Concerning his practice into which this person did sometimes a little prie.d Hee assured mee24 hee hath often hear him say that in feavours if he could procure a Constant breathing sweat there was little need of Phlebotomy or other Physick, Hee also affirmed25 that hee had a certaine Diaphoretick which seldome failed him. Hee a

Wild or stinking arrach, also known as stinking motherwort. ‘M. N.’ is possibly Marchamont Nedham, for whom see above, p. 11n.; or [Mr] Neuburgh, for whom see above, p. 62n. c Coxe possibly alludes to Gerard Boate (1604–50), a Dutch physician working in London. His career was marked by conflicts with the Royal College of Physicians; see Charles Webster, The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine and Reform, 1626–1660 (London, 1975), pp. 64–5. d This acquaintance has not been identified. b

74

COXE

to [BOYLE], 19 Feb. 1666

ordinarily cured the Quinsie & plurisie by an Outward application I think a plaster (without Celebration of phlebotomy) of which hee promised mee the receites & hee did not only certainly but also speedily Cure the most Acute distemper being frequently observed to use this Sentence (perhaps in imitation of Helmont) That hee ‹who› laboured under an acute distemper above 3 days was sick of his Physick & Phisitian, not off the distemper.a I once layd a Considerable obligation on an ingenious French gentleman who in requitall pretended to Communicate 3 medicines of approved efficacy.b The one has an Infusion of Roman Vitriol which exciting vomiting evacuated (if I may beleive an old philosopher) the minera of the morbifick matter in Agues. Another was the certaine Cure of the Dropsie by drinking an infusion of the Cortex mediana Ebuli or Sambuci in white whine [sic]. The 3d which I most vallue Itt having been frequently tried by my selfe and friendes with the desired Success.26 a medicine for Eys that are trowbled with Sorenesse, Rheums, or Inflammations and is prepared after the Ensuing manner. Boyle an egge till itt beecome27 very hard, pill off the shell cut itt asunder take out the yolke & in lieu of itt fill the Cavity with white Vitriol purified by frequent Solutions, filtrations, and coagulations bind the egg & inclosed vitriol in a ragg then mix Plantan Eybright & Red rose water æqual parts in which macerate the nodule 24 houres then presse into the water all the liquor with which the ey & Eylids Should bee frequently anointed. over night anoint your Ey cum unguento Tutiæc & bind on itt a Green silk bagg28 Stuffed with red rose leaves in the morning wash away the Unguent with the forementioned water Continue wearing the bagg & wasshing the ey till night as often as you think convenient. By this method many persons29 have recovered (I had allmost Sayd miraculously) their lost sight and that in a30 shorter space then any one would easily imagine. I shall Conclude with an account which a person who is famous for the Cure of the Toothache was att length persuaded to Communicate to mee. I give itt you in his own words. If the paine bee in an upper Tooth or row of Teeth anoint the pained side ‹on› 31 the temples and downe the chiek with Oleum Cariophili anthosatum Laurinum nardino &c with a warme hand.d If in a lower tooth or Row from the Temples under the jaw continually keeping the side warme that no Cold aer Come att itt. If the Tooth be Hollow stop itt with lint dipped in oyle of Vitriol, or sulphur per Campanam then lay a little lint on that. If the Tooth be not hollow or in many Teeth together make a nodule of a fine rag filled with Euphorbium in powder wett itt in a little strong vineger, heat & chew itt between the teeth hold itt as long as you can avoiding the Rhume itt draws which will be aboundant Such as are tender a

For van Helmont see above, p. 4n. The French gentleman has not been identified. c ‘with ointment of tutty’. d ‘oil of cloves with rosemary flowers, oil of bays and spike oil’. b

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and cannot endure Such a fiery heat as this nodule wil cause instead thereof after the anointing let him him hold in his mouth 3 or 4 spoonfulls of this Decoction as hot as he can. Recipe radicum Jacob. Enul., Camp.32 3 i [1 ounce] Pyrethri. 3ii [2 drams] Cariophill. 3i [1 dram] incidantur & Contundantur simul coquantur in vini rubri lb iss [1½ pounds]. ad Consumptionem 3æ. partis vini. Coletur.a or for hast you may ‹make›33 Some of the Spiritt Commonly called clove water, & heating itt actually hot lett him hold a mouthfull of itt in his mouth as hot as he can endure itt. Lastly apply to his Temples Emplastrum ad Herniam Ferneliib Spread itt on black [riband]34 sattin or Taffity, muffle his face very warme on the anointing with Scarlett, & let him keep warme, out of wind, and wett, must not suck35 his teeth or willingly draw cold aer att his mouth. handle no Cold, or Slabbery things, Eate no Cucumbers, melons, limons, Oranges or other cold fruits, no vineger or verjuice nor drink any Small beer or other drink actually cold. But if all his methods faile with a little iron wire heated hee seares up a vaine nerve or artery I know not which behind the ear,36 which hee sayth is the channell that Conveighs the Humor into thee teeth & gumms, the Operation is not Considerably dolourous: only hee apprehends that the teeth being defrauded of all or most of their nourishment cannot Subsist so long as if the passage had been free. I cannot Sir putt a period to this discourse before I have acquainted you with a remarkable observation or 2. A Woman37 very well known to mee voids every month or 6 weeks a worme 4 foot long or rather a chaine of (Lumbrici sati)c Wormes linked to each other this hath Continued many yeares & bringes into my mind a relation which I received from a Physician modest enough by name Dr Read of Windsore (a person well known to Dr Coxe who ‹ever› entertained a very favourable opinion of his great abilities in Physick) who affirmed in my presence &, before severall of my Relations that a patient of his voided one of these wormes which he measuring found 29 or 30 yards long.d The other Observation is of a person who in his passage from France to England kept back by crosse winds feeding only on cheese for 14 days, voided Store of petrified Shellfish; Dr Garantir a French Physitian att present in the City assured me of the Truth /fol. 62/ of this narration to which hee was an ey wittnesse and passenger att that time in the ship, hee says withall that for some days they lay uppon a shore which abounded with Such fish as the man voided whose strong smell did somewhat offend them and particularly this person, none in the ship ever a ‘Take 1 ounce of roots of ragwort and of elecampane, 2 drams of pellitory, 1 dram of cloves. Let them be chopped up and ground together, then boiled in 1½ pounds of red wine until a third part of the wine is consumed. Let it be strained.’ b Coxe alludes to Jean François Fernel (c. 1497–1558), French physician, and his plaster for healing ruptures. c ‘intestinal worms’. d Dr Read of Windsor is conceivably John Read, for whom see above, p. 2n. Coxe presumably also refers to his own father, Daniel Coxe sr, for whom see above, p. 71n.

76

BOYLE

to COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES, 23 Feb. 1666

stirring out to gather any off them.a This gentleman is ready att ‹present to› attest this Relation to you & all the world: If this Narration bee true itt would Considerably illustrate many passages in your discourse Concerning the disguises of the seeds of Insects and will silence a38 most Faithfull & ingenious friend of yours who will never give his Consent that the forementioned Treatise39 should bee exposed to the publike view till you Expunge or40 reject that Experiment which the Fabulous Kercher as he stiles him affirmes Concerning the resurrection of certaine shell fish from their bruised shells by the Concurrence of marine & astrall influences.b Sir I have no more att present excepting the assurance (of what you long since knew) that I am Sir Your most Affectionate & most Faithfull servant. Dan: Coxe

Stoke Newington. Feb. th 19. 65/6

Sir bee pleased to acquaint mee whither you intend to furnish your howse or lodgings, or Expect to have them ready fitted for your reception These. For the Honourable / Robert Boyle Esq. To bee left with Mr Crosse Apothecary living over against all Soules Colledge. / Oxon Seal: Remnant only: design missing. Postmark: ‘FE / 20’. Endorsed in ink below address: ‘dd’ [deleted], and ‘4’. Also endorsed between third and fourth line of address in pencil, ‘3’.

BOYLE to THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE UNITED COLONIES IN NEW ENGLAND 23 February 1666 From the extract in Massachusetts Historical Society, Miscellaneous Bound MSS, a series of petitions, legal documents, etc. Fol/1. Not previously published. a

Dr Garantir has not been identified. This is a reference to Boyle’s ‘Essays concerning the Concealments and Disguises of the Seeds of Living Creatures’, for which see Works, vol. 4, p. 517. Coxe also refers to Athanasius Kircher’s Magnes sive de arte magnetica (Rome, 1641), part iii, sect. 5, p. 723. b

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Extracted out of a letter, Signed, by Robert Boyle Governor in the name & by the appoyntment of the Honourable Corporation, for Propagating the Gospell to the Indians in New England. Dated from Coopers Hall in London. 23th Febr. 1665/6a As touching the font of letters sent over conteyneing long primer, Roman & Italica, with Greek & hebrew which Poiz 360lb weight, and for which wee payd – 31: 17: 08d and are such letters as Mr Johnson himselfe desired and advised would be best & fittest, wee do not understand what interest he can clayme1 in that font, as is also represented in your letter unto us, or what printing letters he caryed over upon his owne account, but wee concurr in what you offer, that it is not at all convenient that the Publique stock should continue mixed with his, which wee earnestly desire you would prevent.b Directed. To their honoured Friends the Commissioners for the united Colonyes of New England, in New England, or to any or either of them: these. Boston in New England. vera copia.c

Thomas Danforth. Recorder

Endorsed on verso: ‘Extract of a letter sent from the honourable Corporation in England to the Commissioners’, and ‘1665 February’ in a later hand.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

24 February 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 47. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 349–51, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 216–18 and Oldenburg, iii, 45–8.

a This is evidently an extract from a letter from Boyle and the New England Company to the New England Commissioners, comparable to those for 1662–4 (printed in vol. 2), which was not copied into the Commissioners’ minutes and does not otherwise survive. b Marmaduke Johnson (c. 1628–74), was sent over to New England by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 1660 to work on the printing of the Bible in Algonquian. See B. Franklin (ed.), Boston Printers, Publishers, and Booksellers, 1640–1800 (Boston, 1980), pp. 303–9. c ‘true copy’. Thomas Danforth (1623–99), was Assistant Commissioner of Massachusetts, 1659–79.

78

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Feb. 1666

London Feb. 24. 1665/6. Sir, I was very glad to see yours of Feb. 19 (which came but yesternight to my hands) and there to find your being freed from your late indisposition, as also your thoughts of coming neerer to Us.a Such persons, as you, Sir, we highly need to assert and promote the dessein and interest of the Society, and to suggest the proper wayes of carrying on their work. There are so few of such, that, unlesse either they redouble their zeale, or their number encrease, that Noble Institution will come far short of its End. We are now undertaking severall good things, as the Collecting a Repository, the setting up a Chymicall Laboratory, a Mechanicall operatory, an Astronomicall Observatory, and an Optick Chamber;b but the paucity of the Undertakers is such, that it must needs stick, unlesse more come in, and putt their shoulders to the work. We know, Sir, you can and will doe much to advance these attempts; and we hope, the Heavens are reconciled to Us, to free us from the Infection, and to return you to London.c Our President is to summon us to assemble again on the 14th of March next, if ‹in the mean time› he see no cause to the contrary.d The Arrears of the Society amount to above £600; how to gett them paid, is the Question.e Mr Colwall has lately presented /47 (1)v/ Us with another £50, therewith, and with the former 50 of his liberality, to purchase a very handsome Collection of Naturall things for our Repository; which ‹may› be some part of an Establishment.f My Lord Brouncker will now by all means be released of his Presidentship, and he is so peremptory in his resolution, that ’twill be very hard, to engage his Lordship for another year.g I know, Sir, they have an Eye upon you for his Successor, thinking it very important, to chuse1 persons into that Chair, in whom Birth and Ability are in conjunction: And I would faine persuade myselfe, you will neither injure them nor yourselfe so much, as to decline that Honor; especially since it will not oblige you to such an assiduity, as is indispensable,2 provision ‹being ready,› to supply your place, upon occasion.h a Boyle’s letter of 19 Feb. 1666 is not extant. Oldenburg probably refers to Boyle’s plans to move to Stoke Newington, for which see above, p. 70. b For the Society’s repository see above, p. 46n. and Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 46), ch. 4. The other facilities mentioned here did not materialise. c Oldenburg refers to the plague in London. d The Council of the Royal Society met for the first time since the outbreak of the plague on 21 Feb., the Society itself on 14 Mar.; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 63, 65. The President at this time was Lord Brouncker. e That is, the arrears of Fellows’ unpaid subscriptions; this problem was discussed at the Council meeting of 26 Feb. f Daniel Colwall (d. 1690), an original Fellow, was appointed treasurer of the Society on 11 Apr. 1665 and retained that office until 1679. His first gift of £50 was made on 2 Dec. 1663; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 64, 73. g Lord Brouncker was in fact re-elected on 11 Apr., and annually until 30 Nov. 1677. h Although Boyle chaired meetings before the First Charter, he steadfastly refused overtures that he be a candidate for the presidency; see Michael Hunter, Robert Boyle: Scrupulosity and Science (Woodbridge, 2000), p. 64ff.

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I hope, Mr Williamson and I, have so ordered the matter in the point of Correspondency, that there will be no exception taken at it.a I could as easily have engaged Mr Godolphin for the same purpose, but that he is gone for Spaine with the Earl of Sandwich, for which kingdome they ‹both› have receaved as well Philosophicall as Politicall Instructions.b I receaved the Sequele of the Hydrostatical Paradoxes but on Thursday last (Febr. 22) If the sheets had come to me, as they were printed off at Oxford, the Version would have been ‹neer› ready by this time.c However, if the Printer will, he may presently begin the Latin, of which more than half is done, and I promise him, that, God vouchsafing me health, he shall be furnisht weekly with matter sufficient /47 (2)/ for 2 printed sheets; only let him give me directions, by whom to send constantly. I long, to see also the Origine of Formes, and hope, an Exemplar of it will come along with your other promised favor of the Hydrostaticks.d Whatever Inquiries you can spare, whether about Insects, or other parts of Natural History, all will3 be exceeding welcome; and the same I say of the Observations about the Baroscope, etc. intending, carefully to obey your orders, that respect M. Hook.e I now exspect daily more than one friend from Paris, bringing along severall Treatises, I have lookd for, this 12 month. Monsieur Auzout and others, offer to continue their Philosophicall Commerce, though that of State and Marchants be interrupted;f and I hope, I shall not be deficient in entertaining it. The said Auzout let me lately know of 2 persons of quality and good Estates, that have sett,4 with others, upon Optick Glasses; one is, Signor Burattini, Grand master of the Mint of Poland, rich, curious and a good Mechanician; the other, Monsieur dela Son (not, De Son) a French Gentleman, who has promised to be shortly at Paris, and there to produce Glasses of his fashion.g Burattini is said to have already made good ones of 60 foot, and with them to have seen in Venus some Inequalities, as we see in the a For Joseph Williamson see above, p. 20n. It may well be that this remark is related to the passage of Oldenburg’s incoming correspondence through Williamson’s office (where postage was paid), no doubt to the advantage of both parties; see Oldenburg, iii, xxvi–vii. b Oldenburg refers to William Godolphin (1634–96), MP and later ambassador to Madrid, and to Edward Montagu, 2nd Earl of Sandwich (for whom see above, p. 29n.), ambassador extraordinary to Madrid, who sailed on 3 Mar. 1666. c For the Latin translation of Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes see above, p. 15n. Oldenburg had evidently requested that he work from the English proofs as they were printed off by William Hall for Richard Davis. d For the Latin edition of Boyle’s Forms and Qualities (1666) see Works, vol. 5, pp. xxix–xxx. e Oldenburg was evidently hoping for material to be inserted in Phil. Trans.; it is not clear what Boyle’s orders regarding Hooke were. f For Adrien Auzout see above, p. 15n. Oldenburg alludes to England’s war with Holland and France. g This is a reference to Tito Livio Burattini (1617–81). Monsieur de la Son has not been traced, but is evidently not Desson/De Son, for whom see above, p. 45n. The letter from Auzout containing these details is dated 2 Feb. See Oldenburg, iii, 34–9.

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Moone: Besides, to be now at work about one of 120 foot; and to have hopes to advance to 200 foot and above. He pretends also to make Looking-glasses 2 or 3 times greater than those of Venice, that is to say, of 8 or 9 foot; and he affirms to have a method, perfectly to polish his Optick Glasses in his Forms, without the Interposition of /47 (2)v/ any Linnen, or Woollen cloath, or paper etc. and to give them an admirable polish. The other, M. dela Son, affirms to have found a Turne, whereby he can give what figure he pleases to Glasses; and seems to excell Campani at Rome.a We shall see in time, what truth there is in these matters; and I look every day for something also of this nature from M. Hugens, and I hope too, we shall not be behind, in England.b I intend, within a few dayes, to write to Hevelius, and to engage him5 to give or procure us an Account of the Way of making Potashes, and of the SalgemmæMines in Poland.c If any thing ‹else› come in your mind, worthy to be inquired after in Borussia, Poland, Liefland, I pray, send it me, and I shall diligently recommend it.d Some Enquiries about Amber would not be amisse for those parts. I must hasten to annexe the Civill news, that lately came to my hands. Sueden gives out, that in case the Lunenburg-forces fall into the Contry of Munster, they will Joyne with the Bishope.e ’Tis conceived, (and very rationally, I think) that there cannot now be that confidence between France and Sueden, ‹which›6 has been formerly, and that upon the account of Poland, where Sueden will be very loath that a king of the French Nation, now so powerfull, should take root.f The Mareshall of Turenne is pressed upon the States for Generall; which is a point of a farr reach, if it be complyed with.g The French king will then need no towns of Security from them. Eight Dutch men of warre have Joyned with the Duke of Beaufort at Thoulon. We say, that if Sir Jeremy Smith, who is safe with his Ships, can be but enforced with half a score Frigats more, he will never decline any encounter with all the strength, that is like to be made in the Streights, the Scots will all come away from France, notwithstanding all the fair offers made to stay them.h I can add no more, than a

The reference is to Giuseppe Campani (1635–1715), famous Italian instrument maker. For Huygens see above, p. 45n. c Oldenburg wrote to Johann Hevelius on 30 Mar., and included a list of ‘inquiries’ on 23 different items; see Oldenburg, iii, 72–9. ‘Salgemmæ’ is rock salt. d Both Borussia and Liefland are parts of Lithuania. e The reference is to the forces of the Duke of Brunswick-Lüneberg, then fighting on the side of Dutch against the Bishop of Munster, for whom see above, p. 17n. f John Casimir (1609–72), was the last king of Poland of the Vasa dynasty. Among the possible successors discussed was Henri II (1621–86), Prince de Condé, a French prince of the Bourbon dynasty. g This is a reference to Henri de la Tour d’Auvergne (1611–75), Vicomte Turenne, Maréchal of France from 1643. h The reference is to Sir Jeremiah Smith (d. 1675), a former Cromwellian admiral, and François de Vendôme (1616–69), Duc de Beaufort, French admiral. b

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Sir your very humble faithful servant. Endorsed at head of 47 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XLVII’.

COXE TO [BOYLE]

5 March 1666

From the original in BL 2, fols 64–5. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir, Extreeme hast would not permitt mee to entertaine you in my last with Philosophicall discourses (so you are pleased to stile them although in my apprehention they are far enough from being Strictly such) And now Sir my head is so full of proclamations Concerning Greatrix that I must necessarily vent them before I can reassume my Chimicall Commerce I am encouraged to entertaine you on this subject your Honour being the first that inspired mee with a Curiosity Concerning him.a After I had received the favour of your letter wherin you mentioned this extraordinary person I procured the sight of another wrote by Dr Henry More to ‹a› freind of mine purposely on this subject.b That learned person had opportunitys to observe him, & is endued with So great a measure of Sagacity that I am Confident he cannot easily bee imposed on, with so much candour ingenuity & freedome from prejudice that I account of him as a very fitt person to Scan Greatrix his actions & designes. And I must necessarily acknowledge that uppon the favourable Character Enthusiasmus Triumphatus gave him I layd aside most of my preconceived prejudices & prepared my selfe for an impartiall examination of all things relating to him that Should fall under my Cognizance.c Dr More in his letter intimates that this extraordinary gift of healing in Mr Greatrix is a mix’d thing partly Complexionall, partly supracorporeall and that Some invisible power is adjoyned: hee apprehends there is no hurt in itt att all, att least as far as hee can discerne but that itt is well meant of Providence in the behalfe of the Protestant Cause in oppoa Coxe alludes to Valentine Greatrakes (1629–83), the Irish stroker, who performed a variety of cures by the laying-on of hands or stroking the affected parts; see N. H. Steneck, ‘Greatrakes the Stroker: The Interpretation of the Historians’, Isis, 73 (1982), 161–77, and B. B. Kaplan, ‘Greatrakes the Stroker: The Interpretation of His Contemporaries’, Isis, 73 (1982), 178–85. b Boyle’s letter is not extant. Coxe refers to Henry More (1614–87), Cambridge Platonist. For More’s interest in the Greatrakes affair see M. H. Nicolson, Conway Letters (London, 1930; rev. edn by Sarah Hutton, 1998), p. 244ff. The mutual friend of More and Coxe has not been identified. c This is a reference to More’s Enthusiasmus triumphatus (1656).

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sition to1 that Church which doth affect So much & faine so many miracles & Greatrix being questioned by a sober judicious friend of ours of what persuasion hee was in reference to Religion, Replied that hee was a Protestant who loved all good men, butt was not of any faction, although hee Confessed hee had been caressed by many parties but most highly Courted by the Roman Catholicks. Dr More further2 suggests that itt would bee worth our while if wee Could Converse with him to see of what a gay innocent & unconcerned temper hee is. & indeed Sir as neerly as I can guesse by that little Converse I have had with him hee seemes to bee of a most excellent disposition which is sufficiently exercised by many amongst that infinity of people that dayly have recourse ‹to him›. For his piety I can give no Extraordinary Testimonialls. Hee is very cheerfull & jocular which makes some good honest dark soules that think all good people must bee like themselves reserved & melancholly, too apt to censure him. But those of us that pretend to understand Somewhat of the extent of Christian liberty entertaine more favourable sentiments. Somewhat must bee allowed for his temper & imployment for methinks itt were very preposterous to3 bring joyfull tidings with dark melancholly or supercilious looks. And really his gay lively healthfull aspect doth I am Confident Considerably influence people, Confirme their preconceived hopes & perhaps Considerably exalt their Expectations. But to acquaint you with matter of fact. I suppose I may bee able to render your Honour as exact an account as most excepting Some who have accompanied him in all his journies. I shall first Communicate to you a few eminent instances of his successe which were observed by an ey wittnesse an inquisitive judicious & no ways credulous person by name Mr Foxcraft who hath the4 happinesse to bee well known to your Honour. (in Warwickshire)a 1. A woman brought 3 children a son & 2 daughters to bee touched by Mr Greatrix.b which had been trowbled with Convulsions or fitts of the mother for above 4 yeares the youth on the application & short chafing of Mr Greatrix hand was restored. I saw him well successively 2 or 3 days after, & heare that hee Continues so. Susan one of the girles (as her mother told mee) was so thickly persued with her fitts that of a 12 month before shee had not spoken above once in a month; & Margaret the other had layne utterly speechlesse for 3 weekes last past, both these after a somewhat longer5 chafing were soon freed, restored to speech & ability of walking up & down, but they both relapsed again into their fitts & became againe a This is a reference to Ezekiel Foxcroft (b. 1639), Fellow of King’s College Cambridge and lecturer in mathematics in the university. His relation was published in Henry Stubbe’s Miraculous Conformist (London, 1666), pp. 31–44. Stubbe’s text is dated 18 Feb. and is in the form of a letter addressed to Boyle. Coxe must have seen the text in the interim between its composition and publication, as it is clear from this letter that Stubbe’s book was not in print at this time. Coxe clearly detected the subversive theological implications of Stubbe’s opinions of Greatrakes’s cures; see Steneck, ‘Greatrakes the Stroker’ (above, p. 82), p. 166. b For Mrs Bickeridge, living near Tewkesbury, see Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, p. 32.

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speechlesse, Margaret lay in that Condition 12 houres the next day her to Mr6 G. & within some minutes shee was restored to speech but her pain held Mr Gs hand in play neer an hour after; being thus restored to speech shee was bid by Mr G. to move her hand on the place & point wheresoever her pain removed hee being presently ready to apply his hand to the place affected; shee did so & forthwith itt avoided his touch skipping exceeding swiftly from one part of the head to the other as from the forehead to the crown, from thence to the Pole, then to the right side, now to the left, into the neck, shoulder, arme, hand, then opposite hand to the thigh, calfe of the leg, ankle, foot, & from thence as quick as thought to the head again from whence shifting according to the former or like order hee was faine sometimes to apply both his hands att once endeavouring as neer as he7 could to Cover the head intirely with his hands but many times the pain got between the interstices of his fingers from whence on a fresh application itt flew to other parts with incredible speed which much amazed the bystanders. att length having vexed itt from part to part for as I guesse the best part of an hour itt passed out att her toes. The next day the other sister Susan was brought in speechlesse, shee was restored to her speech & freed from her pains in like manner but with far lesse adoe and in a much shorter time wee heard no more of them after. 2. Instance./ Mrs Walling a schoolmistresse fell into an horrid fitt of the falling sicknesse, her motions were exceeding vehement & Convulsive with so much violence & impetuosity /fol. 64v/ as if her limbs had been rending in sunder:a I never Saw any Hystericall paroxism halfe So dreadfull, all her joynts seemed to bee crampt, and sometimes so distorted as if shee had been uppon the wrack. Mr G. by stroking her bared brest soon restored her to such sensibility as that shee was able to speak & direct to the place whither her pain shifted which itt often did with unexpressible agility, from one extreeme of the body to the other & itt was very observable that whithersoever her pain retired that part was (as itt were) crampt & seem’d by her motions crying out & shrieks to bee affected with intollerable dolour: Sometimes itt was in her throat nigh choaking her, & then ensued such excessive belchings (as I have also observed ‹often› in Sundry Ashtmaticall Pthysicall persons stroaked by him) and in this case was hee faine to leave her for that time night growing on & an infinity of diseased persons pressing on him for helpe. The next day whilest wee were sitting att dinner word was brought to Mr G that one was fallen in his chamber. And (as8 att other times hee was wont to quitt all things to afford releif in this sad distemper hee immediately left the Table (& I with him) wee were no sooner got into the chamber but wee found itt was the same Mrs Walling fallen into a new fitt which was rather more vehement then that of the day before, itt now sometimes affected her in the eys sometimes in her nose & that a For Mrs Walling, a schoolmistress, who was treated in the City Hall, Worcester, see Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, p. 39.

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with such anguish as shee seemed oftentimes ready to tear itt off. shee Continued under Mr G hand betwixt 3 & 4 houres & was att length freed from her pains which were chased out att her Toes. 3. The next Instance is of one Æsther Jordan who (as her friendes related having in her infancy Att 3 yeares of age (by what mischance I know not) taken poison presently lost her speech & hearing & so hath Continued ever since being now 22 yeares old.a By the application of Mr G hand to her tongue and eares both speech & hearing were recovered in a few minutes, & although her speech was not very Articulate yet one might easily enough understand shee intelligibly enough imitated every word spoken in her ear for when Mary was spoken shee returned Maa for Father. Faa for Mother Moa &c. 4 A9 gentleman that of long time had had a dimnesse in his left ey (though indeed itt looked as fair as the other & therfore hee was forced to make several protestations to his freindes before hee Could gain beleif but being once Credited hee was soon advised by them to Essay Mr G. hand whose Efficacy hee then seemed utterly to slight & disbeleive, & therfore att first made very dainty;b as Mr G. also affirming hee would touch none but those that were desirous hee should: but in fine both being overcome by the importunity of some Ladies submitted the one to Touch, the other to bee Touched: his ey accordingly being Touched the gentleman straight protested that he saw much more cleerly with itt then before & so stood by. Soon after he Complained of a paine & heavinesse in his head, (hee had before been much trowbled with a Paralyticall humour & for that Cause had severall successive yeares repaired to Bath) uppon the application of Mr G hand hee sayd his pain was now gon, & so went aside again, soon after hee Complained that hee was sick att stomack & seemed to bee in a very Iomiturient [sic] Condition; Mr G. Caused him to unbutton & slip of his shoes & stockings & with his hand chased the illnesse of his stomach down into his leg & out att his toes so that hee Sayd hee now felt nothing not long after hee Complained of a paine in his head Mr G. stroakt it downe into his Eys which watred extreemly & the lidds were in a Continuall Trepidation & by his Complaints & gestures seemed to bee full of paine, after a while they began to amend. Mr G. stroakt his head again & by so doing brings a fresh supply of humours into them which Caused the like unpleasing Phænomenon as before. And this recourse from head to Eys was repeated att least 20 Times as sundry persons of Honour & integrity who were present Can Testify. Thus far Mr Foxcraft his Relations are so choice & full of the most remarkable observations that itt will save mee a great deal of trowble; & I would not willingly trowble you with unnecessary Repetitions & Tautologies. Therfore as for what relates to my own observations the first time I saw Mr G was occasionally att your a b

Esther Jordan from Shropshire; see Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, p. 42. See ibid., p. 42.

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Honourable sister’s the Lady Ranalaugh when I was to waite on her honour & render her an account of the Employ wherewith you were pleased to favour mee. I did not there observe many remarkable passages few persons being then Touched, only the Earle of Warwick seem’d to bee Considerably releived on his stroaking especially in his upper parts.a I have since been att many places10 and Conversed with many persons Touched or stroaked by him. but I made the most exact remarques11 att my own lodging (Mr Cressetts howse in Charterhowse yard) where hee was 2 days & ‹as many› nights & performed such strang feates as did surprize mee with pleasure & amazement.b This scrible would exceed the bounds a letter if I should acquaint you with all I observed in Mr G. worthy my Content or observation. But att present I shall only Suggest to you12 how hee acquired his skill, & how Successefull hee is in his Employ. There are various Relations abroad how hee Came 1st. to Exercise this gift (as most call itt) But the genuine relation as itt came from his own mouth is that having a strong persuasion that hee was endued with vertue to cure the Kings Evill hee was restlesse till hee had made triall & finding himselfe successefull in this13 his attempts he persevered in this employment some yeares touching only strumous persons, but about a 12 month since the Impulse disposed him to undertake the Cure of all maladies with what successe wee shall14 see. The most Eminent instance I can give you of his Sanative vertue which made the greatest impression on mee (of above an hundred others I had opportunity to observe) was of a man brought in a sedan unable to stand, or brace his back (if I may so stile an upright posture) but his hands leg [sic] met together if hee had no support: hee was most misorably emaciated & seemed the True picture of Sicknesse & Famine this person on Mr G stroaking /fol. 65/ his back found the pain to descend sensibly which was after some adoe drove out att the anus. The man thereuppon stood upright walked put on his clothes stooped & tied his shoes And did many other offices the easiest of which before hee was unable to performe, neither do I yet hear any thing of his relapse I Could Communicate to you (I beleive) some hundred instances of persons releived by him, but I fear least I should prove uncivill or trowblesome & therefore I shall reduce all I intend to say to a few Heads. The first is that most that Come to him returne without receiving any considerable advantage, nay on the Contrary in some few the paines are exasperated this G himselfe acknowledges, renders no Cause therof but resolves all into the secreet will of god. 2ly. Many persons in a deplorable condition are often Considerably releived & Sometimes perfectly Cured on his touching whenas on the Contrary others that come to bee Cured of Slight indispositions often receive no benefitt by his touching or stroking of them a b

Coxe refers to Boyle’s brother-in-law, Charles Rich (1616–73), 4th Earl of Warwick. For John Cresset see above, p. 43n.

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3ly. The diseases in whose cure hee employs his gift with greatest successe are first Strumæ or the Kings Evill. which after the application & short chafing of his hand dry and wast away insensibly. Hee Cutts Scrophulous tumours or wens very dextrously (Hee took 12 from a certain Lady I could name who I am informed hath remained very well ever since that dolourous Operation)a as also many other tumours or excrescencies, that are blemisshes, painfull, or Dangerous. & if any blood flow forth on his incision as sometimes itt doth pretty plentifully hee (as on all other occasions) immediately Stanches itt by the Application of his finger. Hee seldome fails of driving away present paines which fly before his hands, are followed from part to part and att length proscribed ‹& pass out› att ends of fingers or toes, Eares, Eys Mouth or the opposite orifice (which 2 latter lesse usuall) Hee hath cured severall of the Sciatica & amongst others a Dr of Physick whose name I have forgot Hee Cures most that have present pains internall or Externall, Aches, Megrim Asthma, Convulsions Epilepsie, Hystericall persons one of an ague att my lodging & others since as I am informed. Some hee Cures of Dimnesse in their sight, others of deafnesse yet many15 Seemingly in a better & more promising condition then those that were healed by him received no benefitt by his Stroking ears or eys 4ly. I have often observed that some on the application of his hand are freed from their paines for Some minutes others for days or weeks into which neverthelesse they relapse are again Cured & so successively for 3 or 4 times which makes mee question whither a determinate time (which may bee in Some of long durance in others of a shorter date) those that are Seemingly cured may not bee again afflicted with their distemper. But supposing his cures are only Temporary this will not with mee derogate much from their Strangnesse reallity or usefullnesse. For itt is to mee almost as amazing a Consideration that a person by his touch should mitigate the furious Archeus prevent his ravages & excursions for some time in which intervall16 a judicious Phisitian may by Specificall medicines extirpate the reliques of the distemper. 5ly. I perceive hee is not altogether so successefull in the city as ‹he was› in the Countrey which I attribute partly to the Infinity of people that have recourse to him who are altogether so17 importunate that hee hath not Convenient time as hee Confesses to rub & chafe one, being necessitated to leave him when hee hath Scarce begun (And18 before sufficient vertue was gon out of his hand. wheras in the Countrey hee would spend an hour, 2. 3. or 4 on one person as you may see by Mr Foxcrafts relation. Another impediment seems to be the uninterrupted importunity of some, affronts Incredulity & sinister apprehentions of others which they spare not to avouch even to his face which in my apprehention cannot but a

This lady has not been further identified.

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discompose his spiritts & perhaps somewhat deprave that Balsamicall Substance which probably is the Cause of those Prodigious Effects wee dayly observe. For certainly the passions of the mind do most signally and sensibly influence the bodies of those that are agitated therewith. Although I suppose the excellent Complexion if I may so stile itt of Mr G body & mind do in a great measure Secure him receiving very considerable alterations from these injurious circumstances which in another would make far stronger impressions. You may now Sir possibly expect that I should descant on these observations and draw up some Corollaries or make some grave Theologicall Conclusions. But alas Sir I am so deeply immerst in the dreggs of Hylea that I can think of nothing but matter & Mechanismes. I have been so affrighted19 with occult Qualities, Sympathy ‹&› Antipathy, & bringing divinities on the stage to resolve every riddle in the Play that possibly I may whilest I industriously avoid one Extreem blunder uppon the other verifying in my Example that smart sentence Dum Stulti vitant vitia in Contraria Currunt.b I should perhaps divert you by Communicating the Hypothesis I have excogitated in order to the Solution of these Putatitious miracles. But Sir if you are not yet persuaded that brutes are meer Machines you will think I am very extravagant who make man little more (or lesse) in short Sir to Epitomize all I have to say on this subject give mee leave to assure you that many circumstances forcibly suggest to mee that this extraordinary gift of healing in Mr G. is meerly Complexionall & to mee seemes no more to depend on a Divine influx or an invisible power adjoyned then that faculty wee have of Eating or drinking, only this latter is Common to all men, the other Extraordinary & depends on Some peculiar Crasis of body, Diathesis or schematisme of what transpires from him; those steames being impregnated with active Sulphureous or Saline parts may easily enough mortify or putt into a more innocent Texture Noxious Humours which perhaps usually are little in Quantity though powerfull in Energy. And the truth is I find no more difficulty in making out all Mr G. Cures Mechanically then I do in the manner of specifick operation /fol. 65v/ Nay itt doth not seem so stupendious to mee as that relation in Helmont Concerning Butlers driff which Sir, I perceive you are apt enough to creditt.c And I am not more putt to itt to give a satisfactory account of Mr Greatrix’s feats then how Ens Veneris cures the Ricketts, an Antefebrifuge Agues, volatile Spirit of vitriol the Epilepsie a precipitate with . [gold] the Lues. and I can render as cleer an account how maladies are healed by the Sanative Cona

i.e., matter. ‘When fools would avoid a vice, they run into the opposite [vice]’, from Horace, Satires, I. ii. 24. c The reference is to van Helmont, Ortus medicinae, pp. 468–74. Butler, an Irishman at the court of King James I, performed cures with his stone (called by Helmont ‘drif’). It operated without any quantitative loss, by minimal touch or radiation. b

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tagion (as Dr More stiles itt) that proceeds from Mr G. hand; as how Cathartick, Emeticik. Diaphoretic Diuretick Narcotick or Cordiall medicines operate in the body of their patient Sir I shall Conclude with a request which I hope you will consider of & graunt without any Considerable Conflict itt importing your Honour more then any person living excepting Dr Henry Stubbs who is making a Collection of G. cures in order to a designe whereby hee will exceedingly oblidge those who like himselfe are so intent on the gratifications of Sence, or Evill Passions that either they have nor will or leasure to think of a Deity or immortall soules; or have so much Philosophy as to reason themselves out of their Religion a fond persuasion wherein a Company of pittifull Superstitious credulous persons who have not deposited native & acquired prejudices are deluded. In a word Sir (if I am not misinformed by them who have reason to pretend they understand Dr Stubbs his designs) I am informed that Dr S. intends to Demonstrate from what Greaterex hath performed that the miracles of our blessed Saviour were not derived from any extraordinary assistance of a Divinity, much lesse from the Union of the divine nature with Humanity; But that as G. they might be meerly the result of his Constitution which Same may bee affirmed of others that have performed reall miracles (as wee simple people stile them) And this book hee intends to addresse to your Honour which is a laudeble peice of ambition if the Subject20 of his disquisitions were such. But wee here have all such a Strong persuasion of Mr Boyles good will & unfained Love to Christianity that wee Cannot imagine hee should Patronize any thing which hath such a direct tendency to Atheisme & doth most positively enervate the very Basis of Christianity; & invalidate (att least seemingly) the strongest motive to beleive the veracity of those Excellent Dictates which all that rightly improve their Reason make the rule of their present life & the foundation of their hopes of a future felicity exceeding imagination. And really Sir if you do not manifest your (perhaps Publike) dislike of a designe of so bad Consequence I perceive you will expose your selfe to the censures of many to whome you have exceedingly endeared your selfe by owning Piety in your Speculations & Practice. Pardon Sir I humbly beseech you this bold freedome which I durst not have assumed if I had not been overcome by the irresistible impulses of Love & Duty. my (perhaps inconsiderate21 zeale for the Concerns of my Dearest Lord, Christianity, & my Dearest friend have made Mee expatiate longer then I intended, and hath I fear transported mee beyond the bounds of Civility. I have possibly spoke too smartly of Dr Stubbs against whome yet I have no particular pique but on the Contrary do respect him for his great parts & known Ingeny22 although I must necessarily acknowledge I cannot admire his Principles & Practices. Sir I have no more att present but after the Reiteration of my humble suit to you to love mee allways I remaine. 89

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Your Most Affectionate Faithfull & Humble Servant. D: Coxe

23

Before I was aware I find that Greaterex hath Cured mee of that strang disease which hath been so trowblesome to your Honour although never perceptible to my selfe: I wish the remedy do not prove worse then the Disease.a Sir I returne you humble thanks for that Obliging profer of your Hydrostatical Paradoxes, I burne with impatience to see & peruse Them.24b if you order itt to bee left with any Bookseller the Lady Ranalaugh or att Mr Cressetts giving mee the least intimation I shall soon procure itt. I am heartily greived to understand the hard fate of ‹our› friend you cannot Sir use a better method to Comfort mee then by sending mee news of your own health & welfare & resolutions to come into these parts.c

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

6 March 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 48. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 351, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 218–19 and Oldenburg, iii, 48–51.

March. 6. 1665/6. Sir, I have receaved the two Hydrostaticall Books, but shall have no opportunity to deliver that, which is intended for the Society, till to morrow coms sevennight, when we hope to meet again in a Body.d Our President returns you his humble thanks and service for the Exemplar, presented to him.e Dr Wren is returned, and very kindly inquired after you. He is very well satisfied with the civilities, he has received in France, and commends particularly Mr Auzout; and so, I think, will, every ingenious and learned man.f In the packet, he brought over with him for me, I doe not find all, I exspected; which makes me think, My Lord Annesley will bring a

It is not clear to what Coxe here refers. Coxe alludes to Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes, probably published in Feb. 1666; see Works, vol. 5, p. xviii. c For Boyle’s plans to move to Stoke Newington see above, p. 70n. d For Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666) see Works, vol. 5. A copy of this work was presented to the Society by Oldenburg on 14 Mar.; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 65. e Lord Brouncker received either a copy of Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes or Forms and Qualities (1666), for which see Works, vol. 5. f Christopher Wren (1632–1723), had been in France studying architecture since July 1665. For Adrien Auzout see above, p. 15n. b

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to BOYLE, 6 Mar. 1666

the rest.a There is nothing else, but Monsieur Redi, Delle Vipere, in Italian, ‹and short;› and Monsieur Petit, Of the two Comets, in French, pretty large, and all their Journaux des Scavans from the beginning of january last, till now; in most of which I find, what is Philosophicall, to be taken out of our Transactions; the rest being, generally, Extracts and Abbreviats of Theologicall, Historico-Politicall1 and such like Books.b Monsieur Petit in the annexed letter to me, presents you his humble service, and inquires particularly after your health and present occupation.c Dr Wallis promised the other day to give me, what he knows, of the Earthquake, time enough for the next Transactions, which will not be printed till the midle of ‹this›2 month, the next precedent ‹having been› printed somewhat later in the ‹former› month, than usually.d If the addition, you are pleased to mention, of your owne, might be here by Saturday next, it would enrich those papers; and so would, the Observations about the Baroscope, you also are pleased to give me hopes off by the next.e My letter to Monsieur Hevelius is to be sent away, God willing, next weeke, and those Queries about Amber would, doubtlesse, obtain from him or his acquaintance a satisfactory Answer.f And what other Inquiries about Naturall things you have ready, and shall think fit to communicate to me for forrain parts, I shall take more than ordinary care to recommend. Monsieur Hevelius inquires particularly after the History of the Society, and the Latine versions of your late Books.g The former is in lasy hands; the latter are falne into troublesome times, when Stationers complain of the great rate of paper, and of the difficulty of getting Books dispersed abroad, when printed Mr Crook hath very much desired, that he might not now be pressed to print off the Latin of your History of Cold,3 hoping, that within 5 or 6 weeks he shall get paper at an easier rate, than now he can procure.h What to say to this, I know not. The last letters from Holland mention, that now Christians as well as Jews write from Constantinople the confirmation of the reports concerning the motion of the a

The reference is to Arthur Annesley (1614–86), Baron Annesley of Newport Pagnell, 1st Earl of Anglesey. b For the works of Redi and Petit see above, p. 15n. and p. 46n. Oldenburg refers to the Journal des Sçavans, regular publication of which began in Jan. 1665 in Paris. c This letter from Pierre Petit has not been traced. d The next Phil. Trans., no. 10, is dated 12 Mar. 1666. John Wallis’s account of the Oxford earthquake (19 Jan. 1666) appears on pp. 166–71. e ‘Saturday next’ was 10 Mar. Oldenburg had requested Boyle’s communication of the earthquake in his letter of 27 Jan.; see above, p. 45. This piece, and the one on barometrical observations, were printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 179–85 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666); see Works, vol. 5, pp. 502–7. f For the letter to Hevelius see above, p. 81n. The acquaintance referred to has not been identified. g The reference is to Thomas Sprat’s History of the Royal Society (1667) and to the Latin translations of Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes and Cold, for which see above, p. 15n. h For John Crooke see above, p. 44n.

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Israelites, and the great hopes, the Jewes entertain of recovering their land very shortly. I shall refer you to these Extracts of Letters, as I receaved them,4 from Amsterdam:a /48 (2)/ Copie d’une lettre de Constantinople, escrite de Monsieur Chaumont Ambassadeur, à son frere resident à Venise, le 8 Decemb. 1665.b Il y a icy de grandes nouvelles touchant le Roy des Juifs; on l’attend icy en bref: et on dit, que le Grand Seigneur se contenterra de luy ceder la Couronne dela Palestine. Et la plus ‹part› d’entre les Juifs ne font plus de negoce, mais s’approstent pour s’en aller à Jerusalem. Au commencement Monsieur le Gendre et moy nous nous mocquions d’eux, faisans peu de conte de tout cecy; mais astheur, par les apparences qu’il y a, nous craignons que ce ne soit tout de bon.c Copie de la lettre d’un Consul Francois de Smyrne, escrite à un Chrestien, Signor Joseph Rosano.d Il y a icy de nouvelles considerables avec l’arrivee en cete ville d’un Roy des Juifs, qui est une personne de grande consideration et de grande sapience: de qui les Turcs mesmes font grand estat. Nostre Nation demeure avec quelque peur. Dieu veuille, qu’il5 ne nous cause quelque domage. De paris le 19 Fevr. 1666. Les [brui]ts6 continuent icy journellement touchant les Juifs et qu’ils s’assema A letter from Oldenburg to Joseph Williamson dated 10 Nov. 1665, not printed in Oldenburg, indicates that Oldenburg had been receiving letters from Smyrna for some time on this subject; see CSPD, 1665–6, p. 50. Oldenburg’s correspondent in Amsterdam was probably Peter Serrarius, for whom see above, p. 16n. The ‘King of the Jews’, Sabbatai Sevi, was reported to have arrived in Constantinople as a guest of Sultan Mahomet IV (1641–92) in July 1666. The king, who was permitted the free exercise of religious ceremonies by the Sultan, was assuring Jews that the redemption of Israel was at hand; see CSPD, 1665–6, p. 526. ‘Copy of a Letter from Constantinople written by Mr Chaumont, the Ambassador, to his brother residing in Venice, 8 Dec. 1665 [N.S.] ‘Here there is great news about the King of the Jews, who is expected here soon; and it is said that the Sultan will be happy to yield him the Crown of Palestine. Most of the Jews have abandoned business, preparing themselves to go to Jerusalem. At first Mr Legendre and I made fun of them, paying little heed to all this; but now appearances make us fear that all is not well. ‘Copy of a Letter from the French Consul in Smyrna, written to a Christian, Signor Joseph Rosano. ‘Important news has reached here with the arrival of a King of the Jews in this city, a person of great consequence and wisdom; even the Turks hold him in esteem. Our nation lives in some fear. God grant that he will cause us no harm. ‘From Paris 19 Feb. 1666 [N.S.] ‘Rumours fly here daily about the Jews, and about how they are gathering under a certain man who does not claim to be a Messiah, but only to be divinely appointed and sent to gather up the Jewish nation from all the corners of the earth so that they may learn that the Messiah is coming, who until now has remained unknown to them. They say that he bears marks of divinity.’ b The reference is evidently to Guy de Chaumont, seigneur de Guitry, sent by the French king to oversee the French ambassador’s reception in Turkey. c This is possibly Antoine Le Gendre (1612–87), divine and horticulturalist. d It has not been possible to trace either the French consul in Smyrna or Joseph Rosano.

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blent sous ‹un› certain personage, qui ne se dit pas estre le Messiah, mais qu’il est divinement sus[cité] et envoyé pour r’assembler la nation Judaique de to[us] les bouts de la Terre, à fin qu’ils apprennent à conoistre le Messia venu, qui jusques à present leur a esté inconu. L’on dit, qu’on remarque dela divinité en luy. I saw a letter from Marseilles, that informs us, that the French fleet intended to be out by the beginning of this month,7 consisting of but 32 men of war, the Dutch comprised, besides 6 fireships. Sir Jeremy Smith ‹is›8 17 men of war, 2 fireships and a ketch.a I have no more to add, than that I am Sir your very humble and faithful servant H. O. For his Noble friend Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosse’s house / in / Oxford Seal: Slight wax traces; seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘MR / 6’. Also marked beneath address ‘2’. Endorsed at head of 48 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XLVIII. Also endorsed on 48 (2)v with Birch number ‘No 48’.

[BOYLE] to [HENRY STUBBE]b

9 March 1666

From the version in hand F in BL 3, fols 23–32. Fol/2+2+2+2+2 (final leaf blank). A third part of the page left blank between date and superscription. A further version, in hand E, exists as British Library, Add. MS 4228, fols 106–11 and 4376, fols 1–15.c Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), i, 47–53 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), i, lxxvi–lxxxv.

a

For the French war with England see above, p. 46n. For Sir Jeremiah Smith see above, p. 81n. For Henry Stubbe see above, p. 1. c The Add. MS version begins as part of the MS of Birch’s ‘Life of Boyle’, Add. MS 4228, fols 106–11, continuing with the material in Birch’s medical collections, Add. MS 4376, which is misbound; the correct order should be fols 12–15, then fol. 11, and then fols 1–10. b

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March the 9th 1665/6 Sir ’Twas soe late yesternight before I receivd your Account of Mr Greaterick’s stupendious Performances, that I had much adoe to run it over before I went to Bed;a and this morning being to take care of some little affairs in order to a Remove that I am to make in the afternoone for some days: I am oblig’d to answer your Letter in as much hast as you tell me you wrote1 it in; which Intimation will, I hope, excuse me to you for my not takeing a solemne notice of those superfluous Acknowledgements you are pleasd to begin with, for services that are not considerable enough to deserve, or expect a publick Retribution, haveing bin but such, as a lesse Interest in the Muses then yours would have entitld you to,2 from one that is so much their servant as I. To begin then; I must confesse to you, that I was somewhat surpriz’d to find this Epistle of yours brought me from the Presse before I had seene it any other way; and ’tis no3 small trouble to me, both upon your score & my owne, that I did not see the4 Manuscript before it came abroad. For if I had seasonably seen what you write about Miracles, I should Freely have dissuaded you from Publickly addresseing to me,5 what I cannot but much dissent from; /fol. 23v/ and perhaps I should have bin able to prævaile with you to Omit all that part of your Epistle. For besides that since you take notice yourself of the prejudice your former medling with Theologicall matters has done you,* you can scarce doubt but that it has made many Persons indisposd to put the best constructions upon what you write:b besides this (I say) I confesse I think you might have spar’d soe much pain’s as you take in the Former part of your Letter to show that Mr Greaterick’s guift may be Miraculous, since the Latter part of it is imploy’d to make out, what he perform’s, by Naturall Meanes. For my part, thô I ‹am›6 very backward to beleive *

Page 25th.

a Boyle refers to Stubbe’s Miraculous Conformist (1666), addressed in the form of a letter to Boyle dated 18 Feb. 1666. For Valentine Greatrakes see above, p. 82n. For Boyle’s interest in Greatrakes see Coxe’s letter of 5 Mar. 1666 (above, p. 82), but clearly the discovery that Stubbe’s letter on the subject was addressed to him must have stimulated Boyle to investigate the matter more fully. Apart from this letter, a series of enquiries about Greatrakes by Boyle (in hand F) survive as BL 3, fols 33–4, these are printed in Maddison, Life, pp. 124–6, and in C. S. Breathnach, ‘Robert Boyle’s Approach to the Ministrations of Valentine Greatrakes’, History of Psychiatry, 10 (1999), 89–109, where they are also reproduced. However, we see no reason to think that they are linked to the letter to Stubbe, as is suggested in Maddison, Life, p. 124. For Boyle’s subsequent interest in Greatrakes and his cures, see his MS notes dated 6–15 Apr. in Add MS 4293, fols 50–3, and the printed account of cures witnessed by Boyle later in Apr. and early in May given in A Brief Account of Mr Valentine Greatraks and Divers of the Strange Cures By him lately Performed (London, 1666), p. 43ff. b On Stubbe’s former theological meddling and Boyle’s suspicions about the subversive theological implications of Stubbe’s opinions of Greatrakes’s cures see Steneck, ‘Greatrakes the Stroker’ (above, p. 82), pp. 117–18.

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[BOYLE] to [STUBBE], 9 Mar. 1666

any strange thing in particular, though but purely Naturall, unlesse the Testimonys that recommend it be proportionable to the Extraordinarinesse7 of the thing propos’d: yet I remember not, that I have hitherto met with (no more then you have done) any, at least any cogent, Proofe that Miracles were to cease with the Age of the Apostles: and not only the excellent Grotius,* but Tertullian, Justin Martyr, Cyprian8 & other Ancients tell us, that the power of Ejecting Divells out of possessed Persons lasted long after that:a and was not unfrequent in the Christian Church. And therefore if those Relations of Mr Greaterick’s Cures, that I have not yet seen, shall convince me, I shall not scruple, since his Beleif & Life give me no just suspicions, to acknowledge my Conviction, and to rejoyce in the appearing9 of a Protestant, that is Enabled, & forward to doe good in such a way; especially in an Age, where so10 many doe take upon them to deride all that is supernaturall; &, whilst they loudly cry up Reason, make no better use of it, then11 to imploy it, first to Depose Faith, and then to serve their Passions & Interests. But by what hitherto12 appears to me of Mr Greaterick’s Cures, I must take leave to think, That either they are not reall Miracles, or if they have any thing in them of a supernaturall Guift, ’tis so far short of the Guifts of our Saviour Christ,13 and his Apostles, that I presume your Freinds will think /fol. 24/ that, if it were not the effect of your hast: ‘twas rather to shew your wit than declare your Opinion, that you seeme to make a Parity between them. And for my part, I should in that case, reflecting upon the passage you cite, that there are differences of administrations, but the same Lord;b think it more fit, to look upon this Guift of Mr Greaterick, as a Distinct & Inferior kind, than14 Degrade the unquestionably Miraculous Guifts of the Apostles, to depresse them ‹to› the same levell with his. For whither15 or no it may question the truth of his Guift’s being Miraculous; yet certainly it will lessen the Degree of it, that there are many Diseases,16 which he will not so much as meddle with; that there are others, which he attempts to cure, but cannot; that there are others, wherein the good he does is not17 lasting (so that his Patients are rather releiv’d, then recoverd) & that also there are others, wherein so durable a Contact, and Friction is requisite, as makes a great resemblance betwixt the Operations of his Hand, & the actions of Phisicall Agents. As to what you say about Trophimus,18 whom St Paul left sick at Miletus, & your supposition, that he may have left many so else where: the latter part of it, if it be taken in a sense pertinent to the present case, is19 precarious: and as to the former, it concludes not, that St Paul could not cure him; unlesse you can make it appear, that he endeavord it; as you confesse Mr * In his Annotations on the 16 of St Mark [marginal note, evidently alluding to Hugo Grotius’s Annotationes in libros Evangeliorum (1641–50)].

a

Boyle refers to the early Christian theologians, Tertullian (c. 160–c. 225), Cyprian (d. 258), bishop of Carthage, and Justin Martyr (c. 100–65). b Stubbe cites 1 Corinthians 12, 5 and 6 on p. 5 of Miraculous Conformist.

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Greaterick did, to cure the Excellent Lady Conway, & others.a What you say, that you beleive that there wanted not at Corinth, those that had the Guift of healing, nor an effectuall anointing with Oyle: yet did the misdemeanors of some draw upon severall of 20 them Irrecoverable (a maine Circumstance, which I read not in the Text) sicknesse & Death: is only Affirm’d: But if it21 were granted, that Persons so qualify’d were in that Church: yet it will not follow that they were unable22 to cure those that dy’d; unlesse you make it out,23 that they endeavor’d it. For to note this once for all such cases, there is no just cause24 to suppose /fol. 24v/ that God did soe vouchsafe the Guift of Miracles to all25 that in those times had it, as that it was to be exerted on all occasions, but26 that He who gave it, did likewise by some way or other, signifie to them, when it was fit for his Glory (for whose service, & not their owne, or their27 Freinds outward Advantages, they were intrusted with it) that their Miraculous endowments should be exercised. And to argue from their not performeing what it appear’s not that they did28 attempt to their Disability to performe what they attempted will be inconsequent. St Peter was able, when it was requisite to strike Ananias & Saphira with29 suddain death; and St Paul to strike Elimas with blindnesse; yet these Apostles never made use of this Fatall Power for their owne, or their Freinds30 defence when they sufferd those rude Violences, from which the exercise of it would in all probability, have protected them.bAnd our Saviour himself, thô he could turne water into wine (as at the Wedding in Cana of Galilee) yet we read not that ever he thought fit to doe it but once, nor can it be well argu’d from his sending his Disciples to bye31 Loaves, that he was not able Miraculously to multiply Bread, or feed a greater number then his ordinary Retinue by extraordinary meanes.c As to what you say that there were some Deseases that the Disciples could not cure, I remember not any such thing in the Gospell, unlesse you meane, as I suppose you may, the Youth32 mentiond in the 17th of Matthew; But he, the Story informes us, was possessd with the Divell; of which possession the Bodily distemper (whatever that were) was but an Effect, & therefore in the Beloved Physitians Gospell,* both the Paroxisme is discribd by a Spirit taketh him, &c. & the Divell threw him downe, & tare him. And in the narrative of the cure it is said, that Jesus rebukd the unclean Spirit, which in St. Matthew is cald *

Luke 9. 39. 42.

a Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, p. 5. According to Acts 20, 4 and 21, 29, Trophimus was an Ephesian Gentile. The episode Boyle refers to is in 2 Timothy 4, 2, ‘Trophimus I left sick at Miletus’. Boyle refers to Anne Conway, Viscountess Conway (d. 1679), who suffered from severe headaches; see Nicolson, Conway Letters (above, p. 82). b The deaths of Ananias and Sapphira are related in Acts 5, 1–10. Paul condemned Elymas to temporary blindness in Acts 13, 11. c The miracles referred to here are Jesus changing water into wine (John 2, 1–11), and the feeding of the five thousand, found in all four gospels, e.g., Matthew 14, 13–21.

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the Divell, & is said to depart out of him.* And as to that part /fol. 25/ of this Story in the Gospell,33 that relates to the casting out of the Divell, I shall not spend time to discourse upon it, nor to34 enquire what was the extent and Conditions of the power Christ gave his Disciples, whilst they were as his usuall Train in their attendance upon himself: yet35 it plainly appear’s by their Divine Masters rebukeing them, in the forecited Chap: of St Matthew36 for their unbeleif, as that which alone had hinder’d the Ejection of the evill Spirit; that ’twas not want of power, but their culpable Neglecting37 to use the propper Meanes, that left the Devill unejected. But when they were sent forth & commissioned by Christ,38 not only we never read that they attempted a cure which they could not effect, but their Performances were divers of them of a much Higher Nature than Mr Greaterick’s. For39 not only Peter & John cur’d instantly a Man that had bin lame from his Mothers womb: Peter cur’d in a trice at Lyda one whom the Palsy had kept Bed-rid 8 year’s together, Paul in the same manner at Lystra made one leap & walk that had bin a Cripple form his Mothers womb: but40 the same Apostle had soe exuberant & diffusive a power of chasing not only Deseases, but Divells, that he did it at a distance by the Intervention of Handkerchifs & Aprons† that were brought from his Body to the sick or possessd.a To which I should adde41 the cures intimated to be wrought by St Peters shaddow,42 if I did not consider that it may be sayd, that to come soe neer as to have That passe over them, was to come within the Atmosphere (if I 43 may soe call it) which the Effluvia of his Body made Miraculously sanative.44b To enumerate all the other Effects of the Disciples supernaturall Guifts, would be to transcribe a good part of the Acts of the Apostles. And if I could imagine that any Discerneing Men45 were in danger of thinking, that because you have made it plausible, that some of your Thaumaturgous’s Cures46 are perform’d by an ’ιδιοσυνκρασι΄α,c or some kind of Complexionall Efficacy:d I should add that I think such a suspition exceeding ill grounded: /fol. 25v/ because there are divers Phænomena in the Miracles of our Saviour & his Apostles, that doe not at all agree with47 soe injurious an Hypothesis as that would be. For, to repeat nothing of what I have said already, our Saviour could communicate the power of working Miracles to others at his pleasure (which I ‹think you› doe48 not beleive Mr Greaterick can doe to you) as in the case of the 70 Disciples; &, that many years after his Death, * Chapt:17 v. 18 [Boyle refers to Mathew 17, 18; in this and the passage from Luke, the disciples fail to cast the demon out, leaving Jesus to rebuke the evil spirit]. † Acts. 19th: 12 [this passage refers to Paul’s remote healing].

a Peter’s healing of a paralytic at Lydda is told in Acts 9, 32–4. For Paul’s healing of a lame man at Lystra see Acts 14, 8–10. b The healing properties of Peter’s shadow are noted in Acts 5, 15. c ‘idiosyncracy’. d Thaumaturgus’s cures in Gaspar Ens (ed.), Thaumaturgus physici prodromus (1649), are cited by Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, p. 5.

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as in the case of St Paul, divers of his Miracles were done49 on absent Persons: as that on the Centurions dyeing servant & others:50 the mute Fishes obeyd him, & that soe strangely, that being at a distance one of them brought St Peter not only himself, but a determinate peece of Money.a His power reachd not only to liveing Creatures, but Inanimate ones, as the sea and the wind; the former of which supported him51 when he walkd on it, and both the former & the latter obeyd Him.52b His power & that of his Apostles (which will not I suppose be ascribd to a peculiar Temperament) reachd not only to the Cureing53 of the sick, but the raising of the Dead (which if the Divell could doe, he would have54 far more Followers than ‹now› he has, thô they be but too many) and divers of the Apostles Cures were done without any Contact at all, but barely by their words, by which also they could doe Harme as well as Good, & bring Diseases & Death as well as chase them: which will not I presume be ascribd to an exuberance of Health (or55 plusquam-perfectc Tincture as the Chymists speak). Besides that, we may well be56 induc’d to beleive that even those Cures wherein they did touch the Sick, were Miraculous, both by57 other Reasons that may be drawne from what has bin already said58 by these Two. The One that there is noe ground to beleive that soe many differing unally’d Persons59 in One place, and at one time should have that sanative ’ιδιοσυνκρασι΄α, of which many Ages have produc’d us soe few unquestionable Instances (if any other then what your Thaumaturgus, supposeing his such,60 affords. For the Testimonys you cite of Rodericus a Castro are not Cogent, especially /fol. 26/ considering his Religion, and that of his Cuntry; & his Credunturd is an Expression that rather argues his diffidence then Beleif.)61 And the second That the Apostles and their Contemporary62 workers of Miracles, who profess’d themselves sent by God to promulgate a New Doctrine, had other Endowments that were confessedly Miraculous (& therefore needed not a Complexionall Phisicall power of healing) as is evident in the Guift of Tongues soe Illustriously poured out on the Apostles at the feast of Pentecost.63e And to this soe much more might be added to the same purpose,64 that thô I have given some Proofe of my not being afraid to propose Paradoxes, if I think them Truths: yet I shall clearly professe to you that as much as I ascribe to the Corpuscularian Philosophie (both in ‹my›65 a Jesus appointed 72 ‘workers’ or followers in Luke 10, 1. In Matthew 8, 5–13, Jesus healed the centurion’s servant remotely (see also Luke 7, 1–10). Boyle also refers to Jesus’s command to Peter to go fishing, saying that the first fish he would catch would hold a coin in its mouth; see Matthew 17, 27. b The account of Jesus walking on the water is found in the gospels of Matthew, Mark and John. See for example, Matthew 14, 22–36. c ‘more than perfect’. d ‘they are believed [to be so]’. Boyle refers to Esteban Roderigo de Castro (1550–1627), native of Lisbon, a Jew and professor of medicine at Pisa. Cited by Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, pp. 10–11. e For the day of Pentecost see Acts 2.

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other Tracts and professedly in a new one that this week comes out in favor of it)66 I am far from beleiveing that any Mechanicall or Phisicall Hypothesis will make out those supernaturall Phænomena without haveing67 recourse to the Miraculous Interposition of God.a And when I had the Curiosity to consider the Grand Opinions that are entertain’d among Men about Religion in generall, I have long lookd upon those Enemys to Christianity68 as none of the waryest, & Formidablest, that graunting the truth of the Historicall part of the New Testament69 (which relates to Miracles) have gone about to give an Account of it by Cælestiall Influences, or Naturall (thô peculiar) Complexions, or such other Conceipts; which have quite lost them, in my thoughts, the Title of knowing Naturalists.b But I must not forget that the Opinion I have bin opposeing may possibly be disclam’d as well by you, as me, though I wish some Readers doe you not the discurtesy to take a Rise from your Epistle to mantain it. And by this time, I presume, you expect that I should say something to the Historicall & Phisicall part of your Letter, after haveing insisted soe long on the Theologicall. But thô to comply with that expectation, & my owne hast, I skip other points relateing to Divinity, & what were not propper for me to meddle with, yet there are two things that70 I must not leave untaken notice of. And first, as for the71 Apology you conclude with, for recommending /fol. 26v/ some Phisicall Directions after Mr Greaterick’s stroaking; I think most of your Readers, especially72 Divines, will much more easily forgive a Phisitian the præscribeing of Medicines, which is a main part of his Profession, then the Irreverent mention you are pleasd to make of the language of One of the Pen-Men of the Ould Testament: & All but one of the New:c that mention neither being requird of you as a Phisitian, nor appearing at all necessary to be made in that Place; &, but that you wrote73 in hast neither would you have Publish’d that whereby you will needlessely displease many (& I am confident divers of your own Profession,74 nor would you of all Men have addressd it to me who have publickly given cause to think it must be peculiarly75 unwelcome to me. The other Theologicall Passage not to be overlookd, is that which contains an Opinion, which I think Christianity itself may be soe much76 concernd in, that I cannot forbear, as I passe along, to take some little notice of it by telling you77 that in the Opinion you hold as an undoubted Truth that God hath permitted all 78 Religions to have their reall Miracles, I doe very much dissent from you.79 I have not now time to examine how far it may be said that among a People or Church where God has already establishd ‹a›80 Doctrine by Divine & acknowledgd Miracles, & has expressely foretold (or at least sufficiently81 intimated) that tis possible he may permit some Seducers to work a Boyle alludes to his Forms and Qualities published in Mar. or Apr. 1666; see Works, vol. 5, p. xxviii. b Probably a reference to the views of such authors as Pietro Pomponazzi (1464–1525) and J. C. Vanini (1585–1619). c For the passage in question see Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, pp. 26–7.

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strange things to try the People to whom a Divine Doctrine, attested by Miracles, has bin deliver’d; I must not I say now stay to examine how far one may graunt that in such a case, & after such a warning, False Prophets may be permited to worke Miracles: though for my part I see noe cogent82 reason why the τε΄ρατα ψευδουˆςa of the Man of Sinne may not by a Construction, which we83 find exceeding common in Hebrew writeings be renderd (as our English Translation seem84 to interpret) False wonders i.e. Miracles that are as well false themselves as are85 the Doctrine they are brought to confirme. But thô, as I was saying, I must not now insist on a Debate of what may or may not be granted in the like86 cases that I have proposd; yet speaking as you doe Indefinitely of all Religions, & takeing87 /fol. 27/ reall Miracles for such Exertions of Gods power as are above the power of 88 Creatures: I am soe very unapt to beleive the storys of Turkish, Heathenish and other Miracles pretended to by divers Enemys of the Christian Religion in confirmation of Theirs.89 And some Enquirys I have made, have soe confirm’d me in my diffidence, that when I consider the Nature & Use of True Miracles (for I speak not ‹of›90 Naturall Prodigys, Sorcerys, or Impostures) I confesse I am soe little convinc’d that I ought to beleive the Suspitious & unlikely reports that goe of the Miracles of the Turks & Heathens, divers of which are said to have bin done in times & places when there were noe91 Miraculous Guifts in the Church to controle them that (perhaps) I should not beleive92 those that I find recorded in the Scripture itself, if the Relations of them were not recommended by such Concurrent Characters of Credibility, as would make my rejecting them an Obstinacy, & as are of another guesse93 weight then those that countenaunce those Relations whereto I doe not give credit. And I little doubt but if the pretended Miracles of Pyrrhus & Vespasian had bin watchd & considerd by Mr Stubbe as narrowly as those of Mr Greaterick have94 bin, you would have found at least as much reason to ascribe Their Cures,95 as His, to Phisicall causes: if not to some Mistake, Collusion, or Flattery, which the Persons on whom these wonders are fatherd, renders the96 more suspitious.b And thô perhaps Nobody will more willingly grant then I, that the soundnesse of the Doctrine ought to goe along with those97 Miracles that bare witnesse to a Religion; yet I doubt whether the holynesse of 98 Doctrine which may be allow’d to show that a Religion May99 be Instituted by God, will, without the assistance of Miracles, sufficiently assure Men that it really Is soe. I come now to the Phisicall part of your Letter, wherein many that will dissent from you about the Theologicall, will, I presume, confesse that divers things are plausibly proposd. And as you will beleive that I am of their mind in the generall;100 soe as to particulars, I have not time /fol. 27v/ to enter into a debate of it, especially since you seem willing to referre that Task to the Members of the Royall a

‘false wonders’. The reference is to Pirrhus, King of Epirus (319–272 Emperor 69–79. b

100

BC)

and Vespasian (9–79), Roman

[BOYLE] to [STUBBE], 9 Mar. 1666

Society, who if they think fit to meddle101 it, are the likelyest Persons to give a faire Account of it:a But in the mean while,102 to keepe scribling as long as the time will permit, I shall breefely take notice of some particulars in the casuall order wherein they offer themselves to my thoughts, premiseing only in generall, That you write to103 one that is almost as backward to acquiesce in the explications of strange things, as to beleive the Narratives. I am not yet fully convinc’d that there is in what either you, or the Ingenious Mr Foxcroft relate upon your owne Observations (of which in this whole Letter I doe upon your Testimony104 suppose the truth) any thing that is purely supernaturall, unlesse in the way wherein he was made to take notice of his Guift, & exercise it there may be something of that kind)105 and therefore till the contrary doth appear, I hold it not unlawfull to endeavour to give a Phisicall Account of his Cures, & to enquire whether his Touch be any more then a more noble Specifick that reaches not to all Diseases, or to most, but to more then the generality of Specificks, whose Operations are106 usually more confin’d.b Those Phisitians, & ‹other›107 Learned Men, that think every Disease must be overcome by distinct & appropriated Remedys that are contrary to the particular Disease upon the account of some knowne Quality; as that a Fever being a Disease hot, & dry, must be curd by Remedys cold, & moist, will perhaps think it incredible that the application of one thing, should worke108 soe many differing Effects, & cure soe many differing Distempers. But though I think tis strange & extraordinary; yet I dare not say ’tis impossible109 to meere Nature. This would be sufficiently ‹manifested› if the Relations that Helmont makes110 of the various & sudden cures he saw perform’d by Butlers Drif, either touchd with the tip of 111 Tongue, or by outward application, were ‹proper› to be urgd on this occasion.c But without haveing recourse to them, the strangenesse may be lessend /fol. 28/ if we consider these two things. The One that Diseases are not alwayes soe differing in their Nature, & essence as they are commonly thought; but the same morbifick matter for essence may produce very differing symtom’s, which may be taken for severall Diseases according to the condition of the parts that It resides in, or works upon (in all, or most of 112 which, it may be subdu’d by the same Remedys; which may destroy its Texture,113 giveing it a more innocent one, or proscribe it) As we see in some Metastaces114 of the Morbifick matter, which according as it115 successively affects differing parts, has the appearance of severall Diseases;116 as in some of the Instances you give, and in Histericall Fitts, which sometimes counterfeit almost all Diseases; & in other Examples117 which I have elsewhere taken notice a

Boyle possibly refers to the investigations in which he and others were involved in Apr. 1666; see below, p. 160n. b For Ezekiel Foxcroft see above, p. 83n. c See van Helmont, Ortus medicinae, pp. 468–74. For Butler’s ‘drif’ see above, p. 88n.

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of. The Other that some Remedys are of that noble Nature, that their efficacy reaches to Diseases that seem of contrary kinds; as may be seen in the operations of the Spaw-waters, & those which I have in some lucky seasons observ’d at our owne wells neer118 Tunbridge: & we see how many differing Deseases are cur’d by an excellent Aire which keeps me from wondering at the Sentence of Hypocrates γη΄ν µεταµει΄βειν ξυ΄µφορον ’επι` τοιˆσι µακροιˆσι νουση΄µασι.* As to what seems119 your maine Hypothesis, that Mr Greaterick performes his Cures by the strengthening, & reinvigorateing of Nature, which, being releivd & fortifyd by the Sanative Effluvia that passe from his Body into the Body of the Patient, doth120 afterwards vanquish the Disease her self; I doubt not but121 that you will have many of your Readers of that Opinion with you, & particularly those Helmontions & other Chymists that hope or plead for Universall Medicines, operateing by the122 way of Restauratives, will be glad to find you to countenance their Tenent. For my part unlesse I could send you what I once drew up by way of Disquisition about the receiv’d Notion /fol. 28v/ of Nature (wherein perhaps I doe not123 acquiesce) I cannot think it propper to mention to you my particular thoughts of the power of strengthend Nature.a But some Scrupilous Person will not only Deny that Nature alone, though fortify’d with any thing that is but a Cordiall, can cure all Diseases (as for instance the stone in the bladder or Kidneys when ’tis confirm’d, and growne too bigge to be voided by the Urinary passages) but will perhaps enquire whether it does appear that Mr Greaterick’s Touch is positively a Cordiall, & not barely or cheifely124 soe, as it releives Nature by freeing her from some Distempers that oppress’d her (as when burnt feathers remove the faintings125 of Histericall Women, & others, are free’d from Lypothymia’s by being pinch’d, or haveing cold water throwne on their faces.)126 But these Scrupilous Persons127 (if you meet with any such) will perhaps be more easily satisfyd in other cases then about the Cure of Wenn’s. For whereas128 Mr Greaterick’s Touch must according to the foremention’d Hypothesis, free129 the Patient from them by invigorateing Nature, & enableing her to discusse or proscribe those præternaturall Collections of Matter; I must informe you, that,130 to omit Helmonts story, I was the other day visited by an eminent Phisitian, who not long since upon occasion of a fine Pendulum-Clock that I was takeing notice of in his Chamber, told me that it was presented him by such a One (a well knowne Person that has131 the * Hypocr. lib 3o Sect; 5a Popular: [‘To change dwelling-place is useful for the most serious diseases.’ Probably a reference to one of the two works by the Greek medical philosopher, Hippocrates (c. 469–399 BC), mentioned by Stubbe, Epidemiarum and the Aphorisms. See Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, pp. 16–17].

a See Boyle, Notion of Nature (1686), which was partially written at this time. See M. Hunter and E. B. Davis, ‘The Making of Robert Boyle’s Free Enquiry Into The Vulgarly Receiv’d Notion of Nature (1686)’, Early Science and Medicine, 1 (1996), 204–71.

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honor to be one of His Majesties Domesticks) for haveing cur’d his Daughter of an almost Monstrous132 Wenne by the lasting application of a Dead Mans Hand.a And such another Cure of a133 Wenne, or some such Tumor, I remember our famous Harvey related to me, as perform’d (if I very much mistake not) by himself, by stroakeing the Wenne, as Helmont præscribes, with a Dead Mans hand.b But this advantage you have, that however134 ’twill perhaps be very difficult for those that upon these or the like grounds, doe reject the strengthening /fol. 29/ of Nature, to pitch, among the135 Hypotheses that are yet noted, upon a more plausible one, especially since your great Hypocrates is supposd to be of the136 like Opinion when He pronounced that famous sentence νουσωˆν φυσειˆς ’ιητροι`.c But137 I hope you will allow me to add (what if I forget not ‹you› your self somewhere seems138 to intimate) that Mr Greaterick his Touch may worke not only as a Cordiall, or, strengthener139 of Nature, but as a propper Remedy of Qualitys opposite to those of the Causes of the Diseases he Cures. For I doe not see why it may not be possible for the sanative, and perhaps Anodine steames of his Body to be of such a Texture that they may both reinvigorate the Spirits & by appropriated Qualitys, oppose & subdue the morbifick Matter or Ferment: as we see that Lemmons (to name no140 other thing) have besides their Cordiall Vertues, the141 power to coole, incide, & resist putrefaction, & strengthen the stomach, & promote urine, &c And when I consider the strange effects that Longeing has produc’d in Teeming Women; & the sudden & manifest Operations I have sometimes knowne Passions to have upon the Body, I am not sure but that something else may be fit to be taken into Consideration about Mr Greaterick’s Cures; and that in some of his Patients the mind142 by exalted immagination, & by strong passions143 (which in soe extraordinary, & supposedly supernaturall, as well as publick a way of healing as his, there are severall144 circumstances that may highten) may have an Interest in the recovery, by occasioning usually a great, & therefore probably sometimes a lucky, commotion in the Blood & Spirits, upon whose motion (& thereby Texture145 thus alter’d that the amendment, if not recovery, may sometimes ensue the obvious, thô unheeded, Instances of those that are freed from the Hiccock146 by being told of some faind ill New’s, or e’vn of some other thing, that but excites a great Attention of mind, and much more the Examples ‹that›147 have bin divers times seen of Diseases frighted, or by fits of passion driven148 away, make me think it not absurd to suspect. /fol. 29v/ a

For van Helmont’s cure with a dead man’s hand see Ortus medicina and Boyle’s Usefulness I, Works, vol. 3, p. 434. The narrative of Boyle’s contact with the cure is repeated in his Specific Medicines (1685); see Works, vol. 10, p. 399. The doctor Boyle mentions has not been identified. b The reference is to William Harvey (1578–1657), the discoverer of circulation of blood. Harvey’s use of van Helmont’s therapy is also referred to by Boyle in Usefulness, see Works, vol. 3, p. 434. c ‘of diseases, natures are the physicians’, a version of the saying in Hippocrates, Epidemiarum, VI. v. 1.

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What you mention of Morbifick Ferments I know divers Ingenious Readers will approve and they seeme to be of good use in the explication of Diseases.a But whether all Diseases require Ferments,149 & whether your Doctrine about them be as well applicable to the rest, as to some, is a Disquisition that I shall willingly leave to those Learned Men of your Faculty that our Age, & Country150 abounds with. What you mention of Mr Greaterick’s Excision of Wenn’s, & immediately stanching the Blood, as it151 much takes off from the appearance of a Miracle; soe as to the Phisicall cause of it, it may or may not, have a great deale of difficulty according to some circumstances which I would gladly be inform’d of. For if the152 wenne be such, or soe plac’d, that in being cut out by a Chirurgion, noe such Vessels would be cut, as that according to the common course of Nature, the Effusion153 of Blood would be great, it is noe great wonder it should stop after the application of his finger (that perhaps compresses the Orifice of the Vessells) & the marvaile is confin’d to the sudden cessation of pain, which may be attributed to some Anodine Effluvia issueing from his hand. But if in the extirpateing of a154 wenne any great Vessells be cut asunder, the stanching of the Blood seems to be more difficult to be accounted for, by supposeing with you, that his Cures are perform’d by restoreing the Temperament of the debilitated parts, & reinvigorateing the Blood. For thô this be graunted, it will not be soe clear that the Blood should by his Touch, be soe quickly stanchd, since in a Person that were perfectly healthy, & where the Blood needed noe invigoration, upon such a solution of Continuity, there would be a large Effusion of the continually circulateing Blood unlesse appropriated meanes be usd to stay it; as is dayly seen in the wounds receiv’d by healthy Men. The Observation of stanching of Blood you mention out of Platerus I well remember, as haveing had occasion to make use of it together with an Experiment of His owne that he annexes to it, of a Person that he himself cured by155 the same meanes.b But I doubt whether these will reach your case till you have made out /fol. 30/ the cause of this Operation. For that there may be very differing applications that will stanch Blood, may be learnd from him in the same place, where he relates how he made a Chirurgeon stanch a dangerous Hæmorrogy; not156 the application of the bloody part of a Hen, but of Aqua Fortis which is corrosive instead of being Balsamicall.157 If (indeed) there be any truth in the strange Relations I have met with in some of our Navigators, of an Indian simple, that worne by a great Commander, kept his wounds from bleeding (which what I else where mention of the effect of the mosse of a Dead Man’s skull upon a noble Freind of mine, dos, thô not approach, make the lesse Incredible) it may be more plausibly argu’d that Mr Greaterick’s Finger may in this case operate as a Naturall a

See Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, pp. 17–20. Boyle refers to Felix Platter (1536–1614), Swiss physician. His work on pathology is Praxeos medicae tomi tres (1625). See Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, p. 25. b

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Agent:a but then there will remain some little scruple, whether the effect be wrought in the particular way you seem to pitch upon, till it appears that these things work either as Restorers of Nature, or as Balsom’s, & not rather as Medicines (by some hidden Vertue)158 appropriated to such particular effects, which seem159 to be the case of the mosse of Dead Mens skulls,b & the holding of Spiders to the nose of bleeding Persons. But perhaps a fuller information of circumstances will ease me of this Scruple, & therefore I shall not insist upon it. What you say of the subtlety of160 Effluvia, and of the great efficacy they are capable of, will not be much stuck at by a Corpuscularian.c And if I could think it propper here to add some of the instances of that kind, which I have lyeing by me in my Notes about Occult Qualitys (as they are commonly cald) perhaps they would afford ‹noe›161 despicable confirmation both ‹to›162 what you here say, & to what I have else where writen about the power of Invisible Corpuscles.d And I am the more persuaded to think great matters performable by them, both by some odd Observations that I have since met with of the efficacy of the even solid parts of Dead Animalls and particularly of a Sea-Horse Tooth outwardly applyd to the Body; & by considering that a Sanative Temperament may reasonably be supposd capable /fol. 30v/ of diffuseing its Vertue by contacts more plentifully & more powerfully in a liveing Body of a Sanguine Complexion,163 where the Naturall heat of the Blood & spirits being vegete, & active, incessantly emit soe great a plenty of insinuateing steames, as liveing Bodys that transpire freely appear164 to doe ‹by› the notable Observations of Sanctorius his ingenious Medicina Statica (not to mention my owne Tryalls to the same purpose)e I will only add in favor of the efficacy of Steam’s that I have severall times made a slight præparation of Sal Armoniack (that I have imparted to divers Ingenious Men) by the odor of which, more then once or twice, some that have suddainly fallne downe, & were taken for Epileptick, have bin in a few Minutes, after I165 had held a small Violl under their Noses, brought to themselves again.166 Hystericall Vapours & some ‹painefull› dulnesses of the head, have bin often, as the Patients assur’d me, dissipated for the time in a trice; &167 there are at least two or three able Phisitians (wherof but one is unknowne to you) who168 will assure you they have (though not constantly) presently169 curd the Toothach by the steam’s of the same præparation of Sal

a

Boyle refers to Usefulnesse I; see Works, vol. 3 , pp. 447–8. This was one of the key ingredients of the famous weapon salve, widely printed and circulated in medical texts of the period. See Sylvester Rettray, Theatrum sympatheticum auctum (1662). c Stubbe, Miraculous Conformist, pp. 10–11. Boyle’s own work on effluvia was published as Effluviums (1673); see Works, vol. 7. d See BP 22, fols 201–44, published in M. B. Hall, ‘Boyle’s Method of Work: Promoting his Corpuscular Philosophy’, NRRS, 41 (1987), 111–43. e Boyle refers to Santorio Sanctorio (1561–1636), author of Ars de statica medicina (1614). For Boyle’s own trials, see Usefulness I, in Works, vol. 3, pp. 361, 363. b

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Armoniack, which they were pleasd to send to me for: & of170 which, if I had time, I could tell you some other Feats wrought without the contact of the Visible Body . As171 to what you say about the possibility of freeing Patients from the Morbifick matter (whose bulk oftentimes172 is not near soe great as the mischeif it does) without purgeing, vomiting, & the like Evacuations. I am glad to be able to confirme by your Testimony what I ventur’d to publish about 3 year’s since to the same purpose; where I endeavor’d to bring Specificks out of the disæsteeme of a sort of Learned Phisitians of a neighbouring Contry that were very severe to them; & where I remember I attempted to confirme the Opinion you now173 defend by the Instances, among others, of those that are cur’d of Agues, & other Deseases by sudden frights, where there usually intervenes noe sensible Evacuation of174 peccant matter.a /fol. 31/ What you teach that as to the pain’s, and Distempers that are thought to fly from him from one part of the Body to another, they avoid not his hand: but his Touch & Stroake soe invigorateth the parts, that they reject175 the Heterogenious Ferment till it be expeld the Body at some of those parts he is thought to stroake it out ‹at›,176 is a handsome conjecture, and agrees very well with your Hypothesis. But I perceive by your ‹way of›177 mentioning Similar Attraction, you are (& that very justly) diffident of its being graunted you by me, who am I confesse very shye of admitting any thing as a Principle in matters purely Phisicall that I cannot well understand, & doe not find well prov’d. But you are freed from farther effects of my Scrupilousnesse, by my being cald upon by the late time of the day to take Horse.178 I shall not make you any Apology for takeing the same liberty to dissent from you in some points that you tooke in proposeing those Opinions to me, which the knowledge of my Principles might easily make you think I would dissent from: And since both your Letter & this Answer are writen in hast; as I am willing that my hast should be my excuse for any thing that the leasure of reading over your Letter a second time, & of 179 reveiwing what I have confusedly scribld might have made me avoid or amend: Soe I would not be soe unkind to you, as to impute to your Designe whatever some Criticall Readers may plausibly enough inferre to the præjudice of Religion from some unstudy’d expressions of your raptim scripta:b nor shall I take them for your Deliberate Tenets, unlesse ‹upon›180 a reveiw you should surprize me with declareing them to be soe; but am very willing to leave you the liberty of explaining your self in any thing wherein the Impetus you tell me you writ with may have had an Influence on your Pen. And as for the Physiologicall part of my Letter though I have181 annexed it, least you /fol. 31v/ should in vain a b

See Works, vol. 3, p. 377ff. ‘hurried writing’.

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expect some of my182 thoughts of the Phisicall part of yours: yet not haveing a competent knowledge of the matters of Fact to ground an Hypothesis upon, I have bin obleig’d for want of such an Information and out of an Unwillingnesse either to say nothing to you, or speak rashly, rather to discourse on some passages of your Epistle, than to establish any Theory about the thing it self, which future Relations may obleige me to alter. And therefore as I propose my suddain apprehensions but as conjectures that amount not to an Opinion; soe I shall not be concern’d, especially being otherwise sufficiently buisy’d, to contend for them. And I the more willingly suffer my occasions to keep me from troubling you with any more of theses Phisicall Discourses, because you have in some sort address’d your Letter to the ‹highly› Learned Dr Willis, from whose profession, and abilitys183 you may expect a better Account of what is like to be applauded, or question’d in the Phisicall Passages of your Letter, than from him, whose parting hast obleiges him to leave the Historicall part untaken notice of, save by his wonder at it, & thanks for it, & to subscribe himself, somewhat abruptly,a Sir Your very humble Servant.b

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

13 March 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 49. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 352–3, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 219–21 and Oldenburg, iii, 57–60.

London March 13. 1665/6. Sir, A double present obliges to double acknowlegements, which I humbly desire your acceptance of, for the Barometricall Observations and Advertisements as well, as for the Relation concerning the Earthquake and the Concomitants thereof; which will enrich my next Transactions, God willing; my papers for this month having been sent away to the Presse on Saturday last, as soon as they were a

For Thomas Willis see above, p. 63n.; Stubbe’s pamphlet is dedicated to him. Add. MS 4228 is endorsed on fol. 106 by Wotton: ‘March 9 1665/6 Letter to Hen Stubbe upon his dedicating Miraculous Conformist to Mr Boyle’. Also endorsed by Miles: ‘Mr Boyles Autograph’. Also marked ‘13[?] / 32’. The Add. MS version contains printers’ marks. b

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compleated for two Sheets, it being high time to have them dispatcht, least the printing of them should fall out too late, this month:a I find, Observers, and amongst them, My Lord Brounker, concurre in the taking notice, that in long dry weather the [mercury] keepes very high; and when I mentiond some other particulars, contained in your letters, to his Lordship, he presently intimated, it would doe very well to publish, next time, your communications, before ‹I›1 had taken ‹notice› to him, that for that very purpose I had procured that favour from you. I am now about inviting Monsieur Auzout, Mr Hevelius, and others, to Joyne with us in ‹making› such Observations, and sending them some directions and cautions for the better performance thereof; such as are, the carefull exclusions of all Air, the employing of pretty large tubes, and leaving a good space above the [mercury], or providing a Cane with a Bolthead, that in case there should be left any Aire, its spring may be so weakend by Expansion, as not to be able to produce any considerable effect. Where, if you have any other advertisements to give, besides those, you have been /49 (1)v/ pleased to expresse in your former, such as the noting the houres of the day, the weather and winds, the situation of the place, where the Barometers stand; they will be very acceptable to all. There occurs a paragraph in yours of March 7 which the2 Transcriber has misrepresented, insomuch that I cannot reach your sense in it. For after you had related the difference, you find betwixt your Barometers at Oxford and Staunton,3 you annexe a certain instruction, which the Amanuensis sets downe in these words:b Which Observations may teach us, that the Subterraneous Steams, which ascend into the Air, or the other (this ‹word, other,› sure is mistaken for Æther) and of the varying weight of the Atmosphere, doe, many times, and at some places uniformly enough affect the Aire to a greater height in the Aire, than, till I had this Tryall, I durst conclude.4 So far your note: Which, I am sure, is punctually transcribed, as I found it; but has certainly a mistake (besides that ‹obvious one› in the word, Other) which I cannot remove, and seems to lye in the words, and of the varying weight of the Atmosphere. You will pardon me this trouble, and favour me with rectifying the error. And since it falls out so, that your relation of the Earthquake cannot be printed, till next month, I shall begg the timely communication of that further account, you give me hopes off, in your last; if we see you not here before that time. I shall stay one week longer, before I send away my letter and inquiries to M. Hevelius, hoping you will suggest some others, proper for those parts.c Mine doe concern the optick Glasses of Buratini, the History of Potashes; an account of a Both these pieces were printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 179–81 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666). See also Works, vol. 5, pp. 502–3, 504–7. b See Works, vol. 5, p. 505. ‘Staunton’ is Stanton St John, for which see above, p. 43n. c For the letter to Hevelius see above, p. 81.

108

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 13 Mar. 1666

Amber; Sal Gemm; frozen and revived Swallows; freezing of animals to death; concentring of colors, ‹and›5 altering the Electrical faculty of Amber, and the properties of the Magnet by Cold; and such like, as you intimate a desire to have inquiries made after, in your History of 6 that quality.a I doe intend also to recommend some Queries to Sir Gervase Lucas, who next week is to embark for the EastIndies, to be Governor of /49 (2)/ Bombaia, and has offred his service for Philosophicall purposes;7 Which he will, I am persuaded, performe the more effectually, if he may receave some Instructions from you.b I am ready to furnish the Printer weekly with 2 or 3 sheets of the Latine Translate of your Hydrostaticks, if he be ready for dispatch. And if I might be allowed an Exemplar of the Origin of Formes, I would endeavor to give some account of it in the next Transactions, as I have done of the former ‹book,› in those, that are now printing.c One of the French Journals takes notice of a letter, lately written from Amsterdam, of a Proposition made there of a way of preserving Ships from being wormeaten; conjectured to be performed by the means of a certain bitter and penetrating Lixivium, resembling that bitternesse, which is related to be found in a kind of Wild Indian Pear-tree, not at all subject to be damnified by any worms.d Me thinks, this should excite the Curious and knowing men in England to devise ‹such› a preservative of Timber, ‹as is› easy to be made and of small charges; without which it would be of no availe. I have seen a prescription of Sir Theodore Mayerns, consisting of sulphur and aqua fortis; which, upon this occasion, I shall looke after; and if I find it, present it to your view, if you have not seen it already. e In another of those Journals an account is given of the use of Chocolate, together with the decision of a ‹pleasant›8 case of Conscience, ‹vid.› whether a draught of that substance, breakes a Fast enjoyned by the Church? Which having been ventilated pro and Con, is at length determind by a Cardinal in the Negative. Surely, Hudibras would Jeer somebody out of England, if he should find such cases and decisions in his monthly Book.f a Oldenburg received news of Burattini in a letter from Auzout (see above, p. 80). For the list of queries sent to Hevelius see above, p. 81. For Boyle’s comments on these matters see Cold, in Works, vol. 4, pp. 418–19. b Sir Gervase Lucas (1611–67), baronet. He sailed for India on board the ‘Return’, which left Plymouth on 24 Apr. 1666. c An account of Forms and Qualities (1666) was published in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 191–7 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666); and that for Hydrostatical Paradoxes in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 173–6 (no. 10 for 12 Mar. 1666). For the Latin edition of Hydrostatical Paradoxes see above, p. 15n. d Oldenburg refers to Journal des Sçavans, 15 Feb. 1666. An English note of this letter appears in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666) (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666), 190–1. e The reference is to Sir Theodore Turquet de Mayerne (1573–1655), the French physician who came to England in 1603, and became physician to Anne of Denmark and Charles I. f Oldenburg alludes to Samuel Butler’s poem Hudibras (1663–8), and its satire of intellectual pursuits that Butler deemed mystical or absurd.

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Greatrix does certainly some cures by his frictions, ‹insinuating›9 (perhaps) some salubrious steams or spirits of his owne, into sickly people’s bodies.a Mr de Son hath been stroked /49 (2)v/ by him, and he tells me, that whereas he hath been for severall years troubled with great back-aches (which indeed10 have been sometimes ‹such› in my presence, that he could not stirr or turn himself without great paine, which sometimes forces him to cry out) he ‹now› finds himself, upon being stroked, very well, insomuch that he purposes, in case of continuance, to goe to Sea with Prince Rupert, in whose lodgings this cure was performed; his Highnesse, as the Patient told me, having urged him to suffer that friction.b We have not any considerable news from abroad, that I hear off. Sir Christopher Mings is in the Elve,c to prevent the dessein of Danish ships ‹from›11 obstructing the returne of our marchant-men from thence.d The Jews seem to promote their Enterprise with vigour in Arabia and Palestina; two or three dozen prophets, that are said to be amongst them, doing good service to the pretended king, who is said not to assume the dignity and office of the messiah, but to lead to him.e I hope, you will now hasten to visit London again, [espe]cially12 since, I hear, so good a conveniency is found out for you at Newington; whereof you will hear more ‹from›13 another hand, I suppose, by this very post:f The Election of a new President must be left to the Genius of the Body, that is to chuse, whose14 members are to employ themselves for its service, every one according to their severall abilities, whereof, I doe not question, but impartiall judgement will be made by competent Judges:g which is all, I had to say, at this time, as Sir Your very faithful and humble servant H. O. Endorsed at head of 49 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XLIX’. The MS also contains printers’ marks.

a

For Valentine Greatrakes see above, p. 82n. For Monsieur de Son see above, p. 45n. Prince Rupert (1619–82), nephew of Charles I, was placed in joint command of the English navy in 1666 with George Monck, Duke of Albemarle. c i.e., the river Elbe. d This is a reference to Sir Christopher Myngs (1625–66), admiral, who was killed in the battle with the Dutch off the North Foreland in June 1666. e For the events in Constantinople and the ‘king of the Jews’ see above, p. 92n. f Oldenburg refers to Boyle’s plans to take a house at Stoke Newington, prepared for him by Daniel Coxe; see above, p. 70. Boyle in fact had received a description of the lodgings in Coxe’s letter of 19 Feb.; see above, p. 70. At this time Boyle was still living at Stanton St John near Oxford. g For the election of the president of the Royal Society see above, p. 79. b

110

AUBREY

to BOYLE, 15 Mar. 1666

JOHN AUBREYa to BOYLE

15 March 1666

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 571–2. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), 544–5.

Easton-Pierse, March 15, 1665.b SIR, I HAVE here sent you, transcribed with my ill hand, Mr. Pell’s Idea, which, I doubt not, but will be very welcome to you.c I humbly beg your pardon, that I could not send it sooner, having, ever since I had the honour to wait on you, been diverted by several businesses. I was overjoyed with the good news, which you told me of, that Mr. Pell was finishing his Algebraical Treatise; I hope it is the Mathematicus Αυ’τα΄ρκης.d I have long been so perplexed with the unpleasant affairs of this earthen world, that I cannot mind so much as I would the intellectual one; and so am not capable to make you such returns of discoveries and fine things, as you expect, and I wish. Hereafter, I shall be able to add something to your Hydrostaticks, but they being at present unfinished, I will not offer them now; yet as to that part they are, and long since by me proposed, at Gresham college, with the ill success as not to be taken notice of, the experiment being not rightly made.e Upon Candlemas-eve last was twelvemonth (which was shortly after the appearance of several comets) about ten at night accidentally looking on a serene sky, I took /p. 572/ notice of a nubecula, much brighter than any part of the via lactea, and about five time as big as Sirius. I shortly after shewed it to my ingenious neighbour colonel Long, and another neighbour: when the moon shines not too bright, it is very easily seen, and remains yet; but I cannot say, whether altogether so bright.f It lies almost in the right line, between the bright star of the little dog and . [the constellation cancer],g and it is near upon over the head of hydra. After a month’s time, you will with difficulty find it, by reason of the lightsomness of the sky. Hereafter, when God shall bless me with a little more peace, I shall make bold to send you several experiments, some whereof may not be ungrateful. I would willingly take the hardiness to desire your resolve in this Georgic problem. There is a sort of husbandry upon the downs called Burnebeking, which is to dig up the surface of the a

John Aubrey (1626–97), virtuoso and author. Easton-Pierse, in Wiltshire, was Aubrey’s birthplace and sometime place of residence; he also resided at Kingston St Michael, in the same county. Aubrey dates the letter in the old style. c A reference to An Idea of Mathematics (1650), by the mathematician and divine, John Pell (1611–85). d ‘the self-sufficient [mathematician]’. e Aubrey refers to Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666), for which see Works, vol. 5. Aubrey’s proposal to the Royal Society is not recorded; see Birch, Royal Society. f Aubrey refers to James Long (1617–92), royalist and F.R.S., who was a neighbour of Aubrey’s in Wiltshire. g The figure reproduced below is inserted at this point in Birch, Works, b

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Nubeculaa Caniculab Sit Hydrac

barren downs, and make little hillocks of the turfs, and then set them on fire; afterwards scatter the burnt earth, and then plough it, and it will yield for seven, eight, nine years, or more, a wonderful increase, but afterwards never bear any thing, even so much as good grass, in the age of a man. For the proverb is, It is good for the father, but naught for the son; for it is left a terra damnata.d It would be an excellent discovery to bring such land to its former state; and I am confident you are able to resolve it primo intuitu.e I do believe, (but for a great quantity of down it would not be tanti)f that urine well scattered would go near to do the business. My observations of my Turquois, I will send you about a month hence, with some other rustick ones, some whereof I do not disdain to learn from ignorant old women.g But because you have encouraged me, and honoured me so much with your favour, I have presumed to offer to you these rude and hasty lines, which otherwise I should not have had the confidence to do, to a person of your eminence and ingenuity. Thus humbly begging you pardon, I subscribe myself in haste, SIR, your most obedient, and most humble servant, JO. AUBREY. SIR, you would much oblige, in presenting my humble service and respects to my noble lord Brereton, and his ingenious friend Mr. Pell.h IF you have any commands to lay on me, be pleased to direct your’s from London to the post-house in Chippenham; from Oxon, to Kingston St. Michael.

a

i.e., a nebula or faint cloud. i.e., the dog star, Sirius. c ‘Let this be Hydra’, a large southern constellation. d ‘damned earth’; also a reference to the chemists’ terra damnata, the useless residue left in the retort after a distillation. e ‘at first sight’. f ‘so much’. g For the turquoise stone given to Boyle by Aubrey see Works, vol. 6, p. 201. h Aubrey refers to William Brereton (1631–80), 3rd Baron Brereton, and to John Pell (for whom see above, p. 111n.), who lived with him. b

112

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 17 Mar. 1666

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

17 March 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 50. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 353–4, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 221–3 and Oldenburg, iii, 60–3.

London March 17. 1665/6. Sir, I must begin this letter with giving you the thanks of our Society for your late respect of presenting them with one of your last Books; of which the President, as having it perused before, gave that Character to the Company, it deserves.a Severall of them were very inquisitive after the other, concerning the Origin of Forms; to whom I gave answer, that I thought, they would see that also, ere long, in London.b I did presume to give some account of your Hydrostaticall Book in the Transactions of this month, come out but Thursday ‹last,› chiefly ad movendam salivam exteris;c to some of whom at Paris and in Holland the said Transactions will be sent by post. What was inserted in Numb. 9 about the wayes of sounding depths and fetching up of water, I am apt to think, that if the words, employed by me, be examined, they will not be found to import a new invention, but only,1 a new contrivance of a way already started; since ’tis said there, that the following wayes were contrived by M.H.; which cannot2 well be otherwise interpreted, than that the wayes, as they follow, were contrived by him; not, that he first invented the notion of this practise:d And he assures me, that that way of sounding with a round leaden or stone ball, he borrowed from no Author. Which makes me conclude, I spoke truly and candidly, when I said, that that way, as it is described there, was contrived by him. /50 (1)v/ I am sure, I was ‹in my thoughts› as far from derogating any thing from another, as any person alive, whatsoever, can be; and I am persuaded, it will appear by all the Transactions, that I have been all along scrupulously carefull, not only to give every one his owne, but also to vindicate that to the Owner, which others have appeard to robb him off. But if this should not be thought satisfactory, I would beg, Sir,3 that the further remonstrating of it may be deferred till our personall meeting; an Amanuensis being, in my opinion, lesse proper to receave into his pen a matter, wherein a mans candor is, or ‹but› seems to be, calld in question. I doubt not, but you have received a full account of the lodging-place, desseined for you at Newington.e Mr Coxe solliciting me to give a

For Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666), see Works, vol. 5. See also Birch, Royal Society, ii, 65. For Boyle’s Forms and Qualities, published late in Mar. 1666, see Works, vol. 5, p. xxviii. c ‘to whet the appetite of foreigners’. See Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 173–6 (no. 10 for 12 Mar. 1666). ‘Thursday last’ was 15 Mar. d This is found in the ‘Appendix to the Directions for Seamen,’ Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 147–9 (no. 9 for 12 Feb. 1666). Oldenburg alludes to Robert Hooke. e See above, pp. 70–1. b

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him a visit there, I walkt thither on Thursday last, and, tho I was not within the house, that is to be taken up for you, yet I lookt upon the places about it; and must needs say, that it seems to me very convenient for you: there being a large orchard, a walk for solitary meditations, a dry ground round about, and in all appearance, good Air; all which Mr Coxe affirms to be accompanied with a civill Landlord, and faire Landlady. At our meeting on Wednesday last at Gresham, the President took some account, of what severall of the members then present had been employed in, during the late sad and long reces.a Some related, what had been done ‹by them› in the matter of Chariots and watches;b others, what in Masonry, and the Extraction of Lead out of the oare; others, what in the History of the Nature of Salts; others, what in the perfecting of the Experiments touching the Injection into Veines, and particularly about the Transfusing of bloud out of one Animal into another;c concerning the last whereof, Dr /50 (2)/ Clerk affirmed, that he had tried that Experiment,4 two years agoe, but found it so difficult, that he gave it over: Whereupon Sir R. Moray mentioned, that Mr Boyle had hopes of mastering the difficulties, that are met with in that Experiment. Dr Wallis being present, and desired to acquaint the Company, what had been chiefly done at the meetings in Oxford, last summer, related some of the Musicall Experiments, that had been made; and being ‹sollicited› to give them in writing, he made answer, that Mr Boyle had recorded them: Whereupon the Secretary was ordered to take notice of it in writing, that M. Boyle be desired to impart the said Experiments with all their circumstances.d Dr Beale in his late letter presents his most humble service to you; and having delivered severall Hints and Observations, he adds, that you use not to despise any of that kind; which makes me conclude, that he would have them communicated to you.e They are these; 1. If such Scales should be devised, as Mr Boyle acknowledges himself to use, and with this addition, that one Scale be fitted to gather all the weight of Air that may be, the other side to decline and avoid the pressure of air: by this the difference of weight at one, 2 or 3 inches in the all [mercurial] Cane, may be taken. And a

See Birch, Royal Society, ii, 66–8. The recess in the Society’s meetings between July 1665 and Feb. 1666 was caused by the severity of the plague in London. b Those chiefly concerned in these matters were John Wilkins and Robert Hooke. Members of the Society in general spent much time in the spring of 1666 on the improvement of one-horse, twowheeled vehicles; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, passim. c The three Fellows chiefly alluded to here are respectively Sir Robert Moray, Daniel Coxe and Timothy Clarke (d. 1672), physician to Charles II, F.R.S. 1663. d Informal meetings of Society members in Oxford took place as a result of the number of Fellows who were residing in Oxford to escape the plague in London. e This letter from John Beale may be one dated 12 Mar. which is otherwise no longer extant; see Oldenburg, iii, 57–64.

114

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 17 Mar. 1666

’tis probable, that the showres exspected in the Spring at hand, will in few daies or weekes bring down the [mercury] for this calculation. And5 (as I said formerly, and do now presse) hence by calculation we may advance upon Mr Boyles principles to compare the Air of the whole Atmosphere (at the severall great stages) with the weight of [mercury] or water, which it depresses etc. 2. And hence also may be calculated, what a Cylinder of Air, which takes up so many inches, feet or yards breadth, /50 (2)v/ does amount unto: and may cast up, what the weight of Air is in ‹a› closet, or gallery, according to the dimension of the room, and the station of the [mercury]. 3. And this may be referrd to the Statick rules of Sanity.a And certainly, I have noted, that some men doe require a far larger store of air for their sustenance, than others. M. Meade, the famous Divine, a great Student, and of a stomach somewhat greater, than is usuall in students, could not take his sleep, nor rest, except all the Curtains and Chamber windows were wide open.b And this plenty of Air he repaid with such a steam constantly expiring out of his body, as staynd all his Cloaths, and that assoon as he could renew them. His Body alwayes bound. And I knew6 a vivacious person, of great understanding, who could not sleep, except the courtains and lodgings were open. He died lately, 102 years old. I took notice, that in that great age, or near it, he could not endure to sleep with any cap (tho but of linnen) on his head. He had no baldnes, but bred much haire. 4. Certainly my friendliest medicines are those, which procure or assist Transpirations; and those require more freshnes and franknes of Air. May not that be one cause of the benefit of perambulations, in oppilating distempers, that, besides the motion, the air may be fresh? 5. May not a rush-candle or watch-candle be devised of such tender flame, as may distinguish ponderous Air from lighter. If by any device we could put a positive estimate upon the weight of the Air in any dimension, I meane from the whole Atmosphere, it would much surprise and amuse our common Philosophers, who doe seldom consider, that we are emcompassed with such a weight of Air. So far He: And I can go no farther, than to adde, that I am Sir, your faithful and humble servant. 7

Sir, Some of your thoughts upon Dr Beales paragraphs, would be very acceptable to us both. Seal: wax traces. Endorsed at head of 50 (1) with crayon number ‘No L’ (replacing ‘XLV’ deleted), and with ‘no 50’. a b

i.e., health. The reference is to Joseph Mede (1586–1638), fellow of Christ’s College Cambridge.

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EZREEL TONGEa to BOYLE

3, 1666–7

17 March 1666

From the original in BL 5, fol. 144. Fol/1. Not previously printed.

Noble Sir Had this enclosed accompt come sooner, I had sent it with Carys farewel to Physike, which I gave Mr Alistry to transmit unto you by the first opportunity.b I beseech you accept them (Such as they are) for acknowlegements of the great debt wherein your undeserved favours have obliged mee; we are beholden to my freinds mistake; had that not beene, neither had we knowne this excellent peice of good huswiferie; & indeede now we have learnt to præserve our porke soe sweet & good with its Gravie for a yeare (& how much longer the proofe must discover) wee are satisfied in what concernes our use; & as for our ambition, me thinkes there is some thinge1 in my freinds report lookes like allowance for it.c For either dried porke hath somewhat repugnant to ‹other› meates, or it will eagerly reimbibe its owne or the like gravie, if returned to the Tub, & soe be somewhat better præpared for the pot then by steepeinge in water onely; ‹espetially› if2 as ‹it› seemes after 16 yeares ‹it› may be eaten, though not commended, & keepes yet after 20 yeares in momy: if I may be allowed the boldnes soe to call what some thinke to be of neare affinity unto it. But this alsoe must ‹be› referred unto tryall. Dr Kuffeler humbly requests your assistance to procure a roport from the Royall Society in commendation of his condition (for encouragement to his other inventions ‹&› in order to the silenceinge of his fireworkes) to the bounty of his Majesty: My Lord Brouncker hath all ready spoken in favour of him.d If I have not opportunity (as I have hope) of attendinge you in my returne the next weeke at your lodginge I will give you an account in writeinge of my sollicitations ‹at the Court & Colledge› on my freinds behalfe; he præsents his most humble service; with which I pray accept that of Westminster, March 17th3 1665;

your most faithfull & obliged Servitour Ezrl:Tonge

a Ezreel Tonge (1621–80), divine, involved in the Durham educational projects which had interested Samuel Hartlib; see Webster, Great Instauration (above, p. 74), pp. 236–7. b Tonge refers to Walter Carie’s A Brief Treatise Called Farewell to Physicke (1583), and to the bookseller, James Allestry (for whom see above, p. 15n.), or his brother, the divine Richard Allestry (1619–81). c This person has not been identified. d Tonge refers to Johann Sibertus Küffler (1595–1677), Dutch inventor, who was in England in the 1650s and 1660s developing an exploding torpedo for the Royal Navy. There is no evidence that the Royal Society responded to this report.

116

BOYLE

to OLDENBURG, 19 Mar. 1666

For / The Honourable Robert Boyle / Esquire These Leave with Mr Crosse, an / Apothecary at his ‹house› next doore to University / Colledge in Oxon. / Oxon Seal: Oval, damaged. Achievement of arms. Shield: a bend cottised between six martlets impaling a lion rampant. Crest: a hand [?] holding a key. Postmark: ‘MR / 17’.

BOYLE to OLDENBURG

19 March 1666

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 250–1. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 67–8 and Oldenburg, iii, 64–6.

March 19, 1665 SIR, THIS afternoon, before I had got an opportunity to acknowledge yours of the 13th, I received another of the 17th, and must now return you my humble thanks for both together. And to answer the former first, I wonder not there should be a mistake in the barometrical paper I sent you, the haste I was in having kept me from reading it over; which mistake lying but in one word, is easily mended, by putting instead of the other, and of the varying weight, &c. the other causes of the varying weight, &c.a But the transcript you are pleased to send me of this passage, lets me see, that in those words, to a greater height in the air, the three last words, viz. (in the air) should have been omitted. Since the observations came not time enough, it is possible I may be able to add a few more to them, before your next come abroad. I have been able to procure so little account, so much as of the country, where Bombay is seated in the East-Indies, that I can supply you with no queries about it.b And as for Dantzick, there are only two enquiries, that now come into my mind concerning timber;c the one is, whether the learned Hevelius or his friends have ever observed, what I have met with in a modern author of very good account, that lumps of amber have been taken up, within whose middlemost parts, a

For the mistake in the barometrical observations see above, p. 108. Oldenburg had requested that Boyle give instructions on philosophical inquiries to the governor of Bombay, Sir Gervase Lucas; see above, p. 109. c The editors of Oldenburg suggest that ‘timber’ is a misreading by Birch of ‘amber’. Amber was one of the areas of inquiry to be made to Hevelius; see above, p. 81. b

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when the hard outside was broken, there has been found pretty store of uncoagulated naphta [sic] or bitumen: and this I rather take to be a considerable query, because of the other I am to subjoin, which is, whether it have been observed, that pieces of amber have been taken up sticking almost like gum to great pieces of the barks of trees. For more than this is affirmed upon his own repeated observation, by one of the judiciousest travellers I have yet read.a But now I speak of queries for foreign countries, I must beg your pardon, that my haste made me forget the last time to send you, as I intended, a paper of general queries. It belongs to one of the essays of the unpublished part of the Usefulness, &c. and therefore possibly may not so much answer your expectation, as if it had been written entirely for your purpose.b /p. 251/ But perhaps too, it may serve your turn pretty well, especially with a little addition, which if you make use of it, I can afford it. I have somewhere some specimens of particular enquiries, subordinated to some of the more principal articles of inquisition, which I shall scarce take the pains to look out, till I know, whether the paper I now send may be of use to you. If you have occasion to take any publick notice of it, be pleased to intimate to what treatise it belongs. I am very much obliged to my lord Brouncker, for the favourable acceptance and character he has vouchsafed my hydrostatical trifles; and I am glad his lordship’s observations agree with mine about the great height of the quicksilver in droughts:c but I forgot, and was sorry I did so, to tell you in my hastily written paper,d that one cause of that height I suspected may be, the elevation of steams from the crust or superficial parts of the earth, which by little and little may add to the weight of the atmosphere, being not, as in other seasons, carried down from time to time by the falling rain, to which it agrees not ill, what I had since, namely this week, occasion to observe. For whereas about this day sennight at Oxford, the quicksilver was higher than for ought I know has been yet observed in England, viz. above 5⁄16 above 30 inches, upon the first considerable showers, that have interrupted our long drought, as I foretold divers hours before, that the quicksilver would be very low, a blustering wind concurring with the rain, so I found it here at Stanton to fall 3⁄8 beneath 29. This you may, if you think fit, add to the other observations, or communicate with my humble service to the worthy Dr. Beale, of some of whose ingenious conjectures perhaps I could already give you an account; but having not time to do it, I must defer it till God grant us a meeting, and then a Evidently Boyle refers to the queries that Oldenburg was collecting for Hevelius, see above, p. 81. The author Boyle refers to has not been identified. b For these queries and their link to Usefulness, see Works, vol. 5, p. xxxiii. No further queries were published, and neither did Oldenburg divulge their source when publishing them in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666) (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666). c Brouncker and the Royal Society were presented with Boyle’s Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666); see above, p.113. d The following sentence and the next were extracted and printed by Oldenburg in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 185 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666). Boyle refers to Stanton St John, near Oxford, where he had been living since Nov. 1665.

118

HOOKE

to BOYLE, 21 Mar. 1666

we may discourse about the other business you write of, which I am very willing to defer it till that time.a In the interim, if you translate your Transactions into Latin, I shall gladly receive a seasonable notice of it before-hand, that I may now and then be the better able to serve you in them. b I expect to morrow some books of the Origin of Forms ready, and hope this week to send you one as you desire; which is all, that can in this paper be told you, by, SIR, your very affectionate friend, and very humble servant, ROBERT BOYLE.

HOOKE to BOYLE

21 March 1666

From the holograph original formerly in the possession of the Earl of Macclesfield, now in Cambridge University Library, Add MS 9597, 3/3, fols 118–19. Fol/2.c Formerly printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 546–8, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 505–8, S. J. Rigaud (ed.), Correspondence of Scientific Men of the Seventeenth Century, 2 vols (Oxford, 1841), i, 113–15 and Gunther, Early Science in Oxford (above, p. 48), vi, 260–1.

Honoured Sir, THIS account having had the honour to be very well approved in the royall Society though the experiment conteind in it are noe other than what I have formerly acquainted you with yet, there being somewhat of New Hypothesis, and giving some accounts of the apparatus which is now præparing for the tryall of those Exp[eriments,]1 and somewhat likewise of the maine Drift of them, I have added them to th[is] scribble. Mr. Tilotson returnes his humble service2 for the Ens veneris you were plea[sed] to promise him,d but I have since procur’d him some very good here in towne which has served the turne soe that I shall give you noe further trouble concerning it. I have given Mr. Shortgrave Directions for making of a wheel baroscope ‹for you› by a new way which is much more facile then the a

For John Beale’s letter, see above, p. 114. No Latin translation of Phil. Trans. was published at this point, despite Oldenburg’s hopes (see also below, p. 374). A Latin version of the first 5 years of the journal, not by Oldenburg, was published at Amsterdam 1671–81. For the publication of Forms and Qualities (1666) see above, p. 113n. c This document comprises a copy of Hooke’s paper on gravity (see below, pp. 121–4), after which follows the covering letter presented here (on the lower part of fol. 119, with the postscript and address on fol. 119v). In Birch’s edition, the paper was inadequately differentiated from the postscript to the letter, as was pointed out by Rigaud. d For the ‘ens veneris’ and Tillotson’s request see above, p. 49. b

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former, both in making, filling & rectifying,a he shews me likewise some3 brasse pipes, which if they be for injection or transfusion of blood, they would be somewhat better to have small protuberances left at the end that they may not slip out of the vessell when they are tyed on to it, but knowing not the Designes of them I could not Direct him. I very much rejoyce to hear of your Returne to these parts and am glad You have made choice of this end of the towne, the place I was lately to see and beleive it to be a very good air, tis pleasant, private & there is a very good neighbourhood, and ‹’tis› not full 3 miles from hence all over pleasant feilds.b I doe not hear of the death of any of your workmen save Mr. Thompson & Mr. Shaw the founder. and here are others of the same4 good workmen.c I thought to have conveyd this by Dr. Wren who is this Day gone for Oxford but I was hindred by company this morning. he has some thing worth your perusa[l;] amongst the rest a relation of china new & very good of its kind though It conteine not much of Philosophicall information till towards the latter end much of which seems to be transcribd from other.d two or 3 leaves I have turn’d down in it on such things as I mett with remarkable. But I have already5 given you too much trouble & therefore beg your pardon: I am, Honoured Sir, your most humble & most faithfull servant, March: the 21. 1665/6 R. Hooke. /fol. 119v/ Our Collections [sic] of Rarityes at Gresham Colledge is now very well worth your perusall.e And I hope to increase it every Day. we had yesterday a very full meeting here of the society and I hope a greater the next week.f I am very glad to hear that you have a 60 foot telescope, certainly it may help us to many good Discoveryes if it be well made use of. I did the last week see an elipticall glasse which in truth did something extraordinary, and more then I had seen before, And I expect shortly to see much better. These / For the Honourable Rob: Boyle Esquire to be left at Mr John Crosse his house over against Allsoules / Coll: in / Oxford a Richard Shortgrave (d. 1676), was operator to the Royal Society. He made a barometer, calculating machine and thermometer; see G. Clifton, Directory of British Scientific Instrument Makers 1550– 1851 (London, 1996), p. 250. b See above, pp. 70–1. c Hooke refers to Anthony Thompson (fl. 1638, d. 1665), instrument maker, for whom see E. G. R. Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners in Tudor and Stuart England 1485–1714 (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 220–1. Mr Shaw has not been identified. d Hooke refers to Christopher Wren (see above, p. 90n.). The book on China has not been traced. e For these collections see above, p. 46. f See Birch, Royal Society, ii, 70–2 for the Royal Society’s meeting of 20 Mar.

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Seal: Circular. A bird of prey on a wreath, with the initials ‘SG’ in the top righthand corner. Postmark: ‘MR / 22’. ‘2’ written by address. Endorsed with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XVIII’.

ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: HOOKE’S PAPER ON GRAVITY

21 March 1666

For the holograph original of this letter, see above, p. 119. A further version, read at the Royal Society on 21 March, was copied into RBO, vol. 3, pp. 93–7, entitled ‘Of Gravity – By Mr Hook. March the 21. 1665/6’, and printed in Birch, Royal Society, ii, 70–2. The copy text has been collated with the RBO version, and significant differences noted; minor differences in spelling or punctuation have not been noted. In the RBO text, the diagram (reproduced on p. 123) and the paragraph describing it appear at the end, following the paragraph which here appears last.a

Gravity though it seems to be one of the most active principles in the world and consequently ought to be the most considerable, has yet had1 the ill fate to have been always till of Late esteem’d otherwise even to slighting & neglect. But the inquisitiveness of this Latter age has begun to find sufficient arguments to entertaine other thoughts of it. Gilbert began to imagine it a magneticall attractive principle2 inherænt in the parts of the terrestrial globe:b the noble Verulam also in part imbraced this opinion.c But3 Kepler (not without good reason) makes it a property inhærent in all cœlestiall bodyes, sun starrs planetts.4 this supposition we may afterwards more particularly examine.d but first twill be requisite to consider whether this gravitating5 power be inhærent in the parts of the earth, and if soe whether it be magneticall electricall or of some other Nature distinct6 from either. If it be magneticall any body attracted by it ought to gravitate more when neerer its surface then when farther off:7 to examine which propriety severall tryalls have been made both on the higher parts of Westminster abby and also at the top of St. Paules Steeple:8 but though in the making of them I indeavourd to be ‹as› accurate as the way was capable of,9 I tryd it by10 (which way by countera We have reproduced the diagram from the RBO text in preference to Hooke’s own, which is damaged. However, it should be noted that the RBO differs from Hooke’s original (reproduced in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 547 in adding the detail marked ‘L’, which is not mentioned in the text. b Hooke refers to William Gilbert (1544–1603), who compared the earth to loadstone in his De magnete (1600), ii, ch. 7. c i.e., Francis Bacon, in his Novum organum (1620); see Spedding, Ellis and Heath, Works of Bacon (above, p. 66) i, 292–3. d Johann Kepler (1571–1630), astronomer, who provided physical explanations for celestial phenomena. On Kepler’s theory of gravity, see A. Koyré, The Astronomical Revolution, trans. R. E. W. Maddison (London, 1973).

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poysing a heavy solid body and as much brasse wire as would serve to let downe that body from the top to the bottom of the building11 and then poysing those æquilibrated bodys first whilst the solid body & wire were in the scale at the top and afterwards by poysing them likewise when the body was let downe almost to the bottom by the wire whose upper end was fastned to the scale at the top.) yet such were the inconveniences this way was subject to from the vibrations of soe long a line, and from the motion of the interposd air, that nothing of certainty could be collected from these tryalls. save only that if there were any difference in the gravitation of the body, it was but very small & inconsiderable. since I found in the tryalls made from the top of the abby that a few graines putt into this or that scale would manifestly turne the beame this or that way notwithstanding the former inconveniences, But to Distinguish whether there be any the least variety12 must be attempted some other way of which by & by. ‹Next.› If all the parts of the terrestriall globe be magneticall then a body at a considerable Depth below the surface of the earth should loose somewhat of its gravitation or indeavour downwards by the attraction of the parts of the earth placd above it. This opinion some experiments made by some worthy persons of this honourable Society seem to countenance.a but considering the vast proportion of the Decrease of gravity at soe small a depth, It seemd not improbable but that the motion13 of the air or some other unheeded accident might intervene in these experiments which might much contribute thereunto. For the tryall of which I had a great desire, and happily meeting with some considerably deep wells neer Bansteed downs in Surry I indeavourd to make them with as much exactnesse & circumspection as I was able[:] my first tryalls were in a well of about 15 fathom deep or 90 foot[;] the threed14 I made use of was about 4 score foot long. the bodys I weighd15 by it were brass, wood, stone. each of which at severall times I counterpoisd exactly, and hung the scales which were very good ones over the midst of the well soe as the packthreed might hang16 cleer down to the bottom without touching the sides, the effects were these that each of these bodys seemd to keep exactly the same gravity at the bottom17 & top. for trying it when the air was still & calme I found that the weight of a graine would easily turne the scales either ways, according as it was putt into the one or the other scale. which exactness of equipollency in the scales I found both before I lett downe the bodys by the threed,18 when they were soe lett downe and after they were againe drawn up. /fol. 118v/ Soe that it seemd manifest that about a pound weight either of wood flint or Brasse by being placed 4 score19 foot either neerer or farther from the center of the earth did not vary its weight more then a grain, that is not more than a 7680 part of its weight by having 4 score foot of earth scituate above it whereas the other experiments make it lose neer a 16th part in depth not much greater. This experiment I afterwards tried with the like circumspection in a well of neer a

For these experiments see Birch, Royal Society, i, 163–5.

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3 score20 fathoms deep, where the weight though suspended at the end of a string of about 330 foot long seemd to continue of the same weight that it had above, both before it was lett downe and after it was pulld up. for the beam of the ballance though very tender did in all these21 tryalls keep as to22 sense exactly its horizontall Parallelisme or equilibration soe that this opinion how probable soever it might seem to Gilbert, Verulam & divers other Learned men is not at all favoured by the experiments made at these wells whether from the peculiar nature of the earth about these wells (which was a pretty solid chalk) or from some other cause I determine not till further experiment manifest23 it. But in truth upon the consideration of the nature of the Theory, we may find that supposing it24 true that all the constituent parts of the earth had a magneticall power, the Decrease of Gravity would be almost a hundred times less then a graine to a pound at as great a Depth as fifty fathom, for if we consider the proportion of the parts of the earth placd upon one side beneath the stone,25 with the parts of the other side above it we may find the Disproportion greater. Unless we suppose the magnetisme of the parts to act but at a very litle Distance, which I think the experiments made on the Abby & St Paules will not allow of.26 If therfore there be any such inequality of gravity, we must have some ways of tryall much more accurate then this of scales, of which I shall propound two sorts, which (if any such difference bee) seem capable of Distinguishing & finding it out. The first is by the motion of a swing clock for if the attraction of the earth towards its center be lesse the farther the body is placd below or above its surface then the motion of such a watch must be slower there then27 on the surface. and though perhaps the difference28 be soe small as not to be sensible at one, ten or 100 vibrations in29 many thousands of them twill not be difficult to find it. But a clock for this purpose30 ought to be seald up exactly in a glasse. soe that noe air may have any intercourse with it,31 otherwise the changes of it may perhaps be rather ascribable to the air, which is evidently of a differing constitution. And by this meanes which I look upon as the most exact I could wish that tryall were made at the top & bottom of some very high hill that soe by the Differing velocity of the clock at the top of the hill from that at the Bottom, we might be able to judge whether there be any such variation of gravity, and if such32 whether it be analogus to the attraction of the magnet. The other Instrument for this purpose may be some such as this describd in the adjoyning figure, which ought also to be well fortifyd against the mutations of the ambient air[;] otherwise in soe nice an Experiment nothing can be Done. A B, a frame, to which is fastned C D a spring from the end of which C a threed C E is fastned to a small wheel F F, which moves on a very sharp edge in the hole m. to the other side of this wheel is fastned a small long beam H H. reaching beyond the frame A B namely to N, to which a weight of a convenient bigness I ‹being› fastned33 and the instrument carefully conveyd from place to place, the end 123

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of the beam will shew upon the Divided Pillar K K the differing weight of that body in severall places. /fol. 119/

Now because the Designe of both these experiments34 are to find out a difference of Gravitation if there be any to the end that comparing them with the attraction of the Loadstone we may be the better judge of this supposition It will therefore be requisite to make severall experiments on a good magnet, for the finding out of the Decrease of the force of its attractive power upon a body according as it is35 placed at greater and greater distances, or according as it is further & further placed within the hollow of a36 terrella, for which I have contrived & designe to make an appropriate Instrument. Now these experiments as they are wholy new being not attempted that I know by any hitherto, noe magneticall writer that I have met with having taken any notice of it. And as the mag[net] affords37 many helps towards the finding out the Nature of the magnet and the Laws & reasons of Divers other motions, soe if this analogy between the decrease of attraction ‹of the one› & gravitation38 of the other be found reall we may perhaps by the help of the Loadstone at it were epitomise all the experiments of Gravity and determine to what Distance the gravitating power of the earth acts. and explicate perhaps Divers other phænomena of Nature by way not yet thought of.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

24 March 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 51. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 354–5, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 223–5 and Oldenburg, iii, 67–70.

March. 24. 1666. Sir, Both your favours, the written and printed, I have receaved, and doe now returne you my humble and hearty thanks for them.a The like will be heapd on you by the publick, when they shall see your Barometricall Observations and a Presumably Oldenburg refers to Boyle’s letter of 19 Mar. The ‘printed’ item was probably a presentation copy of Forms and Qualities (1666); see Works, vol. 5, p. xxviii.

124

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Mar. 1666

Directions, together with the two Treatises, of Hydrostaticks, and Mechanicall Forms and Qualities, both surprising and most usefull Books.a In the former you have fully establisht and cleard that Subject: In the latter, you have driven out that Divell of Substantiall Forms, that ‹as it› has hitherto done all the Feats, the Schools have been entertaind with, so it has stopt the progres of true Philosophy, and made the best of Schollars not more knowing ‹as to the nature of particular bodies,› than the meanest ploughman. Since I1 gave notice of them in the Transactions, that they were coming abroad, I have been sollicited from ‹forrain parts,›2 to hasten the Latine version of them: To comply with which, I have done my part, as to the former, being ready to send for the presse halfe a dozen sheets a week (the reason, why I offer not the whole ‹at once,› being, that I would have some time, to review;) but I find no answer to what I said in my former letters about it, as to M. Davies readinesse to print.b If you shall give me order to undertake the other, of Forms etc. I am ready for that too, and shall dispatch it, God vouchsafing me health, with all possible expedition.c But I would advertise, that the Title-pages might be forthwith printed, and immediately after sent abroad, as John Crook has done with that of your History of Cold, /51 (1)v/ to which he has also receaved an answer from his corresponding Booksellers in Holland, that they will take off the whole Latin Impression:d And this is the only way, I know, to prevent ‹forrain›3 Translations; which if Herringman had taken, the Latin Colors would not have lain upon his hands.e In the perusing of the Hydrostaticks I met with one place, that certainly wants4 something, to make up the sense, vid. p.188 in the paragraph, that begins with, But let us suppose etc. The defect posed Dr Wallis, when he was here, as well as myselfe, and needs a timely supplement, ‹both› before more of the English Copies be dispersed, and before I send away the Latin to be printed. There are one or two Errata more, but very obvious to mend by any reader, as p.189 l. 13 surfaces, for, surface; and p.76 lin. antepenult. water in specie, for, water is in specie.f In the reading of the origine of Forms (which my Curiosity hastned me to doe yesterday, as soon I had receaved that present,) I met with the following faults: In the a Boyle’s barometrical observations were printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 181–5 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666); see Works, vol. 5, pp. 504–7. For his Hydrostatical Paradoxes and Forms and Qualities see Works, vol. 5. b For the Latin translation of Hydrostatical Paradoxes, printed by Oxford bookseller Richard Davis, see above, p. 15n. c A Latin translation of Forms and Qualities was published in 1669 by Richard Davis; Oldenburg was not the translator. See Works, vol. 5, pp. xxix–xxx. d For the Latin edition of Boyle’s Cold, printing of which was begun by John Crooke, see above, p. 15n. e A Latin edition of Boyle’s Colours had been printed for Henry Herringman, the London bookseller, in 1665. Both Boyle and Oldenburg had, at the time, expressed their reservations about Herringman’s delay in bringing the translation out, in case it was independently translated elsewhere. See Works, vol. 4, pp. xiv–v. f See Works, vol. 4, pp. 227, 260.

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last page of the Publisher to the Reader, there is lin. penult. a Correction, that needs another, vid.5 till pag.169 for p. 269. Again pag. 64 l. 6 those, seems to be put for, though, to answer the yet, in the next line. And p. 325 l. 4 I guesse, that two inflammable is put, for two uninflammable.6 There seems to be a defect also in p. 369 in the latter part, beginning l. 19 to the7 2nd line of p. 370. P. 396. I think, Spand is put for Sand: and p. 397 l. 13 it all, for, it at all: and in the same page, l. 6 & seq. I doe not find, that the words, not only, have that particle, that answers them. The chief of these may easily be mended by the pen, before distribution.a It seems, that at Florence they have been last winter engaged, among other Experiments, to make tryalls of Congelation: A correspondent of mine writing me word, that they had exposed 4 vessels ‹filld with common water› to the four points of the world, and found, that to the East freeze first, that to the West, next, and then that to South, and last of all, that to the North, tho this last /51 (2)/ was frozen hardest of all; which I understand not; the particular situation of the place not being described, nor what fence there might be more ‹to›8 one part of the house, than the other, against the power of the Frost. They have made, it seems, many others, in all sorts of vessels,9 open and close, and with all sorts of metals and glasses; whereoff I am promised le detail hereafter.b Another friend from beyond Seas takes notice of an Observation made about Glow-worms, that they have a red humour in10 them very fine and pleasant to look upon. If I mistake not, I have heard curious men affirme, that their shining11 quality is gone, when they are dead.c My Parisian acquaintance endeavors the promoting of the Naturall History, telling me, upon my former sollicitations of it, this; d Je parle par tout du beau dessein, que vous ‹(meaning the Society)› avez de faire une Histoire naturelle, à fin de donner de l’Emulation à nos Messieurs, et les exciter à vous imiter. I know, they will be much pleased and sett on by those comprehensive Generall Queries, you give me leave to enrich the next Transactions with; and they will be much more, if they shall see those particular ones (subordinated to some of the Generall points) which you so generously offer, ‹and I most ardently desire› the communication off.e Sir, you will see, I doubt a

See Works, vol. 4, pp. 286, 323, 411, 424, 431–2. The experiments referred to were carried out at the Accademia del Cimento in Florence, established in 1657 by Prince Leopold de’ Medici and his brother the Grandduke of Tuscany, Ferdinand II. See W. E. K. Middleton, The Experimenters. A Study of the Accademia del Cimento (Baltimore and London, 1971), p. 166ff. c Oldenburg’s correspondent mentioned here has not been identified. d Oldenburg’s Parisian correspondent was probably Henri Justel (1620–93), secretary to Louis XIV. ‘I talk everywhere about the fine plan which you … have of making a natural history, in order to stir up the spirit of emulation among our learned men and to prompt them to imitate you.’ e Evidently a reference to the queries printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666). 315–16 and 33c–44 (no. 18 for 22 Oct. and no. 19 for 19 Nov. 1666), as ‘Enquiries about the Sea’ and ‘Enquiries about Mines’. See also Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 186–9 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666), ‘General Heads for the Natural History of a Country’, and Works, vol. 5, pp. 508–11. b

126

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 24 Mar. 1666

not, great effects of these sollicitations and directions, Industry and guidance being much more wanting in this age, than Abilities. Let Princes and States make warre and shed bloud; let us cultivate vertue and Philosophy, and study to doe good to Mankind. Non sileant amplius leges nec Musæ inter Arma; sed Vocales sint quàm maximè in maximo strepitu Bellorum.a I am particularly obliged to you for your favorable concern for me in my Latin Translations. If ever they be done and printed, I shall /51 (2)v/ most greedily embrace your kindnesse. I wonder somewhat at Mr Davis, that he should make such a noise, among our Stationers even by letters, concerning the Transactions and the scarcity of their vent: Me thinks, he does what he can to decry them, and has already effected so much, that, if they goe on to be printed, I shall be the worse for it by 40 sh. a month; which is a great losse to one, that has no other way of subsistence for serving the Society.b And I wonder the more12 at him, because I have not at all pressed him, to pay the rest of what he was contracted for with, contenting myselfe, (by reason of the troublesome time, that13 was, when he printed) with the £9, whereas those three Tracts, would have amounted to £20 10 sh; In the Interim, I had a letter lately from Dr Beale, who bespeaks severall Copies of all the Numbers hitherto printed, for severall of his acquaintance in the Contry; and me thinks, ’tis probable, that those, that had any of them, should in time look for all the rest; and I am sure, I cannot get ‹myselfe not so much as› one Copy of Numb. 1 no where, having given away all those I had of it, and the Stationer alledging, he can find none of them in his ware-house; but only some few sheets of a part of it. I am apt to believe, that if Mr Davies sends those Copies, he has left, they may in a litle time be dispersed, if the Towne remain in health, and then sure his clamorous complaints may be satisfied. What was hoped, might have brought me in, about £150 per annum, English and Latin together, will now scarce amount to 50 as the matter is like to be ordered, especially since the Stationers, by reason of the warr, refuse to print the Latin.c But I am ashamed, Sir, to trouble you with this stuff: that which most urges me to it, is14 the consideration I have, that by the fall of this assistance, I may be disabled to serve the Society. Endorsed at head of 51 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LI’ (altered from ‘XLVI’ deleted). The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

a ‘War silences neither laws nor the muses, for these are best heard above the din of battle.’ The source of this quotation has not been identified. b Although printed with the imprimatur of the Royal Society, the Phil. Trans. was Oldenburg’s private venture. A year after its first inception, this letter evidences the inefficiency of Richard Davis, the printer, and the general difficulties accompanying a venture of this kind. c See above, p. 119n.

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27 March 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 52. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 356, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 225–6 and Oldenburg, iii, 70–1.

London March 27.1 1666. Sir, You’l find by and by, that the inclosed hath occasiond my present importunity. Dr Beale thinks, that in some of his late Letters to me are contained particulars, not unfit to be prepared for your nice scales, whilst you are employed in the Staticks, about the quantity and weight of Air, that is required for the health of human bodies.a Sir, I cannot doubt, but you have considered that matter to the bottom, ere this; and therefore should be unwilling to offer any thing to you about it, but only to satisfy the desires of our common friend, who conceaves, that the Scales, mentioned by you in History of Cold p.19 are easily applicable to the purpose, he urges, by a fit Receaver of a pressure of Air in one scale etc. the broader the better:b or, as he hath it more fully in another letter, if such2 Scales should be devised, as you make use of, with this addition, that one scale be fitted to gather all the weight of Air, that may be, and [the]3 other side to incline and avoyd the pressure of Air, that by this the difference of weight, at one, 2 or 3 inches, may be taken:4 To which he adds, that ’tis probable, that the exspected Spring-showres will in few dayes or weeks bring downe the [mercury] for this Calculation. /52 (1)v/ And hence also, saith he, [ei]ther,5 may be calculated, what a cylinder of Air, which takes up so many inches, feet or yards breadth, does amount unto; and one may cast up, what the weight of Air is in a closet or gallery, according to the dimensions of the room, and the station of the [mercury]. Which he would have referred to the statick rules of Health; he having noted, that some men doe require a far ‹larger›6 store of air for their sustenance, than others. He proposes a scale for this purpose of extraordinary breadth, of some very light matter, thin whalebone, or yet lighter, to account the proportions of inequality of weight from 27 to 30 inches. I wish, Dr7 Beale ‹had› digested his owne sense for you, and not commissionated me to cull it out of his letters here and there. However I would not omit acquainting you with his proposall, knowing, you will take all in good part both from him, and

a

Beale sent many letters to Boyle through Oldenburg, or conveyed news to Oldenburg intended for Boyle. This particular letter, already quoted in Oldenburg’s letter to Boyle (for which see above, pp. 114–14), has not been found. b See Boyle’s Cold (1665), in Works, vol. 4, p. 235.

128

BEALE

to BOYLE, 31 Mar. 1666

Sir Your very humble and faithful servant H. O. For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq at Mr Crosses house in / Oxford

Seal: Slightly damaged example of Oldenburg’s standard seal as used on Oldenburg to Boyle, 10 June 1663 (see vol. 2, p. 87). Postmark: ‘MR / 27’. Also marked beneath address with ‘4’. Endorsed at head of 52 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LII’ (replacing ‘XLVII’ deleted). Endorsed on 52 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 52’.

BEALE to BOYLE

31 March 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 120, pp. 143–6. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 474–5 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 397–8.

Sir In what I represented for you by Mr Oldenburg for the Immediate conveighance of the superabounding bloud of healthfull young people into the veines of the aged & decayed (if such a way could be devised) I had speciall reguard to the vitall spirits, & congeniall heate, which may possibly have in some respects a more indulgent Vertue, than Mummy, or Salt of humane blood.a And the mighty power of imagination may be advanced by the choice of the persone. This I called Transanimation in allusion to the Scripture-expression, The life or soule is in the bloud, which Selden interprets of the warme blood in the living animal, which may be part of the ground of the Noachidall præcept, as if by such nourishment we might degrade1 our Soules, & become Savage, or Gigantine.b Others aswell as my selfe a Beale is commenting on the blood transfusion experiments which were of great interest to the Royal Society at this time. b By ‘transanimation’, Beale means the transference of the soul of a person from one body to another. For John Selden, author of several expositions of Jewish, rabbinical and Old Testament law, see above, p. 64n. Adherence to precepts of the Old Testament patriarch Noah, concerning abstinence from blood and unclean meats (Genesis, 9, 4), was required under Jewish law. The work of Selden’s to which Beale is particularly alluding, has not been identified.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

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have observed a Valetudinary Sympathy, & a change (even of features, more than ‹one› would expect) after conjugall enjoyments, & then more especially, when the affections are mutuall, tender, & entire. When the wiefe is breeding, the husband is troubled with the tooth-ach, & unweildy; when she is in labour, He feeles pangs, & recovers in her delivery. Thus in some. I have offered other instances. But more to our purpose thus, An aged persone (above 80) married a young Mayde. A sharpe wit gave sentence, That He was a dead man, & dropt into his grave: I answered, That it was rather His Resurrection, or Restauration. My sentence hath held true. ‹by hor›2 He hath two Sonnes unsuspected; hath lately within two yeares broken his legge twice, with falls from his horse, bore it stoutly, & is againe Recovered, healthfull, & more cheerfull, & of a fresher countenance, than before this marriage. /p. 144 / Sir This I remarke as oft as I heare of the Case, & I thinke It is remarkable. In the salacious it may be otherwise. And as to the Baroscope; If any scales could be devised soe exact, as to take the differing weight of air (of any considerable & stated breadth,) at 30, 29 & 28 ynches in the Baroscope, we could thence calculate the particular weight of any columne that is found most agreeable for any particular mans health, or pleasure.a And till your owne accuratenes shall instruct us, I dare not confidently affirme, that the ascent of the [mercury] does strictly3 indicate the weight of the air. For [mercury] is apt to yield to a small degree of heate, & seemes to boyle, before it is tangibly hot. Now if heate should swell the [mercury], & make it lighter in proportion of bulke, It must be soe much more apt to ascend higher. And all liquors doe alter very much in their weight, as they are warmer or colder. Of this objection I gave notice to Mr Oldenburgh some monethes agoe.b And besides this, The dewes amongst us when it raynes, may (for ought I know) weaken the spring of the air that approacheth the baroscope, & soe betray it to give a false reporte of the weight of the whole atmosphere. For whatsoever hinders or provokes the quicke twirlings of those globulous particles may alter the case by a kind of impulse, or by deadning the force; as it falls out when the tenderest scales are impelled by a stroke of wind, which had lesse weight, than the air without it. This may be some cause of our disappointements, & put us to a blush for the language of our printed Observations. I wish the matter as well tryed as might be, by very dampy vapours about the mouth of the baroscope, or in the closet, & then againe with charcoale fires, & such pariet workes /p. 145/ which doe endanger suffocation. &c The ficklenes of winds have allso given me cause to blush at my curiosity for halfe points &c. For my Vane is nowe soe unsteddy, that I can never say in what a

See Works, vol. 5, pp. xxxiii–xl. In a letter to Boyle, 9 Dec. 1665, Oldenburg says that Beale had imparted ‘some observations of his about the Aire’ to them both; see Oldenburg, ii, 640. b

130

BEALE

to BOYLE, 31 Mar. 1666

point it is. Perchance it is ‹not› soe4 ambulatory where the spires are far above the neighbouring hills. Here the Hills are higher. In a stanch Thermometer of 2 foote length that descended not in the hardest frosts of these 2 last winiters belowe 5th ynch, nor ascended in Summer (out of the Sun) above 16. I remarked Novemb last 29. frost much abated Therm 6 1⁄3 Evening it leakes, & small rayne Therm: 6 7⁄12 Nov: 30 snowe melts apace before sun appeares, Ther 7 3⁄4 : This I remarked carefully as a standard, or to be tryed in the following Winter. Since which time I have found it freeze quic, when it was above this marke; some times above 8. It was much, & often lower in some rayny weather, than in some frosts. Sir5 May not the Hydrostatic settle a Standard of heate & cold as when water is soe warme as to weigh soe many ounces per pinte &c For6 a standard of Cold rayne at first fall, s[oe] much [mercury] in a bottle of such capacity, soe many ounces per pinte, but rayne fell here Dec. 19 Therm. 5 1⁄4 & Dec. 26 Therm 5 3⁄4 . In some frosts lately neere 8 1⁄2 Therm in a Window, heate may adjuste it: Some other poyse rather than [mercury], which swells. If the little Italian Hydrostatic were remarked with so[me]7 reguard to the round numbers of drams or ounces per pinte,a It would please Ladyes for trialls of degrees of heate & cold in liquors, of water, wine, cider beere, ale, stronger or smaller, woode dryed, or strawe dryed malt &c And serve for profounder uses. To another I should have added above, That if any damps or fumes doe alter the weight of air much above the indication it gives in the most curious baroscope over the closet; it gives us cause to suspect, that it does not indicate the true weight of the atmosphere. In a letter to Mr Glanvill I softned some of the expressions which are in the Transactions Num 9. pag. 155, more carefully, than to Mr Oldenburgh where I did not intend all for the publique.b And I said, That the Magnet was knowne for some propertyes 2000 yeares, before any of the Wits in the world applyed it to find a newe worlde, & mountaines of the Royall mettalls; It will not be for our credite /p. 146/ if we shall stand long at gaze, & find noe uses of the baroscope. But I have filled this paper & troubled you too much. God preserve your Health, & prosper you in all your noble studyes, & in all things

a

The ‘Italian Hydrostatic’ has not been further identified. Beale refers to Joseph Glanvill (1636–80), elected F.R.S. in 1664. Beale probably sent his ‘Barometricall Notes’ to Oldenburg in Dec. 1665, as Oldenburg passed them on to Boyle in a letter of 30 Dec.; see vol. 2, pp. 610–12. As Beale indicates, a version of these notes was printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 154–9 (no. 9 for 12 Feb. 1666), which does indeed contain superlatives about modern discoveries which he may have regretted. b

131

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

Yeavill March 31 1666.

3, 1666–7

Sir Your most oblieged & most humble servant Joh Beal

For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr &c At Oxford

Seal: Slight remnant of seal, paper losses. Postmark: Illegible. Endorsed below the address: ‘Post paid 3d forward to London. to oxon 2 London 20: 5d’. Endorsed on p. 146 by Miles ‘March 31st 1666’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXIII’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

[c. late March 1666]a

COXE to [BOYLE] From the original in BL 2, fols 76–7. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir I was informed by persons that pretend to bee acquainted with your Resolutions that you intended to returne to London a fortnight or 3 weekes since, and itt was not without aboundance of displeasure that I understood by1 your generous Sister the Lady Ranalaugh shee had denyed her selfe that great Content which the expectation & enjoyment of your desired Company doth Constantly afford her2 by advising you to Continue in your Residence att Oxford till the Violence of that infectious distemper which raignes in those parts ‹was abated› from which few that have not allready laboured under itt can secure themselves. Despairing therfore of itts ceasing suddainly I have resolved to give you3 frequent diversions by writing, since you are pleased to encourage mee to beleive any letters will prove Such to you. I have but lately begun to operate & consequently can communicate little of moment4 good processes or att least those of the highest rank, such I account, very noble medicines excellent menstrua, & advantagious experiments concerning a This undated letter has been placed here on the grounds that Coxe’s comments imply that, though the plague was still a threat, this had abated sufficiently for Boyle to consider returning to London.

132

COXE

to [BOYLE], [c. late Mar. 1666]

Transmutation being for the most part long before they are brought to perfection. But lately in Operating I was pleasingly surprized with an accident which hath put some thoughts into my head of an unusuall straine. I caused my operator to put 3 iiii [4 ounces] of those lovely christalls I formerly shewed you (made by spirit of formented Urine & the Caput mortuum of Verdigris) into a glasse Retort5 which was sett a Considerable depth in Sand & therto was firmly luted a strong receiver; for 3 or 4 houres itt had but a gentle heat given, wherewith Came over a Transparent liquor, pellucid as rock water, then with a further degree of heat the drops became highly Tincted & in an houres space enobled the liquor with the most lovely blew I ever yet beheld. When nothing more distilled wee gave as high a degree of heat as itt could bee capable of in A sand furnace and in a short time after somewhat gave a Terrible clap so that wee thought the room would have thundred about our eares but perceiving there was no danger wee approched the Furnace where wee quickly perceived in the neck of the Retort a great Quantity of dark brown flores not unlike Aurum fulminans fulminated; The Retort was lifted out of the Sand, and the receiver throwne with the forses of the blow allmost 2 yards from the Sand & broken in peices but by good Fortune allmost all the Spirit was preserved in a larg hollow part of the Recipient where itt shined like a gem. Wee Could by no meanes sublime any thing more from what remained in the bottom of the Retort which was about a fourth part of the christalls wee put in /fol. 76v/ But itt remained like a lump of Copper which seemed to have some impurities mix’d therewith. I have ordred the liquor to bee Cohobated from the flores expecting their Volatilisation which should itt happen night prove a usefull not to say Lucriferous experiment. I intend to destill fresh Christalls & Circulate on the flores Tartarisate Spirit of wine; & if my stock hold out I have severall other experiments in designation which I intend to make with the flores Tincturæ & [caput mortuum]. I expect to bee shortly in a Condition to give you an account of some Considerable Operations. Among other Præparations I designe to perfect Volatile Salt of Tartar is one and although I might derive great helpe from another Freind as the inclosed will informe you,6 hee who wrote itt being a person signally eminent for Knowledge in Chymicall affairs, & integrity of life, and for anything I could ever Learne of unquestionable Veracity, yet living resolved to begin this work suddainly hee being in Remote Parts itt will bee long before I can send to & heare from him,a & besides I had rather receive an increase of skill7 in Chymistry from him whence I derived the rudiments then from any other. In exchange I can acquaint you with many very Considerable operations8 on the Alcali of Tartar I can by mediation of Spirit of wine alone Volatilize itt within a few days in the forme of a Spirit and promise my selfe that some methods wherby I now handle itt may a The enclosure is no longer extant, and the identity of the ‘friend’ to whom Coxe refers has not been further elucidated.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

make itt appear In a saline forme. I shall in the next I suppose give you an account of the Successe. There happened lately In these parts somewhat worthy imparting to you I mentioned itt not sooner because I could not satisfy my selfe in all the Circumstances till within a few days. An Intimate Freind of my Fatharsa digging a pit in his Orchard ‹att Hogsdon within a mile of London›b mett with Store of a fragrant Earth I was one of the first Acquainted9 therewith but Could not redeeme 2 or 3 houres from my affairs to satisfy my selfe till a week was Passed and then the Earth failed, & the great rains drowned the Pitt which att my instance was emptied, and I accurately visited Every Part thereof. A foot and halfe deep was the Criticall part of the earth & properly so called, next about 4 foot good clay such as is intended for bricks then gravell 2 foot deep which was as hard to break as a rock and all these lay stratum super stratum as I have described them, & the workmen assured mee that no part of either lays was broken but as they apprehended had continued in the Same Position Ever since the Creation of the world. Digging in the middle of the Pitt they found a black speck ‹exactly›10 Circular and about halfe a yard in Diameter, and immediately they were surprized /fol. 77/ with a11 smell so odoriferous that itt allmost overcame th[em] They digged about a Cartload of this Earth and then itt failed that black speck seeming to bee the Origin of the vaine which halfe a foot and itts Upper superficies diffused itselfe every way12 and was about halfe a foot deep itt terminated att the lay of sand yet there were Some Portions even of the sand which were strongly sented; Some of This earth being brought into a warme room the Odour was Scarcely supportable13 Warmth either of fire wearing in the Pocket or rubbing on the Palms of the hand increased the strength of the Odour, and the Earth Put on Coales perfumed the room & afforded pretty store of fumes. That Earth which had black Veins in itt was most strongly sented I was somewhat inquisitive into the cause of this Phænomenon, That itt was not a Vein of Bituminous substance produced by Nature many reasons induced mee to ‹beleive›,14 att first I apprehended itt might be the asshes in some Urne The Romans mixing there with frequently oyles Balsams Unguents or Aromatick druggs & severall such were ‹recently›15 found (by the owner of this Earth) in Kent. But that which checkt this persuasion was That the workmen found no appearance of earthen or Stone vessells, & the intirenesse of the Coverings which seemed not to have been Ever disordered by digging, although somewhat considerable might bee returned to these objections If I had not accidentally found out by a Circumstance or 2 what bidds very faire for a tru Solution I observed among heapes of clay sand & gravel about the pitt a great Quantity of a black hard substance which I Could not break, and itt was all in great lumps enquiring what itt was and where they digged itt The workmen told mee itt was about a foot under a

Daniel Coxe’s father, also called Daniel, lived in Hertford. i.e., Hoxton in east London, an area inhabited by many market gardeners and nurserymen in this period. b

134

COXE

to [BOYLE], [c. late Mar. 1666]

the surface & Mr Massya acquainted mee that there was one lived formerly in the house who made great Quantities of oyle of Turpentine for Painters and when hee had extracted what hee Could buried the Caput mortuum in severall Parts of the garden amongst which this was one. I learned ‹also› that the black speck which16 first appeared and from whence the fragrant earth seemed to proceed was directly under the middle of this great masse of Coarse Colophony ‹on which considerations I apprehended›17 itt was not impossible but that the Earth ‹& resine› warmed by the Suns heat the oyly & more looser18 Volatile Parts of the Colophony might diffuse ittselfe on all sides that which ascended going partly ‹into the Aer & partly› to the Nourishment of Vegetables as was Evident Particularly in the Roses which grew about & over that spot which were more fragrant than any Roses that19 ‹a› gentlewoman who lives in the house & is a very Curious inquisitive person had Ever seen as I was assured by her ‹selfe› And the water destilled from them ‹In› the20 vulgar method in a Cold still was much more odoriferous then any water of other Roses I saw &21 smel’d the water & eate itt in a Sauce which itt rendred pleasant to 2 sences att once. Another portion of these Vapours might descend towards the Center of the Earth being Pressed by the Suns heat and might fix where that had no great influence on itt, as in destillation22 of subtle spiritts in dowble receivers the more Subtle Spiritts will passe the first in the forme a vapour but Cool & Condense into a liquor in that coldest & most remote23 little staying in the first besides insipid phlegme, Besides The24 Earth between the Colophony and odorous Earth might bee deprived of Sent by the rains which had the same effect on the best & strongest smelling earth exposed to Aeriall influences above a Cart load of the odorous earth being in a few houres rendred like the ordinary as to all sensible properties, I cannot here forbear to acquaint you with a rumour that the mentioned person who traded so much in Colophony on a project made a great ‹round› hole in the ground & poured therin the melted Resine returning shortly after found little appearance of itt although hee digged 2 or 3 foot deeper. Now whither this Resine being very hot might not force narrow Passage downwards scarcely perceptible, or which might bee afterwards in a manner obliterated I cannot easily determine. But the workmen positively denying that there was any signe of Such a Channell which if itt had been they think would not have escaped their observation /fol. 77v/ [T]his25 earth exposed to Chymicall Analysis afforded mee severall substances not worthy mentioning; but yet such as Confirmed mee in my Conjectures. Sir I had allmost forgot to give you an account of Martigny who hath proved (as I allways feared hee would) a true Cosmopolite although possibly hee never mett with greater encouragement to26 fix then hee hath since his arrivall in these Parts. And methinks hee hath dealt disingenuously with his freinds who made itt their businesse to promote his welfare in requitall of which kindnesse hee a

Presumably the name of the orchard owner, who has not been further identified.

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

hath left many of them engaged for Considerable Summs of money. As for my own particular besides what hee hath received from mee in ready money and all sorts of Chymicall præparations which amounts to more then I am willing to acknowledge I am att the mercy of a Droguist to whom I Commended him & engaged my word for his Truth,27 hee is indebted £92 for staple Commodities which are allways vendible & by which there is little gained such are Crude Mercury, Sublimate, Nitre, Antimony Ambergris, Oyle of Cinamon &c And a Patient and intimate freind of mine a Merchant who on my recommendation accomodated him with £120. complains of mee as also doth another whom I brought acquainted with him, and who was soon after his Surety for £100. So that by meanes of this unfaithfull person I labour28 under Suspicions if not Censures of an imprudent inconsiderate person; And Chymistry is decried by many who before entertained favourable thoughts of itt as a profession which is Uselesse excepting to crafty knaves who by meanes therof cheat ‹those›29 inquisitive credulous persons ‹who have the ill› Fortune to bee acquainted with those impudent impostors. Marsigny was supposed to bee in France & as I am informed wrote letters to some of his Creditors30 Dated att Callice but was all that time att Yarmouth where by a very strang accident hee was known & imprisoned and I beleive is now in Durance, by the next I shall bee able to give you a Better account.a I did intend when I began this discourse (which by Reason of the many diversions I have met with in writing is only a Confused Scrible) to acquaint you what my imployments have been since my recovery but they have been so numerous, & my Successe great beyond expectation that I chuse31 to deferr the mention of them to a more Convenient opportunity. In the Interim give mee leave to assure you the Venereall Lues may be Cured by a noble iall [mercurial] Præparation which is Deprived of itts infamous salivating property & effect, a Cure by insensible operations. And I am much mistaken if the same distemper may not bee Cured by an32 Artificiall Præparation of Vegetables wherin indeed there is a Constant Evacuation by Stool & Urine till the disease is totally & radically as neer as I can Conjecture removed, but itt is so mild as not to weaken or otherwise injure the Patient being managed after a different method33 from what is in dayly Use with Catharticks & Alteratives. But that for which I am most thankfull is a remedy which gives & preserves ease to Calculous persons allthough in exquisite Torture & Another which I do verily beleive dissolves the Stone itt is a minerall medicine extracted out of the hardest of Stones which yields itt but very Sparingly. I have Prepared besides these an excellent oyle of Vitriol34 after a different manner from those that have been hitherto in Use. what35 Alterations itt superinduces on [mercury] I shall hereafter signify to you. I have also if I mistake not an Aeriall salt36 attracted by a magnett which I hope hath not much specifia Coxe refers to Jean Charles de Marsigny, a French chemist who wrote L’idée de la chimie pratique (1670) and Traité des elemens chimiques (1671).

136

BEALE

to BOYLE, 18 Apr. 1666

cated itt. This37 may Prove usefull on many occasions if I understand any thing in Chymistry. I have lately received 20 lb or 30 lb of excellent Hungarian Vitriol which a freind procured for mee not without much trowble bee pleased to suggest to mee how you would advise mee to imploy itt. I have inclosed a letter I received from a freind who is a greater Operator than Schollar,a If there is any of those preparations you desire to know I shall take care speedily to satisfy you hee having nothing reserved from mee. Dear Sir how am I afflicted that I cannot enjoy your most desired Converse I would advise with you about many important designes wherewith I have been inspired since our last Interview, and either I am extreemly ignorant, or presumptious if I am not neer the obtaining somewhat extraordinary. Your Advise would bee very Serviceable to mee, but since I am deprived therof lett your well wisshes attend my Operations which will not I am Confident meanly Conduce to render them successefull & the Operator worthy your Freindship. Whose continuance is most passionately desired by Sir Your most Affectionate most humble & most faithfull servant. D. Coxe

BEALE to BOYLE

18 April 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 121, pp. 147–50. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 475–6 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 398–400.

Honourable Sir I have seene enough to give me the confidence to affirme That you have allready layd the foundation of solid Philosophy soe firme & deepe that it can never be shaken. And if it shall please God of his bounty to Mankind to preserve your Health, & Strength (which is the prayer of all that have tasted the fruite of your labours) in a very fewe yeares you will reforme all our Universityes, & set many thousands on worke to compleate the Superstructures, with all the innated Ornaments, & with their most valuable efficacyes. But, since you are pleasd strictly to forbid our applauses, & doe allowe me to be your Critique, I crave your leave, that I may give my selfe a greate delight in viewing, How you have Methodised your unpublished papers.b a

The two friends mentioned here have not been traced. This letter begins a group of letters to Boyle in which Beale encourages Boyle to publish his writings, and advises him on the order in which to place them. See also below, pp. 157–60, 186– 209. b

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CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

After you have taught us with what severity Experiments themselves should be examined, & circumstanced, & what aime we should have for the choice of most considerable Experiments, & have given us an ample groundworke, your exuberance hath flowed in more streames than we can number, but, (as if I thought of the river Nile,) I will consider them in seaven channells.a 1 I must assigne to your private Cabinet those Arcana, which you reserve for your Legacy to the R[oyal] Soc[iety]; & by them to the Worthiest of Posterity.b 2 The 2d place is due to the Remaining part of Usefullnes, by which you stop the Mouthes of impudent scoffers, & of those counterfeite zelots, who are soe unjuste as to demaund the Use of ev’ry line you write, Whereas they might see such a splendid accompt allready published, & more promised; & for their owne darling (which hath troubled soe many wits soe many ages) they cannot pretend to any shewe of Usefullnesse. And, because this worke ‹will growe› in your hands, as long as you advance in Knoweledge, I make it my humble Vote, That you would publish this by parcell, as it growes up; & to put noe full period to it, but to leave it /p. 148/ allwayes, as the devoute Jewes did their private buildings, unfinished, & for our further Expectationsc 3dly. Your Physico-Mechanicall Appendix is most nobly introduced, & there allso you may give us by parcell, as you find leysure.d For here you cannot end, when you seeme fullest. And the Statics in generall will rayse a large, & most instructive bulke of Philosophy.e And here you lead us to confesse the First Mover,1 who made all things in order, number & weight; poyseth the mountaines; & agitateth all things, Cribro divinof by his mysticall Sieve, into their proper Natures, & severall regions. 4thly. Your further Explication of Qualityes, will teach all the Schooles better language, convert their verball quarrells into fruitefull deedes, & illustrate the whole body of Generall Physiology.g Nothing can be more powerfull to remoove & exstinguish Scholarum2 Fascinum; Et ‹hoc› præfiscine sit dictum.h 5 When you shall give us your discourse of Heate & Flame, We shall acknowledge, that you alone have accompted for all the elements of old fame, & have given a

Early travellers and geographers reckoned that the Nile had from 5 to 7 branches and mouths. Boyle was to deposit various items at the Royal Society in the late 1660s; see Robert Boyle: Scrupulosity and Science (above, p. 79), pp. 219–20 c Usefulness I and Usefulness II, sect. 1 had been published in 1663. Usefulness II, sect. 2 followed in 1671, but other sections were never published. See Works, vols 3, 5 and 13. The allusion to Jews leaving their buildings unfinished has not been traced. d Spring, 1st Continuation was published in 1669; see Works, vol. 6. e Beale’s reference is evidently to Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666); see Works, vol. 5. f Lit., ‘divine sieve’. Beale also uses this phrase below, p. 159. g Boyle’s Forms and Qualities was published in 1666, with an extended 2nd edition in 1667; see Works, vol. 5. Beale may allude to Boyle’s intended studies of The Mechanical Origin or Qualities, published in 1675; see Works, vol. 8. h ‘The Schools’ evil eye: and may this be said so as to avoid offence.’ b

138

BEALE

to BOYLE, 18 Apr. 1666

us their juste Names, & Natures.a For Heate is our first visible Mover, The Sun in the Center of this world. When we see the simple dayry-mayde gather her cheese by the gentle circling of her industrious hand, & observe howe by compressure, saline ferment, & rennet the cheese in time becomes hot, inflaming, & animated; & when we note the static lawes by which the butter is gathered, & ripened into oyle, & flame, Then we shall better discerne, Howe the Holy Dove sate on the Waters to produce our Originalls, And Howe we are still cherished under the soft wings of Indulgent providences, & tender mercyes for our newe birth & Restauration:b And by this time (by opening the Springs of Fermentation, Gravity & Magnetisme) you will conduct the Two riv’lets3 of Mechanisme, & Chymistry into the Ocean of Theology. Wee have seene you stand your ground soe well upon Firmenes; & soe skillfully divide the waves of Fluidity; & soe happily transcend & surmount the air, & soe securely command the Æther, & fiery boundaryes of the world, flammantia mœnia mundi c /p. 149/ (as of old they calld it,) That we shall not hencefoorth moleste ourselves about the number, or nature of the Elements. 6 Of your other discourses of seede ‹the disguises of› Of improbable Truthes, or whatever else you find of easy dispatch, & Seasonable, You may free your selfe at pleasure; but we have the Immodesty to be allwayes calling for more, & to take all your intimations for good & sure promises.d 7 The Continuation of Lord Bacons Sylva, or Promiscuous Experiments wilbe a Pandect, to receive all your scattered papers, & to reduce them into ‹such› a disorderly Order as falls out oft-times to be better than the best Methode, for all uses, occasions, & for immortality. Here you may annexe to any piece that is published, reexamine, enlarge ‹explicate› Here you enter polychrests, which cannot belong to one Head, nor ‹be› confind to fewe heades. Here you relieve Lord Bacons Sylva, & his Novum Organum which oft times wants your ayde. Here you shewe, Howe much you have Adv[an]ced4 both beyond my Lord Bacons Votes, & beyond Des Cartes his [Es]sayes,5 or Imaginations.e a This work by Boyle, unpublished during his lifetime, survives only in fragments. See Works, vol. 13, pp. 259–69. b Beale refers to Boyle’s use of the dairy maid as an illustration of the ‘profound changes in nature’ see also below, p. 157. The religious imagery in these lines is an allusion to the creation of the world as presented in Genesis, at which time ‘the Spirit of God was hovering over the waters. (Genesis, 1, 2). Beale also uses the image of the dairy maid above, p. 65. c ‘the flaming walls of the world’. Earlier in the sentence Beale alludes to ‘Fluidity and Firmness’ in Certain Physiological Essays, Works, vol. 2, p. 115ff., having previously referred to other works by Boyle in a more generalised way. d Beale was evidently aware of the titles of these unpublished (and now lost) works by Boyle from Oldenburg’s reference to them in Cold. See Works, vol. 4, p. 517. e For Francis Bacon see above, p. 66n. Beale echoes Boyle’s ambition to continue Bacon’s scheme for a ‘natural history’ of collected data as exemplified by his Sylva sylvarum (1627). In the following paragraph Beale advises Boyle to publish his experiments when he had accumulated 100. Beale is disdainful of the ‘Essayes, or Imaginations’ of the French philosopher and mathematician, René Descartes (for whom see above, p. 32n.).

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Sir. I have strong reasons to urge, That assoone as they amounted to a Century, they deservd to be abroa[d.] For thus you may empty your deskes often; & be lesse overwhelmed with your owne abundance; Thus you may enforce our dullnesse to apprehend our Worke, &6 the sooner you will see us worke under your commands. Sir, I have a hard Sentence for you; That (confining to the philosophicall affayre) never was Man soe deepely indebted to God as you are: And in the same accompt, never was the World soe much in debt to any man, as we are to you. But tis not in our power to discharge the7 debt. Onely this must be your Comforte, That as you have a rich Mercy in what you have received, Soe you have grounds to expect a greate reward from the same bountifull hand for your admirable & successefull Industry. For you have opened the eyes of all that love wisedome, to behold, That the Workes of God are good, & have another lustre, than the Notions of the Gentiles, or the Cavills of malicious Men. And the more liberally you shall imparte your streames, the more briskely /p. 150/ your Fountaines will overflowe. God preserve you in his best favours, & Mercyes. Yeavill. Apr: 18. 66.

Honourable Sir Your most oblieged servant Joh Beal.

My last margine of Mar 31 sent for you to the Post-house of Oxford, represents that heate may be graduated by the hydrostatic; This I tried, when you first comunicated the hydrostatic to me; which was Feb. 27. 63.a If true, it cannot be hid from you. If false, I am deluded more than once: & possibly we may be somewhat disappointed by the swelling, & lesse weight of the [mercury] in the baroscope in hot weather. I must leave this for better examination. &c

For the Honourable Roberte Boyle Esqr Leave these with Henry Oldenburg Esqr At Mr Storyes a Stonecut- / ter in Pell Mellb Westminster

Seal: Trace of wax; a seal-shaped hole in paper. Postmark: ‘AP / 20’. Also endorsed below address with ‘Post is payd 3d. 20:5d’. Endorsed on p. 150 by Miles ‘April 18 1666’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 22’ (preceded by ‘No’ undeleted, and ‘XIX’ deleted). a Beale refers to his letter to Boyle of 31 Mar. 1666 (above, pp. 129–32). The ‘communication’ from Boyle in Feb. 1663 which Beale mentions here does not survive. Beale also mentions the communication on ‘the hydrostatic’ of Feb. 1663 in his letter to Boyle of 7 May, below, p. 162. Evidently an instrument was exchanged at that point, but it is not clear what. b One Abraham Storey, of Pall Mall, is described by Maddison as a ‘speculative builder’, see Life, p. 133. His name appears frequently on letters addressed to Boyle in London.

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to BOYLE, 25 Apr. 1666

25 April 1666a

WALLIS to BOYLE

From the copy in the hand of the clerk of the Royal Society, Richard Shortgrave (emended by Wallis and Oldenburg as noted) in Early Letters W 1 18, fols 38–51. Fol/14. Leaves stitched together as a paperbook, with contemporary foliation, except that the tenth leaf was accidentally omitted from the tally; the verso of fol. 50 and the whole of fol. 51 blank (except for the word ‘Entred’ on the verso). Previously printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 264–81 (no. 16 for 6 Aug. 1666). A Latin version was published in Charles Potter, Πυθαγο´ρας µετεµφυτος, sive Theses quadragesimales (Leiden, 1684), pp. 125–90; it was also included in Wallis’s Opera mathematica, 3 vols (Oxford, 1693–9), ii, 739–49.b

Oxon April 25. 1666 For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esq. Sir1 You were earnest with me, when you last went from hence, that I would put in writing somewhat of that, which at divers times, these three or four years last past, I have been discoursing with your-self and others concerning2 the Common Center of a When this letter was published in Phil. Trans., it was given the title ‘An Essay of Dr. John Wallis, exhibiting his Hypothesis about the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, taken from the Consideration of the Common Center of Gravity of the Earth and Moon; together with an Appendix of the same, containing an Answer to some Objections, made by severall Persons against that Hypothesis’ in the list of contents to the issue; the paper itself was entitled ‘An Essay Of Dr. John Wallis, exhibiting his Hypothesis about the Flux and Reflux of the Sea’, and was preceded by the following preface by Oldenburg (pp. 263–4): ‘How abstruse a subject in Philosophy, the Flux and Reflux of the Sea hath proved hitherto, and how much the fame hath in all Ages perplexed the Minds even of the best of Naturalists, when they have attempted to render an Account of the Cause thereof, is needless here to represent. It may perhaps be to more purpose, to take notice, that all the deficiencies, found in the Theories or Hypotheses, formerly invented for that End, have not been able to deterre the Ingenious of this Age from making farther search into that Matter: Among whom that Eminent Mathematician Dr. John Wallis, following his happy Genius for advancing reall Philosophy, hath made it a part of his later Inquiries and Studies, to contrive and deduce a certain Hypothesis concerning that Phænomenon, taken /p. 264/ from the Consideration of the Common Center of Gravity of the Earth and Moon, This being by several Learned Men lookt upon, as a very rational Notion, it was thought fit to offer it by the Press to the Publick, that other Intelligent Persons also might the more conveniently and at their leisure examine the Conjecture (the Author, such is his Modesty, presenting it no otherwise) and thereupon give in their sense, and what Difficulties may occur to them about it, that so it may be either confirm’d or laid aside accordingly; As the Proposer himself expressly desires in the Discourse, we now without any more Preamble, are going to subjoyn, as it was by him addressed, by way of Letter, from Oxford to Mr Boyle April 25. 1666. and afterwards communicated to the R. Society, as follows’. For the communication of the paper to the Society and the order for it to be printed, see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 89. The ‘Appendix’, addressed to Oldenburg and answering a series of ‘Objections, made by several Persons’, occupies pp. 281–9. In the Phil. Trans. article the figures appear together on a frontispiece with a further figure illustrating the appendix. Deletions made to the text preparatory to its publication have been noted in the textual notes. b A Latin translation of the whole of this issue of Phil Trans., including Wallis’s ‘Animadversions’ on Hobbes’s De principiis et ratiocinatione geometrarum (1666), is to be found in Royal Society MS Extra 3, item 1 (now MS 368).

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Gravity of the Earth and Moon, in order to salving the Phænomena as well of the Sea’s Ebbing and Flowing, as of some perplexities in Astronomical Observations of the Places of the Celestial Bodies. How much the World and the great Bodies therein, are managed according to the Laws of Motion, and Statick Principles and with how much more of clearnesse and satisfaction, many of the more abstruse Phænomena have been salved on such Principles, within this last century of Years, than formerly they had been; I need not discourse to you, who are well versed in it. For, since that Galilæo, and (after him) Torricellio, and others, have applyed Mechanick Principles to the salving of Philosophical Difficulties; Natural Philosophy is well known to have been rendered more intelligible, and to have made a much greater progresse in less than an hundred years, than before for many ages.a The Sea’s Ebbing and Flowing, hath so great a connexion with the Moons motion, that in a manner all Philosophers (what ever other Causes they have joyned with it) have attributed much of its cause to the Moon; which either by some occult quality, or particular influence, which it hath on moyst Bodies, or by some Magnetick virtue drawing the water towards it, (which should therefore make the Water there highest, where /fol. 38v/ the Moon is vertical) or by its gravity and pressure downwards upon the Terraqueous Globe (which should make it lowest, where the Moon is vertical) or by what ever other means (according to the several Conjectures of inquisitive persons,) hath so great an influence on, or at least a connexion with, the Sea’s Flux and Reflux, that it would seem very unreasonable, to seclude the consideration of the Moons motion from that of the Sea: The Periods of Tides (to say nothing of the greatness of them near the New-moon and Full-moon) so constantly waiting on the Moon’s motion, that it may be well presumed, that either the one is governed by the other, or at least both from some common cause. But the first, that I know of, who took in, the consideration of the Earth’s motion, (Diurnal and Annual) was Galilæo; who in his Systeme of the World, hath a particular discourse on this Subject:b Which, from the first time that I ever read it, seemed to me so very rational, that I could never be of other opinion, but that the true Account of this great Phænomenan3 was to be referred to the Earths motion, as the Principal cause of it: ‹Yet›4 that of the Moon (for the reasons above mentioned) not to be excluded, as to the determining the Periods of Tides, and other circumstances concerning them. And though it be manifest enough, that Galilæo, as to some particulars, was mistaken, in the account which there he gives of it; yet that may be very well allowed, without any blemish to so deserving a person, or prea Wallis refers to the celebrated Italian natural philosophers Galileo Galilei (1564–1642) and Evangelista Torricelli (1608–47). b An explanation of the movement of the tides in terms of the annual and diurnal movement of the earth appeared as the 4th day in Galileo’s Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems (1632; trans. and ed. Stillman Drake, 2nd rev. edn, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), p. 416ff.

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judice to the main Hypothesis: For that Discourse is to be looked upon onely as an Essay of the general Hypothesis; which as to particulars was to be afterwards adjusted, from a good General History of Tides; which it’s manifest enough that he had not; and which is in a great measure yet wanting. For were the matter of Fact well agreed on, it is not likely /fol. 39/ that several Hypotheses should so far differ, as that one should make the Water then and there at the Highest, where and when the other makes it at the Lowest; as when the Moon is Vertical to the place. And what I say of Galilæo, I must in like manner desire to be understood of what I am now ready to say to you. For I do not profess to be so well skilled in the History of Tides, as that I will undertake presently to accommodate my general Hypothesis to the particular cases; or that I will indeed undertake for the certainty of it, but onely as an Essay propose it to further consideration; to stand or fall, as it shall be found to answer matter of Fact. And truly had not your importunity (which is to me a great Command) required me to do it, I should not so easily have drawn up anything about it, till I had first satisfied my self, how well the Hypothesis would answer Observation: Having for divers years neglected5 to do it, waiting a time when I might be at leisure throughly to prosecute this designe. But there be two reasons, by which you have prevailed with me, at lest to do something. First, because it is the common Fate of the English, that out of a modesty, they forbear to publish their Discoveries till prosecuted to some good degree of certainty and perfection; yet are not so wary, but that they discourse of them freely enough to one another, and even to Strangers upon occasion; whereby others, who are more hasty and ‹venturous›,6 coming to hear of the notion, presently publish something of it, and would be reputed thereupon, to be the first Inventors thereof: though even that little, which they can then say of it, be perhaps much lesse, and more imperfect, than what the true Authors could have published long before, and what they had really made knowne (publikely enough, though /fol. 39v/ not in print) to many others. As is well known amongst us, as to the businesse of the Lymphatick Vessells in Anatomy; the Injection of Liquors into the veins of Living animals; the exhibiting of a streight line equal to a Crooked; the Spot in Jupiter whence his motion about his own Axis may be demonstrated; and many other the like considerable Inventions.a The other Reason (which, with me, is more really of weight, though even the former be not contemptible) is, because, as I have been already for at least three or four years last past diverted from prosecuting the inquiry or perfecting the a Wallis refers here firstly to the discovery of the lymphatic vessels by Dr George Joyliffe (1621– 58), as recorded by Boyle in Usefulness (1663), Works, vol. 3, p. 277; secondly to the pioneering Oxford experiments in blood transfusion in the 1650s noted in ibid., pp. 327–9 (see also R. G. Frank, Harvey and the Oxford Physiologists (Berkeley, 1980), pp. 169–78); thirdly to a specimen of his own mathematical work, on which see D. M. Jesseph, Squaring the Circle: the War between Hobbes and Wallis (Chicago, 1999); and fourthly to Hooke’s discovery of the Jovian Great Red Spot, as publicised in Phil. Trans., 1 (1665–6), p. 3 (no. 1 for 6 Mar. 1665).

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Hypothesis, as I had thoughts to doe; so I do not know, but like Emergencies may divert me longer; and whether I shall ever so do it, as to bring it to7 perfection, I cannot determine. And therefore, if as to my self any thing should humanitus8 accidere;a yet possibly the notion may prove worth the preserving to be prosecuted by others, if I do not. And therefore I shall, at9 least to your self, give some general Account of my present imperfect and undigested thoughts. I consider therefore, that in the Tides, or the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, besides Extraordinary Extravagancies or Irregularities, whence great Inundations or strangly high Tides do follow, (which yet perhaps may prove not to be so meerly accidental as they have been thought to be, but might from the regular Lawes of Motion, if well considered, be both well accounted for, and even foretold;) There are these three notorious Observations made of the Reciprocation of Tides. First, the Diurnal Reciprocation; whereby Twice in somewhat more than 24 hours, we have a Floud and an Ebbe; or a High-water and Low-water. Secondly, the Menstrual; whereby in one Synodical period of the Moon, suppose from /fol. 40/ Full-moon to Full-moon, the Time of those Diurnal Vicissitudes doth move round through the whole compass of the Νυχδη΄µερον, or Natural day of twenty four hours: As for instance, if at the Full-moon the full sea be at such or such a place just at Noon, it shall be the next day (at the same place) somewhat before One of the clock; the day following, between One and Two; and so onward, till at the New moon it shall be at midnight; (the other Tide, which in the Full-moon was at midnight, now at the New-moon coming to be at noon;) And so forward, till at the next full moon, the Full sea shall (at the same place) come to be at Noon again: ‹Again,›10 that of the Spring-tides and Neap-tides (as they are called;) about the Full-moon and New-moon the Tides are at the Highest, at the Quadratures the Tides are at the Lowest: And at the times intermediate, proportionably. Thirdly the Annual; whereby it is observed, that at sometimes of the year, the Spring-Tides are yet much higher than the spring tides at other times of the year: which Times are usualy taken to be at the Spring and Autumne; or the two Æquinoxes; but I have reason to beleeve (as well from my own Observations, for many years, as of others who have been much concerned to heed it, ‹whereoff more will be said by and by;›)11 that we should rather assigne the beginnings of February and November, than the two Æquinoxes. /fol. 40v/ Now in order to the giving account of these three Periods, according to the Laws of Motion and Mechanick Principles; Wee shall first take for granted, what is now a dayes pretty commonly intertained by those, who treat of such matters; That a Body in motion is apt to continue its motion, and that in the same degree of celerity, unless hindred by some contrary Impediment; (like as a Body at rest, to continue so, unlesse by some sufficient mover, put into motion:) And accordingly (which dayly experia

i.e., ‘should I die’.

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ence testifies) if on a Bord or Table, some loose incumbent weight, be for some time moved, & have thereby contracted an Impetus to motion at such a rate; if that Bord or Table chance, by some external obstacle, or otherwise, to be stopped or considerably retarded in its motion, the incumbent loose Body will shoot forward upon it: And contrarywise, in case that Bord or Table chance to be acccelerated or put forward with a considerably greater speed than before, the loose incumbent Body, (not having yet obtained an equal Impetus with it) will be left behind, or seem to fly backward upon it. Or, (which is Galilæo’s instance,) if a broad Vessel of Water, for some time evenly carried forward with the water in it, chance to meet with a stop, or to slack its motion, the water will dash forward and rise higher at the fore part of the Vessel:a And, contrarywise, if the Vessel be suddenly put forward faster than before; the water will dash backwards, and rise at the hinder part /fol. 41/ of the vessel. So that an Acceleration or Retardation of the vessel, which carries it, will cause a rising of the Water in one part, and a falling in another: (which yet, by it’s own weight, will again be reduced to a Level as it was before.) And consequently, supposing the Sea to be but as a loose Body, carried about with the Earth, but not so united to it, as necessarily to receive the same degree of Impetus with it, as it’s fixed parts do; The acceleration or retardation in the motion of this or that part of the Earth, will cause (more or lesse, according to the proportion of it) such a dashing of the Water, or Rising at one part, with a Falling at another, as is that, which wee call the Flux and Reflux of the Sea. Now this premised, We are next, with him, to suppose the Earth carried about with a double motion; The one Annual, as in B E C the great Orbe, in which the Center of the Earth B, is supposed to move about the Sun A. The other Diurnal, whereby the whole moves upon it’s own Axis, and each point in its surface describes a Circle, as D E F G.

E

D B

G

F A

Fig. 1

It is then manifest, that if we suppose, that the Earth, moved but by any one of these motions, and that regularly, (with an equal swiftnesse;) the water having a

See Galileo, Dialogue (above, p. 142), p. 424.

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once attained an equal Impetus thereunto, would still hold equal pace with it; there being no occasion, from the Quickening or Slackening of the Earths motion, (in that part where the water /fol. 41v/ lyeth) for the water thereon either to be cast Forward12 or fall Backward, and thereby to accumulate on the other parts of the water: But the true motion of each part of the Earths surface being compounded of those two motions; the Annual and Diurnal; (the Annual in B E C being, as Galilæo there supposeth, about three times as fast as a diurnal motion in a great Circle, as D E F;) while a Point in the Earths surface moves about it’s Center B, from G to D and E; and at the same time, it’s Center B be carried forwards to C; the true motion of that Point forwards, is made up of both those motions; to wit, of B to C, and of G to E: But while G moves by D to E, E moves backward by F to G, contrary to the motion of B to C; so that the true motion of E, is but the difference of B C, and E G: (for, beside the motion of B ‹about› the Center; G is also put forward as much as from G to E; and E put backwards as much as from E to G:) so that the diurnal motion, in that part of the Earth which is next the Sun, as E F G, doth abate the progresse of the Annual, (and most of all at F;) and in the other part, which is from the Sun, as G D E, it doth increase it, (and most of all at D:) that is; in the day time there is abated, in the night time is added to the Annual motion, about as much as is G E, the Earths Diameter. Which would afford us a Cause of two Tides in twenty four hours; the One upon the greatest Acceleration of motion, the Other upon it’s greatest Retardation. And thus far Galilæo’s Discourse ‹holds›13 well enough. But then in this it comes short; that as it gives an Account of two Tides; so those two Tides are alwayes to be at F and D; that is, at Noon and Midnight; whereas Experience tells us, that theTime of Tides, moves in a moneths Space through all the 24. hours. Of which he gives us noe /fol. 42/ account. For though he do take notice of a Menstrual14 Period; yet he doth it onely as to the as to the Quantity of the Tides; greater or lesse;15 not as to the Time of the Tides; sooner or later. To help this, ‹there is one (vid. Jo. Baptista Balianus*)›16 who makes the Earth to be but a secondary Planet; and to move, not directly about the Sun, but about the Moon, the Moon mean while moving about the Sun;17 in like manner as we Suppose the Earth to move about the Sun, and the Moon about it. But this, though it might furnish us with the foundation of a Menstrual Period of Accelerations and Retardations in the compound motion of several parts of the Earths surface; yet I am not at all inclined to admit this as a true Hypothesis, for divers Reasons; which if not demonstrative, are yet so consonant to the general Systeme of the World, as that we have no good ground to disbelieve them. For 1. * Vid. Riccioli Almagestum novum, Tom. 1. lib. 4. cap. 10. no. 111. pag. 216.2. [Boyle refers to the Almagestum novum (1651) by the Jesuit astronomer, Giovanni Battista Riccioli (1598–1671), in which were reported the views of the Genoese nobleman and virtuoso, Giovanni Battista Baliani (1582– 1660), who attempted to deal with the difficulties in Galileo’s theory of the tides by the hypothesis outlined here.]

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The Earth being undeniably the greater Body18 of the two (whereof there is no doubt to be made) it cannot be thought probable, that this should be carried about by the Moon,19 lesser that it self: The contrary being seen, not onely in the Sun, which is bigger than any of the Planets, which it carryes about; but in Jupiter, bigger than any of his Satellites; and Saturne, bigger than his. 2ly. As the Sun by it’s motion about it’s own Axis, is with good reason judged to be the Physical cause of the Primary Planets moving about it; So there is the like reason to beleeve, that Jupiter and Saturne moving about their Axes, are the Physical cause of their Satellites moving about them, which motion of Jupiter hath been of late discovered, by ‹the› help of a fixed Spot discerned in him; and we have reason to /fol. 42v/ beleeve the like of Saturne. Whether20 Venus and Mercury (about whom no Satellites have been yet observed) be likewise so moved; we have not yet the like ground to determine; ‹21But we have of Mars; from the Observations of Mr. Hook ‹made› in February & March last, and22 by him communicated to the Royal Society, & since printed in ‹the› Transactions, published Apr. 2.1666; consonant to the like observations of Jupiter, made by him in May. 1664, and since communicated to the ‹same›23 Society; & then published in Print in ‹the› Transactions, ‹of› March. 6. then next following.›a Now that the Earth hath such a motion about its own Axis (whereby it might be fitted to carry about the Moon) is evident by it’s Diurnal motion. And it seems as evident that the Moon hath not; because of the same side of the Moon always turned towards us; which could not be, if the Moon carried the Earth about: Unlesse we should say, that it carries about the Earth in just the same Period, in which it turns upon its own Axis: Which is contrary to that of the Sun carrying about the Planets: the shortest of whose Periods, is yet longer than that of the Suns moving about its own Axis. And the like of Jupiter, shorter than the Period of any of his Satellites; if at least the Period of his conversion about his Axis, lately said to be observed, prove true. (Of Saturn we have not yet any Period assigned; but it’s likely to be shorter, than that of his ‹Satelles.›24) And therefore we have reason to beleeve, not that by the Moons motion about its Axis the Earth should be carried by a contemporary Period (whereby the same face of the Moon should be ever towards us;) but that by the Earths revolution about it’s Axis in 24 hours, the Moon should be carried about it in ‹about› 29 dayes, without any motion on its own Axis: And accordingly, that the Secondary Planets about Jupiter and Saturne, are not (like their Principals) turned about their own Axes. And therefore I am not at all inclined to beleeve, that the Menstrual Period of the Tides with us, is to be salved ‹by›25 such an Hypothesis. Instead of this, that Surmise of mine, (for I dare /fol. 43/ not yet, with confidence give it any better name,) of what I have spoken to you heretofore, (and which hath occasioned this present account which I am now giving you,) is to this purpose. a See ‘Some New Observations about the Planet Mars’, Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 198 (no. 11 for 2 April 1666), and see above, p. 143n.

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The Earth and Moon being knowne to be Bodies of so great connexion (whether by any Magnetick, or what other Tye, I will not determine; nor need I, as to this purpose;) as that the motion of the One follows that of the Other; (The Moon observing the Earth as the Center of it’s periodick motion:) may well enough be looked upon as one Body, or rather one Aggregate of Bodies, which have one common center of Gravity; which Center (according to the known Laws of Staticks) is in a streight Line connecting their respective Centers, so divided as that its parts be in reciprocal proportion to the Gravities of the two Bodies. As for Example; Suppose the Magnitude (and therefore, probably, the Gravity) of 26 the Moon to be about ‹an› One and fourtieth part of that of the Earth; (and thereabouts Hevelius in his Selenography page 203. doth out of Tycho, estimate the proportion; and an exact certainty is not necessary to our present businesse:)a And the distance of the Moon’s Center from the Center of the Earth, to be about fifty six semidiameters of the Earth, (as whereabouts he doth there estimate it, in its middle distance; and we need not be now very accurate in determining the numbers; wherein Astronomers are not yet very well agreed.) The distance of the common Center of Gravity of the two Bodies, will be from that of the Earth, about a two and fourtieth part of fifty six Semidiameters; that is, about 56⁄42 or 4⁄3 of a Semidiameter; that is about 1 ⁄3 of a Semidiameter of the Earth, above its surface, in the Air, directly between the Earth and Moon. /fol. 43v/ Now supposing the Earth and Moon, joyntly as one Body, carried about by the Sun in the great Orb of the Annual motion; this motion is to be estimated, (according to the laws of Staticks in other cases,) by the motion of the common Center of Gravity of both Bodies. For we use in Staticks, to estimate a Body, or Aggregate of Bodies, to be moved upwards, downwards, or otherwise, so much as its common Center of Gravity is so moved, howsoever the parts may change places amongst themselves. And accordingly, the Line of the Annual motion, (whether Circular or Elliptical; of which I am not here to dispute,) will be described, not by the Center of the Earth (as we commonly estimate it, making the Earth a Primary and the Moon a Secondary Planet,) nor by the Center of the Moon, (as they would do, who make the Moon the Primary and the Earth a Secondary Planet, against which we were before disputing:) But by the Common Center of Gravity of ‹both› the Bodyes, Earth and Moon, as one Aggregate. Now supposing A B C D E to be a part of the great Orb of the Annual motion, described by the common Center of Gravity in so long time as from a Full-Moon at A to the next New-moon at E;*27 (which, though an Arch of a Circle or Ellipse, whose *

See Fig. 2. and 3.

a Wallis refers to Selenographia, sive lunae descriptio (1647) by Hevelius (for whom see above, p. 17n.), who on this point was indebted to the earlier work of the Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe (1546–1601).

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Center we suppose at a due distance below it; yet being but about 1⁄25 of the whole, may well enough be here represented by a streight line:) the Center of the Earth at T, and that of the Moon at ‹L›,28 must each of them (supposing their common Center of Gravity to keep the Line A E) be supposed to describe a Periphery about that common Center, as the Moon /fol. 44/ describes her Line of Menstrual motion. (Of which I have (in the Scheme) onely drawn that of the Earth; as being sufficient . . T

T D

E

C

.

B

T

A T

.

T

Fig. 2

.

to our present purpose; parallel to which, if need be, we may suppose one described by ‹the Moon›; whose distance is also to be supposed much greater from T than in the figure is expressed, or was necessary to expresse.)29 And in like manner E F G H I from that New-moon at E, to the next Full-moon at I. From A to E (from Full-moon to New-moon,) T moves (in its own Epicycle) upwards from the Sun: And from E to I, (from New-moon to Fullmoon) it moves downwards, toward the Sun. Again, from C to G, (from last quarter to the following first quarter) it moves ‹forwards according›30 to the Annual motion; But from G forward to C, (from the first /fol. 44v/ Quarter to the ensuing last Quarter,) it moves ‹contrary›31 to the Annual motion. It is manifest therefore, according to this Hypothesis, that from Last ‹quarter› to First quarter (from C to G, while T is above the Line of the Annual motion) its Menstrual motion in its Epicycle ‹adds›32 somewhat of Acceleration to the Annual .

. T

T I T

H

T

G

.

F

E

T

Fig. 3

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motion; and most of all at E; the new-moon: And from the first to the last quarter (from G forward to C, while T is below the Line of the Annual motion,) it abates of the Annual motion; and most of all at I,33 or A the Full-moon. So that in pursuance of Galilæo’s Notion, the Menstrual34 adding to or detracting from the Annual motion, should either leave behinde, or cast forward, the loose waters incumbent on the Earth, (and thereby cause a Tide, or Accumulation of Waters;) and most of all at the Full-moon and New-moon, where those Accelerations or Retardations are greatest. Now this Menstrual motion, if nothing else were superadded to the Annual, would give us two Tides in a month, and no more; (the one upon the Acceleration, the other on the Retardation;) at New-moon and Ful-moon; and two Ebbs, at the two Quarters; and in the Intervals, Rising and Falling water. But the Diurnal motion superadded, doth the same to /fol. 45/ this Menstrual, which Galilæo supposeth is to do to the Annual; that is, doth Adde to, or Subtract from, the Menstrual Acceleration or Retardation; and so gives us Tyde upon Tyde.35 l

M

L

T

n

N

O

Fig. 4

.

For in whatsoever part of its Epicycle, we suppose T to be; yet because, while by its Menstrual motion the Center moves in the Circle L T N;* each point in its surface, by its diurnal motion moves in the Circle L M N:36 whatever effect (accelerative or tardative) the Menstrual would give, that ‹effect› by the Diurnal is increased in the parts L M N (or rather 1 M n. the Semicircle) and most of all at M; but diminished in the parts N O L (or rather ‹n O l›)37 and most of all at O. So that at M and O, (that is when the Moon is in the Meridian below or above the Horizon,) we are to have the Diurnal Tide or High-water, occasioned by the greatest Acceleration or Retardation, which the Diurnal Arch gives to that of the Menstrual: which seems to be the true cause of the Daily Tides. And withall gives an account, not onely why it should be every day; but likewise, why at such a time of the day; and why this time should in a month run through the whole 24 hours; *

See Fig. 4.

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to BOYLE, 25 Apr. 1666

Vizt. because the Moons coming to the Meridian above and below the Horizon, (or as the Seamen call it, the Moons Southing, and Northing,) doth so: As likewise of the Spring-tides and Neap-tides. For, when it so happens, that the Menstrual 38 and Diurnal Accelerations or Retardations, be coincident, (as at New-moons and Fullmoons /fol. 45v/ they are) the Effect must needs be the greater. And although (which is not be be dissembled) this happen but to one of the two Tides; that is, the Night-tide at the New-moon (when both motions do most of all Accelerate,) and the Day-tide at Full-moon (when both do most Retard39 the Annual motion;) Yet, this tide being thus raised by two concurrent causes; though the next Tide have not the same cause also, the Impetus contracted will have influence upon the next Tide; Upon a like reason as, a Pendulum let fall from a higher Arch, will (though there be no new cause to occasion it) make the Vibration on the other side (beyond the Perpendicular) to be also greater: Or, of water in a broad Vessel, if it be so jogged, as to be cast forward to a good hight above its Levell; will upon its recoyling, by its own gravity, (without any additional cause) mount so much the higher on the hinder part. But here also we are to take notice; that though all parts of the Earth by its diurnal motion do turn about its Axis, and describe parallel Circles; yet not equal Circles; but greater near the Æquinoctial, and lesser near the Poles, which may be a cause why the Tides in some parts may be much greater than in others. But this belongs to the particular considerations; (of which we are not now giving an Account:) not to the general Hypothesis. Having thus endeavoured to give an account of the Diurnal and Menstrual Periods of Tides; It remains that I endeavour40 the like as to the Annual. Of which there is, at least, thus much agreed, That, at some times of the year, the Tides are noted to be much higher, than at other times. But41 here I have a double task; First, to rectify the Observation; and then, to give an account of it. As to the First; It having been observed (grossly) that /fol. 46/ those high Tydes have used to happen about the Spring and Autumne; it hath been generally taken for granted (without any more nice observation) that the two Æquinoxes are the proper Times; to42 which these Annual high Tides are to be referred; And such causes sought for, as might best sute with such a Supposition. But it is now, the best part of twenty years, since I have had frequent occasions to converse with some Inhabitants of Rumney-marsh in Kent;a where the Sea being kept out with great Earthen walls, that it do not at high-water overflow the Levell; and the Inhabitants livelyhood depending most on grazing, or feeding Sheep; they a Wallis himself hailed from Ashford in Kent, which is adjacent to Romney Marsh. The identity of the informant referred to in the next paragraph is unclear.

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are (as you may beleeve they have reason to be) very vigilant and observant, at what times they are most in danger of having their Lands drowned. And I find them generally agreed, by their constant Observations, (and Experience dearly bought,) that their times of Danger are about the beginning of February and of November: that is, at those Spring Tides which happen neer those times; to which they give the names of Candlemasse-stream and Allhallond-stream; And if they scape those Spring-tides, they apprehend themselves out of Danger for the rest of the year. And as for March and September (the two Æquinoxes) they are as little solicitous of them, as of any other part of the year. This I confess, I much wondred at, when I first heard it; and suspected it to be but a mistake of him, that first told me, though he were indeed a person not likely so to be mistaken, in a thing wherein he was so much concerned: But I soon found, that it was not onely his, but a general observation of others too; both there, and elsewhere along the Sea-coast. And though they did not pretend to know any reason ‹of›43 it, (nor so much as to enquire after it;) /fol. 46v/ yet none made doubt of it; but would rather laugh at any that should talk of March and September, as being the dangerous times. And since that time, I have my self very frequently observed (both at London and elsewhere, as I have had occasion) that in those months of February and November, (especially November) the Tides have run much higher, than at other times: Though I confess, I have not been so diligent,44 to set down those Observations, as I should have done. Yet this I do particularly very45 well remember, that in November 1660. (the same year that ‹His Majesty›46 returned) having occasion to go by Coach from the Strand to Westminster, I found the Water so high in the middle of Kingstreet, that it came up, not onely to the Boots, but into the Body of the Coach; and the Pallace-yard (all save a little place neer the West-End) overflow’d; as like-wise the Marketplace;47 and many other places; and their Cellars generally filled up with water.a And in November last, 1665, it may yet be very well remembered, what very high Tides there were, not onely on the Coasts of England, (where much hurt was done by it;) but much more in Holland, where by reason of those Inundations, many Villages and Towns were overflowed. And though I cannot so particularly name other years, yet I can very safely say, that I very often observed Tides strangly high about those times of the year. This Observation did for divers years cause me much to wonder, not only because it is so contrary to the received opinion of the two Æquinoxes; but because I could not think of any thing signal at those times of the year: as being neither the two Æquinoxes, nor the two Solstices nor the Sun’s Apogæum and Perigæum; (or /fol. 47/ Earths Aphelium and Perihelium;) nor indeed, at contrary times of the year, a Flooding at King Street, Westminster, was recorded by Samuel Pepys in his Diary in 1660, but in Mar. rather than Nov.; see Robert Latham and W. Matthews (eds), The Diary of Samuel Pepys, 11 vols (London, 1970–83), i, 93.

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to BOYLE, 25 Apr. 1666

which at least, would seem to be expected. From Alhallontide to Candlemasse being but three months; and from thence to Allhallontide again, nine months. At length it came into my mind, about four years since, that though there do not about these times happen any single signal Accident, which might cast it on these times, yet there is a compound of two that may doe it: which is the Inequality of the Natural day (I mean that of 24. hours, from noon to noon) arising at least from a double cause; either of which singly would cast it upon other times, but both joyntly on those. It’s commonly thought, how unequal soever the length be of the Artificial dayes as contradistinguished to nights, yet that the Natural Day, reckoning from noon to noon, are all equal: But Astronomers know well, that even these dayes are unequal. For, this Natural Day is measured not onely by one intire conversion of the Æquinoctial,48 or 24 Æquinoctial hours, (which is indeed taken to be performed in equal times,) but increases by so much, as answers to that part of the Sun’s (or Earths,) Annual motion as is performed in that time. For, ‹when›49 that part of the Æquinoctial, which (with the Sun) was at the Meridian yesterday at noon, is come thither again to day, it is not yet Noon (because the Sun is not now at the place where yesterday he was, but is gone forward about one degree, more or lesse,) but we must stay, till that place, where the Sun now is, comes to the Meridian, before it be now Noon. Now this Additament (above the 24 Æquinoctial 50 hours, or intire conversion of the Æquinoctial) is upon a double /fol. 47v/ account unequal. First because the Sun, by reason of its Apogæum and Perigæum,a doth not at all times of the year dispatch in one day an equal Arch of the Ecliptick; but greater Arches neer the Perigæum, which is about the middle of December; and lesser near the Apogæum, which is about the middle of June: As will appear sufficiently by the Tables of the Sun’s Annual motion. Secondly, though the Sun should in51 the Ecliptick move alwayes at the same rate; yet equal Arches of the Ecliptick do not in all parts of the Zodiack answer to equal Arches of the Æquinoctial, by which we are to estimate time: Because some parts of it, as about the two Solsticial Points, ly nearer to a parallel position to the Æquinoctial; than others, as those about the two Æquinoctial points,52 where the Ecliptick and Æquinoctial do intersect: whereupon an Arch of the Ecliptick, near the Solsticial points, answers to a greater Arch of the Æquinoctial, than an Arch equal thereunto, near the Æquinoctial points: As doth sufficiently appear by the Tables of the Suns right Ascension. According to the first of these causes, we should have the longest natural days in December and the shortest in June, which if it did operate alone, would give us at those times two Annual High-waters. a

i.e., highest and lowest points reached in the sky by the sun.

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According to the second cause, if operating singly, we should have the longest dayes at the two Solstices in June and December, and the two shortest at the Æquinoxes in March and September; which would at those times give occasion of four Annual High-waters. But the true Inequality of the Natural Days, arising from a complication of those two causes, sometimes crossing and sometimes promoting53 each other: though we should /fol. 48/ find some increases or decreases of the Natural dayes at all those54 seasons answerable tothe respective causes (and perhaps of Tides proportionably thereunto:) yet the longest and shortest natural dayes absolutely of the whole year (arising from this complication of Causes) are about those times of 55Allhallontide and Candlemas (or not far from them) about which those Annual High-Tides are found to be: As will appear by the Tables of Æquation of Natural days. And therefore I think, we may with very good reason cast this Annual Period upon that cause, or rather complication of causes. For, (as we before shewed in the Menstrual and Diurnal) there will, by this inequality of Natural dayes, arise a Physical Acceleration and Retardation of the Earths Mean motion, and accordingly a casting of the Waters backward or forward; either of which, will cause an Accumulation or High-water. ’Tis true, that these longest and shortest dayes, do (according to the Tables, some at lest) fall rather before, than after Allhallontide and Candlemas (to wit the ends of October and January;) but so do also (sometimes) those high Tides: And it is not yet so well agreed amongst Astronomers, what are all the Causes, (and in what degrees,) of the Inequality of Natural dayes; but that there be diversities among them, about the true time: And whether the introducing of this New Motion of the Earth in its Epicycle about this Common Center of Gravity, ought not therein also to be accounted for, I will not now determine: Having already said enough, if not too much, for the explaining of this general Hypothesis, leaving the particularities of it to be adjusted according to the true measures of the motions; if the General Hypothesis be found fit to be admitted. Yet this I must add, (that I be not mistaken) that /fol. 48v/ whereas I cast the time of the dayly Tydes to be at all places, when the Moon is there in the Meridian; it must be understood of open Seas, where the water hath such free scope for it’s motions, as if the whole Globe of the Earth were equally covered with water: Well knowing, that in Bayes and In-land-Channells, the position of the Banks and other like causes must needs make the times to be much different from what we Suppose in the open Sea’s: And likewise, that even in Open Sea’s, Islands, and Currents, Gulfs and Shallows, may have some influence, though not comparable to that of Bays and Channells. And moreover, though I think that Seamen do commonly ‹reckon›56 the time of High-water in the Open Sea’s, to be then, when the Moon is there in the Meridian, (as this Hypothesis would cast it:) Yet I do not take my self to be so well furnished with a History of Tides, as to assure my self of it; much less to accommodate it to particular places and cases. 154

WALLIS

to BOYLE, 25 Apr. 1666

Having thus dispatched the main of what I had to say concerning the Sea’s Ebbing and Flowing: Had I not been ‹already›57 too tedious, (this having run out into a much greater length, than I thought it would have done:) I should now proceed to give a further reason, why I do introduce this consideration of the Common Center of Gravity in reference to Astronomical Accounts. For indeed, that which may possibly seem at first to be an Objection against it, is with me one58 reason for it. It may be thought perhaps, that if the Earth should thus describe an Epicycle about the common Center of Gravity, it would (by this it’s change of place) disturbe the Celestial motions; and make the apparent places of the Planets, especially ‹some› of them,59 different from what they would otherwise be. For though so small a removal of the Earth, as the Epicycle /fol. 49/ would cause (especially if its Semidiameter should not be above 11⁄3 of the Earths Semidiameter) would scarce be sensible (if at all) to the remoter Planets; yet as to the ‹nearer,›60 it might. Now, though what Galilæo answers to a like Objection in his Hypothesis; (that its possible there may be some small difference, which Astronomers have not yet been so accurate, as to observe)a might here perhaps serve the turne; Yet my61 answer is much otherwise; to wit, that such difference hath been observed, and hath very much puzzled Astronomers to give an account of. About which you will find Mr. Horrocks, (in some of his Letters, whereof I did formerly, upon the Command of the Royal Society, make an Extract) was very much perplexed;b and was fain,62 for want of other relief, to have recourse to somewhat like Kepler’s amicable Fibres, which did according to the63 several positions of the Moon, accelerate or retard the Moon’s motion;c which amicable Fibres he had no affection to at all (as there appears) if he could any other wayes give account of those little inequalities; and would much rather (I doubt not) have imbraced this Notion of the Common Center of Gravity, to salve the Phænomenon, had it come to his minde, or been suggested to him. And you find, that other Astronomers, have been seen to bring in (some upon one Supposition, some upon another) some kind of Menstrual Æquation,64 to solve the inequalities of the Moon’s motion, according to her Synodical Revolution, or different Aspects (of New-moon, Full-moon, &c.) beside what concernes her own Periodical motion. For which, this consideration of the common Center of Gravity of the Earth and Moon, is so proper a remedy (Especially if it shall be found precisely to answer those /fol. 49v/ Phænomena, which I have not Examined, but am very apt to believe,) that a

See Galileo, Dialogue (above, p. 142), p. 455. In Apr. 1664, Wallis had been asked to peruse the papers of the astronomer Jeremiah Horrocks (1618–41) which Sir Paul Neile had presented to the Royal Society; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 395; Oldenburg, ii, 163–4. c An allusion to the views of Kepler (for whom see above, p. 121n.), as expressed in his Astronomia nova (1609). b

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it is so far from being, with me, an Objection against it, that it is one of the65 reasons, which make me inclinable to introduce it. I must, before I leave this, adde one Consideration more (which when I have done, I shall ease you of further trouble for this time),66 That if we shall upon these Considerations, think it reasonable, thus to consider the Common Center of Gravity of the Earth and Moon; it may as well be thought reasonable, that a like Consideration should be had of Jupiter and his four Satellites, which according to the Complication of their several motions, will somewhat change the position of Jupiter, as to that common center of Gravity of all these Bodyes; which yet, because of their smallnesse, may chance to be so little, as that, at this distance, the change of his apparent place may not be discernable. And67 what is said of Jupiter, is in the like manner to be understood of Saturne and his Satelles,68 discovered by Hugenius:a For all these Satellites are to their Principalls, as so many Moons to the Earth. And I do very well remember, in the Letters forecited, Mr. Horrocks expresseth some such little inequalities in Saturne’s motion, of which he could ‹not› imagine what account to give, as if (to use his Expression) this crabbed old Saturn had despised his Youth. Which, for ought I know, might well enough have been accounted for, if at that time the Satelles69 of Saturne had been discovered, and that Mr. Horrocks had thought of such a motion as the Common Center of Gravity of Saturn and his Companion,70 to be considerable, as to the guiding of his motion. You have now, Sir, in obedience to your Commands, /fol. 50/ an Account of my thoughts, as to this matter, though yet immature, and unpolished: What use you will please to make of them, I shall leave to your Prudence,71 Desiring onely, that before you part with them, you will at lest secure me a Copy; this rude draught being indeed all I have of it; and I was loath to keep it so long by me as to transcribe it, having at present scarse so much time as to read it over before it goes. Which as it72 ows its birth to your desires, so it is to be disposed of at your Commands, as is Sir Your honours Very humble servant. John Wallis73 Endorsed on fol. 51v in a contemporary hand, possibly Oldenburg’s: ‘Entred’.

a

A reference to Systema Saturnium (1659) by Huygens (for whom see above, p. 45n.).

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BEALE

to BOYLE, 28 Apr. 1666

BEALE to BOYLE

28 April 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 122, pp. 151–4 . Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 476–7 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 400–2.

Apr: 28. 66. Honourable Sir, If you have by this time pardoned my officiousnes in ordering your papers, I may nowe proceede to offer to you some very vulgar things which you will not disdeigne, if they may any wayes conduce to the discovery of the Recesses & Labyrinths of Nature. This encouraged me to give you an accompt by Mr Oldenburgh, Of an Experiment, which shewes what kind of motion, both for figure, & celerity or vigor, gives the beginning, progresse, & advancement of Light, or flame; & by the same viewe or rule to gather (as it were) into a methode the very principles & processes of fermentation, & of Vegetation, & of circulation of bloud & spirits in animals, & of configurations, colors, & ornaments, & their interruptions, both in concrete bodyes, & in fluides, all in a kind of Mathematicall demonstration.a You were pleasd to give notice of the profound changes in nature, as they are manifested by the dayry-maides gathering of the cheese, & yet there is more of arte in that than is comonly considered.b For a skillfull dayry-mayde brings the cheese sooner with her hand, & due timeing of it, than an unskillfull mayde, though the rennet & other ingredients were all the same, & in the same proportion. And (besides the differing heate of the severall hands, which may make some difference, & the vigilance & skill to drive the circulation in due measure, & to cover & put downe the curds ariseing about the middle of the vessell,) there is something more which the wittyest of them cannot name or describe, or give for rules, which therfore they refer to the luckinesse of the hand. And (to my knoweledge) some of the best skillfull have at some seasons soe often miste of this luckines, that they have beleevingly & confidently attributed this unluckines to Witchcraft. Of this I shall have somewhat to say another time. When cleare liquors are but toucht in the middle, or sides, or wherever, their severall undulations will shewe the circuites & recourses of the Motion, which may be retarded by thickning the liquors with firmer substances of diverse kinds, more easy, or more difficult to be dissolved: Or the motion may be diverted, or crosst, or broken in /p. 152/ various guises by touches in other places. And this may a Henry Oldenburg sent Boyle ‘severall Hints and Observations’ of Beale’s relating to air on 17 Mar. 1666; see above, pp. 114–15, and Oldenburg, iii, 62. b See above, p. 139n.

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represent the progresse of nature in all configurations, colors & ornaments, & some reasons of concurrences, yieldings, & disappointements. Worte hath a peculiar transplendency when it is not alterd with thunder, noyse, or violent agitation, (which turnes it into a thicknes & acidity;) & the bubbles of worte have1 a peculiar aptnesse to give all the colors of the rainebowe more conspicusly,2 than the dewe of the morning; By putting good barme, or yeste in the middle, & other parts of a broade vessle, we may discerne in what lines it begins to worke, & when all figures doe seeme to be blended, by mooveing & stirring it with the hand or bowle,3 & with laveing of it, which drives the circulation from the ‹center›, we shall see the statica lawes observed; the foame, bubbles & lighter parts ascende; & the heavier parts descende, & the viscousnes of the yeste holds on this operation for some time, & keepes the ballance in agitation. Soe in kneading of bread, The Circulation, & time of heaveing may be observed; & when they gather the dough from4 the outsides, & worke it in the middle of the masse, the liquor & ferment is driven in the same manner into all parts of the Masse, though in liquors the lines of the motion are more visible. The Countrey people call the verdant rings, which appeare in the pastures in the Spring, Faeryes dances. I have examined very many of them, ‹&›5 though I found some fewe of them perfectly circular, & many of them inclined to be circular in parte, yet I sawe reasons & prooffes enough to perswade me, that they all proceeded from the dung of cattle, whose saline vigour by the vernall dewes, & rayne, enlarged its circle, as we see in the usuall motion of water; but passing more easily, where the rankenesse, or softnes of the ground did more easily embrace the saline liquor, by more obstinate ground the circle was sometimes interrupted, & sometimes it was constreind to drawe a streight line. The same chamletings /p. 153/ & undulations6 we may observe from a like cause in the graines of timber, shapes of plants, & flowers, variegations of stones, & some Mineralls.b I have taken up on the shores, & land, many stones which being cut, ground, or polisht, are a very excellent & beautifull kind of hard marble; sometimes touch, & white-marble interwoeven; & soe perfectly answering to thiese undulations, that they needed noe other interpretation for the Cause of those ornaments, than the touch of a childs finger in a poole of water. And thus I have sometimes observed the hearte only of a large flinte to be a Marcasite, sometimes the stone is only covered or crusted with Marcasite, as heate drives the ferment from the Center to the Circumference in Vicissitudes; or as it falls out to be arrested by cold, or the repugnance, or lazines of firmer matter. When I read Sir K Digbyes discourse Concerning the Vegetation of Plants, which I had not heard of till very lately, This thought came a

i.e., hydrostatic. For Beale’s use of ‘chamletting’ (derived from the textured woollen fabric, camlet) see vol. 2, p. 270. b

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BEALE

to BOYLE, 28 Apr. 1666

into my minde as in some degree helpefull to interprete or illustrate the causes of the peculiar figures not only of the rootes, stems, heades & leaves, but allso of the blossomes, fruite, & seedes, their colors & other ornaments.a And I wish, that this acute discourse had beene divided into distinct paragraphes, & each Paragraph ([by]7 himselfe, or by such as beare speciall respects to his Memor[y,)] confirmed by the plainest, or most proper experiments; for which purpos[e] your severall discourses of Colors, & other Qualityes, have furnished [e]xtraordinary8 aydes.b Sir If thus we began softly, & in vulgar liquids & by obvious examples, wee might possibly arrive in due time to the configurations of all stones, mettalls, & other solids; as by Euclides first elements we are enabled by industry & attention to make a graduall progresse to his more involved demonstrations.c I had lately a briefe Latine Manuscript of a Methode without a guide to learne all plants by their affinityes & differences, in their rootes, stemms, branches, blades, stature, color, leaves blossoms, fruites, seedes &c. I hope my Lord Brereton hath it yet in his custody.d I wish it were made public, not only for the /p. 154/ purpose of the Author, which was not unconsiderable, but allso for the collections of those infinite varietyes into fewe heades, as most apposite to receive these rules of interpretation And yourselfe have done abundantly to furnish vacant persons (of which our Universityes doe affoord good store) for the application. And possibly, when we can ‹cleare›9 our apprehensions of the nature of gravity, & levity, It may give us some satisfaction concerning the Systeme of the World. And this I intended by the late words Cribrum divinum.e All motions in nature seeme to followe the course of some ferment, & to be sifted by heate & weight, as we see in the farmers ridling sieve &c. Sir I should take heede of makeing any overture to you Concerning the progresse, or figurations in glaciation; For it is above 30 yeares since I have seene the Experiment, & then we had a beleefe,10 that circulation did increase & accelerate the operation of the mixture of snowe & salt.f And Mr Hooke hath well noted, Howe glaciation hath given or arrested such motions, as gave the figures of very a

Beale refers to the virtuoso, Sir Kenelm Digby (1603–65), and his Discourse concerninge the vegetation of plants. Spoken by Kenelme Digby at Gresham College…1660 (1661). b Colours had been published in 1664; Cold followed in 1665. Beale may also be referring to Forms and Qualities of 1666. See Works, vols 4 and 5. c Beale refers to Euclid (fl. c. 300 BC), the most celebrated geometrist of antiquity, author of Elementa. d Beale refers to a manuscript, De cognoscendis sine duce herbis, that he was given by Samuel Hartlib, the intelligencer and Boyle’s profuse correspondent in the 1650s. He mentions the same manuscript in Beale to Boyle, 11 Oct. 1665 (vol. 2, p. 554), and again in Beale to Boyle, 13 July 1666 (below, p. 192). It is clear from the earliest of these references that Beale had placed the manuscript in William Brereton’s custody, but that by 13 July 1666 Brereton had, as intended, passed it on to Boyle. For Brereton see above, p. 112n. e ‘divine sieve’. Beale refers Boyle back to his previous letter of 18 Apr., where he also used this phrase; see above, p. 138. f The implication is that Boyle had queried this, see Cold (1665), Works, vol. 4.

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many flowers Microgr: Obs: 14.a But I have filld my paper & must ever remaine Honourable Sir, Your most oblieged servant J Beal. For the Honourable Robert Boyle / Esqr &c Leave these with Mr Oldenburgh. At Mr Storyes a stone-cutter / in Pell Mell Westminster Seal:Example of Beale’s standard seal, as used on Beale to Boyle, 21 January 1663 (see vol. 2, p. 251). Postmark: ‘AP / 30’. Endorsed below the address with ‘Post is payd 3d.’ Endorsed by Miles ‘April 28 / 1666.’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXIII’. The manuscript contains printers’ marks.

JOHN OWENb to BOYLE

4 May 1666

From A Brief Account of Mr Valentine Greatraks (above, p. 94), pp. 74–5.c

Mortlack, May 4. 1666 Sir

Upon the 2d of this instant (being Wednesday) I had taken a Purge, which by reason of a small addition more then I did formerly use to take, did work very violently the whole day, at least 24 times. I could eat nothing that day nor night, only drank a little Mace-ale. I rested pretty well that night; but when I rose the next morning, I was mightily griped in my stomach and bowels, with much pain I went up and down an hour or two, and when nothing would ease me, I resolved to lye down and rest my self; and going to take some rest, a Friend meets me and perswades me to let Mr. Greatrak’s touch my stomach and bowels; which I did consent unto, (he being in my house the same time, for he came the night before) and a

See Robert Hooke, Micrographia (London, 1665), pp. 88–92. John Owen (d. 1679), London stationer and dissenter. Mortlake, where he died, was probably his country residence; see J. R. Woodhead, The Rulers of London (London, 1965), p. 124, and T. C. Dale, The Members of the City Companies in 1641 (London, 1935), p. 126. c This letter appears in Greatrakes’s Brief Account with the title, ‘Captain Owens Letter to Mr. Boyle’. For Boyle’s presence at various of Greatrakes’s cures in late Apr.–early May 1666, see ibid., p. 43ff. For Owen’s involvement see ibid., pp. 86–7, 90. b

160

BEALE

to BOYLE, 7 May 1666

I observed when he first stroked me I was immediately without pain, and went down from my Chamber very well (as I thought) with intent to shew some friends that came to see me what a sudden change his hand had wrought: But I had not been with my friends 6 minutes but I felt a sudden change; for I had many qualms in my stomach, which forc’d me to vomit very much, and I was in a sweat all over, and very sick, and so continued half an hour, when he came and stroked me again, which caused me to vomit the second time, and then I took a little rest upon my bed: but the pain in my stomach was so great that it did awake me, and presently I vomited the third time: which Mr. Greatrak’s hearing (being in the next Room) came /p. 75/ to me (I being exceeding ill) and said, by the blessing of God this will do you much good, I will stroke your head, bowels, and stomach once more, and I believe you will do very well: which when he had done, I laid me down and rested well for an hour, and then came from my Chamber very well, and went abroad with him all that afternoon. I have one thing more only to adde, That I was in a great sweat all the time, and do believe and found most apparently, that by the stroke of his hand all the sharp matter which the Purge had stirr’d, and could not carry away downwards, was that which caused so much pain, and was brought away by vomiting. Your Honours humble Servant, John Owen.

BEALE to BOYLE

7 May 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 123, pp. 155–8. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 478 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 402–3.

Honourable Sir The man whom you accuse of Complement & Poetry, well knowes that you have no leysure for the best strength of his seriousnes: & seriously he thinkes he hath a better taste of your Depths, than can be defined in the most sober Prose, or painted in the most luxuriant Verse. But Sir, Tis for your Health & Delight, sometimes to relaxe your profounder studyes, & to take a recreating Prospect for the viewe of our Wandrings, even then, when the best or our apprehensions do seeme to you no better, than Poetry, & Ceremonyes.

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Soe does the Philosophicall Poet advise you,a Suave mari magno, turbantibus æquora ventis, E terrâ magnum alterius spectare laborem … Sed nil dulcius est, benè quam munita tenere Edita doctrinâ Sapientum templa serenâ, Despicere unde queas alios, passimque videre Errare, atque viam palanteis quærere vitæ.

Sir, After all this præface, I would accompt for the ground I have to represent, How Heate may be graduated by Weights. And here I pray you permit me to be soe poeticall, as to indulge my sweete dreame, till a ray of clearer reasone & evidence shall awaken me. For some of us have neyther Heades, nor purses to strengthen our discourses with full, & proper Experiments. In Feb. 1663, I noted the floate hydrostatic to descend, as the heate of the water increased, & to ascend in the proportion as it cooled.b This I tried lately againe, & more than once with like event. Then I guessed, That some peculiar figure of the floate, or such more exact Hydrostatic, as you have since bestowed on me, would note the degrees of Heate more accurately, & perchance then best, when the1 poyse is not of [mercury], which may expand, & loose weight (for ought I knowe) in hot water. And although the graduation will not hold to the increase of weight in all proportions of Cold; Yet thus we may discover, Whether Cold doth alleviate before it arrives to glaciation; & thence we may enquire, Whether any glaciation doth alleviate to such proportion as may resemble the coincidence of extreames; when Penetrabile frigus adurit.c And I see by severall of my owne Thermometers, that the glassemen are by you so well instructed to make the stemms in equall proportions, /p. 156/ that if we could name some degrees of Heate by a certaine Weight, We might by the proportions of the glasse make our discourses intelligible in mentioning what degrees of Cold our greatest Frosts doe produce. Then I thought, that if raine water, assoone as it fell, might, by a single or double distillation, be brought to the same degree of purity & fluidity in severall climates, & at differing Seasons, Thus the degrees of Heate might be ascertained a Beale refers here to De rerum natura by the Roman poet Lucretius (fl. 99–55 BC), from which Beale quotes lines from the beginning of book 2: ‘Pleasant it is, when over a great sea the winds trouble the water, to gaze from shore upon another’s great tribulation…But nothing is more delightful than to possess lofty sanctuaries serene, well fortified by the teachings of the wise, whence you may look down upon others and behold them all astray, wandering all abroad and seeking the path of life’ (De rerum natura, trans. W. H. D. Rouse (rev. 3rd edn, London, 1975), II. 1–2, 7–10). b Beale also refers to his work on hydrostatics in his letter to Boyle of 18 Apr. 1666, above, p. 140, where the communication of Feb. 1663, now missing, is also mentioned. c ‘The piercing cold burns’. Beale alludes to Virgil, Georgics, I. 93, ‘frigus adurat Boreae penetrabile’.

162

BEALE

to BOYLE, 7 May 1666

by weight, & the degrees of Cold infer’d by the equable proportions of a Thermometer, that was regularly graduated ‹for›2 Heate. &c &c: Here I have not expressed my selfe fully, but you will apprehend my aymes. If we can discourse of Heate & Cold in their severall degrees, soe as we may signify the same degree intelligibly, though it be by any compasse, or juncture of Evidences; tis more than our fore fathers have taught us to doe hitherto. Sir, I have some store of these adventures, but this is in present a sufficient interruption. You will beare with me, if I affirme, That one may find more Philosophicall Demonstrations, & more liquid prooffes of the Generations, & Corruptions, & various alterations of very many things, in some vulgar Trades, & Manufactures, than I could gather out of Numerous volumnes of severall good Libraryes. Laste Autumne I had leave to spend a whole day in observeing the Sweete Chymistry of a Lady, Who is most perfect in the Arte of makeing Marmalads, & conserving fruite in all their approved colors; And she hath taught me to confesse The miracles of Heate; Tis sure the philosophers stone that can doe & undoe all things: And tis not in the power of Orator, or Poete, with ynke & paper, in prose, or in verse, to lay downe the processe, Howe to make a good Cawdle, Posset, or Pottage.a And therefore Sir, If you shall taske me about Fermentation, (as you seeme to threaten) be pleasd first to instruct me What operation there is in nature without fermentation, that I may single out my proper object; & be pleasd to teach me the Nature of Gravity, before /p. 157/ I take the Ballance in Hand, To essay the Static lawes.b Sir I am not soe much an enemy to posterity, as to expect your returnes to such letters as thiese. Only if you shall please to give me your Commands by our good friend Mr Oldenburgh, You shall see That I am such a zelous lover of your persone & businesse, That I shall rather betray all mine owne weakenesses, than forget to be very industriously Honourable Sir Your most obedient servant Joh Beal.

From Yeavell in Somersetshire May. 7. 66.

For the Honourable Robert Boyle Esqr / &c Leave these with Mr Oldenburgh At Mr Storyes a Stone-cutter / in Pell Mell Westminster a b

The lady Beale refers to here has not been identified. See above, p. 139.

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Seal: Seal-shaped repair to paper. Postmark: ‘MA / 6[?]’. Endorsed below address with ‘Post paid 3d.’ Endorsed on p. 158 by Miles: ‘May 7th 1666’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXIV’.

DAVID THOMAS to BOYLE May 1666 Miles’s list (BP 36, fol. 162) records this as ‘David Thomas a Short Lr about maydew &c no great use May 66’. Boyle’s correspondent is David Thomas (c. 1634–94), Oxford graduate and physician in Salisbury (see Works, vol. 5, p. 495n.). See Alan Taylor, ‘An Episode with May-dew’, History of Science, 32 (1994), 163–84.

BOYLE to JOHN LOCKEa

2 June 1666

From the version in hand E signed by Boyle in the Bodleian Library, MS Locke c. 4, fols 150–1. 4o/2. Previously printed in Maurice Cranston, John Locke: a Biography (London, 1957), pp. 89–90, and in de Beer, Locke Correspondence (above, p. 2), i, 279–80.

Lees In Essexb June 2d 1666 Sir If your Letter had found me at London, this Returne of it would have been brought you much earlyer to Oxford.c And though I now write in a place where a Crowd of such Persons ‹whose›1 Quality or Beauty requires a great deale of attendance, reduces me to make this Letter short & hasty; yet I cannot but snatch time to returne you my deservd Thanks for the favour of yours at some passages of which I could not but smile as well as you did, thô I was troubled that soe much Curiosity & Industry as you expressd, should by soe grosse a want of it in others be made soe unsuccessfull. But I hope this will not discourage2 you from embraceing, & seekeing future opportunitys to search into the nature of mineralls, in order to which, I wish /fol. 150v/ I had time & conveniency to send you some sheets of Articles of Inquirys about Mines in generall; which I once drew up, for the use of some freinds & partly for my owne.d My absence from London kept me a

For John Locke see above, p. 2. Boyle writes from Leese Priory, the seat of Charles Rich, 4th Earl of Warwick (for whom see above, p. 86n.), and his wife, Boyle’s sister Mary (1624–73). c Boyle is responding to Locke’s letter of 5 May 1666, which is not included here since it has already been published as part of Boyle’s General History of the Air (1692), Works, vol. 12, pp. 92–5. d Boyle refers to his own ‘Articles of Inquiries touching Mines’, published in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 330–43 (no. 19 for 19 Nov. 1666); see Works, vol. 5, pp. 508–11, 529–40. b

164

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 8 June 1666

from receiving your Account of the Barometricall observation, till t’was ‹some days› too late to make the use of it you allow. But I hope I may have another occasion to mention it pertinently as it deserves.a The Receipt I promisd you is soe plaine & simple a thing that as I would not communicate to every Body a Remedy3 of that approved Efficacy soe I should fear that its seeming meanesse would make you dispise4 it, if the Person t’is now inclosd to, were5 not lookd upon as a Virtuoso by Sir Your very Affectionate Freind & humble servant Ro:Boyle 6

My humble service to Dr. Wallis, Dr Lower, Mr Thomas & the rest of my Freinds at Oxfordb These To my much Esteemd / Freind Mr John Lock A.M. at Christ-Church / College Present / In Oxford post paid

Seal: Remnant only. Postmark: ‘IV / 9’. Endorsed below address: ‘paid 2d’. Endorsed in pencil on fol. 151v: ‘R.Boyle 1666’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

8 June 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 53. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 356–7, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 226–8, and Oldenburg, iii, 153–7.

London June 8. 1666. Sir, If we had not exspected you here every day since the first week after your depart, you would have been ere this waited upon by my scribbles.1c As we have a

See Works, vol. 12, pp. 92–4. For what is clearly a further allusion to Locke’s report, see Spring, 1st Continuation (1669), Works, vol. 6, p. 96. b For John Wallis see above, p. 63n. Boyle also refers to Richard Lower (1631–91), physician and anatomist, who was in Oxford during the spring of 1666. For David Thomas see above, p. 164. c Oldenburg refers to Boyle’s stay at Leese Priory, the home of his sister Mary; see above, p. 164n.

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had at Gresham an Experiment, explicating the Inflexion of a Direct motion into a Curve by a supervening Attractive Principle, so I may presume to guesse, that your Intentions of returning to London within a fourthnight, were diverted by the powerfull Magnetisme, that reignes at Lees.a Those Load-stones being like to maintain their vigour, I doubt, you will hardly keep your resolution of coming to us next week, as your servant gave us hopes off. Mean while, I shall mention to you somewhat more particularly, what the Experiment was, I Just now alluded to, shewing, that2 Circular Motion is compounded of an Endeavour by a direct motion by the Tangent, and of another endeavor tending to the Center. I say then, that for that purpose, there was a Pendulum fastned to the roof ‹of› the room, where we meet, with a large woodden Ball of Lignum Vitæ on the end of it: And it was found, that ‹if› the impetus of the Endeavor by the Tangent, at the first setting out, was stronger than the Endeavor to the Center, there was then generated an Ellipticall Motion, whose Longest diameter was parallell to the direct Endeavour of the Body in the first point of impulse; but if that Impetus was weaker, than the Endeavour to the Center, there was generated such an Ellipsis, whose shorter diameter was parallel to the direct endeavor of the Body in the first point of impulse: And if they were both equall, there was made a perfect circular Motion. After this, there was made this other Experiment. Another smaller pendulous Body was fastned, by a shorter string, on the lower part of the wire, which the greater Ball was suspended by, that it might freely make a Circular or Ellipticall motion round about the bigger, whilst the bigger mov’d Circularly or Elliptically about another Center. The intention3 whereoff was, to explicate (in favour of Dr Wallis’s Hypothesis about the Flux and Reflux of the Sea, which has been pretty well sifted amongst us) the Manner of the Moons motion about the Earth;b it evidently appearing thereby, that neither the bigger Ball, which represented the Earth, nor the lesse, which represented the Moon, were moved in so perfect a Circle or Ellipsis, as otherwise they would have mov’d, if either of them had been suspended and mov’d singly; but that a certain point, which seem’d to be the Center of Gravity of those 2 Bodies, howsoever posited (consider’d as one) seem’d to be regularly /53 (1)v/ mov’d in such a Circle or Ellipsis; the two Balls having other peculiar motions in small Epicycles about the said point. This latter Experiment I imparted to Dr Wallis, who is, as I found by his answer, very well pleased with it;c and hopes ‹withall,› that ‹that›4 Theory ‹of his› will answer all the maine Phænomena of the Tides; though he pretends not, to give,

a Robert Hooke’s paper ‘concerning the inflection of a direct motion into a curve by a supervening attractive principle’ was read at the Society on 23 May; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 90–2. b Wallis’s hypothesis concerning tides, which took the form of a letter to Boyle, was discussed at the Society’s meeting of 16 May; see above, pp. 141–56, and Birch, Royal Society, ii, 89. c Wallis’s reply to Oldenburg, dated 2 June 1666, is printed in Oldenburg, iii, 147–50.

166

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 8 June 1666

thereby, a satisfactory account of the particular varieties of them in severall places of the world, for ‹want›5 of a full History of the same. Sir Theodore de Vaux, at the same Meeting, presented the Company with a Bundle of Considerable Papers touching Coloration, drawn up by a very famous and Curious Physitian from the mouth of the most knowing and experienced Dyers of England and Holland in his time;a The Society ordered thereupon a Committee, to consider of these Papers, and to distribute them among themselves to be Englishd, they being almost all in French, and then to digest them: which being done, I am persuaded, that many notable particulars will be there met with, to illustrate the Philosophy of Dying, etc.b There was also, at the same time, brought in a Discourse,6 by Sir Gilbert Talbot, ‹of› a rare Stone, to be found in Sueden, yielding 4 different substances, vid. Sulphur, Vitrioll, Allum, and Minium. Of which the Presenter was desired to procure us a good quantity, for Tryall; which he promised to doe. c Monsieur Auzout was then Elected into the Society, nemine contradicente;d and a Diploma is to be dispatch’d to him, as was done to Mr Hevelius. The same, I find by my last from Paris, is nominated for one of those Choyce persons, that are to constitute their Academy: ‹some of› the rest, that are pitcht upon, being M. Robervall, M. Carchavy, M. Frenicle, M. Picard, M. Hugens; all very able Men, appointed to meet and to consider of the best way of framing7 a ‹Philosophicall› Society, and the best method of carrying on its dessein.e I perceave, they will chiefly poursue Mechanicall and Chymicall Experiments, they having ‹already› in their Eye a Couple of good Chymists, and some able Mechanitians, that shall worke by their directions. On fera faire (saith my Author) tout ce qu’il faudra pour travailler utilement. On a desja commancé de s’assembler pour faire quelques reglemens. C’est un beau et grand dessein, qui ne peut estre qu’utile et glorieux à la France. He adds, On pourroit faire aussi a The reference is to Sir Theodore de Vaux (d. 1694), physician to Charles II. He was elected F.R.S. on 10 May 1665; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 93. b For the committee see Hunter, Establishing the New Science (above, p. 46), p. 96. The translations of de Vaux’s papers were brought before the Society on 13 June; see Birch, Royal Society, i, 97. c See Birch, Royal Society, ii, 94, where Talbot’s paper is printed, as it was also in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 375–6 (no. 21 for 21 Jan. 1667). This is presumably the Gilbert Talbot who had been the King’s agent in Venice since the 1640s, and who in 1665 became Master of the Jewel Office; see CSPD, 1665–6, p. 164. d ‘with no one speaking in opposition’. For Adrien Auzout, formally elected F.R.S. on 23 May 1666, see above, p. 15n. Johann Hevelius (for whom see above, p. 17n.) was elected F.R.S. on 30 Mar. 1664. e Presumably a letter from Henri Justel received sometime after mid-May, which is no longer extant. Oldenburg refers to the Académie Royale des Sciences, established in 1666. The members named here are Gilles Personne de Roberval (1602–75), mathematician and writer on mechanics; Pierre Carcavy (c. 1600–84), mathematician and royal librarian; Bernard Frenicle de Bessy (1605– 75), mathematician; and Jean Picard (1620–83), astronomer. For Christiaan Huygens see above, p. 45n.

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quelque chose en Danemark, par ce qu’il s’y trouve des sujets capables et tres intelligens.a Indeed they have some there, that are very learned Men, as Erasmus Bartholin the Mathematician, Thomas Bartholin the Physitian, and Steno the Anatomist; the last of which has been, I find, much courted in France, and is so now in Italy at Florence.b I hope, our Society will in time ferment all Europe, at least: I wish only, we had a litle more Zeale, and ‹a› great deal more assistance, to doe our work thoroughly; ‹as›,8 I am apt to believe, the /53 (2)/ French will study to doe ‹theirs› (they being like to be endow’d) were it but out of Emulation. So good be done to our Generation, and a ground laid to doe the like to posterity, no great matter, what passions doe concurre for the performance. The Venetian Ambassadour Justiniani, now at Paris, hath sent me, by the hands of my Correspondent there, a considerable printed Paper,9 (for the Society) publisht in Italy by Signor Cassini, containing many notable Observations, made in February, March and April last with some of Campani’s Glasses, touching the Conversion of Mars about his Axe, performed (as he affirms to be assur’d off by very good Observations) in the space of 24 houres, 40 minuts.c You remember, Sir, that the same was observ’d here in England ‹in›10 the same months, witnesse one of our Transactions, Num. 11; which, I am ‹now› very glad, tooke timely notice of it in publick.d Dr Beale presents you his hearty service: is very busy upon some new subject; commends Parker’s censure of the Platonick Philosophy, and thinks, that the same armes against Glanvills Preexistence of Soules.e Mr Glanvill is,11 I find, of an excellent temper for Argument; and I believe, that he will rather12 yield and flye the field, than handle a weapon unhandsomely. I presume to swell this ‹letter› with this Months Transactions. If Essex13 breeds curiosity, these papers may be made known there by your influence; and the chief place of the Concourse of the Gentry there, being intimated to the Printers of a ‘They will do everything necessary in order to work usefully. They have already begun to meet together to frame some rules. It is a fine and noble plan, which cannot fail to be useful and glorious for France … Something could also be done in Denmark since there are able and very intelligent men to be found there.’ b Oldenburg refers to Erasmus Bartholin (1625–98), professor of geometry and medicine at Copenhagen, who later discovered double refraction in Iceland spar. Thomas Bartholin (1616–80), elder brother of Erasmus, was professor, first of mathematics, then of anatomy at Copenhagen. Nicholas Steno (1638–86) was a pupil of Thomas Bartholin, and later bishop of Titiopolis. c The ambassador referred to is possibly Andrea Justiniani (1605–67). See Birch, Royal Society, ii, 97–8, and Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 242–5 (no. 14 for 2 July 1666), from which it is apparent that the paper was Giovanni Domenico Cassini’s Martis circa axem proprium revolubilis (1666). For Giuseppe Campani see above, p. 81n. Oldenburg’s correspondent was probably Henri Justel, see above, p. 126n. d See Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 198 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666). e The reference is to Samuel Parker (1640–88), later bishop of Oxford, who was the author of A Free and Impartiall Censure of the Platonick Philosophy (1666). He was elected F.R.S. on 13 June 1666. For Joseph Glanvill, who defended the pre-existence of souls in Lux orientalis (1662), see above, p. 131n.

168

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 8 June 1666

‹them,›14 they may monthly send them thither, as they doe to many other parts of England.a I need not, I suppose, entertain you with the Relation of the late rude and obstinate fight, or the successe thereoff.b I shall ‹only› say this of it, that as the Engagement will not easily be parallel’d, so we shall find ‹the successe›15 all things considered, a Great Deliverance and a Dear Victory ‹to us.› Mean while, God be thankd, both our Generalls are well,16 having done prodigious things and the king in a condition, to sett out very speedily another Fleet; which that it may be done so, as to prevent our Ennemies, is of the highest concernment in this businesse.c We know not, where the French Fleet is: some say, turn’d back to Cadis; others, in their way to come about the North of Scotland, to Joyn the Dutch, ‹and›17 to make them appear again presently. d My last letter from Paris hath only this; Les Suedois pourront bien estre mediateurs et arbitres dela paix. La France obligera la Hollande de leur donner satisfaction, et de renoncer au Traitté d’Elbing.e But I am tired, it being past Midnight; and I believe, you have cause to be so, much more, at the Rhapsody of Sir Your very humble and faithful servant H. O. For his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esq these / at Leese. Seal: Example of Oldenburg’s standard seal (see vol. 2, p. 87), but broken in two. Endorsed at head of 53 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LIII’ and in modern pencil, ‘53’. Also endorsed on 53 (1) in left-hand margin by Wotton ‘Mr Oldenburgh. June 8. Of the Erection of the French Academy. 1666.’ Endorsed on 53 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 53’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

a

Leese Priory, where Boyle was staying, was in Essex; see above, p. 164n. The reference is to the Anglo–Dutch naval battle in the Channel, which lasted for the first 4 days of June. While the initial reports reaching London spoke of a great victory, the English fleet actually suffered the greater losses. c The ‘generals’ alluded to are probably Prince Rupert, for whom see above, p. 110n., and James, Duke of York, for whom see above, p. 50n. d The French fleet, under the Duc de Beaufort, was based upon Toulon. It never succeeded in effecting a junction with the Dutch. e ‘The Swedes may well be mediators and arbiters of the peace. France will oblige Holland to give them satisfaction, and to renounce the Treaty of Elbing.’ The Treaty of Elbing (1656) between the Netherlands and Sweden assured the latter’s protection of Dutch trade. b

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BOYLE to OLDENBURG

3, 1666–7

13 June 1666

From the copy in the hand of Robin Bacon in BP 25, pp. 1–17 (versos blank until p. 16) Previously printed in Oldenburg, iii, 160–6.

To my highly Esteemed Friend H. O. Esquire Leeze. June 13. 1666. Sir Though I be now in a Place where not intending the Stay I have been oblig’d to make, but only a visit, I am absent from my Books and most of my Papers, and where you will easily beleive that the Sex and Quality of the Persons I converse with, allows me not over much leizure for Philosophical Entertainments; yet the Earnestnesse wherewith you are pleased to write to me for some account of my Designe about Natural History, does little less then compell me, not to refuse you the mention of such of the Particulars that my notes or memory can supply me with as I can get time so much as transiently to set down.a The work then about which I formerly wrote you word that I had accidently recover’d some Papers was propos’d to consist of foure chief parts.b Præliminarys – The Body of the History it self; Additaments and various Indices. The Praeliminary or Introduction was design’d to consist of severall parts whereof the chief were these. I.1 A Discourse of the Importance & usefulnes of the compiling of a Naturall History in Order to Philosophy; wherein was to be shown how much of advantage, both Speculative and Practical, might be reasonably hop’d from such a work, and how little (that is any thing worthy of Mankind) has been hitherto done for want of it, or is hereafter to be expected without it. II. Instructions about the wayes & method of Experimenting, containing Directions & Advices, how to procure, æstimate, prepare and in some cases better Mathematicall Instruments, as Quadrants, Telescopes, Microscopes, &c. Mathematical Tooles, as Ballances, Statera’s, Standards for /p. 3/ measure &c. and Chymical Utensils, Furnaces, Crucibles, Retorts, Glass-Bells, Cupells &c. together with directions how to perform such manual Operations, as testing of Mettals, weighing Bodies in Water, Hermetical sealing &c. as must either be often imploy’d in the History or imploy’d about Experiments of great Moment. Care being yet taken that as for such Chymical and other Operations or Practices as are already intelligibly enough describ’d in Books, or of which the Reader may easily enough procure himself a Boyle refers to his stay at Leese Priory; see above, p. 164n. The ‘General Heads for the Natural History of a Country’ were printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 186–9 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666). See Works, vol. 5, pp. xli–lv, 508–11. b Boyle’s recovery of some half-forgotten papers is possibly that mentioned in his letter of 19 Mar., above, p. 118.

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to OLDENBURG, 13 June 1666

living Instructors, men be refer’d to those helples, if it be not thought convenient to have a Book or Directory compiled to contain at large such Instructions. III. A Summary but perspicuous Account of those severall Hypotheses (or at least the chief of them) that are now aday’s made use of, in explicating the Phænomena of nature, such as are the Peripatetick, the Cartesian and the Epicurean Hypothesis, provided alwayes these be so summarily propos’d as not too much to swell the Præliminarys2 or designedly tend to præpossesse the Readers mind. For I pretend not at all that a whole Body of Physicks, according to any particular Hypothesis should be propos’d as the Basis of our Natural History, which ought not to be Confin’d to any particular Theorys, but if need be to amplify & correct them. The reason then why I propose a short survey of the several Hypotheses of Philosophers, is, partly, because the knowledg of differing Theorys, may admonish a man to observe divers such Circumstances in an Experiment as otherwise ’tis like he would not heed; and sometimes too may prompt him to stretch the Experiment farther then else he would (and so make it produce new Phænomena) & partly because these additional Phænomena, and accuratenes which these Theorys will ingage the Experimenter to imploy about some Circumstances, will conduce to make the History both more exact /p. 5/ and compleat in it self, and more ready for use, and more acceptable to those that love to discourse upon Hypotheses, because they will find those Circumstances set down, the omission whereof they would reprehend, as thinking the tryal or Observation of such a Circumstance, necessary or sufficient to prove or to invalidate this or that particular Hypothesis or Conjecture. IV. In the Fourth Preliminary I mention’d the Names of the chief Authors & other Persons, as Navigators, Travellers &c. from whose writings or Relations the Particulars admitted into the Natural History, have been gather’d or receiv’d. And of most of these Persons in particular, some Character is given partly for other Men’s Information, that may have occasion to peruse his writings, or make tryal of the Experiments he relates; but chiefly to give an account how far, and with what cautions, his Testimony is made use of, in the following History. And because it not unfrequently happens that Authors writing at several times, and in differing Circumstances, some of their Books are more full & more warily & judiciously pen’d than others, in so much that sometimes the latter correct or retract somewhat written in the former, and on the contrary now & then (thô but seldom) do out of fear or Envy suppress it, it was not thought amis, if the Book were considerable or frequently cited, to express what Edition of it ’tis, that is in the History employ’d. V. In the 5th and last Preliminary an account is given of the method of the Natural History, rendering a reason of the distribution of it into such a number of Parts, and of the order wherein they are marshal’d. And after a general Scheme or Delineation is thus set /p. 7/ down the rest of the Preliminary is spent in giving an account of the Style and the way of writing that is made use of: under which gen171

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eral name of Style are comprehended, not only the Language as it is concise or more Diffus’d, Embellish’d, or Unadorn’d, Plain or Figurative; but also what Perspicuity, Veracity, Impartiality, Cautiousnes and other such Qualitys, have been aim’d at, and for the most part made use of, in delivering the Particulars, that the Body of the History is made up of. By which means not only the attention of Readers may be excited, and they may be the better induc’d to give as much credit to the History as the Author judges the design exacts, and his way of writing deserves; but occasion wilbe given to deliver such Observations or Reflections about the manner of compiling a Natural History, as may be very assistant to those that shal hereafter undertake, either to continue this work, or attempt something of the like nature, thô of far less extent. /p. 9/ The Appendix ‹to the History of Nature› is to consist of […]3 parts. The first is a Review wherein any errours or mistakes committed in the delivery of the foregoing history, either as to matter of fact or of opinion, are candidly taken notice of and faithfully rectified or corrected; for it can scarce be hoped that a frail man should carry on so great & various a work without such humane weaknesses, as upon a revised and second thoughts may be discover’d: and when they are so, ought to be ingeniously confes’d out of loyalty to truth and love to mankind: and this will more recommend it’s sincerity and it’s worth to judicious men, then it will blemish his reputation; for ’tis the prerogative of God alone to be able to survey all that he had done, in reference to the Universe, and find that behold it is very good.a The second Appendix is to be a Supplemate consisting partly of Paralipomena or circumstances or other particulars forgotten to be set down in their proper places in the Body of the History; and partly of additional Experiments, Observations &c. that may have been newly discover’d, or may have otherwise occur’d, since the writing of those particular parts of the History to which they are now refer’d or annex’d. The third Appendix contains casual and Anomalous experiments, answering in some sort in the History of Arts to the accounts of Pordigies [sic] and Monsters, or perhaps to Bacons Historia præter generationum as ’tis subjoin’d or refer’d to the History general of the regular course of nature.b /p. 11/ The fourth Appendix consists of strange or scarce credible relations, such as Aristotle has compil’d in his little tract de mirabilibus auscultationibus.c a Boyle glosses this ‘review’ with the words of God at the creation of the world; see Genesis 1, 4, 10, 12, 18, 21, 25, 31. b Boyle alludes to Francis Bacon’s classification of natural history in his Parasceve; see Spedding, Ellis and Heath, Works of Francis Bacon (above, p. 66), iv, 249–71. c This work exists in a Greek version and was ascribed to Aristotle by his contemporaries, but modern scholars doubt that it was actually composed by him, see Works, vol. 11, p. 429.

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to OLDENBURG, 13 June 1666

The fifth Appendix consists of practical reflections, inferences, hints, Applications, or whatever other names be thought fit to be given to endeavours of making the Survey of the History of Nature, and the several parts of it compar’d together and with the whole, useful to mankind not only by the improvement of mens knowledg, but by enlarging and increasing their dominion over the works of nature. The sixth Appendix consists of design’d tryals or fictitious Experiments, wherein Processes and other wayes of Operating are propos’d to supply the defect of real Experiments, when we want them to determine doubts, to resolve Questions or for other purposes; and these may be so contriv’d that probably which way soever the Event falls out, useful considerations may be rais’d upon it. And to this Appendix may belong the grand transition which is to serve as it were for a Bridge to pass on from what is already perform’d in the foregoing History, to a continuation of it, and a further progress in the discovery of universal Nature. /p. 13/ Considerations about the Section Entitul’d Natural History in generall. 1.4 That the Subject is so vast & multifarious that as it may be diversely consider’d, it may be very differingly and almost arbitrarily divided, and there is scarce any Division that wilbe adæquate. 2. Therefore the best Division seems to be that which is the most comprehensive and easy. 3. That I do not so adhere to the division I propose as to exclude all others, or prefer it to them, or to think it Exact, or any more than tolerable, but I chuse it because some one or other I must pitch upon, and I count its defects & incompleatnes may be in some measure, and ought to be supply’d by Præliminary Tracts, and by Appendices, Indices &c. 4. That I conceive not Subordinate distributions and particular Topicks of Natural History, can be at present compleat & consequently are not to be stable & fix’d ‹but› if I may call them Probationary and so to be alter’d &c. according as further Discoverys or more mature Consideration shall enable and invite to change & inlarge the particular Topicks. 5. For I conceive, that according to the Theorys, men may have for the present of many Subjects, they do not know so much as what is fit to be inquir’d after & observ’d but must omit any important Quærys, Circumstances, and applications, as Those must do about the falling of heavy Bodys in water & Air, and the Phænomena of Comets who know not, the Doctrines of Progressions & Proportions Duplicate &c. and what a Paradox is, or how to be observ’d and who are unacquainted with the Hydrostaticks. 173

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6. That many things must be taken upon trust in the History of Nature, as matters of fact Extraordinary (as Monsters Prodigies5 &c. or long since expir’d, or else such as are not to be examin’d but in remote Countrys, or Places we cannot come to. The bounds and manner of inserting such things into the Natural History. 7. That many things cannot be warily enough deliver’d without imploying more words then many men are willing to allow. /p. 15/ The Division of Natural History into that of Generations, Pretergenerations and Arts, introduc’d by our illustrious Verulam, I do not disprove, and indeed the Subject is so vast & comprehends so great a variety as wel as Number of Particulars, that as I am not ignorant that there may be several Divisions propos’d without being any of them despicable, so ’tis more difficult than those that have not try’d, would imagine to make a good and adæquate distribution of the Parts of Natural History so as to leave out nothing that it ought to comprize and yet take in nothing more then what properly belongs to it. But thô for this reason I blame not the Verulamian division, and do much less pretend to propose a perfect one; yet I shall venture to substitute another as that which seems to me somewhat more suitable to the Immensity and variety of the Particulars that pertain to Natural History and Expressly & distinctly takes in some general Heads of History which seem either to have been omitted, or seem not hitherto to have been taken notice of according to their dignity and Importance. We will therefore distribute Natural History as ’tis distinct from the History of Arts, and from that (if there ought to be one) of Physical Principles into these seven principal Parts or general Titles. 1 The History of Bodys. 2 The History of particular Qualitys, as Cold, Heat, Colours, Odours Sounds. &c. 3 The History of the States of matter, as Fluid, Firm, Animate & Inanimate &c. 4 The History of Natural Processes & Actions, wherein there /p. 16/ intervenes a Series of Qualitys. As Generation in Vivaparous Animals, the hatching of Eggs, the Fermentation of Liquors. To which are reducible those shorter Processes, which for distinction sake we call Actions or Operations. As Enlightning the Air, blowing up a Myne Exciting Electrical Bodys by rubbing. &c. 5 The History of Casualtys which may comprehend Sir Francis Bacons History of Præter-generations and perhaps diverse other things which do not soe properly belong to that. 6. The History of loose Experiments that is, such which are not reduc’d to any particular art (at least to any of them that are known) yet do very much serve to illustrate or determine Particulars that belong to the other Titles, where nature is consider’d as acting of her own accord, and not as directed and over-rul’d by man. 7 And lastly the various or miscellaneous History containing such Particulars as are not so conveniently referable to the foregoing Titles, & by their not being so, 174

BOYLE

to LOWER, 26 June 1666

may be judg’d to be lesse indefinite then their Titles would import, and may in some sort resemble the Novels in the Civil Law and the Extravagants in the Cannon Law. Now to handle these6 distinctly, it will be convenient both to treat of the manner of writing the History of Nature, and annex to each of the above mention’d Titles particular Instructions fitted for the particular Subject, which thô they might be call’d the Precepts of writing a History of Bodys, or of Qualitys &c. yet to make those observations the more free & comprehensive /p. 17/ as wel as the more modest, we will chuse rather to name Considerations. And because our Excellent Chancellor has already left us some Precepts about the writing of a Natural History in general, which thô but few are for the most part very judicious & useful, we shall, when they occur, retain them (without much variation even from the Expressions) and add our own, in cases by him omited, and on the New Titles we have thought fit to adde.a

BOYLE to RICHARD LOWERb

26 June 1666

From the printed version in Richard Lower, Tractatus de corde (London, 1669), pp. 177–9. Reprinted with an English translation by K. J. Franklin in Gunther, Early Science in Oxford (above, p. 48), ix [unpaginated].

LONDINI, Junii 26. 1666 ADeram (vir Clarissime) proximô die Mercurii, insolenni Societatis Regiæ conventu, in Collegio Greshamensi habito,c ubi cum a D. Doctore Wallis exaudiveram, difficillimum illud experimentum de sanguine ex Canum altero in alterum transmittendo te tandem (se præsente) felicitèr absolvisse:d Rem planè dignam judicavi London, June 26.1666. I was present last Wednesday (Honourable Sir) at the stated meeting of the Royal Society, held in Gresham’s College.c Here I heard from Dr. Wallis that you had at last (in his presence) successfully accomplished that most difficult experiment on the transference of blood from one to the other of a pair of dogs.d I judged the matter clearly worthy of being a i.e., Francis Bacon; for his plans for compiling a natural history see above, pp. 66, 133. At this point the document seems to end abruptly, though there is unused space on the last page; possibly Oldenburg never received it. b For Richard Lower see above, p. 165. c For the meeting of 20 June see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 98. d For John Wallis see above, p. 63n. On Lower’s transfusions, see Frank, Harvey (above, p. 143), pp. 177–8.

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quæ celeberrimo isti cætui innotesceret. Adeóque author eram ut illi, a Reverendo viro, rei prout gesta fuerat narrationem exigerent: Cujus /p. 178/ ille eam reddidit rationem quæ apud nos existimationem famæ tuæ non parum commendaret. Verùm de tam insolito & insperato conamine varia particulatim interrogatus, expedire potiùs censuit, ut tu de singulis scripto responderes, quàm ille vivâ voce. Quapropter & ego coram indicabam, te mihi dudum pollicitum esse, rem illam (siquando votis responderet) te mihi enarraturum: Quod & te præstiturum in me suscepi; idque eo pleniùs cum cætum hunc tam celebrem de ejusdem successu accuratius enarrando solicitum intelligeres. Hoc itaque ut jam dignari velis obnixe rogo, totamque hujus negotii peracti methodum ordine exponere, quæ tam prosperè successit. Quod eo pressiùs urgeo, quod ingeniosi admodum viri aliquot & satis Critici, nec creduli nimiùm, rem arduam judicaverint, & audacter dictum, cum ego ante aliquot menses obiter indicaveram, a Societate Regiâ ad id rogatus, quid tu antehac jam tum Oxoniæ tentaveras: & quanquam tum temporis, propter instrumentorum apparatum non satis idoneum, / p. 179/ non per omnia res ex voto successerat: Non desperasse tamen me, quin illud postmodum absoluturus esses. Avocor ego jam hoc momento, ut non vacet mihi veniam deprecari quòd hoc tibi facesserim negotii. Quod tamen eo minus invitus feci, quoniam tuo non cessurum incommodo judicavi si hâc occasione tam auspicatâ celeberrimus hic cætus te

communicated to that very celebrated assembly. I therefore proposed that they should ask that distinguished gentleman for an account of the way in which it had been performed. His description of it was such as to increase not a little our opinion of your reputation. But, when asked for various details about so unusual and so unhoped-for an experiment, he voiced the opinion that it would be more profitable for you to reply in writing about the individual points than for him to attempt it orally. I therefore stated publicly that you had promised me a little while before that you would describe the matter to me (if at any time your desires were answered). I took it upon myself to say that you would do this, and that the more fully, when you knew that this celebrated assembly wished for a more careful account of the success of this experiment. I therefore entreat you to accede to this request, and to relate in order the whole of the highly successful procedure you adopted for the accomplishment of this task. This I urge the more strongly, because some highly gifted men with fair powers of judgement, and not overcredulous, thought the experiment a difficult one, and considered that I had spoken rashly, when I mentioned it incidentally a few months ago, in reply to a question from the Royal Society as to what you had previously attempted at Oxford; and said that, although at that time the matter had not succeeded in every way as you wished, owing to some unsuitability of the instrumental equipment, I had not, however, given up hope of your ultimate success. I am being called away at the moment, so that I have not time to ask your pardon for putting you to this trouble. I have done so with less reluctance, because I thought it would be to your advantage, if this celebrated assembly became acquainted with you at this propitious moment. There are many

176

COXE

to BOYLE, [c. June 1666]

congnoverit. Inter quos complures sunt qui te & debitè æstimant & amicè colunt; & quidem præ cæteris, Tui amantissimus, Rob. Boyle. Amico plurimum honorando D. Richardo Lower, Medcinæ Doctori, tradantur, Oxoniæ.

among its members who esteem you at your right worth and are your friends, but none more so than Yours affectionately Rob. Boyle. To be delivered to My most honourable friend Richard Lower, Doctor of Medicine / Oxford.

JOHN SMITH to BOYLE June 1666 Miles’s list refers to ‘Smith with his book of old age. June 1666’ (BP 36, 161). Boyle’s correspondent was John Smith (1630–79), MD, author of King Salomons Pourtraicture of Old Age (1666), reviewed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 254 (no. 14 for 2 July 1666).

[c. June 1666]a

COXE to BOYLE From the original in BL 2, fols 74–5. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

a

This letter was clearly addressed to Boyle when he was at Leese Priory; see above, p. 164n.

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Sir Although the care you were pleased to take to prepare mee for your departure did prevent my Surprizall itt did no ways alleviate the trowble I Conceived for the absence of my Dearest Friend, the losse of that most excellent Company and Converse wherewith you were pleased ‹frequently› to favour mee. The morning of our seperation I was so miserably persecuted with dismall thoughts, and sinister presages that I Could not relish the reiterated assurances1 of your resolution to returne speedily into these parts and make them the places of your Residence which2 Encouragement att another time would have Sweetned the most sensible affliction, And I must necessarily acknowledge did somewhat mitigate my sorrow for your absence which otherwise would have proved insupportable.a But notwithstanding all this I stood in need of all my Philosophy to Comfort mee: The first sentiments itt Suggested to mee was to act the Stoick and put on an Apathy which generous principle (as some account itt) would have saved mee a great measure of trowble but I poor pusillanimous prejudiced wretch apprehended itt inconsistent with that noble relation wee stile Friendship, I therfore resolved to Question the Vertuosoship of the Apathists rather then incur the danger being immers’t in that generally owned sink of vices, Ingratitude. But not to trowble you any longer with impertinencies I shall only acquaint your Honour that att length I cheered up my Spiritts with a persuasion that your Promises are most Authentick and inviolable. This I Confesse is a Beleif Contrary to all probable appearances; The least increase of the Contagion blasts all my hopes, The Company of the excellent Lady your vertuous Sister, and the vicinity of that Celebrated beauty you so often mention with Transports will I fear prove so many potent Remoras.b Leedsc is a place much suspected by mee, The place of your Residence when you penned those handsome discourses Concerning both3 ‹sorts of love› which are delineated in such lively and legible Characters as if their objects had been present in your thoughts and I have (Sir4 I beseech you pardon my Uncharitablenesse) been sometimes apt to surmise that you were not altogether exempt from a Passion which you will not allow of in Lindamor & possibly the reason you are so Unparaleld a freind is because that pure ætheriall5 Amorous flame was diverted from itts Unworthy, ingratefull object, to bee the fewell of that more excellent6 Calme & innocent passion of Friendship.d Sir You obliged mee att our last interview to send you some Triviall discourses I had formerly Composed concerning Changes of Qualities, Sensation, Gold, a

For Coxe’s plans for Boyle to reside in Stoke Newington see above, pp. 70–1. The ‘celebrated beauty’ who lived near Leese Priory has not been identified. Like Coxe, Boyle was also aware of the delays to his work incurred by the visit to Leese. See Boyle’s letter to John Locke, 2 June 1666, above, p. 164. c i.e., Leese. d Seraphic Love (1659) was written at Leese; it was addressed to Lindamor; see Works, vol. 1, pp. 54, 63, 133. b

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COXE

to BOYLE, [c. June 1666]

menstrua, &c.a Although I apprehended them Unworthy your Perusall, and so superficiall7 that they would no ways requite your Expence of Time & trowble: yet you were so importunate that I could not deny so small a request to a person who hath long agoe payed mee before hand for all the service I can ever hereafter possibly performe for him. But Sir att length I have accidently met with a legitimate excuse which will I hope satisfy your Honour, & preserve my own Creditt for I cannot after a fruitlesse search find any ‹loose› papers Concerning the formentioned subjects they being most Registred in long Paper books. And really Sir8 your Bounty & favour who were pleased to furnish mee with materialls I am so full of Employment that I have no leasure for speculation /fol. 74v/ much lesse for Transcription of impertinent discourses some of which cannot handsomely bee contained9 in lesse then 8 or 10 sheetes. I hope Sir to render you a better account how I improve my Time in the Interim I shall only acquaint your Honour what progresse I have hitherto made in Hermeticall Operations. I have made since your departure 6 or 8 pound Spirit of Verdegris and a good Quantity of Salt Tartar The morrow is designed for their conjunction. I have made 4 or 5 pounds of that which Glauber stiles his Sal Mirabileb I have made itt with oyle of 10 . [vitriol] & 4 or 5 other Salts & Consequently must have Store of Spiritt of Sea Salt, Nitre, Aqua Fortis Aqua Regia &c. Sir I acquainted you formerly that I had placed 2 Capacious glasse Boltheads in a Dunghill to Putrify but when I came to take them out in order to the making Spirit of Urine for the great menstruum & severall other purposes I found that they had been too long neglected insomuch that the11 Dung being fresh when I first put in my vessells the heat had broke the best of my glasses to fetters, & blown out the stopple of the other though exquisitely adapted to the orifice ‹(& wel luted)› which was the vent by which the Spiritt evapourated for when I came to examin I found itt contained so little spiritt thatt itt was not worth while to Destill itt; which unhappy accident hath necessitated mee to suspend some Operations to which otherwise I had some days since put a Period, but I suppose within a few days I shall bee well stored with Urinous Salts and Spiritts which will enable mee to prosecute my designs with renewed hopes of a desirable Successe. I rectified the Spiritt of Nitre according to your instructions, with part thereof I made neer lb ii [2 pounds] of your Menstruum peracutum and am furnisshing my selfe with refined gold in order to Triall & improvement of an experiment you formerly Communicated to mee & since to the world.c I am alla

Coxe presented an experiment of ‘changing gold into silver’ at the Society’s meeting of 13 June. See Birch, Royal Society, ii, 97, 99. b Coxe refers to Johann Rudolph Glauber, for whom see above, p. 62. His celebrated ‘sal mirabile’ (sodium sulphate) was later named ‘Glauber’s salt’. c Coxe refers to Boyle’s volatilisation and partial transmutation of gold, for which see Forms and Qualities, in Works, vol. 5, pp. 418–26, and Lawrence Principe, The Aspiring Adept: Robert Boyle and his Alchemical Quest (Princeton, 1998), pp. 196–7.

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ready accommodated by Mr Brattle with 5 or 3 vi [6 ounces] of exquisitely refined Silver whose colour may possibly bee meliorated before your returne for having by long experience found many Defects in Silver itts whole colour proving offensive to weak eys, being much handled itt sullies my hands and renders them as inidoneous to feel my ladies Pulse as after the handling of dirt or Coals itts Sounds is not so gratefull as that of the yellower mettall on which accounts itt is Condemned to have itts Texture altred;a But if I can bring no Colour into Dianas pallid Cadaverous Countenanceb I hope att least to superinduce on her some alteration which may requite my expence of money time & trowble.12 My Duty is prevalent over my Interest I am so tender of your Concerns that I had far rather deprive my selfe of the Content of enjoying your most desirable Company,13 then hazard the impairing your Health or obscuring that serenity, or disturbing that sweet composure of mind which usually attends you. In short Sir I account my selfe obliged to acquaint you that two days before your departure a Gentlewoman that lives ‹in› the next to Mr Corbetts was surprized with a slight indisposition the good weomen apprehended itt was a surfeit and followed her with such medicines as they thought appropriate:c the day you left Newington a little Tumour appeared in her groin which rendred her condition suspicious ‹itt› but being examined by an honest judicious Chirurgion14 (who During the late Calamitous times had been Conversant with the Infected) hee attested itt was not A plague Sore; Shee hath continued very well Ever since her swelling insensibly disappearing and they Tell mee is abroad.15 The town hath continued in ‹a› good condition ever since your departure, I cannot understand that there hath been any shaddow of danger except the preceeding Case. My Father & Mr Corbett present their humble service to your Honour which last16 expressed himselfe to be very sollicitous least this unhappy accident might retard your Returne.d /fol. 75/ This day I was so foolish as to mix a solution of lb ii [2 pounds] ‹Sal Armoniack›17 with lb iss [1½ pounds] oyle of vitriol & so Distilled them which afforded mee besides a good Quantity of a Spiritt ‹which› I fear18 will prove only Spirit of Common Salt though I hoped to have brought over all the Sal Armoniack into a liquid form but this is not the first time my Expectations have been frustrated; I had left in the retort above lb ii [2 pounds] of a Salt whiter then the Riphean Snow, with which I had allready designed to make numerous trialls.e I mett with many unhappy accidents during this Operation But nothing did so sensibly affect mee a

Coxe refers to Thomas Brattle, BA at Christ Church Oxford 1662. He was possibly Coxe’s laboratory assistant. b Coxe here alludes to the colour of silver and to attempts to add colour to it, i.e., to transmute it into ‘the yellower mettall’, gold. c Mr Corbett and his neighbour have not been traced. d Coxe’s father, Daniel Coxe sr, was also a physician. e ‘Riphean snow’ has not been identified.

180

COXE

to BOYLE, [c. June 1666]

as a displeasure inflicted by this malicious liquor on an ingenious gentleman who was pleased to favour mee with a visitt & crave some advice in order to Chimistry to which hee seemed very Propense;a who finding mee in my Laboratory out of which no friend can draw mee when I am once Engaged this Civill person being very officious would needs bee my assistant which hee was to my own & his Cost for holding the solution of Sal Armoniack whilest I poured in gradually the oyle of Vitriol a drop Chancing to light on his hand Glaubers humid Fire which was never intended to mischeife Christians did so relax the Tone of his muscles that letting go the glasse some of the liquor squattled over, but as good hap was wee Saved itt on our clothes which Ever since have worne the blew livery of Vitriol:b I19 immediately Cast a good quantity of Cold water on my clothes ‹to dilute the Spirit› advising him to do the like but hee slighted my advice assuring mee hee was Confident itt would rub out and so itt did within halfe an hower cloth and all his clothes being all over pinked as if itt had been purposely made so by some dextrous artificer. My freind was much surprized and I could not in some time persuade him that his body was not in as much danger of being perforated as his clothes had been. this Operation almost discouraged him from medling with Chimistry & hee acquainted mee very innocently that if Every Experiment in Chimistry proved so Chargeable hee should make but little progresse therin: But I cheered up his spiritts20 with an assurance that this was but a Contingent experiment, and if hee21 became more Cautious & Circumspect itt would not prove Anniversary [sic]. Sir I am very sensible that you expected more serious discourses from mee but I shall meritt your Pardon when I acquaint you that for these 6 Days I have been a recluse confined to my laboratory where I was never free from a crowd of businesse & cloud of smoke which hath so dosed mee that I am not fitt att present for22 Converse with a person who meritts all imaginable respect, and who hath an aversion to Leveities. give mee leave to assure you Sir that this is but the skum of my brain [exc]ited23 by immoderate labour & intermission of Convenient sleep [& div]ertisements24 Hereafter I shall entertain ‹your Honour› on Subjects more worthy your perusall in the Interim Sir I beseech you Continue to25 honour mee with your Affection assuring your selfe that itt is impossible to bee more then I am Sir Your most Affectionate most Humble & most Faithfull servant D: Coxe

a

This person has not been identified. Coxe uses the circumlocution ‘Glauber’s humid fire’ to refer to the corrosive oil of vitriol, for the power of which great claims were made by the chemist, Johann Rudolf Glauber (see above, p. 62); see J. R. Partington, History of Chemistry, 4 vols, (London, 1961–70), ii, 352. b

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Bee pleased Sir to have mee kindly remembred to Mr Mayer, & Mr Egertona These / For The Honourable / Robert Boyle Esq Seal: Oval. Lozenge: per fesse a pale charged in each of the first, third and fifth quarters with a trefoil.

LOWERb to BOYLE

6 July 1666c

From the Latin version printed in Richard Lower, Tractatus de corde (London, 1669), pp. 180–4. Reprinted with an English translation by K. J. Franklin in Gunther, Early Science in Oxford (above, p. 48), ix [unpaginated]. For the overlapping English text printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 353–8 (no. 20 for 17 December 1666), see Works, vol. 5, pp. xl, 540–3.

OXONII, Julii 6. 1666 ACcepi literas tuas, Honoratissime vir, & prout a me expetis, totam transfusionis methodum eodem, quo ipse ordine perfeci, tibi breviter exponam;d Itaque canis aut cujuscunque animalis sanguinem lubet in aliud seu ejusdem seu diversi generis transfundere, primò attollatur Arteria Cervicalis altera, eademque a nervo octavi paris separata ferè ad digiti longitudinem denudetur: Deinde pars ejusdem I have received your letter, Honoured Sir, and, in accordance with your request, I will briefly expound to you the whole technique of transfusion in the same order as that in which I performed it.d In a dog, then, or any other animal, whose blood you wish to transfuse into another animal of the same or of a different species, first lift up one Cervical Artery, free it from the nerve of the eighth pair, and clean its surface for about the distance of one a ‘Mr Mayer’ is evidently the same figure as the ‘Mr Maire’ referred to on p. 354, below, probably a servant of Boyle’s or an intermediary between Boyle and Herringman. It is possible that this was John Mayow (1640–79), physiologist and chemist, who is known to have assisted Boyle at this time; see Works, vol. 6, p. xv. Thomas Egerton (b. 1648) was later rector at Adstock in Buckinghamshire. It is possible that he was employed by Boyle, since a letter from Robert Sharrock of 2 Oct. 1666, refers to Egerton being in Boyle’s ‘service’; see below, p. 243. b For Richard Lower see above, p. 165n. c According to Frank, Harvey (above, p. 143), p. 334, n. 99, the date is 6 June, on the evidence of Lower’s Tractatus de corde, in which Lower says: ‘the Honourable Boyle’s letter was given to me on the 6th of the following June, and my reply was inserted next December in the Philosophical Transactions’ (p. 188). However, it is equally likely that the error is Lower’s or the compositor’s, in mistaking ‘July’ for ‘June’. d Lower does not in fact allude to Boyle’s letter of 26 June 1666 because in his letter of 3 Sept., Lower says that this letter was held at Mr Crosse’s house for 3 months before being sent on to him; see below, p. 217. The letter to which Lower refers is missing.

182

LOWER to BOYLE,

6 July 1666

superior cerebrum versus vinculo stringatur firmo arctoque utpote quod laxare iterum aut solvere per totum operationis processum non opus est. Mox inferius quà cor respicit, eidem vasi ad distantiam semidigiti a prædicto vinculo altera colligatio aptetur nodo ita solubili, ut pro datâ occasione, vinculum adducas cum velis aut remittas. Ligaturis ad hunc modum ex utrâque parte dispositis & spatio intermedio duobus filis sub arteriâ trajectis scalpello ipsa aperiatur & calamus incisuræ /p. 181/ cor versus inseratur, cujus exterius foramen ligneo bacillo obturandum est: Arteria autem, quà calamo incluso superjacet filis istis arctius circumductis firmiter vinciatur. In altero animali quod prioris sanguinem admittere oportet, denudanda est Venæ Jugularis portiuncula semidigiti longa, cujus utrique extremo adhibenda ligatura nodis utrinque ita connexis, ut ad libitum laxare possis aut constringere; quorum insterstitio bina quoque fila subter venam ducenda sunt, exinde factâ incisione, foramini duo Calami Inserendi, quorum alter truncum venæ descendentem spectans cruorem ex alio cane influum excipiat atque ad cor deferat; alter sursum versus cerebrum intrusus proprium hujusce Animalis sanguinem in scutellas effundat: Utrumque autem, non nisi ex occasione aperiendum, ligneo interim epistomio obturare oportet, & filis denique, ut supra, venam circumligare. Quo facto tandem ipsi canes in latus inclinati juxta se invicem quàm commode fieri potest ita deligentur, ut calamorum unum alter excipiat: Verùm quia /p. 182/ obtortis collis tam prope admoveri non possint, ideò præter extremos duos finger. Then ligature the upper, brainwards, portion firmly and tightly with a cord, as there is no need to loosen it again or to unfasten it during the whole course of the operation. Next, lower down towards the heart, apply a second ligature to the same vessel at half a finger’s distance from the aforesaid cord, using a slip-knot so that, as need arises, you can at will tighten or slacken the cord. When you have so placed your two ligatures in position, and have passed two strings under the artery in the intervening space, open the vessel with a scalpel and insert a quill into the incision in the direction of the heart. The external opening of the quill must be closed with a wooden rod. In addition pass the aforementioned strings closely round the portion of artery enclosing the quill and tie them tightly. In the second animal, which is to receive the blood of the first, clean a small part of the surface of the Jugular Vein about half a finger long, and apply a ligature at each end, knotting the cord in each case in such a way that you can loosen it or tighten it at will. Two strings again should be passed under the vein in the intervening space, and, when the incision is made, two quills are to be inserted into the opening. One of these is directed towards the trunk of the descending vena cava, and is to receive blood flowing in from the other dog; the second is pushed upwards towards the brain and is to discharge this Animal’s own blood into suitable vessels. Both quills must be closed meanwhile with wooden bungs and only opened as required. Finally, the vein must be ligatured with the strings, as described above. When you have done this you lay the dogs on their side and fasten them closely together as best you may to ensure the connexion of the two quills. But, as they cannot approach

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calamos, aliquot intermediis opus est, quibus & copulentur illi & sanguis transvehatur. Jamque rebus ad hanc rationem instructis atque apparatis, jam primùm aperiantur duo calami, nempe in hoc Animali is qui in venam ipsius Jugularem descendit; in altero qui prodit ex Arteriâ ejus Cervicali; inter quos postquàm alii, quot usus erit, interjecti sunt atque invicem coaptati, si in utroque laxentur Nodi, quos pro arbitrio Solubiles esse jussimus, sanguis illicò per calamos, non alitèr quàm per continuatam arteriam factâ veluti Anastomosi, impetuosiùs, transilit: Quamprimum igitur Animalis recipientis collum laqueo strinxeris, ut fieri solet in Phebotomiâ, aut saltem in oppositi cervicis latere venam digito compresseris, exempto protinùs obturacula aperiatur Calamus Jugularis superior, nimirum ut, sanguine alieno per Inferiorem irruente, proprius interim ex isto in patellas effluat (partitis tamen hoc vicibus atque interpolatim habitâ semper ευ’φορι΄ας & virium ratione) donec tandem /p. 183/ alter canis inter ejulatus, languores, & spasmos postremò animam cum vitali succo effuderit. Peractâ hâc Tragediâ, e Jugulari superstitis Animalis eximatur uterque calamus, nodisque, qui prius erant solubiles, jam firmius obnexis discindatur vena, id quod fieri potest nullo ferè Canis incommodo, eò quòd, Jugularium circa laryngem prælargâ existente ’αναστοµω΄σου, una earum sufficiat sanguini e capite deferendo. Discisso vase consuatur cutis, laxentur vincula, & permittatur cani prosilire thus near owing to the twist of the animals’ necks, some intermediate quills are necessary in addition to the two end ones, in order to join these latter together and to effect the transference of blood. On the completion of these preliminary arrangements, open the two quills for the first time, that is to say, in the one dog the quill passing down into its Jugular Vein, and in the other the quill coming from its Cervical Artery. Then insert in between as many extra quills as will be necessary and join them together; and now, if the knots, which we decided should be slip-knots, are loosened, the blood immediately passes quite rapidly through the quills, just as through an artery prolonged by anastomosis. Quickly tighten a noose round the neck of the receiving Animal, as in venesection, or at all events compress the vein on the opposite side of the neck with your finger, then take out the stopper and open the upper Jugular Quill, so that, while the foreign blood is flowing in throught the Lower Quill, the animal’s own blood flows out from the upper into suitable receptacles (this, however, with intervals of rest interposed, out of regard for the animal’s comfort and for the preservation of its strength) until at last the second animal, amid howls, faintings, and spasms, finally loses its life together with its vital fluid. When the tragedy is over, take both quills out of the jugular vein of the surviving animal, tie tightly the former slip-knots, and divide the vein. This can be done with practically no inconvenience to the Dog, inasmuch as there is a very abundant anastomosis of the jugulars round the larynx and one of them is, therefore, sufficient for the return of blood from the head. After the vessel has been divided, sew up the skin, slacken the cords binding the dog, and let it jump down from the table. It shakes itself a little, as though just aroused

184

LOWER to BOYLE,

6 July 1666

è mensà: Enimverò ille tanquam suscitatus e somno, concusso paululùm corpore, vivus valensque abit alterius sanguine alacrior forte & vegetior quàm suo. Unicum hoc insuper monendus es, Præstantissime vir, siquidem calami non ita strictè vasis alligari aut sibi invicem adaptari possent, quin ex animalium contentione laxari atque solvi denuò & sæpe contingat; ideò consultius duxi in posterum fistulis argenteis in hoc constructis omninò uti: Quæ ne a vasis, quibus inseruntur, rursus avelli possint, ideò in altero extremo, circulari aliquo annulo /p. 184/ eminente, & quò securiùs vasa desuper stringantur, eo duplici firmentur, qualem Tab. 7. fig. 1. exhibet.a Et quo minore Transfusionis incommodo, sive vasorum periculo

aut impedimento, præsertim ubi animalia variè se jactant & contorquent, res peragatur, uniendæ sunt per duas minores fistulas inserendas Arteriæ Cervicali ex equo vel bove exemptæ, quæ omnes ita conjunctæ sanguinem ab immittente ex Illâ, ad recipientem ab hâc parte fistulam convehant: Cujus Arteriæ intermediæ atque substitutæ hoc habemus amplius beneficium, quòd animalibus variè licet renitentibus obediat, tum quòd sanguinem in illâ contentum, si fortè stagnare contigerit, pro libitu propellere ulterius & urgere, vel pro re datâ prorsus supprimere poteris. Hæc scripsi quo fidem vestram Illustrissimæ Societati pro me datam libfrom sleep, and runs away lively and strong, more active and vigorous, perhaps, with the blood of its fellow than with its own. One further instruction I must give you, distinguished Sir. It was impossible to tie the quills sufficiently tightly in the vessels, or to join them to one another securely enough, to prevent them from frequently getting slack and loose again. I therefore concluded that it would be better in future to use silver tubes made for this purpose. These should be provided at one end with a projective ring, to prevent the possibility of their being torn out of the vessels into which they are inserted, and this ring is to be a double one to ensure safer tying of the vessels over the tubes. Such a ring is pictured in Plate 7, Fig. I.a And so that the experiment can be conducted with less difficulty in Transfusion, or danger of obstruction within the vessel, especially when the animals toss and twist about, they should be united by two smaller tubes which you must insert into a Cervical Artery taken from a horse or an ox, the complete series so joined carrying blood from the donor on one side to the recipient on the other. We have this further advantage from the substitution of an artery in between, that it yields to the struggles of the animals however varied they are, and also that you will be able, if by any chance the blood inside it clots, to push it onwards, should you so wish, or to stop its flow at once, if occasion arises. I have written this to fulfil the a

Taken from plate 7 of Lower’s Tractatus, (above, p. 175).

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erarem, atque amplius ut innotescat nullo studio aut officio tibi unquam defuturum Tui observantissimum Richardum Lower. Honoratissimo D[omino] D[octori] Roberto Boyle, tradantur Londini. pledge given by you on my behalf to the most illustrious Society, and, further, that you may know that you will never find me wanting in any good-will or duty towards you. Yours most respectfully, Richard Lower. To be delivered to The Honourable Dr Robert Boyle in London.

BEALE to BOYLE

13 July 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 124, pp. 159–66. Fol/2+1+1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 478–81 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 404–8.

1. Jul. 13. 66. Honourable Sir, I knowe no other shelter from the apprehension of our horrid warres, but only by a more serious diversion to Theology, & Philosophy;a That the neerer the horrors do approach us, the more attentively we may indulge thiese retirements; In which you have liberally conferd on me my best philosophicall enterteinements. For these I have a gratefull sense; but, since I am unable to make any returne in the like kind, be pleasd to permit me once more to trifle upon your Methodes. Of which I have yet somewhat to say to you; being encouraged, in that I do not discerne that you tooke any offence, when I soe lately used more boldnes towards you, then1 I durst adventure, towards any other persone, of what-ever complexion.

a Hostilities in the 2nd Anglo–Dutch war had broken out early in 1665; a major battle, the Four Days Fight, had occured in June 1666, and further engagements were to follow later in July.

186

BEALE

to BOYLE, 13 July 1666

Here I shall deliver my thoughts, in what order your Writings which are allready abroade, & those allso, which are by you intended for the public, should lye.a And first I must consider, that what you have done, will never be undertaken againe in the whole. Something perchance in time may be added to them; & much may be superstructed on them; & by parcells they will be recited, & applyed to other Methodes; To discourses of all sorts of mixed, & compounded bodyes; of vegetables; & of animals: But no man that hath reasonablenes, or strength enough to hold up in any credite or reputation for halfe an age, will ever attempt the same arguments againe. And therefore I doe earnestly sollicite, that you may see them published in such manner, as2 may be fitted best both for Libraryes, in which they may be præserved permanently; & allso for the most expedite manuall use, in readines at all times, & at hand both at home & for companions in our Travayles. For all which purposes (in my opinion) It were very convenient, That all the parcells were abroad in Quarto, & rather in thinner Tomes, than in thicker, & I humbly offer my reasons. 1. That bulke is not incongruous for Libraryes, & most men doe find it easyest, & handsomest for common use. 2 Such as have defective eyes; & those allso, who have the best, & most lasting Sight, being neyther poreblind, b nor cleare sighted, for greate distances, nor able to endure much light, nor yet much darkenes, cannot with ease use greate Folio’s; & are therefore constraind to cause the bookebinders to subdivide them into thin & light volumnes, that their hands may the better supporte them /p. 160/ To such approaches of their eyes, as may affoord the justest proportions of Light & shadowes, as best agrees with their sight. 3 In such thin Volumnes, & of that moderate bulke, (in quarto) every man may sorte them in a Methode more agreeable to his owne humour & concernements. 4 That Bulke is fittest for the Cutts, which should not be in folds, which are soone worne out, & are subject to many mischances: but should be in pages, as many as are necessary. 5 And we should have the more care of all accomodations, because of the greate difference betweene Experimentall Philosophy, & that which is loosely notionall. For such writings may be only skim’d over, as with the glance of the eye, & one reading may suffice for all: But thiese doe require a frequent & assiduous reviewe, & a kind in incubation, as for innumerable applications, for remoter discoveryes, & for seasonable inventions upon all imaginable occasions. And Certainely, if a meere liste of Experiments were only set downe in a naked, but full narrative, a small volumne might suggest for serious, & long Industry: since, every marginall reference might advertise of a fresh methode by union, parallell, graduation, a Beale reiterates his purpose, the ordering of Boyle’s writings, which was the concern of this letter and several others in the first half of 1666. He turns here to the ordering of works by Boyle already published b i.e., purblind.

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limitation, & thousands of other inferences, whereof some might prove of comprehensive & prægnant importances. And a liste of Experiments well chosen, will hold out against all times, as firmely, as any of Euclides propositions*. And nowe the Methode which I doe softly, & tenderly propose, is as followeth. 1 Usefullnes may be first, or laste, or both, It may be First, because in all practicall Tractates, The end should give the first encouragements & directions; And herein you have particularised, explicated, appropriated, & exemplifyed those fayre encouragements, & affectionate directions, which my Lord Bacon had in a wide & spacious generality Essayed, or conjecturally proposed.a And then the Usefullnes will hold on a good clayme to the laste Place, Or as long as, by our progresse in philosophy, wee may hope to rayse any accomodable Inventions. 2 Of the Physiologicall Essayes, The Introduction, & The Twoe Treatises of Unsuccessefullnesse, as præliminary to instruct the accuratenes of Experimentall Observations, & Specifics.b /p. 161/ 3 The Origin of Formes, & Qualityes, which if in Quarto, & in such a close print, as the Physiologicall Essayes, will make noe large separation betweene those Essayes ‹& the Essayes› of Heate & Flame, which should next succeede. For thiese ‹Physiologicall› Essayes doe fitly præface for much caution, & frequent examination of the ticklish operations of Fire.c 4 Heate, which is usually reputed the first of the Foure Primary Qualityes, & is the briskest Agent in all motions of Generation, Corruption, & Alteration; & Flame, which carryes the reputation of the First Element, as in motion, & upon the ‹aery› wing for ascent, doe deserve to lead the reste, whether Qualityes, or Elements, as they are called.d 5. Thermometers, & Cold, with the appendages doe3 clayme to succeede Heate, & to be put into the Sinister ballance to counterpoyse the swift motion of Heate. This in a second edition should be in Quarto, & the Additions inserted in their due places, Dr Merets discourse being united for a double testimony to some Particulars.e * Sir The Marginall remarke is to signify Howe you may make 100 experiments serve for 1000 uses, & escape all oppositions [This note is linked by a bracket to the section of text from ‘a naked, but full narrative’ to ‘any of Euclides’. For Euclid see above, p. 159n.]. a For Francis Bacon see above, p. 66n. The first ‘tome’ of Boyle’s Usefulness had appeared in 1663; see Works, vol. 3. b Beale itemises various of the components of Certain Physiological Essays (1661); see Works, vol. 2. c Forms and Qualities was published in octavo in 1666; see Works, vol. 5. The ‘Dialogues on Heat and Flame’ were announced at the end of Cold (1665), for which see Works, vol. 4, p. 517. See also Works, vol. 13, p. 261ff. d For the work to which Beale evidently refers, see previous note. e Beale refers to Christopher Merrett (1614–95), physician and F.R.S. His tract ‘An account of Freezing made in December and January, 1662’ was printed as an addendum to Cold (1665). In fact, a 2nd edition of Cold appeared only in 1683; it was a quarto, unlike the 1st edition.

188

BEALE

to BOYLE, 13 July 1666

6 Here should be Fluidity & Firmenesse as makeing up the foure primary Qualityes of old accompt, Not omitting the maine of the præface for the sollicitation of a good correspondence betweene the Corpuscularians, & chymists, & what else you have as appendage to the Experiments upon Salt Peter.a 7 Colour & Light may lead the Qualityes more especially attributed to the Senses, The ‹sight›4 being reputed the noblest sense, and Light a noble Nature.b 8 Here whatever else you shall publish Of Subordinate Formes, or of Secondary Qualityes, Eyther according to the Order of the Senses, or as otherwise you find the graduall Information, (whether manifest, or occult) better instructive.c But I should referre it, to your owne only judgement to place these. For who can better order them, than He that can soe fully discover their natures. The Peripatetics by their disagreeing & clouded notions of Mixtions, have put themselves into such confusions, that it gave Wendeline juste cause to say Quot Physicorum systematum sunt scriptores, tot ferè de ordine Qualitatum corporis naturalis sunt Sententiæ.d Some excluding all Qualityes from the generall affections of 5 bodyes naturall, therein following Aristotle in libris acroamaticis.e Others assuming Tangibles, Visibles, & Audibles, as the common /p. 162/ affections of naturall bodyes. & referring the objects of odor & guste to the mixeture of their 4 Elements, not to the Elements themselves, nor to the celestiall bodyes, say they. As far as I can dive into thiese matters, to me you seeme to have gone through the hardest parts allready, & to have cleared that way for the reste. For sounds doe succeede Colors; & odors sounds; Then Tasts; & laste of all Tangibles. And perchance the difficultyes, & intricacyes of their natures are more, or lesse, according to this Order; Sounds haveing a difficulty next to colors & the Tangible qualityes, which belong to the lowest, & dullest sense of Touch, (at least the remaining, & secondary order of them) being not hard to be explicated. For; since you have provided us a liquid & ample accompt of the 4 chiefe of Tangibles, Heate, Cold, Fluidity, Firmenes, We have hereby a good foundation to be better acquainted with that which they call6 hardnes or the strength ‹or stiffenes› of consistence, & with the contrary softnesse; with Lentor or Toughnes, & Friability; And then the Remaining Qualityes, Density & Rarity; Crassitude, & Tenuity; Aridity & Lubricity; Asperity, and Lævity, or smoothnesse, have in their notions noe abstrusenesse, their natures apparently consisting in the inequalityes, location, situation, adhæsion, firmenes, ‹or› contexture, of parts, as they are severed united, a

Beale here refers to two of the chief components of Certain Physiological Essays (1661). Colours had appeared in 1664. Boyle’s treatise on the mechanical origin of light remained unpublished; parts of it appear in Works, vol. 14, p. 3ff. c Boyle’s ‘Discourse of Subordinate Forms’ was omitted from the 1st edition of Forms and Qualities (1666), and appeared as part of the 2nd edition of 1667; see Works, vol. 5, pp. xxvii–xxix. d ‘As many as there are writers of systems of physics, so are there almost as many opinions on the order of the qualities of a natural body.’ This is a quotation from Marcus Frederick Wendelin’s Contemplationum physicarum sectiones tres (1648), a critique of Peripatetic philosophy. e Beale here alludes to Aristotle’s Physics. b

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mixed, or abated more, or lesse. But to find the operations which doe beget these Qualityes, or positions in severall mixetures, & which properly belong7 to our practicall philosophy, it will require a portion of your strength & Light to guide us in it. And if it shall please you to make some entrance in this place, To give us the proper motion, & vehicle, which carryes & embodyes, Sounds, Odors & Tastes, We should thinke it reasonable, that you referre many of the abstrusityes of thiese to the Argument of Sensation, which should followe after the accompt of Vegetation.a To give my reasone, Why I doe here place Heate, Cold, Fluidity, Firmenes, which are reputed Tangible Qualityes, before Color & other objects of the nobler Senses; & leave other Tangible Qualityes to be ranged after thiese, I shall say 1 I doe herein submit, & comply with the expectation of such as doe require an accompt of their foure Elements, before Qualityes.8 /p. 163/ For in thiese Tractates, as by you they are handled, Those Men may find more satisfaction concerning their Elements, than in all their volumnes of Notionall Philosophy. And in a due seasone, They will be shewed the emptines, & fruitelesnes of all former undertakeings in Philosophy. 2 Here was the fittest place, & the fullest arguments to refute their præjudices, & trifling conceites, concerning Sensible Qualityes, which are by demonstrations of reasone refuted in Your Origen of Formes, & Qualityes; & in the following Tractates more perticularly discharged, as by manifold demonstrations of Matter of Fact. 3dly, & chiefely; We have hereby a more regular opportunity to consider these Qualityes according to their true & reall natures, & the Motions of those particles by which the Senses are affected. And (to say it rudely & bluntly) no Sense is otherwise affected than by Touch; as the smarte of the eye, & the tearing of the eare, as well as the Haut Goustb ‹to the Nose & Pallate›9 does sometimes testify. Thus much for defence of the Methode, which I have proposed for the notion of Qualityes; but I doe more willingly referre it to your owne advise. 10 In the Tenth10 Place, We stand in greate Want of your explication of Gravity.c Of which I have not seene any Hypothesis, which accompts for all the Phænomena, which are obvious. This, if I can obtaine leysure from my importunate engagements in Theology, I may chance to represent to you more at large, as only to pointe out where I find the perplexityes.d To provoke you to this Taske, I will only11 intreate you to looke backe upon your Workes recited, And see in what coherence you have given us the first viewe, That ever Mankind had, of the Generall body of Physiology, all published allready, Excepting only the accompt of a Boyle was to deal with some of the topics that Beale mentions here (e.g., tastes and odours) though not others (e.g., sounds) in his Mechanical Origin of Qualities (1675), see Works, vol. 8. b i.e., high taste. c Boyle never published a work on this subject, and no such work survives among his papers. d It is not clear what these ‘importunate engagements’ were.

190

BEALE

to BOYLE, 13 July 1666

Secondary Qualityes, which are in your hands.a I may adde, That We have beene disciplined, & accustomed to looke for the Tractate of Gravity amongst the Qualityes. But I urge it more /p. 164/ especially, because it will unite & linke together many other of your most elaborate Workes, to the fore-mentioned. And perchance it is the very poise, which makes the ballance dance, or constraines the Motion in all naturall operations. And allso I conceive it may receive some considerable assistance, towards the discovery of it, from the Hydrostatics; Because the tendency, & agency, as well for Motion, as for Reste, (if there be any such thing, as reste in this world) & the cooperation, & the resistance of bodyes in their severall degrees of Gravity, may better be discerned in the more visible fluids, than in the air, which is invisible. And this poyse or Gravity seemes to me to lead us into many very large Enquiryes, both relating in Generall to the Whole Systeme of the World, & to many productions in Mixtures, & perchance may equally pertaine to the the Mechanicall, Corpuscularian, & Chymicall branches of Philosophy;12 & to ‹your discourse Of Magnetismes.›b 11 The Eleventh or next place is due to your Hydrostatics.c 12 Then your copious Physico-Mechanicall Experiments, which doe seeme to perambulate13 over the most spacious fields of nature, & to penetrate into her Recesses, & Labyrinthes.d And very happily hath the air, (which the Poets attributed ΄ e obtained to be The first greate body, to their proud Queen Juno Βοω ˆπις πο΄τνια ‘Ηρη or Elementary Masse, that is soe accurately examined by your Incomparable, & most Inquisitive Industry. And here your Adversaryes will have the honour to be Commemorated in your severall Vindications, and Appendages.f 13 After all your Physico-Mechanicalls, I should allotte this Remoter place to your Scepticall Chymiste, which others (I believe) would place next to the Origen of Formes: but I have allready renderd my Reasons, Why those Treatises should not be disjoynted, or interrupted;g And furthermore Those Chymicall principlles have not beene soe generally received in our public Schooles, & Universityes, Nor doe carry soe high estimation in current antiquityes, as may /p. 165/ clayme a Superiour place, than is here allowed them. a

See above p. 189. Boyle’s account of magnetism appeared as part of Mechanical Origin of Qualities (1675); see Works, vol. 8. c Hydrostatical Paradoxes was published in 1666; see Works, vol. 5. d A reference to Spring of the Air (1660), for which see Works, vol. 1. e ‘The ox-eyed goddess, Hera’, a Homeric allusion. f Beale refers to Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), philosopher and mathematician and the Jesuit Francis Linus (1595–1675). For these polemics see Stephen Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air Pump: Hobbes, Boyle and the Experimental Life (Princeton, 1985); for Boyle’s replies to Hobbes and Linus in his Defence and Examen of 1662 see Works, vol. 3. g For Sceptical Chymist (1661) see Works, vol. 2. b

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14. And hereunto may be adjoyned The Scepticall Naturaliste, or The accompt of the Imperfections of Naturall philosophy, as we yet have it. Allthough yourselfe will not only survive, but accomplish the Refutation of that discourse.a 15 And then you have a due place For improbable Truthes. 16. Our next care would be due to our Mother the Earth, Tellus Mater omnium, sayth Varro.b And here allso you are best able to give us directions to find out the changes, riches, & ferments of the Earth for fertility, & agriculture. And the Treasures of Mineralls & Medicines, that are lockt up, as Jewells, in the Rockes, or layd deepe in the bowells of the Earth; & good directions may be more then a guide on the way for all future discoveryes. I see rags, leather, mettalls, all things that are caste out upon the face of the Earth in time resolve to Earth, & then to invigorate liquids to aspire into all the flourishing beautyes of the fields, & gardens, This travayle of Spirits will bring us to the golden branch, which will be a Wand to secure our Walkes through the Elysian groves:c And this parte of beautifull philosophy is not neglected, but plentifully cultivated by many hands, & in a fayre progresse towards perfection in Time. ‹17.›14 And I have in my late letters mentioned to you a briefe MS, which I had from Mr Hartlib, De cognoscendis sine duce Herbis.d Probably it may be in your hands, & I wish you would take the trouble upon yourselfe to imploy some Well willer (a vacant Academican) to Translate it into English, & then to bestow it upon the public with a preface of your owne; & there you might find opportunityes, where you pleasd, to Exemplify what you have written of colors, & other qualityes in that Generall Physiology. And this ‹is› as the application of the Alphabet to Reading & Writing of Words & Sentences. Here, in a little, much, (& perchance enough) may be soone done. For though old philosophy wanderd far out of the way in /p. 166/ notions, yet when they descended to particulars, they did not doe Nothing. Here you can more closely discriminate Spirits, & Juices by their severall Indications; & call for the proper use of the Microscope to discover the contextures proper for severall kinds of Vegetation. But this you have done allready by Mr Hooke who can never get leave to take off his hand from that worke, if ingenuous men can prevayle with him.e

a Both this and the work referred to under Beale’s ‘15’ are included in Oldenburg’s list of Boyle’s unpublished works in Cold (1665), for which see Works, vol. 4, p. 517. ‘The Sceptical Naturalist’ was never published and only a few fragments exist. b Beale refers to Marcus Varro (116–27 BC), Roman scholar, and presumably to his Rustica rusticarum. Beale uses the quotation to allude to Boyle’s writings on petrifaction. See Works, vol. 13, pp. 388–9. Tellus Mater omnium, ‘earth, the mother of all things’. c In order to pass into the Underworld Aeneas must pluck the golden branch from its tree; see Aeneid, vi. d This manuscript, ‘On understanding plants without a guide’, is also mentioned in Beale to Boyle, 28 Apr. 1666, see above, p. 159. e The reference is to Hooke’s Micrographia (1665).

192

BEALE

to BOYLE, 13 July 1666

18. And this leads me to the Accompt of the Sensible Plant given by Dr Clarke & Mr Hooke And from thence by a graduall ascent from Vegetables by Zoophytes to be prepared fora 19 Your Two Essayes15 Concerning the Concealements & disguises of the Seedes of LiveingCreatures.b 20. And here if you in your way can teach us to apprehend Sensation, It will be more obliegeing than all That Aristotle, & many moderne Writers have Elaborated De Animalibus or de Piscibus, Though neyther the old Industry, or the later additions in thiese points be contemptible, but in their kind Admirable.c 21. But I had rather ‹see› the Anatome of animals by your instructions undertaken & published in Effigie with good cuts, Than all the16 out-sides alone.d Of this I have suggested something more particularly to Mr Oldenburgh, & intended for your eare by his favour & not for a trouble to your eyes: There I doe urge reasons, Why this worke should be begun upon Dogs, & to what speciall purposes.e Sir, Your first pardon begot all this confidence; & surely you will dive soe far into my bosome, & hearte, as to call it, The License of sincere Respecte, & affections. Only I can plead, That noe parte of this is contradictory to the Former. But as in the former I consulted for your owne ease; Soe here I sollicite mine owne, & universall accomodations, which seeme to make up but one trifling motion, That your Workes may be printed all in Quarto, as being a bulke more conducible to preserve them all entire safe, & for frequent use to Posterity. Neyther does this exclude, or discourage the finest prints for the pocket. Sir, I do allwayes pray for the best of blessings to encourage your greate example for a stronger influence in a dissolute age, & I present my most humble service to the Excellent Vicountesse Ranalagh & to her generous daughterf Sir your most affectionate servant Yeavell. Jul. 13. 1666.

J Beal.

Endorsed on p. 159 with modern crayon ‘124’ (altered from ‘144’). The manuscript contains printers’ marks. a In addition to Hooke, Beale probably refers to Timothy Clarke, for whom see above, p. 114n. Two figures of a ‘sensitive plant’ with no accompanying text appear in Hooke, Philosophical Experiments and Observations (London, 1726), p. 384; see also vol. 2, p. 340. b Another work referred to in Oldenburg’s list of Boyle’s writings in Cold but now lost; for references to it see Works, vol. 2, p. 109, vol. 10, p. 366. c This reference is at once to Aristotle’s zoological works and to such modern writers as Conrad Gesner (1516–65) and Ulisse Aldrovandi (1522–1605), both of whom wrote books entitled De Animalibus and De Piscibus. d Boyle never published such a work. e This letter from Beale to Oldenburg is apparently not extant. f Beale sends his greetings to Lady Ranelagh’s daughter, Frances Jones (b. 1639).

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3, 1666–7

30 July 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 125, pp. 167–70. Fol/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 482–3 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 408–10.

Sir I have neede to hasten thiese to deprecate for my laste unluckines. For nowe I apprehend, that I stumbled at the Threshold; which was a fit omen for one that puts his sickle into anothers harvest. Surely your Scepticall Chymist should immediately followe your first Introduction: And take up the Place which the Schooles doe give to their Tria principia, which doe hold us in thic darkenes for a large Tract of their Initiating Volumnes.a Here in many rich experiments you give a very substantiall accompt of the manifold guises of their first Matter, (perchance as far as really it can be represented, or pretended,) you examine all claymes to principles, or Elements of a fixt number, & give us a cleare viewe of Mistion, both in generall, & in leading particulars. & shewe us, Howe to search the Originalls of all Materialls to the utmost extent of their capacityes. And perchance to this you will thinke fit to adjoyne your Scepticall Naturaliste, which is not yet abroade:b And then to place your two discourses of Unsuccessefullnesse, because they warne us of an extraordinary accuratenesse necessary to distinguish some simples, of like resemblances; & of the strickt manner, & measure, & order of Operations.c After these difficultyes, & obstructions throughly by you noted, your Origen of Formes & Qualityes will breake foorth, with a more positive, explicite, & refreshing Splendor; & call on the reste to adde gradually more rayes, as by a continuall advancement with fresh examples, & further demonstrations.d Sir. I could not thanke you for your Staticall Baroscope in my laste. For I had not then seene it. But nowe I may take the blush upon my selfe, for that, although you had done it long before I did sollicite you for it, yet perchance you yielded to ‹the› imodesty of my importunity, in publishing it amongst fragments aparte:e Yet I thinke I may excuse my selfe, & defend your Condescensions, if in such leading & pregnant Inventions, you suffer /p. 168/ your selfe to be provoked both to scatter them by parcells, & do allso conserve them in the Maine body of your a

Beale here refers to the Paracelsian ‘principles’, salt, sulphur and mercury, though it is surprising that Beale associates them with the ‘schools’. b See above, p. 192n. c The two opening essays of Certain Physiological Essays (1661), for which see Works, vol. 2, p. 35ff. d Forms and Qualitites was published in 1666; see Works, vol. 5. e Beale refers to Boyle’s articles in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 181–5 (no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666), and 231–9 (no. 14 for 2 July 1666); see Works, vol. 5, pp. 504–7, 514–20.

194

BEALE

to BOYLE, 30 July 1666

full discourses. For by this time you have only begun philosophy to the world; But you are nowe concerned to carry the streame, And to overlooke what progresses others can attempt upon the aydes, that you have soe amply administerd. This Oeconomy we may learne from our most dangerous enemyes The Jesuites, who (by these little arts of dressing for the pocket in fine prints the grossest errors) can caste a miste to blind the eyes of many wise & subtile persons, & obstruct the brightest rayes of heavenly truthes. In a good cause we should trye the successe of the same Arts.a And truely I am confident, That by your Philosophy you have converted the very Jesuites to make some recompense for the destruction they have soe long made of Mankind; That by their universall commerce, incessant industry, & bottom[less]1 purses, we may receive usefull Intelligence, & experimentall Informations from all parts of the world. This comes into my minde more especially upon the reading of Phil Transactions Num. 14. pag. 249, the fifth paragraph Which begets in me the wish, & hope, that the Jesuites (who are said to have their Residence in China) would give us the Translations of their chiefe bookes (old & newe) of Simples, Herbs, Plants, Stones, Of Medicine, Chymistry &c.b For tis like they may signify some other things than ours doe, which followe uncertaine Traditions for the most parte. Some of them have oblieged us from America, & the like, or more they may doe from China, as your Example does guide, instruct, & entice them, in considerable Citations. Sir, After all this adventure, I must not be afrayd to tell you, That you owe us another clause upon your Staticall Baroscope. For here you escape Hobs, & Linus, & can excell yourselfe in calculating the weight, & ascent of the air, (& mixetures perchance) /p. 169/ at another certainety, than by the other way. c However, this is my strange way of begging pardon for my former faults. He must be a dull man that can forbeare it. Sir Tis allmost time that you should be altogether free from the manacles & fetters of stiffe Methodes, & should take the Liberty of The bee, To picke & choose (at your owne pleasure) from all the flowers of Paradyse. And you have allready not only formed the Cells sufficiently, but you have allso well filled them. But that is not a worke that is to be perfectedly compleated in this age or in this world. And therefore, since the whole is ‹unfeasible›,2 you have the more oblieged us, by conducting us through the most necessary, the most substantiall, & [the]3 most usefull a

Beale alludes to the Jesuits’ harnessing of natural philosophy to their enterprise. Beale refers to Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 249 (no. 14 for 2 July 1666), in which a description of the activities of Chinese physicians appears in a resumé of Melchisédec Thevenot’s Relations de divers voyages curieux (1664). c For Hobbes and Linus and Boyle’s response to their writings, see above, p. 191n. Boyle does appear to have followed Beale’s suggestion that he might add a sequel to his account of the statical baroscope, see above, p. 194n. b

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parte of it; such as affoord us the safest delight, & the kindest entertainement. And every man thinkes He could wish you more ease, & freedome, if once you had rid [your]4 hands of your owne papers. But I doubt their wishes would covenant for Impossibilityes; For ever floweing streames are ‹not›5 easily emptyed; And your additions may out run the speede of your Amanuenses. But I had rather stop your Course, than drive you on, because I wish you firme health, & long dayes. And to invite you to refresh yourselfe upon your owne Writings, which may both increase your Margins, & preserve you from a worse waste of time upon others Wandrings, I must conclude thiese with a Story. Jul Scaliger extolls Joh Suisset Calculator, (as he was denominated) for the sharpest, the profoundest, & the most elaborate writer, that ever the sun beheld.a And they say of him, that in the decay of his age, when he would have reviewed his owne Workes, he fell a weepeing excessively, because He was not able to understand, what himselfe had written. Sir, I do not threaten you this judgement. For you wrote light, & he wrote darkenes. But, if you doe not keepe your eye frequently /p. 170/ upon your owne margins, you may live to find the perfidiousnes of grey hayres6 which doe sometimes steale our owne labours & inventions out of our Memory. And who else will put you in minde of this? Sir I doe heartily pray for you, & the ever Honourable Viscountesse Ranalagh. Your most humble servant, Yeavell. Jul. 30. 66.

J Beal.

Sir Mr Glanvill wrote to me, That one Dr Harmar had a good Latine pen, & an easy inclination to translate into Latine your Origen of Formes &c Or Hydrostatics, or both; I know no more of the man, or of the Mater.b This I was desired to say to you. For the Honourable Roberte Boyle Esqr &c Seal: Wax remnant partly overlaid by paper. Endorsed on p. 170 by Miles ‘July 30th 1666’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No XXVI’. Also endorsed on p. 167 with ‘125’ (altered from ‘145’ in modern crayon).

a

This is a reference to Guilio Cesare Scaliger (1484–1558), physician and philosopher, and to Richard Swineshead (fl. 1340–50), fellow of Merton College Oxford. b For Joseph Glanvill see above, p. 131n. John Harmar (c. 1594–1670) was professor of Greek at Oxford University until about 1660. On this passage see Works, vol. 1, p. lxxi n.

196

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to BOYLE, 10 Aug. 1666

JOHN UNDERHILL to BOYLE 7 August 1666 This letter is recorded in Miles’s list (BP 36, fol. 161) as ‘Underhil John a Short Letter not go together [?] NW Aug. 7. 1666’ (the italicised words are in shorthand). This probably the colonist John Underhill (d. 1672) originally from Warwickshire, who was living in New York at this date.

BEALE to BOYLE

10 August 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 126, pp. 171–2. Fol/1. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 483–8 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 410–18.

Aug: 10. 66. Sir Least you should be deterd by the bulke of the annexed, I may premise thus much of recomendations The argument is noble, & both requires & highly deserves your own advise in the prosecution of it.a The recited Examples are beyond all that I have read or heard of, in any age; Yet we have beene in a manner eye witnesses to the Truth, Conduct, & effectuallnesse, some the most dangerous, others the most oblieging, all very instructive, & no lesse considerable. And you are personally, or (at least) affectionately concerned to make the application. I had presented it in a better hand (which had allso affoorded the opportunity of a more chastised style) if I durst admit an amanuensis to see my boldnesse, or to prye into the designes. And here I make promise, that I will give you no more troubles in these matters. Honourable Sir, Your most humble servant J Beal

Aug. 10. 66.

Sir If you thinke fit, Mr Oldenburgh can make the whole, or any parte more legible. Endorsed on p. 172 by Miles ‘August 10th 1666’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 27.’ (preceded by ‘XXIV’ deleted). a

The enclosure is printed below, pp. 198–210.

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ENCLOSED WITH PRECEDING LETTER: BEALE to BOYLE From the original in Early Letters OB 126, pp. 173–84.a Fol/2+2+2. Not previously printed.

Aug. 10. 66. Sir I do not forget that you have renderd sufficient reasons against the præsumptuous affectation of Methodes, & hasty Systemes; Yet we should allso take notice of your Concessions in your Proæmiall Essay pag. 5. & 6 That there is a Usefullnes & a Seasone for Systems.b And certainely when store off good materialls are collected, (be it of1 ciment, stone, timber, & mettalls.) It will have more usefullnesse, ornament, & strength, if skillfully Ordered into a fit building, than in a confused heape. Order gives facility, & Luster to every businesse. And this may plead for my laste officiousnesse. But nowe I have, with a like freedome, further to shewe you, That you have performd the hardest taskes in Philosophy, & yet you omit, & perchance neglect to reape for yourselfe, & to sollicite for others, the maine benefit & application: Or (to deliver my thoughts in a resemblance not altogether improper) you have found out the polar uses of the loadstone, & the assistances it offers for Navigation, but you have not applied it to discover the other world, & to fetch hither the sylver of Potozi, & the gold of Peru.c This my boldnes you will the better beare, if you can have patience to receive my explication; & then I hope I shall not moleste you in this kind any more.2 We do sometimes looke about us, & take a prospect upon the times paste, that from thence we may deduce a conjecture at the times to come. When we see what events have followed; What the causes; What conduct hath fayled; & what hath succeeded; We may thence take the more likely guidance for the present, & may be the better assured of the Future. Upon this Note, I will first call to Memory, That when I first enterd into Cambrige, The Ramists were in such greate esteeme, that we gave very high rates for such of them as began to be out of Printe. but within three or foure yeares they fell soe lowe in credite, That wee might buy them at the rate of tainted fish, or Irish beefe, shops full in Cambrige & Carte-loades in Sturbridge fayre, at 1d per pound.d This fell out without the sollicitation of any party or faction, or other con-

.

a Throughout this letter, Beale draws attention to particular passages by placing fists and brackets in the margin. We have here reproduced the fists, but have merely noted the presence of brackets in the textual notes. b A reference to Certaine Physiological Essays (1661); see Works, vol. 2, p. 12. c Potosi is in modern Bolivia; it was famed for the riches its mines produced. d The Ramists were followers of Peter Ramus (1515–72), a French philosopher and logician who taught a controversial, revised doctrine of Aristotelian logic which was very popular in early 17thcentury Cambridge. Stourbridge Fair received its charter in 1211 and was the main fair in England for hops and wool until 1855.

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cernement, meerely by the prævalence of solid truth, & reasonable discourses. This may shewe us, That some Truthes are of such worth in their native splendour, that they have no neede of other dowrie. And to this (for our present comforte) I may further adde, The infinite or3 /p. 174/ vaste difference of Luster, which this experimentall philosophy gives in all, (& those innumerable) branches of it; much more alluring than all former discoveryes, which indeede were but notionall, & phantasticall: Soone after, the same fate befell Calvinianisme in both our Universityes, & yet that claimd the Title of Holy Oracles; The uncontrollable Mystery;a It was defended by the flourish of Invincible Chayremen,* by swarmes of writers, & disputants, the noise of pulpits, all pretences of zeale, & the juncture of many forreigne, & nationall Correspondencyes. Yet in a shorte time theise painted oracles were reputed noe better than the horrid riddles of Sphynx, or grosser blasphemyes: And, as the Delphian Oracle at the first appearance of our Saviours Aurora, shrunke from his Tripodes, & stole to the cottages of triviall Witches;b Soe did this newe Doctrine deserte the Throne & Chayres of the Universityes upon the Restauration of better Antiquityes; & hide it selfe in the smoake, & smother of plebeian pulpits. If you permit me the boldnes of my reflections upon thiese two changes; Even in those my younger dayes, The4 Ramisticall dichotomyes seemed to me; like a Taylors sheares cutting all our best cloth into shreds, or rags; And the Calvinian Doctors, danceing in the circles of their nimble distinctions, were as ridiculous, as the Mayd Morrian & Hobby-horse in a Morrice dance. And, though these latter did put a countenance of gravity on it for a while, & masqued their riddles under a vizor of devotion, yet when they found, that the younger students (such as were scarsely graduated,) did by the aide of stronger arguments, & by the advantage of true, & authentique antiquityes, soe far excell the whifling Doctors in their Lectures & disputations, the elder ‹men› grewe pale at it, & the elder truth prevayled. I sawe those old & rotten standards, soe often fallen by the sharper hatchets of the youngest graduates; That it may direct, & admonish us, not to despise to furnish our younger, & swiftly growing Academicians, with the store of your well tryed weapons;5 And I am confident that those froward & disingenious Medlars, who doe resiste, & reproach the Light, would soone be convinced, that they fight against themselves, & all their owne senses, & doe7 pull out their owne eyes, as oft as their tongues doe wagge against your /p. 175/ experiments. Sir, Here I would softly insinuate into your eare, That we are not ripe for thiese

.

.

*

Collins, Prideux [Beale epistomises the Calvinist orthodoxy of the early 17th century by referring to the Regius professors of divinity respectively at Cambridge and Oxford, Samuel Collins (1576–1651) and John Prideaux (1578–1650).] a

Beale refers to the followers of the reformer Jean Calvin (1509–64). In classical times the Delphic oracle was the supreme oracle of Greece, presided over by Apollo. Beale portrays the effect on Delphi of the morning star (‘Aurora’), or the dawn of Christ, which ejected the oracle-givers from their altar (‘tripod’). b

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successes, nor can have juste ground of Expectations, till you shall please to drawe foorth your Experiments & Observations into Hypothesis, such as they doe fayrely beare, & unite them as far as they give mutuall strength, & light, & assistance. For though it7 be good to learne first to spell well; yet we ‹must› not leave off there, nor reste there too long. And I cannot discerne a reasone, why you should continue soe shye of advanceing to some Positivenes, after soe8 large a viewe of soe many Experiments, & such mature experience; And without a series of some propositions, & some systems it is impossible to carry a strong vogue in our Universityes; Who when they see the necessity of Experimentall demonstrations for their conquest (even in language & disputations,) will soone, & gladly exchange their impertinent volumnes, for Quadrants, Rulers, Alymbecs, your curious scales &c. And thus diligent stydents might be enabled both to understand something9 aright, & to doe something ‹And thus you drawe both the Universityes to your ayde.› My next note will pointe out the conduct, which never fayled, eyther of successe, or of dispatch. I have formerly hinted unto you, How the Roman Seminaryes, & especially the Jesuites, doe infatuate the world, as well by their shorte manualls, as by their endlesse10 volumnes; yea much more by their Breviaryes, than by their Tomes; by the grandeur of their volumnes they overwhelme or amaze them that have leysure to dwell in their Tents; but by their single11 sheetes they catch him that runneth by.a By theise12 they have an opportunity upon evry mans moments of leysure; These are the shorte daggers which stabbe to death in every corner of darkenesse. The shorter & more severed they are, the more are they like wedges to cleave the simple Protestant into slivers,13 according to the proverbe Divide et impera.b And every single darte pierceth deeper than a bundle, And thus every man may be singled out, & taken in his owne humour. And thus the chiefe artists amongst our Sectaryes (for they14 are sore wedges allso) could cleave us with their invisible darts. But I never sawe this Stratagem, or ambush more effectually managed, than by the Socinians, Who when their name was odious to all the world; Magistrates, & Ministers, & all men armed against them, & enraged, /p. 176/ When they might say, They had neyther holes, as foxes have, nor nests as birds, neyther Colledge, nor glebe, nor revennues, nor shelter, but a mere connivence for a time in Cracowe, & that allso meerely upon a designe of State,15 to quell some ecstatic Anti-Trinitarians by the Socinian more sober pretence to strickter reasone,c Yet in all these distresses, & exigencyes, by the fewe, or single sheetes of their briefe manualls, as with ponyards they fell upon all partyes, without noyse, vapour,16 challenge, or

.

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a

See above, pp. 187, 197. ‘divide and rule’. c Beale’s reference is to the followers of Faustus Socinus (1539–1604); Cracow was the centre of Socinianism in the late 16th century, but from 1627 they were the subject of persecution there. In putting words into the mouths of the Socinians, Beale alludes to the word of Jesus in Matthew 8, 20. b

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quarrell; They singled out the strongest, & most famous Jesuites, & as if they had learnt the Ovidian Verse, Medææ Medea forem, They charmd the Witch, & pursued them, & allmost undermined them in all their Covents:a I can looke on them only as a bee fastend on the nose of a beare, yet I cannot but esteeme them, as the only visible Agents, that in time may divide ‹the Jesuites›17 amongst themselves; for I see that all the subtilest Jesuites that I knowe, have taken up a dose of their18 infusions, even whilst they rayle openly at them; & I dare affirme, that they doe19 perplex them more, than all the Jansenists, which have the best of the old Romane pretences, soe many swarmes, Colledges, revenues, & partyes to backe them.b And we see they have layd their hot-irons in all parts of Germany, got many of the Remonstrants in the lowe Countreyes into their party, & there have their fayre printers, & learned Advocates, Antiquaryes, every thing. Certainely,20 I sawe, How the Socinian shreds escaped the most watchfull eye, & the severest search of the acute Archbishop Laud, & did at the same time creepe into the pockets, & bosomes of his most entrusted21 chaplaines, & (every where) of such Secretaryes of Estate, as had learning.c Of this I knowe more than wilbe easily believd. To leave this odious Example (and yet we should not disdeigne to learne of our sharpest enemyes) I can shewe it with more unblameable Luster in the successes of Erasmus, Whom I take to have written the most & the best that ever man wrote; yet allmost all were first sent abroade in very fewe sheetes, or small Enchiridions, & did infinite good all over the christian World, to allay the furyes of that age, & for the generall restauration of Literature, Considerable Antiquityes, & holy Truth.d To insiste on this instance more explicately, & more particularly, If Varro amongst the Gentiles, & Origen amongst /p. 177/22 Christians wrote more than Erasmus did,e Yet the Remaines of Erasmus amounted to Ten Tomes of large & full folios in a pretty close print, as himselfe collected them, or computed them eleven yeares before he dyed, besides that many of his best approved Compositions were lost by fraud or negligence, as himselfe then complained; And he sayes himselfe a ‘I would have been Medea to Medea’, a quotation from Heroides, vi. 153, by the Roman poet, Ovid (43 BC–AD 17 or 18). In mythology Medea was a priestess of Hecate, one of the goddesses associated with the Underworld. b The Jansenists were followers of Cornelius Jansen (1585–1638), bishop of Ypres in Flanders, who believed in the innate badness of the natural human will. c A reference to William Laud (1573–1645), Archbishop of Canterbury. ‘Estate’, i.e., ‘State’. For the influence of Socinianism in the Laudian church see Hugh Trevor-Roper, Catholics, Anglicans and Puritans (London, 1987) pp. 95–6, 207. d In his exemplification of the dissemination of the writings of Erasmus (c. 1469–1536), Beale refers to the ‘Enchiridion’, a small manual or handbook, as advantageous in its size and ease of printing. Erasmus himself employed the word in the title of one his texts, the Enchiridion militis christiani (1515). e For Varro see above, p. 192n., Origen (AD 186–253) was one of the Greek fathers of Christianity.

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had burnt such of his letters, as he could recover, which were then allmost two carte loades. Epistolarum tantum scripsimus, et hodie scribimus, ut oneri ferendo vix duo plaustra parta sint futura: Ipse multas casu nactus exussi, nam sensi servari a compluribus.a But a full Tome of his Letters have escaped,* & doe remaine a Monument not only of the glory due to that man, but allso of the glory due23 to the Princes & Potentates of that late age. For there we find it amply recorded, & specifyed, Howe freely & familiarly, & ingenuously this Man of plebeian birth, & of very slender fortunes, (as himselfe would have it,)b held for many yeares, even for ‹allmost›24 halfe an age, ‹as it were› weekely correspondence with all the Popes, Emperors, Kings, Cardinalls, Princes, Ministers of State, Minions of Fortune, & with all the Eminently learned, with such unbiassed syncerity, as if he scorned all Interests, & disdeigned to glance a smiling eye upon secular greatenesse. This man with greate judgement gave us the choicest of Græcian, & Romane Antiquityes for all the Ornaments, & uses of Philology, Morality, & true Theology: restored the best of the Gentiles, as well as of Christian fathers, to themselves; Recovering them from dust, wormes, & worse-defaceing-Scribes, into the Light of the fayrest impressions; & with his smarte apologyes, smileing reprehensions; & healing lashes, constraind all the nests of lazy Monckes as well as the swarmes of over-busy Sectaryes, to attend to a serious Reformation, aswell of Literature & manners, as of fayth, & notions. Wee see, Howe severely He instituted the Lives of Princes; disswaded their rash warres; rebuked the insolence of Prælates; detected the hypocrisy of Indulgencyes, fish devotion, & plundering beggery. Lastely we see, Howe stoutely on the one hand he confuted the fopperyes of the Romane friers, & on the other hand strangled the confidences of Luther, & his followers, His servum Arbitrium, effete fayth &c.c Sir He deserves our records, & elogyes for this peculiar remarke, That in all his immense volumnes he did not let fall one line25 in applause, or in defence of ‹those› Notionall Physico-Logics, which are nowe exterminated by the brightnes of your Experiments.d Neyther was it possible, that he could have done soe much, & soe *

His 11th Tome [see below, note a].

a ‘We have written so many letters, and are still writing, that at least two carts will be necessary to carry the weight. Having obtained many, I have burnt many of them, since many others have them.’ Beale is here probably referring to and quoting from Erasmus’s epistles, printed as Opus epistolarum (1529). The content of his quotations is largely derived from the prefaces written by Erasmus for the 1529 and 1536 editions of this work, in which Erasmus complains about lost letters, literary pillage, and the perils of others publishing one’s work without authorisation. The quotations are likely to come from these prefaces, but have not been identified. See also below, pp. 204, 206. b Biographical information about Erasmus’s family is dependent upon Erasmus’s own Compendium vitae, in which he wrote that his father was a priest and his own birth therefore illegitimate. c Beale praises Erasmus as a Christian humanist, and cites his criticism of Martin Luther in his Hyperaspistes diatribæ adversus servum arbitrium M. Lutheri (1526–7). d For Erasmus’s critical attitude towards scholasticism, see Lisa Jardine, Erasmus, Man of Letters (Princeton, 1993), chs 1, 4.

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well, if he had suffered himselfe to be seduced out of his way by that Ignis fatuus.a /p. 178/ And yet (more to our purpose) we may remarke, by what expedients he became soe voluminous, & by what conduct soe effectuall: Truely by flying all abroade in small parcells, allmost in single sheetes. And this was the only possible way to write, & publish soe much, & yet to live soe26 long. Yet his age was not greate, & that ‹was› interrupted, & contracted by the27 two horrid Tormentors, The goute, & the stone. Sir, If you cast your eye upon his owne Catalogues, eyther that which he collected at the request of Dr Botzheme Cal Feb. 1524 Or that which he sent to Hector Boætius the Scotchman, not long before his death, (He died Jun 11. 1536) you will there see, That generally a dozen or a score (sometimes halfe a hunderd of his printed bookes) make not soe much in bulke, as some one of your elaborate Volumnes;b Besides that his writings are for the most parte extracts, or spun out of the workings of his owne spirite, or descants upon others writings; yours are costely, laborious, & searching28 Experiments, all of fresh inventions. Here you may behold the ‹odde›29 cause Naudæusc had to enroll this voluminous man amongst them that have acquired the greatest splendor, & glory, by smallest Enchiridia; & gives him amongst others the Elogy of Cornelius Gallus: Nec minus est nobis per pauca volumina famæ, Quam quos nulla satis bibliotheca capit.d

He designed & sent out small parcells, & time & opportunityes made them large & many. The bigst of Erasmus his Volumnes are his adagges & his notes on the Newe Testament, And his Paraphrase as big as the former;e Yet thiese did abundantly obliege, & instruct, as they were first spreade all abroade in small parcells, The adagyes still encreasing as faste as the former editions were sold off. Erasmus personates an objection against himselfe, & provides you an answere, if hencefoorth you shall thinke fit to embrace his Example. a

‘will o’the wisp’. In 1523 Erasmus addressed to Johann von Botzheim (d. 1535), a Christian scholar, a catalogue of his works, which was enlarged in 1524. Hector Boece (c. 1465–1536) of Dundee became known as the first great Scottish historian. Boece met Erasmus when both were students and the friendship was renewed when Boece asked Erasmus for a list of his works in 1528. Erasmus responded with his last catalogue of his writings, ‘Index omnium lucubrationum’; see Peter G. Bietenholz, (ed.), Contemporaries of Erasmus: a Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, 3 vols (Toronto & London, 1985–7), i. c Beale evidently alludes to the great French scholar, Gabriel Naudé (1600–53), whose Avis pour dresser une bibliotheque appeared in 1627. d ‘We have acquired no less fame by our few volumes, than have those people whose works are so many that no library can hold in them full.’ A quotation from the elegiac poet, Cornelius Gallus (69–26 BC). e The Adagia of Erasmus were first printed in 1508 and went through 24 editions by 1643. In novum testamentum was printed in 1516. b

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Porro quod quereris exhauriri loculos, quod eundem librum cogaris identidem emere, ita rationem apud te ineas. Finge nunc primum prodiisse proverbiorum opus, ac me protinus ab opere vulgato mortem oppetiisse. Num futurum esset, ut te pæniteret impendii? – – Jam et illud mihi finge, me post annos aliquot reviviscere, simulque opus idem mecum renasci melius, ac locupletius, utrum deplorares dispendium, an simul et amico, et amici monumento gratulareris! Jam scio quid dicas, redivivo quidem gratularer, at non est quod fingis. Utrum igitur tu judicas felicius, a morte reviviscere, an non mori? Si gratulareris redivivo, multo magis gratulare30 /p. 179/ superstiti. Postremo, si postrema editio nihil habet novo pretio dignum liberum est non emere; si habet, lucrum est, non dispendium. Si prior editio fructum attulit tantilla pecunia dignum, et si posterior idem facit, nimirum auctus es gemino lucro, non mulctatus es damno. Imo quemadmodum31 ipsi hoc semper agimus, dum vivimus, ut nobis ipsis reddamur meliores, ita non prius desinemus nostras lucubrationes elimatiores, ac locupletiores reddere, quam desinemus vivere.a This is the least part of a juste & full answere. And he addes, Quanquam ipse jam dudum ingenue fassus sum, me hic indiligentiorem esse, quam par est, Sed interim alii meâ sententiâ gravius peccant, qui cum sint longe doctiores, superstitione quadam aut nihil edunt, aut sero.32b Sir This greate Example had the successe to prævayle against all the nationall factions in the christian world, to rowse up all the idle Friers, & to make way for ingenuous Literature & truth. And tis apparent, That all the good that the Jesuites have, they had it from Erasmus. ‹By›33 him they retained more ‹truth from› the a The ellipsis is Beale’s. ‘Furthermore, as to the fact that you complain that your purses are getting emptied because you are compelled to buy the same book again and again; you should be able to come up with a reason for this yourself. Now imagine that my first work on proverbs has been published, and that immediately after the publication of the work I happened to die. Surely it would not be the case that you would regret the expenditure that you have made to buy the book? … Now, then, imagine this other situation for me: that I come back to life after a few years have passed, and that the work is reborn at the same time as myself, in a better and fuller form. Would you, in this case, lament the unnecessary expense, or would you rejoice at the same time both in having your friend, and in having your friend’s [literary] monument? Now I know what you would say: that you would indeed rejoice if your friend came back to life, but that the circumstances that you are imagining do not actually exist. Would you therefore judge it to be more fortunate to come to life again after death, or not to have died in the first place? If you would rejoice that someone has come back to life, you should rejoice much more that the same person is still alive. ‘Finally, if the most recent edition of a book has nothing new enough to justify the price, you are free not to purchase it. If it does have something new enough to justify the price, then to purchase it is a gain, not an unnecessary expense. If the earlier edition brought you enough advantage to justify whatever small price was set for it, and if the later edition does the same, then indeed you have really been benefited by a double gain, not swindled into suffering a loss. And indeed, in as much as we ourselves always act in the same way, as long as we are alive – that is, we aim to make ourselves better for our own good – so then, we will not cease to make our published thoughts more polished and more complete, until we cease to live.’ b ‘Although I myself have for a long time now been honest enough to admit that I am more idle in this respect than one ought to be, nevertheless in the mean time those other people are, in my opinion, sinning even more seriously, who although they are a great deal more learned [than myself], either publish nothing at all, or publish it too late, as a result of some superstition or other’.

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Greeke fathers, & their Doctrines, than from the later Schoolemen, or from Austinea himselfe, or any of the later Romanes, or their many Orders: And the wisest, & learnedest of Protestants34 doe make the same acknoweledgements for themselves. ‹See his Hyperaspistæ.›b Nowe I crave leave to open the benefits of this kind of conduct & the reasons of the Successe, Applied promiscuously to all that is above sayd. 1 Tis the sweetest entertainement of life, & both a spur, & a refreshment to humane industry, if we give speedy vent to our freshest discoveryes, which will drive on the pen with a gratefull impetuosity, & it will somewhat regratify our spirits to see the speedy reception amongst the Ingenuous.35 2 Thus every piece becomes more perfect, as being examined in small parts; & a diamond is easier polished, than a rocke. 3 And thus allso tis made more perfect by the results taken upon all other judgements; & by graduall increases: The diamond thus growes more solid by the assiduous increase of distillations in such36 leysure as may best receive firmest induration from the ambient air, or penetrating steames. 4 Tis dangerous to health, nor can any mortall long hold out to fill up such large & elaborate volumnes, as you have allready published; Except he allowes himselfe fit intervalls; & forbeares, till he be carryed with the delight, & impulsion of his owne spirite. /p. 180/ 5 Such due rests do fill up the spirite, & makes it more prægnant for the sublimest, & most excellent inventions. 6 Tis impossible that we should keepe our Memoryes firme for our owne improvements, if by thiese strong impressions, renewalls, ruminations, & inculcations they should not be fortifyed. 7 Thus we may refresh our later dayes upon our younger delights, which Lord Bacon recounts amongst the speciall Helpes to Longævity.c 8 In all the Heapes of misguiding Libraryes you can scarse find any other diversion for your spirite, but wilbe confined to vent, renewe or complete your owne. You have only Des Cartes, Lord Bacons good wishes, some fewe honest chymists, & moderne discoveryes in Astronomy, Anatome &c What are all thiese, if compared with one St Austine for bulked 9 If in small volumnes; many would lay hold on the opportunityes, & could find leysure to translate them into the elegancyes of the Moderne languages, your selfe surviving to be the Judge & Umpire, whether truely, & faythfully translated, & to procure their emendations. a i.e., St Augustine (354–430), bishop of Hippo and philosopher. For the Jesuits see above, p. 200. b Beale alludes to Erasmus’s Hyperaspistes (above, p. 202). c For Francis Bacon see above, p. 66n. Bacon’s most extensive treatment of longevity appears in Historia vitae et mortis (1628), published in an English edition in 1638. d For René Descartes see above, p. 32n.; for St Augustine see above.

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10 Every man that plants Vines, or Olives, takes delight to see the yearely growth of his plantations. You have planted groves of olives & Vineyards in all climates. Can it displease you to see them prosper & flourish every where? & some of your owne fruite grattefully presented to you from all places, & their liquor in severall ferments.37 you would soone find a constant & perpetuall ‹recourse› of all Rivers to the Ocean. The returnes would outrun the Sun, & Moone. And this (as I told you at the beginning) is the due application of the loadstone for Potozi & Peru.38a Hence you will consult, which of your Workes that are published are fit to be enlarged, Which are compleated, & fit to be translated, not only into Latine, but in the chiefe Moderne languages, (at leaste of our neighbourhood) French, Italian, Germane, Spanish; Which of those under your hand are fittest to goe abroade in briefe Tracts.39 & in what order they should be conservd in your fuller Tomes. Sir After this tedious Induction, can you permit me to reviewe your Workes with some reflections to this purpose. The best of Romane Orators made use of one that was once his slave, To criticise & to methodize his volumnes.b And /p. 181/40 Erasmus made it his wish, Optarem mihi Tyronem quempiam fidum, qui hoc mihi vitâ defuncto præstet, quod ille suo Ciceroni.c Sir To you I offer it, (as he to his Master) That you may see the danger of trusting to anothers Ordering of your writings, & that you may consider the necessity of useing your owne judgement, whilst it is in your power. 141 Into the First Tome I would collect all your Devotionals, that are meerely such, as Seraphic Love; The Style of the holy Scriptures; Occasionall Meditations &c. Whatsoever your Sabbaticall Meditations42 doe produce.d But (to say truth) your philosophy, as far as it contemplates the Systeme, or frame of the World, as the Worke of Gods hand, & with purpose to give God the glory, is the office & Litourgy of the old Sabboth, & shall be of the Everlasting Sabboth; & agreeable to the song of the Angells, as some of the ancient fathers have called the 104th psalme. Tis our shame that43 we have soe many controversall bookes, & shallowe deductions, in44 the Protestant Churches, & soe fewe that are truely, & solidly framed to compose our spirits for devotion, & to allay our distempers, & to beget in us The Love of God, of our neighbours, a peaceable, contented, & quiet minde. 2. For the 2d Tome, your Usefullnes allready published is compleate & full

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a b

See above, p. 198. Cicero’s highly-educated slave, later freedman, who acted as his secretary, was Marcus Tullius

Tiro.

c ‘I would like someone trustworthy like Tiro, who once I die could continue, just as he did for Cicero.’ Again, Beale appears to be using Erasmus’s prefaces as the basis for this observation; see above, p. 202n. d Beale refers to all of Boyle’s religious publications up to the date of the letter; Boyle was not to produce any further meditations.

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enough, & very fit to antidote philosophers with the præliminary demostration, or acknoweledgement of the Architectonicall principle.a 3. The 2d part of the 2d section of Usefullnes, I hope & believe, will make up a Third Tome.b 4. The Proæmiall Essay, The Scepticall Chymiste. The Scepticall Naturaliste, The two Essayes of Unsuccessefullnesse, & the discourse of Improbable Truthes, doe seeme proper to be annexed for a Fourth Tome.c And of thiese, The Scepticall Naturaliste, & Improbable Truthes may ‹come abroade› in severall parcells aparte as to the purpose we have above sollicited, in small printe. 5 The Origen of Formes, & Qualityes, & the Historicall Dialogues, Concerning Heate, & Flame, if you shall please to specify freely /p. 182/ out [of]45 your owne processes, & collections, the severall operations of Heate upon severall objects, & and in severall degrees, & after severall admissions of air, or intervalls of time, & with applications of various kinds of Menstruums, will certainely compleate a Fifth Tome.d 6 Thermometers, History of Cold, Antiperistasis, & other appendages with the groweing additions will soone enlarge a Sixth Tome.e 7 The Essayes of Salt-Peter, Fluidity, & Firmenes, if you shall please to pursue their Adjuncts, Moysture, Petrification, & other kinds of Induration &c. may soone growe to a Seaventh Tome.f 8 History of Colors, & Light, will surely encrease upon your reviewe;g & I believe all the Ingenuous doe desire to see the reste of your Experiments on that argument, & the result of your judgement upon Mr Hookes Observations 9th. 10th. & 36th Microgr: & applied in some particulars to Vegetables,h That at leaste we may have some better accompt than of old, concerning the Verdure of grasse, & most leaves, The various beautyes of flowers, & the changes of fruite in the degrees of maturity, & in relation to smell, taste, or other Qualityes. And truely ‹(as I sayde above)› I cannot conceive Why you should scruple to publish positively a

The 1st ‘tome’ of Usefulness had been published in 1663; see Works, vol. 3. Usefulness, II, sect. 2, was published in 1671; see Works, vol. 6. c Beale here conflates components of Certaine Physiological Essays (1661) with some of the items in Oldenburg’s list of Boyle’s unpublished writings in Cold (1665). See Works, vol. 4, p. 517. d For this volume, Beale combines Forms and Qualities (1666) with Boyle’s unpublished ‘Dialogue on Heat and Flame’, announced in Oldenburg’s list, for which see above, p. 188n. e i.e., the various components of Cold (1665), though here, as elsewhere, Beale hoped for additions to them. f A combination of key components of Certaine Physiological Essays (1661) with unpublished – or hypothetical – writings by Boyle. g i.e., Colours (1664) for which see Works, vol. 4. For Boyle’s writings on light see Works, vol. 13, p. 3ff. h Hooke’s Micrographia was published in 1665. The observations in question are, IX ‘Of the Colours observable in Muscovy Glass, and other thin bodies’ (pp. 47–67), Observation X, ‘Of Metalline, and other real colours’ (pp. 67–79), and Observation XXXVI, ‘Of Peacocks, Ducks, and other Feathers of changeable colours’ (pp. 167–9). b

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your owne apprehensions of the nature & causes of Light, & ‹of› all colors, simple, compound, & decompounded.a And tis pitty, since you have gone soe far in the Maine worke, but that all that pertaines to Vision, should lye together in one body by your choice & Collections. This for the 8th Tome.46 9 Your Ninth Tome may take in Whatsoever you shall please to conferre more upon us, Concerning subordinate Formes, Sounds, Odors, &c Or other deductions from the figure, size, Texture, motion, reste, weight, or state or affections of Matter in generall, or in peculiar47 mixetures, & your Notes about occult Qualityes.b Here you have a fayre field to appeare abroade in many small parcells; some of them takeing up but a weeke, a fortenight, or a moneth of your Time; & you knowe there are twelve monethes in a yeare for your encouragement. 10 The Spring of the air, and against Hobs, & Hall make the Tenth Tome.48c /p. 183/ 11. Hydrostaticall paradoxes, & the appendix Physico-Mechanicall make the ‹Eleventh›49 Tome.d 12 What directions you shall give us Concerning Minerall Earthes, Composts, or Impregnating Earthes, or Salts, Concerning Vegetables Sensation, Nutrition, or other Animal facultyes. Anatomyes, Howe much they may increase, I must leave it in the hands of God & to Time, & your Opportunityes. But here againe is a threefold Field, or rather paradyse, for your entertainement50 in ‹every› broken moneth, & for small parcells; And this51 may call to your remembrance the52 disguises of seedes of liveing Creatures. &ce 13 Your Pandects, or promiscuous Experiments doe seeme to promise a larger bulke than any of the other. And I would earnestly disswade from publishing more than a Century at a Time; for all the reasons above renderd, & more especially for the immense extent of the importance of a small number of those collections in the severity of your choice; & they may easily overwhelme an ordinary Industry, & confound Memory. Then these are in your Thoughts I hope you will sometimes caste your eye upon Lord Bacons Novum Organum, & give him some ayde for his kindnesse & sollicitute. By thirty of your experiments, you may lifte his head above the waters, & save him from the Lethean lake, as the Poets call it.53f

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a

See above, p. 189n. Boyle did not in fact publish this material. Boyle’s notes on occult qualities were published in M. B. Hall, ‘Boyle’s Method of Work’ (above, p. 105). c i.e., Spring of the Air (1660) and Defence and Examen (1662). For Boyle’s responses to the attacks on Spring of the Air by Thomas Hobbes and Francis Linus see Works, vols 1 and 3. d Beale refers to Hydrostatical Paradoxes (1666) and Spring. 1st Continuation (1669) for which see Works, vols 5 and 6. e For this unpublished work see above, p. 193. f Beale discusses this same topic – the organisation of Boyle’s miscellaneous experiments (Pandects) above, p. 139. As in the earlier letter, Beale provides an analogy in the work of Francis Bacon; in this case he cites the Novum organum (1620) and implies the unrealised promise of some of Bacon’s scientific writings. In mythology the Lethean lake was the lake of sleep and stupor in the Underworld. b

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with BEALE to BOYLE, 10 Aug. 1666

14. The fourteenth54 Tome waytes for your Arcana.a 15 And I may put you in minde to collect, & preserve such of your letters, as doe direct, & sollicite philosophy. For upon such records they will doe the same worke, every where, over & over, & in following ages. Tis indeed fit to be a posthume worke, but it requires55 your serious care in your life time, as we see by the sad examples of the greate wrong done to excellent persons, by after handling, as Scaliger, & Lord Bacon amongst many others, may justely complaine;b your owne Amanuensis, & your owne directions, are the best conservatoryes /p. 184/ of thiese. And you may then expunge & enlarge, as you see it of publique conducement. But where are Sir William Pettyes duplicates?c I may nowe presse on my particular requests. 1 Be pleasd to correct these my faults by directing your Amanuenses to reduce your Workes into such Order, as your selfe can approve. For upon the frequent viewe of them, you will find much more of refreshment, & encouragement, ‹in›56 what you have accomplished, than cumber of Taskes in your way. 2 You knowe them that can well Translate your Scepticall Chymiste, & such like into the Germane tongue; & some of your Tracts into good French; & there are store that will cloath them in Elegant Italian, & there is much more then men are aware of ‹in it› To have our Light, & Instructions57 in the Ornament of our native language.d 3 Whilst I write this, I receive your Frigorific Experiment Num: 15. which puts me to the poets answere Qui monet ut facias.e That Experiment, & your Staticall Baroscope of Num: 14. & the Heads for the Naturall history Num: 11. doe very well deserve to be enlargd for peculiar Treatises, For they are leading & prægnant.f And though I thinke we are nowe sure & safe of a perpetuall progresse in this philosophy, yet the dispatch of it is our Comforte, & these shorte Essayes, doe bring a quicke returne; & awaken our owne Countreymen, & our Universityes the more58

.

.

a

It is unclear what Beale meant by this. A reference to Joseph Julius Scaliger (1540–603), classical scholar and son of Giulio Cesare Scaliger (see above, p. 196). Beale may conceivably refer to Scaligerana, a compilation of extracts from Scaliger’s writings published at The Hague in 1666. With reference to Bacon, Beale may be alluding to the editorship of Bacon’s chaplain William Rawley, who published a large amount of Bacon’s writing after his death, some of it unfinished, and therefore potentially harmful to Bacon’s reputation. In the context of Beale’s reliance on the example of Erasmus’s works in this letter, it is relevant to note that in the preface to Opus epistolarum (1536), Erasmus complains of the discredit to an author when ‘nonsense’ is printed which the author did not intend for the public eye. c Beale refers to Sir William Petty (1623–87), scientist and surveyor, founding member of the Royal Society. For Petty’s authorial practices see Frances Harris, ‘Ireland as a Laboratory’, in Michael Hunter (ed.), Archives of the Scientific Revolution (Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 73–90. d In fact, although many of Boyle’s works were translated into Latin, few were translated into modern European languages; see J. F. Fulton, Bibliography of Boyle (2nd edn, Oxford, 1961). e ‘who advises what you should do’. Beale cites Ovid, Tristia, V. 14. 45. f Beale refers to 3 reports in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666) (no. 15 for 18 July 1666, no. 14 for 2 July 1666 and no. 11 for 2 Apr. 1666). For Boyle’s work printed in these numbers see Works, vol. 5, pp. 508–11, 514–26. b

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rowesingly, when by the benefit of Translations the Eccho of reputation comes from the most famous of forreigners; which is the only remedy against Envy, whose blac tooth spares none of the liveing, till they are turned to ashes. And this I accompt the most pertinent Elogy, that I can rayse for the Reputation of the Royall Society, & chiefely for your Laboriousnes, That you have given an enforceing example, & a spirite to the very Jesuites to obliege Mankind; & have found & sollicited Noble Enterprises, such as may become their innumerable Society, their universall Commerce, & may ingage their inexhaustible Treasures; To find out the true Longitudes, to correct all Maps of Topography, To make the World better acquainted with the Heavens, stars, & planets; with all Minerals, Terrestriall concrets, simples, Vegetables, &c. The Socinian frets their consciences (in such as have consciences) inwardly;a & you call them out to shewe their fayth by their workes. Hoc age.b Sir you knowe the hand, I wish you could reade it, and my hearte in it. JB The MS contains printers’ marks.

SAMUEL COLEPRESSEc to BOYLE

28 August 1666

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 573. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 546.

Underwoode, near Plymouth, Aug. 28, 1666. Much honoured Sir, MY occasions not permitting me, till yesterday, to view the cave mentioned some time since by his majesty to you, I humbly offer this imperfect account of it, having not as yet the conveniency of seeing what the earl of Bath hath secured in his closet in the Fort Royald (in which this place is) which I guess, by hearsay, to be not much other than great isicles.e The cavity I conceive to be natural, lying on the edge of a clift towards the south, though there are many loose uneven pieces within it: it is generally above and beneath uneven, shooting itself into many cranies: the a

For Socinus and his followers see above, p. 200n. ‘do this’. c Samuel Colepresse (d. 1669), medical student and virtuoso, whose home was near Plymouth. d Colepresse probably refers to what is now known as the Royal Citadel, overlooking Plymouth harbour. e Colepresse refers to one of the many sea-caves in the cliffs of Plymouth Hoe; and to John Grenville (1628–1701), 1st Earl of Bath, and Governor of Plymouth at this time. b

210

COXE

to [BOYLE], [c. Aug. 1666]

top, or roof, is about five or six feet deep from the superficies of the earth; its height is about sixteen feet, and fifteen feet square, besides the nooks. The marble, or rock, of itself is of colour a dark blue, but hath a coat, or crust of darkish yellow, which is the descending water (though a rocky, dry, and barren place over) there firmly petrified. Isicles, some of a very great compass and length, others less, were in it, but now it is left naked: but that, which caused my admiration most, was (what had escaped others, as the diggers told me, having otherwise no different matter from other caves of the like nature) viz. certain veins of a very soft matter, which being pressed, but gently, though in the hand, yields two parts in three of water. I cannot demonstrate it better, than by curds and whey, it being exceeding white, though othersome partaking more or less of a red, which colours our country marble; by which I labour to satisfy myself of the degrees of natural petrification, which I as yet never heard any to discourse of, so I could never meet with a more apt and certain demonstration, which I perceived a little in the isicles. This place, though natural, from many imperfect relations conjoined I gather to have been opened before; finding great bones (supposed of horses) in the entrance into it: and, as it hath been Æolus’s palace a long time, it is now to be dedicated to Bacchus, being intended for a wine-cellar. Sir, if any of these curds be worth a securing, on the least intimation from you, I shall double my intended quantity, which will be speedily, or not at all, they daily endeavouring to bring it to a better form. Noble Sir, you see into what depth of presumption I have plunged myself, that I might comply with your desires, humbly imploring the favour to be esteemed. Your honour’s most humble, and most obedient servant, SAM. COLEPRESSE. SIR, have some other things, (seeming rarities to me) which I now forbear, fearing I prove tedious in this: but of them hereafter, if my mouth prevent not my pen. I have begun my collection of minerals for you already; neither doth Sir William Strode forget the loadstones.a

COXE to [BOYLE]

[c. August 1666]

From the original in BL 2, fols 72–3. Fol/2. Not previously printed. a This is a reference to Sir William Strode, Colepresse’s patron, and probably the son of the famous Parliamentarian Sir William Strode (1599–1645).

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3, 1666–7

Sir I have att length reassumed the Commerce which hath hitherto been Suspended by my Expectation of your returne into these parts any Time these three weeks; But despairing to obtaine that happinisse so soon as I could desire, in the Interim I account my selfe obliged to crave news of your Health and welfare, and in obeissance to your commands render your Honour an account what my imployments have been since your departure.a And here I must necessarily acknowledge that I have mett with numerous Interruptions of my1 designs, Sinister accidents, & unpleasing divertisements frequently forcing mee to deny my selfe the Content of prosecuting Chimistry with my wonted Alacrity, and Industry. But nothing hath proved more injurious to mee then my own carelessenesse, Or the mischeivous influences of some malicious Genius; Which often recalls to my mind those discourses wherewith you have sometimes Entertained mee on this Subject, Indeed I then apprehended they were spoken in raillery, But strang Successes, & Unhappy Frustrations both alike improbable, and Unexpected, dispose mee to beleive that they were intended as seriously as they are now received. One of the first preparations which I compleated was your Venereall Alcalisate Menstruum.b I fear I shall bee tedious in ‹entertaining›2 you with the Circumstances of a Processe wherewith you are all ready well acquainted but itt proving instructive to mee in reference to Morality & Philosophy possibly your Honour may meet with something therin which may Excite your laughter and Pitty, although in mee they created very differing Passions, Occasioning my Astonishment, Greif, & Even what I thought my selfe scarce capable of Indignation. I know not whither you will excuse my Transports howsoever I am apt to acquitt my selfe when I Consider the greatnesse of my losse which was above a Pound of my Unspecificated Analyzer. For having prepared itt according to your Instructions although itt was allready Enobled with a Considerable degree of whitenesse yet in Order to itts further Purification I must needs redissolve itt in Ætheriall Spiritus Vini apprehending that itt might bee still clog’d with some earthy parts or other Feculencies from which being freed itt would bee more active & Penetrating.3 This work of Supererogation Cost me Dear for being about to place itt in a sand furnace a seemingly materiall Phantasme enervated my arm & dash’d the glasse against a Contiguous solid body the result of which sinister accident was the breaking of the4 vessell the losse of my liquor & Consequently of my hopes: I could have been almost content to have redeem’d itt with the losse of so much blood, which would have been sooner repaired then that of my Menstruum.5 I thought to have transcribed some Considerable Processes out of my Diary but the hopes of your speedy returne (which I a

Boyle had been staying at Leese Priory, the home of his sister Mary, since late May or early June. For evidence that Boyle may have taken lodgings in Stoke Newington, where Coxe lived, in the spring of 1666 see above, p. 70–1. b Boyle’s recipe for this menstruum has not been further identified.

212

COXE

to [BOYLE], [c. Aug. 1666]

must cherish as my life till I am Commanded to despair thereof) occasions my deferring to render you an account of what I have hitherto performed; And besides some of them are of that Consequence that not having agreed on a Character I dare not trust them in an Intelligible language least they should bee intercepted which might bee much to our prejudice I shall therfore deny my selfe & perhaps your Honour that content till I bee so happy as ‹to› Animate them by personall expression which I hope will bee suddainly. /fol. 72v/ Sir the ill presages wherewith I was molested some days preceeding your departure were not only the Product of a Superstitious6 groundlesse Fear, or Sollicitous Love, but appears now to ‹have› been the whispers of some of those Officious Seperate Spiritts that daigne to Converse with Inferiour mortalls who foreseing how many Remoras you were like to meet with att Leeze suggested that without the associated Endeavours of your Friends & Relations in these Quarters, in Conjunction with a Firme & irresistible Conatusa on your own part you were like to grow old in the Embraces of those fair & vertuous ladies who have so great an ascendent7 over you.b I Question not Sir but those excellent persons may meritt your company but on the other side your obligations to returne to the beloved Sophronia, the Exigency of your Philosophical Affairs, & your Promises to inferiour freinds together methinks should bee so potent Attractives that I feare some Extraordinary, and perhaps illegitimate Artifices are imployed to detaine you, & possibly your determinations are Undermined by Fraud & force.c I beseech you Sir give mee leave to enquire what itt can bee which disposes you to depart from a resolution which I hoped would have proved invincible, for I am Confident the most formidable objections might bee Combated with Successe. Sir is itt your Relations intreaties that prevaile on you to make Leeze the place of your Residence. Bee pleased Sir to Consider That the Excellent though absent Sophronia is also related to you and that more neerly by Embelisments [sic] of mind & Congruity of Disposition than bloud: And certainly hath so highly endeared her selfe to you not only as answering your Love with reciprocall Affection, but that Affection hath perhaps as much transcended yours as a passionate Love exceeds that which men who put a vallue even on their defects to excuse their lukewarmnesse stile a Rationall. It is not I suppose the Salubrity of the Aer that retains you, having formerly intimated to mee that in the Spring and Autumne Leeze is suspected to bee none of the most healthfull mansions: Now itts true according to our Ordinary Computation Autumne is not begun, but those of us that have more nice & criticall methods of Examining the nature of Times & Seasons then the Vulgar grosse ones can ascertain your Honour that itt is att least imminent. for Dr Sydenham assures mee hee is necessitated to Leave of by degrees his method of curing Vernall8 Feavours by a b c

‘exertion’. For comparable comments concerning Leese see above, p. 164. Boyle’s ‘Sophronia’ was his sister Lady Ranelagh; see Works, vol. 5, p. 5.

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3, 1666–7

Phlebotomy which hee now dares scarce celebrate; wheras if they had not put on the Indoles of Autumnall feavours a plentifull Evacuation of blood would rather releive then prove prejudiciall to the Patient.9a Therfore Sir, I beseech you Consult your own health & Welfare you are not unacquainted how infamous Essex is for agues, & if that affronter of Phisitians should surprize you, You might languish a long Quarantaine before itt would allow you the free disposall of yourselfe: Wheras on the Contrary wee have in these parts (by the goodnesse of God) in the Phisitians account a glutt of health who greivously complain for want of trading, as do also the bearers & nurses who who were conversant with the Infected who most ardently desire the Returne of those happy days wherein those of them that were Composed of indomitable particles made their marketts being masters of mens bodies & purses which is as much as the most Covetous ambitious & malicious amongst mortalls could desire.b But that goodness which10 others admire & adore is detested by them as having put a period to their detestable ravages. /fol. 73/ And really Sir I have some Reason to beleive that London will prove as secure a place in reference to the Infection as most parts of England, & if I am not misinformed some of your neighb’ring townes are overun with that most formidable amongst distempers which perhaps when all my Arguments prove invalid will dispose you to a returne, &11 your Honourable Relations to change the Place of their residence. Indeed your judicious pious sister hath taken a good method in order to her security for in my apprehension if any may plead exemption tis such who own religion in their Profession & Practice, whose houses are sanctuaries for the distressed servants of God. who although accounted by prejudiced persons the Oft scouring of 12 the Earth Enimies to the Persons discourse & the places in which the [sic] make their abode; yet to those who have a right Use of their Reason, & but an indifferent measure of Divine Sagacity, their presence & Effectuall Fervent prayers are recconed amongst the best preservatives against particular & national judgements and for my own part although I absolutely disown being of any party or Faction yet unlesse I will blind my Eys I cannot but bee sensible that many amongst those that are discountenanced & disowned by the Civill & Ecclesiaticall Powers never merited the Hard Fate, And those almost insupportable burthens13 they groan under. And notwithstanding some faylings to which humane frailty exposes them as well as the rest of Mankind which might give occasion of specious pretences to their Adversaries who industriously watch for their miscarriages; Notwithstanding this I am Confident they are as sincere pious, peaceable14 & disinterested a sect of person as live on Earth & such as Endeavour the Propagation of the Christian religion more then (what they are scandalised with) the carrying a The reference is to Thomas Sydenham (1624–89), physician, author, and Boyle’s London neighbour. b Coxe alludes to the plague in London.

214

COXE

to [BOYLE], [c. Aug. 1666]

on clandestinely of worldly sinister designs in order to their own private Advantage though to the prejudice of the Publike. But alas Sir how have I decoyd selfe, having insensibly furnished you with a plausible Argument Contrary to my intention I shall therfore Proceed to examin whither you have any other legitimate excuses. Are you more free for Physiologicall Speculations & Experiments then you can bee att Newington? I question not but that Excellent Lady who invited so earnestly & entertaines15 you so Cordially, That shee may the longer enjoy your Company Exercises all imaginable care to secure you a dayly Retreat Knowing you are nunquam minus Solus quam cum Solus.a But Sir are you not a Recluse when you please att Newington which hath but one disadvantage of Leeze but numerous advantages indeed att this latter you are not disturbed with that impertinent person who disturbed your rest, Usurped your Liberty, & would suffer you to have no leasure, whose fond Affection hath perhaps been more trowblesome to you then the hatred of an Enimy if this bee that which deterrs you from revisiting Newington assure your selfe that this obstacle shall be speedily removed; & I promise you in the name of that Unfortunate person that you shall bee as seldome troubled with his importunate Company as you can desire. And now I beseech your Honour16 make some reflection on the Advantages Newington hath over Leese17 You ‹Intimated› in one of the letters wherewith you were pleased to favour mee that one who is addicted to experimentall philosophy is as far from performing great matters without a Laboratory as a Lutenist is from creating Harmony without his Instrument. now I suppose you have neither Laboratory Or Operatory att Leeze. And besides18 by Reason of Our Vicinity to London wee can readily accommodate our selves with all materialls requisite for Physiologicall reserches & att pleasure Entertain our selves with Philosophers Phisitians or Mechanicks from whose principles & practices wee may derive many remarkable Observations, which are priviledges denied to most parts remote from this great Mart of Learning. I have one Argument more left which seems very Cogent & will I hope influence your Honour as a Philosopher,19 Phisitian; but cheifly as a Philosopher by the Fire. Since your departure I have learned that the Ensuing particulars are not only Existent in nature but may bee commanded by you if you returne to Newington any Time these ten days otherwise they are not to bee redeemed with the wealth of both Indies. /fol. 73v/ The20 first is a Volatile Salt of Vegetables made with little trowble in few days and which cheifly endears itt to mee without any Additament. 2. A Method to make a Balsam of Sulphur with ætheriall s [spirit of wine] the Sulphur being by a slight Artifice so prepar’d that s 17 [spirit of wine] will extract therfrom even in the cold a high Tincture, I have not yet learned whither the Tincture will Come over the helme with the Spiritt. By the Same Method wee may a

‘never less alone than when alone’, based on Cicero’s De republica, i. 27.

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3, 1666–7

Extract in a few minutes in the cold high Tinctures from Amber, Resines and other Sulphureous Substances; And by another very different method wee prepare a Sulphur of Antimony which digested with Spiritus vini is absorped thereby. I sent you a small parcell of itt by Mr Mayr though for some reasons I fear itt will hardly succeed there21 being a slight miscarriage in the Preparation.a 3. A way to make22 The Acid Spirit of Sea Salt Nitre Vitriol &c. so volatile that in Destillation they ascend before common water Contrary to the Nature of Acids, & which is very observable they are much meliorated by this Operation being more Potent in Energy & pleasant to the Tast. 4. The Right way of Preparing the Elixir Proprietatis after Helmonts method which hee Calls the via media and if I should acquaint you what is meant by the Aqua Cinamomi mentioned by him you would readily conjecture that itt must necessarily prove an excellent Medicine.b 5. The Concealed ingredient of Helmonts celebrated Aroph without the Knowledge of which the Processe there deliored [sic] itt utterly uselesse and Unintelligible.c 6. To make Vegetable Spiritts Concoagulate with s [spirit of wine] into the Offa alba as also Spirit Cornu cervi Sanguinis Fuliginis &c. & to prepare them that will christallize in the cold & recover pristine fluidity with a slight degree of heat.d 7. A method of reducing oyls especially those of Aromaticks into an odd Substance perhaps a Volatile Salt. I have sent you by Mr Mayer 2 Salts bee pleased to examin them only reserving[?] ½ of Each for mee as I do of the Ludus for your Honour. I lately enquired of a chimist whither hee had ever seen Salt of Tartar which would dissolve in Alcohol Spiritus Vini Hee23 very Civilly presented mee with some of itt which In tast did æmulate our Venereall Alcali:e And was either the Same or 20 times the weight of Vinegar abstracted from salt of [tartar]. itt was easily deliquated like our Salt which hee intimating to mee I carefully wrapped itt up in neer 20 folds of Paper yet nevertheless itt was vanisshed in my ‹warme› pockett to my great admiration in a few houres & no sign of itt only24 The Paper looked as if itt had been well satiated with oyle. Sir I have no more att present only give mee leave to acquaint you that if notwithstanding the Argument I have used you shall25 resolve to Continue att Leeze instead of imprecations ‹you›26 shall have my assiduous & fervent prayers that you Your Freinds & relations may meet with all the Comfort & Satisfaction in your mutuall Converse as I should27 in your Returne which you may bee Confident is passionately desired and impatiently expected a

For ‘Mr Mayr’ or ‘Mayer’ see above, p. 181n. For van Helmont see above, p. 17n. c Van Helmont’s ‘Aroph’ was a pharmaceutical of uncertain composition. d ‘Spirits of hartshorn, of blood and of soot’. e This chemist has not been identified. b

216

LOWER

to BOYLE, 3 Sept. 1666

Honoured Sir by Your most Affectionate most humble and most Faithfull servant Dan: Coxe Seal: Paper impression of seal from another letter.

LOWERa to BOYLE

3 September 1666

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 528–9. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 480–1. Partly published in Phil. Trans. 1 (1666), 353– 6 (no. 20 for 17 December 1666).

Treemere, near Bodwin [sic] in Cornwall,b Sept. 3, 66. Honoured Sir, YOURS of the 26th of June, after it had lain at Mr. Crosse’s about three months, was occasionally found and sent to me in the country by a friend, together with another from Mr. Mayer, with a little box of brass pipes;c whereby I understand, that the account of bleeding one dog into another, which I sent you before I left Oxford, had miscarried, and that Dr. Wallis had not given you a full information how I performed it, for I tried it before him and several others with very good success, and that several times, but not by that way of conveying the blood from one dog’s jugular vein to the other by pipes, as we endeavoured to try, when you were there, and since often, but found it altogether impossible, because the blood was apt to congeal in those pipes, and so stop its own passage:d but the way I did effect it since, was by bleeding from one dog’s carotidal artery into the other dog’s jugular vein, which by reason of the swift motion of the blood out of the artery will keep open its own passage. The exact way of doing it is this. FIRST take up the carotidal artery, and separate it from the nerve of the eighth pair, and lay it bare above an inch: then make a strong ligature on the upper part of the artery not to be untied again; but an inch below, viz. toward the heart, make another ligature of a running knot, which may be loosened or fastned, as there a

For Richard Lower see above, p. 165. This is possibly Tremar, although this is closer to Liskeard than Bodmin. c Lower refers to Boyle’s letter of 26 June 1666, which was eventually sent to Cornwall where Lower was then living; see Frank, Harvey (above, p. 175), pp. 175–6. John Crosse was the Oxford apothecary in whose house Boyle lodged. Lower’s friend here referred to has not been identified. For ‘Mr Mayer’ see above, p. 181. d The letter that miscarried is Lower to Boyle of 6 July 1666. Consequently, this letter repeats much of the earlier one. b

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3, 1666–7

shall be occasion, having made these two knots draw two threads under the artery, between the two ligatures, and then open the artery, and put in a quill, and tye the artery upon the quill /p. 529/ very fast by those two threads, and stop the quill with a stick. AFTER this make bare the jugular vein in the other dog, about an inch and half long, and at each end make a ligature with a running knot, and in the space betwixt the two running knots, draw under the vein two threads more: then make an incision in the vein, and put into it two quills, one into the descendent part of the vein to receive the blood from the other dog, and carry it to the heart; and the other quill put into the upper part of the jugular vein, which comes from the head, (out of which the dog’s own blood must run into dishes.) These two quils being put in and tied fast, stop them with a stick, till there be occasion to open them. ALL things being thus prepared, tye the dogs on their side toward one another so conveniently, that the quills may go into each other (for the dogs necks cannot be brought so near, but that you must put two or three several quills more into the first two to convey the blood from one to another.) After that unstop the quill going down into the dog’s jugular vein, and the other quill coming out of the other dog’s artery, and by the help of two or three other quills put into each other, according as there shall be occasion, put them into one another; then slip the running knots, and immediately the blood runs through the quills, as through an artery, very impetuously; and immediately as the blood runs into the dog, unstop the other quill coming out of the upper part of his jugular vein (a ligature being first made about his neck, or else his other jugular vein being compressed by one’s finger) and let his own blood run out at the same time into dishes, (yet not constantly, but according as you perceive him to bear it) till the other dog begin to cry and faint, and fall into convulsions, and at last dye by his side. THEN take out both the quills out of the dog’s jugular vein, and tye the running knots fast, and cut the vein asunder; which you may do without any harm to the dog, one jugular vein being sufficient to convey all the blood from the head and upper parts, by reason of a large anastomosis, whereby both the jugular veins meet about the larynx: this done, sew up the skin, and dismiss him, and the dog will leap from the table, and shake himself, and run away, as if nothing ailed him. And this I have tried several times before several in the university, but never yet upon more than one dog at a time, for want of time and convenient supplies of several dogs at once: but when I return (which I hope may be this autumn) I doubt not but to give you a fuller account, not only by bleeding several dogs into one, but several other creatures into one another, as you did propose to me before you left Oxford, which will be very easy to perform, and will afford many pleasant and perhaps not unuseful experiments. BUT because there are many circumstances necessary to be observed on the performing this experiment, and that you may better direct any one to do it, without 218

LOWER

to BOYLE, 3 Sept. 1666

any danger of killing the dog, that is to receive the other’s blood, I will mention two or three: first, that you fasten the dogs at such a convenient distance, that the vein nor artery be not stretched; for then being contracted, they will not admit or convey so much blood: 2. That you constantly observe the pulse beyond the quill in the dog’s jugular vein (which it acquires from the impulse of the arterious blood) for if that fails, then it is a sign the quill is stopped by some congealed blood, so that you must draw out the arterial quill from the other, and with a probe open the passage again in both of them, so that the blood may have its free course again. For this must be expected, when the dog, that bleeds into the other, hath lost much blood, his heart will beat very faintly, and then the impulse of blood being weaker, it will be apt to congeal the sooner, so that at the latter end of the work, you must draw out the quill often, and clear the passage, if the dog be fainthearted, as many are, though some stout fierce dogs will bleed freely and uninterruptedly till they are convulsed and dye: but to prevent this trouble, and to make the experiment certain, you must bleed a great dog into a little, or a mastiff into a cur, as I once tried, and the little dog bled out at least double the quantity of his own blood, and left the mastif dead upon the table; and after he was untied, he ran away, and shaked himself, as if he had been only thrown into the water: or else you may get three or four several dogs prepared in the same manner; and when one begins to fail, and leave off bleeding, administer another, and I am confident one dog will receive all their blood (and perhaps more) as long as it runs freely, till they are left almost dead by turns, provided that you set out the blood proportionably as you let it go into the dog, that is to live. 3. I SUPPOSE the dog, that is to bleed out into dishes, will endure it the better, if the dogs, that are to be administred to supply his blood, be of near equal age, and fed alike the day before, that both their bloods may be of a near strength and temper. There are many things, which I have observed upon bleeding dogs to death, which I have seen since your departure from Oxford, of which I shall give you a relation in my next. In the mean time, since you were pleased to mention it to that honourable Society, with a promise to give them an account of this experiment, I could not but take the first opportunity to clear you from that obligation, and the more willingly, that I might express myself grateful for all those kind remembrances you have of me; and that I am, Honoured Sir, your most obliged, and most humble servant, R. LOWER.

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OLDENBURG to BOYLE

3, 1666–7

10 September 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 54. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 357–8, Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 228–9 and Oldenburg, iii, 226–7.

London Sept. 10. 1666. Sir, I was very sorry, I was absent, when, as I heard, you did me the favor of calling at my lodging, before you went out of towne. If I had knowne the least word of your intention of retiring to Oxford, I should have made a shift to have waited on you at Chelsey before.a However, I am very glad, you are so well, as to travell: Allmighty God keep and strengthen you in it. I cannot omit acquainting you, that never a Calamity, and such an one, was so well boarne, as this is.b ’Tis incredible, how litle the Sufferers, though great ones, doe complaine of their Losses. I was yesterday in many meetings of the principals [sic] Cittizens, whose house [sic] are laid in ashes, who in stead of complaining, discoursed almost of nothing, but of a Survey of London, and a Dessein for rebuilding, and that in such a manner (with Bricks, and /54 (1)v/ large Streets, leaving great Intervalls and partitions in severall places) that for the future they may not be so easily subject to the like destruction. I hope, that some of our Society will signalize themselves in this Survey and Dessein, which when done to the satisfaction of the king, may by his Majesty be offered and recommended to the Parlement.c I was this very morning with our President, and suggested this busines to his Lordship, who liked it so well, that he intends1 to move it to morrow at the Councill of the Society, which is summoned to meet at Gresham, in some other room then formerly, our ordinary meeting-places both for the Councill and the Society being, as I heare, taken up by the Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen, as is the Quadrangle for the meeting of the Marchants, pro tempore.d I doubt, I shall find it very difficult to continue the printing of the Transactions; Martyn and Allestry being undone with the rest of the Stationers at Pauls Churchyard, and all their books burnt, they had carried for /54 (2)/ safety into St Faiths Church, as they call it, besides, that the Citty lying desolate now, it will be very a

Boyle’s sister, Lady Ranelagh, had a house in Chelsea, at this time still a village outside London. The reference is to the Great Fire of London which started on 2 Sept. 1666 in Pudding Lane, and lasted until 6 Sept. 1666. c For the Royal Society’s involvement in plans for the rebuilding of the City of London see below, p. 238. d The President of the Royal Society at this time was Brouncker. The meeting of the Society on 5 Sept. 1666 was abandoned because of the fire, and the next meeting both of the Council and the Society took place at Gresham College on 12 Sept. The Council then ordered the President and others, including Oldenburg, to examine the possibility of meeting elsewhere. On 19 Sept. the Council agreed to meet in Arundel House on the invitation of Henry Howard (1628–84), later 6th Duke of Norfolk. For the Lord Mayor of London at this time see below, p. 252n. b

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hard to vend them at the present.a I had hopes, to have once waited on you to diner2 to Sir William Morrice’s, there to have opened to him my desires of thinking on me, in case the Lattin Secretaries place should fall vacant;b especially now there is smaller hopes, than ever, of Benefactors to the Society, and the Transactions like to be interrupted; but charges to encrease; I having been necessitated, within this 10 dayes to pay 24 sh. to the publick, for chimney’s, taxes and watching: which if it hold long, will force me to run away. Sir, if you would not think it a trouble, to sollicite, by a Line or two of your owne hand, My Lord Brounker and Sir R. Moray, to recomm[end]3 me for the said employment, you would exceedingly obli[ge] me: For though I think, they both have an affection for me, yet I am assured, their care for me in this particular would be redoubled upon your recommendation. I leave all to your owne discretion, who am Sir, your very humble and faithful servant. For his Noble friend / Robert Boyle Esq, at Mr Crosse’s house in / Oxford.

Seal: Slightly damaged example of Oldenburg’s standard seal (see vol. 2, p. 87). Endorsed at head of 54 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LIII’ (replacing ‘XLVIII’ deleted).4 Endorsed on 54 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 54’. Also endorsed below address with ‘2’.

NATHANIEL FOXCROFTc to BOYLE

11 September 1666, with postscript dated 18 October

From the original in BL 7, item. 23. Fol/2+2.d a For James Allestry and John Martyn see above, p. 15n. After the fire Allestry relocated his premises to the Rose and Crown on Duck Lane for the period 1667–9. b Because of the unprofitability of Phil. Trans., Oldenburg had begun to put himself forward for salaried employment. He did not receive the office of Latin Secretary, in connection with which he had contacted Sir William Morrice (1602–76), Secretary of State 1660–8. c Nathaniel Foxcroft (d. 1670), of London, was educated at Emmanuel College Cambridge. He left England in Jan. 1665; see vol. 2, pp. 421–3. d The manuscript has extensive pencil marginal markings, evidently by Boyle, perhaps denoting the work to which the passages in question were relevant. The markings, which take the form of vertical lines and letters like ‘M’, ‘P’ are recorded in the textual notes.

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Not previously printed.

Most truely honourable When I consider the enlarged Comprehensivenesse of that knowledge which you Sir are the so-happy Master of, & the lamented poverty ‹I shame› & yet must confesse me guilty of, I cannot but with much abashtnesse, & hesitancy of mind venture1 this presumption to your hands. but when I remember likewise that there is in you an Equall Ingenuity to pardon (through a benignity of mind) the defects, as well as accept of Endeavors, though disproportion’d to the Receiver as much as the Widdow’s mite was to the vaster Abundance dayly flow’d into the Treasury.a (& yet even that miss’d not it’s Entertainement) I say when I consider this, it removes those discouraging circumstances, which otherwise would have Endeared sylence unto me : & makes me resolve to ‹put›2 that virtue of yours to this Exercise: whilst I give you the trouble. (I wish I might tearme it divertisement) of reading over some of the few observations I made since I left England for Fort St George on the Coast of Choromandell in the East India.b Yet before I shall insist on any thing, be pleased to give me leave to premise this as a truth I begge your belief of. That whatever you shal hereafter meet with in this Addresse you will favorably interprett the boldnesse not as the Effect of any selfe Confidence I have entertain’d of my owne Capacity to be so happy as to offer any meriting your intention as unknowne to you, or which has not formerly pass’d your heedfull Consideration; But rather that you hence inferre how ready I am &3 desirous to be Commanded by, to performe to You some services here where I now am: since I, here presenting you my all at present, give an Instance therefore that had I had more to have off’red, or may hereafter, it shall all be yours. And it is but reason it should be so: when as I must acknowledge that you yourselfe first gave me motion. for seeing a booke of yours entytled Seraphick-Love (the first I mett of your workes) It rays’d in me so high a value of the Author’s Meritt; & belief that nothing not worthy all Acceptation could come from such a person’s Pen, that I thence resolv’d nothing I could Compasse of yours should passe my view: so meeting with your other treatises;c & in them what first lifted me up to some Aspirings, I cannot but with a gratefull memory acknowledge my4 beginnings from You; by thus circulating to You againe. And though my smaller Channel cannot make such ample returnes as Thames, or Severne doe to the Sea’s bounty: yet it Ebbs back it’s utmost Capacity: & had it’s flux bin greater & it’s Channel wider it would have repaid no lesse a gratitude than the former.

a

The allusion is to the story of the widow’s offering told in Mark 12, 41–4 and Luke 21, 1–4. Foxcroft was employed as a factor by the East India Company at Fort St George (Madras) where his father George (c. 1601–92), was governor. c Foxcroft alludes to Boyle’s Seraphic Love (1659), for which see Works, vol. 1. b

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But now to begin, & with the beginning of my voyage, which was from the Downes the 12th of Jan. 1664/5. in an Extreame cold season of frost & snow: yet wee might well beare with it since it was the last we were like to have the trouble, or rather the Comfort of for a long while: before we left it there was somthing offred would have render’d it acceptable to me, had I ‹not› bin, as a young-seaman, indisposd to make experiments. It was this. Among some discourses with the seamen one of our Mates confidently assirted that Sea water freezing, it’s Ice being thaw’d becomes fresh. I confesse his reiterated Affirmation5 did a little suspend my belief of the Contrary; that without the Experiment I should not be easily concluded to Credit it as truth. but we were so soon out of the happinesse (suffring under a contrary temperature) of making such a tryall that he bore me downe, by urging matter of fact against my Ignorance; & a willingnesse to have it so: since thence I might have Expected no-unprosperous a hint towards the separating the salt from Sea-water; by a familiar perhaps, & easy processe. A secret would have bin of very large use & benifitt: & concerning which I have not had a few thoughts.6 And now my observations must be confin’d to one Eliment, water concerning which I tooke notice that for some time before we made land (‹yet not›7 any ground fathomable) the sea constantly Chang’d from an Excellent blue to a Green; common with the seas in our Channell. from whence I observ’d, that an Infinite (if I may so speake) unfathomable transparancy seem’d sufficient to Constitute that Color. & Contrary where the light mett with a body [the bottome]a to reflect it back againe. A green. I did not without some pleasure, &, as it were, exaltation of mind, behold my selfe betwixt two heavens, & above one, while I saw starres (as you will understand by & by) beneath my feet: for, without distrusting my Eye’s sight, I could not but conclude them both reall since both alike: or if any difference, with appeale to the former Judges, the lesse reall was the more exquisitely beawteous in an excelling Sky-Color. There was this of reality I am sure in my Contemplations that I was somewhere where I had lost sight of Earth.8 Wee saw that same blazing-Starre (which as we suppose appeard in England) to the Southward of the Equinoctiall. it was also observ’d here in India. In greate Calmes it is observ’d that the Sea wilbe lowsy (as mariners phrase it) having worlds of ‹small›9 living Creatures (if they may be properly so tearm’d which I presume are bred of Corruption) than to be seen therein. some little Instance I saw hereof my selfe; though could not gett any to see what they were: but as the former report there are somtimes such infinite swarmes of them, that the sea it selfe /23 (1)v/ seemes little else than a fluid body Compounded of those innumerable vitalia’s.b We had before we Enter’d the Tropicks a shoale of Albicor’s & Bonitoes (fish so a b

Square brackets in the original MS. i.e., living creatures.

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call’d)a undertooke us, & kept us Company (if I doe not much forgett my selfe) from 30 degrees, if not upwards, of Northerne Latitude to 38 or 39 of Southerne, & back againe to about 13 of Northerne. Of which besides the diversion of Catching them, & the rarityes they were to our table they afforded me the following observations. 1- They were alwayes the same; hence evinc’d for that, after they had bin some little while ‹with› us, we had strook some of them with Fisgigges – yet they got off with much struggling, but left peeces of their flesh behind. these we could easily distinguish from the rest by those marks; which neverthelesse caus’d them not forsake us: but continued among the rest as nimble as if they ayl’d nothing. 2. They were allwayes in Constant motion, never resting in so long a season (if they doe at anytime) though it is evident fresh-water fish doe in holes in the sides of the banks. &c.10 3. They were most sportive when the ship had freshest way: & in Calme’s few appeard: they then swamme so deep we could not see them by day-light, yet they apperd very visible at night. for that 4. They gave an Extriordanary glare, or light in the water, most visible in the darkest night, & conspicuous enough when they swamme at that exceeding depth aforementioned: appearing then like the reflections of so many starres round about the ship, some shooting here as the other doe there: some falling, some rising ones, whilest the higher they came their light encreas’d. & the greatest glare would be when they turn’d their bellyes a little upward. They were much like a Macquerell both in Color shape, & tast; their flesh when boyl’d comming out in flakes like the other: differing in bignesse being between 12 & 20 lb weyght each; some vizt Albicor’s exceeding 4 times that weyght.11 The reason why, I suppose, they so delight to accompany ships, is the plenty of prey they there meet with: for their Chief food seems to be flying fish; which comming neare the ship, as affrighted, presently take wing; but the dryenesse of the12 Ayre in comparison of their ‹other› Eliment they are more constant to, soon so stiffens their finny wings that within a flight-shott they fall downe againe: (some I have observ’d onely to give a dip upon the Edge of a wave & so renew their13 flight) & by so doeing, circle the water at their plunge therein, whereby they awaken their before-too-watchfull Enimyes who needed not that notice to invite them to banquet in their distruction. yet are not these all the Enimyes these innocents meet with, but, as if above were detirmin’d their ruines, the very Cloudes raine downe a second mischief on them; while, there, a Ravenous flock are alwayes ready to stoop when these rise.14 wondrous strange! that heaven it selfe, should maintaine Enimyes against those that aspire thitherwards. But I feare I may grow tedious wherefore I passe on to observe that when I had left my hookes at any time for 2 or 3 dayes hanging in the water, at the end of such a

Albacore and bonito are both related to the tuna fish.

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a time I should constantly find them to be covered over a good thicknesse with an extriordinary fine orenge-color powder. which I did not wholy conclude to be the rusting of them, since if wiped they still appeared smooth15 & bright; at least scarsely descernably eaten with rust. I remember somwhere16 you invite, & that exceedingly well; those persons who meet with any unobvious appearances in Nature, (though it may be they themselves cannot satisfy themselves of the phænomenon) to record faithfully matter of fact.a I begge your pardon for having cloath’d so ill that sence which you allwayes doe so well; I know not where to have recourse to your expression, otherwise had not us’d my owne. but however hope your Excuse since I performe what you there advise.17 I observ’d in the breaches of the sea, especially by the side, & in the wake of the ship, the like glarings of light as that mentioned of the fishes: but not at all times equally alike: for some nights the sea would seem to burne allmost all over; other nights, when I could perceive no difference in the weather, hardly see any such appearance. I tooke particular notice that the kindled water (if I may so speake) would spett out flames from the globes of light; (for that was the figure they mostly kept in) very much resembling brimstone sett on fire; nor was it unlike it in Color; burning blue as doth the other. It would give somtimes so greate a light, that I could read by it at the stearne of the ship with much ease. I remember one night, while intent observing it, & concluding18 it was the violent motion of the parts of the water which occasion’d it (there accidently hanging a rope out of one of the Galleryes to the greate-Cabin) I dipp’d it well in the sea; & afterwards twitching it very smartly betwixt my compressd fingers, according to my expectation I sett that a flaming too: & being dilligent to try if I could perceive any heate therein, I often repeated the Experiment; but could not find the least approach to warmenesse, much lesse anything of heate. I might truely there have washt my hands with fire unhurt (according to the knowne Chimicall Saw)b yet found my selfe neare the nearer the greate-worke, the Phylosophers stone, as it is there promised in part upon such a performance. yet, had I had the Capacity, I might have made a more usefull experiment thereof towards the investigation of the Nature of light. Which subject brings into my mind a /23 (2)/ sort of flye I have, though very sparingly, seen since my Arrivall on this Coast; which shine in the night, (not with such a faint but much more red a color’d light than doe our glowormes in England) & here are called fire-flyes. you would hardly distinguish them, but by there motion, from a lighted match at distance. I have not had an opportunity to consider them in my hand. but have heard some affirme to have seen such Companyes of them on a tree togather that they have concluded it all on fire till better information had undeceived them.19 a Foxcroft perhaps alludes to Boyle’s ‘General Heads for the Natural History of a Country’ for which see above, p. 46n. b The source of this ‘chemical’ proverb has not been further identified.

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Thus were we brought to Johanna; a small Island about 13 degrees Northerne latitude lying within St Laurence’s.a but fell on it unawares in so misty an afternoon; that we lost that faire prospect thereof which wee otherwise might have had. It is extriordinary high-land rising in the most places thereof exceeding steep from the very shoare; which is mostly Rock: & but very little good Anchorage to be found any where: thought [sic] to those who are acquainted tollerable good Just at the watering place: but very difficult to gaine (at least so it prove to us) by reason20 of those very unconstant Gusts, & presently after stark Calmes, comming off the land; I think I may truely say blowing 20 severall wayes in an hower; sometimes Just in our teeth, & then as instantly not a breath stirring.21 You may easily Imagin the difficulty we had to compasse the place design’d: when I tell you though we were not much more than a league or 2 off the place wee aim’d at on -night [Saturday] about 11 aclock, yet was it not till . [Sunday]22 noon next day, that we compassed it.23 The Prospect of the Island, the Ensuing day, brought freshly into my mind the story in Ovid wherein he fables the Gyants pyling Pelion upon Ossa, mountaine upon mountaine; hills upon hills to clamber up into heaven:b Here you would thinke it verify’d; for the whole seems so many hills thrown togather, where One is still rising higher than the other, till they come to a Poynt, accounted the mid’st of the Island, which is a hill a ‹of› very greate height, the top thereof often appearing visible when the middle is obscured with clouds. All those hills are coverd with woods. of Orenge, Pine, Plantune,c & Coocoe-Nutt trees besides many other to me unknowne: yet I remember not to have observd any but such as bore fruites among which there is a small Orenge, not exceeding the bignesse of a small pearemaine, so exceeding pleasant that it is not inferior to a China-Orenge, excepting its rind: It had admirable effects upon the seaman (for we had a sick ship when we arriv’d there, a greate many being24 much downe with scurvy) who fed on them extriordinary (I cannot say to excesse because it is affirm’d one may eate 200 & more of them without surfetting or any other harme). & were as strangely on a sudden recovered some were so bad that had we stay’d 2 or 3 dayes more at sea, it was concluded they would have bin throwne over-board; yet comming to the dyet were almost in as few dayes well againe. whose recoveryes the Chirururgeons appropriated chiefly to the virtue of those Orenges. You may hence conclude it is a very fruitefull place.25 It abounds with variety of Plants: & had I had skill in Botanicks I might have there found a full employment, for my diversions. or had I then thought on what I have since resolv’d on, where I now am, to have made a large a Johanna or Anjouan is one of the Comoro islands in the Indian Ocean; St Laurence was an early name given to the island of Madagascar. b The mountain system of Pelion with that of Ossa cut off the plain of Pelasgotis from the Aegean; see Ovid, Fasti, iii. 441. c i.e., plantain.

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Paper-book, betwixt whose leaves to have preserved Samples of such plants I there might have mett with & have therein recorded the names & propertyes of each according to that small light I must have bin contented to have glean’d from the Natives themselves, I might have there fournisht my selfe with a considerable Collection, to which in time I might have made such other Additions as might at last have render’d them worthy your Acceptance. But all this is but After-witt. lett me therfore proceed to tell you I one day tooke out the skiff to search along the shoares, with a designe to see if I could meet with any thing of rarity. All along which I found that the bottome was covered with severall Sea-Plants (for I think so I may call all sorts of Corall) some in the figure of a man’s braines; of these some would be soft & tender, others perfectly petrifyed: all fixt to the bottome there growing. If the same plant it was diversifyed into severall other figures, some like inverted toadestooles; others like sponge. &c. but the bottome was mostly covered with that we call in England-white-Corall in greate bushes: the topps of severall of the sprigges being variously ting’d: with excellent blues, green’s, Reds, & yellow-colors; which yet fade very much after they are taken out of the sea, & dryed: for I made some of the sea-men goe into the water to gett such as I desired; or rather such as they could unfasten, which they did not without difficulty having neare a boate-hooke than26 aboard them, & it being somwhat deep where the unbroaken branches grew. While I had thus employd them I made it my buisinesse to catch some of those Curious fish I observd playing up & downe amidst the Coralls. Which were so exquisitely markd with so many vivid Colors, that it was not a little27 pleasant to me to behold them. some all over blue, others streak’t all over with red, blue yellow, & purple: this I observ’d common to them all, that Nature had Arm’d them with defensive as well as offensive weapons, in their mouths teeth, on their backs prickle-finnes, like our Pearches in Europe. I try’d to dry severall but to my grief could not preserve their Colors from wholy decaying nor afterwards their bodyes from Ratts, with which in the processe of our voyage we were not a little pesterd28 All along the shoare the Rocks are Covered with a sort of small Oysters, sticking very fast thereto; & are left by the sea at every Ebbe bare to the such29 an Excessive heate of the Sunn; that it alone seems sufficient to boyle them ready for the table in their owne liquor; of which they are sufficiently stored to hold out, till the next returning tyde resupplyes them. notwithstanding which heate they live, & multiply out of one another (by what I could observe) growing /23 (2)v/ so close together upon the Rocks (which are likewise of the same Color) that, without somthing a wary observation, one might well have past them by as Rock it selfe. Their tast was not unlike our worser sort of Oysters in England but were very hott in the mouth.30 During the time we rid at Anchor before the Island we Catcht a Sunn fish (as Herbert Calls it) very much resembling the draught thereof describ’d in his 227

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travells.a wee strooke her in the back with a harping Iron which comming off the handle, there remain’d, till such time as, to my no small wonder, the fish suck’d it in quite through her body: it being at first but well enter’d into the fleshy part of her back, a greate part thereof standing ‹out› yet the beards covered. & the mariners say it is an usual thing in other fishes.31 I should have beganne with a description of the Natives themselves, but have but little to say of them, save that they to be harmelesse, & very affectionate to the English: not given to labor, but living mostly on Nature’s bounty, of which there she is nothing sparing. They have store of Cattell, & fowle: that is to say cowes (which are much smaller than those in our parts, & rising with a bunch on their withers) goates. Cocks & hens, yea & Capons too for they have learn’d that Art: in their woods noe wild beast as I could learne: onely a small kind of Ratoons that injure them not. As for Religion I beleeve them Ignorant Mahometans; & that introduc’d by a few Arabs, who live among them in greatest Esteem. They have a Church, & therein a book conteyning their devotion: which I suppose, for the use they make of it, may last them many Centuryes. if they meet not with many such Guests as my selfe, who made bold to borrow a leafe of it: They have a steeple too, where instead of a bell they have a bell-weather priest, who so intollerably rends his throate there at certaine times with bawling, that it may well excuse the other defect; this is the Saint’s Bell to their devotion; to which upon that notice they presently fall. Thus have I given you a short, & much more unaccurate description of Jahanna (as much of it as fell within my ken)32 Instead of what you desired of St Hellena. at which we never touch but in a home-bound voyage. whereby I presume in the meane time you will please to have me excused. From Johanna we proceeded towards the Maldivæ Islands: betwixt which & them about 2 degrees latitude between ‹Yas[?]›33 De Ambreb ‹& the Maine› It is reported & often observed by sea-men that for 2 or 3 dayes together34 the sea will appeare white as milke (to use their phrase) where there has not bin any knowne land neare. & it has bin tryed by fathoming to find bottome, but unsuccesfully. Yet they affirme if one take up a buckett full of the sea it appeares no35 otherwise than other seawater doth. Its seen by night as well as by day. The Captain call’d me up one night to see some little appearance thereof: but it proved so small, my36 Phantu’sy was not strong enough to perceive ‹it›: & we mett with no more of it in our voyage.37 38 About the beginning of Janr 1665/6 was brought unto me a Monster, which I lookt upon as very extriordinary. It was a Pigge newly farrowed in Madrasapaa

This is likely to be a reference to Sir Thomas Herbert (1606–82), traveller and author, who published an account of his travels in the East Indies as A Relation of Some Years Travaile, Begunne Anno 1626. Into Afrique and the Greater Asia (1634). b This location has not been identified.

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tam;a in every part of the body, save the head, reteyning its Naturall shape; but that perfectly resembled the head of an Elephant with a Probosse, Mouth, Eares nothing differing to the said Creature. the impossibility39 here of Commixtion of severall seeds; by reason of the immense bignesse of the one, & the disparity of the other, gave me thence to consider how strongly it argued the strange Effects wrought by the power of Imagination; for I concluded it was some fright the Sow received from one of those beasts (of which there were severall then kept in towne) ‹occasion’d it›. I did heartily wish I had then had some Spirit ‹of wine› (for I remember in some of yours you commend it for that use) or some other meanes to have preserved it from Corruption, & for a present to, if it might have merited, the acceptance of the Ingenious society at Gressham40 Colledge.b And now I have mention’d that Society it brings into my mind one of their Quæres concerning the Charming of greate fish, by which in their pearle-fishing they effectually secure the Divers from being devoured by them.c It is credibly reported to be true by the severall Black-Merchants here, who goe yearely from hence to Tutticoree, & Call’veel; which are the places Joyning to where their fishing is: both which places being neare to Cape41 Comarin, betwixt which & Zeyland is their fishing.d The manner of which is said to be thus – there are severall boats Each of which has a Couple of persons, one who is lett downe by a Rope tyed to his middle, & a weyght to sinke him to the bottome; where he fills a baskett, he carryes with him, with such Oysters he there meets with; & when he finds he can hold his breath noe longer (which yet some doe ¼. others ½ an hower) he shakes the Rope to the other above; who at that signe pulls him up. They say they use Oyle in their mouthes which enables them to continue42 the longer under water. Thus after they have filld their boate, they lay them in a heape in the street; where they so remaine stinking, till the Merchants come & buy them in the Lumpe at hazard. That they doe really charme those fish, as abovesaid, methinks may be somwhat argued for, from somthing I have here seen. vizt. A Courecoopella (the worst because most venomous of snakes in these parts) newly taken, so charmed that though the fellow, who kept it, very much irratated it before me, it had noe43 or not the power, or will to injure him.e The fellow seem’d to be a very ignorant sottish one, who kept it in a baskett with a small fardle of rootes (I think) tyed up in a bundle, which was said to be his Charme. but I could learne nothing of Information from him: onely saw matter of fact. some apply the Effect to the virtue of the a

i.e., Madras. i.e., the Royal Society. c Foxcroft could here refer to ‘Inquiries for Suratte, and other parts of the East-Indies’, Phil. Trans., 2 (1667), 415ff. (no. 23 for 11 Mar. 1667). Of these, no. 3 deals with pearl fishing. d Foxcroft refers here to Tuticorin and Cape Comorin, on the southern tip of India. ‘Zeyland’ is modern Sri Lanka. ‘Call’veel’ has not been further identified. e Probably a cobra. b

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rootes partly (what ere they be. for that is seecret); yett all acknowledge there must be some Mutterings used (prayers they call them) besides.44 /23 (3)/ I remember in the same paper Quær the 9th they inquire about the virtues of Beetle.a As to the particular Antipathy there mentiond against ‹Durions› I could not yet informe myselfe.b To the other virtues it may stand in Competition with Tobacco in Europe. it serving chiefly, as that doth, for a Complement to find one employment. It’s true it has a strong & pleasant smell when chiew’d; & leaves some remaines thereof for some while after; & in that respect is good for a stinking breath; which it will qualify by its more gratefull smell, if not overcome. for freeing persons from the toothache. I have observed some, who much use it, affected (if I may not more properly say disaffected) with that distemper. The leafe for shape is not unlike that of an Apple-tree; yet larger: & thicker than that of a lawrell, & much of the same color. they bite upon the tonngue being eaten (as they allwayes doe) green, with Areica;c which fruite is ‹so› very like to a nutmegge that one can hardly distinguish them lying togather; yet not at all unctious as those are, but very dry & light: these either sliced thin, or bruised (sometimes boyled soft) they chiew with the foresaid leaves, with the addition of slack’t lyme, mixt with water to such a temper that they spread it very thyn on the said leaves with their thumbs. These ingredients (of which I suppose the Lyme45 chiefly) make our Portugeze Donna’s, & our Native-Beawtye’s teeth of so incomparable an hiew that not Mopsa herselfe, not46 that so famous Lady – the Lady Estephania may enter Comparison with them.d One may presume them to be sound; & who would not have Complement enough to Credit Ladyes saying so? but you must then submitt your sence of seeing, to that better Eye of your faith. for should you not, at a little distance they appeare of such a blackish-yellow that no rotten-teeth looke more ugly: & yet forsooth it is accounted here a grace, yea & that no small one. I would have sent both some of the Beetle ‹&›47 as well as Areica had not my present incapacity (occasion’d by the barbarous villanyes of mutineers who keeping us close prisoners48 deprives us of all converses with any; & it wilbe a wonder if this Escapes their hands) disabled me the so doeing.e a

i.e., ‘betel’. In fact, this matter is dealt with in query no. 25. A durian is a particularly odiferous tropical fruit, native to Malaysia and Indonesia, the odour of which increases as it ripens. c i.e., ‘areca’, the tree and the fruit of a genus of palms. d Mopsa was the daughter of Dametas the shepherd in Sir Philip Sidney’s Arcadia. The name was also used by William Shakespeare for the shepherdess in A Winter’s Tale, IV. iv. The ‘Lady Estephania’ has not been further identified. e On 16 Sept. 1665 Foxcroft, together with his father, was arrested by Sir Edward Winter (c. 1622–86) who, until George Foxcroft’s arrival, had been the East India Company’s chief factor at Madras. Winter charged George with uttering treasonable words and both father and son were kept under arrest until the arrival of ships from England in Aug. 1668 with orders from the Company and Charles II for their release. Sir William Foster, The English Factories in India 1665–67 (Oxford, 1925), pp. 121–2; idem., The English Factories in India 1668–69 (Oxford, 1927), pp. 132, 293–4. b

230

FOXCROFT

to BOYLE, 11 Sept. 1666

‹Reply to Q: 23d›a Passing through the Maldivæ-Islands, & all along till we came within ken of Zealond, the seas were unfathomable, & so continued after we had pass’d it, till we came upon the Coast: where we Arrived the 22d of June1665. And here I might well, concluding with my voyage, put a period to this trouble I have49 hereby given you but that one thing comes to memory; which was altogather a Novelty to me who have had in England some Converses with such Artists among whom I might have expected to have seen somthing of that nature had it bin knowne among them. Having some occasion to employ severall of the Native Goldsmyths I found they had a way of fyning of Gold I never saw or heard of in England; & that done without impayring the stampe thereof; save that it wilbe a little stamper. I have experimented it severall times as followeth. vizt. They tooke Ashes made of Cow-dung searsed fyne, 2⁄3 ds: & of common salt, such as is our bay-salt, 1⁄3 d. the last they dryed over the fire, powder’d it, then searsed it very fyne likewise, & mixt them ‹both› well togather. of this Composition they putt50 a thin lay in a peece of A hollow potsheard; then wetting the piece of Coyne-gold, intended to be fyned, they rowle it in the powder, & place it on the said lay, then cover it over with some more, a little compress’d; & cover all with another peece of Potsheard fitted to the first. this done they take a Pott conteyning about a bushell, & fill it halfefull of Cowdung Cakes; & put51 the prepared Gold thereon. which done they take some kindled Cakes & place them round & over the potsheards; then fill up the pott with others. This gentler fire than wood, or Coales, continues about 2 howers. & when all’s cold. (which wilbe in 3 howers) they renew the fire as afore: & every 2d fire renew the Powder. It is usually perfected in 12 fires, of which the first 3 are not so fierce as the rest, being encreas’d gradually from the first to the 4th. This experiment they make use off in taking Sayesb from Ingotts; before they alloy them. from which they cutt off about ld weyght beating it into an oblong ovall figure as thyn as a groate. & so fyne it, thence making their Computation of the whole. With some such ’sayes, I fyned a 10 shilling piece, & tooke an exact Account of its prime weyght, & its after-wast: but my Papers being detain’d from me by the foresaid Rebells, & the badnesse of my Memory hinders me from being particular therein at present.52c I have many other things (besides fellonyes, & murder.) to object against those persons I have but slightly53 hinted at in one or two places herein (though should you please the bearer hereof can give you an Ample relation thereof) because I would not engage you into a trouble independent on the designe of this Addresse.d I say I have severall things to chardge them with – such are – that I cannot have a The words in angled brackets are written in the left-hand margin, and show that Foxcroft is still referring and replying to the Royal Society’s queries on pearl fishing, for which see above, p. 229. In the next line, he refers to Ceylon. b i.e., assays. c For Foxcroft’s arrest see above, p. 230n. d The bearer of this letter has not been traced.

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so much liberty or materialls as to make some experiments I had thought to have done: & after to have given you an Account of them. vizt. of the Torrecellian Experiment for one.a There is a stone (whither Artificiall, or naturall, I cannot, in this seclusion from all Company but onely a black to bring victualls, be sufficiently satisfyed of) commonly here call’d a Snake-stone: which doth certainly cure the stinging of Scorpions & other venomous Creatures, by a bare outward Application to the place hurt: to which of it’s owne Accord /23 (3)v/ it will stick, till it has imbib’d into it selfe all the venome out thence; then falls off, & must be forthwith put either into milke, or strong-waters, where it will purge it-selfe; other wise it breakes. I have us’d all possible meanes to have procured a good one. (for there are many that are not so). such an one as I might have bin certaine to have bin experimented right; but could not, in this my restraint, accomplish my desires; & Intentions of sending You one such: with a more particular relation of its vertues, & application; & whether it be Artificiall, or taken out of the head of a Snake as some affirme; though others say the quite Contrary. – I am not so much as allow’d Pen, Ink, or Paper though with greate ‹danger -›54 to those who privately have found meanes to furnish me I have procured this.55 But it is high time now Sir I am sure to breake off these so many Impertinences, by somthing that is so farre from being so; that it is the unum necessariumb without which I durst not have presum’d this boldnesse, & trouble. And that is – A confidence You will be pleas’d to have recourse to that your high Ingenuity, & noblenesse of mind, where by you use to Judge of Endeavors not so much by the meritt of their performances, as desires to performe acceptably: & thence derive Arguments for my pardon. These are the hopes make me not despaire off, though I am conscious not to merit, Regard. who have made an Addresse unsuitable to a person of that greate honor, & seriousnesse, as yourselfe. whose Condescensions I trust too are so greate, as not to despise the day of small things. & among such him who is Though the humblest yet not the least among those Who will ever professe himselfe Fort St George. September the 11th. Your honours Admirer, & humble servant 1666 Nath. Foxcroft P.S. Since my writing hereof, to my very much content I have compass’d a Snake-stone for which,56 being by him experimented a good one, I am beholding to our English Doctor, who disfurnished himselfe to pleasure me.c of him I have learnd the farther satisfaction concerning them. That there are both Artificiall & naturall ones. the a b c

For the Toricellian experiment see Works, vol. 1, p. 157. ‘one necessary thing’. The English doctor has not been identified.

232

FOXCROFT

to BOYLE, 11 Sept. 1666

first made in China & Macassar.a the others had from house-snakes: concerning which they report such an incredible fable, that after I have told it I submitt it to your faith to beleeve how much you please thereof. They say therefore that this Snake feeds a nights, carrying this stone in her mouth, by the light of which (for it casts a greate one) she finds her food, & found layes downe her stone & feeds: but it is almost an insuperable difficulty to gaine it from her: which if any one proves so fortunate as to doe, it is effected by suddenly casting somthing over the stone, & presently flying for their lives; leaving it so covered till the next morning, when they may fetch it without danger. It is said that the king of Pegu has one of these, which he purchased at many thousands of Rupees (a coyne somthing more valuable than 2s sterling) & reported to be of most admirably [sic] virtue.b I suppose this there may be of truth in such57 relations. that these house-snakes cast a glare (like that of fishes in the water) by night: & there are a Couple (if not more) of English souldiers here who have seen such an one about the Fort: the one of them I spoake with, who affirm’d to me to have seen it give a very greate light, his Comparison was like a Lanthorne & Candle. I send you one of the Artificiall ones which are those of knowne Experience (nor am I convinc’d there are any others) & begge your acceptance of it. In its application I have omitted before to informe you the place hurt must be a little prick’t, that it may weep either somthing of bloud or water before you putt to the stone. It sometimes happens, if the place be very much invenom’d, that one stone suffices not; but the first will breake58 which I suppose may be prevented, if one has such as suspition afore hand by taking it off in time, purging it, & then reapplying it. I writ you before the manner of purging it is to put it ‹into› milke &c (where note that breast milke is reputed the best). And what is remarkable when you doe so you shall see swimming upon the top of the milke the Poyson which it had discharg’d it-selfe off: & you may there observe what Color it is of, which will vary according to the Creature by which stung. There is another experiment in the tryall of the stone’s goodnesse not unpleasant to behold. which is thus Take a glasse of fayre water & therein put it: where, in some few minutes after, you shall observe it to send forth streames of little bubbles through the body to the surface of the water, & those rising with a pretty smartnesse: beside that the stone itselfe wilbe all over cover’d with a kind of dew there resting; or rather a multitude of small bubbles adhering to the stone it selfe. I know not why they may not be applyed to many other uses beside the bytings of venomous Creatures & since they say the stingings /23 (4)/ of Scorpions (which by report is one of the most horrid59 tortures in the world) if not presently remidyed, turne to very bad Ulcers, which neverthelesse these stones are good to cure. That you may please to make experiments, (without respect to the stone’s losse) either by tryall of severall Poysons, & quantityes, or by analizing it by fire – or otherwise, a b

An Indonesian settlement now known as Ujung Padang. Foxcroft refers to Pegu (now known as Bago), capital of a state of the same name in south Burma.

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I engage my selfe by the first opportunity to furnish you with another, it may be of superarior goodnesse: with some additionall experiments, not to say of mine owne, ‹but› of what more I may learne concerning them. & I shalbe inquisitive to know, if possible, the Ingredients of their Compositions. Idm.a N: F:

Kept till Octobr 18th. These To the honorable Robert Boyle Esq at his lodgings in / mb Seal: Missing. Seal-shaped repair to paper.

KATHERINE JONES, LADY RANELAGH, to BOYLE

12 September 1666

From the printed version in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 561–2. Also printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 528–9.

Sept. 12, [1666.]c IT having, my brother, pleased God, still to continue us in the safety you left us; I have since taken to myself the mortification of seeing the desolations, that God, in his just and dreadful judgement, has made in the poor city, which is thereby now turned indeed into a ruinous heap, and gave me the most amazing spectacle, that ever I beheld in my progress about and into this ruin. I dispensed your charity amongst some poor families and persons, that I found yet in the fields unhoused.d Since then, Mr. Worsley has been with me, and given me very considerable particulars of providence, that assisted to his preservation, and that of his goods, which he probably enough thinks raised in value, as to that part of them, wherein you have an interest, by the great consumption, that has been of that sort of commodity, both at Sion college, and also in St. Faith’s church, where all thereof was destroyed.e He very ingenuously told me, he now desired to perfect to you that a

i.e., ‘idem.’, the same. The address appears to be incomplete, although this faint letter may be shorthand for a location we have not been able to identify. c The surmised date in square brackets is Birch’s. d Lady Ranelagh refers to the Great Fire of London, which started on 2 Sept. 1666. e This is a reference to Benjamin Worsley (1616–77), natural philosopher and projector. It is clear from Oldenburg’s letter to Boyle of 10 Sept., that books belonging to stationers in St Paul’s Churchb

234

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 12 Sept. 1666

bill of sale for them, that he at first promised to give you, not seeing, how your title to them can otherwise be legally good and sure; and he proposes then their being in your name put into Dr. Sydenham’s hand, as his security for 250l. for six months;a which, if you have no exceptions to, will fall in well for my occasions, one of the most pressing of which is the paying of 100l. to the doctor, which I owe him, and for which your bond was given, by way of collateral security, to confirm the engagement of this house to him therefore, so as he need lay out but 150l. and pay himself 100l. upon a security worth 5 or 600l. and that but for six months. But if you have any exception to this, use the like liberty in rejecting it, that I take in proposing it; or else you will forbid me that sort of proceeding with you for ever: and, possibly, some, where you are, might willingly deal for such a treasure as those things are by this sad accident made to be now; if not, I forget not what you were pleased to offer before you went hence.b I am to add to you, from Mr. W. that just before this fire, he had from the Barbadoes received some of the senna ripe and cured, with an assurance, that his correspondent there had saved enough of the seed to sow half an acre with it; and had taken ground to that end:c that he is now going to make the trial of it by himself, having begun to do so by an apothecary, and as soon as he has done so, intends to present his majesty with some of it, to have it tried by Dr. Cox, or else he shall pitch upon, and then to proceed to take out his patent for his privilege, which he looks upon as like to be too considerable to be long enjoyed alone by him, without envy; to avoid which, he did offer to join our friend and his at court, as patentee with him therein.d But you know what he assured us together of his inability to advance the 500l. expected by Mr. W. from him for his admittance into that privilege, and therefore /p. 562/ he desired me to offer you the putting in of any ingenious friend of your’s, who may be fit to countenance the thing, and apprehensive enough of its value, to look upon his being made sharer therein for 500l. as a kindness done him; and upon your score he shall be admitted. To these two things he would gladly receive your answer with as little delay as you can give it; as I do desire at the same rate to hear how you got to Oxford, and how you enjoy your health there. All our news here are the sad stories yard had been carried into St Faith’s church for safety during the fire. However, the fire had eventually reached this area too. Perhaps, then, Worsley’s ‘commodity’ was books. a This letter seems to be concerned with Lady Ranelagh’s change of residence, after she was assigned 2 houses in Pall Mall by the Earl of Warwick in 1665. Evidently Thomas Sydenham (for whom see above, p. 214n.), who had been Lady Ranelagh’s next-door neighbour, took over her home when she moved; see Maddison, Life, p. 128. It is not clear what goods of Worsley’s Boyle might have had an interest in, not what was contained in the ‘bill of sale’ referred to here. b Boyle had departed for Oxford before 10 Sept.; see above, p. 220. c For Worsley’s petition to the King in Oct. 1666 for a license for the cultivation of senna, which was granted in Aug. 1668, see W. N. Sainsbury (ed.), Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series 1661–8 (London, 1880), pp. 419–20, 604. d The mutual friend at court has not been identified. ‘Dr Cox’ is presumably Daniel Coxe.

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of undone people, and of those we have great abundance, but scarcity enough of pity towards them, whose wants will increase, as the charity of those, that now relieve them, will tire; to prevent both which ills, some think, the most rational way were, to make a city of huts, till one may again be made of houses, and in them to let the poorer sort of tradesmen and labourers be set a-work and trafficking, and that so by employment and getting something, they may be kept from being idle and at leisure to find out and hatch causes of discontent and disorder. But as yet, no such thing goes about, which makes those, who consider, fear we shall feel more of this ruin, when the undone people feel more of their want, than in their present astonishment they are sensible of. We are, God be praised, reasonable well as to health in this small family, only Thomas’s not having been so for two or three days, has hindered him from going abroad in order to obeying your commands.a Gresham college is now Guild-hall, and the Exchange and all.b If the philosophers and the citizens become one corporation, henceforward, it may be hoped our affairs may be better managed, than they have been, unless the citizens should prove the prevailing party, which, as the worst, it is most like to do in this world, according to the small observation of Your’s K. R.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

18 September 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 55. 4o/2. There is also a copy in vol. 1 of John Ward’s ‘Miscellaneous Collections relating to Gresham College’, British Library, Add. MS 6193, fols 81–3. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 358–9, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 229-30 and Oldenburg, iii, 229–31.

London Sept. 18. 1666. Sir, Your very obliging Letter I receaved, and delivered the annexed to My Lord Brounker, who presents his affectionate service to you, and desires, you would please to send the mentioned Experiment to me, and rest persuaded, he will doe what is in his power for the person recommended.c And I believe verily, his Lordship will not come short of his word; and which is more, I am persuaded, if he had a

Thomas was evidently a servant of Lady Ranelagh’s. After the Great Fire of London, Gresham College was taken over by the Lord Mayor and the Court of Aldermen; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 113–14. c Boyle’s letter is not extant. b

236

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 18 Sept. 1666

knowne my condition sooner, that is, so very low, as indeed it is, whatever face I have putt upon it, he would have sooner taken care for me. For he was pleased to say as much to me, when upon this occasion I related to him, that my dear wife had brought me £400, whereof, upon our agreement of marriage, she call’d in 200, laying out 100 upon furnishing our house, and the other 100 partly upon the fire1 for the house, partly for ‹other› necessary occasions, as far as it would goe. And before she dyed, left me the other £200, then in the hands of Sir Brocket Spencer and Sir John Cotton; from whom I receaved them (being necessitated to call them in also) and spent them partly for her funerall, and payment of debts, /55 (1)v/ and ‹partly upon› my subsistence hitherto;a that, which the Transactions have yielded, being consumed in my house-rent and taxes and duties; those summes not amounting also by farr to what was at first imagin’d, and being now like to fall lower yet.b Having been forced to represent this to his Lordship, and2 added, that I had declined severall offers of conducting young Noblemen abroad, which would at least have been worth to me £100 per annum, if not also some annuity ad vitam,c after the employment ended; his Lordship told me plainly, that if he had knowne so much ‹by times,› I should not have sufferd so much, expressing particularly, what advantagious employment in the Navy (but now provided for) he could have conferrd on me, which he believed I would have performd to more satisfaction, than he, that is now in it.d But yet he would be mindfull of me, and not suffer me to want. The Stationers of Pauls insist, to give them the Transactions for a while, till they can somewhat recover their losse, which indeed is very great; all their books, carried by them into St Faith’s Church under Pauls, being burnt, and amongst them the hitherto printed Transactions.e I tell them, that I should not want generosity to doe so, if I had ability to bear that retrenchment; Mean while, I have given them the Transactions of this month freely, if that will doe them any kindnes, or, at least,3 be any encouragement to them to continue; which they say it will, and make them stretch as far as they can there /55 (2)/ after. In this confusion and generall unsetlement I know not, where to fasten it, or to meet with any tolerable conditions for it: that made me venture the continuation with them, leaving the issue to Providence: which, I hope, will, upon our deep humiliation before it, and a true remorse of our impieties, raise this desolated Citty into a far better condition than ever. Dr Wren has since my last, drawn a Modell for a new Citty, and presented it to the king, who produced it himselfe before his Councill, a Dorothy Oldenburg died about the beginning of Feb. 1665. Her trustees were Sir Brocket Spencer, who has not been further identified, and Sir John Cotton (1621–1701). b Oldenburg had been complaining of the disappointing financial return on Phil. Trans. since Mar.; see above, p. 127. c ‘for life’. d For Oldenburg’s search for salaried employment see above, p. 221n. It is not clear to whom and to which office Lord Brouncker referred. e See above, pp. 220–1.

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and manifested much approbation of it.a I was yesterday morning with the Doctor, and saw the modell; which, me thinks, does so well provide for4 security, conveniency and beauty, that I can see nothing wanting as to those 3 maine articles; but whether it has consulted with the populousnes of a great Citty, and5 whether reason of State would have that consulted with, is a Quare to me. I then told the Doctor, that, if I had had an opportunity to speake with him sooner, I should have suggested to him, that such a modell, contrived by him, and reviewed and approved by the R[oyal] Society, or a Committee thereoff, before it had come to the view of his Majesty, would have given the Society a name, and made it popular, and availed not a litle to silence those, who aske continually, What have they done? He answered, that he had been so pressed to hasten it, before other Desseins came in, that he could not possibly consult the Society about it. /55 (2)v/ However, since ’tis done without taking in the Society, it must suffice, that ’tis a member thereoff, that hath done it, and, by what I see, hath done it so, that other models will not equall it; And I hope, that, when it coms to be presented to the Parlement, as the Author will be named, so his relation to the Society will not be omitted. The Parlement was adjourned from this day to Friday next; His Majesty sending them word, that he desired to meet them in a fuller house.b ’Tis conjectured, that some news is exspected shortly from the Fleet; whence6 a measure is to be taken of a part, at least, of the Speech intended for the Parlement. The French ‹Fleet› hath at last appear’d about the Ile of Wight. I conceive; that an other engagement between Us and the Dutch being exspected, they would draw nigh, to be in readines to come in, as a reserve, in the midst of the combat, and to try7 their fortune upon a tired and, at least somewhat, disabled Fleet. But the storm, that has been very violent this last night, and continues still, though not so fierce, is like to have disappointed all the 3 Fleets (if they have not fought before it) and8 damnifyed them exceedingly.c Sir I intended, to have given you an account of what councill was given on Sunday last to the King ‹in a sermon;›9 as also of some particulars, sent me from Paris; but that I have been tedious enough already, and must also spare my eyes;d who am Sir your very humble and faithful servant. a For Christopher Wren see above, p. 90n. Wren’s plan for rebuilding the city is reproduced in Hunter, Science and the Shape of Orthodoxy: Intellectual Change in Late Seventeenth-Century Britain (Woodbridge, 1995), p. 50. b The session of 18 Sept. was adjourned until 21 Sept.; see Commons Journal, viii, 624–6. c Reports about the whereabouts of the French and Dutch fleets off the English coast had been circulating for several days. On 17 Sept. 32 ships under de Beaufort’s command were said to be at Mount’s Bay on the Isle of Wight, but by 19 Sept. they had retreated. The Dutch fleet were thought to be off Ostend; see CSPD, 1666–7, pp. 133, 139. d The sermon was preached by Robert Frampton (1622–1708), chaplain to the English factory at Aleppo (in modern Syria), and a famous preacher. Oldenburg summarised the sermon in his letter to Boyle of 25 Sept. 1666, below, pp. 241–2.

238

LADY RANELAGH

to BOYLE, 18 Sept. [1666]

Endorsed at head of 55 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LV’ (replacing ‘XLXX’ deleted). Also endorsed ‘55’ and in modern pencil ‘55’.

LADY RANELAGH to BOYLE

18 September [1666]

From the original in BL 5, fols 25–6. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works (1744), v, 562 and Birch (ed.), Works (1772), vi, 529–30.

Tho: I had not my Brother received your first letter & the bagg of lime when I first write1 to you they have both Come safe since to my hands. for which I present you my humble thankes & repeate them for the repeated favour of your other of the 15th Instant which I last night received & therein the assurance of your aquiescing in the proposall wherein Dr Sydenham was mentioned.a with which I this day acquainted him who proposed it to me (who Came to me fresh from his Majesty to whom ‹hee›2 had presented a parcell of his already tryed senna to be further tryed by his Majestys Command.b who received it not onely pleasedly but greedely & much Complemented Its presenter) who upon advise thought the best way to put it into speedy practise would be your makeing him the proposition in a few lines from yourselfe Mr W. not being enough a man in his favour to make it grateful.c & I being soe much fallen from it (Why I noe more know then I did how I Came into it) /fol. 25v/ that he has not since my returne home Nor for a good while before made me soe much as a civil visit, & you being a person for whom he has much reverence3 & not the less because you have an estate In land visible to him & who may properly enough offer the stricking of off [sic] the £100 I owe him – because you were pleased by your owne bond to Ingage for it, This if you can satisfiedly doe you may if you please tell him. I shal direct him to the place where the bookes are, and I shal either deliver him your letter my selfe or make Thomas doe soe.d which of the two you shal direct. but if you scruple this at all be pleased to say soe – & I wil In your name propound it to him: I may sudainely be able to give you a perticular accoumpt of the Course Mr W. thinks of takeing to make his senna presently a Comodety & to Multeplye it to great quanteties. which apeares to me neither disingenious not unpoleticke. My brother Burlington intended not to a Boyle’s letters to Lady Ranelagh referred to here are not extant. For Thomas Sydenham’s proposal see above, p. 235. b Benjamin Worsley is the person referred to here. For his licence for the cultivation of senna see above, p. 235 c Boyle’s propositions to the king have not been traced. d For Thomas see above, p. 236.

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begin his Jorney towards Dublin (which he wil visit in his way into England) til as Yesterday which freed me from the feares for him that last nights Extraordinary stormynes might reasonably have /fol. 26/ given me if I had had Cause to suspect he had binn then at sea[.] Our fleete is supposed to have binn soe & 50 sayle of the French with the Duke of Beauford were very lately before seene from the Isle of Weight upon Our Coast,a This day the Parliament ‹mett, but› soe thinnly that his Majesty stayed goeing thether til the houses might be better filled to receive him. To this day god is pleased to continue the wonder of not suffering4 any act of rudenes of violence to be donn by any of those numerous ruined p[eopl]e5 by the late fier.b to those that were preserved from the Judg[ment] that soe distructively fell upon them. Though their Number be stil increaseing by the Pulling downe worke that is stil proceeded In about the Tower6 and Tower Hil whereby above 1000 of those that ‹the› fier left in their houses – are turned out of them. Sir John Langham has generously given £500 a yeere to the poore of the burnt parishes to be continued to them dureing his life from that famelly by Dr Cox & another friend is yet sent toc I your the 18th of 7ber

K.R.

My girles are your humble servants[.] I presented your service to My sister Burleingtond For my Deare Brother Robert Boyle Esqr These at Oxford Seal: Remnants of wax only. Endorsed on fol. 26v with Miles’s crayon number ‘No VI’ and with ink number ‘(10)’.

a The reference is to François de Vendôme, Duc de Beaufort, commander of the French naval force, for whom see above, p. 81n. b Lady Ranelagh refers to the Great Fire of London. c Sir John Langham (1584–1671), prominent City merchant and former alderman. Presumably Daniel Coxe and another served as distributors of this charity. d Lady Ranelagh’s daughters were Catherine (1633–75) and Elizabeth (dates unknown). For the 3rd daughter, Frances, see above, p. 193n. For Elizabeth, Countess of Burlington, wife of Richard Boyle, see above, p. 21n.

240

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 25 Sept. 1666

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

25 September 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 56. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 359–40, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 231 and Oldenburg, iii, 233–5.

London Sept. 25. 1666 Sir, I have good hopes, the generous Inclinations of those two worthy Persons, the Lord Brounker and Sir R. Moray, thus excited by the ready favor of your recommendation, will prove effectuall for my relief: I am sure, I am eternally obliged to you for your so carefull a concern for me.a Your commands to me for My Lord Brounker I hope I shall have occasion to obey to morrow, when we meet at Gresham; which perhaps will be the last meeting in that place, the Citty striving hard to get that Colledge totally into their hands for this time of Distresse: which if they obtaine, the Society are provided with another place to meet in, to wit, in Arundelhouse, by the Generosity of Mr Howard.b I doubt not, but they will be very well pleased with the Account of the way of Transfusing blood out of one Dog into another; and accordingly order me to returne their thanks. c I believe, Mr Martyn has sent some Copies of this Months Transactions, printed with some difficulty, for Oxford; which makes me forbeare to charge this letter with an Exemplar. If you thought fit Sir, to gratify the publick and me with your Excellent Queries ‹of›1 Mines and Petrifying waters, for the approaching month of October, in which my Hungarian friend intends to depart hence for his Contry, it would be a very seasonable favor; and the notification of your thoughts concerning it by the first conveniency, would be a great addition to it.d The French news, I would have written last week, are, That at Paris they apprehend a Peace between Spain and Portugall; /56 (1)v/ and that they heare, a League ‹is› concluded between England and the House of Austria; which they say must needs be followd by a conquest of Flanders, and, they hope, of all the Low Countries.e a The business in question is Oldenburg’s need of salaried employment, previously presented to Boyle in letters of 10 and 18 Sept., above, pp. 221, 236–7. b For Gresham College’s requisition by the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen see above, p. 220. For the Society’s move to Arundel House and Henry Howard see above, p. 220n. c Richard Lower’s method of transfusion was described by him in a letter to Boyle, which the latter sent to, or copied for, Oldenburg. It was read to the Society on 26 Sept. and published in Phil. Trans. 1 (1666), 353–7 (no. 20 for 17 Dec. 1666); see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 115. d For John Martyn see above, p. 15n. The queries on mines were not in fact printed until Nov.; see Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 330–44 (no. 19 for 19 Nov. 1666). The ‘Hungarian friend’ was perhaps Paul Jasz Berengi, who is mentioned in a letter from Stanislaus Lubienietzki (1623–75), head of the Socinian sect in northern Europe, to Oldenburg of 10 July 1666; see Oldenburg, iii, 180–1. e The peace between Spain and Portugal was not in fact concluded until Feb. 1668. For the unsuccessful negotiations between England and Austria see above, p. 17n.

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3, 1666–7

My Philosophicall friend tells me, that another volume of DesCartes’s letters is printed, promising to send me a Copy, by the first opportunity.a I know not, Sir, whether you heard any thing of the advise, given to his Majesty on Sunday, was sennight, in a Sermon preached before him by Mr Frampton, lately returned from Aleppo.b It containd these particulars; That his Majesty, for the bringing ‹of› Vertue and Piety into fashion, would please to putt in execution all his Laws against impiety and vice: Invite seriously his whole Court, the Nobility and Gentry to countenance Vertue and discountenance Vice: Deny his favour to all Libertins and Profane persons: And remove out of his owne breast, if2 any thing should lodge there, capable to provoke Gods displeasure. ‹All› Which being done, he assured himself, that it would ‹not only› cast such a light and splendor about his Majesties throne, ‹as to›3 scatter all the works of darknesse, but also bring such a floud of blessings upon him and the whole kingdome, that England would be the wonder of the world for prosperity. The Parlement hath voted in generall a Supply proportionable to the king’s present occasions. They are to review the Account of the Expences ‹for the Warre;› and to4 state, for the rebuilding of London, that Grand Quere, How much such a quantity of Ground, in such a place, is5 worth to build upon?c The Dutch, hearing we were all on fire in London, resolved immediately to come out again, and are now in Margat-rode. Our Fleet, upon the hearing thereof, will quickly come to them with this wind; and then there may be another fight, if they stand it. /56 (2)/ ’Tis somewhat happy, that our Fleet of ‹some 30› Marchantmen, lately come from Livorno and Scanderoon, gone into Portsmouth, are there still (as we heare they are:) For, if they had been at Sea at this time, and in their way for London, they would hardly have escaped falling into the Dutch Fleet.d I can hear nothing of My Lord Brereton: if I meet Mr Hook to morrow at Gresham, I shall enquire after the letter, you mention;e who am Sir Your faithful humble servant H. O.

a There is an account of Claude Clerselier’s 3rd and last tome of the Lettres de M. Descartes (1657– 67) in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 392–4 (no. 22 for 11 Feb. 1667). Oldenburg’s correspondent was probably Adrien Auzout, for whom see above, p. 15n. b For Robert Frampton and his sermon to the king see above, p. 238n. c On 21 Sept. the House of Commons resolved to ‘supply his Majesty proportionably to his present Occasions’. The House of Lords concurred with the Commons in the vote on 24 Sept. The amount voted was £1,800,000; see Commons Journal, viii, 625, 647, and Lords Journal, xii, 5–6. d On 24 Sept. the Dutch fleet were reported to be off Dunkirk; see CSPD, 1666–7, p. 154. e For William Brereton see above, p. 112n.

242

SHARROCK

to BOYLE, 2 Oct. 1666

I suppose, Dr Lower will give me leave, to make his way of bleeding one dog into another publick, to invite others to the like Experiments. For his Noble Friend / Robert Boyle Esquire at Mr Crosse’s house in Oxford Seal: Seal missing; seal-shaped repair to paper. Endorsed at head of 56 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LVI’ and in modern pencil ‘56’. Endorsed on 56 (2)v with Birch number ‘No. 56’. Also endorsed with ‘2’ beneath address.

ROBERT SHARROCKa to BOYLE

2 October 1666

From the original in BL 5, fols 99–100. Fol/2. Text begins on fol. 100. Not previously printed.

Ever Honoured Sir I am desired by Your servant Mr Egertons Father to acquaint Your Honour that He is very Sensible that his Son hath been much advantaged by his Service to Your Honour & shall be ready to acknowledge it But finding his Sons eagerness to a Settled University life in order to the study of Divinity he is willing to stretch his purse to accomodate1 Him in the Way of a Commoner in some Colledge or Hall, For when Your Honour shall please to dispense with Him he is resolv’d that his Son shall not Submitt himselfe to any other Service of any person whomsoever.b For that would be but to use an University phrase Gradus Symeonis se submittere.c And even in this particular his express desire is to Use Your Honour with due respect that becomes Him & therefore will not desire to withdraw his attendance untill He shall have Notice that Your Honour is accommodated with another Servant fitting to attend in his Capacity. I am most mindfull of my promise to Your Honour concerning some Experiments in Cookery & other Domestick affairs which I have received from the best practicks in these particular in England & do hope that some of them may be usefull to2 Your Honour in Your 2d part of the a

Robert Sharrock (1630–84), divine, author and Boyle’s editor. Sharrock probably refers to Thomas Egerton (see above, p. 181n.), who later became rector at Adstock, Buckinghamshire where Sharrock’s family lived. Egerton matriculated at Balliol College Oxford in Nov. 1666. He presumably worked for Boyle as an amanuensis. c ‘to submit oneself to the grade of Symeon’. The meaning of this phrase is unclear. b

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3, 1666–7

Treatise of the Usefullness:a I shall marke out Some of the best & gett them transcribed for Your Honour This I write occasionally from Adistock meeting Mr Egerton whose desire I could not deny in making this Intimation I shall take some other time to express my Selfe to Your Honour to bee Your Hounrs in all humble observance to bee commanded Ro: Sharrock

20 Octobris ’66 3

These For the Honourable / Robert Boyle Esq:

Seal: Remnant only damaged. Similar to that on Sharrock to Boyle, 7 Jan. 1665 (see vol. 2, p. 449). Endorsed on fol. 99v at right-angles to the main text by Wotton: ‘Dr Sharrock Oct. 2. 1666’ and with Miles’s crayon number ‘No 12’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

2 October 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 57. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 360–1, Birch (ed.), Works, vi, 232–3 and Oldenburg, iii, 237–9.

London Oct. 2. 1666. Sir, Your last without date came to my hands this morning.b The mention therein1 made of the extraordinary weight of the Atmosphere at such a morning and ‹on› such a day, makes me take notice of the omission of the date, because it relates to the time of the writing of the letter, which is not expressed. Sir, I shall very carefully intimate, what you suggest concerning the Queries of Mines, if you please to communicate them to the publick, which if you shall give your consent to, will be more largely obliging and more generally beneficiall, than a

Sharrock refers to Boyle’s Usefulness II, sect. 1, which had been published in 1663, the 2nd section following in 1671; see Works, vols 3, 6. However, no experiments with cookery were published in either part. b This letter of Boyle’s is not extant.

244

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 2 Oct. 1666

if given only in writing to this or that person.a I heartily thank you for the hopes, you are pleased to give me of other Queries or papers, in lieu of those of Petrifying Springs, begging withall your pardon for my importunities. I met this morning our good friend Mr Daniel Coxe at Sir R. Moray’s, and perceived by him, that he is very anxious at your being absent from London, at a time, when there is an important cause to wish you here present; which yet he did not declare to me, but thus in generall.b My last from Paris contained an inclosed from M. de la Quintiny, a gentleman Gardner, who presents his humble service to you, among severall others, and shows his constant addiction to the improvement of Gardening; wherein I find he has attained that excellency of skill, that he is courted by all the Grandees in France for it.c /57 (1)v/ My Lord of Essex hath found the experience of his knowledge of that kind;d who being lately returned from Paris, was pleased to charge himself for my use with a couple of new French books whereof one is of M. Pascals, intitled, Traité du Triangle Arithmetique, avec quelques autres petits Traitéz sur la mesme matiere;e the other, ‹une› Relation du voyage de l’Evesque de Beryte par la Turquie, Perse, les Indes etc. jusques au royaume de Siam et autres lieux.f I had only leisure, since I received them, to skim over the latter,2 which has much more of the Missionary in it, than of the Philosopher. That which pleases me best in him, is the description of the best way of travalling into the East-Indies by land, and in what season, and3 length of time it may be performed. He notes something of the finding of Diamonds in those parts, which I know not well what to make of. It may be, Sir, you will not be displeased to see it; wherefore I shall here transcribe him verbatim:g Pour trouver les diamans, on prend dela terre, que l’on croit propre à les former (I suppose he means the Earth, that is found in Diamond-mines) qui est rougeastre, entrecoupée de veines blanches et remplies de cailloux, et de mottes dures. On a The ‘Inquiries touching Mines’ were printed in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 330–43 (no. 19 for 19 Nov. 1666). See also Works, vol. 5, pp. 529–40. Oldenburg had also requested papers on ‘petrifying waters’; see above, p. 241. b For Coxe’s impatience with Boyle’s visits to Leese Priory in recent months see his letters to Boyle of June and Aug. 1666 (above, pp. 178, 212). c Jean de la Quintinye (1626–88) had corresponded with Oldenburg in 1663, describing the cultivation of melons and sending melon seeds for the gardens of the Fellows of the Royal Society. d The reference is to Arthur Capel (1631–83), Earl of Essex, who travelled widely in France during 1666–7. e This work by Blaise Pascal (1623–62) was published posthumously in 1665. f There is a review of this book, by M. de Bourges, in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 327–8 (no. 18 for 22 Oct. 1666). g ‘To find diamonds one picks some earth which one thinks suitable for forming them…which is reddish, intersected by white veins, and full of pebbles and hard lumps. Near the place one wishes to investigate one prepares a uniform and smooth piece of ground; to this is carried what is drawn from the mine; it is spread out gently and left exposed to the Sun for two days…until it is dried out enough; it is beaten to a powder and, when it is screened, they find diamonds and recognize the pebbles in which nature has encased them.’

245

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

dispose proche des endroits, que l’on veut fouiller, une terre, qui soit unie et egalle: On y porte celles, que l’on a tirees dela mine; on l’estend doucement, et on la laisse exposée au Soleil durant deux jours (this, me thinks, is a very short time;) lors qu’elle est assez desseichee, on la bat pour la reduire en poudre, et criblant cete terre ils4 trouvent les diamans, et reconoissent les cailloux, oú la nature les a enchassez. Thus he. I understand not, whether these exposed Earths in such places, /57 (2)/ that are suspected to have Diamond-mines, being found afterwards to have litle diamonds generated in them, shall serve for a signe of such mines, or not? Our news from Sea is none other, than that our Fleet is well, and has suffered none, but very slight, damage in the late storms; which yet have been very unfortunat to us upon this account, that they have hindred us ‹twice› to give the ennemy battell, when5 we had him at very great advantage, and might, in all probability, have obtained a very important victory over him; and thereby necessitated him to a peace. Both the Ennemies Fleets, French and Dutch, have sustained some losse by the winds; whereof I exspect the particulars by the next.a The rebuilding of the Citty, as to the model, is still very perplext; there appearing 3 parties in the House of Commons about it. Some are for a quite new Model, according to Dr Wrens draught: Some, for the old, yet to build with bricks; Others, for a midle way, by building a key, ‹and› enlarging some streets, but keeping6 the old foundations and vaults. I heare, this very day there is a meeting of some of his Majesties Councill and others of the Nobility, with the leading men of the Citty, to conferre about this great work, and to try, whether they can bring it to some issue, before the people, that inhabited London, doe scatter into other parts.b The great stresse will be, how to raise mony for carrying on the warre, and to rebuild the Citty, at the same time.c /57 (2)v/ Sir, I must not omit to tell you, that my Parisian friend acquaints me, there is one, that has answered M. Hobbes’s book de Cive, but the answer not yet printed. He adds; Celuy, qui y a travaillé, a de l’esprit, et a bien reussy.d They are troubled at Paris at the death of Monsieur Mansart, their best Architect, who vyed with the Cavalier Bernini.e a

For the recent clashes between the English fleet and those of the French and Dutch, see Oldenburg’s letters of 18 and 25 Sept., above, pp. 238, 242. b Plans for the reconstruction of London were proposed in the aftermath of the Great Fire. For Christopher Wren see above, p. 90n. Debates on the rebuilding were heard in the House of Commons on 27 and 28 Sept.; see Commons Journal, viii, 628–9. c For the vote for expenses for the Dutch war and the rebuilding of London see above, p. 242n. d ‘He who has worked on it has wit and has done well.’ The reference is to Thomas Hobbes’s Elementa philosophica de cive (1647); the ‘not yet printed’ response might conceivably be Gisbertus Cocq, Hobbes eleghomenos, published in Utrecht in 1668. Oldenburg’s Parisian correspondent is probably Henri Justel, for whom see above, p. 126. e Oldenburg refers to François Mansard (1598–1666), and Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini (1598– 1680), Italian sculptor, whom Louis XIV had brought to Paris.

246

COXE

to BOYLE, 14 Oct. [1666]

One, Monsieur Varin hath lately made le Buste du Roy, ‹in marble;› which they esteem no lesse than that of the said Bernini.a Sir, if you favor us with the abovementioned Queries, and they come to my hands next Munday, they will come seasonably for the Transactions of this month to Sir Your faithful humble servant H. O. Seal: Slight wax trace. Endorsed at head of 57 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LVII’. The manuscript also contains printers’ marks.

14 October [1666]b

COXE to BOYLE From the original in BL 2, fols 68–9. Fol/2. Not previously printed.

Sir These are to returne you humble & hearty thanks for favouring mee with the processe Concerning Helmonts Laudanum a medicine I have used with great successe & which hath gained mee more Reputation then any other I have hitherto imployed, itt being my last Refuge & indeed deservedly, seldome or never frustrating my conceived hopes or the expectations of my Patients.c I remember Bontius in his discourse De medicina Indorum highly extolls Opium & protests1 that without itt hee could not exercise his profession his ‹words› being Emphaticall I may venter to repeat them. Sayes heed si hujus (sc. Opii.) laudes referem, viderer Chimicis velle suum honorem præsipere: hoc saltem dico, si nobis de opio & opiatis non esset Prospectus2 frustra in calidissimis his regionibus medicinam faceremus, Dysa Jean Varin (1604–72), born at Liège, became head of the Mint and later superintendant of Royal Buildings in France. He made larger-than-life busts of Louis XIV in marble and bronze which adorned Versailles. b This letter has been assigned to 1666 since it clearly forms part of Coxe’s ongoing correspondence with Boyle during this year. c Boyle was given the recipe of van Helmont’s laudanum in the early 1660s by an unidentified German chemist. He received another recipe for the same medicine from van Helmont’s son, Franciscus Mercurius van Helmont; see Phil. Trans., 9 (1674), 147. See also Works, vol. 8, p. 527. d ‘If I wished to praise this (namely, opium), I would seem to be taking honour from the chemists; this at least I will say, that if we did not look to opium and opiates here, then in these very hot regions we would make medicines in vain for dysentery, cholera, burning fevers, and other bilious

247

CORRESPONDENCE OF BOYLE: VOLUME

3, 1666–7

enteriæ, Choleræ febribus ardentibus ac reliquis biliosis affectibus orgasmo turgentibus. & afterwards derides those who shall attribute the successes of Mithridatium Dioscordium Theriaca &c to any other ingredients then the Opiate. which makes mee sometimes wonder why our Phisitians are so shy of administring opiates in the beginning of a feavour wheras if delirous subject to inquietude or other Effects of an intense heat they scruple not to exhibitt them3 & wee frequently observe thereuppon a remission if not an absolute removall of those direfull Symptomes. For4 my own part I make no dainties of my Opiates in the beginning of Our Autumnall feavours which are dasshed presently therrby. Laudanums & Anodynes are also in my apprehention usefull in other acute distempers such as Gout Rheumatisms &c. being excellent instruments in the hands of a judicious Phisitian which enable him to procure a Truce as itt were between the disease & patient who in this intervall recovers some of his straggling forces & repairs the weak remainders either by sleep or Corroborating medicines: & Oftentimes a remission or intermission of paines & Paroxisms prove Conducive to a through cure nature having time allowed her to take breath recollect her selfe rectify her mistakes & if not too soon surprized combates a returning enimy with successe who probably would have overcome if the first advantages had been vigourously prosecuted & nature overpowered before shee Could5 receive those Supplies which afterwards render her victorious. If so, then Certainly those who are masters of such methods or medicines as releive nature in her greatest extremity have great advantages over others6 which makes mee congratulate my good fortune for affording mee the meanes of Learning the best7 of this kind which perhaps the world affords; & disposes mee to returne thankfull acknowledgments to my Honorable freind who hath so obligingly gratified mee therewith. I8 intended here according to my promise to render you an account of some the most Considerable amongst the Cures which on sure grounds I attribute to this medicine but my occasions are so importunate that I9 am forced to deny myselfe the satisfaction of dilating on this subject & shall therfore content my selfe with one Instance which confirmed mee in the /fol. 68v/ good opinion I had allready entertained of the Helmontian Laudanum. A person of Quality a beautifull lady being seized on by that formidable distemper which I stile Arthritis Scorbutica vaga,a but passes Commonly under the name of a Rheumatisme or the running gout was pleased to advize with mee despairing of releife from the pure Galenists who had formerly kept her in hands some months & never gave her the least releife shee had formerly endured many fitts none leaving her till10 after they had allmost exhausted her small stock of patience by 10 weekes Constant Exercise. When I made my first visitt shee Complained of intollerable paines in all parts having no intermission but sometimes remission otherwhiles complaints with spasms’. Coxe quotes from p. 9 of Medicina indorum (1642) of Jacob de Bondt (Bontius) (1592–1631), a Dutch physician who travelled to the East Indies. a Coxe’s patient has not been identified.

248

COXE

to BOYLE, 14 Oct. [1666]

exacerbation of paine which was11 frequently so violent as to occasion postures & outcries unbeseeming a person of her Sex & Quality. shee had been for some nights deprived of rest & could not stirr a limb nay not So much as her little finger without extreem dolour;12 Severall Tumours appeared some wherof were fixd others vagrant changing their scituation allmost as swift as thought & to mee seemed not reall swellings but only Convulsions of the tendons. That night I exhibited 8 grains [of] Laudanum with 3ss [½ dram] of Spiritus Cornu cervi which mitigated her paines & insensibly disposed her to sleep which Course I continued 6 or 8 nights only att the latter end substituting highly rectified Spirit of Salt Armoniack in the place of Hartshorne; Every night shee had Comfortable Rest & each day more ease; the 2d making use of hands & arms the 3d of her leggs, the 4th shee sat up in her bed the 5th I got her up on 1 leg the 6th shee had the Use of both the 7th walked in her chamber & the 8th Entertained mee in her dining roome. During this Cure her body not being so solutive as I thought might bee for her welfare I ordred each other day a clister & after the 8th day finding her much afflicted with vapours which had allmost deprived her of sight & not free from apprehentions of the returne of her distemper13 of which shee felt some grudgings I freed her from both in 2 nights by the following medicine. I poured excellent Spiritus sal Armoniack on recent moyst New England Castoreum, (for that which is dry & pulverisable is but a degree beyond powder of rotten posts) which in few houres extracted a high tincture therefrom which 4 parts of this I mixed one of the Laudanum which like a spell freed14 her from the reliques of her distemper discussed her vapours corroberated the Archeus Confirmed her health in which Condition shee hath Continued to this day without the least threat of a Relapse. I shall not trouble your Honor with tedious descants on this Case only acquaint you with my apprehentions (which I suppose are Consonant to queres) that this cure was cheifly effected by vertue of the Laudanum. This & 2 or 3 other Considerable cures performed by chimicall medicines after the diseases had eluded all ordinary medicines & methods hath so startled Dr Sydenham that Hee begins to effect Chymistry speakes honourably of Chymicall medicines professes ‹seriously› hee would willingly give a good sum of money for a moderate insight into our misteries which if I can help him to hee is not like to bee long withouta /fol. 69/ This15 I account a greater Cure than that of my Rheumatic lady; & expect more thanks from Mr Boyle For undertaking & effecting itt then if I had acquainted him with some of the Arcana majora:b & I shall never hereafter despaire of proseliting any having reduced so seemingly an obstinate enimy to Spagyristsc I thought here to have Concluded a

For Thomas Sydenham see above, p. 214n. ‘major secrets’, a term used by van Helmont and George Starkey, (1628–65), the Americanborn chymist with whom Boyle corresponded in the early 1650s; see vol. 1, pp. 90–103, 107–31. c Spagyrists were chemical practitioners who were particularly concerned with separating out the constituent parts of compounds, and then re-combining them in purer, more active forms (the practice of spagyria). b

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rather out of discretion than for want of matter but Cannot forbear acquainting your Honor with a project on which I have been long harping; have lately made some trialls with what successe I shall hereafter acquaint you. I have observed that although the symptomes of diseases bee frequently the Same they ‹may› have various causes & Consequently require differing remedies. So that if wee mistake our Indication instead of Curing or releiving the patient wee may exasperate his paines & heighten16 his distemper therfore in my apprehention when the Cause of a disease is occult wee are so far from being acquainted with a specificall remedy That where only Some generall will serve wee know not whence to derive our Cure whither from vomitt purg &c. whence tis evident how desirable such medicines are which17 being exhibited will cast off the morbous matter by those passages which nature finds the most open & expedite way, whom the Phisitian must follow as his guide learning by this meanes what Course to take for the future with his Patient. As for Instance. Our Medicine must ‹bee neither› vomittive[,] purgative Diaphoreticall Diureticall ‹or› Anodyne &c but æqually disposed to either & determined this or the other way according to the apparatus of the morbifick matter[,] the parts of itts residence & the disposition of the body to one or more of the forementioned ways of Evacuation. If I do not exceedingly flat[ter m]y18 selfe I may pretend to be master of Such a medicine by whose mediation I have Cured severall obstinate distempers but I have some difficulties to Conflict with & surmount before I can render this method of generall use: Sir in your Last you were pleased to encourage mee to expect from you the processe Concerning pearles which would come very seasonably (as that of the variation of the menstruum peracutum) to a person who though hee Cannot19 yet assume the Confidence to take money will allow himselfe the liberty to make itt as a more generous way of Subsistencea I have now renewed my acquaintance att the glasse howse where my pentionariesb are ready to undertake & performe whatsoever I shall require of them[.]20 I enquired of Dr Gurdon Concerning that powder where Sulphur Betony &c were ingredients hee remembers not that hee ever used any such medicine & supposes itt might bee his brother who had the honour the [sic] bee acquainted with you.c I mentioned in severall letters Dr Bolnest as a person worthy your acquaintance & one who makes great professions of Love & respect & though to my Knowledge Courted keepes21 himselfe free till your returne & will not resolve how to dispose of himselfe till hee hath discoursed with your Honour itt seemes hee hath great misteries to reveal a Coxe refers to a letter from Boyle which is not extant. The menstruum peracutum was a powerful solvent used by Boyle in his alchemical experiments on gold; see Forms and Qualities (1666), Works, vol. 5, p. 418ff. and Principe, Aspiring Adept (above, p. 179), pp. 82–4. b i.e., pensionaries. c This is likely to be a reference to Aaron Gurdan (b. 1627), MD from Rheims, Master of the Mint and honorary Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians; see W. Munk, The Roll of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 3 vols (London, 1878), i, 328, and Webster, Great Instauration (above, p. 74), pp. 296–7.

250

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 16 Oct. 1666

which none excepting your selfe are worthy to bee acquainted withalla I hope the Event will answer your Expectation I can assure you mine is highly exalted having a personall knowledge of his abilities I beseech you Sir hasten your Returne which is exceedingly desired by Sir Your most Affectionate, most Faithfull & most Humble Servant. Dan: Coxe.

October.th.14.

These For the Honorable / Robert Boyle Esqr. To bee left with Mr Crosse Apothecary over against Allsoul’s Coll. / Oxon. Seal: Oval. Bottom third missing. Shield: a fesse charged with five objects, two mullets in chief. Postmark: ‘OC / 18’. Endorsed below address: ‘2’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

16 October 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 58. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 361–2, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 233–5 and Oldenburg, iii, 244–7.

London Octob. 16. 1666. Sir, Though I must confesse, I reckoned upon the Quæries touching the Mines for the Transactions of this month, and that the more, because of my Hungarian’s readines to returne into his Contry, as also (which came but lately to my knowledge) of Mr Thyns, who is of the Royal Society, intended voyage for Sueden, whither he is to goe within this week as Envoy from the king; b yet, since the communication thereoff is but differred1 till next month, I am still to give you my humble thanks for continuing your favor and intentions of imparting them to the publick by my hand: which acknowledgements I am to redouble for the Heads, you have been pleased to send me, concerning2 Sea-waters; in the publishing a

Coxe refers to Edward Bolnest, physician and author of Medicina instaurata (1665). For these papers and the Hungarian see above, p. 241n. Oldenburg refers to Thomas Thynne (1640–1714), F.R.S. and envoy to Sweden; see his letter to Thynne in Oldenburg, iii, 243. b

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whereoff I shall endeavour to observe your directions.a My first to Dr Beale will, if God permit, give him notice of what you propose about Tryals and observations for the discovery of the nature of Petrifaction, if there be any Petrifying Springs in his neighbourhood.b The two last Wednesdays having been days of humiliation, we have had no meetings at Gresham Colledge: And the Stationers and Printers having sustain’d great losses in the late fire, and not knowing ‹as yet,› how to setle and to reassume their Trade, so as to make gaine thereby; doe very much scruple to print any thing, except it /58 (1)v/ concerne the present affaires of the warre, and of the Citty: in regard whereoff, it will be very difficult to persuade them to continue the printing of the Transactions, unlesse I3 let them be printed without consideration for the charges and pains, I am att in the digesting of them; as I did the last: which my condition will not beare, however my soule be free enough to consent to it, if I could.c The vote of the raising of £1800000 you cannot but know; as also, that a Committee is appointed,4 to consider of the best way of raising it; which, ’tis thought by many, will be by continuing the Taxe upon reall and personall Estates.d The other grand affaire about rebuilding the Citty, is not neglected neither; Strict injunction being now issued by the Lord Mayor, in the kings name, to clear the Foundations of all burnt houses of the rubbish within a forthnight; which done, the Survey and admeasurement of all such Foundations is to be forthwith taken in hand, and that by the care and management of Dr Wren and M. Hook: which survey5 is ‹to› be exactly registred; for the better stating hereafter every ones right and propriety: And then the method of building will be taken into nearer consideration, and, ’tis hoped, within a short time resolved upon. All which may be more fully seen in the printed Paper, for that purpose made publick by the Lord Mayor.e From Holland we have receaved the printed Sentence of Death, pronounced (and since executed) by the States Generall against Monsieur Buat;f the summe whereoff is: That he having maintaind, besides a knowne and allowed correspona These papers were published in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 315–16 (no. 18 for 22 Oct. 1666). See also Works, vol. 5, pp. 527–8. b Following the reading of John Beale’s letter to Oldenburg of 24 Sept. at the Society’s meeting of 3 Oct., Oldenburg was instructed to ask Beale for further samples of pond water; see Birch, Royal Society, ii, 116. On petrifaction, see above, p. 241n. c For the difficulties faced by Oldenburg with regard to Phil. Trans. see above, p. 237. d For the House of Commons’s vote for finance for the Dutch war and the rebuilding of London see above, p. 242n. e The Lord Mayor of London during 1665–6 was Thomas Bludworth (1620–82). On 10 Oct. 1666 he issued An Order of the Common Council relative to the rebuilding of the City. f Capitaine de Buat was a Frenchman in Dutch service. He was condemned on the charge of plotting to obtain a peace with England in the Orangist interest. He was imprisoned in Sept. 1666 and executed at The Hague in early October; see CSPD, 1666–7, p. 199.

252

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 16 Oct. 1666

dence, another secret and forbidden one, with certain Ministers of England, and /58 (1)v/ thereby made the world believe, that the States Generall might make peace with England, when they would, if they would but send persons thither to treat, and that many of the said States were of the same opinion with him: Besides, having entertained motions from England for separating from France, and for sending Commissioners thither, without the French, as also, having conferred with an English Envoy at Anwerp, and ‹there› contrived a modell of a Letter, to be written by the king of England to the States, to persuade them to dispatch some person to him: Which being done, he and his complices in the Government would employ themselves vigorously to presse in the States Assembly, that the kings desire might be complied with: Of which conference in Anwerp, a report being made to the King of England, his Majesty, tho he thought not fit in that conjuncture to write such a Letter, yet did very much approve ‹of the dessein› of procuring an Ambassy to him: which particulars being written from England to Buat, he, by a mistake, delivered that letter, among others, to De Witte, and thereby discovered his double Correspondences, whereof the unallowed one tended ‹so much,› as they conceive, to the traducing of their Government, and the causing of disturbance and division among their people.a That therefore the Soverain Court of Holland, Zeland and Friesland did condemne the said Buat to have his head cutt off, and his goods confiscated. From Paris the letters mention the resolution there taken by the king, de pousser la guerre vigoureusement, pour reduire les Anglois à la raison.b They speak likewise of a dessein, that king hath of reforming Paris, by freeing it from dirt, rogues, and /58 (2)/ the tricks of the Law: This I shall give you in my friends owne words:c Il y a un conseil de police, qui consiste de 8 conseillers d’Estat; nomméz pour avoir souci dela police de Paris, qu’on a divisé en autant de quartiers. Si on pouvoit nous delivrer de bouës, de filous, et dela chicane, Paris seroit une demeure admirable, et il n’y en auroit point au monde de semblable. (There must be a River of Thames too, to make good such an encomium.) Outre cela, on pretend mettre un prix fixe au pain, à la viande, au bois et à toutes autres sortes de denrees. On poursuit desja les filles de Joye (this is like to make them filles tristes) qu’on veut a

This is a reference to Jan de Witt (1625–74), Grand Pensionary of Holland. ‘to press the war vigorously, so as to reduce the English to reason’. c The letter quoted here, probably from Henri Justel, has not been found. ‘There is appointed a police board consisting of 8 state councillors to supervise the police of Paris which has been divided into the same number of districts. If we could be relieved of dirt, felons and chicanery, Paris would make a splendid place of residence and there would be nothing like it in the world … Besides this, they intend to fix the price of bread, of meat, of wood and of all other provisions. They are already after the prostitutes … whom they wish to wipe out because their lodgings serve to shelter felons. If you have any good advice to offer, you would oblige us and serve the public.’ Oldenburg’s comment of the French ‘filles de Joye’, literally ‘ladies of joy’, is that the policy would make them ‘sad ladies’. b

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exterminer, parce que leur logis servent de retraites aux filoux. Si vous avez quelque bon avis à nous donner, vous nous obligerez, et servirez le public. I am hereupon inquiring, what good order there is in London, worth imitation, and I mean to addresse my friend to the regu[la]tions6 of Rome, as to the set prizes of victuals; though there be set prizes also of such houses, as they intend to rout at Paris. From Italy I understand, that the Pope is in7 a departing condition, and that there is already great bandying for the next Election, which will hardly be made without much disorder and dissatisfaction.a From Spaine coms news, that the peace between that kingdom and Portugall is not despaired off, the English ministers there employing themselves vigorously for the procurement thereoff.b Sir I suppose, your Eyes are tired, and mine being so too, I shall say no more, than that I am Sir Your faithfull humble servant H. O. Endorsed at head of 58 (1) with Miles’s crayon number ‘No LVIII’.

OLDENBURG to BOYLE

23 October 1666

From the original in Early Letters OB 59. 4o/2. Previously printed in Birch (ed.), Works, (1744), v, 362–3, Birch (ed.), Works, (1772), vi, 235–6 and Oldenburg, iii, 272–5.

London Octob. 23. 1666. Sir, I must wait for your conveniency of sending the Queries for Mines; and in the meane time give you my humble thanks for the favour of your concern in the Transactions.c To this very houre I have got none yet to print them; and unlesse Mr Crook (whom I doe what I can to encourage to it, by promising him, that I will endeavour the1 best I can to procure for him ‹the printing› some good vendible a Pope Alexander VII died on 6 Mar. 1667. His successor was Giulio Rospigliosi (1600–69), Pope Clement IX, who held the Papacy from 1667 to his death. b For the peace between Spain and Portugal see above, p. 241n. c For these papers printed in November’s Phil. Trans. see above, p. 245n.

254

OLDENBURG

to BOYLE, 23 Oct. 1666

books, as occasion shall serve) undertake it, I despaire of the continuation;a however they write to me from Paris, that they are very glad to find, our Transactions goe on, notwithstanding the spoyle made by the late fire, (which they take occasion to say upon the sight of Numb. 17 which was printed after the fire, gratis.)b I shall take occasion to inquire after that History of Africa, you mention.c We heare, some French Gentleman or other is to come over, to condole with the king for the losse of London, and to present him with some Pipes of Clarett:d I hope, to procure Descartes his new volume of Letters, and Honoratus Fabri, and Vossius de Nilo etc. to be sent over by that opportunity.e I believe, Sir, you have seen, or will see by this post, his /59 (1)v/ Majesties printed Declaration of warre (which is a very resolut one), against the king of Dennemark, as his greatest Ennemy. The truth is, that king (as is made out by the printed Book) has so palpably prevaricated, and so manifestly broken his faith with our king, and acted against all honor, even so farr, as to act double with the Dutch themselves, that he will be the most contemptible Prince in the World, and never be able to wash out a Staine of so deep a dye.f The Dutch themselves, tho now they must make use of him, and his owne people will despise him, let him varnish it over, as he pleaseth, the2 whole charge being grounded upon plaine matter of fact, proved by writings, drawne by the privity of the Ministers of 3 kingdoms, England, Denmark and Sueden. His Majesty could not avoyd the remonstrating hereoff,3 unlesse himself would have been contented to lye under the Aspersions of being a Violator of the Laws of Nations; to remove which, he has proved, that the king of Danemark invited him, of his own accord, to that Hostility against the Dutch, at Bergen, which he is by him reproached off, etc. This warre against Denmark being like to prove implacable, we must cast about, how to gett the Danish Commodities4 another way; which may be done by Suedish and Hanse-towne Vessels. From Paris they write, that they hope, there will shortly be a peace between them and England: Which, I confesse, I understand not, how it should be effected, a The Phil. Trans. for the earlier part of 1666 were printed by John Martyn and James Allestry, see above, p. 15n. Those of the last 3 months of 1666 bear the imprint of Martyn alone. For John Crooke see above, p. 44n. b The number referred to was printed on 9 Sept. 1666. c It is not clear to what book Oldenburg here refers. d This envoy has not been identified. e For Descartes’s letters see above, p. 242. Presumably Oldenburg is referring to Honoré Fabri’s Tractatus duo: quorum prior est de plantis et de generatione animalium, posterior de homine (1666) and to Isaac Vossius, De nili et aliorum fluminum origine (1666). Of this latter work there was a notice in Phil. Trans., 1 (1666), 304–6 (no. 17 for 9 Sept. 1666). f The declaration against Frederick III (1609–70), King of Denmark and Norway 1648–70, was published on 19 Sept. as A True Deducation of all Transactions between His Majesty of Great Britain, and the King of Denmark, with a Declaration of War against the said King.

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as affairs stand, unles it be, that our Sollicitations in Spaine of concluding a /59 (2)/ Truce with Portugall, in order to make us enter into a strict League with both, should frighten the French king into a timely peace with us, to prevent that Confederation.a The words of the Letter, because of their weight, I will give you themselves; b Si j’osois escrire de nouvelles, je vous en manderois de tresbonnes; et que vous apprendrez d’ailleur