The Concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo Traditional Religion : A Critical Analysis for a Better Understanding [1 ed.] 9783832593407, 9783832543389

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The Concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo Traditional Religion: A Critical Analysis for a Better Understanding

Isidore Chika Orjikwe

λογος

THE CONCEPT OF THE SUPREME BEING IN IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS FOR A BETTER UNDERSTANDING

Isidore Chika Orjikwe

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet u ¨ber http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

Cover picture by NKWOTA, R. of CAS creation in God’s Providence Printers of Mushin Lagos, Nigeria

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Copyright Logos Verlag Berlin GmbH 2016 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. ISBN 978-3-8325-4338-9

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Dedication To my beloved late parents Mr. Samuel and Ezinne, Chief Veronica Orjikwe.  

Acknowledgements No one can succeed without the help and collaboration of his follow human being; this is true in my own case. Therefore, I wish to express my profound gratitude to all who in one way or the other contributed to the realization of this research work. My thanks go to my Bishop His Lordship, Rt. Rev. Dr. S.A. Amatu for the opportunity he granted me to study Fundamental Theology at the Catholic Theology Faculty at the University of Würzburg, Germany. I am also very grateful and indebted to the Catholic Diocese of Würzburg Germany, for their financial and spiritual assistance during my studies. I thank his lordship Rt. Rev. Dr. Friedhelm Hoffmann, Catholic Bishop of Würzburg Diocese, the former Vicar General the late Dr. Karl Hillenbrand, the former head of the department for foreign priests Monsignor Dr. Heinz Geist and the present Domkapitular Herr Pfarrer Dietrich Seidel and his assistants. I am profoundly grateful to my doctoral father, Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Klausnitzer. He painstakingly guided me throughout the period of this research work. I am also grateful to my second moderator, Prof. Dr. Chibueze Udeani, his invaluable contributions and sacrifices helped to the realization of this work. Their scholarly insight, expertise, dedication and availability during this research were the best any student could pray for. I also thank Prof. Dr. Isidore Diala for finding time to proofread this research work. I also say a big thank you to my doctoral father’s secretary Frau Elfriede Stark for her help during my studies. To my beloved family, my late parents Mr. Samuel and Ezienne, Chief, Veronica Orjikwe, my sister Lady Emilia Onyeike and her husband Chief Sir Jude Onyeike, my brothers Cyril, Vincent, Cletus, Tobias, my sister Esther and other family members, I sincerely appreciate your love, prayers and support during my studies. My special thanks go to Rev. Fr. Dr. Kenneth Ekeugo, you are indeed a big brother and I will remain forever grateful. I want to also express my gratitude to Rev. Frs. Dr. Edwin Udoye, Reginald Ejikeme, Fidelis Kwazu for sparing some time to read and correct the manuscripts of this work, I say thank you. Rev. Frs Dr. Damian Ikejiama, Paul Ezenwa, Chrysogonus Keke, Kenneth Okpara, and Felix Edomobi, your brotherly love and friendship cannot be forgotten and I say thanks to you all. I will not forget also the family of Hannelore and Robert Hartlaub, Roswitha Reinhard, from Niedernberg, Mrs. Ifeoma L. Uzomah, Chief, Dr. Gregory I. Ibeh, Alexandra and Thompson Azubueze from Goßmannsdorf and Engr. Johnson Nnani for their support and encouragement. i   

Finally, I thank God, He made all these things possibly by taking care of me, providing me with good health, the intellect, and all the people of good-will who contributed in one way or the other to see that this work see the light of the day. May all glory and honour be His in Jesus name, Amen.

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Vorwort In den in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts sich allmählich als Universitätsdisziplin herausbildenden Religionswissenschaften wurde von den ersten Vertretern zunächst ein „theistisches“ Vorverständnis von Religion propagiert, das entweder mit der Evolutionshypothese (Edward Burnett Taylor, James George Frazer, Robert Ranulph Marett) oder mit der entgegengesetzten Degenerations - bzw. Dekadenzhypothese (Andrew Lang, Wilhelm Schmidt) eine monotheistische Idealform von Religion proklamierte. Manche neueren Religionswissenschaftler sprechen heute demgegenüber eher von einem revolutionären Wandel vom Polytheismus zum Monotheismus, der etwa von Jan Assmann durchaus negativ eingeschätzt wird. Die Arbeit versucht, aus fundamentaltheologischer Perspektive einen Beitrag zu dieser Debatte zu leisten. Eine ähnliche Thematik hatte schon Peter Uzor, The African Concept of God and the Christian Concept of God (Chukwu bu Ndu – God is Life: The Igbo Perspektive), Frankfurt 2004, im Band 24 der Bamberger Theologischen Studien untersucht.

Die Dissertation umfasst fünf Kapitel. Nach einer „General Introduction“, die die Fragestellung erläutert, das Ziel benennt, eine Arbeitshypothese formuliert und die Forschungslage beschreibt, beginnt dann die eigentliche Untersuchung. Ausgangspunkt ist die Beobachtung, dass noch heute (viele) Igbo eine christliche Religion praktizieren, die mit zahlreichen Elementen der traditionellen Igbo-Religion versetzt ist. Der Vf. spitzt zu: „The Igbo personality was duplicated – an Igbo man and a Christian.“ Ein besonderer Fokus ist auf die Analyse des Namens „Chukwu“ (für eine oberste Gottheit) gelegt. War „Chukwu” schon ein Terminus für den Hochgott vor dem Kommen der christlichen Missionare oder wurde er erst durch die Europäer von einer Volksgottheit fälschlich zu einer solchen Stellung erhoben? In seiner Arbeitshypothese favorisiert der Vf. eine Analyse, derzufolge die traditionelle Igbo-Religion grundlegend polytheistisch (und eben nicht fundamental monotheistisch) gewesen und erst durch die Interpretation der Missionare monotheistisch missinterpretiert worden sei. Allerdings sei auch die indigene Religion durch den Kontakt mit den christlichen Europäern verändert worden: „There is no doubt that our pagans have re-adjusted their theology to harmonize

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with Christian interpretation of the pagan high god ʼChukwuʼ; an interpretation, which has elevated a parochial juju god to the status of one unique God.“

Kap. 1 („Difficulty in the Study of Igbo Traditional Religion“) beschreibt die Schwierigkeiten – nicht zuletzt das Fehlen schriftlicher Quellen (mit der rätselhaften Ausnahme der Nsibidi-Schrift) –, die sich einer Untersuchung der traditionellen Igbo-Religion stellen, und stellt die Weltsicht bzw. Weltanschauung sowie die Gesellschafts- und Kulturvorstellungen der Igbos vor. Die Hypothese eines jüdischen Ursprunges der Igbo wird erwähnt, aber verworfen.

Kap. 2 („Elements of Belief in Igbo Traditional Religion“) behandelt verschiedene Gottheiten und Geister (unter Einschluss von Ahnen) und den praktizierten Umgang mit ihnen auf. Auch hier werden die beiden Interpretationsmodelle des Gottes „Chukwu“ (als Hochgott in der traditionellen Religion oder als nachträglicher Eintrag christlicher Missionare in ein ursprünglich polytheistisches System) erwähnt. Aus der unterschiedlichen Bewertung Chukwus erfolgen auch divergierende Ansichten über den Stellenwert der einzelnen Gottheiten.

Kap. 3 („Sacred Persons in Igbo Traditional Religion“) nimmt menschliche Funktionsträger („sacred persons“) der traditionellen Religion in den Blick. Explizit stehen im Blick Priester, Medizinmänner bzw. -leute, „Title Bearers“ (in ihrer religiösen Funktion) und die „Osu Caste“. Das Ergebnis ist dann etwas ernüchternd : „… one can suggest that none of the Igbo sacred persons has direct reference to the Supreme Being in Igbo traditional religion, nor do they in their relationship with the people represent the Supreme Being.”

In Kap. 4 („Igbo Concept of the Supreme Being”) liegt der Fokus zuerst auf dem populären Begriff „Chukwu“, dessen praktische Auswirkungen im Kult dann erörtert werden. Dieser Punkt traktiert das Kernthema der Arbeit. Der Vf. diagnostiziert auch an dieser Stelle zwei Schulen, eine Strömung, die von einer ursprünglich polytheistischen Form der traditionellen Igbo-Religion ausgeht (und eventuell den Begriff einer obersten Gottheit bzw. eines Hochgottes als Ergebnis des christlichen Einflusses durch das Wirken europäischer Missionare iv   

darstellt), und eine andere Richtung, die behauptet, diese Glaubensvorstellung sei Bestandteil der indigenen Religion. Die Analyse der Frömmigkeitspraktiken der Igbos zeigt dem Vf., dass die jeweils angesprochenen bzw. adressierten Gottheiten nicht als Boten oder Mittler eines Hochgottes, sondern als eigenständige Entitäten empfunden werden. Das Resümee der Untersuchung fasst der Vf. folgendermaßen zusammen: „Considering what has been discussed so far, one can conclude that ritually there is no spirit considered among the divinities in Igbo traditional religion as being supreme among the other spirits.”

Kap. 5 („Chukwu through the Prism of Oral Tradition of Igbo Religious Thought”) unternimmt einen letzten Durchgang durch die mündliche IgboTradition (Namen, Sprichwörter und Mythen), um einen möglichen Anhalt für einen gelebten Glauben an einen (Hoch-)Gott in der traditionellen Religion zu finden. Ein gewichtiges Argument, dass Chukwu nicht die Bezeichnung eines Obergottes ist, ist für den Vf. die Existenz eines ihm gewidmeten Schreines bzw. einer Pilgerstätte für Wahrsagezwecke.

Das Gesamtergebnis der Untersuchung wird in dem Abschnitt („Evaluation, Summary, Conclusion and Suggestions“) zusammengefasst. Die Behauptung, dass die Anerkennung der Existenz eines Obergottes notwendig („normally and naturally“) auch einen Kult zu ihm impliziere, ist allerdings religionswissenschaftlich nicht haltbar. Zumal in polytheistischen Systemen scheint die Vorstellung eines Hochgottes im Sinne eines „deus otiosus“ durchaus geläufig (vgl. J. Haekel, Art. Gott. I. Religionsgeschichtlich, in: LThK² 4, 1070-1072, 1070). Vielleicht wäre auch ein Vergleich mit dem Kult Jahwe gegenüber im AT oder Gott gegenüber im frühen Christentum (die ersten Christen wurden von den Zeitgenossen „atheoi“ genannt, weil sie so außerhalb der gängigen Kultpraxis der zeitgenössischen Religionen standen) angebracht gewesen. Für den Vf. ist die Behauptung eines göttlichen Supremats durch Chukwu in der traditionellen Igbo-Religion – mit dem Worten von Obi Oguejiofor, den er zitiert – nichts anderes als „Christian doctrine clothed with a very thin vest of Igbo traditional religion“. Als praktische (theologische und pastorale) Konsequenzen dieses Ergebnisses fordert der Vf. durch die Katechese theologisch geschulter Lehrer eine präzisere Beschreibung des christlichen Monotheismus (vor dem Hintergrund des vorchristlichen Pantheons in Nigeria, v   

das im Alltagsleben mancher christlichen Igbos immer noch eine Rolle spielt) und der christlichen Anthropologie (und Soteriologie).

Insgesamt handelt es sich um eine sehr gelungene, methodisch reflektierte und in anschaulicher (und mit manchen Anekdoten versehener) Sprache geschriebene Arbeit, deren Ergebnis durchaus nachvollziehbar ist. Sie führt die Debatte um die Anerkennung eines einzigen Hochgottes in afrikanischindigenen Religionen in fruchtbarer Weise weiter. Wolfgang Klausnitzer

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Table of Contents General Introduction ............................................................................................. 1 Statement of the Problem ...................................................................................... 5 The Aim of the Work.......... ................................................................................... 6 Hypothesis ............................................................................................................. 7 The Research Question of this Study .................................................................... 7 Chapter One: Difficulties in the Study of Igbo Traditional Religion 1.1 Introduction ............................................................................................... 9 1.2 Absence of Sacred (Written) Books or Proper Documentation of Facts .. 9 1.3 Writings of Earliest European Explorers and Untrained Minds ............. 10 1.4 The Problem of Language and Cultural Differences .............................. 12 1.5 Looking for the Ultimate in Igbo Traditional Religion........................... 14 1.6 The Mistake of the Early Missionaries .................................................. 17 1.6.1 The Widespread of the Aros throughout Igboland ................................. 17 1.6.2 The Superior Cleverness of the Aros ..................................................... 18 1.6.3 The Confusion Caused ........................................................................... 23 1.7 The Igbo People ..................................................................................... 23 1.7.1 The Word Igbo ........................................................................................ 23 1.7.2 Location and Ecological Features of Igbo cultural Area ....................... 26 1.7.3 Historical Origin ..................................................................................... 28 1.7.3.1 Oriental or External Theory ................................................................... 30 1.7.3.2 Evolutionary Theory................................................................................ 33 1.7.4 Worldview: A Definition ........................................................................ 36 1.7.4.1 Igbo Worldview ...................................................................................... 38 1.7.5 Igbo Traditional Society ......................................................................... 44 1.7.5.1 Ezi-na-ulo (Family) ................................................................................ 44 1.7.5.2 Umunne (Nuclear Family) ...................................................................... 44 1.7.5.3 Umunna (Extended Family) ................................................................... 45 1.7.5.4 Ogbe, Ebe or Mpaghara (Village) ......................................................... 47 1.7.5.5 Obodo or Mba (Town) ............................................................................ 47 1.7.5.6 Igbo Political Structure ........................................................................... 48 1.7.5.7 Social Structure ...................................................................................... 52

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2.1 2.2 2.3 2.3.1 2.3.2 2.3.3 2.3.4 2.3.5 2.3.6 2.3 7 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.6.1 2.7 2.7.1 2.7.2 2.7.3 2.8 2.9

Chapter Two: Elements of Belief in Igbo Traditional Religion Introduction ............................................................................................ 56 Chukwu (Supreme Being) ...................................................................... 57 Non-Human Spirits ................................................................................ 58 Ala, Ani, Ana (Earth Deity) .................................................................... 58 Anyanwu (Sun Deity) ............................................................................. 61 Igwe (Sky Deity) .................................................................................... 62 Amadioha (Thunder Deity) .................................................................... 64 Agwu-nshi (Agwu Deity) ....................................................................... 64 Ifejioku, Ahiajioku, Njoku (Yam Deity) ................................................. 65 Chi .......................................................................................................... 67 Oracles .................................................................................................... 67 Minor Spirits .......................................................................................... 69 Human Spirits ......................................................................................... 70 Ancestors ................................................................................................ 70 Mystical Forces ...................................................................................... 73 Magic ...................................................................................................... 73 Witchcraft ............................................................................................... 73 Sorcery ................................................................................................... 74 Relationship among Spiritual Beings in Igbo Society ........................... 75 Conclusion .............................................................................................. 76

Chapter Three: Sacred Persons in Igbo Traditional Religion 3.1 Introduction ............................................................................................ 78 3.1.1 Ndi-eze-arusi .......................................................................................... 78 3.1.1.1 Names and Classifications of Priest ....................................................... 80 3.1.1.2 Okpara - Pater familias (Family Heads) ................................................ 80 3.1.1.3 The Consecration of Okpara .................................................................. 82 3.1.1.3.1 Consecration in Onitsha Area .............................................................. 82 3.1.1.3.2 Consecration in Ossomala ................................................................... 83 3.1.2 Priest of the Community Deities ............................................................ 86 3.1.2.1 Onye-isi-ala (Priest of the Earth Deity) ................................................. 86 3.1.2.2 Eze-arusi (Priest of other Deities) .......................................................... 86 3.1.3 Functions of the Priest ............................................................................ 88 3.2 Ndi-echiri-echichi (The title Bearers) .................................................... 89 viii   

3.2.1 3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.4 3.3 3.3.1 3.3.2 3.3.3 3.3.4 3.3.5 3.4 3.4.1 3.4.2 3.4.3 3.4.4 3.5

The Ozo Title Institution ........................................................................ 89 Candidates for Ozo Title ........................................................................ 90 Ozo Initiation Ceremony ........................................................................ 91 Significance of Ozo ................................................................................ 93 The Dibia (Traditional Medicine Man) ................................................. 94 Different Classes of Dibia ...................................................................... 95 Vocation to the Dibia ............................................................................. 97 Initiation into Dibia ................................................................................ 98 Taboos for the Dibia ............................................................................. 102 Functions of the Dibia .......................................................................... 102 The Osu ................................................................................................ 103 Origin of Osu ........................................................................................ 104 Ways of becoming an Osu .................................................................... 106 Dedication of Osu ................................................................................ 107 Importance of Osu ................................................................................ 109 Evaluation and Conclusion .................................................................. 110

Chapter Four: Igbo concept of the Supreme Being 4.1 Introduction .......................................................................................... 112 4.2 Explanation of Important Ideas ............................................................. 112 4.3 The Concept and Origin of Chi ............................................................. 113 4.3.1 The Concept of Eke ............................................................................... 117 4.3.2 The Popular View on the Concept of the Supreme Being .................... 119 4.4 The Nature of Igbo Traditional Religion: Monotheistic or Polytheistic ............................................................................................ 121 4.4.1 Polytheistic ............................................................................................ 121 4.4.2 Monotheistic .......................................................................................... 125 4.5 Worship ................................................................................................. 131 4.5.1 Worship in Igbo Traditional Religion ................................................... 133 4.5.1.1 Time of Worship .................................................................................... 133 4.5.1.2 Acts of Worship ..................................................................................... 134 4.6 Ichuaja (Sacrifice) ................................................................................. 135 4.6.1 Elements of Sacrifice ............................................................................ 136 4.6.2 Divisions of Sacrafice ........................................................................... 137 4.6.2.1 Ikpu ala (Expiation Sacrifice) .............................................................. 138 4.6.2.2 Ichu aja (Propitiatory Sacrifice) .......................................................... 139 ix   

4.6.2.3 Sacrifice of Petition .............................................................................. 139 4.6.2.4 Sacrifice of Thanksgiving .................................................................... 141 4.6.3 Recipient of Sacrifice ........................................................................... 141 4.6.4 Purpose of Sacrifice .............................................................................. 142 4.7 Prayer in Igbo Traditional Religion ..................................................... 143 4.7.1 Nature of Igbo Traditional Prayer ......................................................... 145 4.7.2 Type of Prayer ....................................................................................... 146 4.7.2.1 Private Prayer ....................................................................................... 147 4.7.2.2 Public Prayer ........................................................................................ 148 4.7.3 The Addresses of Igbo Traditional Prayer ........................................... 149 4.8 Rituals in Igbo Traditional Religion .................................................... 151 4.8.1 Types of Rituals .................................................................................... 152 4.8.1.1 Personal Rituals Action ........................................................................ 152 4.8.1.1.1 Puberty and Adult Unit ...................................................................... 153 4.8.1.2 Community Ritual ................................................................................ 154 4.8.2 Ritual Objects in Igbo Traditional ........................................................ 156 4.8.2.1 Some Mystical Animals in Igbo Traditional Religious Worship ......... 156 4.8.2.1.1 Ikwikwii (Owl) ................................................................................... 156 4.8.2.1.2 Icho-oku (Parrot) ............................................................................... 156 4.8.2.1.3 Ebule (Ram) ...................................................................................... 156 4.8.2.1.4 Eke (Python) ...................................................................................... 156 4.8.2.1.5 Udele (Vulture) .................................................................................. 157 4.8.2.1.6 Mbekwu (Tortise) ............................................................................... 157 4.8.2.1.7 Nduru (Pigeon) .................................................................................. 158 4.8.2.1.8 Nwa-uyom (A day old chick) ............................................................. 158 4.8.2.1.9 Nkita (Dog) ........................................................................................ 158 4.8.2.1.10 Okeokpa (Cock) ............................................................................... 158 4.8.3 Some animate (Vegetative) objects in Igbo Traditional Religious Worship ................................................................................................ 159 4.8.3.1 Udara Tree ........................................................................................... 159 4.8.3.2 Ngwu Tree ........................................................................................... 159 4.8.3.3 Omu-nkwu (Palm Front) ....................................................................... 160 4.8.3.4 Ogirisi ................................................................................................... 160 4.8.3.5 Oji-igbo (Kola-nut) .............................................................................. 160 4.8.3.6 Ofo (Detorium Elastica) ....................................................................... 161 4.8.4 Some Inanimate Objects in Igbo Traditional Religious Worship ........ 162 4.8.4.1 Nsu (Phallic Chalk) .............................................................................. 162 4.8.4.2 Ikoro (Large Wooden Drum) ................................................................ 163 x   

4.8.4.3 Nkume-miri (Rain Stone) ...................................................................... 164 4.8.4.4 Ikenga ................................................................................................... 164 4.8.4.5 Ojii (Metal Arrow Staff)........................................................................ 165 4.8.4.6 Oja (Traditional Flute) ......................................................................... 165 4.8.5 Instances of the Worship of Chukwu in Igboland ................................ 175 4.8.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................ 168 Chapter Five: Chukwu through the Prism of Oral Tradition of Igbo Religious Thought 5.1 Introduction .......................................................................................... 171 5.1.1 Names ................................................................................................... 171 5.1.2 Classification of Names ....................................................................... 173 5.1.3 Some Pre-Christian Names .................................................................. 176 5.2 Proverbs ................................................................................................ 181 5.2.1 Origin of Proverb ................................................................................. 181 5.2.2 Definition of Proverb ........................................................................... 181 5.3 Myth ..................................................................................................... 186 5.3.1 Origin of Myth ..................................................................................... 187 5.3.2 Myths of Origin in Igboland ................................................................ 189 5.3.2.1 The Nnewi Myth ................................................................................... 189 5.3.2.2 Nri Myth of Origin ............................................................................... 192 5.3.2.3 The Narration according to Cosmas Obiego ........................................ 194 5.4 Chukwu and the gods: The Question of Supremacy ............................ 197 5.4.1 General Evaluation ............................................................................... 199 5.4.2 Summary and Conclusion .................................................................... 204 5.4.3 Recommendations ................................................................................ 207 Bibliography ..................................................................................................... 211

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GENERAL INTRODUCTION The Christian religion has flourished for about two centuries in Igboland. The first Anglican missionaries arrived Onitsha in 18571. However, before the introduction of Christianity in Igboland by the Christian missionaries, the people have been practicing their traditional religion. As usual the introduction of Christianity was not an easy task for the early European missionaries as the people tried everything possible to resist the new religion, coupled with unfavourable weather conditions which led to the death of some of the missionaries. Despite initial difficulties, the seed of the new religion was planted, and gradually developed and witnessed tremendous success. Evidenced of this success could be seen in the number of converts from the Igbo traditional religion to Christian religion; the number of indigenous clergy that rapidly increased; the number of primary school and colleges that were built and used as a means of educating the people and wining new concerts; the number of hospitals that were established to care for the sick.2 Inspite of these, Christian religion encountered seemingly insurmountable obstacles in Igboland. According to Nicholas Obi: “This obvious success notwithstanding, the new Christian religion was faced with a vital problem which threatened the very inner life of the new religious faith which on can describe as a problem of double dealing.”3 Even in this present3 time some converts to Christianity though practiseing their new faith, still indulge in some practices of the old religion especially when confronted with very serious situations. Many Igbo authors in their various works have brought to the fore this attitude of Igbo Christians. Donatus Nwoga paints the picture thus: It is obvious however that the contemporary Igbo, while accepting the omnipotence and omnipresence of God, is still easily prone to seek other causes and other solutions for the problems of his life. He is quite satisfied to give God his due at mass and service on Sunday and go home and give Amadioha (deity) his due.4 Laying credence to what Nwoga said Augustine Nebechukwu writes:                                                              1

Arinze, Christianity and Igbo Culture, in Igbo…, 85. Egwu, Igbo Idea of the Supreme Being…, 8. 3 Obi, Inculturation…, 27. Also Cf., Egwu, Igbo Idea of the Supreme Being…, 8. 4 Nwoga, Supreme God as Stanger..., 8. 2

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In many areas of life there is a conflict between the traditional culture and Christianity in the method and means employed to achieve the same end. It is a fact, not only that a good percentage of traditional religious men and women would not embrace Christian faith, but also that a sizeable percentage of Christians sneak to the villages to perform the traditional practices in search of answers to their problems of life.5 Though this problem of ‘double dealing’ has persisted up to the present time and cut across different positions in the Christian faith. It must however be made clear that it is not all Christians in Igboland that are involved in this practice. However, it is good that attention is given to this problem and effort made to know the root cause of the problem. So that Igbo Christians may be redirect to lead a good Christian life. In an apparent effort to solve this problem, some authors have argued that this problem has to do with the pragmatic nature of the Igbo, and that the concept of a Supreme Being (monotheism) is alien to Igbo society. Obi Oguejiofor argues: Whatever positions one eventually takes, the absence of a Christiantype Supreme God accords more with Igbo character, his sociocultural tendencies, and his pragmatic inclination. It is more reasonable and fits more into the picture that a people as individualistic, egalitarian, and democratic as the Igbo have no absolute Supreme God in their pantheon. It seems more tenable that a people that do not recognize kings in their traditional political organization and who have always rejected political hegemony have no ontologically Supreme God among their innumerable gods. It will be more difficult to explain how they recognized such a god, and then turn round to neglect him.6 In support of the above statement Raymond Arazu writes:

                                                             5 6

Nebechukwu, Beginning Inculturation Theology..., 22. Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo…, 61.

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“Our ancestors here in Igboland practised polytheism. They had many gods. The issue of which of them was supreme was a missionary plight like what St. Paul tried in Athens according to the Acts of Apostles.”7 Some others lay the blame on the early missionaries who they believe did not properly convert the Igbo Christians but rather did a recruitment. Cletus Okorie writes: They (the Igbo) became subjected to a series of foreign impositions. The missionaries and the colonial masters seemed to wage war against the Igbo from two frontlines: internal and external. The missionaries operated from within using the cloak of ‘education’ to brain-wash those who surge to them for education - thus alienating them from their native culture… the results of these events continue to bear on Igbo identity to this day… A good number of the early and later converts owe their conversion to the good life and work of these missionaries. However, while some do slide back to African traditional religion in times of crises others – especially the enlightened ones seek to combine elements of both belief systems into what is often referred to as African Independent Churches.8 In line with the wish of African bishops that scholars of the continent should engage in researches on elements of African traditional religion with the aim of utilizing these elements in communicating the Christian message to the people,9 we want to carry out a study in an area we think will help better Christian mission in Igboland. Our area of interest is to make a critical examination of the concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo traditional religion. The main focus is to examine thoroughly what the Igbo traditional religion has to say about the Supreme Being. In doing this, we will try to identify two points, namely: whether the Supreme                                                              7

 Arazu, Chukwu and Yahweh…, 23. Also Cf. Acts17: 22‐23.   Okorie, Priesthood in Igbo Traditional Religion…, 12-13. 9 In an interview, Francis Cardinal Arinze (the former President of the Pontifical Council for Inter-Religious Dialogue) outlines the aims and some guiding principles for a fruitful research in African Traditional Religion. According to him, “…Christians should study sympathetically the African Traditional Religion and the culture which gave rise to it, and in which it lives, so that Africans who have become Christians from this religion and who still live in a context heavily coloured by this religion may find Christianity taking deep root in their culture and they will find their culture taken seriously by Christianity. This is what we call inculturation… what we mean is that all elements that are in this ATR and culture, all the elements that are good, true, noble, and holy. Christianity not only does not ignore them, Christianity should identify them, purify them if necessary, ennoble them and adopt them.” (An interview with Cardinal Francis Arinze in) Inter-Religious Dialogue and the African Church…, 89. Also Cf. Okorie, Priesthood in Igbo Traditional Religion…, 13-14. 8

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Being has been traditionally part of the structure of Igbo religious thought before the advent of Christianity in Igboland and whether, Chukwu (One of the nomenclatures of the Supreme among the Igbo) has always been a universal God of the Igbo. This exploration is pertinent because it will help us to know whether the attitude of some Igbo Christians we mentioned above is to be explained as impatience and a return to trusted habits from the past, or a continuation of a structure of Igbo pluralistic conceptualisation of causality, a validation under pressure of the tradition of polytheism in Igbo religious thought. This will help us make our little suggestions on how the Igbo Christians can be‘re-evangelized’ to assimilate and truly understand and accept their Christian faith. This could engender authentic Christian practice in Igboland rather than ‘double-standard’ mode of worship. The work is divided into five chapters. The first chapter examines the perceived difficulties in the study of Igbo traditional religion and its effect on Igbo scholars and Christians. It also deals with the Igbo as a people, their world-view and culture. Chapter two focuses on the Elements of belief in Igbo traditional religion. Here an outline of different gods is provided and effort is made to show their relationship with the Igbo peoples and among themselves. The third chapter explores sacred persons in Igbo traditional religion: their origin, their initiation and their functions in relation with the people and the different deities in Igbo religious life. Effort is also made to understand the influence of Chukwu (the Supreme Being) as regards these sacred persons. Chapter four deals with the concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo Traditional society; the popular idea of the Supreme Being in Igbo society now. The actual nature of Igbo traditional religion is a foundation on which the remaining chapters shall be built. With this in mind, we give an analysis of the two proper names (Chukwu and Chineke) by which the Supreme Being is known in Igboland. This chapter also deals with Igbo traditional religious cult, focusing mainly on worship and ritual as the practical aspects of religion, especially that of the Igbo. The importance of sacrifice and prayer in Igbo traditional religious culture is also highlighted. Effort is made to analyse how Chukwu (as the Supreme Being is known) features in the traditional ritual life of the Igbo. Chapter five offers an analytical exposition of Chukwu with regard to other aspects of Igbo traditional life. Since Igbo traditional religion is an oral religion, names, 4   

proverbs and myths have been here to show the position of Chukwu in both the religious and secular life of the Igbo. We are convinced; that this will help us to know the real concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo traditional religion. Lastly, in our effort to see that the message of Christ is properly propagated in Igboland, we tried to offer our little suggestions which could be useful for better Christian living of the Igbo Christians. Statement of the Problem Before the advent of the Europeans and full exposure to Christianity, the Igbo people were deeply religious and worshipped their different gods whom they believed guided and protected them. They had their customs, tradition and ways of life, which were strongly guided by their gods. The gods especially Ala deity were the custodians of morality. Hence, Omenala was the guiding principle among them. However, during this time there were some customs and traditions that were questionable: For example a. Sacrificing human beings to the gods and deities b. Burying the Eze (kings) with human beings or human heads c. Killing of twins The missionaries, ignorant of the people’s way of life and religion came in conflict with them. For them, the Igbo culture and religion paganish, devil worship, idol worship etc., and some analysts even doubted their having any religion at all. In trying to religionize the Igbo people, the missionaries introduced monotheism. Crowther who was the first missionary to evangelize Igboland and the subsequent ones mistakenly adopted the name of one of their most popular god (chukwu) as the name of the Christian God they came to preach. Having been indoctrinated to believe in this misconception, today the Igbo Christians have problems in practicing their faith. This problem, according to Comas Ejiazu is rooted in their traditional religion. According to him: The worldview of many Igbo professing Christians hinged on the traditional religion. Certain traditional beliefs like reincarnation, Ogbanje, sorcery, excessive belief in the activities of the spirits and cosmic forces strongly persist in the minds of many Christians today. In serious life crisis, they seek traditional means to solve their 5   

problems. The business of diviners and charm-makers still survive with patronage of such Christians.10 The non-integrative methodological initiative and pedagogical mistakes of the early days of Christianity in Igboland created a chasm. The Igbo personality was duplicated – an Igbo man and a Christian. The result is that some see Christianity as an outer coat to be worn on Sundays and prosperous times, and Igbo customs and traditions as inner coat to be used at bad times to soothe the inner yearnings of the Igbo soul.11 Confronted with the above problem, Igbo scholars seem to be divided in their opinions on what is the concept of Supreme Being (God) in Igbo traditional religion; the nature of Igbo traditional religion and the place of the deities in the traditional religion. While many believe that the Igbo had worshipped Chukwu as the Supreme Being before the coming of the missionaries, some believe that the name Chukwu for the Supreme Being is an invention of the early missionaries who mistakenly applied the name of a popular deity in Igboland to God. They argued that it is only in monotheistic religion that the Supreme God is the central figure. The main problem to be considered in this Dissertation is threefold: 1. To demonstrate how the Christian missionaries were able to make Chukwu the Supreme Being in Igbo religious life. 2. To investigate the nature of Igbo traditional religion. 3. To prove that although the Igbo may have had the concept of the Supreme Being before the advent of Christianity, they also believed in many other gods and spirits. The Aim of the Work The main objective of this Dissertation is to assess the validity of attributing the Supreme Being concept to the Igbo religious thought and its implication on the practical life of the Igbo Christians, who seem to be influenced by their traditional religious beliefs.                                                              10

 Ejiazu Cosmas, Continuity and Discontinuity of Igbo Traditional Religion in Udeoye Edwin, Resolving the Prevailing  Conflict..., 224.  11  Ibid. 16. 

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The thrust of this effort will aptly be directed to our church leaders and church policy makers (especially the Catholic Church) to re-examine our approach towards re-evangelizing the Igbo. To achieve this objective we intend to create awareness that there is something fundamentally wrong with the way the Igbo people were earlier evangelized. This fundamental error makes some Igbo people live as Christians in the day and as worshippers of other gods in the night as is obvious in our society today. Hypothesis It is particularly believed that this study will identify European missionary interpretations of Igbo traditional religion as the major problems facing Igbo Christians today. The study will be able to establish that though there may be in Igbo traditional religion the concept of God; their religion is polytheistic and not monotheistic. It is anticipated that this study will help Igbo Christians to appreciate Igbo traditional values as this will help them to be faithful Christians. The Research Question of this Study For us to explore the Igbo concept of the Supreme Being, this work will try to identify two points, namely, the nature of Igbo traditional religion; whether the Supreme Being has been traditionally part of the structure of Igbo religious thought before the advent of Christianity in Igboland and whether the Igbo have a Supreme Being who created the world and whether, Chukwu (One of the nomenclatures of the Supreme among the Igbo) has always been a universal God

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CHAPTER ONE Difficulty in the Study of Igbo Traditional Religion 1.1 Introduction Before going into our main work, there is need to discuss first the obvious difficulties surrounding the study of Igbo traditional religion. In this chapter therefore, we are going to bring to limelight the difficulties inherent in the research work with particular attention to the mistakes that have been made in interpreting Igbo traditional religion, which make it difficult to discover what the actual Igbo worldview is. In our study we have been able to identify the following as the constituting factors: the absence of Sacred (Written) Books or proper documentation of facts; the writings of earliest European explorers and untrained minds in the study of African (Igbo) traditional religion; the problem of language and cultural differences, looking for the ultimate in Igbo traditional religion; and the mistake of the early missionaries. These problems have constituted the main difficulties in understanding the nature of Igbo religion. Let us look at these factors one after the other. 1.2 Absence of sacred Books or Proper Documentation of Facts Prior to the coming of the European missionaries, the Igbo had the misfortune of not knowing the art of reading and writing. Thus, there was no means of preserving their culture or religion in written form or the proper documentation of facts; hence, there was no sacred book (scripture) or any written document, (which is essential), for the transmission of abstract forms into concrete forms. There was no documented standard for judging the religious tradition and the theology of the Igbo people. Oral tradition was the only means of preserving religious traditions and customs. Consequently, in this era all that one could find is always adulterated information from early European visitors to Igbo land or the work of scholars of the pre-independence era who were the first people to put their experience of the Igbo people into writing. Though their efforts helped a bit in illuminating the nature of Igbo traditional religion, it presented its own difficulties. As Peter Uzor rightly observes: “The lack of authoritative documents regarding the Igbo pre-colonial traditional past, as of the majority of African people, presents no small handicap to Igbo or modern ‘African’ undertaking a study of any segment of their past – what

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they thought and did, how and why”.12 In the same vein, Mary-Sylvia Nwachukwu lamented: “The absence of sacred scriptures, personal account of religious experience from earlier centuries and historical documents is a stumbling block for research”13. This lack made it very difficult, if not impossible for scholars of Igbo studies to find original information or material in any aspect of Igbo traditional religion. The effect is observed more, when one tries to discuss what should have been the core concepts of this religion. In this regard, we are not surprised that there are many views on aspects of Igbo traditional religion. 1.3 Writings of Earliest European Explorers and Untrained Minds Faced with this predicament of lack of documentation of Igbo traditional thoughts, one is somehow consoled by the fact that, in the last few decades, much has been written about the Igbo people,14 although by untrained researchers or European traders turned writers. However, this presented its own problem because many of them wrote their books on Igbo traditional religion from their base in Europe relying on unconfirmed stories. Even those who visited Igbo land came already biased by pre-conceived ideas based on the stories told by colonial workers and Christian missionaries, which led them into writing all kinds of abominable and derogatory things about the Igbo and African people in general. All they found in the religion of the people was ‘Heathenism/Idol-worship’, ‘Fetishism’, ‘Primitivism’15 and so on - Their reports are responsible in a way, for the present state of disorder and confusion regarding the nature of Igbo (African) traditional religion. An examination of some of these derogatory statements will help to expose what these Europeans think about the African (Igbo) people and their religion and the effect it has on the study of Igbo traditional religion. A French man De Brosses wrote in his book, “Du Culte des Dieux fetches ou Parallelle de l’anciene Religion de l’Egypte ave la religion actuelle de Nirgritie” - “The Negroes of the western coast of Africa, likewise, those of the interior main and as far as Nubia which boarders on Egypt, have as objects of adoration certain divinities which Europeans call ‘Fetishes… These divine fetishes are nothing other than the first material object which any nation or any particular individual simply chooses and has consecrated                                                              12

Uzor, The Traditional African Concept of God…, 27.  Nwachukwu, What makes God God…, 119. 14 Obiego, Igbo Idea of God, Enugu, 1981, 51-52. See also Uzor, The Traditional African…, 27. 15 Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 9. 13

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in a ceremony by a priest”.16 Africans, he maintains pay direct worship to these material objects (a tree, a mountain, the sea, a piece of wood, a lion’s tail, a pebble, a plant, a flower, an animal of certain species like cow, goat, elephant, sheep and all sorts of things) because they are not better than children in intelligence.17 From his statements, it is obvious that he gathered all the pieces of information given by the early explorers and missionaries, on the religious worship of the people of the western coast of Africa and termed it direct worship of natural objects. Another person worthy of mention here is Thomas Herbert, the first author to describe West African religion as devil cult. In 1638 he wrote concerning the inhabitants of Angola: …they look like chimney sweeper, are of no profession, except rapine and villainy makes one. ‘Demonis plena’ (They think of nothing but the devil) for they like to worship deformed idols, paying worship to the devil in different representations: such as a dragon, a goat, an owl, a bat, a snake, a cat, a dog. All these they adore with different gestures. They stand gaping, give loud cries, crawl on the earth; smear their carcasses with juice of herbs, rice, fruit or whatever the old imposter infatuates them with. The female sex pays reverence to the new moon believing her to be exercising some influence over them.18 Another author who believes the Africans offer their prayers and sacrifices to the devil is Oliver Dapper. In his 1670 work, he interprets the religion of the kingdom of Louango (Congo) as follows: The inhabitants of Louango, Kakongo and Goi have no idea whatsoever of God and his words. They know nothing of him except his name and that there is a God. They call him in their native language SAMBI-L’ONGE; however, they pay worship only to farm devils and to household devils. Those devils they worship by means of numerous idols of various sizes giving each idol a name. One of these idols, they worship as the author of rain, the other as controller of thunder and yet another as directing the wind or having the care of farmlands. There is one to which they attribute power over the sea and the fishes in it, while another is given charge of their                                                              16

De Brosses, Du Culte des Dieux Fetiches..., 18. Ibid. 18 Monumenta Ethnologica, Bd. l, Schwarzafrika; bearbeitet von Hirschberg, Walter, 1962, 77. Also see Ezekwugo, Chi the true..., 34. 17

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cattle.19 For Wilhelm Schmidt, Africans cannot conceive of the Supreme Being because they are uneducated savages, lacking the learnedness that is required for a philosophical conception of God.20 The above instances of the reports on African (Igbo) religion of the age of discovery show that these writers approached African traditional religion with rather negative attitude and as a result, their reports were biased and tendentious. The resultant effect of this attitude of earliest European explorers is that much energy and resources have been wasted by the indigenous scholars in trying to correct the bad impression their report created about African traditional religion. This has also led many authors to be too apologetic; hence they tend to paint Igbo traditional religion in Christian colour. 1.4 The Problem of Language and Cultural Differences Presenting a paper at Spiritan International School of theology Enugu in 2010 Raymond Arazu, narrated a story which we think narrating here will help us understand the damage language difference can cause in a people’s religious theology. The story runs thus: By the age of 16/17 at the Holy Ghost Juniorate, Ihiala, I was regularly invited to stand before hundreds of people during Sunday Masses, to render in Igbo what the Irish priest were preaching in English. It started on a particular Sunday when the headmaster, who used to be the official interpreter, could not understand what the expatriate priest was saying. ‘Nsukka’21 and ‘Soccer’ confused the interpreter and he said things that caused uproar in the church. The Rev. Father asked the headmaster to go back to his chair and pointed at me (Arazu). I got up took the interpreter’s position and later I was told that my interpretation was acceptable.22 The above story shows us the kind of environment in which the early Europeans worked and how difficult it was for them to communicate with the people. Often the interpreters might not give the rightful meaning of some words used because then many Igbo words had no English (religious) equivalent or meaning and vice                                                              19

Hirschberg, Der Gottesname NYAMBI im Lichte alter westafrikanisher Reiseberichte, 164. Quoted by Ezekwugo, Chi the true..., 34-35. 20 Ezekwugo, Philosophical Concepts..., 81-82. 21 Nsukka, is the name of a town in the northern part of Igbo land which when pronounced sounds like Soccer. 22 Arazu, Chukwu and Yahweh..., 18.

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versa. Most of the early writers on Igbo way of life as examined above were non-Igbo who had the problem of not understanding even the language of the people they were writing about, and one perceives clearly from their work that they labored under very great difficulties. Many of them could not speak the language nor did they know anything about the way of life of the people. Hence for Leith-Ross: “These writers, no doubt, were at pains to interpret and appraise a people with whose way of thinking, indigenous institutions, habits, customs, and language they were not at all familiar.”23 In addition, Raymond Arazu says: “The Igbo language was one of the first huddles to be overcome by missionary effort. Very few missionaries made the attempt to learn it.”24 Even those who were able to speak the language could not claim to know much about the Igbo people. As Peter Uzor rightly points out: That one might have learnt to speak the Igbo language with some fluency – in fact any foreign language – yet there is still a great deal of difference between speaking it fluently and fully understanding it. In reality it is common experience that though a native and a foreigner may be using the same words, the connotations are different: they carry different loads of meaning and the two might continue blissfully unaware of the misunderstanding.25 This was the problem the early European writers and missionaries encountered because Igbo language is always coated with proverbs and idiomatic expressions that are couched into short stories. Matters are not treated directly because ditect and bland use of language shows lack of tactic in speaking; matters are to be treated by means of concentric or circular thought.26 As the Igbo say, “proverb is the oil with which language is eaten”. This makes a discussion a feast with words and amusement. A foreigner cannot easily decode these proverbs and idiomatic expressions because the interior meaning is always in the context of the discussion, and they are never explained or analyzed while addressing a particular person. Even for the natives, it is not very simple to analyze and express these interior units of a variety of meanings in words. This is because many of them have no corresponding words in spoken language; rather they possess a deep significance in                                                              23

Leith-Ross, African women…, Quoted by Uzor, The Traditional African…, 27. “The oil with which language is eaten”. The Igbo are of the view that proverb is the beauty of Igbo language, and when one is able to punctuate speech with proverbs when speaking, he is taken to be a good speaker and wise. 24 Arazu, Chukwu and Yahweh…, 16. 25 Uzor, The Traditional African…, 28. 26 Ibid.

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the world of meaning.27 Therefore, with these difficulties it is obvious that these early writers could not have written authentic works about the Igbo when most English words had no Igbo equivalent and vice versa. 1.5 Looking for the Ultimate in Igbo Traditional Religion The Africans believe in divinities called “gods”. This can be deduced from the earliest reports on African traditional religion as implied from the statement of Dapper: … These gods they worship by means of numerous idols of various sizes, giving each idol a name. The one they worship as author of rain, the other as controller of the thunder, and yet another as directing the wind or having care of farm land. To one they attribute power over the sea and the fishes in it, while another is given charge of their cattle.”28 As they worship these gods the Africans were not concerned about knowing which, among them was the ‘supreme’. It was the earliest Europeans who, having been trained in a monotheistic religion such as Christianity, that set out to look for the ultimate (Supreme Being) among the gods in Igbo traditional religion. The Igbo are traditionally satisfied with worshipping the gods as they are, in as much as their problems are solved and there is harmony in society. David Ihenacho observes: In Igbo religious experience it is impossible to have a complete knowledge of the goings-on in the spirit world. The realm of the spirit is a mystery to the human mind. It is the realm of the divine, the sublime, the ‘numinous’, the pure and the just. Rather than probe to count the number of the spirits in the spirit world, (or to know which among them is supreme) the Igbo would believe and offer sacrifices to ward off their malignant incursions into the human domain. The contemporary west-induced efforts to analytically count and configure the deities in the spirit world would be seen in traditional Igbo and African world as an insult, a terrible assault on religion and a work of delusional pride. The traditional Igbo are

                                                             27 28

Ibid., 29. De Brosses, Du Culte..., 18.

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generally humble and reverent in their dealings with what exists in the realm of the spirit, known as spirit world in Igbo cosmology.”29 Ihenacho argues that: “the western conceit that regularly manifests in the undying wishes of many scholars to carry out a census of the number of spirits (or the hierarchical order) in the spirit world is completely alien to the Igbo people”.30 Correia also confirms Ihenacho’s statement thus: The two words ‘Cuku’ (this is one of the old authographies of ‘Chukwu’, the oldest was ‘Tsuku’) and ‘Osebuluwa’ which the Catholics are still using today for ‘God’ and ‘Lord’ respectively, are proper names of two different pagan gods. ‘Cuku’, he says, is the name given by the Aro tribe to their idol. The Protestant missionaries who first brought Christianity to the Igbo, adopted this word ‘Cuku’ for God, realizing their mistake later, dropped it in favour of the word ‘Cineke’ (written today ‘Chineke’ but originally ‘Tsineke’) a word hallowed by the biblical works of a native missionary: Archdeacon Dennis.31 Though these observations of Correia and Ihenacho have never been disregarded, the problem the interpretations created has not been satisfactorily solved. We find these problems stated by Migeod in - ‘The Journal of African Society’ - (1916). In this letter to the Editor, after attributing the discovery of the ‘belief in the Supreme Being’ among West African tribes to the missionaries who adopted the name of Supreme Being as the equivalent of ‘God’ while translating the Bible, Migeod introduced us to the problems originated by the discovery of this belief. First, on the possible source of the origin of this belief; he says: From the beginning of history we know that it was the Jews alone who, amidst polytheistic surroundings, held to the belief in one God. This faith later passed on to Christianity and to Mohammedanism both of which have for centuries been influencing West African culture; the latter influencing it for some one thousand years from the direction of the interior, the former for about four hundred years from the sea board. The question now arises whether this faith is not attributed to one or the other of both religions. Or is it probable that                                                              29

Ihenacho, African Christianity Rises..., 54. The words in the bracket are mine. Ibid. 31 Correia, L’animisme Ibo et les divinites de la Nigeria, 230f. 30

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the Negro tribes alone possessed this belief in a supreme being before Mohammedanism came into contact with them, and when other and highly civilized nations did not possess it?32 The second problem about the West African (Igbo) Supreme Being is that this belief has not much affected the life of the people. Wondering why this is so, Correia concludes: “In West Africa the indigenous Supreme Being is purely nebular. Hence the concrete religious systems of the various tribes are based on more tangible or more accessible beings or spirits.”33 Elaborating the nebular nature (i.e. without cult and no priest) of the Supreme Being of West African (Igbo) paganism, James O’connell explains the otiosus character of the high god from man’s inability to discern the nature of the high-god and to cope with his great power and purity. “Man therefore turned to the worship of lesser deities as a way of providing the Supreme Being with features, to enable him to be approached and to channel him to themselves”.34 Shelton, supporting O’Connell’s solution states: “Worship of the lesser deities is an act of worshipping the High God, who is considered immanent in the subordinate beings or symbolized by the images of lesser deities.”35 However, there are some contradictions between these interpretations that the godlings are necessary as a means of making the power and purity of the High God bearable for man. In Shelton’s next essay, ‘The Presence of the Withdrawn’ High God in North Ibo Religious Belief and Worship”, he says: “there is direct worship of the High God among the Ibo of the North”.36 Besides, O’Connell-Shelton’s interpretation of West African (Igbo) religion as a hierarchical monotheism is contrary to facts of common experience. The Igbo traditionally did not think of Chukwu as living or ruling from the sky, - the sky god for the Igbo is igwe/ igwe ka ala.37 Ugwueze asserts in an interview he had with Ezekwugo: “We do not think of Chukwu as living in heaven, the idea of heaven came with Christianity”.38 This affirms that the idea of a supreme god is alien to the Igbo people. It is the search for this ultimate in Igbo religion that led the early missionaries to some mistakes, which we will discuss as we proceed.                                                              32

Migeod, Correspondence..., 94f. Ibid. 34 O’Connell, The Withdrawal of the High God in West African Religion, 67. 35 Shelton, The Withdrawn God in West African Psychology, 53. 36 Ezekwugo, Chi the True.., 70-71. 37 Igwe/ igwe ka ala is one the gods in Igboland with Ala as its female counterpart. It has its oracle deity in Umunoha, Owerri. In pre-Christian era it is one of the popular deities in Igboland. To be treated in details later. 38 Ezekwugo, Chi the True.., 71. 33

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1.6 The Mistakes of the Early Missionaries In the caurse of this research, I had a discussion with a priest on this topic. As we progressed in our discussion, he asked me, the Chukwu of Aro-Chukwu and the Igbo, which pre-existed the other? In a society like the Igbo’s, which had no written history or written tradition, this question becomes difficult to answer, because, in a society with oral history, with the passage of time many things are added to their history, subtracted, or entirely lost with the death of the bearers of their customs and traditions as generations go by. With this little insight, let us examine how the mistakes of the early missionaries are affecting the study of Igbo traditional religion. Before the advent of the Europeans to Igboland, Chukwu had been the name of one of the many gods worshipped in Igbo land. However, Chukwu was seen as the most powerful among these other gods. This was so because of the pragmatic nature of the Igbo, which makes them to abandon any deity that does not perform, for a stronger one. Obi Oguejiofor asserts: “the Igboman’s individualism, his pragmatic conception of the world, his egalitarianism, and so on, thus extend to his religion. His receptivity to change also comes into play in sanctioning their divinities and more so in adopting new ones in their place”,39 when they fail to function. In times of need the Igbos look for the god who can solve their problem and they are ready to visit as many deities as possible until they find a solution to their problem. Any of the gods that solves the problem for them, as far as they are concerned becomes the most popular and the supreme. Coincidentally, this was the position of Chukwu at the arrival of the first missionaries in Igboland. Chukwu was the most popular and supreme among the other gods. This popularity was possible, according to Christopher Ezekwugo, due to the widespread of the Aros throughout Igboland, and their superior cleverness.40 The following subsection will explain these points further. 1.6.1 The Widespread of the Aros throughout Igboland At the time when people from other parts of Igboland did not travel much, the Aros were already in many parts of Igboland. It was possible because they were great traders and travellers. Many of them later set out from their former community – Aro uno (Home Aro) to settle in other parts of Igboland. This branch-Aro retained                                                              39 40

Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo Traditional Religion..., 77. Ezekwugo, Chi the True.., 76.

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their ancestral name ‘Aro’ affixing to it the name of the village in which they have come to settle. For example, there are in addition to Aro-uno, also Aro-Ndizuogu, Aro-Bende, Aro-Ujali, Aro-Ikwere, Aro-Ikpa, Aro-Ndikenonwu, etc.,41 They are also found in the northern part of Igboland like Nsukka (precisely Aromgbagbuowa). This made them as time went on, to be in almost every part of Igbo land. The fact that they are thus represented at so many parts of Igbo land – at every strategic point and every trading centre made it possible and easy for them to make known their name and radiate their influence throughout Igbo land and even in the neighbouring tribes among whom they also had settled down. The Aros are also exceptionally wise and clever people as apparent in the manner in which they exploited their tribal god to gain superiority throughout the whole country. 1.6.2 The Superior Cleverness of the Aros As Christopher Nze rightly pointed out, every village group and clan in Igboland has its own proper god.42 So is Chukwu the protective deity of the Aros. According to Ezekwugo: What gained Chukwu his unparalleled renown was his further acquired function as an oracle spirit. Oracles were quite a paying business in the pre-colonial times, and there were a handful of them scattered throughout Igboland in those days. Among the prominent ones were Chukwu of Aro-Chukwu, Igwe ka ala Umunoha in Owerri and the goddesses Agballa of Agu-Ukwu and Idemili of Nnobi… As would be expected these oracles vied among themselves as of which was the most competent and most efficacious. In this context no oracular god proved a match for Chukwu.43 This was possible as we mentioned above because of the presence of the Aros in practically every part of Igbo villages and towns who were agents for the priest of Chukwu oracle. Many of them, who were fortune-tellers, were organized into a system of spies and agents of the college of Chukwu’s priests at home. It was the duty of these agents who knew local situations and quarrels to refer cases, which

                                                             41

Ibid. Nze, Pragmatism and Traditionalism in the Concept of God in African Culture, 66. 43 Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 77-78. 42

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could not be settled locally to their oracle, and to supply the Chukwu priests with necessary facts44 and information. Through this organized system, Chukwu oracle could solve not only local or nearby mysteries which was the only thing the other oracles could do, but also mysteries from the farthest end of Igboland and even beyond. The oracle could call every client by name, narrate his history and tell the applicant on what course he has come to consult him; he could tell a poisoner how he killed his victim. At Chukwu’s shrine, every mystery was rendered soluble and every vexing problem was resolved; even cases which diviners could not handle found their satisfactory and final solution there. Chukwu became ‘ominiscient’ and ‘ominipotent’ – onweghi ihe gbara chukwu anya ghari, an Igbo man would say. (Nothing is beyond Chukwu’s knowledge); while other oracles and gods were regarded as inferior – but not subordinate to him.45 This popularity of Chukwu oracle was also told by Igbo slaves who had inherited this from home in faraway Sierra Leone, where the first missionary to work in Igbo heard about Chukwu. The stories these first Protestant missionaries heard about Chukwu at Sierra Leone and the popularity of this deity at the time they arrived in Igboland misled Bishop Samuel Crowther who did not know much about the people or their religion into adopting the name of one of their gods (Chukwu) to represent the name of God he came to preach about. The report of Robert Rotberg on Crowther’s journal when he visited the Niger Igbo area in 1841 can help us more to understand his confusion. He writes: ‘The Ibo’s are, in their way, a religious people.’ ‘Tsuku’- God – is continually heard. ‘Tsuku’ is supposed to do everything …’’ In many ways, the recorded description of ‘Tsuku’ makes him practically the same as the God Crowther had come to preach, so close that Crowther commented that he had frequent opportunities of hearing these expressions at Sierra Leone’ and that the informants assured him that they had not learnt them from the Christians. Rothberg cites Crowther thus: ... But there is a Tsuku of whom the people were afraid of and in whose extensive powers they believed. Another subject in which they generally agreed – but which, I am sorry to say, I shall have no opportunity of pursuing any further – is the following: it is their common belief that there is a certain place or town in the Igbo                                                              44 45

Ibid. Ibid.

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community in which ‘Tsuku’ dwells, and where he delivers his oracles and answers inquiries.’.. People travel to the place from every part of the country. It is said to be, in the rainy season, 3 months journey from this town… ‘Tsuku,’ cannot be seen by any human eye, his voice is heard from the ground. He speaks every language on earth; makes thieves known… He hears every word that is said against him….46 From the description above it is certain that what is being described here is not God (the Supreme Being) of Christianity, but the Chukwu of Aro-Chukwu, because it is this deity, which as we mentioned earlier, to whom people travel to consult from all parts of Igbo land including Onitsha where Crowther was then writing from. The experience of those who consulted this god is what his informants told him, particularly that his voice was heard from the ground, which refers to the deity’s grotto. Consequently, in his attempt to evangelize the Igbo, he mistakenly adopted this name, which became the name of God. This was possible because he was the first person to commit Igbo language into writing, and to translate the Bible into Igbo language and indoctrinate the people. We would like to illustrate how the word ‘Chukwu’ was originally adopted by the Protestant missionaries but later discarded on learning that this was the name of a local deity which was not supposed to be associated with the Christian God. In doing this we will like to quote Ezekwugo who believes that the truth of this is found in the works of native pioneer missionaries of the Church Missionaries Society, particularly in the work of Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowther and of Christopher Taylor, in detail. Quoting Spencer he writes: In 1857, writes Rev. T. J. Dennis in his preface to the 3rd edition of Rev. Spencer’s ‘Elementary Grammar of Ibo language’, ‘that great African Bishop Crowther, made Onitsha a station of the Church Missionary Society, and thus commenced missionary work in the Ibo country. The same year the C. M. S published an Ibo primer, which had been compiled by Bishop Crowther with assistance of his Ibo interpreter, Simon Jonas. The primer was presumably the first book ever printed in Ibo, and thus, to Bishop Crowther, would

                                                             46

Rotberg, Journals of James Schon and Samuel Crowther, 50-53.

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appear to belong; the honour of having reduced the Ibo language to writing.47 In this work: “Iso Ama- Ibo primer”, we find that the word Bishop Crowther employed for God was ‘Tsuku’. On page 6 for example, he writes: Tsu-su merren’m (God created me) etc.48 In his next work, ‘Vocabulary of Ibo language’ published in 1882, Bishop Crowther, after explaining in the preface that the vocabulary is a collection from tree different dialects of Ibo language, namely: Isuama/Iso- Ama which he calls ‘the proper leading dialect of the Ibo language’, Onitsha and Asaba or Bonny, he gives an illustration which is of interest to us. He writes on page v: “In Isuama, Tsusku is God; In Bonny, it is Tsineke”. In the body of his work, however, he gives Tsuku the meaning ‘the Great God’, and Tsineke,’God the Creator’.49 Thus, the work calls attention to two facts: first that the current explanation, which makes ‘Chukwu’ the word for God in Onitsha dialect and ‘Chineke’ the equivalent for God in Owerri dialect, cannot hold; secondly, that in 1882 (23 years after the first book); Bishop Crowther no longer translated ‘Tsuku’ with the single word ‘God’; he rather gives an explanatory phrase: the Great God’. Notice the use of the article ‘the’. For ‘God’, he has a new word altogether, ‘Tsi’ (Chi).50 The next author is Christopher Taylor, (an Igbo ex- slave, and convert from Sierra Leone) whom Bishop Crowther entrusted with the actual running of the mission station at Onitsha. In his first book: ‘Oku Omma nke Owu Matia’ (Gospel according to St. Matthew) published in 1860, he, like Crowther innocently employed ‘Tsuku’ for ‘God’: ‘Onye ozi nke Tsuku’

=

angel of God (Mt.1:20)

‘Moa Tsuku’

= the Spirit of God (3:16)

‘Eze Tsuku ngi’

=

the Lord your God (4:7)51

Taylor’s ‘Gospel according to St. John’, 1865, has nothing new; ‘Tsuku’ is still used throughout.52                                                              47

Spencer, Elementary Grammar of Ibo language, 5. Cf. Ezekwugo, Chi the True..., 73. Crowther, Iso Ama-Ibo Primer, 6. 49 Crowther, Vocabulary of the Ibo Language, 99 50 Ibid. 51 Taylor, Oku Oma nke Owu Matia, Passim. Cf. Ezekwugo, Chi the True.., 75. 52 Taylor, Gospel According to St. John, Passim. Cf. Ezekwugo, Chi the True.., 75. 48

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But by 1887, a radical change had taken place. In that year’s “Ibo translation of the order of ‘morning prayer”, ’Tsuku’ was not used even once to render ‘God ‘. Instead, ‘Tsineke’ and ‘Tsi’ were alternatively used. Adsa Tsikneke owu obi ebere page) Jihova Tsi- unu

= =

A sacrifice to God is an afflicted spirit (front Jihova your God (front page)

‘Ndi- ozi Tsi na ga buru buru’ =

Angels hovering round (13)53

Tsi uku, mba dum nelu-ala

Great God, the nations of the earth.

=

But the dropping of the use of the word ‘Tsuku’ was something gradual. This we can see from the work of Smart, ‘Ibo Prima’. This work shows that the use of ‘Tsuku’ has become questionable. ‘Tsineke’ is employed throughout, but often ‘Tsuku’ stand side by side with ‘Tsineke’, but in brackets. For example on page 7, lesson VI: ‘Ulo- Tsineke’ (ulo- Tsuku)

= house of God.

‘Akwukwo- Tsineke’ (akwukwo- Tsuku) = book of God.54 By the turn of the century when the work of translating the Bible had begun (1905 – 1912) ‘Tsuku’ was already obsolete. ‘Chineke’ alone was used throughout. There is one exception, however, but that is in favour of the word ‘Chi’ and not ‘Chukwu’: “Ngi enwela Chi ozo tinyerem” (You shall have no other god beside me,) Dt 5:7.55 According to Ezekwugo, “there is no other way of accounting for the elimination of the word ‘Tsuku’ from the Protestant vocabulary except that the missionaries learned after a time that the name referred to a deity who could not be identified with the Christian God”. This mistake could be easy, as he went on to say that ‘in those days of Christianity, ‘Chukwu’ was held by the Igbo to be ‘supreme’ among all their gods.56

                                                             53

The Order of Morning Prayer; Ibo Translation, passim. Smart, Ibo Primer, passim 55 The Holy Bible in Ibo (Union Version), 7. 56 Ezekwugo, Chi..., 75. 54

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1.6.3 The Confusion Caused An observer of Igbo traditional religion would notice the impact of this error on the religious life of the people and on the works of scholars of Igbo traditional religion. The confusion is well articulated by Christopher Ejiazu when he complained: One of the greatest handicaps met with whenever one tries to make a scientific analysis of any notion in the traditional religion is the fact that in most cases it is practically impossible to get the pristine form of this notion. This almost total loss of originality is accountable basically by the pervading influence of Christianity and the unrestrained assimilation of foreign ideologies.57 It is not contestable that Christianity has deeply influenced Igbo paganism. There is no doubt that our pagans have re-adjusted their theology to harmonize the Christian interpretation of the pagan high god ‘Chukwu’; an interpretation, which has elevated a parochial juju god to the status of one unique God. The re-adjustment though not intentional has nevertheless, brought with it such a real loss of originality that it has become almost impossible for a researcher to determine what the pristine religion was. A researcher always notices gross disharmonies and contradictions when an Igbo man is approached to explain his religion. In most cases, the natives admit and state the difference between pre-Christian and postChristian Igbo religion, between Chukwu in the days of their ancestors and Chukwu in these days of Christianity.58 Ejiazu’s citing a pagan priest; Mazi Ukpabai Ulasi maintains that: “no Igbo man would be so naïve as to concede to the name ‘Chukwu’ all the opulent attributes it carries in these days of Christianity”.59 However, today, ‘Chukwu’ is not only the heavenly creator but also the Allmerciful Father; an attribute, which does not harmonize with the fact that ‘Chukwu’ in Igbo tradition was worshipped more out of fear than out of love. 1.7 The Igbo People 1.7.1 The Word Igbo We are not going to treat the etymological meaning of the word Igbo because the origin is not very clear; rather we are going to look into opinions about the meaning of this word. Albert Arinze acknowledges this thus: “Experts are not yet certain about the origin and meaning of the word                                                              57

Ejiazu, quoted by Ezekwugo, Chi the true God..., 88. Ibid 59 Ibid. 58

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Igbo. It certainly did not originally refer to the whole Ibo tribe as we know it today, for before the arrival of Europeans about a hundred years ago, there was no common name for the whole tribe, but each town or village group had its particular name often from an ancestor … until recently people applied the word Igbo (or Ibo) primarily to the language and secondarily to Ibo speaking groups other than one’s own”.60 Here we are going to look into different opinions about the meaning of the word. As early as 1789, an Igbo ex-slave Olaudah Equiano had spoken of the Eboe (Igbo); while Baikie had described the villages East and West of the Niger between Aboh and Anam as Igbo country occupied by people who spoke the same language. There are however groups and individuals who have their opinion about the meaning of the word Igbo. In the language of the Edo and Yoruba tribes, living along western side of Igboland, one finds an expression Ijebu-Igbo, which contains the word Igbo. This expression means “those who live in the farm.” Consequently, from this ethnic group one gathers that the word Igbo was used to identify a people who live in the farm. The above assertion collaborates a similar opinion, which speculates that the word Igbo has strong reference to agriculture. The word Ndi Igbo means “Igbo people”, the slight difference, Ndi Ugbo mean farmers. One speculates then that the expression Ndi Igbo (Igbo people) was derived from the occupation of the people. This opinion tries to justify its position by pointing out that Igbo people were peasant agriculturists who lived in the hinterland and carried out their agricultural work in contrast to their neighbors in the southern part of Nigeria (Ijaw and Okirika) whose occupation was fishing. The diversity and variation found in Igbo culture have been attributed to the diverse ecological situations in which Igbo people are found, and partly to factors such as the influence, which other cultures have had on them in the course of contact. Thus, the peripheral or intrusive communities such as Onitsha and Aboh, Oguta, Arochukwu, or places bordering other tribes tend to show some cultural features differing from those of the interior or central Igbo, particularly those of Owerri division.61 Celestine Mbaegbu writes: In the course of time, a group of immigrant communities joined those Igbo original settlers, introducing heterogeneous culture. This                                                              60 61

Arinze, Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, 1-2. Green, Igbo Village, 8.

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was a movement that really made Igbo culture a homogenous culture; a conglomeration of diverse people with diverse cultures. As time went on, due to an ever – widening frontiers of the ‘no man’s land’ and the desire to find independent villages coupled with the pressure of population increase in certain areas and natural disasters that made continued settlements in some places almost intolerable; most original settlers were compelled to disperse.62 Angulu Onwuejeogwu also asserts: The present Owerri-Orlu area may be regarded as one of the primary cores of Igbo culture area. Linguistically heavy nasalization and aspiration occur in Igbo dialects of this area. There is linguistic evidence to indicate that early Igbo population dispersed from this core to other secondary cores, for as one moves out of this area in any direction both nasalization and aspiration occurring together seem to be archaic traits of Igbo language.63 Yet there is a third opinion found among the Igala tribe situated on the northern frontiers of Igbo land. The members of this group refer to all who come from Igboland as slaves. In other words, it is speculated that the word Igbo means “slave”. This view can be explained by the fact that during the slave trade in West Africa thousands of people from Igboland were sold to slavery by their own people. That is also why some sections in Igboland in the past did not allow themselves to be addressed as Igbo. The term Igbo among some of these groups in Igboland has disappeared. From these different opinions about the meaning of the term ‘Igbo’ so examined, one thing is clear: There is no universally agreed meaning of the word Igbo. At present in Nigeria, the word Igbo is understood in two different senses. It is used on one hand, to refer to one of the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria. On the other hand, it is used to symbolize the language of this group, the Igbo people of Nigeria and as the language spoken by this people. Historically, it has to be pointed out that before the arrival of the Europeans to Igboland, the word Igbo was not seen to be applicable to all the present Igbo people. The reason was that Igbo people as a group were a highly socially segmented group and each group went by ancestral names that held them together,. Although these segmented groups speak a common language, there are also other                                                              62 63

Mbaebu Celestine, Hermeneutics of God in Igbo…, 101. Onwuejeogwu, Odinani..., 40.

25   

cultural and social elements which identify them as a group. Forde and Jones rightly assert that, “the Igbo are single people in the sense that they speak a number of related dialects, occupy a continuous tract of territory and have many features of social structure and culture in common, but they were not formerly politically unified and there are marked dialectal and cultural differences among the various main grouping”.64 Having inquired into the meaning of the word Igbo, we shall then go on to show where the Igbo people live and give an account of their historical origin. 1.7.2 Location and Ecological Features of Igbo Cultural Area Geographically speaking, Igboland is located in the southeastern region of what is now known as the Federal Republic of Nigeria. As an amalgam of many ethnic groups, Nigeria is said to be the most populated country in the African continent. It is located at the western region of the African continent. And its geographical spatial location is quantified with a total area of about 356.669 sq. miles (913,072.64 sq. km). Its length from east to west is over 700 miles (1,120 sq. km) and from north to south 640 miles (1,024 sq. km).65 This geographical location; gives it a common boundary with the Republic of Cameroon on the east, the Republic of Benin on the west, the republic of Niger on the north and the gulf of Guinea on the south.66 Climatically, the southern part of Nigeria, where Igboland is located, exhibits a wide variety of topographical features. The average temperature is about 85°f with annual rainfall of 70 inches.67 The bulk of the Igbo population concentrates on the southeastern part of the country. The territory, which the Igbo inhabit, covers about 22.000 square miles. This territory can be located on the world map between 5° and 7° latitudes north of the equator and between 6° and 8° longitudes east of the Greenwich line. Writing about the location of the Igbo country, Arinze observes: “The Igbo occupy the east of the River Niger Onitsha and Owerri provinces. To the west of the Niger, they occupy Asaba Division in Benin Province and Abo Division in Delta Province.”68 The Igbo have neighbours in the following directions: To the north, they share their boundary with the Idoma tribe. On the south, they have common boarders with Ijaw and Ogoni tribes. On the east, they have Ibibio tribe as neighbours and on the                                                              64

Forde and Jones, Quoted by Anyanwu, African Traditional Religion from..., 16. Njoku, The Igbos of Nigeria..., 3. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid. 68 Arinze, Sacrifice in Igbo…, 1. 65

26   

western side they are bounded by the Bini and Warri tribes. Presently, the following states are within the geo-political area – Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo states. A large number of Igbo speaking people inhabit the south-southern part in Delta state and some Igbo speaking minorities are found in Akwa Ibom, Cross River and River states. Igboland “has a tropical climate. The average annual temperature is about 80°F with an annual range of between 5 and 10.”69 The year is divided into two clear-cut seasons: the dry season, which lasts between November and March, and the rainy season, which lasts between April and October. The annual rainfall is between 105 inches in the south and 10 inches in the north.70 The Igbo cultural area is characterized by a variety of ecological features. This has encouraged scholars to divide the Igbo territory into sub-cultural areas such as the riverine; Delta, the central and the North-eastern belts.71 Scholars like Angulu Onwuejeogu and Victor Uchendu present six instead of four divisions as follows; the Southern half of the scraplands of Southeastern Nigeria, Southern half of the lower Niger basin, the mid-west lowlands, the Niger Delta, the palm Belt of Southeastern Niger and the Cross River basin.72 Some authors like Adiele Afigbo and Herbert Anyanwu prefer to use seven divisions – Western Igboland (Asaba axis) North-western Igbo (Onitsha axis), and Northern Igboland (Udi- Nsukka axis). North-eastern Igboland (Nkanu-Agwu, Abakiliki axis). Central Igboland (OkigweNkwere-Orlu-Owerri axis), Southern Igboland (Ngwa-Umuahia-Bende-Ndoki axis), and Cross River/ Eastern Igboland (Arochukwu-Abam-Ohafia axis).73 Despite this effort at the description of the Igbo territory as sub-cultural areas, scholars like Kenneth Dike are of the opinion that: “Throughout the nineteenth century and before it, the great majority of the Igbo claim Nri town in Awka district as their ancestral home, and it has been suggested that around Nri town is to be found the heart of Igbo nationality.”74 The priests of Nri, according to him enjoy the privilege of walking untouched or unharmed through any portion of the Igbo territory. Their semi-sacred character indicated by a short staff of office afford them passport and protection everywhere they go among the Igbo.75 Similarly, according to Percy Talbot, the theocratic sway of Eze (king) of Nri was almost universally accepted and itinerant priest ministered to the religious needs of the whole                                                              69

Uchendu, The Igbo of southeastern Nigeria..., 1. Anyanwu, African Traditional..., 14. Within the dry season, there is a special period (December and January) called Hammatan. This period is always dryer than the other two seasons and very cold. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid., 17. 73 Ibid. 74 Dike, Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta..., 44. 75 Ibid. 70

27   

community. Inter-marriages, attendance at inter-clan festivals, blood-covenants between neighbouring political units, and the many communal-market groups in the tribal interior, were effective instrument of cultural unity among the Igbo.76 According to Ford and Jones who described the Igbo habitation style, “the typical Igbo settlement pattern consists of loose clusters of homesteads irregularly scattered along cleared paths radiating from a central meeting place of the village and/or village group, which contains the shrines and groves of the local deity or other chief spirits and serves as the market”.77 Within these cultural areas there are many dialect clusters. However, while it is true that the Igbo share common culture pattern, it is also true that each of these subcultural groups display some cultural differences. The divisions made are fast changing because of scale, migration, urban movement and so. The boundaries overlap and are not easily identifiable in contemporary time.78 The above having been said one must point out the most common feature among the Igbo people. They have a strong habit of travelling outside their homeland seeking means of livelihood. They are found in almost all the major cities in Nigeria engaged in trade and various forms of money-yielding activities. This notwithstanding, they do not forget their roots. They have the habit of maintaining strong contact with their place of origin. Even at the point of death, the Igbo man will always desire to be taken back to his root to be buried among his people. 1.7.3 Historical Origin One of the things that puzzle scholars and writers of Igbo history is the issue of the origin of the people. The question of where the Igbo come from has been a subject of speculation. George Ekwuru shows this difficulty when he writes: “the etymological and lexical complexity shrouding the meaning of the term ‘Igbo’, affects also the history of the Igbo themselves. The difficulty of arriving at a precise etymological and semantic clarity of the word ‘Igbo’ seems to stem from the lack of a precise historic trace of the origin of the Igbo people.”79 In spite of this difficulty, an inquiry into origin of the Igbo is necessary here because of the light such knowledge will throw on the Igbo, as a people. Our inquiry is aimed towards determining whether the Igbo people migrated from anywhere to live at the present location they are today or not.                                                              76

Talbot, People of Southern Nigeria, 11. Ford and Jones, The Igbo and Ibibio-speaking ..., 7. 78 Anyanwu, African Tradition…, 17 79 Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology..., 19. 77

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Going through the history of the written Igbo language, one discovers that before the Igbos came in contact with the Europeans, there had been a type of written language used by a closed section among the Igbo - the Nsibidi writing. This was a type of secret symbolic writing used by a secret society around Ngwa and Aniocha towns in Igboland. These ideographic writings were not decoded or further studied. Because of this neglect, this writing died out, and the help, which it could have rendered in committing Igbo history to writing, was lost.80 At the arrival of the missionaries in Igboland around 1857, there was no written language. According to Raymond Arazu “it was the early missionaries who undertook the task of identifying the vowels and consonants in Igbo language and assigning Roman numerals to these sounds”81 as we have it today. It is even more complicated because the existing oral tradition, which the Igbo have, does not provide clues to their origin. Because of this Professor Ford concludes that the: “they (the Igbo) themselves … have got no general or elaborate tradition of origin or migration”. Floyed Barry expressed the difficulty in tracing the exact origin of the Igbo as follows: “It is a well known impossible task to trace the history of the Ibo or the origin of their nomenclature”.82 In his attempt to confront this issue of the origin of the Igbo, John Hatch, one of the expatriate scholars of the Igbo tribe, remarks that: “very little is known about how the Ibo originally came to inhabit their land. The absence of a state system led to lack of interest in dynastic records, even in oral tradition.”83 Confirming this state of Igbo history, Adiele Afigbo asserts: “compared to the state of research and knowledge in the area of the pre-colonial history of the Yoruba, Edo or Hausa people, pre-colonial Igbo history can, without much exaggeration, be described as terra incognita”,84 Consequently, this absence of any oral tradition that could explain or throw more light on the origin of the Igbo led some western authors during the colonial era to treat the Igbo people as “a people without history.”85 Despite these handicaps, contemporary scholars have made desperate efforts in this direction and came up with varied theories on the origin of the Igbo. Each of these theories holds different explanation to the origin of the Igbo. The two prominent theories are the Orientalist or External theory and the Modern or Evolutionary theory.                                                              80

Egwu, Igbo Idea of the Supreme..., 14. Chidozie, Igbo Spelling in Igbo Language and Culture…, 138. 82 Barry quoted by Ikeobi, Towards the Purification of the Igbo Ozo Title in Onitsha Archdiocese, 2. 83 Hatch, Nigeria: A History..., 62. 84 Afigbo, Towards a History of the Igbo-speaking people of Nigeria, 11. 85 Uchendu, The Igbo..., 2. 81

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1.7.3.1 Oriental or External Theory This theory is held by those who are of the opinion that the Igbo people migrated from somewhere in the north, moved southwards and settled on the territory which they are today occupying. Five possible centers are postulated. “… The semantic center in the near and far East, the Hematic, around Egypt and Northern Africa, the West-Saharan center, the Chadian center, and the Nok center.”86 The most discussed of all is the semantic center, made popular by people like Olaudah Equiano an Igbo ex-slave, Mervyn Jeffery, Georg Basden, Chidozie Ogbalu, Elechukwu Njaka etc.,87 who are of the strong opinion that the Igbo people derive their origin from Israel. They link Igbo people with the so called lost tribe of Israel. This assumption is based on the fact that Igbo culture has many similarities with that of the Jews. These can be observed in marriage negotiations, childbirth and circumcision, restitution, attitude to totem animals and taboos as well as hospitality to others, especially to strangers etc. The Igbo are, therefore, said to be the spilt and lost group or tribe of Israel that refused to wander further northeast with Moses but preferred going down southwards.88 George Basden, for instance, traces the cultural similarities between the Igbo people and the Hebrews. He claims that the Igbo people in the remote past actually either lived near or had very close association with the Semitic races. Basden also asserts that, among the Igbo the rite of circumcision is normally carried out on the eight day after birth as is in the case of the Israelites.89 Commenting on these similarities, Chinua Achebe maintains that “no matter how plausible and tentative these attempts may sound, it is however dangerous to conclude from cultural similarities to racial origin …, many people of Black Africa have ritually a lot in common”.90 Percy Talbot, on the other hand, claims an Egyptian origin of the Igbo; his view is based on the ‘migrations set in motion in Egypt in 1870 B.C., by such events as the Nubian wars of Amenemhat or the conquest of Egypt somewhat later by the Hyksos’. It is speculated that these movements resulted in some Egyptians settling in the Yoruba country of Oyo and in certain Ibo sub-tribal areas, all in present day Nigeria.91 Elechukwu Njaka, presenting another opinion about the Jewish origin of the Igbo                                                              86

Onwuejeogwu, Evolutionary Trends in the history of the development of the Igbo Civilisation, 58. Anyanwu, African Traditional..., 15. 88 Ebo, Ozo Institution in Igboland..., 43. 89 Basdan, Niger Ibos. Cf. Anyaka, A Re-examination of African Traditional Religion, 12. 90 Achebe, The Social – Religious Significance of the Igbo Pre-natal and Puberty Rites, 1. 91 Talbot, The people of Southern Nigeria, 19. Cited in Ilogu, Christianity and Igbo Culture, 1. 87

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writes: “the first groups of speculators on Igbo origin is in sympathy with the “lost tribe of Judah” theory or are looking for some similarities between the Igbo and the Jews. This group often refers to the Igbo as “the Jews of Africa or the Jews of West Africa”.92 He puts forward another hypothesis, although undocumented elsewhere, that the Igbo people “were the founders of Egypt.” The speculation goes on to suggest that the Jews learned statecraft from the ancient Egyptians. This explains why some people admit that there are obvious similarities “between the Igbo and the Jews”.93 However, the orientalist theory has run into difficulty today, and is no more taken seriously because of the following reasons: the Hebrews are a sort of people who have the tendency to maintain and hold firm to their religious life, culture and tradition94 while living in the midst of other races. When one considers the various Jewish communities in the world today, one discovers that the Jews are scattered all over the continents of the world and at the same time have maintained their religion, tradition and culture. One cannot say this of the Igbo people. Although the Igbo possess some cultural traits similar to that of the Jews they are always ready to accommodate changes from outside.95 Furthermore, some of these cultural traits used by the protagonists of this theory to buttress their views are not only found among the Igbo. Some other tribes in Africa possess such similarities. Lastly, the Jewish people consider themselves a chosen people. They see themselves as a pure race. In relation to other races of the world, the Igbo do not consider themselves a pure race.96 Moreover, if similarity in culture could serve as an adequate condition, the Jews might as well be the descendants of the Igbo. Some other writers are of the opinion that the Igbo did not come from a particular area. Arthur G. Leonard for example is of the opinion that Onitsha – Igbo has Bini origin. Ede’s records support this opinion: Northcote Thomas in his anthropological report shows that the original Onitsha people were located some miles from Isele Ukwu for some time before they were driven out by the forces of Benin. However, Thomas’ work on this issue proves only that Onitsha – Igbo people migrated from somewhere outside the Igbo land but not outside Nigeria.97 Nnamdi Azikiwe’s interview with his grandmother, which is recorded in his book “My Odyssey”, tends to throw more light on the Benin origin of the Onitsha-Igbo people. He                                                              92

Njaka, Igbo Political Culture..., 17. Ibid., 18. 94 Simon, Priesthood among the Igbos..., 13. 95 Egwu, Igbo Idea..., 15. 96 Okeke Priesthood among the Igbos…, 13-14. 97 Ede, Towards an Igbo..., quoted by Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God..., 94. 93

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writes: “I continued to belabor my grandmother to tell me more of the history and origin of the Onitsha people. She narrated that many, many years ago there lived at Idu (Benin) a great Oba who had many children. Due to a power struggle regarding the right of precedence among the princes of the blood and other altercations, there was a civil war in Benin. One day, the supporters of one of the princes insulted and assaulted Queen Asije, the mother of the Oba of Benin, who was accused of having trespassed on their farmland. Enraged at this evidence of indiscipline and lawlessness, the Oba ordered his war chiefs and his brother Gbunwala Asije to apprehend and punish the insurgents. In the attempt to penalize them, Chime, the ultimate founder of the Onitsha city-state, a prince of blood in his own right, led the recalcitrant against his uncle, Gbunwala. This intensified the civil war which rent the kingdom of Benin into two and led to the founding of Onitsha Ado N’Idu. Since the migration took a long time, Chime did not live long to enjoy the fruits of his leadership before he died. Some of the pioneers who thought that Gbunwala might pursue them then crossed the river Niger and penetrated to territories bordering the eastern bank of the Niger”.98 The story Zik’s grandmother narrated to him seems to be plausible as one can observe that even today that Onitsha–Igbo people do exhibit some supercilious social attitude and have some traditions that are very similar to that of the Benin kingdom, than the rest of other Igbo communities. In fact, Celestine Mbaegbu observes that “they (Onitsha-Igbo) have that tendency to despise others or to look down on them; an attitude associated with those who are of the royal stock, in this case, the royal house of Benin”.99 There also other scholars who believe that the Aro-Chukwu-Igbo show a strong probability of external origin. Frank Hives, a district commissioner in Nigeria, wrote in his document that, “the Aro were quite a different racial type from the indigenous inhabitants of the Igbo country. He based his view on the fact that the Aro were light in colour, they must have been among the people associated with the descendants of a Phoenician colony that had settled on the lower Congo in a very distant past and had intermarried with the natives.”100 This view has been criticized by Celestine Mbaegbu, who sees this view as a mere intellectual guess. This is because in general, the Igbo people are usually lighter in colour than their neighbouring ethnic groups in Nigeria.101 Moreover, the Aro themselves up till                                                              98

Azikiwe, My Odyssey…, 11-12. Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God..., 96. 100 Ibid. 101 Ibid. 99

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today hold that they did not migrate from outside Igbo land. 1.7.3.2 Evolutionary Theory This theory totally rejects the position of the external theory. In other words, the protagators of this theory believe that the origin of the Igbo is to be found within and not outside the area, which the Igbo people occupy.102 This theory is based on archaeological and anthropological-linguistic evidence.103 In the 1970s and 1980s, archaeologists have carried out some excavations in various parts of Igboland. Seven of these excavation sites are of importance here because they yielded materials from which this theory deduced its propositions. The sites include Ugwuelle in Uturu, Afikpo, Ibeagwa, Igboukwu, Umundu, and Lejja. According to Anozie (an Igbo archaeologist) in 1981, the following items were found in the site at Ugwuelle: tons of handaxes and large quantities of cleavers and mini flake tools.104 According to scientific estimation or reckoning, the culture that produced these items must have flourished between 750,000 and 55,000 years before Christ.105 This lies within the Stone Age.106 In the excavation at Afikpo, a rock shelter was discovered and it was estimated that human beings have lived in this shelter about 5,000 years ago.107 Items that were found in this shelter include: quartz flakes, small stone tool, and hoe like implements, polished stone axe, red ochre, bore stone and pottery of red ware type.108 Similarly, a rock shelter was also dug up at Ibeagwa; in this rock shelter, ancient pottery and tools of stone were discovered.109 In Nsukka, the excavation yielded pottery, which was 4,500 years old.110 In Igbo-Ukwu, archaeologists led by Thurstan Shaw excavated items that revealed an Igbo bronze age. Items discovered in the excavations included: shells, duplicated in meta, bronze bells and bowl, a bronze belt made of seventeen different ornamental plates, and elaborated scabbards and swords hilts, stylized rams’ heads, elephants’ heads and leopards’ heads.111                                                              102

Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 16. Onwuejeogwu, Ahiajoku lecture, 19. 104 Ibid., 12. 105 Ibid. 106 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 16. 107 Isichei, A History of the Igbo People, 3. 108 Onwuejeogwu, Ahiajoku lecture, 13. 109 Isichei, A History of Igbo people…, 4. 110 Ibid., 4. 111 Ibid., 12. 103

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From these archaeological evidences, this evolutionary theory postulates that the Igbo man of today has undergone cultural evolutionary transformation from the African late Stone Age through the Neolithic and Metal Age to contemporary modern time. Prominent in this school of thought is Adiele Afigbo who maintains “that the Igbo did not migrate from the orient as many scholars hold but that, “they originated from the Niger-Benue confluence six thousand years ago”.112 These archeological findings also led Chinua Achebe to argue that the Igbo have occupied their land for at least 3000 years and that it is now being discovered that her people developed an ancient civilization a thousand years ago which is about half a millennium before the emergence of the kingdom of Benin. From these, archeological discoveries made by Shaw, Nwala concludes that a certain measure of civilization was already flourishing in some parts of Igboland with some degree of development as early as the Nineth century A.D. (about850 A.D.)113. Although the Igbo have the misfortune that no other group in the world speaks their language or traces its origin to this geographical area known as Igboland. However, Louis Oraku though supporting this view is of the opinion that, “this is not to suggest that these reports have come out with an answer on the origin of the Igbo but at least we shall tend to agree with the modern school of thought that the home land of Igbo is not the Middle East”.114 Also, it has to be noted that, this archeological evidence does not show where these men of Stone Age came from; whether they began first to exist as human beings on this soil or they migrated from some other places in Africa. Furthermore, the evidence does not prove that the present Igbo man is without doubt the descendant of these men of the Stone Age. However, apart from these archeological and anthropological findings used by this school of thought to support their view, there are different mythological stories of Igbo origin, which though full of contradictions and irregularities, still support that the Igbo did not migrate from any other place to their present location. It is believed by many that they were indigenous to the area they now occupy and did not migrate from any other part of the world. One of the common legends recorded by Donatus Nwoga maintains that: “a great number of Igbo people originated from Eri – a sky being who descended from Chukwu (God) and landed in Anambra riverside. When Eri came down from the sky, he had to stand on an antheap since all the land was then a morass. He complained immediately to Chukwu, who there                                                              112

Onwubiko, African Thought Religion and Culture, 9. Shaw, Igboukwu…, Quoted by Nwala, Igbo Philosophy, 16. 114 Oraka, The Foundation of Igbo Studies..., 12. 113

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and then sent him an Awka man with bellows, charcoal and fire to dry up the land and he did so”.115 Many scholars have criticized this myth. For example, Celestine Mbaegbu contends that: “Going through this story, one immediately perceives a lot of irregularities for a lot of unanswered questions raised, namely, where was the Awka man living when the land was morass? Where was the charcoal from when there were no trees, etc? According to him, this assertion exposes the account to mere gleeful inventiveness of the teller and this makes the account look like a manufactured story which does not stand critical analysis.”116 However, this is a characteristic of all such mythical stories about the internal origin of the Igbo, which have led many scholars to strongly argue that archeological discoveries and testimonies of scholars seem to support more the internal origin of the Igbo. For Mbaegbu, valid documents from archeology and history remain authentic sources of historical facts.117 This myth of origin in a way supports another view that some parts of the myth have migrated from other places. Elochukwu Uzukwu offers a strong backing to this effect and for him, “the Igbo lack a common traditional origin. Each village group, having a self-awareness of unity, traces its origin to an ancestor or to a ritual event constituting it into an entity. The Nri myth of origin is one among other such myth.”118 Victor Uchendu observes that, “the analysis of demographic patterns, traits lists, and other cultural features combined with available local tradition would throw more light on the two inter-related hypotheses of Igbo origin. That there exist a core area which may be called the ‘nuclear’ Igboland; and that waves of immigrant communities from the North and West planted themselves on the border of the nuclear Igboland as early as the fourteenth or the fifteenth century.”119 This “nuclear” Igboland, according to Uchendu is believed to be “the Belt” formed by Owerri, Awka, Orlu, and Okigwe divisions. It is a most densely populated area. There was an early migration from this area into Nsukka-Udi highlands in the North and into Ikwere, Etche, Asa and Ndokki in the South.120 He also asserts that, “there are traditions confirmed by intrusive culture traits of people who entered Igbo territory in about fourteenth and fifteenth century. Of these, there are the Nri, in whom Igala influence is marked, and the Nzam and Anam, who combine Bini and Igala traits. Onitsha, Oguta and Eze-Chima group of villages in Western Igbo,                                                              115

Nwoga, The Supreme God As Stranger in Igbo Religious Thought, 44. Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics, 99-100. 117 Ibid. 118 Uzukwu, Nri Myth of Origin and its Ritualization…, 92. 119 Uchendu, The Igbos of Southeast Nigeria, 3. 120 Ibid. 116

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claim affinity with Bini and have their kingship institution to show as evidence of descent.”121 Emmanuel Obiechina supporting this view contends that only a few immigrants also joined later on from elsewhere and that this does not corrupt their common identity as Igbo.122 However, these two hypotheses, external and evolutionary theories, have not yet provided irrevocable conclusions on the question of Igbo origin. As Pauline Aligwekwe says, “some research works much more profound and convincing remain to be done”.123 Effort has been made above to know the Igbo people and their origin. We will now look into their world-view to know how they see and interpret the world around them. 1.7.4 Worldview: A Definition People in their daily conversation often make use of the word “worldview”. However, when asked to define what it means, they find it rather very difficult and elusive. Therefore, before delving into Igbo world view, it is pertinent we look into the definition of the word “world view”. Man’s innate ability as a rational being greatly manifests in his ability to assign meaning to his activities, to events and things independent of him. Meaninglessness is a concept completely foreign to the nature of man. In his day-to-day relations with the cosmos, he always strives, and often unconsciously, to have a base in form of a unifying factor, which is, understood as a terminus a quo (origin) and ad quem (end). The result is this innate quest for explanation, for meaning in life, which constitutes what is known as a worldview.124 Consequently, a worldview has been defined by Herbert Anyanwu as: “the rational explanation of the order which undergird human lives and the environment”.125 Uzodinma Nwala, attempting an inclusive definition of worldview says that it comprises: “the complex of beliefs, laws, customs and tradition of a people. It includes the overall picture they have about reality, the universe, life and existence. Their attitude to life and to things in general; what they do and think of what life is, what things are worth striving to attain; what man’s place is in the scheme of things; whether or not man has an immortal soul; whether or not life has meaning and purpose, etc”.126                                                              121

Ibid. Obiechinal, The Coach, Igbo Traditional Life, Culture and Literature, 12-13. Cf., also Nwala, Igbo Phylosophy, 15. 123 Aligwekwe, The Continuity of Traditional Values in the African Society, 1991, 30. 124 Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo…, 47. 125 Anyanwu, African Tradition…, 17 126 Nwala, Igbo Philosophy, 16. 122

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However, world-view is not only the sum-total of a people’s beliefs, concepts, laws, customs, traditions and attitudes of a people but embraces the underlying thoughtthink or logic which holds them together. Worldview in effect is the whole life of a people in its social context.127 According to Ogbu Kalu, a worldview can be understood in terms of a unified picture of the cosmos explained by a system of concepts, which order the natural and social rhythms, and the place of individuals and communities in them.128 In other words, a worldview reflects people’s basic assumptions about, and perceptions of the universe, which give orientation and value to their lives. A people’s worldview stands for their source of explanations for the ways things are in the world, including their theories of illness, death, and misfortunes, and how human afflictions and problems can be resolved. Indeed as Alexander Animalu sees it, a worldview or cosmological framework refers to a people’s way of organizing their activities which explains the how and why of daily existence. According to him, worldviews are products of experiences so pregnant with drama that such experiences give rise to symbols or totems of some sort. The symbols give rise to thought or creative intelligence ‘ako na uche’ and creative intelligence gives rise, in turn, to the customs and codes of the society, which are so internalized, from childhood onwards, that they go unquestioned as a way of life.129 Thus, Charles Kraft writes: “Worldview is the central systematization of conceptions of reality to which the members of the culture assent (largely unconsciously) and from which stems their value system. Worldview lies at the very heart of culture, touching, interacting with, and strongly influencing every other aspect of the culture. The worldview of any given culture presumably originated in a series of agreements by the members of the original group concerning their perception of reality and how they should regard and react towards that reality”.130 A worl-dview is imposed upon the young members of a society by means of familiar processes of teaching and learning. In this way each youngster reared in a given culture is conditioned to interpret reality in terms of the conceptual system of the culture. How a people views and interprets the world determines a lot of how they organize their lives and the answers they provide for the main questions of life. The centrality of the worldview becomes very clear when one considers the                                                              127

Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics..., 104. Kalu, Precarious Vision..., 42. 129 Animalu, A Way of Life in the Modern Scientific Age, 43. 130 Kraft, Christianity in culture, 54-57 128

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central role which the worldview of a culture plays in the life of individuals.131 Hence, the individual, being a product of a particular culture, integrates this worldview which provides him with a guideline, a meaning in his existence, and orientates him towards a particular mode of being or life style. In this case every cultural civilization becomes a by-product of its worldview.132 Although, worldview is a universal phenomenon, its characteristic cultural modes, forms and expression, differ from one cultural group to another. This is so because, the kind of explanations which man profers to satisfy his wonders about the world, and his curiousity to know, differs from one individual to another, from culture to culture and from age to age. Moreover, it is this fact that accounts for the obvious difference and diversities in cultural perspectives.133 This is portrayed in the answer given by Eze Osu Agbanyim when asked: “why do people of different nations, think and behave differently?” He said: Okwa mba na achi n’olu n’olu, (the bush fowl of different nations crow in different tones); Ihe mba na eri ka mba na aso, (what is pleasing to one country is what is displeasing to another); Ma, ebe obu n’achowa eriri ejiri l’uwa agawa n’afo nne, odidi bu ihu gbara abua, (but things must be traced to their root, difference in nature is difference in views).”134 It is a common saying that: “every cultural group is a separate world,” which is what this Igbo traditionalist intended to communicate with this proverbial verse.135 Thus according to Ikenga-Metuh, to know how a people view the world around them or how they seek answers to fundamental questions about the place and relationship of man with the universe, we turn to their worldview. Having presented the general notion of worldview, we can now look at what forms the Igbo worldview. 1.7.4.1 Igbo Worldview A cultural group such as the Igbo is able to form their worldview, to explain reality, life and the human environment, and predict space-time events, and finally exert control over them. In this way, the force of Igbo religion or any other religion or ideological system rests with the cosmology, which undergirds it. In the case of the traditional Igbo, all forms of individual and group religious practices occur within                                                              131

Ibid. 54-57. Cf. Uzor The Traditional African Concept of God.., 288. Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology..., 33. 133 Ruch and Anyanwu, African Philosophy, 103. 134 Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology..., 31. This citation is from the interview he had with Eze Osu Agbanyim who was the former chief of Amike. 135 Ibid. 132

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the broad outline of their worldview.136 The Igbo, in his view of the world he lives in, believes and is convinced that it is composed of two spheres, the visible and the invisible. The universe, therefore, is twofold – each distinct but similar and interdependent: ‘physical’ and ‘spiritual’. This dual-intertwined-world is geographically stretched out in space in a two-tier structure; comprising the Sky, and the Earth (as human and spirit world). The Sky and the Earth are considered as pairs, but the Earth in turn, is divided into visible (Elu uwa inhabited by all created things with man as the master) and invisible parts. The invisible part constitutes the underworld (Ala Muo where the spirits of the dead ancestors are said to dwell). Characteristically, ‘beings’ and ‘forces,’ in these dimensions of the one ‘universe’ interpenetrate; hence, the physical and the spiritual, the profane and the sacred, form one inter-linked reality.137 According to Geoffrey Parrinder, “There is no sharp dividing line between the sacred and the secular… material and spiritual are intertwined, the former as a vehicle of the latter”.138 In the Igbo conception of the world, therefore, the two realms of existence: material and spiritual shade into or interpenetrate each other and are often considered as one continuous interacting life.139 This traditional view of duality or two-ness is contained and expressed in two Igbo proverbs, which states that: Ihe di abuo abuo, (things are in twos), and Ihe kwuru ihe akwudebeya, (when something stands, something [else] stands beside it).140 A more vivid illustration of this belief, is given by Chike Aniakor, with a shamanistic introit incantation. According to Aniakor, “When Duru Agwu/Duru Aku, the Chief Diviner at Amauzari in Mbano Division, through whose divination man comes to understand the complicated web of cosmic relationship between him and the gods; looked at the five divination pebbles on his palm, he picked out one, threw it on the ground, picked it up again, examined it and stared into vacancy in communion with the gods. He said: Ihedi abuo, abuo (things are in twos): Nwoke na Nwanyi Male and Female Ihe oma na ihe ojoo God and Evil                                                              136

Ejiazu, Endurance and Conviction…, 132. Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 43. 138 Parreinder, African Traditional Religion, 27. 139 Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics..., 112. 140 Achebe in his book, “Morning Yet on Creation Day” emphasises the importance of this duality maxim in Igbo traditional thought when he writes: “It is important to stress … the central place in Igbo thought of the notion of duality. Wherever something stands, something else stands beside it. Nothing is absolute. I am the truth, the way and the life would be called blasphemous or simply absurd for is it not well known that a person may worship Ogwugwu to perfection and yet be killed by Udo? The world in which we live has its double and counterpart in the realm of spirits. A man lives here and his Chi there. Indeed the human being is only one half (and the weaker one at that) of the person. There is a complementary spirit being Chi”. Cf., Ezekwugo, “Chi in Igbo Cosmology”, 94. 137

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Ugbua na Mgbe- Ochie Present and Past Mmadu na Mmuo People and Spirits Igwe na Ala Firmament and Earth Onwu and ndu Life and Death.” 141 This kind of complementary duality of being as the primary nature of Igbo ontocosmogony extends to all aspects of human existence. For instance, it is extended to the multiple polar constitution of nature such as: dark and light, cold and heat; the human being as soul and body, male and female, good and bad and so on; and to all invisible and abstract realities, like beauty and ugliness, love and hatred, etc. (that means something for the traditional man). These polarities however, are not seen to be contradictory but complementary.142 This dualistic nature of Igbo worldview is what Donatus Nwoga summarized in his analysis of the Igbo worldview thus: “The Igbo see reality in complementary dualities. This is evident in the perception of society as made up of oha na eze, (community and the king), ikwu na ibe, (relations and peers), nwoke na nwanyi, (male and female) and so on. It extends to the perception of each person as having the ordinary personal existence and the accompanying Chi, the same way that all beings with agency have their physical existence and their deistic counterpart. This duality extends further into identifying ahu na muo (body and spirit) in the human person and Chi na eke143 in the deistic aspect of human existence. At the medical and abstract powers level, there is ajo-ogwu (antidote) at one pole and ire ogwu (potency) at the other pole.”144 The Igbo believes that in the spiritual world there is a multiplicity of spirits, in which three different categories are distinguishable. There are spirits, which are connected with natural elements, for instance, the earth, the sky, the sun, water; one has the earth spirit, the sky spirit, the sun spirit, water spirit and so on. Among these spirits mentioned are those who are more prominent than others are. As has been said before, this prominence is made manifest in the persons, families, villages that recognize, acknowledge, honor, serve and depend on such spirits. The prominence is further evident in the shrines, priests, and other possessions, which are in their service. Typical examples of these prominent spirits are the earth spirit and the sky spirit.145                                                              141

Aniakor, Structuralism in Ikenga..., 6. Cf also Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 45. Newbery, North American Indians..., 165. Cf. Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 46. 143 Chi is said to be a personal spiritual being, the source and life of individuals, while Eke is Chi’s counterpart that is in charge of the destiny of the individuals. We will treat this in details later. 144 Nwoga, Nka na Nzere..., 22. 145 Egwu, Igbo Idea..., 35. 142

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The second category of spirits is the spirits of human beings who once lived in the human body in this world, but now are separated from these bodies and live on in the spirit world. Some of them have reached their destination, and are now in the company of good spirits (ancestors). Some of them have not reached their destination, and from time to time appear in the world and cause some afflictions among the living human beings.146 The other category is the personal spirits called Chi. Each human being among the Igbo is believed to have this personal spirit. This we intend to give a more detailed discussion later. Many scholars are of the opinion that if the Igbo have any idea of the Supreme Being, it must be sought under this category of spirits. With regard to the physical world, the Igbo have no clear-cut, definitive account of the origin of the physical world. There are some myths and folktales, in which the idea of creation is mentioned, but these myths are not primarily concerned with the origin of the physical world.147 According to the Igbo worldview, human beings are at the center of the universe.148 Although there are spirits in the spirit world which the Igbo acknowledge, depend on, honour and serve; these spirits are not seen as ends in themselves. The Igbo person will continue to relate to and depend on a spirit as long as this spirit enables and helps him achieve his end. Any spirit which fails to contribute in any way to the well-being of the Igbo person is immediately and automatically abandoned. The Igbo man sees life as supreme value,149 and tries to secure help from wherever he can in order to attain to the supreme value. This help can come from the physical world or the spiritual world. The importance which the Igbo attach to life as supreme value is made manifest in their attitude and reaction to the length of time which one spends in this world. To die young for the Igbo is a tragedy; to live long to a ripe old age is a blessing and is highly desirable. Furthermore, having no offspring in which life in this world is continued after one might have died is a curse, but to have many offspring is a sign of a successful life and a pride to those who have them. It is not enough to live long in this world and have children, but it is equally important to have the material wealth with which to maintain this life. Among the Igbo, poverty is an evil and is normally fought against with all energy at one’s disposal.150 As we mentioned above, the Igbo believe that there is a mutual interaction between                                                              146

Ibid. Ibid. 148 Uzukwu, Igbo World and Ultimate Reality and Meaning, 17. 149 Ibid. 150 Ibid. 147

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human beings and the spirits. Human beings who have entered the service of these spirits expect from them protection from many dangers which abound in the world; expect good health, gift of children, and various help in their everyday life. They express their dependence and thanks through various sacrifices and ceremonies. On the other hand, the spirits expect obedience and service from those who have accepted their sovereignty. Sometimes they are believed to be the causes of some disasters and calamities, which now and then befall the community, because their statutes are not kept.151 Ikenga-Metu clearly underscores this fact: “Among some peoples, misfortunes may be attributed to broken taboos, perjured oaths, or even to the Supreme Being, the deities or ancestors”.152 When this happens, there are certain persons whose duty it is to restore equilibrium. As Laurienti Magesa notes: “It (African societies) has different religious experts whose task it is to discover the reasons for disharmony in the universe. Besides, the experts after discovering the causes of a problem forthwith prescribe antidotes or cures for the problems. Their responsibility and intervention are to advise on measures to be taken to restore the force of life.”153 In Igbo traditional religion the Eze mmuo and the Dibia (native priests and native doctors) are believed to have the mystical ability to find out from the spirit world the cause of calamities, and they are also believed to have the capacity to recommend what is to be done in order to reestablish peace among the two worlds. Eschatologically, there is a firm belief in death in “After life” and in the doctrine of re-incarnation. They also believe that death is an unavoidable tragedy, hence their wise saying that ogba oso anaghi agbalahu onwu (No one can run away from death). While believing that life does not end in death, they are of the view that life is a cyclic process in which an offspring grows into ripe old age, dies to join the ancestors, and re-incarnates to live again. Elucidating this, Celestine Mbaegbu says: “Death for the Igbo does not mean the end of the road, a dead end, a full final stop. The Igbo have hope in the ‘Life after death’. This belief in the ‘life after death’ is grounded on the Igbo illogical, superstitious but strong belief in the re-incarnationa return to the world. The Igbo believe that a man is born into this world to live life here on earth, perfect himself, perfect the society and at the end of this earthly life, join his ancestors in the spirit world from where he returns to this world inform of                                                              151

Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 36. Ikenga-Metu, Comparative Studies of African Traditional Religion, 150. 153 Magesa, Africa Religion the Moral Traditions of Abundant Life, 193. 152

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another body for another span of earthly life.”154 He added further that, “the manner of passage into the ‘after life’ matters for the Igbo. ‘Good life’, procreation or perpetuation of one’s life through offspring, ripe old age, ‘good death’ as opposed to unnatural death and good burial are essential criteria.”155 The Igbo belief in ‘after-life’ is quite different from that of the Christians. According to Ikenga-Metu, the ‘after-life’ is conceived in the materialistic terms. “The centre of concern is the eternal now, since the past and present fulfillment of man is sought in the present life. Consequently, the after-life is conceived in terms of the present life. The environment and social structure of each society are each projected into the invisible world and form the framework of its conceptions of afterlife. In this context, ideas about immortality, judgment, and retribution play very little part.”156 However, it must be pointed out that this transition is not automatic for all but is achieved by those who met certain criteria. Those who lived well joined the ancestors after proper funeral ceremonies and from there they can reincarnate. Those who lived bad lives are banished to a place between the spirit land and the land of the living (agbata ndi muo na madu).157 The bodies of the dead whose lives or deaths are utterly repugnant to the accepted religious standards are unceremoniously dumped in the evil forest (ajo ohia) to symbolize their total rejection and excommunication by both the living and the dead.158 These groups of people whose bodies are thrown into the evil forest are believed to be the frustrated wandering and restless evil spirits, sometimes, seen by people. Fulfillment in the after-life is achieved when one dies and occupies one’s place among one’s own in the next life. Damnation is viewed as the excommunication and a perpetual exclusion from clan life and from the cycle of life and reincarnation. The emphasis is on the integration into or exclusion from one’s own community (of ancestors) as constituting adequate reward or punishment.159 In Igbo society, the next-world is thought to be underground. This is perhaps because the dead are buried there. The ground is looked upon as the most intimate point of contact between the living-dead and their relatives. Elucidating this notion, Mbiti says: “… it is the ground (grave) which ‘buries’ them from the sight of their kinsmen and which in effect erases their physical existence as far as human beings are concerned. Yet paradoxically it is the same ground through which offerings,                                                              154

Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God..., 115. Ibid. 156 Metu, African Religions in Western Conceptual Schemes, 116. 157 Ibid, 177. 158 Ibid. The words in the bracket are mine. 159 Eze, Jesus Christ the Ancestor, 61. 155

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libations and even divinations enable human beings to contact the living-dead.”160 Above is a sketchy form of the Igbo worldview. It is in the area of the world of the spirits, that detailed inquiry will be made to find out if there is at all a “supreme” figure among the gods in the religious thoughts of the Igbo. 1.7.5 Igbo Traditional Society 1.7.5.1 Ezi-na-ulo (Family) Ezi na ulo (family) in Igbo understanding is made up of both the nuclear family and the extended families. Unlike what obtains in the Western world, family in Igbo traditional society has a much wider circle of members. A family in Igbo traditional conception, therefore, consists of the parents, children and sometimes grandparents (who may help to educate the children mainly on matters patterning to domestic relationships etc.)161, and other immediate relatives, and also the departed relatives who are believed to have interest in the affairs of the family to which they belonged. 1.7.5.2 Umunne (Nuclear Family) Though we observed above that Igbo traditional family is broad in nature, there is distinction between the nuclear and the extended family. The family as the domestic organisation is made up of the man, his wife, children and his sons’ wives (if they are married). However, there may be exceptional cases of more than one wife, polygamy, as opposed to monogamy, in which case the household clique also serves for the real and adequate definition of a typical traditional family.162 In most cases, the family head resides at the obi which is located at the centre of the compound, the wives’ residence are located as corporate buildings within the compound, each structured as an enclosure where each wife and her children reside. For it is common in Igboland for a man to marry two or more wives owing to many factors. For instance, having many children gives a father an added social prestige in society; the men marry numerous wives so as to have as many children as possible. A man who has no child especially a male child is seen as cursed by the gods and he can go to any length to see that Ama ya eshighi (that his linage is not lost). As Chigere Hyginus writes, “The begetting and possession of many children, especially in a constituted family is of highest value and the noblest of                                                              160

Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 156. Chigere, Foreign Missionary Background and Indigenous Evangelization in Igboland, 38. 162 Ibid, 39. 161

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wealth one can aspire to acquire in the traditional society. Nothing can substitute its credibility as a special blessing from the gods, spirits and progenitors etc. and the Igbo duly give credence to it when it happens.”163 Based on this, they marry many wives so as to have many children, especially males. This is always the case mostly where sterility or barrenness on the part of the earlier wives is in question; otherwise, the man’s case is treated as hopeless, in such a situation, it is only when a man dies that one of his living relations could naturally raise up children on his behalf. For the fostering of progeny in the family, the female children are said to be lost to their future new families and are not counted as members of the families where they are originally born. Only the males remain and bring in wives into the family to beget children in place of their sisters married elsewhere. Another reason for marrying many wives is to have a large family. This is because a large household is regarded as an assured source of manpower for farming, especially for the cultivation of yam crops.164 The possession of farm crops especially yam in large quantities places a man in a special ‘social status quo’ among his kiths and kin.165 The males have the responsibility over the family and their parents, even when they are old. This onus is regarded by the Igbo as natural family insurance. To make this preference obvious, the Igbo give their children names like Amaeshila or Ahamefula (may my linage or name never be forgotten). The Igbo traditional nuclear family is headed by the males, the father therefore is the head and the mother is second in the ladder of authority. When the father is not around, the mother assumes fully all responsibilities. Discipline rests also with her as the leader and directress of the house. 1.7.5.3 Umunna (Extended Family) Next to the nuclear family is the umunna. This is made up of different nuclear families; in most cases it may include two more brothers, in a patrilocal society or sisters in a matrilocal society as well as their children living in one compound or close to one another. This form of extensive traditional family type is a characteristic pattern in vogue in all areas of Igboland and it encourages natural and                                                              163

Ibid. Yam (Ji) is the most important crop in Igboland, it is called the king of all farm produce. A man who has it in a large quantity is regarded to be wealthy, famous and is honored in most with title taking. It is believed to be a godgiven prerogative of the Igbo personality and its abundance and significant possession can only be attained through hard and sincere labour only guaranteed by divine favours and providence. 165 Aligwekwe, The Continuity of Traditional Values…, 37. 164

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healthy mutual competitions in various aspects of life among the Igbo. In a typical traditional Igbo family, the extended family is understood as a patrilineal group comprising a man, his immediate brothers and their families, who trace their common descent, back even to the fourth generation166 or more than that. The unit is strictly exogamous, sexual relations between members being regarded with extreme horror as revoltingly incestuous. Among the constituent households, there is always one who belongs to the eldest direct patrilinage of the eldest son of the founding father. This is the senior household of the unit. And the eldest direct descendant, who is the head of this household, is the okpala (diokpala, diopka, okpara, opara) (lit. first-born or eldest son, patrilineal patriarch).167 The okpara of the relevant component family units occupies a leadership position. His leadership is based on his being the oldest man in this patrilineage. Thus, he is the living representative of the ancestors and the holder of the ofo (symbol of authority and justice).168 He plays the role of the coordinator of the affairs of general interest in the family unit he belongs. Hence, his leadership is essentially a moral one. As a result, he does not take any decision alone. He pours libation and sacrifice to the spirit of the common father, at whose shrine, located in his compound, Equiano tells us, his people, before eating, would pour libation “for the spirit of the departed relations, which supposed to preside over their conduct, and guard them from evil”.169 He presides over the sharing of landed property of a member of the patrilineage. As the chief host in traditional marriage ceremonies in the unit that he leads, he also offers sacrifices on behalf of the members of the umunna. He also represents the umunna in the village meeting and other external relations. In reciprocity, he enjoys a great measure of personal respect. The family members desist from any offence against him which may incur the displeasure of the ancestors of the family. He also receives the usual presents or acts of homage (nru) from persons seeking favours, or beseeching expostulations with the ancestors. All serious disputes within the unit, all problems relating to wife, child, brother, sister, etc., are brought to him, if they simply require the exertion of moral pressure on the offending party.170 However, it is pertinent to note that though he presides, he does not take decisions alone. He settles all matters in consultation                                                              166

Chigere, Foreign Missionary …, 41. Ifemesia, Traditional Human Living among the Igbo: A Historical Perspective, 69. 168 Ofo is a short, thick, portable, sacred wand carved from a branchlet of the ofo tree (detrarium elastica), a special plant which is believed to have been consecrated by God as a symbol and guarantee of truth and justice. Ofo will be treated in details in the subsequent chapter. 169 Edwards (ed.), Equiano Travels, 5. Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, 39-41. 170 Ifemesia, Traditional Human …, 69. 167

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with the okparas or elders of the different nuclear families. In this way, decisions reached are taken by the group than by an individual. 1.7.5.4 Ogbe, Ebe or Mpaghara (Village) Ogbe is made up of a number of Umunna (extended families) who may or may not have the same original father. According to Edmund Ilogu: “there are two kinds of village: a village made up of various homesteads or compounds whose owners are members of the lineages that claim ultimate common descent. The other kind is a cluster of hamlets made up of various lineages, all of which do not claim ultimate common descent, and therefore can intermarry. The village in this latter instance is mainly a geographical unit providing some considerable solidarity based on neighbourhood rather than on immediate ‘blood relationship’.”171 The village is always autonomous, and not answerable to any external authority. It enacts its laws, has its own means of enforcing them. In time past, it reserves the right to declare and wage war on other external villages; it leads and directs its own political, economic and religious life.172 Within the village, the head of the most senior umunna stands in the same religious and political position, as does the okpara within the umunna. 1.7.5.5 Obodo or Mba (Town) Obodo or Mba consists of village groups which also might or might not ultimately have descended from a historical or legendary ancestor, but they occupy a cluster of hamlets and constituted a territorial unit.173 Although according to Ejiofor, ‘urban centres’ called townships or towns are yet likely to assume their own meaning in Africa.174 Ifemesia Chieka sees this circle in the light of solidarity and also as a source of communal development. For him therefore, various villages together make up a town, which in most cases is the highest potential unit, centre of development and also of cooperative activities.175 The requirement in joining to form these village towns is not necessarily blood ties. Among the villages in one “village town”, there can be blood relation, among some there may not. However, the strongest common interest which keeps them together is attachment to Ala (Earth deity). Common ancestral origin may still be cherished, but at this level it is                                                              171

Ilogu Edmund, Christianity and Igbo Culture, Nok Publishers, New York, 1985, 11. Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 38. 173 Ifemesia, Traditional Human …, 73. 174 Ejiofor, Dynamics of Igbo Democracy, Ibadan, 1984, 52. 175 Ifemesia Chieka, Traditional Human …, 72. Also Chigere, Foreign Missionary …, 46. 172

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so weakened by a number of factors (such as distance in chronology and the presence of substantial groups not traceable from the ancestral tree) that its strength as a factor of unity is quite nominal.176 The villages are each autonomous in themselves, and no village can impose itself on another. Whatever is done in one village is a matter of dialogue, consensus and collective decision. Very often, certain things are consciously agreed upon and instituted to cement the unity of these villages in the “village town”. Though a town bears a name, enjoys and exercises some political authorities, it minimally exercises them in comparison with the other villages that merged with it. The body which welds political authority in the village group is that of the representatives from the villages.177 This group has very limited power; it must always report back to the village which sent it, and cannot commit the village to any serious obligation without clear mandate from the village. Then each village reserves the right to reject the decision of its representative. The limited power of this group is also consequent to its not having any organ or instrument of enforcing decisions reached; all depends on the individual villages.178 It is usual to arrange and introduce the worship of a spirit, which all the villages recognize and serve without giving up their own individual village spirits. They can have a common market without neglecting the various markets in their own individual villages.179 For the Igbo, although the people in these villages may not have blood relationship, there is still the strong tendency of regarding one another as brothers. This helps to foster the spirit of solidarity among neighbours. In this respect, the Igbo would say: Agbata-obi onye bu nwanne ya (one’s neighbour is his kinsman no matter the lineage gap). Having seen different forms of family in Igbo traditional society, we shall now discuss their political and social structures. 1.7.5.6 Igbo Political Structure This section will focus on the political structure in Igbo traditional society. The aim is to see how the Igbo people are governed, regulated and controlled; Secondly, to find out the role, if any, which the spirits or the Supreme Being play in the governance of the people.                                                              176

Olisa. A Survey of the Igbo Nation…, 223. Uchendu, The Igbo of Southeast Nigeria, 39. 178 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 41. 179 Ibid, 38. 177

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The foundation stone of all political power and authority in Igboland is the social organization of the Umunna (families based on one ancestral descent).180 Traditionally, there is no single central political machinery which controls the whole of Igbo people.181 One cannot point to one single person as its ruler. As aforementioned, every village is autonomous and does not allow any external authority to rule it; the village takes care of almost all affairs affecting it. In the village, political authority is vested on the Oha (village assembly) which is made up of all the okparas (first born males) who are the leaders of the nuclear families and are the holders of the staff of cultic authority: the elders; and the titled men like Ndi ichie and Ozo titled holders.182 The oha through the prohibitions of Ala (Earth deity), and upholding the customs of the ancestors, make rules, which are binding on the whole community. These rules, after being debated in the general assembly and after every adult has been allowed to air his opinions, are passed and ratified by Ndi ichie (elders including the ozo title holders) through the prayer and sacrifice of the priest of Ala deity or any other patron god of the community. After this, these laws become binding on all the members of the community. The oha (village assembly) has the power to enforce these laws and to sanction erring members of the community. There is no single word in Igbo language for a judge – an absence which eloquently argues the people’s communal view of justice. This attitude is derived, from their concept of collective responsibility for the good order, discipline and contentment of the lineage.183 When there is a dispute between members in a community, the council of elders (including Ndi ichie and Ozo) usually hear from both parties. After questions have been asked, they go into consultation (igba izu). When different opinions have been heard on the matter; final decisions are reached and finally blames and punishments are meted out on the defaulters. Though one person may be punished it is unusual in Igboland that one person bears the blame when there is a dispute. One Igbo town has a saying, which highlights the eternal Igbo philosophy of interdependence with respect to justice: Ikpe Ogidi adighi ama ofu onye (One side alone never takes the blame in a case settled in Ogidi).184 This is                                                              180

Onwujeogwu, Evolutional Trends in the history of the development of the Igbo Civilization in the culture theatre of Igboland in Southern Nigeria, 5. 181 Omosade/Adelumo, West African Traditional Religion, 3. 182 Ndi ichie and Ozo, are men who have taken personal traditional titles. This involves initiation ceremonies by the chief priest, after the ceremonies they are looked upon as men of integrity. We will talk about this in detail in the subsequent chapter. 183 Ifemesia, Traditional Human…, 70. 184 Ibid.

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because the Igbo believe that it takes two to quarrel. The decision of the council is usually announced by the okpara, a titled eldest person or a man widely known and respected for his irresistible oratory or mellifluous suavity (oka-okwu, onyeeziokwu, onu-n’ekwulu-ora),185 who speaks as the spokesman of the council. He delivers the decision of the council after calling upon the ancestors, Ala deity and the patron gods of the community to bear witness to the judgment of the council. Disputes, which prove very difficult or cannot be settled by oha, are in the most cases referred to Ala, the deity or popular oracular deities such as Chukwu of Arochukwu, Igwe ka ala etc. Here, the oracles disclose who is guilty or the parties involved are subjected to swear an oath to determine who is guilty. Concerning decision-making processes, Michael Olisa writes, “There is nothing like majority decision either at the lineage level, the village level or the town level. Individual segments can raise voices of dissent and argument can be bitter, but each unit has to assent to the decision finally taken. If their dissent is such that cannot be yielded, they may secede, i.e. leave the group and join another group. This happens more at the village level where blood and ritual ties are less immediate and less intensive.”186 The Oha (village assembly) use certain organs or instruments in administering, controlling and directing the village. One of these organs is the secret society of Otu mmuo (masquerade association).187 This society is meant for men alone and requires initiation ceremonies. When initiated, a member shares in the secrets of the group, can approach a masquerade without harm, and can also put on the mask. The masquerades are believed to be spirits of ancestors who came back to participate in the affairs of the community. They appear in feasts and festivals, funeral ceremonies and other important periods. Whoever divulges the secrets of this group, or whoever publicly uncovers a masquerade, risks serious consequences, that often lead to death penalty.188 The community makes use of this organ to enforce laws and sanctions, collect fines and control social ills. For instance, Mmo Afia would expel an adulterous wife from her husband’s kindred, order a person charged with witchcraft to undergo trial by ordeal, and those convicted of a crime are banished or killed. Mmo Ulaga, in addition to entertaining the community, would punish those who constituted a nuisance in a public square or highways.                                                              185

Ibid. Olisa, A Survey…, 16. 187 Ilogu, Christian and Igbo Culture…, 16. 188 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 40. 186

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Mmo Onyekulum (who summoned me?) appears at night and serves the social purpose of pointing out, and holding up to ridicule, the defects and lapses in the character and conducts of members of the community. Another nocturnal Mmo, Ayaka, also appears for entertainment and for enforcement of proper communal behaviour. It does the additional humane service of visiting compounds in the neighbouring villages where female relatives are living with their husbands and children. Such visits often provide much moral support and emotional comfort for those so remembered, especially in times of disaster or bereavement.189 The masquerades are able to function in this position because of the people’s belief that they are the representatives of the ancestral spirits from the land of the dead. In addition to masquerade are some other secret societies like Odo and Omabe in Nsukka area, Ogo or Egbele (the name of the central spirit of a village) in Afikpo area and also Oshereji in Oguta area which greatly help to carry out the decisions of the Obieze (the king’s court) or the community council. The Oshereji is something of a secret agent. Whenever members of the cult are in the midst of people, people are on the alert because they are believed to be able to discover even the most concealed evil act perpetrated in the land. This they (oshereji group) do chiefly by consulting oracles and diviners. On the whole, the cult detects crime, penalizes culprits and enforces order and harmony in the community.190 The people fear and respect these secret societies because they believe that their authority comes from the patron/central spirits of the communities. Another useful political organ is the age-grade association (Otu Ogbo, ebiri or uke). It is an institution that fosters communal and humane living among the Igbo. In traditional Igbo village, all adult males are grouped according to age. The difference between one age- grade and another is about five years,191 hence, all males born within the range of five falls under the same age-grade. At inauguration (through initiation ceremonies), the group is given a name by which it will be known by the community. The younger age-grade help to guard the homesteads in times of peace; build defensive ramparts (ekpe), and fight the enemy, in times of war. They form the market guards and help in the building of roads and bridges. They uphold and enforce the decisions of the council of elders, and of the lineage or village assembly; by exacting penalties in the form of a fine or distrait upon                                                              189

Ifemesia, Traditional Human …, 78. Njoku, “The indigenous Political Structure of Oguta”, 1965. Cf. Ifemesia, Traditional Human …, 80. 191 Ilogu, Culture…, 15. 190

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property (such as house hold goods or livestock). In this sense, they act as the police or executive officers of the assembly.192 The older age set who may be from middle fifties and above is always concerned with the governance of the community. Accordingly, they are principally concerned with deliberations for the continual welfare and good governance of the community, and with the administration of justice. They handle matters ranging from inter-village disputes, through land cases, theft and sorcery, to failure to repay loans or to return bride wealth when there is a divorce. The deities (Alusi) are also another important political instrument in Igbo traditional society. Serious disputes among the members of the communities or serious disputes between umunna or between villages, which can not be settled by the village assembly or have been settled but not to the satisfaction of one or both parties are often referred to the shrines of deities and gods as the last court of appeal. Also problems which are believed to be beyond the knowledge of man, for instance, the case of one poisoning another, cases of witchcraft etc. are taken to the oracles that the people believe possess the power of divination; once they pass a verdict, this verdict is final. The four famous oracles include the Longjujuibiniukpabi of Arochukwu, Agbala of Akwa, Igwekala of Umunoha and Onyili Ora of Nri.193 People travel from different parts of Igboland to consult these oracles. Apart from these major shrines, one can visit any known shrine of Alusi for settling of cases, and this settlement is achieved through the administration of oaths.194 These spirits are feared among the people as all secrets are exposed by them and the guilty does not go unpunished. 1.7.5.7 Social Structure The first social unit in Igbo traditional society is the family. It is within the family that the individual, in the course of his development, learns the relationship between his umunne and other umunna, between his kindred and other kindreds, his village and other villages at the town level. In a family where a child is born, he or she is looked after by the mother’s or the father’s younger sister, niece, cousin, or other female (sometimes male) relatives, or by their older daughter.195 However, if                                                              192

Ifemesia, Traditional Human …, 83. Ilogu, Culture…, 53. 194 Ibid., 70. 195 Ifemesia, Traditional Human …, 58. 193

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none is available, a “nurse maid” (onye na ekunwa), usually a female between the ages of eight and ten years could be obtained to look after the child. Nevertheless, children are taught early to perform such autonomous human acts such as urination, defecation, etc., by all around. From four to nine years they are taught to look outwards, they are usually encouraged to play with their age-mates, cook with sand (isi nri aja) in the day, sing and dance and play hide and seek in the moonlight. They also learn traditional myths and lore, riddles and conundrums, customs and usages. As a child grows, if it is a boy, he is taught to behave and do things expected of males in society. If it is a girl, she is equally taught things required of females. For instance, a male child could be disciplined by the mother, to whose kitchen he came to eat and to ask for little favours196 because it is believed that male children should not come to the kitchen so that they may become good husbands in future. When a male child reaches the age of reasoning, the father starts introducing him to some traditional ritual worship. The son would carry the father’s chair, skin mat or bag, ivory horn and title bell to meetings. He is also taught the art of farming, and in many cases, he learns the secrets of his father’s profession, if he has any other work than farming. For instance, fishing, carving, metal-casting, metal-smiting, trading, scarification, priesthood, divining or traditional medicine.197 The girls on the other hand, are very much attached to their mothers. They help their mother in domestic duties such as fetching firewood, fetching water, cooking, sweeping the house and compound etc. They are all taught early in life by their mother traditional modesty in sitting and standing and all other body attitude and movement.198 Although it is primarily the duty of parents to teach their children to be responsible, in traditional Igbo society it is a communal responsibility. Hence, the father’s senior brother and other elders can correct any child in the community by scolding him or her, threatening him or her with Mmo or threatening to report him or her to his father whom he or she is damaging his reputation by his or her behaviour. Ifemesia Chieka writes: “... in the past they might even flog the boy because, in the most altruistic sense of the expression, nwa bu nke ora (a child is a communal                                                              196

Ibid. Ibid. 59. 198 The sitting and standing posture of many girls today scandalizes most Igbo people. In the traditional Igbo society, women when sitting down do not open their laps. A girl is taught by the mother how to walk strait. They also taught how to greet people by bowing or kneeling down when greeting their elders as a mark of respect. 197

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possession) – and a priceless possession at that”,199 as the Igbo say, otu onye anaghi azu nwa (a child is not trained by one person but by the community). The adults, especially the elders see it as a grave responsibility to comport themselves so the children will learn what is good from their behaviour. The Igbo say: Nne-ewu na ata agbara, nwa ya ana ele ya anya na onu (As she-goat chews bitter leaves the young ones watch her mouth and learn); and Okenye soro buo nri umuaka etiwaa aya (when an elder starts a scramble at table, the children smash the crockery). Oto ogbo, ebiri or uke, (Age-grade) is the second unit in the social structure, which is a very vital institution for fostering the spirit of solidarity in traditional communities. Its origin is not known. However, it is a very old institution which is mainly made up males, though the females in their early stage before maturity form their own clubs (otu-egwu) and are usually led by an old woman of the lineage (onye na achi egwu) as a patroness. This helps to foster relationship and cooperation among the girls in the community. When they are old enough, the girls would be constituted into lineage and village clubs of umuagboo (maidens) for social purposes, including learning and teaching the intricate and rhythmic movements of new types of dance in the neighbouring towns, where they also began to establish new contacts.200 However, due to marriage their age grades do not last like that of the males. For the males there are different age grades ranging from the youngest in the community to oldest, which is somehow organized in a pyramidal structure. They graduate from one age grade to another leaving behind the name and activities of the previous age grade for others to take up when they reach the appropriate age. Age grade starts with those that may be called the proto age-grade, which is made up of children below teenage, who are referred to as ogbo na achu nta oke na ngwere (the age grade that hunts rats and lizards). At this level, they learn early among other things cooperative hunting and proper distribution of meat among themselves. The next age grade is the adolescents on the threshold of manhood who in some communities are called umuilo (children of the village square). They help to collect contributions agreed upon for work in the community; sweeping of the village squares and markets, cleaning of village parts and roads, and other social works as                                                              199 200

Ibid., 58. Ibid., 60.

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demanded by the community. Another is the ‘middle’ age grade of adult men in their prime, ranging from those between the ages of early twenties to late forties. They are the most socially active in any community. As we mentioned earlier, they defend the communities in the event of attacks from enemies. They are best described as the soldiers of the community. The next group is those between early fifties and early sixties, who may be described as the “young elders”. Their main function is to help in stabilizing influence in the community; in most cases they are no more able to do manual work or they are among the ruling class. They are at a sort of transitory stage. They contribute in the administration of the community, since many of them are wealthy. The last group is the age grade called ogbo na achi achi (the ruling or governing class). Accordingly, the principal concern of the group is deliberation for the continual welfare of the community and the administration of justice. Having mentioned different functions of the age grades, what is common among them is their ability to exercise considerable discipline over their members and the entire community. They do not hesitate to punish those who would disgrace or tarnish their image. This means they help in guarding the morality of the community. In addition to the functions of the different age grades is mutual help and companionship among its members. Ifemesia Chieka writes, “It (age grade) would redeem from captivity one member, or recover the run-away wife of another. It would carry out the heavier forms of farm work, or assist a member in house construction. In some areas, they might even help a member who wished to marry but could not meet the requirement of his in-laws. It would help a member in his farm work if he was ill. It would help the chief mourners defray part of burial cost. Members of the set afterwards helped the widow with farm work, with repairing her house and with running errands best undertaken by men. On the other hand, the achievements of a member reflected credit upon and brought prestige to the set and pride to the village. Hence an age set might help a member to take a title, sometimes supplying part of the expenses (if necessary as a loan), especially if there was any political or social issue at stake”.201 Among the age grades, there is also healthy competition to demonstrate who is more prosperous; consequently, many developmental projects are quickly accomplished.                                                              201

Ibid. 84.

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CHAPTER TWO Elements of Igbo Traditional Beliefs 2. 1 Introduction In this chapter, we will examine the nature of Igbo traditional religion, focusing primarily on the divinities in Igbo belief system, which embrace beliefs in the Supreme Being, deities, oracles, spirits and mystical forces. This will help us understand more the next chapter which will consider the religious worship among the Igbo. The Igbo people are generally deeply religious. This assertion implies that they do everything religiously. It has been observed that “religion plays such a central role in Igbo life that it permeates every facet of the society.”202 Hence some authors tend to assert that Igbo religion is ‘animism.’ For example, Georg Basden, writing about the Igbo people, says: “The animistic belief of these people offer a topic for interesting study. They are closely interwoven with daily affairs; indeed, they are bundle of life and are as intimately related as the fibre to the tree.”203 Before we discuss this topic in detail, it is important to determine the place of culture in religion. Culture has been described specifically, as “the tradition of a particular human group, a way of living, learning from, and shared by, the members of that group.”204 In other words, culture consists of systematic patterns of beliefs, values, and behaviours, acquired by man as a member of his society. According to Annmarie de Waal Malefijt, this description is also true about religion.205 Bolaji Idowu maintains that religion and culture are involved in each other and that it is often difficult to draw a precise line of demarcation between them; a fair attempt at differentiating them could be that while culture covers the whole of a people’s scheme of life, religion gives direction and complexion to the scheme.206 On account of this, African traditional religion can be viewed as a mirror of culture and Igbo religion is to be discussed with this understanding. On this ground, religion has been defined subjectively and objectively. “Subjectively, religion is the consciousness of one’s dependence on a transcendent Being and the tendency to worship him. And objectively, religion is the body of truth, laws and a rite by                                                              202

Njaka, Igbo Political Culture..., 28. Basdan, Niger Ibos, 34. 204 Malefijt, Religion and Culture: An Introduction to Anthropologyof Religion, 3. 205 Ibidi. 6. 206 Idowu, African Traditional Religion..., 5. 203

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which man is subordinated to the transcendent Being. (In view of this), the object of Igbo religious belief and worship may be reduced to three: God, non-human spirits, and the ancestors.”207 2.2 Chukwu (Supreme Being) The belief in a Supreme God has been an object of contention among Igbo scholars. Opinions are divided among two schools of thought. One school maintains that Igbo believe in a Supreme God, called Chineke or Chukwu, who is the author of heaven, earth and the divinities which are his ministers (in the government of the Supreme Being). This view can be seen in the words of Noel Baudin who he observed: “In the religious system of the Africans, the idea of God is fundamental; they believe in the existence of a supreme primordial being, the lord of the universe although deeply imbued with polytheism, the black have not lost the idea of the true God. He is considered as the Supreme primordial Being, the author and father of the gods.”208 The name which the Igbo call this Supreme Being ‘Chukwu or Chineke’ (big or great Chi and Chi who creates) shows that they believe him to be creator of the visible and invisible world, the heaven, the earth, the underworld and everything in them. God also sustains and preserves all things he created. Hence the Igbo see him as the protector, the guardian, the preserver and saviour. These attributes of God show his goodness to the whole universe. He is the author of rain, sunshine, water, good health, fertility and life. Hence Igbo pray to God for the provision of life and the satisfaction of their needs and wants. The Igbo also see God as the divine king, ruler, judge and master of the whole universe. The idea of God as king is commonly found among them. The mental human images of God among them help in the understanding of God. He is all powerful, all knowing, he has no limit and is ubiquitous (everywhere), unknowable and never changes. It is a general belief among the Igbo that God cannot be fully explained or known. For instance, such names as “Onyemachi” which means “who knows God” are used to portray the unknowability of the true nature of God. The opposing group of the above opinion opines that the idea of the supreme being was not original to Igbo religious thought, but an after effect of contact with Christian missionaries, and a creation of Igbo scholars who want to structure Igbo                                                              207 208

Arinze, Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, 8. Baudin, quoted by Augustine Ekeopara, African Traditional Religion..., 15.

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traditional religious thought according to Christian religious thought. Among them is Raymond Arazu who said: “it is the Christian scholars and the missionaries, following the Mirea Eliade theory of Supreme God/sky god withdrawal, who baptized the Igbo Chukwu into the Hebrew Yahweh.”209 And, Christopher Nze, supporting him says, “Our fathers worshiped gods and not a God.”210 2.3 Non-Human Spirits The belief in deities is another major feature in Igbo traditional religion. One sees a host of shrines of various sizes and structures stationed in strategic places. Opinions are divided on their origin. Some hold that the deities are created by God,211 while according to others, “one cannot say that they were created because one never hears of the creation of the divinities.” 212 Deities are regarded by some authors as messengers or intermediaries between the Supreme Being and man. According to them, the Supreme Being employs the services of these deities in maintaining and controlling the created order in the universe. Deities are brought into being to serve the will of the Supreme Being. They were not created but came into being by the nature of things with regard to the divine ordering of the universe. According to Bolaji Idowu: “it is generally theologically provable that the divinities have no absolute existence, they are in being only in consequence of the being of Deity”.213 Since the divinities derive their being from the Supreme Being, their powers and authorities are meaningless apart from him. However, each deity is known by his/her local name in the various Igbo societies. The name of each deity describes the function or natural phenomenon which is believed to be a manifestation or symbol of his being. We will now discuss some of these non-human spirits. 2.3.1 Ala Ani or Ana (Earth Deity) Ala in Igbo language can refer to the earth on which we all stand and farm. But Ala here refers specially to the earth deity. It is the most cherished of Igbo natural deities and is the deity responsible for the place where one lives and plants one’s crops. John Mckenzie remarks that man’s sense of his dependence upon the divine is nowhere more apparent than in his quest for food. In ancient agricultural societies this sense developed into the fertility cult. The succession of the seasons                                                              209

Arazu, The Supreme God in Igbo Traditional Religion, Workshop Paper for the Workshop on the state of Igbo studies, Nsukka, Institute of African studies, June, 1982. 210 Nze, The Concept of God in African Culture..., 20-26. 211 Ikenga- Metu, Theism, in: Religion and African Culture, 65. 212 Quarcoopome, West African Traditional..., 70.  213 Bolaji Idowu, African Traditional Religion, A definition, 7.

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was for these ancient agricultural societies not an effect of “physical laws”, but of the determination of a superior will which could, for reasons unknown to man, alter its decision. In this regard, the fertility cults were very important aspect of the ancient Semitic world. He concludes that the forces of fertility in human and animal life are also subject to the same arbitrary will.214 Writers on the Igbo people usually bear witness that the earth goddess is the most important deity in Igbo social-cultural and religious life. That Ala assumes such paramount importance is psychologically understandable: the agricultural Igbo villages were practically dependent on crop cultivation, and festivals were largely determined by the cycle of the agricultural year.215 Thus perhaps, with the possible exception of the ancestors, Ala, the earth spirit, is “regarded as the ‘nearest’ and ‘dearest’ to the Igbo”216 She is the great mother-goddess, the spirit of fertility, and the mystic power of which everybody stands in awe. Hence the Igbo exclaim in her honour Ala nwe mmadu niile! Ala nwe anyi! Ala, (Ala is the owner of all mankind, yes Ala is the owner.)217 Ala is the queen of the spiritual underworld. As such she is connected with cult of the ancestors. She is the unseen president of each Igbo community, the common bond of humanity.218 Being the unseen president of the community, she is the guardian of morality, the controller of the minor gods of fortune and economic life. She works in conjunction with the spirits of dead ancestors to order the prohibition and the ritual avoidances. Many social offences become ‘aru’ or pollution or abominations because they infringe the laws of the earth goddess. Every Igbo community has myths or legends about their settlement. These myths or legends aim to validate their claim than the piece of land they inhabit. Some communities claim that their founding parents were created by Chukwu on the spot; others lay claim to priority of settlement. Thus in each Igbo socio-religious unit (apart from the family- Obi, or umunna - earth-shrine where the eldest man in each of these units, the Opara or Onyeisi, offers daily sacrifices for his people)219, there is always an ‘Ihu-Ala’- the face of the Earth-spirit in each family or Umunna where the goddess is worshipped. This is the putative shrine erected by the first settlers of the group or ancestors.220 The priest, taking charge of the shrine, is                                                              214

Mckenzie, myths and realities, 107. Isichei, Ibo and Christian beliefs. Some Aspects of a Theological Encounter, in: African Affair, 124 216 Talbot, The peoples of Southern Nigeria, vol. 2, 45. 217 Uchndu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria, 96f. 218 Parrinder, African traditional Religion, 49. 219 Talbot, The Peoples of Southern..., 45. 220 Uchndu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria, 96. 215

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known as Onyeisi-ala, Ezeani or Ezeala and he is the visible symbol of solidarity for the group. Because of Ala’s importance in ensuring health, agricultural fortune and hunting successes, she is well known all over Igboland. Most public worship of various communities is offered to the earth goddess as well as seasonal celebrations which relate to the various seasons of the year. Some of her statues represent her as carrying a child in her arms or knees. This depicts her as the goddess of fertility and of increase in all aspects of life, both at home and in the fields, who cares for her children. Women pray to her for off-spring and since it is believed that the spirit controls the earth, farmers usually take permission from her before they till the ground221. Some children are believed to come from the goddess, that is to say, Ala is believed to be their Eke222. Talbot reports: “In some places… the Earth-spirit of the quarter (Ani-ozuzu) is appointed as chi, but the ‘son’ called Nwani, son of the Earth, cannot sacrifice to him except in the presence of the king of the town or the priest of the juju”223. Besides ‘Nwani’, other names for children patronized by the Earth goddess are Aniwetalu (brought by Ani), Anika (Ani is greater) or simply Ani (Earth)224. Others are Anizoba (May Ani protect), Anichebe, etc. The earth goddess is very important in Igboland, to the extent that oaths and other major decisions such as going to war, summarily dispatching a sorcerer, or giving a democratically reached decision a ritual binding, are made in her name and they must be fulfilled. Victor Uchendu says: “The Igbo are fond of changing their mind, but decisions taken at Ihu Ala (Ala shrine) are not lightly treated and are often respected.”225 In many ways Ala can be said to be very important- indeed the “nearest and dearest” of all the spirits- to the Igbo. She is the “parochial symbol of brotherhood” being the common “mother” of all. It is a great privilege to be a priest of Ala226. This requires a “Diala - status”, which is ascribed to all children born of free - women. Every Diala is therefore a potential priest of Ala. One can rightly say that the cult of Ala is largely connected with material needs.227

                                                             221

Ugwu, and Ugwueye, African Traditional Religion..., 41. Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 147. 223 Talbot, The Peoples of Southern…, 286. 224 Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 148. 225 Uchendu, The Igbo f South..., 96. 226 Uzor, The African Concept of God..., 299. 227 Horton, God, man and the land in a northern Ibo village-group, 23f. 222

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2.3.2 Anyanwu (Sun Deity) The sun god is another important divinity in Igbo traditional belief. Etymologically, the word comes from Anya and Anwu and this means “eye and sun” respectively. So “Anyanwu” is the “eye of the sun”. Some think he is a manifestation or the eye of God, Ckukwu.228 Its shrine is usually made up of stones and pots laid on the foot of a sacred plant such as “Akpu”, “Oji”, or “Ogbu”. The sun god is prominently worshiped in Nsukka (of the Northern Igbo cultural area). Sacrifices and prayers are offered to the sun god both in private and public places.229 Sometimes the sun god is worshipped and addressed in prayer as if he were the same as Chineke. Ezekwugo says: “Anyawu is regarded by the Igbo as one Alusi nearest to Chi in the sense that he has the greatest influence on the subject of bargaining earthly life for children…The beneficiants of Anyanwu address him in prayer with the praise name ‘Anyanwu Eze chita oke!’ (Anyanwu, king bringer of one’s share)…Those Igbo who go by the name Nwanwu or Anyawu, (Anyanwuocha) are among the persons believed to have been sponsored by the sun god.230 ‘Children born on Afo (an Igbo market day)’, writes Uchendu, “are named anyanwu if this status is confirmed by divination. There is no special ritual role to this name. It appears that such names simply remind the Igbo that those named after the Anyanwu deity were conceived at the deity’s intervention. It is the Igbo belief that gods ‘escort’ children (ihite uwa) to the couple needing them”.231 At other times, Anyanwu is regarded as the messenger of the creator God (Chineke) through whom (fowl) sacrifice tied on the top of a long bamboo pole should reach Chineke. Such offerings very often take place at dawn or at sunset, with the people praying for him to “sweep away evil with its morning rays and substitute in its place good fortune and divine blessings; ututu tuturu njo, ihe oma mee, ihe ojoo emela.232A popular way of offering prayers to the sun god is by addressing him as the companion of the king of the heavens (Anyanwu na eze-elu). Apart from Nsukka, other areas of Igbo land offer prayers and sacrifices to the sun god when required to do so by a diviner for special purposes. For example, during a severe                                                              228

Okere, African Philosophy: a Historico-hermeneutical Investigation, Enugu, 155 Ugwu, and Ugwueye, African Traditional Religion: A Prolegomenon, 43. 230 Ezekwugo, 150. (The service of bringing children, as is done by the gods and spirits is referred to by the Igbos as ‘ichita oke’, ‘to bring a share’; the child is the ‘share’ (oke) as expressed in the name ‘Oke-Chi-nyere’, ‘A share given by Chi. The title ‘Ezechita oke!’ can be used by parents to salute any god or spirit who has brought them a child. But the title is often attached to the Chukwu of the Aros to whom the birth of many children has been attributed. That is why one often hears Chukwu being address as ‘Eze chita oke, Abiama!’) 231 Uchendu, The Igbo of South..., 97. 232 Celestine, The Kola-Igbo symbol of love and unity, 185. 229

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illness in which the sick person’s breath is feared to be high and fast, the sun god is prayed to make the heart beat normal233. Some think of Anyanwu as the spirit that makes crops and tree, while other communities associate him with good fortune, success, wealth, good luck and prosperity. In this regard, the sun often figures metaphorically in Igbo language. For example if one undertakes an arduous expedition (eg. to an unknown country) or set out for a marriage negotiation, one is wished by one’s relatives “a bright day”. If by mishap the enterprise fails, one need but tell the relatives “Mmiri a maalam”- I have been beaten by rain. This means I have failed in my undertaking234. Thus it is that “a person’s sun is cited as the ultimate explanation of his good fortune or misfortune.”235 2.3.3 Igwe (Sky Deity) The Igbo view the position of Igwe in two ways. First, Igwe is said to be the “place of residence” of the Great Being, Chukwu, as is evident from the names given sometimes, to Chukwu: Obasi di na elu or Chi di na elu; Eze bi na Igwe ogodo ya na akpu na ala; Agalaba ji igwe (elu). Secondly, Igwe is regarded as the husband of the Earth deity.236 They say it is Igwe who fertilizes the Earth with rain, and makes it possible for men to reap abundant harvests.237 Though Igwe is believed to be the spirit responsible for rain, it is seldom appealed to for rain. Rainmakers claim the power to make and drive away rain at will, and their services are always bought on big feast days to keep off rain.238 Not much worship is offered to this god as he is often better known through his “wife” the earth goddess, who happens to be the most important of these gods of Igbo religion and life.239 What is more, he has taken up earthly abode in the village of Umunoha where he is made to be consulted for any secret matter. Igwe-ka-Ala is a very powerful oracle second only to Chukwu of the Aros.240There is a distinction for the Igbo between the two aspects of this spirit: Igwe as the source of rain and Igwe as the thunder deity. A diviner narrates his experience with Igwe oracle thus: People who do not know my past cannot understand why I am like this (poor). Many years ago before I married the mother of Uka, people in my compound were                                                              233

Ilogu, ibid, 35. Uzor, The African Concept of God..., 304. 235 Forde and Jones, The Ibo and Ibibio Speaking peoples..., 25. 236 Uzor, The African Concept of God..., 304. 237 Talbot, The People of..., 46. 238 Uchendu, The Igbo of..., 97. 239 Ibid. 240 Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 148. 234

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dying like flies. Our local dibia and diviners could not stop the premature deaths. I decided to ‘go to Igwe’, a journey that cost me the equivalent of twenty heads of women (in terms of the then prevailing bridewealth payment) and took me to many towns. No one person knew the ‘road’ to Igwe. You must pass ‘from land to land’. You must consult a diviner with each change of escort to ascertain the auspiciousness of your journey. You must come back through the home of your escorts. Each escort had his price, the amount often settled by the oracle. Our journey took three weeks. Though I am a dibia I could not help shivering when I heard the voice of Igwe. The whole premises trembled when he appeared. He called my name, my father’s and my mother’s names, as well as the name of my town. He named one after another the six young men and women, who had died in my compound in less than two years. He demanded his price, an equivalent of ‘ten heads of women’ which I paid on the spot. He then told me ‘my story’, the cause of the premature deaths: An enemy had buried the head of a premature baby in my compound. ‘This is the cause of the deaths’. The Igwe confirmed. He recommended a dibia who would unearth the premature skull at specified fee. This was done and ‘premature deaths’ stopped…. Going to Igwe oracle is a big lesson. It helps. But it has left me (poor)”.241 Presently many people still consult the Igwe ka Ala oracle for different problems in their lives that they cannot resolve elsewhere. According to Ezekwugo, “he is often invoked and sacrifices are sometimes offered to him on private bases by nonUmunoha Igbo. This is called ‘Aja Eze Enu’ or ‘Ukwu- Aja Eze Enu’ (Sacrifice to the king of the sky)”242. Citing Okocha, he says: “The sacrifice (Aja Eze Enu) is made more during the harvest season. The requirements for it are: a white fowl, a plume from an eagle, a long pole (okpolo ngwo) sharpened at the top, a piece of yam, a small chicken, an egg, etc. A dibia is called to offer the things to Eze Enu. He will first drive the pole into the ground with yam on top. The small chicken will be tied to it by means of a white cloth. The eagle plume is put on the yam. The egg is also put on the ground and the fowl killed over it. As the dibia offers and inserts those things accordingly he says: ‘Eze Enu receive these our gifts for the preservation of our families, our relatives, our friends. Increase our children and

                                                             241 242

Okeke, The Priesthood among..., 56-57; Cf. Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 149. Ezekwugo, Ibid.

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our crops so that by this time next year we may have something to give you.’ The other persons will then answer ‘Ofo-o’, i.e. amen or let it be so”243 From the above we can notice that Igwe ka Ala is also solicited for the ‘increase of children’. Children revealed to be born through the mediation of Igwe may be given Igwe - phorous names like Nwaigwe, Igwe, Onuigwe, etc. 2.3.4 Amadi-Oha (Thunder Deity) Amadi-Oha, the thunder divinity is sometimes called “Kamalu” among the many Aro settlements and parts of the eastern Igbo area of Afikpo, Bende, and Arochukwu divisions. In his principal name Amadi-oha, he is very prominently revered by the inhabitants of Owerri province. His presence is seen in the lightening and his voice discerned in the thunder. He is the wrathful messenger of the supreme God, Chineke, who sends Amadi-oha in the form of thunder to punish evil doers. Hence oaths are sworn to by his name and priests can curse suspected persons by his name. He is not a beneficent god to whom various sacrifices are offered rather occasional public appeasements are ordered by diviners so as to ward off impending doom from his wrath.244 The role of this deity is thus explained by the Amadioha priestess, Chiomo Madume: “Amade-oha (Amadioha is the correct spelling), like Ale, and Aro-Chukwu juju, is against all those who act contrary to custom. The thunder God sends down, his bolt, to strike such sinners. So, when lightning kills a man, people always know that he had done some bad things. Witches and Wizards specially dread his power and never dare to go out during a storm”245. And indeed when anyone is struck dead by lightning the people believe that either the victim is punished for a sin he himself committed or for a sin, committed by some relatives of his. Thus, Amadioha is “a symbol of terror for all criminals”246. 2.3.5 Agwu nshi (Agwu Deity) Agwu or Agwunshi is the spirit that gives knowledge in matters pertaining to medicinal value, power, quality, and use of different herbs, roots, leaves, fruits, grasses and various objects like minerals, dead insects, bones, feathers, powders; objects used in cures and prevention of diseases and other forms of sufferings (such                                                              243

Ibid, 149-150. Uchendu, The Igbo of..., 97. 245 Talbot, Some Nigerian Fertility Cults, 57; Uzor, The African Concept of God..., 305. 246 Anozia, The Religious Import..., 36. 244

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as barrenness), failure in undertakings, misfortune, poor crop-yields in the field; magic, witchcraft, sorcery and how to combat (or use) them; the nature and handling of spirits and various secrets; power to divine hidden phenomena; and to reveal to human beings through their servitors (specialists) the complicated nature of cosmic relationships247. Victor Uchendu remarked that the Igbo exhibit much ambivalence towards Agwu-isi (Head spirit): “They discuss Agwu with horror and refer to it as Onye ukwu-a (the big one). The only Igbo willing to discuss Agwu extensively are its servitors, who narrate their early horrible encounter with Agwu, their long struggle to avoid it, and how they finally agree to serve it”248. To serve Agwu, is to enter the long rites of ordination which make one eventually a specialist, a”Dibia”, either “Dibia-na-agba-afa” (a diviner, fortune-teller, or medium) or “Dibia-na-achu-aja” or “Dibia-na-ago-mmuo” (priest – professional priest in contradistinction to normal family priests) or “Dibia-na-agwo-ogwu” (traditional doctors of various kinds, the so-called medicine-men, herbalists, witchdoctors)249, “Dibia-na-aha-mmiri” (rain-maker), or “Ndi Amuma”, (prophets, prophetesses250 and magicians). 2.3.6 Ifejioku, Ahiajioku, Njoku (Yam Deity) Etymologically, the word Ahaijioku is very difficult to analyse and this leads us not much far into deciphering the inner meaning of the term. With various accentuations of the term, one has the following meanings: either the things that hold or pertain to oku (fire), or, the things that hold (wealth, farm) ‘oku’, or many things (wealth) fill the earthenware container. If on the other hand, ‘oku’(joku, njoku, ajoku) were formerly a proper name, the term may mean: The thing or things that pertain or belong to ‘oku’ (joku, njoku, ajoku)251, In this sense, Percy Talbot’s remark would be right: “It would appear more probably that “Njoku” refers to the deified ancestor, who occurs so often in Ibo myths, is portrayed in white colour- to show that he is dead- by statues in houses, and is perhaps connected with Jok, the God of the Lango and still probably with the ancestral spirits among the Dinka”252.                                                              247

Uzor, The African Concept..., 308 Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria, 98. 249 Uzor, The African Concept..., 308; Mbiti remarked that traditional doctors are “the specialists who have suffered most from European-American writers and speakers who so often and wrongly call them ‘witch-doctors’ a term which should be buried and forgotten forever”. (cf. Mbiti, African religious and philosophy..., 166). 250 Basden, Among the Ibos of Nigeria, 54f; Also Cf. Okeke, Priesthood among the..., 119. It must be said that many a time the same specialist plays both role, eg. One can be “Dibia-na-agba-afa and also “Dibia-na-agwo-ogwu” (meaning diviner and traditional doctor respectively). So there is too great a danger in an academic distinction. 251 Uzor, The African Concept..., 306 252 Talbot, The People of Southern Nigeria, vol. 2, 47; Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria, 97 and 100f. 248

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However, for many ages now “Ifijioku” has been believed to be the particular Alusi who, under Ale, is in charge of the plants on farms, especially the yam253. Georg Basden is of the opinion that Afia-ji-oku means: “Industry or trade brings wealth”. And in the past days, food, that is yam largely constituted wealth254. The yam spirit is universally recognized by the Igbo to be responsible for the growth of yams. Anyone who knows the position yam occupies among the Igbo will not wonder at this. Yam is the staple food of the Igbo. “To be deprived of yams” writes Georg Basden, “creates a condition of acute distress. Whatever substitute may be offered, it cannot satisfy the native’s desire for this favourite food… The yam is a tuber; as a foodstuff, and as an agricultural product, it is equivalent to the potato in Ireland”.255 Prayers and sacrifices are offered to him at the beginning of every agricultural season to enhance rich harvest. Usually during harvesting period, no one eats yam unless the eldest person in the clan leads the entire people in performing the thanks giving ceremony to Aha Njoku. This thanks giving sacrifice is known as Iri-ji or Iyaji. For traditional Igbo communities’ yam stealing, “whether of fresh seed or mature roots, was punishable by death”. This was because of the respect for the Yamspirit. Coupled with the fear of capital punishment, yam theft was greatly minimized. But “since the introduction of English Criminal Law, this sort of robbery has increased greatly”, writes Georg Basden “as the penalties do not inspire sufficient fear”256 The significant role of this deity can be observed in the names, the Igbo give some of their male children name like Nwanjoku (son of njoku), Okparaji (first son of Ji), Osuji, and the female children; “Mmaji”. In some parts of Igboland, these are the so-called Yam-spirit oriented children. They are regarded as human representatives of the Yam-spirit. As such they have some social privileges. They have the right to any yam they may demand from the “oba”, the storage place for yams.257 The yamking called “Ezeji” has the privilege “to beget” these children… An Njoku must marry an Mmaji. An Mmaji must be the first wife of her husband as well as the only wife with her ascribed status, i.e. other co-wives must not be Mmaji. This belief persists even among Christians who happen to be Njoku and Mmaji.258 At                                                              253

Ibid Basden, Among the Ibos of Nigeria..., 67. 255 Ibid. 147. 256 Ibid. 148 257 Uzor, The African Concept..., 307. 258 Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria, 99. 254

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their death the head of Njoku and Mmaji may not touch the ground. At burial there is a raised platform to which a solid receiver is attached in order to collect the head as it falls off after decay. The head is then ritually dug out, washed and put away in a box, which is placed on a raised platform built for the purpose. From this moment, a taboo is put on yam automatically; no member of the family may eat yam until the head is ritually buried, a very costly affair. It is then not surprising that some Igbo developed an ambivalent attitude towards yam-oriented children.259 2.3.7 Chi In Igboland, everybody is believed to have ‘Chi’ which is associated with him/her from the moment of conception, to which his/her abilities, faults, good or bad fortunes are ascribed, and into whose care is entrusted the fulfilment of the destiny which Chukwu has prescribed. “The ordinary Iboman regards his ‘chi’ as his guardian spirit on whose competency depends on his personal prosperity.”260 Although everybody has ‘chi’ as his guarding deity, only women celebrate the feast of their ‘chis’ which are represented by a particular type of tree (ogbu), planted in front of nearly every elderly woman’s house. According to Georg Basden, “the elderly women place their ‘chis’ in front of their houses, and invite their relatives to attend and assist in presenting gifts to them.”261 The Igbo concept of Chi will be treated in greater detail later in this work, because some Igbo scholars are of the view that Chi and not Chukwu should be the supreme God in Igbo traditional religion. 2.4 Oracles An oracle is a special place where a deity is supposed to give a response either through the mouth of an inspired priest or by a mysterious voice to an inquirer.262 They are gods believed to inhabit certain localities or natural features situated within the boundaries of the land owned by a community group. Sometimes problems that are beyond the area of jurisdiction of a village or town deities are taken to these oracles. In their harmonious realm, the spirits do not struggle for supremacy. So for the Igbo it is not a neglect of the powers of the local deities if cases are taken to these oracles, rather it is understood in the Igbo religious context as a kind of divine division of labour. Their abode may be a stream, a forest, a cave                                                              259

Ibid, Arinze, Sacrifice..., 15. 261 Basden, Niger Ibos…, 47. 262 Nkwo, Igbo Cultural Heritage, 166. 260

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or a grotto. Such a god becomes a kind of village or clan protector, defending the interest of his servitors, especially, when they are on a journey to strange lands for which reason such a village god is called “Muo eji eje mba” (a god for going abroad). It avenges itself of those who kill its servitors or rob them of their possessions when on an official journey. The Aro and Umudioka people are known throughout Igboland to posses such a very powerful village god (Chukwu and Mkpikpa) each capable of defending their ‘wards’ quite effectively263. The influences of these oracles go beyond the town of their residence. Some are believed to be so powerful that clients come from far and wide to pay homage or seek favour from them or to settle disputes and other problems in their presence. Prominent among these oracles are: Ibi Nne Ukpabi (or Ibini Ukpabi) of Arochukwu Igwe ka Ala of Umunneoha Agbala of Awka Nri Priestly Cult Haba Deity of Agulu Ogbunaorie at Nsu Amadioha or Kamalu of Ozuzu.264 Of all these, the first three acquired a relatively high degree of reputation beyond their local habitation. Ibini Ukpabi enjoys patronage even beyond Igboland with pilgrims coming from Calabar, Oru, Nembe and Brass.265 Agbala of Awka and Igwe ka Ala are believed by some to have descended from or share blood relations with the Ibi ni Ukpabi of Arochukwu. A village generally has many, not just one communal god, and like every other oracle, these gods do not neglect their obligation to pay back their worshippers by mediating for them in the birth of children and other problems, at least from time to time. Victor Uchendu tells us that during the annual festival, the Imo Miri goddess is requested by the Southern Igbo communities on both sides of the river to bring more favours. Among these favours, he names ‘children’ and increase in ‘wealth’ as the most prominent, and                                                              263

Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 152f. Uzodinma, Philosophy..., 120. 265 Ibid. 264

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the protection of her worshippers for the next season.266 The Odo of Nsukka and the Chukwu (Ibini Ukpabi) of the Aros are very famous for sending children. A good number pf people from among their devotees carry Odo-phorous or Chukwuphorous names like Odo, Nwodo, Chukwu, Nwachukwu, Chukwuere etc.267 The Nri priestly cult is of a different dimension. While other oracles make heavy demands from their clients (sometimes even human life), the Nri priests function to prevent bloodshed or to cleanse the land of abomination, thus restoring the sacredness of Ala. Another remark about this oracle is that its function is often very broad; they are not assigned with any specific role. 2.5 Minor Spirits Belief in spirits is clearly observed in Igbo traditional religion. Spirits are apparitional entities, which form a separate category from those described as divinities. Ademilehin Ajayi says “it is not easy to differentiate ancestors and divinities from spirits.”268 Spirits are thought of as powers which are abstract, but sometimes do take the shape of human beings. They are so constituted that they wish to be ‘seen’. They may appear abnormally tall, fat or thin. More often than not, they take the form of the place of their abode. In Igbo traditional religious belief, spirits are believed to be everywhere. Every object or creature has it own spirit. There are sacred trees, which are considered special abode of spirits. Although the spirits usually make natural phenomena their abode, they are not bound with these material objects, which may be destroyed or replaced. The material objects are mainly channels through which the spirits are approached.269 Igbo people believe in the spirit of hills. They also believe in the spirit of forests. Since the trees, streams, rivers, lakes etc., are the emblems of the spirits, people make offerings to them using these material objects. There different categories of spirits; we have ghost-spirits and ‘Abiku’ or ‘Ogbanje’. Ghost-spirits are those spirits of dead people whose dead bodies were not buried with appropriate rites. These spirits are not allowed into the abode of the departed blessed ones (ancestors), rather they become wanderers. This is believed                                                              266

Uchendu, 87. Ezekwugo, Ibid, 153. 268 Ajayi, Q/A on West African Traditional Religion, 66. 269 Awolalu & Dopamu, West African Traditional Religion, 32. 267

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to be the fate of those who die ‘bad death’ (suicide, or of bad disease like small pox etc). ‘Abiku’ or ‘Ogbanje spirits are ‘born to die spirits’. The belief is that they are wandering mischievous spirits who find their way into the wombs of women in order to die nearly immediately after birth. It is believed that there is a league of spirits whose real pre-occupation is to undertake this bad assignment. 2.6 Human Spirits Many scholars who have carried out researches on the spirit of the dead in general variously called ghost, spirit, ancestors or living-dead270. John Mbiti holds that such terms as “ancestral spirit” and “ancestors” are inadequate because there are spirits of children, brother, sisters, and barren wives and other members of the family who are excluded from ancestorhood. He uses the term “living dead” to designate these spirits and to embrace all categories of the departed.271 Our immediate concerns here are the ancestors. 2.6.1 Ancestors In Igbo religious thought, the dead, the living, and the unborn are ontologically bound to each other.272 The dead discover their ultimate worth only in relation to the living and the unborn; the latter’s existence is also considered meaningless without the former.273 The distinction made by John Mbiti rightly shows the unique position occupied by the ancestors and the vital role ascribed to them in typical African society. The spirits of the ancestors play an important role in Igbo traditional religion. According to Ikenga-Metu, “in the hierarchy of being in most African world-views, after the Supreme Being, and the deities, come the ancestors.”274 Just as the Chinese who include, in the definition of the family, “all their ancestors,”275 so do the Igbo believe that their families are made up of the living and the dead. In the Igbo world, the end of man’s life is the attainment of ancestorhood.276 This takes several times of reincarnation, to enable that one get                                                              270

Mbiti, African Religious and philosophy, 85. Ibid. 272 Pobee, Towards an African Theology, Abingdon, 49. 273 Ekem. Priesthood in Context, 32. 274 Ikenge-Metu, Comparative Studies of African Traditional Religions, 146. 275 McGoldrick, Nydia Garcia-Preto, & Joy Giordano, eds. Ethnicity and Family Therapy, 10. 276 These are known to have led exemplary lives in society and to have contributed immensely towards society’s well-being. Children are named after them in the hope that they might emulate their qualities. It is also possible to have ancestors belonging to the distant past who may not be clearly remembered by living generations. Cf. Dickson, Uncompleted Mission. Christianity and Exclusivism, 68. 271

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purged of all imperfections. One has to live in perfect agreement with one’s Chi and in perfect accord with one’s Iyi Uwa or original covenant.277 There is, nevertheless, a qualitative differentiation of the dead: not all dead people are accorded the same honour and significance in society. There are about seven conditions which are regarded as yardsticks for judging whether one’s life is flourishing and moving towards fulfilment. This depends on the impact they made on the society during their life time; some may be remembered, and some may be entirely forgotten or lapse into insignificance, whilst others may be long remembered and held in honour by posterity.278 These conditions are: Long life and progeny, bodily health and physical integrity, wealth, good moral life, a ripe old age, natural death and befitting funeral rites. When all these have been accomplished, one is believed to join the ancestors in the spirit-land. An ancestor, in the words of Enyeribe Onuoha, is believed to be a “perfect human being, garlanded with achievements and courageous deeds, in whom full self-actualisation is balanced with heroic social service… That is why they are given such names as Masters, Titans, Patriarchs, the Fathers (Nna anyi), the Ancients (Ndi Ichie), Venerable (Ndi bu Nze) Immortals.”279 Ala Mmuo (the ancestoral home) is believed to be a place of unimaginable perfection, described by some Igbo authors as ‘an utopia’, a duplication of the earthly life but without evil, physical or moral; earthly life without sin and pain, a life of undiluted and endless happiness but with continuous communion with the physical world (Ala Mmadu).280 In this regard, the ancestors are believed to collaborate with the earth Deity, who is the Guardian of the land of the living and the dead, in maintaining the customs of the land (Omenala). They also collaborate with Chi/Chukwu and the personal Chi of each individual in the creative process by playing the role of patrons (agents) and guardians of new born members of the community. In this state, the ancestors constitute a community designated by some authors as “a koinonia of parent-saints”.281 The relationship between them and the living members of the family continue in a symbolic manner. Their presence is so much felt that they are still addressed with the titles they bore while they were still                                                              277

Onuoha, The African Traditional World View, in: Rems Umeasiegbu, ed. The Study of Igbo Culture: Essay in Honour of Ogbalu, 91. 278 Ekem. Priesthood in Context…, 32. 279 Ibid., 92. 280 Ibid. 281 Obiego, African Image of the Ultimate Reality, 188. This is however a terminological carry over from the Christian vocabulary.

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physically alive on earth. They still receive such filial duties as honour reverence and homage.282 These are manifested in the acts of libation, offering of food and other items, prayers and observance of proper rites. The living members of the family are keen to do their best for the ancestors by even feeding them from time to time through the Okpara.283 Hence an Igbo man with only female children may decide either to marry another wife in order to get a male child as it is practised in some places. In such case, one of the daughters may not be given out in marriage but may be kept in her father’s house to raise male children for the father through meeting with other men.284 The cult of ancestors has been described as “extending into infinity the family activities of the earth.”285 The organisational structure of the family is reflected in this ancestral cult. For just as parents have the responsibility to care for their children and these in turn revere their parents, so also are the ancestors believed to care for the living members of the family, while the living members are obliged to revere them. The ancestors would like that such virtues (like justice, truth, purity etc.) that enable them reach eternal bliss is lived and fostered by their progenies on earth.286 They are believed to appear often to the eldest living member of the family to enquire about the family affair and sometimes to warn against impending dangers by rebuking those who fail to follow their special instructions.287 Having played their role, the living expect parental care on the part of their ancestors who are now believed to be capable of exercising this function in a more powerful and unhampered way.288 This is because they are seen as the best group of intermediaries between human beings and God on the one hand, and between human beings and the deities on the other hand.289 Some scholars believe that the ancestors are worshiped, while some others say they are venerated. There is a yearly feast in honour of the ancestors. This usually occurs in the month of August. This yearly festival “is variously called ‘Alo Mmo,’ ‘Otute’ or by other names.”290                                                              282

Ibid. Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 168. 284 Christianity has been fighting for the abolition of this practice because it deems it a kind of prostitution. 285 Obiego, African Image of the Ultimate Reality.., 189. 286 Ibid., 189. 287 Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, 83. 288 Obiego, African Image of Ultimate Reality, 189. 289 Quarcoopome, West African Traditional Religion, 130. 290 Arinze, Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, 20. 283

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2.7 Mystical Forces In almost every part of Igboland, people are aware of the Mystical forces in the universe. These forces or powers are believed to come ultimately from God. According to John Mbiti; “the universe is not static or ‘dead’: it is a dynamic, ‘living’ and powerful universe.”291 Access to this mystical power is hierarchical, with God as the absolute controller. The deities and the ancestors participate in these forces, each at its own degree of being. Some human beings are also bestowed with the knowledge of how to tap, manipulate and use some of them. These could be used for two purposes: positively for curative, protective, productive and preventive purposes: negatively, to cause ill-health, misfortune or simply to make people’s life uncomfortable.292 Those who use them for positive ends form the group of medical specialists known among the Igbo as ndi ezi dibia, and those who are believed to use them for evil purposes are the magicians, witches and sorcerers. 2.7.1 Magic A theological definition describes magic as “practices which presuppose the existence of spiritual forces that do not necessarily depend on God and can be manipulated by man without the help of God…”293 A magician is one who indulges in these activities or practices. This theological explanation rules out the issue of magic in Igboland. Some authors compare magicians to the dibias, but, as will be seen later, the dibia, who was interviewed on the issue of amulets and charms which some of them recommend to people in certain occasions, admits that these amulets and charms are not strictly speaking protective or curative in themselves, but are only meant to have positive psychological effect on their users. It can therefore be said that the Dibia is not a magician. His method is more metaphysical or psychological than magical.294 2.7.2 Witchcraft The term witchcraft has been applied to all sorts of evil use of mystical power generally in a secret fashion. Witches are believed to possess an inherent power by means of which they can abandon their bodies mainly at night.295 This is not to be                                                              291

Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 203. Ibid. 293 Ibid. 294 Okorie, Priesthood in Igbo Traditional Religion..., 134. 295 Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 202. 292

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confused with the bi-location, in which case a person is able to be in two different places at the same time and the body is active and the individual concerned remains in his or her human form. In the case of witches, it is believed by many that they leave their physical bodies, which as a result remain inactive, and they turn into non-human beings such as small insects, birds, and animals which sneak into houses, mostly at nights, and bite people. Should the animal in question be killed, the witch may die as a result.296 They are said to appear sometimes like balls of fire on tree-tops. Witches are said to form guilds and hold nocturnal meetings on top of such trees like Iroko, where they perform various activities.297 They may choose to meet in a thick forest. That is why whenever a board of vultures is seen around a particular spot in the evenings; many people conclude that witches (amusu) are meeting.298 Witches are mostly women, but sometimes men are also reported to be members. One can become a witch either by inheritance, by eating certain kind of food items (pumpkins, for instance), or by buying the power to bewitch other people.299 The activities of witches are generally regarded to be evil and against the society. They are mischievous and harmful to peaceful living and progress of civilization. They are believed to practise what some scholars term “spiritual cannibalism” by sucking the blood, eating the soul of their victims and are responsible for misfortunes, accident, still-born children, sudden death, poverty, barrenness, and many other evils.300 Among the Igbo, witchcraft can be said to be a new phenomenon. The reason is that there are no traces of witchcraft in Igbo myths and legends or in early Igbo literature. Chidozie Ogbalu could be right in attesting that it was introduced into Igboland through contact with Igbo neighbours like the people of Rivers State and the Yoruba.301 The belief in it is widespread today among the Igbo, but some scholars suggest that such belief will be minimized when people advance in education. 2.7.3 Sorcery Sorcery is said to have to do with mystical force. The practice of sorcery is founded on the knowledge of physical and chemical qualities of some natural objects. The sorcerer exploits his knowledge of these objects to the detriment of his fellow human beings, for instance, by adding poisonous portions to the food or drink of                                                              296

Omoyajowo, “What is Witchcraft”, in: Ade E. Adegbola, ed. Traditional Religion..., 317f. Ibid. 318. 298 Ogbalu, Omenala Igbo..., Onitsha, 1979, 74. 299 Anijielo, Theological Investigation..., 77. 300 Omoyajowo What is Witchcraft..., 320. 301 Ogbalu, Omenala Igbo..., 75. 297

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someone.302 In some parts of Africa, sorcerers are believed to tap mystical powers for anti-social purpose. Because of that, they are the most feared and hated members of their communities. They are believed to be always out to harm others by evil means.303 It is believed that when they do not act directly on their victims, they can send flies, snakes, lions, or other harmful creatures to attack them or carry diseases to them. Sometimes, they can spit and command the spittle with magical incantations to go and harm their victims. It is believed that they make use of bones and flesh of people which they acquire by exhuming the dead.304 They also employ the principle of contagious magic according to the things which they have been in contact with. Each of these will always affect one another.305 In Igboland, a sorcerer may be compared to a bad dibia, but Igbo understanding of dibia, when properly examined, shows that real professional dibia do not indulge in such nefarious activities. The Igbo effort to fight these forces of evil is demonstrated by their taking refuge in the deities and employing the services of the dibia and priests. There are also some animals that are venerated by the people. These animals vary from place to place. Such animals are classified as cows, tortoises, monkeys, snakes and fishes. The objects of Igbo worship are, in fact, uncountable. A large and miscellaneous list might be made of objects which could be classed under the generic term of fetishes. They may be stones, trees, water, and indeed any material substance.306 2.8 Relationship among Spiritual Beings in Igbo Society From the above observation on the objects of belief in Igbo traditional religion, it could be presumed that the Igbo believe in many divinities. Bolaji Idowu pointed this out thus: “West African may be said to be home of divinities; but even here, we have variations from a very crowded pantheon to a very thinly populated one and even to a situation where they appear to be scarcely in existence.”307 However, according to the assertion of Ikenga-Metu about Africa in general, traditional Igbo belief about the relationship between the divinities can be said not to be quite clear.308 Because the Igbo man may only stop with saying that God created the deities, but it is not clear why and how this came about even though there are                                                              302

Anijielo, Theological Investigation into fear..., 86. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy..., 200. 304 Ibid. 305 Anijielo, Theological Investigation into fear..., 86. 306 Ibid. 40. 307  Idowu, African Traditional Religion, 43.  308  Ikenga‐Metu, The Nature of African Theism, 111.  303

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various versions of traditional myths on this issue. However, Igbo cosmology is only understood in this interaction between man and the invisible world in his local environment, and for the traditional Igbo, there is always this consciousness of divine control of various nature.309 On what could be the simple traditional understanding of this relationship, quoting from Boyle, Ikenga-Metu says: “God made us all and put us in Abara’s (deities) care that they might look after us”.310 Accepting the lack of clarity as regards the proper nature of this relationship expressed in human actions Ikenga-Metu writes further: “The Supreme Being though recognized as Creator and Lord of the entire universe, features less frequently in public worships and rituals than the deities who are many and feature in almost every aspect of African life.”311 However, what is clear is that the traditional Igbo worshippers do not bother themselves on the relationship between spiritual beings. For them, the divinities are in fact, so real as experiences and expressions show, and for some practical purposes they are ends in themselves instead of means to an end. It is enough that they are there and perform the function they are expected or reputed to perform, and that they have been worshipped by their ancestors. The Igbo were not accustomed to the practice of seeking explanations to their religious mysteries.312 These spiritual beings are identified with various objects and idols in the traditional Igbo religion and have in turn given rise to their being worshipped, and they are believed to possess some powers. Traditionally, they identify these divine powers with some natural phenomena like thunder and lightening which are eventually regarded as agents of intervention and vengeance when occasions are provoked. Other things like rain may be withdrawn or delayed while the sun may serve in all excessiveness as punitive measures on whom it is meant to punish. Rainbow can be a sign of special demonstration of what is or what is to come either for better or for worse.313 2.9 Conclusion The organization and power of all these elements (Divinities) mirror Igbo social structure, and like Igbo social structure they are not conceived of as forming a                                                              309

 Chigere, Foreign Missionary Background…, 60.   Ikenga‐Metu, The Nature of African Theism, 111. Cf. Boyle, Niger Missions, CA3/06 – Extracts from Journal  Report, Bonny 1879 (CMS archives London). Cf. also Chigere, Foreign Missionary Background…, 60.  311  Ikenga‐Metu, The Nature of…, 111.  312  Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo Traditional…, 66.  313  Chigere, Foreign Missionary Backgrand…, 61.  310

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rigidly hierarchical pantheon. There is no seniority or authority implied in their conception. Though some are believed to be “more uncompromising” and “more wicked”, and, some still “nearer” and “dearer” to the Igbo than others314 yet this trait does not make them rank higher or lower than others. It is Igbo practice to appeal to one or to a number of them simultaneously without any consideration of their rank or state. The Igbo further demand from them “effective service” and “effective protection” in which duty, if they fail, “are always threatened with starvation and desertion”. But if they give “effective protection”, the Igbo are very faithful to them315.

                                                             314 315

Talbot, The People of Southern Nigeria, 43; Uzor, The African Concept..., 312. Uchendu, The Igbo of South East Nigeria, 95.

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Chapter Three Sacred Persons in Igbo Traditional Religion 3.1 Introduction All religious experiences have divine manifestations in their gradations. Each person in religious faith and practice performs a religious role that reflects the doctrinal understanding of his belief. In Igbo traditional society, there is no difference or dichotomy between religious life and secular life. Religion is carried into all aspects of human endeavour that the characteristics of religious experience are common to day-to-day existence of Igbo people. In the Igbo traditional world, there are those who are generally regarded as sacred persons. They are seen as sacred persons because of their role in traditional society, and the way they live their lives according to the offices they hold in society and religion. These are persons who have higher functions and gifts for higher religious duties. These persons in many cases function as social and religious leaders. There are four different classes of people in this group: ‐ ‐ ‐ ‐

Ndi –Eze Arusi (The priest) Ndi Dibia (The medicine men/women) Ndi chiri echichi (The Title- Bearers) Ndi a gooro Arusi (The Osu Caste)

3.1.1 Ndi-eze-arusi As we mentioned earlier, the Igbo conception of the universe shows that for the Igbo man, the universe is composed of or divided into two - the visible and the invisible. The visible is the material, while the invisible is the spiritual. Priests (Ndi-eze arusi) are the persons in Igbo traditional religion who mediate between the deities and the people. They conduct service at the altar of a public Arusi with an established cult. Through their mediatory functions, they unite human events, incidents and accidents with the spiritual realm for the purpose of fostering harmony in the physical realm and winning favour from the invisible beings.316 The true description of the traditional Igbo priest can be seen in the words of Nkem Chigere: “…one who can approach, consult, control, or even conjure the spiritual                                                              316

Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing Conflicts..., 118.

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powers through extraordinary means that is beyond the knowledge and understanding of a lay person or ordinary man”317. Every deity in Igboland must have a priest who ministers at the shrine. These priests Eze-Alusi, Eze-Muo, or Atama-Maa, as they are known in Nsukka area, communicate the wishes of the deity to its worshippers and offer sacrifices on behalf of the worshippers to the deity. Theophilus Quarcoopome asserts that “traditional priests are servants of divinities and ministers of apportioned shrines. They represent the divine beings in relation to people. They are under taboos and repository of the customs of the people and such must be men of integrity and respectable disposition. They can act as mediums through which revelations and messages from the spirits world could be passed to the members of the community. As ritual experts they can equally be judges to disputes and facilitators to political issues.”318 Priesthood in Igboland is not an acquired title but a vocation. Within the Igbo context, the priest can be defined as “a person who holds a culturally recognized status and role in a society as official minister of a particular spirit or spirits (Mmuo or Arusi) which has a shrine and an organized cult”319. Thus because of the religious functions they perform which have physio-mystical dimensional relevance, the priests are always respected. Priesthood must be a noble call either by the deity who will receive the services or by consensus of the owners of the deity320. The religious experiences of the call manifest easily on a chosen candidate, once the services of a priest are needed in a shrine. The votaries cannot do without a priest servicing the shrine of their deity. Once a candidate is elected, he goes through the rites of consecration by the college of traditional priests. Through his ministrations, he becomes the voice of the deity personified. He may even go by the name of the deity he represents. He is officially the symbol of religion, ritual, mystical agent and medium through whom the deity provides blessings and security of life. They are the reservoir of traditional norms and enforcement; the regulators of ritual seasons and consecrators of Igbo time, space and political institutions. As mystics, they are friends and collaborators of the                                                              317

Nkem Chigere, Foreign Missionary Background and Indigenous Evangelization in Igboland, 65. Quarcoopome, West African traditional religion..., 76-77. 319 Ikenga- Metuh, African Religions in Western Conceptual Schemes..., 154. 320 Sometimes these vocations are manifested through extra-ordinary events which with the help of the Dibia are interpreted as signs that a deity has called one to be his priest. But there are times when the community selects someone with due consultation with the deity involved, or in a case where the person chosen by the deity is a little child, the community can select someone to deputise for him. 318

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spirits and preservers of Igbo spiritual and physical ecology. Every Igbo institution depends on mystical experiences of the priests for sustenance. They are the centre of life and prosperity in Igbo worldview. With ofo alusi their adjudications are final.321 Nevertheless, despite the seeming unity that exists in the services they render, priests in Igbo traditional religion are classified as follows: 3.1.1.1 Names and Classifications of Priest Igbo names for Priest include: ‐ Opara (pater familias) ‐ Eze Ala/Ali – One who presides over the cult of the earth deity ‐ Eze Arusi/ Mmuo/Mmaa – One in charge of the cult of a deity ‐ Onye isi Ala/Mmuo – Person responsible for the cult of Ala/spirit ‐ Onye ku Arusi/Alusi – One who holds the Alusi ‐ Onye na-enye Arusi/Alusi nri – One who feeds the Arusi ‐ Onye nchu aja (Atama in Nsukka) – One who offers sacrifices.322 In spite of this classification, one can broadly group Igbo traditional priesthood into two: The Priest of public deities (Arusi Oha) and Priests of the families or Family heads (Pater familias), though there are various priests who minister in the shrines of different public Deities. In this work, we are not going to treat them one after the other, since they are all similar. We shall discuss them under these two main groups. 3.1.1.2 Okpara - Pater familias (Family Head) Igbo priesthood begins from the family circle. The Okpara (first male issue) becomes a priest if he is the eldest living person. He plays both political and religious roles. He is the last link between the living and the departed members of the family (ancestors), as the living father of the family; hence he is often referred to as pater familias.323 He is the custodian of the ancestral shrine Okposi, the ancestral ritual staff ofo (a branch of the tree detarium elastica) which is the symbol of authority and priesthood, and the ancestral cult spear Otonsi or Alo,324 handed down from the elders who now are ancestors of the family. He communicates with the ancestors through officiating in all family religious and social rites as the priest.                                                              321

Gregory Adibe, Igbo Mysticism: Power of Igbo Traditional Religion and Society, 192. Arinze, Sacrifice..., Ibadan, 68. The title onye nchu aja can also be applied to a dibia without prejudice to the fact that the dibia is not a priest per se (cf. Ikenga-metuh, African Religions in Western Conceptual Schemes, 154.) 323 Arinze, Sacrfice…, 78. 324 Okorie, Priesthood in Igbo traditional Religion, 162. 322

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He becomes a priest as a matter of circumstance, at his death; the onus automatically falls on the next eldest in the ancestral progeny. He has the responsibility of attending to the ancestral shrine, offering sacrifices to the ancestors, offering individual member’s sacrifices, praying for the entire lineage and occasionally consulting the diviners or oracles to ascertain the safety of present and future welfare of the family members.325 On this, Emefe Ikenga-Metuh observes “The lineage head is the bearer of the Ofo, the symbol of ancestral authority. With it, he offers regular rituals at the lineage shrine on behalf of the dependants… He is in charge of the family land and property inherited from the ancestors. He is the symbol of the unity and peace in the lineage and settles disputes among its members”326. In the individual family, the eldest son succeeds his father as the Okpara, but at the Umunna or Ikwu level, succession to the office of Okpara follows the adelphic principle - passing from the incumbent to his next brother in line of age, rather than from father to son.327 In some areas, he receives obedience, respect and material tokens of goodwill from members of his family, and his power increases by the meticulous way he comports himself as the spiritual head of the family. It is good to observe that this role is restricted only to his family. To qualify for Okpara, according to Cletus Okorie, four conditions must be fulfilled: a) Closeness to the incumbent Okpara: The candidate for the family Okpara must be close to his father or to the incumbent especially when ritual ceremonies are being performed. This way, he gets acquainted with the affairs of the family deities and understands or learns without much pains how to mediate between these deities, the ancestors and the living members of the family. If he eventually succeeds his father or the incumbent, he will have mastered most (if not all) of the ritual acts required of him at various occasions. b) Responsibility: An Okpara must prove his worth at handling issues pertaining to life in a balanced manner. He must necessarily be married.328 As a married person, he declares his readiness to continue the family lineage by begetting descendants who will maintain the continuity. This way, the Okpara sustains his own hope and that of the ancestors that someone is there who will continue                                                              325

Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing..., 119. Ikenga- Metuh, African Religion..., 206. 327 Okorie, Priesthood…, 162. 328 Simon Okeke, Priesthood Among the Igbos of Nigeria Studied in the Light of the Catholic Priesthood, 88. 326

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to feed them and maintain adequate relationship with the deities who in turn continue to patronize the family lineage. It is also seen as a necessary test of will for the prospective Okpara to be married, because how he manages his own household tells a lot about how he would handle the affairs of the deities and such cult symbols like Ofo, Ikenga and Obi when they are entrusted to him. c) Moral probity: Another important factor is character. Somebody with questionable character is considered a shame to the family and as Efulefu – a good for nothing. The family priesthood cannot be entrusted to such a person for fear that it will spell doom for the living members of the community and remain a shame for the ancestors. One’s character is measured according to the norms of Omenala. The prospective Okpara must be free from infringements against the Omenala. However, when minor offences are committed by the candidate, ritual cleansing could be performed to restore him to a good moral state. d) The death of the father329 or of the incumbent Okpara is the final condition for one to become the pater familias. Having been fully groomed, the candidate becomes a symbolic expression of the will of his forebears and it is expected of him, other things being equal, that he represents the will of the community before the family deities and ancestors and vice versa.330 From the above statements, it is imperative that it is not every Okpara that becomes a sacred person in Igbo traditional religion, but one who fulfils these conditions and is consecrated to perform his duty as the family or lineage priest. 3.1.1.3 The Consecration of the Okpara We shall here present the consecration of Okpara in two different communities: Onitsha and Ossomala. 3.1.1.3.1 Consecration in Onitsha Area In Onitsha area the process of consecrating a new Okpara is not elaborate. The ceremony is performed when the last funeral rites of the dead Okpara have been completed. The candidate would invite and host those who are taking part in the ceremony. On the day of consecration, the Obi (the ancestral house where some of the religious symbols are kept) is swept. The presence of the Umunna elders is indispensable. If, however, not all can attend, at least four representatives will                                                              329 330

Ibid. Okorie, Priesthood…, 170-171.

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represent the others. Having assembled at the Obi, the elders begin the ceremony by taking the Ofo and presenting it to the candidate. The candidate accepts it, touches it with a chicken and prays: “Ofo, I cleanse you of defilement (ie. of death). I take you into my care, as I am the rightful person to do so, may I hold you for many years.”331 When this is done, it is believed that the authority of the ancestors now rest on this new Okpara. He has the fate of the entire family in his hand. This is symbolized by the handing over of the Ofo. This enables him to seal any decision that is meant to bind the whole family whether on religious, political or social issue. All who are invited are hosted to a feast at which it is also believed that the ancestors are actively present and participate fully.332 3.1.1.3.2 Consecration in Ossomala In Ossomala area of the Northern Igbo, the ritual for consecrating an Okpara, which is called Ikpo Ofo (ritual acceptance and collection of Ofo), is more elaborate than that of Onitsha. Ekwunife Anthony divides the colourful ceremony in the following four parts: ritual purification, the consecration, igo Mnuo and ilo Mmuo.333 In the first part (ritual purification), the participation includes both the Umu Nna and Umu Ada. The ceremony begins in the morning with a threefold ritual purification.334 It takes place in the Okpara’s compound and begins with the first purification process. When the members of the lineage take their stand, the Ada, who officiates, comes out, receives a chick whose legs are tied with Omu (strings of tender palm fronds). She moves about the newly built Iba (sacred house) striking the chick on the floor and walls of the house saying: “Ashea, Ashea, aru puo” (may abomination depart from this place). The chick dies in the process and is thrown away. In the second purification process, the Umu Ada scrubs the floor and walls of the Iba, especially the altar where the Ofo is to be enthroned. In the third (final) purification process the officiating Ada gets another chick tied also with Omu and cleanses the Okpara’s body (iju aru). She flings and touches the chick on various parts of the Okpara’s body saying: “Ashea Ashea” as before.335

                                                             331

Ikenga-Metuh, African Religion..., 154. Okorie, Priesthood..., 173. 333 Ekwunife Anothny, Consecration in Igbo Traditional Religion, 138. 334 The treefold purifications are: “iju uno (ritual purification of the elder’s sacred house Iba); ite uno (scrubbing of the Iba) and iju aru (ritual purification of the Okpara’s body). The ritual purifications of iju uno and iju aru are officiated by married eldest Ada, while the srubbing of the Iba is collectively done by the Umu Ada”. Ibid. 138-139. Cf. Okorie, Priesthool, 174. 335 Ibid, 139. 332

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The second part consists of ikpo Ofo (the ritual transfer and enthronement of the Ofo). The candidate wraps his shoulder and hand with a white cloth and with this he solemnly carries the Ofo into the Iba. As he begins, the Umu Ada sing praises in honour of their ancestors, while others shout iyo-o-o-o! (This is great). Arriving at the Iba, the candidate places the Ofo on the altar prepared for it.336 The third part is the igo Ofo (ritual praying with Ofo) and it comprises four parts, all of which take place within the Iba. The Okpara begins by purifying the ritual symbols in the following manner: seated before the ancestral throne, he washes his hand and sprinkles water on the altar and the sacred emblems there (Ofo, Okpesi, Ikenga, etc). This is followed by the itu Nzu (the offering of Nzu - phallic chalk). With this he draws some lines on the floor, signs himself and passes it round to the adult males to sign themselves. He then dips his right fingers in a bowel containing some ground Nzu and robs the faces and breasts of the participating Umu Ada. Children present are either robbed by the Okpara or by his deputies.337 After this, the igo Oji follows (ritual praying with the kolanut). The Okpara is presented with a variety of kolanuts and he selects the best four from them, preferably Oji Ugo (white kolanut). He takes one of the kolanuts, touches his forehead and each of the participants. A solemn silence descends on the assembly and the Okpara begins the consecration prayers as follows: Oji a bu oji anyi bu Umunna

This kola is for our Kindred

Chukwu, nalu m oji

God, accept this kola from me

Alusi nile di na Osomala

All the known major Alusi forces of Osomala

Nalunu m oji

accept this kola from me

Ife m na-ayo bu: ndu m, ndu

My request to you is the protection and guidance

Ezi na uno m; ikwu na ibe m

of my entire family and relations

Ndu ono n’ezi na ono n’uno

the lives of those at home and abroad

Aru ike na ife di mma

Health and good things

Ego di mma bia

May honest wealth come

Nwa di mma bia

May good and healthy children come

Okwu tee aka

Let there be no ill feeling and rancour

                                                             336 337

Ibid, 140. Ibid.

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Udo na idi na ofu

May peace and unity reign

Okpala a m na echi, o ma-abu

This Okpala title which is being conferred on me

Okpala mmuo o ga-abu Okpala

will not be a reign of terror, but humane and

Mmadu

inspired reign

O ga-eche I kpululu

Through it my people and I will be strengthened and inspired

O ma-eche I ka oke

It will not be like the rat who eats the

Na-eche Azu naatulu ya

fish it is meant to guard.338

At the end of the prayer, the people respond “Isee” (Amen) and the Okpara breaks the kolanut, extracts a portion from the central lobe and places it on top of the Ofo. He takes up another lobe, divides it, gives his wife a part, and chews the other. He spits the chewed kolanut on the Ofo and passes the other cotyledons to be shared by the rest. He concludes by pouring libation.339 The fourth part is the igo mmuo (ritual offering and slaughtering of the sacrificial animals). These animals include lambs, goats, hens and sometimes even cows. Their mouths, legs and beaks (for hens) are purified before they are presented to the Okpara. On taking them, the Okpara performs ibili anu a ga-egbu (ritual contact with an animal to be slaughtered), by touching his face and faces of the participants with a part of the animal. Then all the animals are slaughtered and their bloods are made to gush at the altar with ritual prayer accompanying the act. Food is prepared with the animal’s carcass (meat). When food is ready, the final ceremony begins. This comprises ito ife (feasting), itu mmanya (libation), and the blessing of the people by the Okpara. The women bring some quantities of foo-foo, soup and selected parts of the cooked meat (head, liver, heart, and legs) on an Okwa mmuo (wooden vessels). The Okpara takes some morsel of pounded yam, dips them in the soup and places them on top of the sacred emblems and does the same with some pieces of the meat. He prays for and implores the blessing and protection from the deities and the ancestors. This exercise is followed by a lot of eating and drinking. At the end, he pours libation and prays for the people. Then people pay him homage with gifts. He then blesses each group turn by turn. They all depart later in the evening wishing the Okpara well with the words, o ga-elelio (it will go well                                                              338 339

Ibid, 140-141. Ibid, 141-142.

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with you); ife I golu ga-ele (what you have prayed for will be fulfilled).340 From this moment on, the Okpara can perform his priestly functions for himself and his family. 3.1.2 Priest of Community Deities ‐ Eze Arusi- Priest of public Deities ‐ The Eze Arusi (Atama, Eze Ala or Onye isi Arusi) is the official minister of specific Arusi (deity) that has shrine and an organised cult. There are different categories of public priests who minister in the shrines of various deities. We will examine some of these, starting with the Eze Ala since he is the priest of the most worshipped deity in Igbo traditional society. 3.1.2.1 Onye-isi-ala (Priest of the Earth Deity) The vocation to the onye Isi Ala, his training and installation do not differ much from that of an Okpara.341 In some areas, it is strictly hereditary and reserved for the family that is considered the eldest in the clan.342 The qualification for this office bears semblance to that of Okpara, namely, nearness to the father or the incumbent, moral probity and responsible life. Here the candidate is formally installed after the final funeral ceremony of his predecessor. The installation takes place at the Ala shrine where the cult objects are handed over to the candidate, libations are poured and other sacrificial acts are performed by the candidate before all go to the house of the new priest where they are entertained.343 From this time on, the new priest assumes full responsibility for the Ala. Although the ceremony is short, without it, he dares not function as a priest.344 3.1.2.2 Eze-arusi (Priest of other Deities) The Eze Arusi (also called Onye Isi Mmuo) is the official minister of specific mmuo (spirits) that have shrine and an organised cult. He is often called the one who                                                              340

Ibid, 138-142. Ifesie, Religion at the Grassroot, Studies in Igbo Religion, Cf. Okorie, Priesthood…, 177. 342 A typical example is Okpanku of the Northern Igbo. Succession to the Ala priesthood is reserved for “Umuele” and “Ikwu Ihuelechi” of Amabiriba village since these were the first to settle in the town. The candidate must not be the eldest in the town, but due to inheritance, he receives the general Ofo without which the town can hardly function as a body. He officiates at igo Ala (ritual praying before Ala, the Earth Deity) for and on behalf of the Ikwu (hamlet), Ama (village), Obodo (town). He is regarded as an elder, even though he may not be all that old but the regard the people have for him, and the respect the pay him as their Onye Isi Ala helps put him in a position to perform his functions creditably, being full aware that any misconduct would bring severe repercussion. This view was related by Mazi G. Aja Mgbokwo in an oral Interview. Cf. Okorie, Priesthood…, 177. 343 Ikenga-Metuh, African Religions…, 156. 344 Okorie, Priesthood, 177. 341

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“carries” the spirit. The vocation to this office is not uniform in all cases. In some cases, when an initial relationship is established between a deity and a family, the father (of the family) assumes priestly responsibility for the deity. At his death, his descendants may continue to inherit the priesthood.345 But the deity can also decide to choose a candidate from another family through some signs. Some of such events or signs are the invasion of a man’s house by animals sacred to the spirit or an extra-ordinary increase of a man’s domestic animals like cows, goats, and sheep. In some other cases, a dibia may be consulted when a child is newly born, as Onwuka testifies of his own personal case: “A diviner was consulted according to custom, and he told my parents who I was supposed to be… from birth I was called to be a priest.”346 In some cases, a community can unanimously and in consultation with dibia appoint somebody to the priesthood of a particular deity. In his novel; Arrow of God, Chinua Achebe describes this of Ezeulu: “At the time… the whole people assembled and chose me to carry their new deity. I said to them: ‘who am I to carry this fire on my head?’ They said to me ‘fear not. The man who sends a child to catch a shrew will also give him water to wash his hand’. I said: ‘so be it…’”347 There is yet another way a deity can call a person to be his priest. This is narrated by one who was believed to have had such call. It was a call through an extra-ordinary religious experience. According to a priest of Onirhe Deity at Asaba, the deity used to come and speak with him and to reveal to him the events that were going to happen in the future, but whenever he turned to the voice, it would come from another direction.348 One day, however, when he was sleeping Onirhe came upon him suddenly; he saw nothing, but heard a voice. It took him and he followed it as far as a point above the river Niger associated with the cult of Onirhe. There he fell into the water and picked up a stone and came home again. He put the stone he picked on his head and on the spot it fell off, his Umunna (family) built a house for him. He went four times to collect stones and after this experience, he was forbidden to wash for three or more months until he had regularly associated                                                              345

Onwubiko, Theory and practice of inculturation: An African Perspective, 74.Also Okorie, Priesthood…, 178. Onwuka, “I was a Juju priest”, 2. Okorie, Priesthood…, 178. 347 Chinue Achebe, Arrow of God, 70-71. In this particular incident Ezeulu narrated his ordeal after he took up the priestly office. He began his journey into the land of the spirits with a crowd of people whom he acknowledged gave him courage especially with their music. The spectacle on the way proved horrifying that the crowd deserted him and fled. He was left alone with the Deity. The Four days of Igbo week appeared to him in form of persons. He treated each of them according to the degree of his relationship with people. At the end, having being to the land of the spirits, he underwent a kind of purification. He saw a horse and a ram; he slew the former and cleaned his machete on the later. Here, one sees a call and an after-thought acceptance of this call to the priesthood. Cf. Okorie, Priesthood…, 178. 348 Arinze, Sacrifice in Ibo Religion, 68; Cf. Okorie, Priesthood, 179. 346

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himself with the company of the Orhene by the ordinary method of gifts of foods.349 According to Okorie, this narrative experience describes a direct call from the Deity in the experience of the priest. What is not clear is if the predecessors or successors of this priest had a similar encounter with the Deity in the manner described above. About the four stones which he picked, it is not clear if the first experience (of the stone falling on a spot) was repeated in the subsequent pickings. The four stones indicate the symbolic Igbo number and stones are very significant in the things of Arusi. These and many other questions arising from the narrative do not however negate the concrete nature of the experience.350 3.1.3 Functions of the Priest As there are categories of priests in Igboland, so are they different in their functions, though all are regarded as servants of the divinities to which they were dedicated. Man in his nature has always felt the need of a special mediator between himself and the object of his worship; it is the priest who fills this vacuum. Priests as mediums, link human beings with the living dead (ancestors) and the (Agwu) divinities. Through them messages are received from the spiritual world. Through them also, men are given knowledge of the things that would otherwise be difficult or impossible.351 The priest is officially the symbol of religion, ritual mystical agent and medium through which the deity provides blessings and security of life. They are the reservoir of traditional norms and enforcement of laws; the regulators of ritual seasons and consecrators of Igbo space and political institutions.352 Worship in Igbo traditional religion is not complete without sacrifice and it is the priest who offers most these sacrifices. Though in some cases, non-professional priests such as the heads, of families offer sacrifices. Such sacrifices are never offered to Agwu (or other deities). In reality, it is the priest, especially Agwu priest who prescribes materials for sacrifices. Besides, priests fix the annual feasts of Agwu (and some other feasts) and the form the celebrations should take.353

                                                             349

Ibid, 68-69. Ibid, 179. 351 Anyanwu, The Phenomenology of Agwu..., 98. 352 Adibe, Igbo mysticism: Power of Igbo Traditional Religion and Society, 191. 353 Anyannwu, The Phenomenology of Agwu…, 99. 350

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3.2 Ndi-chiri-echichi (The Title-Bearers) The titled bearers classified as Ndi Nze n’Ozo, Ndi Ichie, Ndi Gburu Ichi. Ndi Echichi, are Igbo traditionally certified responsible citizens. Ichi means to confer on a person some deserving honour.354 By this, they are leaders representing the ancestors as custodians of traditional values, morality and responsible religiosity. By conferring this honour on them, the community reposes her trust on the title bearer to demonstrate its acknowledgement of the person’s high position both in the social and in the religious sphere,355and they deserve to be the mouth-piece of the ancestors for the Igbo community. Through their religious orientation, they commune regularly with the local divinities for effective administration.356 Sometimes they perform certain roles similar to those of priest,357 and this has led many researchers to categorise them as priests. These title bearers on their own part have many taboos to guide them for the sacredness of the title. There are various titles in Igboland which can be classified into three broad groups: ‐ Military titles acquired through gallantry and prowess in wars. ‐ Social- political titles depend on wealth and moral probity. ‐ Religious titles have to do with affinity and devotion to deities and their cults.358 Religious titles as we have seen in the general theme of priesthood can be inherited or the result of a vocation, but one acquires military and social-political titles but not without attending religious rites. Because of our work, our main concern here is the social-political titles with special reference to Ozo title which is the highest honour and title in Igbo traditional institution. 3.2.1 The Ozo Title Institution The origin of Ozo institution is very difficult to trace. One may say that it is among the oldest titles in Igboland as attested to by Claudia Equiano’s account which indicates that the oldest form of the description of Ozo title is found in Equiano’s document (Olaudah Equiano also called Gustavis Vassa, an Igbo slave carried to Virginia and then to England where he won his liberty in 1777). His early recollection is put on record and this has been preserved in a book form. His                                                              354

Adibe, Igbo mysticism, 194. Ilogu, Christianity and Igbo…, 32. 356 Adibe, Igbo mysticism…, 194. 357 Okorie, Priesthood…, 137. 358 Onwubiko, The Church and Culture in an African Community, 38. 355

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account of “ichi” facial cicatrisation remains our oldest written source for determining the age of the Ozo phenomenon. This book quotes Equiano as having written: “I was born in the year 1745. My father was one of those elders or chiefs I have spoken of and was styled Embrebche, a term importing the highest distinction, and signifying in our language a ‘mark’ of grandeur. This mark is conferred on the person entitled to it by cutting the skin across at the top of the forehead and drawing it down to the eyebrows, and while it is in this situation applying a warm hand and rubbing it until it shrinks up into a thick ‘weal’ across the lower part of the forehead. Most of the judges and senators were thus marked; my father had long born it. I had seen it conferred on one of my brothers, and I was also destined to receive it by my parents. Those Embrenche or chief man decided disputes and punished crimes, for which purpose they always assembled together.”359 He explains further that Embrenche is what we now call “Mgburuchi”, i.e., an Ozo man with tattooed face. Facial cicatrisation as described by Gustahvis Vassa the African is called “ichi” in Igbo360. It takes time for a cultural phenomenon to signify a mark of grandeur in the local language. Therefore, from this written account, we can date ozo as far back as at least the 17th century. And according to Ilogu, “it is safe to say that it grew out of the need for priests who should preside at extended family and lineage worship and supervise the cult of the ancestors”361. There is no uniformed rule guiding the institution of Ozo title in Igboland because of the cultural differences in many areas. However the primary rules guiding the institution in many areas are as follows: In most of Igboland, Ozo is reserved for men only.362 One is not allowed to take the title as long as one’s father is still alive or has not taken any title.363 Ozo is not hereditary.364 3.2.2 Candidates for the Ozo Title One qualifies to be accepted as an incumbent candidate by one’s probity of character. Though the social well-being of the candidate is equally important, conformity or obedience or loyalty to the omenala (the laws of the land) is                                                              359

Arazu, The Moral Implications of “Ogbu- Ehi” (Cow-Killer) in the “Ozo Phenomenon” in Igbo Culture, 35. Quoted from; Cf. Claudah Equiano, or Gustavus the African. The Interesting Narrative of the life of Claudia Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa the African, 1789. Extract in Paul Edwards, ed. Equiano’s Travels, Heiemann, London, 1867, 1-2. Cf. Anozie Onyema, The Igbo Culture and the Formation of Conscience, 163. 360 Arazu, The Moral Implications…, 35 361 Ilogu, Christianity…, 35. 362 Okorie, Priesthood…, 137. 363 Nkwo, Igbo Cultural Heritage, 45. 364 Basden, Among the Ibos of Nigeria, 263.

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demanded from members of the ozo title. Writing about the qualities for an ozo candidate, Pauline Aligwekwe notes: “The ozo, a social status of politico-religious character, was one that could not be had without the obligation to fulfil beforehand”. The social and religious conditions prescribed by the ozo institution include: 1) One must have a great reputation of courageous, generous, just man, worthy of trust and confidence, well instructed in the customs and the traditions of the land, especially in the manner of appeasing the gods and the ancestors, in order to perpetuate peace in the community. 2) The candidate for the ozo must be one who lives an exemplary moral life. 3) He must have come from a good and well known lineage. This is a necessary condition, since ozo qualities were considered to be hereditary. 4) It is necessary to have a certain amount of material wealth which would put the candidate above the ordinary members of the community. 5) Finally, one must be officially initiated and submitted to all the religious, moral and social rules and regulations implied in the initiation and in the status.365 3.2.3 Ozo Initiation Ceremony The ceremony for the title taking is very elaborate, costly and involves many stages. It is always a very colourful occasion, and “this festivity varies from one part of Igbo land to the other”366. According to Herbert Anyanwu, “While in the central Igbo culture area it is only performed by priest, it is performed by anyone of repute in the Northern Igbo culture area, where it is viewed as a rite of passage, which confers maturity and authority on the initiate.”367 In many parts of Igboland the Ozo is an expensive title, which turns the individual to a quasi priest, whose lines are usually hedged with numerous taboos which emphasise honesty, virtue, courage and wealth. Each item required for initiation is always in units of sixteen, and the initiation lasts for eight days. Usually it is the oldest Ozo titleholder that initiates the new ones but when he is too old to perform the rites he delegates another. The items for initiation include kola nuts, cocks,                                                              365

Aligwekwe, The Continuity of Traditional Values in the African Society, 192. Cf. Anozie Onyema, The Igbo Culture and the Formation of Conscience, 163. 366 Ilogu, Christianity…, 30. 367 Anyanwu, The Phenomenology of Agwu Divinity, 95.

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hens, castigated ‘he-goat’ (okiri), and eggs. But in the northern cultural areas, the horse (inyinya) is preferred to okiri and the tail of the horse becomes the ozo’s paraphernalia. Other items which should be only one each include mkpara ozo (staff of office), oche ozo (carved stool), Okwa ozo (wooden plate), this is usually for the presentation of kola nuts to important visitors. When all the items have been procured, the older ozo title holders are invited and they jointly go to the shrines of different divinities in the area sacrificing to them and soliciting their support and co-operation throughout the period of initiation and thereafter. After the visitation, the shrine of the priest is circled with young palm (omu nkwu) forbidding entrance of any animate object. The Ozo members instantly kill animals that strayed into the enclosure or a heavy fine paid by the owner for their release. The Eke ukwu, Orie ukwu, Afo ukwu, and Nkwo ukwu are days of sacrifice while the minor market days Eke nta, Orie nta, Afo nta and Nkwo nta are merely for feasting, drumming, singing, and instructing the initiate. The first day is for the assembling of the ozo title holders and the decoration of the shrine of the ozo initiate with young palm fronds and ‘george’ wrappers. On the second day, the copper strings are attached to initiate’s legs as a sign of prestige and honour. The third day is the day he is guided into the inner chambers of Agwu divinity and here, he is decorated. His body is smeared with camwood dye and he then puts an ivory bangle on his right hand as a sign of nobility on his neck hang costly beads usually referred to as ‘achalu’. Then he sits on the well decorated carved stool adorned with a red cap to which is fastened a white eagle feather. He is also given a staff of office and the hide of a ‘he-goat’ which he uses as his foot mat. Henceforth, he is never allowed to step on the soil bare footed. While still sitting, he slings two ropes on which are fastened some protective charms on each side of his shoulders. On the fourth day, his ofo and sword are consecrated and handed over to him. On each day of the initiation, each of the animals provided for the ritual is sacrificed to appease Agwu and the other divinities as a seal of the covenant. When the Ozo initiate has been given his ofo and sword, he could come out of the inner chamber of the divinity but will not associate freely with ordinary people. He is now a sacred personality. The remaining four days are used to instruct the initiate of his new roles and what is expected of him in his exalted position as an ozo title holder. In some areas, he is tattooed through which protective medicines are injected into his body. Also he may be allowed to take new names – aha otutu. 92   

On the eight day, copious supply of drinks is made available, salad of oil bean is prepared, large quantity of meat is supplied to beef up the quantity remaining from the animals slaughtered for the ritual. Pounded yam is also prepared. It is usually a day of feast. Everyone present eats to his fill. One should note that there is no specific market day set for the commencement of the ceremony but it is always started as to end on the native market day, of the ozo initiate. On such a day, usually referred to as the outing day, the ozo initiate is led to the market in his full regalia. In front of the procession formed by the members, in-laws, friends and his two pageboys each carrying either the stool or the hide foot mats. All prepared food items and drinks are brought to the market square and all present partake of whatever is available. Each person equally donates according to one’s means. In the evening, the new ozo returns home, takes his bath, which he had not taken since the beginning of the initiation. He can now associate with people in his new capacity as an ozo - an important personality in the community.368 As religious ritual specialists, they are spirits personalized by the traditional code of conduct, which they observe meticulously. They personally commune with locally recognized favourable spirit forces for transcendental power for effective discharge of their duties.369 It is important to note here that nowadays, some see ozo title not as a professional status, but a show of affluence. It is common to see some rich men (especially in Anambra and Enugu states) taking ozo titles to brandish their wealth. 3.2.4 Significance of Ozo It must be noted that Ozo title does not exist in all the communities in Igboland. In communities where it is in existence, Ozo titled men are symbol of honesty, love, peace, truth and integrity, by which standard they act as signpost to the people on moral values. They lead their communities and are known for adjudicating disputes between erring brothers in the communities. “In doing this,” according to Cletus Okorie: “It is expected that an Ozo speaks the truth as he knows it at all times and in all situations. He must be fair and just when adjudicating over cases or settling quarrels among people. As a father to all, he must mediate and pacify and must                                                              368 369

Anyanwu, The Phenomenology…, 97. Adibe, Igbo mysticism…, 196.

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himself be law-abiding and must respect the custom of the land (Omenala) in all its ramifications”.370 3.3 The Dibia (Traditional Medicine Man) The Igbo term Dibia has been given various interpretations in English language. It has been variously translated as medicine man, diviner, native, traditional or witch doctor, necromancer, magician, or a priest.371 These names have some semblances with some aspects of dibia, because there are many classes of dibia each with a particular area of jurisdiction or specialisation in different cures ranging from physical to mystical ones. Many scholars have made effort to define the dibia, but because of the numerous functions of the dibia, these definitions apply only to some categories of dibia. For example, Francis Arinze writes: “the dibia or diviner is the person who tells fortune, is consulted before many sacrifices, and offers the joyless sacrifice to the evil spirits. He may also be and is often a herbalist and even a witch doctor, where this is necessary”372. For Peter Akaogu, the term dibia comes from two Igbo words ndi obia (visitors, itinerants or foreigners) which later on came to be abbreviated to dibia.373 He buttressed his view with the fact that some categories of dibia rarely function in their home towns. They are good at travelling from one town to another and sometimes they may settle in any of the towns where they feel they have more clientele. However, the derivation of dibia from ndi obia as Akaogu would have us believe is merely speculative. The reason is that neither the function nor the status of a dibia in a community gives him the appearance of a “visitor”. There are admittedly itinerant dibia, but their function is not defined by their itinerancy, but by their power to consult the spirits and pass information between them and human beings. Also to be mentioned is the fact that the dibia among the Igbo is not seen to feel foreign in any town or village he comes to. His presence in the traditional society is considered essential. His service and his house are accessible to all at all times.374 However, Jude Madu asserts that Igbo Dibia could specialize in different cures ranging from physical to the mystical. Quoting Mume, he identifies them with their                                                              370

Okorie, Priesthood…, 140. Basden, Niger Ibos, 54. 372 Arinze, Sacrifice…, 63. 373 Akaogu, Leben und Tod im Glauben der Igbo, 177; Okorie, Priesthood…, 150. 374 Okorie, Priesthood…, 150. 371

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functions as: general practitioners, herbalists and native doctors who associate with supernatural powers and offer sacrifices for the purposes of healing, diviners, faith healers, bone setters, native gynaecologists, and midwives, witch doctors who cause ailments, blood letters, and traditional surgeons.375 In Igbo belief system, all medicine men must be called by Agwu deity to be genuine. As mystics they are friends of the spirit world and the friends of the communities. They claim to hear voices of herbs and roots. They charge less as agents of the spirits as their services are not through their powers. Medicine preparation is the power endowed on persons by Agwu deity. Through Agwu deity, they get dreams and premonitions of the power of herbs and animal parts that have the power to heal ailments and improve human life.376 Ouarcoopome observes that: “medicine men are also called herbalists, traditional healers or traditional doctors, because they have the power and control over herbs for the primary concern of dealing with sickness, diseases and misfortunes. He adds that they have mystical powers, which they use for incantations, exorcism and ventriloquism. Sometimes they may refer patients to a shrine to appease some deity or spirit. Clients approach them for fertility and productivity in all fields.”377 3.3.1 Different Classes of Dibia As has been mentioned above, there are different classes of Dibia according to their functions or areas of specialisation. Although as we pointed out above, sometimes there is overlapping of functions in which one Dibia can function in two or more areas; however these functions are defined by the names they bear. Dibia Agwu is the one who works under the direct influence of the Agwu spirit.378 “He offers sacrifices on behalf of the needy individuals to appease the spirits, usually after these sacrifices would have been declared necessary by the diviner (Dibia afa)”379. Dibia Oga ala Mmuo (Diviner) is the one who communes with the dead and the spirits. It is believed that he can change forms and go to the land of the spirits to get                                                              375

Madu, The Paraddox of the ‘one’ and the ‘many’ in Religion, Nkpor, 2003, 23-28. Cf. Adibe, Igbo mysticism…, 197. 376 Ibid. 377 Quarcoopome, West African…, 77. 378 Nwala, Igbo Philosophy, 69. 379 Onyneke, The Dead among the Living: Masquerades in Igbo Society, 91.

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messages and special powers from them.380 John Mbiti writes: “The art of divination presents us with puzzling problems which I make no pretence to solve. A certain amount of communication goes on between diviners and non-human powers (whether living or otherwise). It is difficult to know exactly what this is: it might be telepathy, it might be sharpened human perception, or a combination of these possibilities.”381 His professional function consists of finding out who or what is responsible for a calamity, and in advising patients on the procedure necessary to propitiate whichever is the cause, and in recommending the right herbal remedy to restore the patient.382 Thus because of the Igbo world view that nothing happens without a cause, the Diviners are the centre of Igbo religious, social and economic activities. Every incident, every proposed initiation, birth, death, every proposal and ugly incident or unaccepted event or happening demands enquiry from Igbo mystical diviner. They are friends of mystical priests, who joyfully receive clients referred to them for religious rituals of cleansing, appeasement, fortification or supplication. They are the inner conscience of the Igbo traditionalists, as they declare the verdict of the spirit after due consultation. The Igbo clients never doubt such verdicts, but follow the prescription meticulously.383 The diviner usually is not told why a client has come to consult him, but by a process akin to extra-sensory perception; he stumbles on the client’s problem. Once this has been established, he proceeds to find out the cause of the problem and how to solve it. Dibia Ogwu is a specialist in herbs, leaves, barks of trees and many other elements. He combines these to heal ailments of various types and help protect people from the evil effects of deadly poison.384 He does this not without some incantations as Emefe Ikenga-Metu observes: “These combinations are necessary for efficacy because there is a general belief that the medical or material herbal mixtures by themselves are ineffective without the invocation. The ritual invocations give dynamism and empowerment to the mixture and trigger it into therapeutic action”. 385 A sub-group of this class (called Dibia nsi) do misuse their profession by administering poison to some people directly or indirectly at the request of their clients.386 They do this by sending afflictions or misfortune to other people through                                                              380

Nwala, Igbo Philosophy, 70. Mbiti, African Religions…, 48. 382 Tanner, Translation in African Beliefs: Traditional Religion and Christian Change..., 42. 383 Adibe, Igbo mysticism…, 199. 384 Anijelo, Theological Investigation in Fear of the Mystical Forces, 53. 385 Ikenga-Metuh, African Religions…, 213. 386 Okorie, Priesthood…, 151. 381

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magical means either by air or through contact with concoctions buried in the ground. Dibia Mmiri is the one who is believed to control and manipulate the weather. The Dibia Mmiri is often called the rain-maker.387 They use Nkume mmiri (rain stone), fire, grasses and some incantations to cause rain to fall or to prevent rain. It involves learning to perform the rainmaking rituals, to observe and interpret weather conditions, and to observe changes in the sky both at night and in the day time, and the movements and habits of insects, birds and certain animals, as well as the changes in plants and trees. All these things are connected with the weather and nobody can become a rain-maker without knowing these fundamentals of the profession.388 They are also often consulted to prevent rainfalls when people have something to celebrate. The Igbo traditional medicine men do not claim the knowledge to cure all ailments. They refer difficult cases to the appropriate persons in the profession who specialize in the treatment of such ailment. On this, Edwin Udoye says: “There is no ‘I know it all mentality’ in all field of herbalism. When the diagnosis of a case is above a particular herbalist, he will consult the diviner or refer the patient to a diviner or an oracle to unravel the root cause of the problem.”389 Thus, the Dibias most often work in collaboration in providing their services to the people. 3.3.2 Vocation As we mentioned above, in Igbo traditional belief system, all medicine men must be called by Agwu deity. When some abnormalities begin to manifest in one’s life, the incumbent dibia Agwu is consulted to find out what such signs stand for.390 Arinze describes the phenomenon in the following words: “The clearest indispensable sign to be a Dibia is the possession by the spirit Agwu, who is special spirit of ndi Dibia , the spirit of giddiness, rascality, discomposure, confusion, and forgetfulness (Mmuo mkpasa uche)…”391 This call changes the life and status of the individual. The deity disturbs the individual until he answers the call. There is no question of refusal as this is feared to spell doom for the individual concerned and for the whole community.392 Eugene Azorji discloses that there are two modes in                                                              387

Nwala, Igbo Philosophy, 70. Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion, 158. 389 Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing Conflicts…, 123. 390 Akaogu, Leben und Tod…, 169. 391 Arinze, Sacrifice…, 64. 392 Akaogu, Leben und Tod…, 169. 388

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which Agwu may manifest: ezi agwu or ajo agwu. When one is possessed by ezi agwu, he will be compulsively good to people, and whatever he does for people turns out to be a huge success, whereas things he does for himself hardly succeed. He is called to an altruistic ministry to votaries. One who is possessed by ajo agwu may experience what he calls akpa aghasa. That is, whatever accrues from his endeavours will continue to fizzle away in mysterious ways. He can hardly retain some meaningful things he has worked for, and whatever he engages in, ends in futility or disaster. Having responded to the call, the candidate undergoes a training period during which he learns either from his father (if his father is one) or from a relation of his, who is a dibia, a new sort of intonation and a symbolic language. The candidate must be versed in proverbs as well as in elementary psychology and tricks. Other things which the candidate is expected to learn are the content of the akpa dibia- a bag which is very big and deep with many partitions and which contains all kinds of elements needed for the exercise of the office of a Dibia.393 He undertakes ritual eyewash involving four stages (seclusion or mgbazo, picking a medical object from hot pot or ima acho oku, immersion in water and crossing young palm frond or ida miri and ikpu omu and finally eye focusing on the sun or itu oba anyanwu). Taking special ‘eyewash’ is to become capable to see, connect, collaborate and incorporate therapy. Itu dibia, particularly anya afa lasts for seven days. After the seventh day, the initiator will invite other dibias and other members of the society to feast together. On this occasion, senior dibias may offer the initiate gifts of roots and other things to divine and to show to the public that he has acquired such skill as dibia. 3.3.3 Initiation into Dibia Initiation into dibia or into the cult of Agwu among numerous Igbo cultural areas referred to as ‘isa agwu’ or ‘igba agwu’ has several stages, and involves a lot of ceremonies that are very significant in the Igbo religious context. When a person has received and accepted the call of Agwu one has to undergo rigorous, expensive and well-graded stages of initiation during which he is acquainted with the rules and traditions of the cult. He is given a list of the taboos to observe and told what food to avoid so as to remain ritually clean.394 However, this differs from one Igbo cultural area to another. The stages of initiation include: A) Iruwa Agwu (Erecting Agwu’s shrine)                                                              393 394

Arinze, Sacrifice…, 65. Anyannwu, The Phenomenology…, 68.

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When a called person accepts the call, what he does is to erect a shrine for Agwu. This is a sort of showing submission to the wishes of the divinity. It indicates that the person called has accepted the offer and is ready to serve the divinity. ‘Iruwa Agwu’ is not celebrated with fanfare hence the common Igbo saying: madu oga ahapu ebe a na eshi ozo gawa ebe ana aruwa agwu? (Does one leave the place of ozo initiation for a place of erecting the shrine of Agwu?) . This ceremony involves the priest, the initiate and his relatives. In some cases, the candidate to be initiated may not be there as he may still be under the influence of spirit possession. For the erection of such a shrine some materials are used. These include four kola nuts (usually the white type called oji ugo), nzu (white chalk) fresh egg, alligator pepper, odo palm wine, oha (pterocarpus soyanxii), abosi (baphia nitida), ogirisi (Nehbondia laevjia). Each of these materials has its symbolic meaning and efficacious powers.395 When a suitable place for the erection of the shrine has been chosen, the officiating priest pins a life plant on the ground to form Agwu’s outdoor shrine. After this, and after other necessary materials needed in the shrine have been arranged accordingly, comes the consecration. During the erection of the shrine, the presiding priest blesses kolanut and places some of the lobes on the erected shrine as a sign of hospitality and his ofo at the foot of the pinned life plant as a binding force and says: Anyi ahula aka gi ebe Mazi … no, na oku I kporo, O kwela oku I kporo ya ikwa gi O rumala ihu gi, Nye ya ahu ike, omumu, aku na uba na ihi na ukwa ju ekete ya abara ala396 (This literally means: Agwu please come and hear us. We have seen your manifestations to Mr … inviting him to your … He has accepted your invitation by erecting a shrine for you. As he who accepts you, is always rewarded, give him good health, children and wealth. For when he has abundance more will be given to you). The congregation will respond ihaa, which means may it happen as pronounced. He also breaks the fresh egg and smears part of the content on the shrine and on the forehead of the initiate, saying: Ke a wu akwa ogige, ya we tara gi ndu ohuru (This is fresh egg, may it bring fresh life to you). Finally he cuts the neck of the fowl, and smearing the shrine with the blood, he says: Agwu raa Obara n’ihu gi, Mgbe obula Mazi… kporo gi ebea biko zakwa ya (Agwu we consecrate this shrine with blood. Anytime the neophyte [name called] calls on you here, please answer him). The other priest present holding their ofo by the left hand (the sacred hand not for daily                                                              395

Ibid.  Ibid, 70. 

396

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use) would all strike in unison a binding agreement between Agwu and the neophyte.397 B) Itu anya or Iwa anya This means opening the eye of the candidate to the mysteries of the cult and admitting him/her into the guild of dibia Agwu,398 to enable him ‘see’ and ‘hear’ spiritual activities in the physical world. The itu anya ritual is carried out by squeezing into the initiate’s eyes and ears some concoctions, which are believed, would enable them to ‘see’ and ‘hear’ the spirits. A common feature of this rite is that the concoction is applied at specific places where the people believe the spirits could always be seen. Therefore, the initiate is taken to such places like the toilet pit for it is believed that the spirits hold their meetings at omumara ala - the toilet pit. It is in this place which is hidden away at the back of the house that the concoction is squeezed into the initiate’s eyes and ears. He is also taken to a crossroads and the same action is repeated. Finally, he is taken to the ‘mkpa’ or ‘ohia ojoo’ (evil forest) which is acknowledged as the major abode of the spirits and there again the concoction is squeezed into his eyes and ears and he is left alone under the pain to trace his way back to his home. At each point where the concoction is to be applied, the priests usually offer sacrifices to appease the spirits so as to entice them into opening the eyes and ears of the initiate. The sacrifices and applications of the concoction are done amidst drumming and singing “Agam atu g’anya nkukoro”, that means, “I will brighten your eyes to be sharp and alert”.399 C) Isa Aka Isa Aka dibia implies empowering the hand, especially the right hand, for various functions. It means giving power of divination to the hand to enable it locate lost items. During the rite of Isa aka, the initiate receives instructions which range from how to interpret signs made by the hand to how to be directed by the hand especially the right hand. It is worthy to note that there are two types of isa aka viz, the isa aka dibia, which is the prerogative of those, initiated into the cult of Agwu, and the ordinary isa aka, which is a rite of passage. Through the aid of this ritual, the dibia develops the capacity to detect and remove any such anti-social medicine that are buried, hidden or are kept by an enemy. Through Isa aka ritual the dibia is                                                              397

Ibid, 71. Arinze, Sacrifice…, 64. 399 Nwosu, Ndi Ichie Akwa Mythology and Folklore Origins of the Igbos, 14. Cf. Hertbert, The Phenomenology…, 84. 398

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equipped to ascertain his safety before undertaking any journey. Isa aka actually enables the dibia to discover evils hanging around him.400 .

D) Isu Ofo During this ceremony the dibia is told what is expected of him as a member of the cult. For the ceremony, the initiate is asked to stand on a stone. He carries a cock on his head while the priests present raise their ofo in readiness to strike. The presiding priest would enumerate the moral restrictions that must be observed so as not to tarnish the integrity of the cult. After enumerating the social taboos and the moral restrictions, the priests would lower their ofo striking them on the ground as a sign of sealing the covenant. If the cock, which the initiate is carrying, drops dead at the striking of the ofo, it is believed that the covenant has been sealed. But when it does not die, it is alleged that the initiate has not fully accepted his new responsibility. He is then led away to a quiet corner for instructions on the implications of his intention. Then the ritual is repeated. It is alleged that the breach of any of the moral restrictions would result to the death of the dibia.401 E) Ifu Ahia (The outing ceremony) This is a sort of graduation ceremony and is usually an occasion for more than one priest. To crown the initiation, there is an outing ceremony known as ifu ahia dibia/izu ahia dibia. On the local market day, the initiate dressed in the full dibia’s regalia is accompanied to the market by all the dibia who would be drumming, singing and dancing. Behind the dibia are the relatives of the initiate. The initiate ties a ‘george’ wrapper around his waist leaving his body bare, with uhie (camwood dye) rubbed all over the exposed body and on his neck hangs the talisman (okike) a protective charm. The outing ceremony is to expose the dibia so that those in need of his service could consult him. This will also accord him all the rights and privileges of a dibia. When the priests are satisfied that the initiate has been advertised enough to ensure that many people recognise him as dibia, he is led back to his house. When the people are being feasted, the initiate is allowed to take normal bath, which he has been denied of since the beginning of the initiation.402

                                                             400

Anyanwu, The Phenomenology…, 85-86. Ibid. 402 Ibid. 401

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3.3.4 Taboos of the Dibia The dibia are sacred persons, therefore in order to maintain their harmony with the divine, there are taboos which they must guard against so as not to be contaminated by the profane. The numerous moral restrictions include: The dibia must not engage in witchcraft, stealing and double dealing. Others include shedding of human blood, sexual intercourse in the bush (or with another man’s wife). An albino is a taboo to Agwu divinity because in the Igbo traditional society, it is believed to be a product of broad day light sexual intercourse. The dibia is therefore forbidden from having sexual intercourse in the day time so as not to produce albinos… The dibia is also not expected to eat food prepared by a menstruating woman. This is one of the reasons why ndi dibia are usually polygamous. Infringement of these taboos leads to ritual impurity of the dibia for which a costly purification sacrifice must be offered.403 3.3.5 Functions of the Dibia The belief of the Igbo that anything that happens must have a cause brings about the importance of the dibia in Igbo traditional society. When confronted with an extra-ordinary event, the people consult the dibia especially the dibia Ohu. Also one of the essential functions of the dibia is to offer the people spiritual direction. Concerning the sacrifices which have to do with a public Arusi which has an established cult, the client procures the materials recommended by the dibia and approaches the dibia if he is also a priest of any of the Arusi or the particular Arusi in question. If not, a priest is consulted to perform the sacrifice.404 But if the sacrifice concerns Agwu or if it is the joyless sacrifice to the evil spirits, it is left to the dibia to make the offer on the appointed day.405 The dibia can also foresee and warn people against impending catastrophe and recommend ways of warding them off.406 Such predictions are taken seriously by the people. In the case of sickness, the dibia is simply the traditional doctor. He dispenses medication (ogwu) of various types, which consists mainly of roots, bark and leaves of trees (and even some fruits), shrubs, and herbs.407 As it is believed that some sicknesses always go beyond physical ailment, after healing some sick patients, the dibia sometimes recommends some ritual sacrifices (as thanksgiving to the good spirits and personal                                                              403

Ibid. 91. Okeke, Priesthood among the Igbo…, 124. 405 Arinze, Sacrifice…, 99-100. 406 Ibid, 67. 407 Okeke, Priesthood among the Igbo…, 67; Okorie, Priesthood…, 155. 404

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Chi of the individual). In some cases, he prepares another medicine (traditionally called ite ogwu) which is believed to be capable of invalidating any future attacks of the spirits caused by ajo ogwu (strong or bad medicine) from the person’s enemy. The ite ogwu is then believed to render such evil medicine impotent.408 3.4 The Osu There appears to be some controversy about the meaning and nature of osu practice. This is borne out of the fact that the origin of the Igboman is unknown and so also is the genesis of the osu. This is due to the absence of written documents, so scholars have had to rely on oral tradition, and such reliance accounts for the array of definitions and descriptions, some of which tend to trivialise the osu practice. Early writers on this practice, who were foreign missionaries, depended only on oral tradition, local interpretations and what they observed to fashion their understanding. For example Basden says that: “An Osu is a slave, but one distinct from an ordinary slave (ohu/oru) who in fact is the property of the gods and when devoted to a god, he has no prospect of regaining freedom and this restricts his movements to the procuts of the shrine to which he was attached.”409 Charles Meek opines that osu is a slave under the Igbo traditional religion and system of worship.410 Local commentators have tended to endorse the definitions propounded by foreign writers like Georg Basden and Charles Meek. Edmond Ilogu sees Osu as a “slave of the deity dedicated to perform some menial functions which may include sacrificial functions.411 Victor Uchendu describes osu as a cult slave dedicated to the service of the dictator’s god, whose descendants are also osu.412 Furthermore, Igwebuike, quoting Arazu in his book titled: “Osu Concept in Igbo Land” sees the Osu as “a living sacrifice, something or someone totally dedicated to a divinity, only natural death can terminate its existence on this side of reality”.413 In the words of Jude Mgbobukwa: “In Igbo traditional religion, Osu is seen as an accused human being sacrificed to a deity. In the prayer of consecration, he is made to be the absorber of the iniquities, weakness, and problems of the people. He is also made to take on himself the death of the freeborn. Hence, the                                                              408

Ibid, 99. Basden, Niger Igbos, 109. 410 Meek, Law and Authority in a Nigerian Tribe, 27. L, 411 Ilogu, Christianity…, 28. 412 Uchendu, The Igbos of South East Nigeria, 29. 413 Igwebuike, The Osu Concept in Igbo Land, 11. 409

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Osu could well be said to be the redeemer of the freeborns.”414 So one can say that Osu is a person or persons dedicated to a deity, which has intergenerational implications for the descendants. 3.4.1 The Origin of Osu From the fore-going, it is not certain how osu and its practice emanated. Nevertheless, Osu may be said to have started from the down of recorded history, but the problem is that there is no generally accepted date of its establishment. Thus a lot of people have a lot of conceptions about its origin. According to Uchegbulem in his thesis titled “The Ethical Implications of the Osu Caste System in Igbo land” “… Osu caste system has its roots in practice of human sacrifice in Igbo land, whereby human beings are used as sacrifices to pacify an enraged deity to save the community, the group or the family”.415 Another suggestion is that osu originated from the old Owerri-Okigwe-Orlu region in the southern Igbo, from where it diffused into bordering regions. This may account for the fact that osu practice is not prevalent in the whole of Igboland, its stronghold being the old Owerri-Okigwe-Orlu cultural sub-group. One reason suggested for the development of osu practice in this region is the presence of the reverred oracle, the “Igwekala” of Umunoha in Owerri. Calamities, whether natural or man-made, were attributed to the wrath of the gods and it is customary to consult the oracle in order to ameliorate or divert such calamities. As already indicated, orality remains a source of information even in the present day Nigeria. Much of the early foreign writers on the subject of osu practice found their materials in the rich oral tradition of the Igbo people. Their accounts of the origin of osu practice appear to lean heavily on Igbo legend. Two of such accounts of origin of osu practice appear to emanate from Okigwe and Owerri respectively and were eloquently recounted by Georg Basden.416 The Okigwe version of the account ran thus: Legend has it that a chief was killed in a bloody war. His subjects sought revenge upon their enemy. Following unsuccessful raids against their enemy, the oracle was consulted. The oracle admonished that a sacrifice be made on the grave of the dead chief. For added legitimacy the ritual was to be performed by an Aro priest. It was said that the                                                              414

Mgbobukwa, Alusi, Osu and Ohu in Igbo Religion and Social Life, 39. Uchegbulam, The Ethical Implication of Osu Cast System in Igbo Land, 27. 416 Basden, Niger Igbos, 31. 415

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people of Aro claimed superiority over the Igbo people, being themselves the children of Chukwu. Owing to the inaccessibility of Igboland, or for some unknown reasons, an Aro priest could not be found in time for the ritual. It is held that “Chukwu” gave approval for a non Aro to perform the ritual. The person thus chosen was called osu, who acted as proxy to the Aro priest. He was to be venerated with the same honour and respect due to an Aro. The osu title was therefore a mark of nobility and the holder of the title was charged with the responsibility to mediate between man and the gods. Basden also recounts another version of osu that seems to emanate from the oral tradition of the Osu from Owerri region. In this version, a dispute arose between two villages following which a person was killed. After unsuccessful attempts to retaliate, the oracle was consulted. The stipulation was that a sacrifice had to be performed by an Aro. In view of the proximity of the enemy village and the fear of attack, the village consecrated one of its sons as proxy to an Aro priest. The person thus consecrated assumes the status of osu and has the responsibility to mediate between man and the gods.417 Legend also has it that Osu emanated as a result of the influence of Nri. At the nucleus of Nri ritual is the divine role of ancestors. The Nri priests were reverred and financially compensated for their priestly duties. A failure to meet such financial obligations to the Nri priest carried social sanctions. The individual was thus seen as cursed and often avoided. However, it does not appear conclusive that osu practice arose as a result of Nri influences. While the Nri priest wielded so much power and respect and his sanction carried social repercussions, it is not clear how the mere avoidance of an individual metamorphoses into full blown excommunication of the type concomitant with Osu status. Furthermore, Nri influence is more prevalent in the northern part of Igboland where the incidence of osu practice is apparently non-existent. Nri may have inadvertently fuelled osu practice, but it is doubtful if osu practice emanated as a result of Nri. Recent commentators have claimed that in Igbo traditional belief, in order to ward off calamities and appease the gods, the diala will instigate the sacrifice of a person to an oracle. The procedure often involved chopping off of the ear of the sacrificed person and sprinkling his blood on to the shrine. The significance of the sacrifice is for all impending calamities to befall the Osu person to the exclusion of the diala.                                                              417

Ibid, 250-251.

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A person thus sacrificed becomes the property of the oracle and assumes the Osu status.418 In most cases he plays the role of the guardian of the oracle’s altar. An individual or a community could use him as an offering – an object of consecration – to his or to the god of the community. The osu profited from the offerings – the food, animals, money, tree of economic value and so on – offered to that god. 3.4.2 Ways of Becoming an Osu There are many ways through which one can become an osu in Igboland. These include: i. Captivity: One captured during wars can through this way become an osu. In times of war between communities, those captured were at the mercy of their captors. Some were often sold into slavery; others were used for burial ceremonies yet others were slaughtered for sacrifice, while the rest were consecrated to any deity as Osu.419 ii. Taking refuge in the deity: This is often as a result of victimisation and frustration, fear of maltreatment, humiliation or malignancy by stronger and/or richer neighbours. If somebody sees himself in danger of not being able to defend himself against the infringement of his basic rights, he may decide to flee to any of the deities who offer him refuge and protection. The prosecutors out of respect or fear of the calamity that may befall them would normally stop their maltreatment. This act of taking refuge or self-dedication to a deity makes one an Osu. The person may never regain his freedom from the deity and loses, in addition, his former social status.420 Thus one becomes a sacred being who is more or less reverred or feared than respected.421 iii. Poverty and Indebtedness: Poverty and Indebtedness were also factors that could make someone an Osu. If one was a debtor and could not pay up one’s debt, one may decide to surrender oneself to a deity and thus avert further molestation from creditor(s). The result is that the creditors desist from demanding their payment because it is an abomination to accept something from an Osu. But the individual involved loses his/her freedom and social status.422                                                              418

Uchenna Emelonye, Inter-Generational Inequity: Osu Caste Practice in South-East Nigeria, 20. Ogbalu, Omenala Igbo: The Book of Igbo Custom, 84. 420 Igwebuike, The Osu Concept…, 29. 421 Cletus P. A. Okorie, Priesthood…, 144. 422 Igwebuike, The Osu Concept…, 29-30 419

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iv. Laziness: Not being able to provide one’s needs. If one cannot get one’s daily bread and fears the danger of being sold into slavery by the family or community, he may seek refuge in the deity, where one can feed from the sacrificial meals offered to the deity. In some areas, failure to fulfil marriage obligations is regarded as a sign of laziness. Those involved could be indirectly forced into the Osu state,423 when being very much ridiculed by the people. v. Ignorance: Another way of becoming an Osu through is ignorance. A “free born” could become an Osu by walking across the outstretched legs of an Osu. In another instance, if an Osu helped a crying baby when the mother is away, the child becomes an Osu.424 vi. Criminality: A murderer or any other type of criminal, a thief, a dissident, who had escaped death or the punishment of his community by offering himself voluntarily to a god or by taking refuge in its shrine as a means of protection, could become an Osu. Furthermore, to have sexual contact with an Osu makes the person concerned with this act an Osu. Marriage with the Osu is therefore forbidden; children born of Osu parents become Osu by birth.425 Thus from the above discussions, we can observe that many personal and social factors can force a person to become an osu. 3.4.3 Dedication of Osu The Igbo do not dedicate or sacrifice a human being to a deity unless there is cause for that. Also, due to the variations in the traditional practices from one community to the other in Igboland, there are different methods of dedicating an osu. According to Chidozie Ogbalu, the main part of the ceremony involves divination by a dibia, the service of a deity priest, the presence of titled men and the participation of some young men. A spectacular event must have occasioned the situation. Sometimes, it could be that a town is threatened by some kind of catastrophe like flood, drought, etc., which may result in hunger. It could also be an outbreak of epidemic. A diviner would then be consulted for advice. If he reveals that the deity demands a human person, the elders of the town would fix an appointment with the priest for the ceremony, when the osu would be dedicated. On the day the Osu would be offered to the deity, the priest assembles with the elders,                                                              423

Ibid. Ibid. 425 Idika, Traditional Religion in West Africa, (ed. by Adegbola Ade), 24. 424

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each bringing his Ofo, the young men come along with their machetes. The candidate (the osu) for the dedication would be brought forward to the deity. The priest offers kolanut and alligator pepper to the Ndi Ichie and Ndi Ozo present there. After they have eaten, the priest draws the attention of the elders and they raise their Ofo. The priest prays, calling on the deities and the ancestors to remove every kind of ill and misfortune from the people and instead to heap them upon this Osu who is being consecrated to them. The priest ends his prayer by emphasising that the people have done their best by offering a human being. The deities should in turn let good things come their way. At the end of the prayer, the elders respond “Iha! a! a!”(let it be - Amen) and strike their Ofo on the ground as a sign of affirmation. Then the priest tells one of the young men to cut off an ear from the osu and sprinkle the blood on the altar of this deity.426 The sprinkling of the osu’s blood on the altar of the deity ends the ceremony and the Osu becomes entirely the property of the deity and thus sacred. According to another method, all the people assemble together, including the already dedicated or consecrated Osu. The priest lays his hand on the altar of the deity and touches the candidate. Other Osu members then come forward, lift the candidate up and let him fall backward on the ground. This is done seven times, and then follows the cutting off of the ear. The blood is also made to drop on the altar; the priest takes the ear, wraps it with abosi leaves (pterocarpus pubenscens) and buries it near the altar. The candidate is shaved and the priest burns the hair with fire. It is from his ritual burning of the hair that the name Osu is derived, being a short form of the phrase osu oku (from the verb, isu oku – to burn off/up with fire)427. Cletus Okorie rightly observer that these rituals involved in the consecration have their meanings rooted in the Igbo Weltanschauung. According to him, in the second method described above, the priest touches the candidate with the left hand and the Osu is made to fall backwards to the ground seven times. In Igboland, touching anything with the left hand indicates belittlement and rejection428. This explains why the use of the left hand to eat or do anything even by children is against social etiquette among the Igbo. So the touching of the Osu by the priest, with the left hand shows ‘rejection’ and that the Osu is now exclusively the property of the deity and should be treated with caution. It is believed that the deity would punish                                                              426

Ogbalu, Omenala Igbo…, 84-85. See also Okorie, Priesthood…, 146.  Akaogu, Leben und Tod…, 143.  428  Okorie, Priesthood…, 147  427

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anyone who tampers with anything that belongs to it. It is because of his being set aside and his attachment to the deity that the Osu is regarded as a sacred person. By being made to touch the ground backwards in the process of osu dedication, the candidate is induced into accepting defeat both from the deity and from the community dedicating him. Again in some areas of Igboland, the number seven is a symbol of completion, perfection, a mysterious or in some areas, an evil omen. In this case, the Osu has been dedicated to the deity in whole and entirely for life. He/she is and remains for ever a sacred person. There is no way he/she can regain his/her freedom both among the living and even among the dead.429 Another important aspect of the dedication is in the use of blood. Blood in Igboland is very important and symbolises life and any contract made with blood is irrevocable. The use of blood shows that the deity has right over the Osu and that the dedication is irrevocable. In some parts of Igboland, they are made to live within the shrines of the deity. They are not allowed to live with other people (the diala), and are to remain servants, helping the priest of the deity whenever they are called upon. At night, the priest of the deity would go and lock the huts where they live from outside so that they would not come out early in the morning to be seen by anybody. It is regarded as an evil omen to see an Osu as the first thing in the morning430 Due to the derogatory state of Osu caste, at death they are not buried like the diala, and are not also counted among the ancestors. It is important to note that the Osu caste system is not found in all parts of Igboland. Abakiliki Zone of the North Eastern Igbo is devoid of this practice.431 Also with the coming of Christianity to Igboland, it was formally abolished by the law in 1956, leading to its virtual absence in the present day Igboland, though the stigma is still with those whose forefathers were Osu. 3.4.4 Importance of Osu The importance of Osu in Igbo society has been a cause of controversy among scholars. However, it can be said that Osu occupies an indispensable and sacred position in the traditional religious arrangement in Igbo land, particularly in the areas where it is practised.                                                              429

 Ibid.   Ogbalu, Omenala Igbo…, 86.  431   Igwebuike, The Osu Concept…,  25.  430

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In Igbo land, Osu in some cases are priests of the cult or serve the priest as subordinates. They live around the shrine and keep the things used during sacrifices. Furthermore, through their dedication, they carry the curses of the entire community, thereby setting the freeborn free from the anger of the gods. In the olden days when Osu was very much in practice they were also saddled with the duty of watching over the village so that kidnappers will not be able to kidnap children when their parents and the Ohu were working in the farm. Also during inter-tribal wars then, the Osu through their affiliation with the deities acquired the power to make powerful charms which they gave to those going to war for protection. According to Igwebiuke Okeke, “these charms were believed to be very powerful and difficult to defile because of the fact that the Osus don’t neutralize any charm known to have been prepared by a fellow Osu”.432 3.5 Evaluation and Conclusion In this chapter we have tried to discuss the sacred persons in Igbo traditional religion, the possible origin of the different institutions, how and what they are initiated into, their significance and what they represent in Igbo traditional religion. In every religion, the sacred persons, especially the priests as the mediators between the people and the divinities show what the people believe in and the concept the people have about these divinities. From our discussion on the sacred persons in Igbo traditional religion, one realises that all are dedicated to or initiated into the service of different deities in Igbo land. The priests are most often called by the deity itself, or are nominated by the people for the service of particular deities. They mediate between the deities and the people and sometimes, they are to the people the deities personified. On the other hand, the Dibia in Igbo traditional religion are believed to be called by Agwu deity. They are initiated into Agwu cult and are believed to solve the people’s problems through the guidance and help of Agwu. Herbert Anyanwu throws more light on this when he says: “Like the prophets of the Old Testament who were divinely called to prophesy, Agwu also divinely calls each member of the dibia society. No one could be a diviner by himself. The diviner is given power to see the unseen; to know the unknown; to tell of the past, present and future events, and to communicate with the spirits by Agwu divinity. In all the activities connected with                                                              432

Ibid, 43.

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the worship of Agwu, there is a very highly developed tradition of ‘priesthood’ who receives special training to serve as an intermediary between the divinity and his devotees. Hence anybody who has misfortune or mishaps has to approach the dibia who is believed could see and tell the causes of one’s sufferings and possible ways of alleviating them”.433 From the above statements the Igbo believe that it is the deity or Agwu whom the dibia represents or works for; solves their problems and that it is to him they offer their sacrifice and worship. Ndi echiriechi (ie.) Ndi Ozo, are also initiated into deity cults and it is to the same deity that they pay allegiance. Raymond Arazu talking about Ozo title taking in Ihiala says: “The original aim and the most important of all the pagans in Ihiala in taking the Ozo title has always been to appease and propitiate their highest god, ‘Urasi Ihiala’, whom they believe up till today, is the protector of life and property, and the giver of fertility to men and animals in Ihiala. Thus if a family is visited by premature death of wife or children, or loss of property, or some serious disease, or if a man has a wife but no children, or if crops fail to give the expected yield, the interpretation has always been that Urasi Ihiala is angry with the family so afflicted and that to avoid a recurrence of such misfortunes, Urasi Ihiala must be appeased or be-friended. For the pagans, the most fruitful way of making peace with Urasi Ihiala is to take the Ozo title”.434 So we can conclude from his observation that one becomes an ozo to serve and appease a particular deity, which in any case is not the Supreme Being (God). The ritual dedication of Osu shows that the osu is dedicated to a particular deity for one reason or the other, this is effected by the sprinkling of the blood of the osu on the altar of this deity. The osu thus becomes the property of the deity and is treated as a sacred person because of his connection with the deity. From the above assertion one can suggest that none of the Igbo sacred persons has direct reference to the Supreme Being in Igbo traditional religion, nor do they in their relationship with the people represent the Supreme Being. Rather their existence points more to the Igbo belief in deities.

                                                             433 434

Anyanwu, The Phenomenology…, 57. Arazu, Our Religion – Past and Present, 193.

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CHAPTER FOUR Igbo Concept of the Supreme Being 4.1 Introduction The major interest of this chapter is to present the popular opinions today about the concept of the Supreme Being among the Igbo, and then critically analyse them through the examination of their cultic and ritual life. There are many personal names and descriptions traditionally ascribed to the Supreme Being among the Igbo. Different parts of Igboland have a name or names which they associate the Supreme Being with. In the Igbo north area of Nuskka, he is known as Ezechitoke435. In the central and southern area, the name Chineke is more predominant. Among the western group, he is mostly known as Olisaebuluwa/Osebuluwa436. And for the north-west and eastern group, Chi-ukwu is predominant. However, Chukwu and Chineke are the two most popular personal names usually used for the Supreme Being among the Igbo. 4.2 Explanation of Important Ideas The word Chukwu is a compound word made up of a noun – Chi (the personal guiding spirit) and an adjective – ukwu (big). Literally, Chukwu means “the big or great Chi”. The second personal name Chineke is also a compound word that can be looked at from two points of view. From one point, Chineke is made up of three words: A noun – Chi (the personal guiding spirit), a conjunction – na (and), and another noun – Eke.437 Literally, Chineke means a spiritual being called Chi and another spiritual being called Eke. From another point of view, Chineke consists of three words: A noun – Chi, a relative pronoun – na (who), referring to the noun Chi, and a verb - eke (to share out).438 In this sense, it literally means Chi who shares or apportions lots to people. From the etymological analysis of the words Chukwu and Chineke, one discovers that there are two fundamental spiritual entities which are essential for an indepth understanding of the image or idea of the                                                              435

Ezechitoke is a term of certain etymology and with one universal meaning among the people. According to these people themselves the say that Ezechitoke is derived from four Igbo words: Eze (king), Chi (spirit) Te (who), and Oke (to share, a share or to create; creation; creating). Cf. Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God..., 194. One may be tempted to doubt the origin of this name for God since it is provable that the concept of Eze (king) is foreign in Igbo land. It could be possible that this name must have been borrowed, or better still a praise name. 436 This is another name of the Supreme Being which many believe has the influence of outside culture. 437 Eke is a type of mediator between Chi and human beings, an agent through who Chi commits children to the temporal care of their parents. 438 Ekwu, Igbo Idea of the Supreme Being…, 49.

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Supreme Being among the Igbo. They are the key words in comprehending this idea.439 According to Christopher Ezekwugo: “when an Igbo man is taken by surprise, the usual exclamation is: Chi n’Eke-m eh (Oh my Chi and Eke). A man wished evil by another retaliates with: Oburo-m ka I na akpo iyi obu Chi-gi na Akagi (It is not me you are cursing but your Chi and your Aka)440. In Owerri, if one is considered to have acted too boldly or somewhat rashly, the remark is either Ojukwara Chi ya n’Eke ya ajuju (Did he consult his Chi and Eke) or Chi ya n’Eke ya ogwara ya n’odi nma tupu ome ihe di otua? (Did his Chi and Eke tell him that it was correct for him to act that way?)”441 Considering the above everyday sayings of the Igbo, one can conclude that what are referred to here are two spiritual entities. We will now consider the Igbo concept of these two spiritual entities, Chi and Eke. 4.3 The Concept and Origin of Chi So much has been written regarding the concept of Chi among the Igbo. However, these written sources are confusing, and filled with a lot of speculations.442 In this regard, Ifyanyi Anozie notes that “Of no other spirit has so much that reeks with confusion and misunderstanding been written.”443 Consequently, before we proceed, we would like to first address the question of the origin of Chi. Has Chi an origin outside itself or is Chi a source without source, a principle without principle?444 Some authors like Enyeribe Onuoha through their definitions of Chi imply that Chi has an origin. Onuoha defines Chi as a spark of God’s creative force445, that portion in everything which is derived from the big life – Chi ukwu.446 For Onwuejeokwu, it is “that aspect of the Supreme Being Chukwu in every human being which enables one to procreate himself.”447 While Emefie Ikenga Metu sees Chi as “a spiritual being believed to be an emanation of God himself.”448 These four definitions or opinions above depict Chi as having originated from one single source outside itself and that this single source is a                                                              439

Ibdi Aka means the same thing with Eke in Onitsha and Awka areas. 441 Eezkwugo, Chi the True God…, 101-102. 442 Uzor, The Traditional African…, 240. 443 Anozia, The Religious Import of Igbo Names, 28. 444 Eezkwugo, Chi the True God…, 55. 445 Enyeribe, “The African Traditional World View” in The Study of Igbo Culture, Essay in honour of F.F. Ogbalu, ed. Rems Nna Umeasiegbu, 84 446 Obiego, Idea…, 36 447 Onwuejeokwu, Ahiajoku Lecture.., 61. 448 Ikeng-Metu, The Nature of African Theism…, 63. 440

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higher form of being outside Chi himself.449 Also Talbot in his book: Peoples of Southern Nigeria call ‘chi’ “over-soul”, he writes: …the essential idea appears to be that of a spark of Divinity or a monad, which exists in a very high spiritual state – with God, as it is put, an Ego which sends down emanations through various planes and finally on to the earth. (He later writies) In Ibo belief, ‘chi’ is a kind of ‘group-self’ or multiplex-Ego able to manifest itself in several individualities at the same moment, so that many facets of the Ego are evolved and able to contribute their quota of experience simultaneously.450 Talbot’s description of chi is fraught with misunderstanding and confusion. For him ‘chi’ is a monad or a spiritual part of God which exists outside man. The second statement, “In Ibo belief, ‘Chi’ is a kind of group-self, or multiplex-Ego…” makes for an understanding which gives some inclination towards, if not wholly pantheistic, at least polytheistic tendency. To accept ‘chi’ as meaning ‘a group-self’ or ‘multiplex-Ego’ destroys the distinction of persons and the principles of individuation that follow the nature of ‘chi’.451 It also runs contrary to the Igbo saying: “No one’s ‘chi’ is like another, because no two persons are identical; (according to the Igbo) a rich man’s chi is rich and a poor man’s chi is poor. A man’s chi is masculine and a woman’s chi is feminine. A man’s chi is equal to that man.”452 The Igbo would also say: otu nne muru ma na obughi out chi kere (it is the same mother that gave birth to two people but it is not the same chi that created them). Contrary to the above views, Rapheal Egwu writes: From our knowledge of Igbo life and the investigation we made… we disagree with the opinion of Chi having a source outside himself because of the following reasons: Examining the ritual practice surrounding Chi, beginning from the shrines of Chi, the Chi symbols, sacrifice performed in these shrines and the prayers addressed to Chi, there is no acknowledgement made, directly or indirectly, to a being which is supposed or held to be the source of                                                              449

Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 55. Ibdi, 280. (emphasis mine) 451 Uzor, The Traditional African…, 241. 452 Ojike, My Africa, London, 1955, 183. 450

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Chi: Chi is approached and treated as ultimate and strictly personal. Life and destiny are directly referred to Chi and no other. Likewise, exploring the content of Igbo names in which the religious convictions of the Igbo about Chi are deposited and reflected, there is no trace of acknowledgement of a being outside Chi which is responsible for the existence of Chi.453 We will explore the concept of Chi in Igbo society to know the correctness of the above opinions. The word Chi has various meanings in Igbo language. Chinua Achebe, for instance observes, that: “there are two clearly distinct meaning of the word Chi in Igbo. The first is often translated as god, guardian angel, personal spirit, soul, spirit-double, etc. The second meaning is day or daylight but is most commonly used for those transitional periods between day and night and night and day.”454 We will illustrate this with every day saying, some traditional greetings and personal names. When it is night the Igbo say Chi ejila (it is night or darkness has come). In addition, when it is dawn, they say Chi efoola (the day has broken; it’s day). Similarly, the morning greeting when one meets another early is Ibola chi, which literally means “Have you survived till this daylight?” In other words, “Is everything (health-wise), in order?”455 From the above usage, Chi means “daylight”, “dawn” and “twilight’ or used as a form of greeting. Chi in this sense has nothing to do with a spiritual being; rather it is an abstract word. The third usage of Chi as a Supreme Being is highly controversial. In this view, which is supported by authors such as Christopher Ezekwugo, Rapheal Egwu, Herbert Anyanwu and so on, Chi is conceived as the only single, individual being to which all else is subordinate or upon which all else is ultimately dependent. This view will be discussed in details later in this work. Meanwhile, we will explore the first sense in which Chi is seen as an individual spiritual being, not as one but many, which intensively and actively operates in the life of everything. Ilogu writes: whatever abilities, good or bad fortunes, success, failures or weaknesses possessed by man are often attributed to his Chi. Children of the same parents are therefore variously endowed by                                                              453

 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 55.  Achebe, Chi in Igbo Cosmology…, 98. 455 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 50. 454

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different kinds of Chi. Through this Chi, Chineke connects himself with all created human beings and the closer such men are to one ancestor the nearer they are to each other. Because individual Chi differs, every man is expected to prove of what kind his own Chi is, by various economic and social activities.456 The general belief among the Igbo is that Chi is the principle and cause of life. They also believe that he is not only the source, he sustains and controls it. Some names which the Igbo bear proves this. These include names like: Chinwendu Chi is the owner of life457 Chikwendu When Chi allows life458 Chikwado Chi supports Chijioke Chi holds each person’s share The idea and conviction portrayed in these Igbo names show that whatever has life owes it to Chi. Another important belief of the Igbo is that Chi is the source of destiny of each individual. Destiny is to be understood here according to the Igbo concept of “Oke” (share, lot or portion) which is contained or expressed in some Igbo names like Chijioke (Chi holds each person’s share), Chinyerem (it is God who has given me), Chinemerem (Chi is doing it for me). Analysing these names, Egwu writes: The concept ‘Oke’ means the whole content of a person’s life beginning from birth to death. This content involves what a person will be and possess, his status in society, possessions, good and bad things that will happen to the individual, the caurse of events or all the happenings. This content of the whole life is what is meant by destiny. Chi is regarded as the source of this share, this portion, this lot, this destiny. Chi is acknowledged by the Igbo as the spiritual being who selects, who arranges, who is responsible for, who as it were, predetermines the whole content of the life of the individual.459 Some Igbo proverbs and every day sayings also attest to Igbo idea about Chi by the Igbos. When something happens to a person, the Igbo would say; “osi na chi ya” (it                                                              456

Ilogu, Christianity and…, 36f. Ezekwugo, Chi the true God…, 114. 458 Ibdi. 459 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 51. 457

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is from his Chi); if it is something good, they would say “Obu onye chi oma” (he or she is a person of good Chi). When it is bad, they would also say “obu onye chi ojoo” (he or she is a person of good Chi).460 In case of a violent or accidental death or when a young person dies, the Igbo would say: “onwuru onwu ojoo; onwughi onwu chi ya” (he or she died a bad or evil death; he died contrary to the plan of his Chi). On the other hand, when a person dies at a ripe age, the Igbo would describe it as “onwu chi” (a death according to the plan of Chi). This idea of Chi as the source of destiny is also reflected in some Igbo proverbs. These include proverbs like: Ebe onye dara ka Chi ya kwaturu ya (where a person falls is actually the exact point where the person’s Chi pushed the person down).461 Chi onye adighi n’izu onwu agaghi egbu ya (A person never dies without the sanction of his Chi).462 Agbataghi ajo Chi na ozo olu (in the area of one’s work, one cannot improve one’s lot in this, if one possesses a bad Chi).463 From the above expositions of Igbo life, one may agree with Egwu that Chi has no other source outside himself. Consequently, we may say that there has not been enough evidence to support the opinion that Chi has an origin outside himself. Rather, we may conclude that Chi is a spiritual personal being, not one but many, the origin of every other thing, and the source of life and destiny of individuals. Having presented some opinions on the concept of Chi, let us look at Eke, another word that forms an integral part of one of the proper names of the Supreme Being among the Igbo. 4.3.1 The Concept of Eke Eke is a corollary or a complement of Chi.464 It has various names according to the different dialectical differences in Igbo land. In Onitsha area, it is known as Aka,                                                              460

Achebe writes about Unoka the father of Okonkwo in Things fall Apart thus, „He had a bad chi or personal god, and evil fortune followed him to the grave, or rather to his death, for he had no grave. He died of the swelling which was an abomination to the earth goddess. When a man was afflicted with swelling in the stomach and the limbs he was not allowed to die in the house. He was carried to the evil forest and left there to die.” Cf. Achebe, Things Fall Apart, 1981, 13. 461 Ezegkwugo, Chi the true God…, 39. This implies that Chi is the cause of misfortunes in people’s life. 462 Ibdi. Chi determines the time of death. 463 Ibdi, 38. This is another way of saying that the setbacks or failures people encounter in their life has Chi as the cause, and one has no power to change things. This seems to contradict another saying by the Igbo that “onye kwe chi ya ekwe” (when one agrees; his Chi agrees also) 464 Onunwa, A Handbook of African Religion..., 37.

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and among the mid-western Igbo, Agu,465 while in the Owerri area, the popular term is Eke. In Igbo everyday expressions when one meets something unexpectedly or is taken by surprise, the usual exclamation is Chi m-o! Eke m-o! (My Chi or my Eke) or Chi m-oh! Agu m-oh!466 If a child is searching for something and in the course disturbs the peace of people around him, the child is reprimanded: Obu Chi gi, ka obu Eke gi ka I na acho? (Are you searching for your Chi or your Eke?). When a man is seen to be lucky, the Igbo would say: Chi ya and Eke ya huru ya na anya (His Chi and his Eke love him).467 In this expression Eke is presented as an individual entity or being different from Chi. Analyzing the word Eke, Egwu writes: Etymologically, the word Eke is made up of two syllables: The vowel prefix/e-/ and the verb root /-ke/ (to share or to divide). In forming a verb with the vowel prefix /e/ and the verb root /-ke/. The following meaning emerge: Eke means “is dividing” or “is sharing”. Similarly in forming a noun from this vowel prefix /e-/ and verb root /-ke/, Eke means “a spiritual being that has to do with sharing or a share.468 From his analysis, one can conclude that Eke is a spiritual being that has something to do with sharing. The question then becomes, what actually is shared and among whom are they being shared? In our discussion about Chi above, we pointed out that there is the traditional idea of Oke (share) which means ones lot in life, or ones destiny. Eke is believed to be saddled with the responsibility of giving this share (destiny) to individuals at conception. From the cultic life of the Igbo people like “Igba Agu” (lit. quest for Agu),469 one also discovers that Eke is a spiritual being who participates in                                                              465

Ezegkwugo, Chi the true God…, 101. Ibdi. 467 Ibdi. 468 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 56. 469 “Igba Agu”, is a ceremony which is conducted when a child is born. In this ceremony a medicine man (Dibia afa) is consulted. He then through divination finds out who the Agu or Eke of the child is. After the diviner has by the manipulation of his oracle, revealed which of the dead ancestors has been reincarnated in the new child (or the child has made a sign to the mention of the name of a particular ancestor as the ancestral roll is being called), a big dumbbell-shaped piece of ogilisi wood is prepared to represent the image of the ancestor (Okpensi). A fowl is killed and sacrifice made to the Okpensi which is now kept for the child as his Agu. The child is then given the ancestor’s name and is presented with his own religious symbol, like the ofo stick with which he offers prayers and meal offerings to the gods and ancestors, later. It is always a time of great rejoicing and feasting, and large quantities of 466

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determining the identity of each individual human being470, and an agent of destiny in each person’s life471. Some Igbo names and everyday expressions imply that Eke possesses the capacities to determine the destiny of individuals. Names and expressions in this category include but not limited to: Oke ka Eke nma na aka Share or destiny is better in the hands of Eke.472 Uwa di na Eke

What one is or has or experiences in life has its foundation in Eke.473

Ekebuike

Eke is my strength.

Enebeke

Hoping on Eke.474

Ekenaeme

It is Eke who does it.

From these personal names and expressions Eke is acknowledged as a spiritual being that is interested in the life of human beings, and is capable of solving problems in their life. We have so far been examining the two component parts of the compound words (Chineke) used to identify the Supreme Being among the Igbos. Chi is a considered to be the ultimate and source of life. While Eke is the spiritual being whose duty is to alot each person with his or her individual destiny. Both Chi and Eke are numerous and not one. Having discussed this let us consider what the concept of the Supreme Being is among the Igbos. 4.3.2 The Popular View on the Concept of the Supreme Being Having presented the concept of Chi and Eke among the Igbos, we will systematically present the popular view on the concept of the Supreme Being among Igbos, which have been contested among Igbo scholars. After presenting it, we shall critically examine the difficulties in this popular view. We will do this by looking into the different aspects of Igbo traditional life, especially their religious life; before giving our opinion on the Igbo concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo traditional religion. The popular view shared by scholars like Francis Arinze, Ikenga-Metu, Cosmas Obiego and so on, is that the Igbos believe that there is a Supreme Being, who lives                                                                                                                                                                                                   palm-wine are consumed in celebrating the occasion of the ancestor’s return. Cf. Ilogu, Chritianity and…, 1974, 10. Also Thomas, Anthropological Report…, 1969 71-72. 470 Uzukwu, Ultimate Reality…, 10. 471 Nwoga, God as Stranger…, 52. 472 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 57. 473 Ezekwugo, Chi the True God…, 143. 474 Ibdi, 144.

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in the sky, the creator and supreme principle from which all other realities known to man trace their origin. He has precedence over all other beings both in time, and perfection. He depends on no other being for his existence but all other beings derive their existence from him. The proper personal names by which he is known or identified are Chiukwu (the great or big Chi) and Chineke (Chi that shares or cerates).475 Other names or expression by which he is also known include: Ezechitaoke The king spirit who creates or shares476 Olisebuluwa God who is carrying the world477 Ezebinaigwe ogodu ya na akpunala The king who lives in the sky and his clothes touches the Ground Ama ama amasi amasi A being who is somewhat known but remains incomprehensible478 Ogbara nkiti okwu biri na onu ya The silent one that has the last say479 Eze ana ekpesiri ogwu The king who has the last word480 All other spiritual beings are believed to be mediators or messengers of this Supreme Being through which he manifests481 himself, rules and directs the world.482 They function as his messengers and are described as his sons and daughters.483 Because all other spiritual beings serve as mediators to the Supreme Being, the Igbos worship him indirectly through them. The sacrifices offered to these mediators (deities) are regarded in the final analysis as offered to him. Any respect, any honour, any acknowledgement shown to these mediators are taken to be shown to him. That is why the Supreme Being has no temple, no priest, no sacrifice brought to him, and no feasts.484 This is the summary of the popular view on the concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo traditional religion. Having presented the popular view on the concept of the Supreme Being among the Igbos, we will examine this position critically in our effort to know its reliability, in doing this we may arrive at the right conclusion. In line with this therefore, we will first consider the nature of Igbo traditional religion.

                                                             475

Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 58. Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God…, 200. 477 Ibdi, 201. 478 Arinze, Sacrifice…, 9. 479 Njoku Francis, A Phenomenological Critique of the Igbo…, 83. 480 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 59. 481 Nwoga, God as a Stranager …, 23. 482 Metu, Traditional Religion…, 62-63. 483 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 59. 484 Ibdi, 59-60. 476

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4.4 The Nature of Igbo Traditional Religion: Monotheistic or Polytheistic The question of the nature of Igbo traditional religion like other issues in Igbo traditional religion has been an unresolved issue among scholars and writers on Igbo traditional religion, as there are different opinions on this. There have been arguments emanating from philosophy of religion, phenomenology of religion and theology as regards the concept of the two terms. However, the search for the Supreme Being among the pre-Christian Igbo religion and the contention whether or not the Supreme Being existed as part of the traditional framework of the Igbo traditional world view as we said in the previous chapter was neither the creation of Igbo scholars nor a recent problem. Rather it was started by the early foreign researchers, namely, missionaries, anthropologists or ethnologists since the 19th Century. This search gave rise to two schools of thought, namely, those who believe that the belief in the Supreme Being by the Igbos is a product of Christian influence; and those who are of the opinion that the notion is indigenous. A look at some of these views will help us arrive at some conclusions as regards to this chapter. 4.4.1 Polytheistic This view originated from foreign ethnologists and missionaries since the beginning of the 19th Century and was made popular in the 20th Century by some Igbo scholars in various areas of academic disciplines. The search for the Supreme Being among the different divinities, the pre-modern Igbo societies and their inability to find any made the foreign ethnologists come to the conclusion that the Igbo believed in benevolent spirits commonly called gods, which they worshiped through numerous idols of various sizes. For these foreign and indigenous polytheistic scholars or advocates, none of these gods is worshiped as the Supreme Being but are Supreme in their areas of operation. They expressed doubt as to existence of a Supreme Being in Igbo ontological hierarchy.485 Thomas Northcote, who may be said to the first in this group, after a detailed study and analysis of the concept of God among the Igbo writes: It is worthy of note that the old men frequently know nothing of Cuku before the coming of the white man. Chi-ukwu (the Supreme Being) according to him may appear in the mythology of the Agukwu-Nri where he is connected with the origin of kinship and of                                                              485

Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God..., 13.

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yam which in Igbo discourse is rare when compared with the constant reference to Osalobwa, the Supreme God of the Edo, Benin in their myth of creation, in ritual and in conversation, and the near absence of Chi-ukwu from Igbo discourse.486 Rev. Fr. Alves Correia is also of the opinion that the name Chukwu as the name of God was an adoption mistake made by protestant missionaries. In support of Northcote notes that “many Igbos know very little about Chukwu, for which reason they do not like to enter into discussion about this deity. They throw back every scrutinizing question about Chukwu with ‘Amam’ ‘I do not know’… In addition to their being too little informed about Chukwu, they do not practice any direct cult to him.”487 As far as Correia was concerned, the concept of the Supreme Being among the pre-Christian Igbos was a rationalization invented by the missionaries. Amaury Talbot is among the early writers to speak on the religion of the Southern Nigeria. He likened the religion among Nigerians as having strong resemblance to ancient Egyptians, who combined belief in the existence of an omnipotent Supreme God with that of multitudes of subordinate deities, mostly personifications of natural phenomena. He categorized religion of the inhabitants of southern states of Nigeria as having four elements: polytheism, anthropomorphism, animism, and ancestoral worship.488 Also Edward Parrinder while trying to discourage the use of the term animism in connection with the religion of Africa said: In West Africa, men believe in great pantheons of gods which are as diverse as the gods of the Greeks or Hindus. Many of these gods are the expression of the forces of nature, which men fear or try to propitiate: These gods generally have their own temples and priests, and their worshippers cannot justly be called animists, but polytheists, since they worship a variety of gods.489 Margaret Green, in her critical analysis of village organization in Igbo traditional society was also in doubt of the existence Supreme Being (God) in Igbo religious life. She asserts: Whether or not there is any conception of deities that are either universal or at any rate more than local, it is not easy to know… As                                                              486

Thomas, Anthrolpological Report on the Ibo..., 360. Correia, L’animisme Ibo et les divinities de la Nigeria, Anthropos, 16-17, 1922, 361. 488 Talbot, The People of Southern Nigeria, 14. 489 Parrinder, African Traditional Religion, 24. 487

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for ‘Chi’, the spirit who creates people and whose name as in ‘Chineke’ has been taken by the Christians to denote the creator, it is difficult to know what the real Ibo significance of the word is, ‘Chi and Eke’ together create an individual, but each person is thought of as having his own ‘Chi’ and whether, over and above this, there is any conception of a universal Chi seems doubtful.490 Cornelius Olowola also says: “ The word ‘worship’ used in a religious sense refers to an active response of reverent devotion to God or to deities. Who does the African traditionalists worship, one God or many gods?”491 Using biblical perspective in answering the posited question he says: “In biblical perspective to worship divinities rather than the one God is polytheism, not modified monotheism... African traditionalists in directing their worship to spirits are worshipping those spirits, and not worshipping the creator God.492 Another to be considered here is Raymond Arazu; contributing states that before the advent of Christianity, each of the spirits was a god in Igbo traditional religion. Using an oral interview, in which he interviewed two traditional religionists (Ezenwadeyi and Ezeonwa in 1966),493 who had no doctrinal influence from Christianity, he tried to support his stand that Igbo traditional religion is polytheistic. Commenting on his interaction with Ezenwadeyi, Arazu recalled Ezenwadeyi saying that: … Chukwu and Ana are too great and powerful more than we can guess. Whoever claims that Chukwu and Ana are not great beyond him, what else would upset the balance of his scale of greatness? Behold Ana, Behold Chukwu! They both are the greatest in the universe!494

                                                             490

Green, Igbo Village Affairs, London, 1964, 52. Olowola, African Traditional Religion and Christian Faith, 42. 492 Ibid. He quoted 1cor. 8:4-6 to justify his claim. 493 Arazu, Our Religion Past and Present, 29-33. 494  Ibid  491

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When suggested to him by Arazu that Chukwu and Ana could be one entity, he refused bluntly saying: It is just what our ancestors invoked, that we in our turn must invoke. We must not do a misinvocation...495 When asked Chukwu and Ana which is greater, he replied: We are constrained to declare that Ana is greater, this Ana on which our feet rest.496 In another interview I had with Ezeonwa of Ubahu village in Ihembosi town, who was the priest of three deities, “I said to him; “someone told me that Ana is greater than Chukwu; and I have come to find out from you, if you agree with his view. He replied, “My son, there was a proverb in which Chukwu says, that the fact that Ana is greater than He, is nothing to be ashamed of’.”497 Relaying on thes words of these elders, Arazu concludes that this is the commonly held view of the Igbo before the advent of colonialism and the Christian missions. Christopher Nze in his article “Pragmatism and Traditionalism in the concept of God in African Culture”, states categorically that in Igbo traditional world view or thought, “there is no God” “an overall Almighty God”, but that through Christianity this idea was integrated into Igbo religious thought. He proposed polytheism as best description of the nature of Igbo religion, and contends that: “They (the Igbo) very much reacted, perhaps not naively, by personifying various natural forces by assuming the existence of numerous gods – Almighty gods operative in nature. This is as expected of a society that has evolved through the ages, through some natural socio-democratic relationships. There is a supreme being that created man; there is a supreme being that created trees; there is a supreme god of the earth. The sun is a God.”498 What is meant here he continues, “Is that the Igbo have no one Supreme Being … It is therefore contradictory to say that a polytheistic, pantheistic society is monotheistic which is what is implied in the view of one Supreme Being for the Igbos.”499 Arguing also from the ritual life of the Igbo he further asserts: There is no single instance where the Igbo perform sacrifices to or worship a single being of the Christian concept. Because the Igbos perform sacrifices as an acts of appeasement and or worship and                                                              495

 Ibid   Ibid  497 Ibid. 112-125 498 Nze, Pragmatism and Traditionalism in the concept of God in African Culture, in Uche…, 21. 499 Ibid. 496

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because there exist no occasion when a supreme being of the Christian description is appeased or worshiped. It can be said that this being does not exist at all or exist but is not recognized because he is passive. Our fathers worshipped gods and not a God.500 Supporting this school of thought, Ignatius Obinwa remarked that African traditional religion may be described as polytheistic in the sense that every community has its own god or goddess. On the multiplicity of deities that justifies polytheism he said that additional deities can be brought into communities because they are specialized in one thing or the other.501 4.4.2 Monotheistic Contrary to the views of the polytheism supporters, scholars like John Mbiti, Ikenga-Metu, Bolaji Idowu and so on, are of the opinion that African (Igbo) traditional religion is monotheistic. This group supports the opinions of early missionaries like James Frederick Schon who after proper analysis of the concept of God in Igbo religious thought and practice and having compared it with that of the Sierra-Leoneans says: “The Ibo are in their way of life are religious people. The word Chuku is supposed to do everything. When a few bananas fell out of the hand of one in the water, he comforted himself by saying “God has done it”502 He however expressed his doubt on the people’s believe in after life, he writes: On the death of a person who has in their estimation been good, they will say. ‘He will see God’. While of a wicked person they will say ‘He will go into fire’. I have frequent opportunities of hearing these expressions at Sierra-Leone; but though I was assured that they had not learned them from Christians, I would not state them before I had satisfied myself, by inquiring if they had never had any intercourse with Christians, that they possessed correct ideas of a future state of reward and punishment. Truly, God has not left Himself without witness.503 George Basden equally observes that: “among the Ibo people there is a distinct recognition of a Supreme Being who is above every other spirit, good and evil. He                                                              500

Ibid, 23. Obinwa Ignatius Interviewed by Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing.., 58. 502 Schon and Crowther, Journal of Rev. James Frederick and Samuel Crowther, London 1842, 50. 503 Ibid. 501

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is believed to control all things in heaven and earth and gives blessing and punishment as he deems fit. Anything that occurs for which they can see no explanation is at once attributed to Chukwu”504 However, later in his work “The Religious Beliefs of the Ibo People” he contradicted himself when wrote that after an extensive research conducted among the Igbo he was convinced beyond reasonable doubt that the influence of God in Igbo life is purely theoretical and has no mark influence on their life and character. John Mbiti accepted the concept of a common monotheism within African traditional religions, concluding that the concept of one Supreme God has “sprung independently out of African reflection on God.”505 Bolaji Idowu in support of John Mbiti;s view emphasized the fact that the world of the Africans is a theocratic one, ruled and governed by the decree of the Supreme Being. In order to administer the world, however, the Deity has brought into being divinities who are his ministers or functionaries. He then suggested that African traditional religion is diffused monotheism because “here we have a monotheism in which there exist other powers which derive from ‘Deity’ such being and authority that they can be treated, for practical purposes, almost as ends in themselves.”506 One would ask, since Idowu admits that the Africans (Igbo) treat these divinities as ends in themselves, if it is not an indirect way of affirming polytheism in African traditional religion? Also, Edmund Ilogu in his book Christianity and Igbo Culture asserts categorically that the principal God of the Ibo is called Chineke or Chukwu.Chi-ne-eke literally means Creator God and that Chi-ukwu means the Great God. He believes in the existence of a hierarchy of being in Igbo traditional religious thought. Presenting this ontological hierarchy, he notes, The central association therefore in the concept of the principal God is belief in the supreme source of beneficent creation. The great God (Chi-ukwu) is believed to be the author of heaven and earth who makes animal and plant life grow … Next to Chineke is a pantheon of gods: Anyanwu (the sun god), Igwe (the sky god), Amadi-oha (the god of thunder and lightening) and Ala (the earth goddess).507

                                                             504

Basden, The Religious Beliefs of the Ibo People..., 266. Mbiti, Concept of God in Africa…, 13. 506 Idowu, Olodumare…s, 202f. 507 Ilogu, Christianity and..., 34. 505

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Ilogu is of the opinion that God is worshiped in Igbo traditional belief through minor gods who are considered as his intermediaries. He used the existence of public and private shrines throughout Igbo land where the Supreme God is worshipped as a reference of he exist in Igbo religious thought. Ikenga-Metuh is also of the opinion that African deities are sons, servants, manifestations, and reflections of the Supreme Being; therefore African religion is not polytheism in the Graeco-Roman sense.508 Explaining further, he writes: “allreligious system known to the studies of religion recognizes the need of some form of mediators to facilitate man’s approach to the supreme Being and that these mediators could be spiritual beings – deities, angels, saints, ancestors, spiritual forces, or they could be human agencies, priest, medicine-men, prophets, diviners, or kings”. He believed also that in African theism, the overall emphasis is on one Supreme Being who mediates his powers through a hierarchy of subordinate spiritual beings, and is in turn approached through them.509 Another important issue raised by Metu is the concept of creation as understood in African traditional thought, the Igbo inclusive. He does not liken creation in African or Igbo thought to the Christian concept, namely, “creation out of nothing”. Rather, He maintains that in African context, creation by God should be understood to mean that: “God is creator or maker (of the world).” The concept of creation as producing things out of nothing is not always expressed but often implied by names. The roots of some suggest that analogy of God’s creative activity is found in the act of “moulding” “giving birth”, “causing to sprout like a plant”. Sometimes, analysis of some names show that creation is conceived as organization of the world, that is, bringing existing things into their separate and individual existence, all from a pre-existing reality. The pre-modern Igbo assigns this creative activity to the Supreme Being but strictly in manner that is yet to be refined by a higher supernatural religion.510 Peter Dom Nwachukwu stressing the non-polytheistic nature of Igbo traditional religion asserts that deities are very prominent in Igbo religion. They are perceived as helpers or ministers who have been appointed by the Supreme Being to carry out his bidding and report to him. They are not to be confused with the Supreme Being. Deities are not object of worship rather of great importance is their mediative role.                                                              508

Ikenga-Metuh, Comparative Studies of African Traditional Religions…s, 65. Ibid, 118-119. 510 Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God…, 2012, 34. 509

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People worship the Supreme Being through their local deities and their ancestors. The presence of numerous local deities in Igbo religion does not define the religion as polytheism. The Supreme Being is one divine person and he is the only one who is worshipped. The deities function as his messengers and ministers.511 Christopher Ezekwugo, though not against the monotheistic nature of Igbo religion, has problem with the name of this Supreme Being. In his book Chi the True God in Igbo Religion; he maintains that the name of the principal God of the Igbo is not Chi-ukwu or Chineke or even Osebuluwa. According to him, originally Chukwu was just a local god of the Aros who was suddenly elevated to the status of a chief god on account of widespread distribution of the Aros throughout Igbo land and the superior cleverness of the Aro people themselves who were bent on monopolising the economic profits accruing from their salve trade with the Europeans. The attribution of supreme power to this Oracle by the Igbo misled the early missionaries into accepting his name as the Igbo equivalent of God. Discovering their mistake later on they dropped Chukwu and retain the alternative Chineke which was more or less a creation of the missionaries.512 Chineke he believes designate two different spiritual entities: Chi and Eke who are the owners of man, together they created an individual. He contends vigorously that Chi (God) is the right term for God in Igbo religious thought and writes: Chukuism cannot be the true and correct assessment of Igbo religion nor furnish us with the correct true heathen idea of God. For that, it will be necessary to dismiss the whole question of “High God” and turn around to a serious study of the personal protective deity Chi which variously has been explained as an emanation of God, a spark of Divinity, God within. These explanations are a strong indication that the notion of Chi is at least very closely bound up with Igbo idea of God.513 Ezekwugo condemned the false introduction of Chi-ukwu in Igbo traditional thought and his elevation to the highest position among all the beings, and assigned this position to Chi. He contends that: There is no better way of presenting the Igbo world than make a study of what these “pagans” mean by the term Chi-na-eke and the                                                              511

Nwachukwu, Authentic African Christianity, 32. Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God…, 38. 513 Ibid. 512

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relation they have to man ... Until now the presentation of Igbo world-view has been based on the false assumption that the so call high God, Chukwu, represents the Igbo idea of Supreme Being. Chukwu has been introduced as the being to whom every other deity – called minor gods – is responsible.514 Another question raised here is whether the deities and spiritual forces mediate between God and man in Igbo traditional religion. Apart from this mediatory role, whether the deities and spiritual forces are worshipped as gods simultaneously with the Supreme Being? A careful reading of the opinions of some of these monotheistic suporters, show some influence of Christian education, missionary influences and western theological training in their interpretation of African (Igbo) traditional religion. They described the traditional religious system in Christian theological jargons. The aim one may say is to justify and elevate African (Igbo) traditional religion. Referring to the deities as ministers, messengers or even sons of Chukwu is an aberration to the general notion of divinities and the practical nature of Igbo traditional religion. In the traditional ritual of the Igbo people, for example, in sacrifice or prayer, the deities are been referred to not as ministers or mediators, but as receivers and the dispensers of the aim of the ritual actions. This is why the “Igbos have gods linked to various natural forces, gods that are supreme, but whose supremacy is not universal, but limited and relative. Each god occupies his specific area where he reigns supreme.”515 Supporting the view that the deities are worshipped Edwin Udoye writes: To say that the deities are not object of worship in Igbo religion is a misrepresentation of fact. Some of them are sometimes directly worshipped and in some other times related to as messengers of God. Although God’s immanence and transcendence are generally perceived among the Igbo, direct worship, alters and priests of the Supreme Being are not found in all parts.516 He warns that: The prominence and influence of these deities should not be undermined on the platform of academic exercise or secondary                                                              514

Ibid. Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo Traditional Religion..., 57. 516  Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing..., 56.  515

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interpretative transposition. Monotheism therefore, should not be arbitrarily imposed on Igbo traditional religion. The importation of Christian notion and influence should not adulterate the original Igbo concept of God and the worship of other deities.517 Making a hermeneutical analysis of the name Chukwu, Udoye observes: “By interpretation, the name suggests two things Chi-ukwu (Great God) and Chi-nta (small god). To follow this distinction, one definitely observes polytheistic concept which even manifest itself in Igbo nomenclature of gods.”518 However, David Ihenacho is of contrary view, though not denying the validity of analytical classification of religions, he believe that such classifications are insufficient for the understanding of a complex reality like the traditional religion of the Igbo people. In his view, “the indigenous Igbo people were and are neither monotheistic nor polytheistic. They are believers in one chief God with his so many acolytes of spirits. So, the first important datum for the understanding of Igbo traditional religion is faith understood as belief”519. Fundamental to Igbo religious experience according to him: Is the fact that it is impossible to have a complete knowledge of the goings-on in the spirit world. The realm of the spirit is a mystery to the human mind. It is the realm of the divine, the sublime, the ‘numinous’, the pure and the just. Rather than probe to count the number of the spirits in the spirit world, the Igbo would believe and offer sacrifices to ward off their malignant incursions into the human domain. The contemporary west-induced efforts to analytically count and configure the deities in the spirit world would be seen in traditional Igbo and African world as an insult, a terrible assault on religion and a work of delusional pride. The traditional Igbo are generally humble and reverent in their dealings with what exists in the realm of the spirit, known as spirit world in Igbo cosmology. The western conceit that regularly manifests in the undying wishes of many scholars to carry out a census of the

                                                             517

Ibid. Ibid, 36. 519 Ihenacho, African Christianity Rises…, 2004. 518

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number of spirits in the spirit world is completely alien to the Igbo people520. The interview of Ezenwadeyi by Arazu, gives us a picture of the nature of Igbo traditional religion. His statement has more wisdom and authority and sounds more convincing than that of the opinion of Igbo or African scholars. And it also supports the statement of Ihenacho that the traditional Igbo do not border probing into the spirit world. Asserting his conviction, according to Arazu, Ezenwadeyi said: “It is just what our ancestors invoked, that we in our turn must invoke. We must not do a misinvocation…” When he was asked Chukwu and Ala which is greater, he replied. “We are constrained to declare that Ana is greater, this Ana on which our feet rests.” He further pointed out the invocation of other gods, “with the two as principal and origin, we invoke others like: Agwu, Ubu, Ulasi, Aho, Ekwensu, etc”521. From his submissions one could observe that Ana or any other deity is not the messenger of Chukwu. Ala is an independent entity and has her own supremacy as Chukwu. Therefore monotheism may not be the best representation of Igbo traditional religion. We now turn our search on worship in Igbo traditional religion to know how and what is the object of worship in Igbo traditional religion. 4.5 Worship The term “worship” has been defined by different writers, in most cases, to suit the purpose of their writings. The word worship means to adore, idolize, revere or venerate which may be defined as the reverent love, submission and devotion accorded to a Spiritual Being or a sacred object. Worship according to the American Heritage Dictionary is “the reverent love and allegiance accorded a deity, idol, or sacred objects”522. The Greek word for worship combines the ideas of “falling down before”, “paying homage to”, and “serving”. From these definitions, it is obvious that worship involves recognition of worth of God, and the offering of our honour, praise, and adoration to the one who is altogether worthy523. The word worship could also be used in a secular sense as a title of honour used in speaking to or of magistrates, majors, or certain others holding high ranks: preceded by Your or by His or Her.524                                                              520

Ibid. Arazu, Our Religion Past and..., 116. 522 Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing…, 58. 523 htt://www.newtesta, Jimmy Cutter, Worship Definition Purpose of worship. Both the definitions and explanation are from the same source. Cf, Udoye. Resolving the Prevailing …, 58. 524 htt://www.yourdicti, Worship Definition. Cf, Udoye. Resolving the Prevailing …, 58. 521

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Worship according to Anyanwu Herbert, “is the process through which man realizes that he is a creature and that there are powers which dominate and control the unknown supernatural powers. Worship in religious term is the process of expressing veneration by performing or participating in religious acts.”525 IkengaMetu sees worship as: A response by man to the beings, which he believes influence his life and destiny. Worship expresses submission to the spirit and therefore proceeds by supplication, adoration, petitions and resignation to the object of worship. Worship can therefore be expressed by action as well as by words. Worship may be public or private, formal or informal, regular or extempore, communal or individual, direct or indirect.526 As has been pointed out by Ikenga-Metu, there are acts which express worship. For example, there are sacrifices which consist in the symbolic destruction of a victim usually an animal in order to present it in part or in whole to God, the Deities or the Ancestors. There are offerings or the presentation of valued objects to the deity as a token of love and devotion but short of its symbolic destruction. Equally, there are prayers which may be invocations, salutations, songs, blessings, cures, etc. Finally, there are rituals for oaths, covenants, vows, consecrations made in the name of the deity.527 On the origin of worship, Bolaji Idowu says: “worship is an imperative urge in man. Its beginning may be traced back to the basic “instinct” which was evoked in man by the very fact of his confrontation with the “numinous”528. Man perceived that there was a power above and greater than himself, a power which dominated and controlled the unseen world in which he felt himself enveloped; a power which he therefore made out by intuition to be the “ultimate Determiner of Destiny”529. “Ye worship that which ye know not” may be predicated of man’s ritual acts in the beginning. What happened to him was that the urgent, awesome immanence of the “wholly other” impressed itself upon him in such a compulsive way that he reacted without pausing to think why. Thus, worship in its rudimentary form originated in the spontaneous and extempore expression of man’s reaction as he found himself                                                              525

Anyanwu, African Traditional Religion..., 7. Ikenga-Metuh, Comparative Studies of African..., 123. 527 Ibid. 528 Idowu, Olodumare, 107. He quoted Genesis 28:17 and Ezekiel 1:28 to support his claim. 529 Pratt, The Religious Consciousness, 1946. Chapters 1 and 2 are very illuminating on this subject. 526

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confronted with the revelation which evoked in him an active response. With the growth of spiritual perception, belief gradually became formulated; that formulation resulted in some pattern of worship which, with the passage of time, evolved into set order. At this stage, worship had attained a social status wherein the force of habit born of frequent repetitions resulted in a demand for conformity to approved cult. Such was the basic process which produced all the forms of worship which we have today.530 The above exposition leads us to the discussion on worship in Igbo traditional religion. 4.5.1 Worship in Igbo Traditional Religion By worship in Igbo traditional religion, we are referring to the Igbo way of turning to the supernatural. In the life of the Igbos, worship as an imperative factor stands out prominently; as a deeply religious people, worship for the Igbo begins, controls, and ends all the affairs of life. A traditional Igbo person feels that he is in the presence of the divinities wherever he is and whatever he does. In all his undertakings, however trivial or vital, he puts these divinities first and calls upon them for blessings, support, and succour. Worship in Igbo traditional religion is essentially ritualistic and liturgical. The rituals follow a set, fixed and traditional patterns, as it guiding principles whether worship is private or public. For instance, for the traditional Igbo to enter into worship he must be “ceremonially cleaned”. This is important both for those who undertake the conduct of the worship as it is for all the worshippers in general. Ritual defilement may be incurred in many ways, depending on what is a taboo to the particular divinity who is being worshipped. It is believed, however, that sexual intercourse before worship, or when its “stain” has not been removed by thorough washing, is a thing forbidden by all the divinities. Moreover is it also generally a taboo for a worshipper to carry bad medicine (nsi). The greatest obstacle to efficacious worship is impurity of heart. Thus moral probity and ritual cleanness have been from time immemorial accepted as a prerequisite of Igbo worship. 4.5.1.1 Time of Worship Worship takes place every morning as prayers or libations are offered by the family head to the divinities and the ancestors before he begins the day’s activities. Priests                                                              530

Idowu, Olodumare..., 107.

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of different deities also offer daily morning sacrifices and libations to the deities they serve at their shrines. Usually, it takes place before they speak to any person. There are in addition regular worships on the sacred days of the divinities. Some of the principal divinities like Ala, Igwe, Amadioha deities and so on, have their sacred days every fourth day within the traditional week of four days (Eke, Orie, Afor and Nkwo). The Igbo equally worship some deities seasonally. The number of divinities is such that by the time every one of them has taken a sacred day and a date for the annual festival the whole cycle of the month and the year should have been covered. Thus, in some deeply religious communities, there is sure to be some ritual celebration going on almost all the year round. Apart from the regular daily or seasonal worship, there are special arrangements made for worship according to the needs of the individual and the community. This kind of specially arranged worship is very frequent because the Igbo are generally incapable of beginning any venture without consulting an oracle; and the oracle usually directs that one divinity or the other, or an ancestor should be worshipped or propitiated. Furthermore, people often ask for worship to be arranged in order to make a votive offering, present a thanks-offering, or assure themselves of the continued blessing of the divinity. Often people come before the divinities as suppliants asking for special blessing - children, prosperity, victory over enemies, or any of the manifold things of this life of which they feel they need for their spirit, or body. For all these, the people in charge of the cult of the divinities cater and thus keep the attendances at the shrines going all the time. How simple or elaborate this kind of worship is depends on the prescription by the oracle or the purse of the worshipper.531 4.5.1.2 Acts of worship As mentioned earlier, there are acts in Igbo tradition which express worship. For example, there are sacrifices which consist in the symbolic destruction of a victim, usually an animal, in order to present it in part or in whole to God, the Deities or the Ancestors. There are offerings or the presentation of valued objects to the deity as a token of love and devotion. Then there are prayers which may be invocations, salutations, songs, blessings, cures, and so on. Finally, there are rituals for oaths, covenants, vows, and consecrations made in the name of the deity. We are going to examine some of these acts of worship. This will enable us have an insight into the                                                              531

Ibid.

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activities practiced among the Igbo, and also be in a better position to see whether there is any divinity regarded as supreme among their gods in Igboland. 4.6 Ichuaja (Sacrifice) Sacrifice is an important part of every religion. It is man’s best way of establishing or maintaining cordial and intimate relationship between himself and the super sensible cosmic reality. Sacrifice forms the foundation of Igbo traditional religious worship. John Umeh observed that Ichu Aja is so fundamental in Igbo health delivery, religion, occult, and mystical work. It is often recommended by Dibia Afa to achieve success, a healthy living and longevity532. It is the most ancient and essential part in every ceremony when worship is paid to the divinities or God. It is worthy of note that there is no single Igbo word, already existing in the religious system, which could be used to translated sacrifice in its Christian garb unless the sacrificial theory upon which Ichuaja could be grounded is found.533 Because this is not our main focus here we will not go into details, all we want to look into is the place of the Supreme Being (Chukwu) in Igbo sacrifice. It is important in our work since according to Arinze: “sacrifice is the soul of Igbo cult. If it is removed, Igbo traditional religion is almost emptied of its content.”534 Sacrifice may be defined as the “means of contact or communion between man and God”535. Sacrifice can also be defined as “an act of oblation and immolation that signify the interior disposition with which the individual or community acknowledges God’s infinite excellence and allows his subjection of God”536. Sacrifice in its ritual and ceremonial usage means making sacred offering that becomes divinized. Whatever is sacrificed crosses over from us to the divine. Basically, human intent and thought are offered in sacrifice. The intent is conveyed and sealed in words and action. They, (the person offering the sacrifice) with any material object - animal or vegetable constitute the sacrifice.537 The term sacrifice is often used interchangeably with offering. According to Laurenti Magesa: “both sacrifice and offering involve the setting apart of an item, usually associated with human use, for the supernatural powers. Animals and food products are most often used for sacrificed and other forms of dedication                                                              532

Umeh, After God is Dibia.., 90-96. Okpalike, Ichuaja in Igbo Traditional Religion…, 108. 534 Arinze, Sacrifice in…, 22. 535 Quarcoopome, West African Traditional Religion..., 89. 536 Arinze, Sacrifice in..., 33. 537 King, African Cosmos: An Introduction to..., 65. 533

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(offering).”538 In a bid to distinguish between sacrifice and offering, John Mbiti explained that sacrifice refers to cases where animals’ life are destroyed in order to present the animal, in part or whole, to God, Supernatural beings, spirits or the living dead (ancestors).539 Offerings on the other hand refer to the remaining cases, which do not involve the killing of an animal. In some cases sacrifice and offerings are directed to one or more of the following: God, spirits and the living- dead. Recipients in the second and third categories are regarded as intermediaries between God and men, but God is the ultimate recipient whether or not the worshippers are aware of that.540 The sacrifice and offering are often not distinguished but as we said earlier, it is important to clarify the distinction between them. The sacrificial animal in a sacrifice is killed or destroyed by ceremonial immolation: by fire, or by abandonment. The emphasis is on separation by destruction. Items for offerings are not, as a rule, directly destroyed by the person or community offering them. Instead, these items are simply dedicated to the recipient. They usually remain in the household or village, but less often; they may also be cast away like sacrificial items, depending on the nature of the offering. The emphasis here is on separation by dedication, not necessarily involving destruction. Therefore, sacrifices are usually made of valued items, and the ritual involves blood, while items of offering are symbolic, and the ritual is usually bloodless. In either case, however, the item is meant to be removed from human possession or used and transferred to the mystical victim. 4.6.1 Elements of Sacrifice According to Herbert Anyanwu, sacrifice is composed essentially of two elements, oblation which is an offering made to God or the divinities and immolation which is an instance of killing as an offering. Oblation can be said to be the matter, while immolation is the form of sacrifice. There is a distinction between the two elements of sacrifice, that is, between oblation and immolation. Immolation or what can be identified as pure sacrifice is one which claims life of birds or animals. Oblation identified as offering is one which invokes the offering of food stuffs other than animals. In oblation, there is no bloodshed while in immolation, there is shedding of blood.                                                              538

Megesa, African Religion..., 181. Mbiti, African Religion and Philosophy, 59. 540 Ugwu and Ugwueye, African Traditional Religion..., 79. 539

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4.6.2 Divisions of Sacrifice According to Chika Okpalike, beyond the global idea of Ichuaja, the whole Igbo sacrificial system could be divided into two, depending on the mode. He equally noted that there is a modal distinction between Ajanchupu (holocaust) and Ajanchunye (communion). In his elucidation: Ajanchupu are sacrifices which are meant to be wholesomely offered to the spirits, like in Judaism Olah. The victim of Ajanchupu may be consumed by the priest in some rare circumstance but never by the offerer. This includes also sacrifices offered to placate the spirits precisely when they trouble or torment a votary. Ajanchunye are communion sacrifices; they include feasts in honour of deities, ancestral spirits, or capricious and indignant spirits. Ajanchupu also contains only two elements - oblation and immolation while Ajanchunye contains three elements – oblation, immolation and communion541. Christopher Ugwu holds that sacrifice can be broadly categorized into different forms. One of such taxonomy is derived from the Latin expressions do ut des and do ut abeas. Do ut des is the type of sacrifice made to gain favour from the gods. It is sacrifice for appeasement of the gods and as result aimed at maintaining a cordial relationship with them. It multiplies the benevolence of the gods on humanity. On the other hand, do ut abeas has to do with the sacrifice aimed at warding off the evil spirits and their devilish plots. Normally, the sacrificial items used for this kind of sacrifice, whether edible or not, are thrown out as a whole or left in a road junction for the spirits. Commenting further, he noted that; from another perspective, sacrifice may also be broadly categorised as voluntary and involuntary sacrifice. In the former, victims, especially in human sacrifice, willingly volunteer themselves to be sacrificed. An example can be seen in the Bible where Jephthah’s vow resulted in using his only willing child as victim for sacrifice to God after defeating the Ammonites (Judges 11: 29- 40).542 Omosade Awolalu writing about                                                              541

Okpalike, Ichuaja in Igbo Traditional.., 65f. Ugwu and Ugwueye, African Traditional Religion..., 82. Again at Idah, the death of Inikpi, the beloved daughter of the Attah of Igala, is another good illustration of a voluntary sacrifice. There was a war that raged on for years between the Igala people the Jukun. This terrible war was at a time not favourable to the Igala. Due to the level of dependency on magical powers and power of clairvoyance, the Attah consulted the oracles and found out that for victory to be theirs, he should sacrifice his only daughter- Inikpi. When Inikpi got wind of this revelation, she volunteered to the chagrin of the people to die (by being offered to the oracle) to save her community through the

542

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sacrifice, classified sacrifices into religious and non-religious sacrifices and maintain that: “in a general or non-religious sense, sacrifice means forgoing for a particular course that which is precious, denying oneself certain benefits and advantages for a particular purpose.”543 This is in line with Francis Arinze’s classification of sacrifice in two senses: the first we may for convenience call popular or personal…, and the second we call ritual sacrifice.544 Having seen various classifications of sacrifice, we will adopt the four types of Sacrifice given by Francis Arinze. They include: i. Sacrifice Expiation (Ikpu Ala) ii. Sacrifice of propitiation (Ichu Aja) iii. Sacrifice of Petition (Aja Ariro) iv. Thanksgiving Sacrifice (Aja Ekele) 4.6.2.1 Ikpu ala (Expiation Sacrifice) It is firmly believed that if abominations are not atoned for, the penalty is sure to descend on the culprit or his relations and descendants (or even the community). Therefore, to stop this from happening to the culprit (or the others) a sacrifice of expiation is made.545 In this group are the sacrifices offered to atone for an atrocity committed by an individual or community. ‘Ala’ the Earth deity, and the ancestors are the special guardians of morality; in this regard grave moral faults and certain abnormalities in Igbo society are called ‘nso ala’ (abomination). They include some personal and moral faults like; incest, stealing of yam et cetera or abnormal or unnatural behaviours in the society. For example, abnormal human behaviours such as a woman climbing a palm tree, a child acquiring the upper teeth first before the lower teeth, and so on; and abnormal behaviours on the part of animals like a fowl laying only one egg. In all these, a cleansing sacrifice is necessary. This sacrifice is called ‘Ikpu ala’ or ‘ikwa ala’ (removing an abomination or cleansing). Here, the Earth deity and the ancestors are invoked to forgive the culprits. There are also expiation sacrifices for lesser offences; for example, the killing of sacred fish that is forbidden to be killed.                                                                                                                                                                                                   painful death of being buried alive. This death till today is still being celebrated in Igala land. Her name is written in an epitaph of gold as a result of this vicarious she took. 543 Omosade, African Traditional Religion..., 134. 544 Arinze, Sacrifice.., 31. 545 Anyanwu, African Traditional Religion.., 153.

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4.6.2.2 Ichu aja (Propitiatory Sacrifice) This is the sacrifice offered to ward off molestation from unknown evil spirits. The Igbo strongly belief in the principle of causation, that is, there is no effect without a cause. For example, no one dies without the people attributing the cause to something, somebody or sometimes spirits and divinities. They have their ways of finding the cause and the solution to their problems, which is through consulting the diviner or fortune teller. When the cause is traced to the invisible spirits - The evil spirits - the fortune teller or the diviner would inform the unfortunate person and then offers the solution to the problem which must involve this type of sacrifice. This is called ‘ichu aja’ (sacrifice to ward off the evil spirit). It is offered to evil spirits and to them alone. In this type of sacrifice, all the petitioner wants is to be left alone by the evil spirits. This is usually done when one is convinced that much of one’s mishaps are from evil spirits. To send the evil spirits away a sacrifice of this type is usually made to them. Such sacrifices are offered with unhappy disposition, the victims are most ugly and disreputable. 4.6.2.3 Sacrifice of Petition Most sacrifices in Igbo society belong to this group. The Igbo exemplify what they do here in their normal relationship with one another. When a poor man or someone is in need of certain favours from a rich person, he approaches the rich with something for example, palm wine and the likes. Chinua Achebe in his novel Things Fall Apart painted a picture of this thus: There was a wealthy man in Okonkwo’s village who had three huge barns, nine wives and thirty children. His name was Nwakibie and he had taken the highest but one title which a man could take in the clan. It was for this man that Okonkwo worked to earn his first seed yams. He took a pot of palm-wine and a cock to Nwakibie… ‘Nna ayi’, he said’. ‘I have brought you this little kola. As our people say, a man who pays respect to the great paves way for his own greatness. I have come to pay you my respect and also ask a favour… I have come to you for help, he said, Perhaps you can already guess what it is. I have cleared a

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farm but have no yams to sow… if you give me some yam seeds I shall not fail you.546 The Igbo in the same way approach the divinities with items of sacrifice, believing that their needs would be obtained if they have proper recourse to the ancestors and the spirits. The spirits involved here are mostly the good ones with shrines and priests. There are many reasons for which this type of sacrifice may be offered. Talking about the Onitsha society Jerry Orakwe noted that: The Ibos therefore offer sacrifices for good health, for the recovery of the sick, to stop epidemics, for the preservation of travellers, for life in general and against death especially where it is rather frequent or where it gets at young people. The Iru Ani ceremony, the annual sacrifice to the Ani of Onitsha performed by the Obi through a person representing him, is for the welfare of all Onitsha people and is very solemn.547 This may be said to be the heart of Igbo traditional religion. Thus, Lambert Ejiofor rightly says: “African (Igbo) traditional religion evolved slowly through rational responses of Igbo people, in whatever situation they find their life they fight through to survive.”548 Subsequently, John Mbiti opined, “Traditional Religion with its ideas and practices took shape in the process of man’s search for answer to the question of life and death, and the entire mysteries surrounding the universe. The search culminated in having a religion as a way of making human life safer and better.”549 Some other sacrifices in this group, include: Funeral sacrifices that are made to the ancestors to: ask them to accept the spirit of the deceased into their company, overlook any past sin of the deceased and show the ancestors that the living have nothing against the deceased, and that they are showing their good will for the dead. One can also find sacrifices offered to harm other in this group which might be for the course of justice.

                                                             546

Achebe, Things Fall Apart, 21. Orakwue, Onitsha Custom of..., 80. 548 Ejiofor, Quoted by Adibe, The Crisis of Faith and Morality of the Igbo..., 15. 549 Mbiti, Introduction to African..., 12. 547

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4.6.2.4 Sacrifice of Thanksgiving Life of gratitude is an essential socio-moral quality of the Igbo people. The Igbo, in this regard, maintain that ‘ekele nwanyi gworo akidi o gwota ozo’ (Gratitude begets more favours). They show appreciation for favours received. When they obtain their hearts’ desires, they often make a sacrifice of thanksgiving, which is mixed up with hopes and expectation for future favours. Sacrifices in this group include: sacrifice after childbirth, sacrifice of first fruits et cetera. This type of sacrifice is always done with joy. In this type of sacrifice, according to Arinze, there are special signs indicating that the spirits have accepted the offering. The appearance of vultures at the scene of the sacrifice to scramble for the special offerings lying before the symbols of the spirits, is regarded as a very good omen hence the proverb: ‘Achuba aja afuro udene, amalu na ife melu be ndi mmuo’ (If no vultures appear during sacrifice, it means that something is wrong in the spirit land)550. The thanksgiving offering may be animal, food, fruits or birds. What is offered is guided sometimes by the taste of the divinity. In short, most traditional annual festivals have thanksgiving offering as their main focus. During this period of festival people express their gratitude to the deities, spirits and the ancestors for various blessings by giving and sacrificing different items. 4.6.3 Recipient of Sacrifice In Igbo tradition, sacrifices are basically offered to divinities who are supposed to be powerful than human beings in the natural state. Sacrifices are also offered to the ancestors who are now spirits and more powerful than the living. Some writers are of the opinion that in rare instances, sacrifices are offered to the Supreme God (which is questionable). Among the Mende of Sierra Leone, as Harry Sawyerr reported, it is usual to call upon God in crisis but only in a few ejaculatory statements551 and this is also true about the Igbos who do not have any cult nor temples nor a formal acts of liturgy specifically directed to God. Generally, there is no questioning that sacrifices are offered to the spirits. Sawyerr gives a concise list of six main classes of recipients: 1. Sacrifices to vengeful spirits associated with disaster and illnesses, or even death.                                                              550 551

Arinze, Sacrifice..., 44. Dickson and Eillingworth, eds. “Sacrifice” Biblical Revelation..., 63.

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2. Sacrifices to those who practice that form of witchcraft which is based on a replica of the personality soul. 3. Sacrifices offered to the ancestors. 4. Sacrifices offered to a wild range of vague, indeterminate spirits better described as personalized agencies, e.g., the sacrifice for fame. 5. Sacrifices offered to defined nature-divinities associated with trees, rivers, rocks, and the like objects. 6. Sacrifices implying the presence of a spirit, representing the psychic powers of the participants, a projected spirit.552 Sawyerr, however, maintains that these classes are neither exclusive nor exhaustive. But one important thing to note is that in all of these expressions of worship, God is pushed to the background, though some writers still maintain that sacrifices offered to these divinities are offered indirectly to God. This opinion is yet to be proven as far as Igbo sacrifice is concerned. 4.6.4 Purpose of Sacrifice The purposes for which the Igbo perform sacrifices are many; they are as diverse as the sacrifices themselves. Conseqently, the broad purpose of sacrifice in Igbo traditional religion is obvious in our definition of sacrifice above. The ontological balance existing between the supernatural beings, spirits, men, the departed and the living must be always maintained and hence the need for sacrifice. African theologians have propounded four theories of sacrifice: the gift theory, the propitiation theory, the communion theory, and the thanks-offering theory of sacrifice. Examined closely, these theories reflect the different forms of sacrifice already mentioned.553 Sawyerr, after a research on West African religions, comes up with the conclusion that sacrifices are intended to avert sickness, to promote recovery from an illness, to avert failure in business, or some other form of illfortune attributed to the influence of some evil spirit, but more often to witchcraft; and also in some cases, sacrifice is said to be offered to enhance success.554 Also Mbiti says that, “They (sacrifices) are acts for restoring the ontological balance between God and man, the spirits and man, and the departed and the living”555. In other words, he upholds the communion theory. He goes on to explain that,                                                              552

Ibid. Adeyemo, Salvation in African..., 38. 554 Dickson and Eillingworth, eds. “Sacrifice”..., 59. 555 Mbiti, Concepts of God..., 179. 553

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sacrifices are also acts and occasions of making and renewing contact between God and man, the spirits and man. When they are directed to the departed, they are a symbol of fellowship, a recognition that the departed are still members of their human families and tokens of respect and remembrance for the departed.556 Another major purpose for offering sacrifice is to seek favour from the gods. As Omosade Awolalu rightly observed, “They know that they depend upon these spiritual powers for material prosperity, for good health, increase in crops, in cattle and in the family. They therefore consider it expedient to show their gratitude for the good things received from them (the gods). Hence thank-offering are made, especially on annual festive occasions”557. The offerer has to come before the specific deity, offering what the deity likes. For example during new yam festival, Igbo people will first offer yams in a ceremonial manner to the divinities of the farm Ahiajioku, to Ala and to ancestral spirits. The belief is that these divinities and ancestral spirits made the crop yield well. Thank offerings are undertaking to show appreciation to the divinities for success in any undertaking. Bolaji Idowu observes that, “a woman who has sold well in the market, the person who has been blessed with a much-desired child, one who has received a special mark of divine favour, all want to show their thanks to the Orisa whom they believe to be the dispenser of their special blessing”.558 There is also votive sacrifice which conveys the idea of a covenant. A person may promise a deity to bring him a gift like goat or whatever he can afford if his wife bears him a male child. It is a strong belief of the Igbo that whatever is vowed to the divinities must be fulfilled. Having looked at this, let us now consider prayer, another form of worship. 4.7 Prayer in Igbo Traditional Religion Prayer is one of those religious demeanours or acts practiced in every religious environment. It is the central phenomenon of religion. It is an appeal made vocally or silently to a divinity with a view of achieving certain ends. Prayer, according to Herbert Anyanwu, is a socially symbolic act of communication bearing directly upon persons perceived as somehow supporting, maintaining and equally controlling the order of existence of the one praying. It is usually performed with the purpose of getting results from the object of worship or in the interaction of                                                              556

Ibid. Awolalu, Yoruba Beliefs and..., 81. 558 Idowu, Olodumare..., 122. 557

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communication.559 Raymond Arazu defines prayer as “a form of human awareness in which the individual or group directs consciousness towards other plains of existence with a view to attaining harmony and peace”560. Explaining further he says: It can be the acceptance of a form of relationship with the totality of all that exists, of which the individual person is only a part. It can be a humble recognition of one’s insignificance in the immensity of the universe. It can manifest in the form of sending psychological/spiritual messages to the higher plains of existence with a hope that replies would come back in due course for the betterment of the human condition.561 Kwabena Amponsah sees prayer as “the instinctive cry of the human soul to a power that can help it in time of need”562. For Aylward Shorter religion is basically prayer. He affirms that: “Religion is not simply belief or morality or ritual or structure; It is basically prayer - not prayer as formal communication with spiritual beings in worship, but the essential disposition of man’s faith which the worship reflects.”563 This is to say that in Igbo traditional religion, prayer differs from all other forms of communication, in that the object of prayer is always a person perceived as superior to the person praying, and in whom or what they have faith in. Bandon define it as a universal phenomenon which stems from the natural human needs and dispositions, prayer as a matter of fact expresses thoughts and emotions in concrete words or actions or even both.564 Mbiti equally sees prayer as central phenomenon of any viable religion.565 And for the Igbo, “it is the means of intense expression of their traditional spirituality, an exposition of inner feeling and thoughts of the human heart, aspiration to the demands of the creator - Chukwu or the other various deities and what man believes and can do with them in life as well as in their surrounds”.566

                                                             559

Anyanwu, The Phenomenology of Agwu..., 47. Arazu, Our Religion Past and..., 131. 561 Ibid. 562 Amponsah, Topics on West African..., 49. 563 Shorter, African Culture and..., 96. 564 Bandon, (ed.), Prayer, in: Dictionary of Comparative..., 507. 565 Mbiti, Prayer in African..., 1. 566 Chigere, Foreign Missionary Background..., 69. 560

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4.7.1 Nature of Igbo Traditional Prayer Prayer in Igbo traditional religion falls into the category of “primary prayer”, in the sense that spontaneous prayer is close to the real feeling and actual religious experience of the worshipper.567 The act of praying among the Igbos is a natural thing as it is not written in books or follows any organised pattern or rules. Prayers are very comprehensive and they scan a vast range of the people’s experience. The contexts of these prayers, no doubt, bear the colouring of traditional man’s cosmology, his idea about the relationship with spiritual beings in life and his life situation.568 Prayer in Igbo traditional forms consist not only of words but also of important gestures and actions which if analysed tell us more about things which are not expressed in vocalized prayer. For one to understand Igbo traditional prayer and the way it operates, Ikenga-Metu strongly recommends an analysis of both the structure and style and these involve both the texts and the accompanying actions – the material and the corporeal prayer.569 That is why most formal prayers are made mostly in the context of rituals. The gestures or body language have a lot of meaning. For instance, God is believed to inhabit the heavens and so, in praying to him, some actions directed towards heaven are made. The rubbing of one’s hands or palms on the other for instance also symbolizes pleading with persistence, which is in fact what prayer (Ekpere) for the Igbo signifies in all its meaning.570 Prayer plays an irreplaceable role in the life of the traditional Igbo. The content of Igbo traditional prayer is well articulated in the words of Idowu: “The petitions are largely for what may be described technically as material blessing. They consist usually of asking for protection from sickness and death, gift of longevity, children, prosperity in enterprises, victory over enemies, protection of evil spirits and of relatives near and distant rectification of happy destinies and abundant provision of material things, blessing on all well-wishers and damnation of all ill-wishers”571. Admittedly, the objective petitionary character of Igbo prayer like other Africans is indicative of the fulfilment of man’s desires, rather than the will of the Deity. In essence, their concept could be styled “My will be done” rather than “Thy will be done”572. Owing to this, Mbiti technically described African search after God’s help and attention through prayer, invocation, sacrifice and                                                              567

Anyanwu, African Traditional Religion.., 147. Ibid. 569 Ikenga-Metu, African Religion in Western..., 143. 570 Ibid. 571 Idowu, Olodumare..., 116 572 Adeyemo, Salvation in African Tradition..., 36. 568

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offering as utilitarian and not purely spiritual. He concludes that, African search is practical and not mystical. As far as our sources are concerned, African peoples do not “thirst after God” for his own sake alone. They seek to obtain what he gives be that material or even spiritual; they do not seem to search for him as the final reward or satisfaction of the human soul or spirit.573 Generally, the place which religion occupies in the life of the people is seen in the daily lives of the people in which prayer is offered to the gods and their help sought in everything they do.574 In addition, prayers are traditionally offered to gods in various occasions and for various reasons: individually and collectively. Good health for instance, according to the Igbo, is the greatest wealth one can possess and to lose it implies poverty of a kind that affects and overtakes all other acquisitions. That is why the Igboman prays a lot for good health and when one is sick, libations are poured which serves also as prayer while incantation to invoke Chukwu, the local gods and even the ancestors, asking them to come to one’s help and rescue.575 The principle of forgiveness is not all that evident in Igbo traditional prayer. The petitioner always pray that those who wish him blessing be blessed in return and those who curse him be cursed. Metuh paints a picture of such prayer in these words: “Both those who wish me good, and those who wish me evil. What one plans for the others so Chineke plans for him. Let a visitor not maltreat his host, nor host injure his guest. Let the left hand wash the right hand; both will be clean. Whoever pursues a fowl will fall. Let both the kite and eagle perch together, whoever tells the other not to perch, let his wings break!”576 Often the petitioner implores the assistance of the deities and spiritual forces to punish his oppressors, persecutors and enemies.577 In essence, prayer in Igbo traditional religious consciousness is a reality or a necessity to be lived as much as to be communicated or verbalized. It is a socially meaningful symbolic act of communication bearing directly upon person perceived as somehow supportive, of the one praying. 4.7.2 Types of Prayer Prayer in Igbo traditional religion could be private, public, individual or communitarian.                                                              573

Mbiti, Concepts of God..., 179 Nwala, Igbo Philosophy, 114. 575 Chigere, Foreign Missionary Background.., 69. 576 Ikenga-Metu, African Religion.., 144-155. 577 Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing.., 141. 574

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4.7.2.1 Private Prayer Private prayer is offered early in the mornings by individuals, especially the head of the family who prays to the gods on behalf of the entire family for divine protection and guidance. Charles. Meek refer to this type of prayer in these words: “Thus, when the head of the family wakes up in the morning, he may after washing his hand, lay a kola or some snuff on the ground, saying ‘Obasi-Idinenu’ (Chukwu), watch over me and my children this day”578. Arinze also pointed out that “individual prayers are not the normal thing except in the form of ejaculations to God, the spirits and the ancestors”579. Anozi paints a good picture of this type of prayer thus, “this is the first thing each paterfamilias does every morning. Before this he speaks to no one. A son or his wife brings him a basin of water in front of the Chukwu symbol. The man brings his ofo. He lays his ofo on the ground; he breaks a kola-nut, chews a part of it and spits it on his ofo. He takes up his ofo and prays to Chukwu, the spirits, and the ancestors”580. Individuals pray equally in the same form for their private needs and interests, for friends and relatives etc. Occasional private prayer is done when ordered by a diviner as a result of his being consulted by the individual concerned. Christopher Ezekwugo aptly gave an example of the setting in this type of private paryer service. In his words, the offertory is called “Igo Chi” and means “offertory prayer to Chi”… The woman worshipping her Chi sits on her heels (or on a stool if she is an old woman for whom squatting position would be too strenuous) in front but a bit to one side of the alter so that she does not block the view of her Chi… the Children of the woman line up behind her in a semicircle standing in their order of age, with the youngest standing nearest to the Chi. The ordinary invitees take up a position at the other side while the woman’s husband sits on a stool at the other side. Directly in front of the Chi alter are the Okpesi representing the Chis of the children, and after that the piles of the gifts brought to the woman by her sons-in-law and her grown male children. There is no set formula for the offertory prayer. It is formulated freely by the woman worshipper. The woman says: My Chi, here is kola for you. Chi ugo malu ugo nzu, here is kola. (Praise name) I have come to thank you today that our village is                                                              578

Meek, Law and Authority..., 25. Arinze, Sacrifice..., 23. 580 Anozia, The Religious Import..., 59. 579

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paying honours to Chi. I have come to beg you to protect me, to ward off from me wicked men and wicked spirits. Here is your child, my son; and here is your other child, my daughter and her husband. What we beg of you is long life and prosperity. Our forefathers, here is kola. All you ancestral and non-ancestral spirits eat kola; protect us in the land of the dead as we fight for you in the land of the living. Earth goddess, eat kola.581 4.7.2.2 Public Prayer Public prayer involves mainly the entire community; most often it takes the form of sacrifice and it is also occasionally done. Sometimes, when there is an abomination (aru) in the community, a priest is consulted who performs a sacrifice on behalf of the entire community and during the sacrifice, prayers are offered for the community. Festivals like New Yam festival are example of public prayer in which the people thank the gods for a better harvest and pray to them for a better harvest in future. Arinze talk about an example of public prayer thus: The objects required include a white chicken, eggs, yams, an eagle’s feather and a long pole (ofolo ngwu). The minister, usually a dibia (medicine man), ties the chicken, the yams and the feather to the end of the pole with a white cloth, which he then plants in the ground, with the fowl (alive) and the objects suspended in the air. He then offers another chicken and an egg at the foot of the pole while saying the following prayer: “Eze enu, receive these gifts for the preservation of our family, our relatives, and our friends. Increase our children and our crops, so that by this time next year we may have something to give thee, and the people standing around answer ‘Ofo-o’ i.e. (let it be so).”582 Apart from these type of prayers, ejaculatory prayer principally forms the essential part of individual prayers. It is said at any time, especially when a person is confronted with sudden danger or fear. For the adherents of traditional religion, ejaculatory prayer is an obligation, especially, when one is passing through the shrine, he or she would enter or pause a while, muttering some prayer, very shortly before proceeding to his or her destination.583

                                                             581

Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 222. Arinze, Sacifice..., 54. 583 Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing.., 140. 582

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4.7.2.3 The Addressees of Igbo Traditional Prayer As we have mentioned before, Igbo traditional prayer does not follow an outlined pattern nor written anywhere for the adherents of the religion to follow; rather it flows out naturally from the person praying and his conviction on the particular deity or god he feels can help him. Most often, it depends on the divinity being addressed and the most influential divinity in the area the petitioner is from. When this is the case, the name of the most influential divinity is mentioned first, and then followed by others. That is why Herbert Anyanwu asserts that “the addressees of prayer in traditional religion are numerous. Most of the prayers are addressed directly and specifically to Chukwu… but generally, prayers are addressed to spiritual realities of which people are very much aware of”584. It must be pointed out that in some prayers, Chukwu is mentioned and in others he is not mentioned; in some, many deities may be mentioned including Chukwu depending on the person saying the prayer and his intention. Furthermore, Emeka Ekwuru’s sample of Igbo traditional prayer has profoundly portrayed these features, Chukwu eze-elu (Chukwu the king of heaven), Ala, Amadioha, Ndichie (ancestors), we have gathered again in this sacred season to give you thanks for your benevolence towards the entire members of the community, may you continue to guide us through the next coming season! (And the elders would strike their Ofo on the ground and respond, ahaa, which means, let it be so) May you continue to be faithful to the pact of protection, may our wives continue to bear children, may our land, fruits and crops continue to be productive, and may death be distanced from every member of the community! Ahaa. Keep and protect us from evil men and spirits, and let those who offend you and contravene the omenala of the community be those who will be afflicted with deadly diseases and sicknesses.585 Sometime, deities like Urasi, Anyanwu, Odo, Agwu etc. are mentioned. A prayer said to Ifejioku (the god of yam) by its priest before yam planting as presented by Meek is an example of a prayer where Chukwu was not mentioned:                                                              584 585

Anyanwu, African Traditional..., 147. Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology..., 400.

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Njoku, abiaram inye gi nni wee gwa gin a anyi akwadogo iko ji. Ka ji ndia ruo nke ukwu. Ka anyi noruo mgbe aga eri ya. Ka onye obuna ghara imeru ahu n’oge oru n’afo nkea. Chekwaba ndu ndi be anyi ndi nwoke, ndi nwaanyi n’umuaka. Njoku, Ala, bia raa mmanya nkwu. Inuna ihe anyi kwuru chekwaba ndu anyi na ji anyi. These expressions or prayers are translated into English thus: Njoku, I have come to give you food and to tell you that we are preparing to plant our yams. May these yams grow well and may we live to eat them. Grant that no one may encounter any injury during this farming year. Protect the lives of our men, women and children. Njoku, come and drink palm-wine. Njoku you have heard what we ask. Protect our lives and our yams.586 Another prayer to Ala deity runs thus: Nwoke nke a na-akwado ime emume ikwa nna ya. Mmadu ga esi n’obodo di iche wee bia ya. Mee ka ndi na ete nkwu maka emume nke a ghara ida na elu nkwu. Ka ndi nile ga abia ya kpaa agwa di mma ka aghara inwe onye gburu ibe ya. Ka uke ghara iso egbe obula aghara. Nara onyinye nwoke nke a chekwabakwa ndu ya. English translation run thus: This man is about to perform the funeral rites for his father. Many people will come from many towns to join the rites. Grant that those who tap palm-wine for the rites may not fall from the palm trees in doing so. May all who attend the rites behave with decorum. Let none kill another by striking him. And let no accident occur with the guns that are fired. Accept this man’s offering and protect his life.587

                                                             586 587

Meek, Law and Authority..., in Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God..., 282. Ibid, 286.

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4.8 Rituals in Igbo Traditional Religion Rituals are indispensable features of religion. In fact, they constitute the living core of religion; without them there would be no religion at all. According to Shorter, Levi Strauss called it “a favoured game”. Ritual as a game is not like competitive sport (e.g. football) or game in which one side wins, rather, it is a game in which all the participants have a role to play and at the end derive satisfaction from the game. Ritual introduces harmony and not competition; it dramatizes experience and expectations or ideal situations of life588. Victor Turner, on the other hand, sees ritual as a gestalt or dialectic, the meeting point of conflicting interests. In rituals, men act out the tensions they experience and bring about a tensed unity once more. Ritual, in Turner's view, is a kind of safety valve.589 It could also be described as a symbolic approach which embodies social relations, status or even the role of individuals within the society. It refers to the transcendent numinous reality and to ultimate values of the community or the society. Religiously, ritual helps man to move into the ultimate realm and to establish a relationship with the unknown.590 Whichever view one takes, ritual is highly important. In the words of Monica Wilson, “it is the key to an understanding of the essential constitution of human societies”591. Invariably, when one talks of religion in the traditional societies, what is taken as the entire practice of religion is the body of ritual practice. The traditional man was his religion and his religion was his ritual action or practice, especially in the Igbo context. Thus, whatever that has been evolved as the cognitive aspects of the traditional religion is only the realization from the corpus of beliefs; for belief is realized in action. Ritual-action is the central and major element of Igbo traditional religion. It is the way the individual and community help to maintain and sustain the order of the sacred cosmos.592 Ideologically therefore, the traditional Igbo believe that, “through ritual man says something about his inner religious awareness, his vision and beliefs about the cosmos, He re-enacts the deed of the gods. He manipulates sacred objects and speaks sacred words in a persistent effort

                                                             588

Shorter, African Culture and…, 122. Ibid. 590 Ekeopara, African Traditional Religion..., 48. 591 Shorter, African Culture and…, 122. 592 Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology..., 77. 589

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to conform with experience to normative pattern of meaning and thereby control and renew the shape and destiny of the world”593. 4.8.1 Types of Rituals In Igboland, there are different types of rituals, and their enactments regulate traditional Igbo life. Rooted in the people’s fundamental conception of the universe and reality, the Igbo constantly strive to legitimate all significant aspects of their life with the vital sacred element.594 Therefore, the performance of one kind of ritual or another is the traditional Igbo way of achieving that and ritual activities encompass the various phases of an individual’s life cycle, from birth through naming ceremony, adolescent initiation, full adulthood, and title status, to death and passage to ancestorhood. There are also rituals designed to consecrate specific period of the year, space, objects and person and different important life-interest, such as economic activities, agriculture, domestic life, power and its exercise, and maintenance of social order are validated in some form or another by the performance of rituals.595 Therefore, “personal goals as well as social norms and the entire phase of human development are sanctified along with transcendental aspirations. Through ritual experience, psychological, economic, and political needs are fulfilled”.596 Just as any African, the Igbo is aware that he is socioontologically inserted into a mesh of intimate relationship with other beings visible and invisible. He believes that in order to maintain and sustain ontological peace and ethical order which engenders peaceful living and harmony, he has to perform series of rites from conception to death.597 Ritual-actions therefore, vary from simple family and communal acts of everyday life to complex ones. There are festivals and festival circles lasting for days, weeks, even months and years. However, Igbo traditional ritual practices could be grouped into two major categories: “personal ritual and community rituals”. 4.8.1.1 Personal Ritual Action This type of ritual is quite different from community rituals; they are mostly concerned and dedicated to the different phases of man’s life journey from                                                              593

Ejiazu, Ofo: The Igbo ritual Symbol..., 71. Zuesse, Ritual Cosmos, quoted by Ejiazu in West African..., 63. 595 Ejiazu, West African Religious Traditions..., 63. 596 Anizoba, The Social-Philosophical Importance of African..., 97. 597 Victor Turner also writes, “rites of passage are found in all societies but tend to reach their maximal expression in small-scale, relatively stable and cyclical society, where change is bound up with biological and meteorogical rhythms and recurrences rather than with technological innovations.” Cf. Victor Turner, The Forest of symbols..., 93. 594

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conception to the grave and beyond598. These phases are called, in traditional religion parlance, the “liminal moments”.599 It is the Igbo people’s view that during these intense period of crisis, man should be made happy, safe, tolerable, meaningful and dignified so that he would be in a position that would engender The prominent phases of personal ritual cordial ontological relationship,600 could be grouped into three classes or units: birth unit, puberty and adult unit, and funeral or after life unit.601 However, because of the focus of this work we are going to look into puberty and adult unit. 4.8.1.1.1 Puberty and Adult Unit As a child grows from birth to a recognized adult status, he undergoes a series of mini-community initiations that are geared toward socio-religious reasons. In various parts of Igboland, the puberty rituals constitute the preliminal stages of initiation heralding one into adulthood. Such rituals like Iwa-akwa, putting on of cloth; Ikpu ala/Ima mmuo, knowing the spirit mask, Ichi echichi, taking titles etc., For the performance of these ritual actions, in some parts of the Igboland, some symbolisms depicting a “radical change of life” or a “separation” from one world to another are undergone by the initiates.602 These initiates are also dedicated to the divinities been worshipped by these communities. In the case of Iwa akwa, the young men are led to the market square, (that is called ipu ahia) which in Igbo is the shrine of a deity. Sometimes, they are made to swear eternal loyalty to the deities. Expressing his experience William Conton writes: “We were trained to become skilful solders, husbands, and fathers. Many other highly disciplined apprenticeships were served, so that we might play our parts worthily as custodians of the tribe’s physical and cultural heritage. We were taught to drum, to sing, and to dance. We learned the tribe’s history and its sacred shrines and relics. Above all, we were made to swear eternal loyalty to all our brothers and sisters in the tribe and to our ancestors and gods.”603 A typical example of a personal ritual is the traditional Igbo initiation rite of priest or diviners. Cletus Okorie elaborates: “On the first day of installation, the candidate makes the following promises: that in the exercise of his duty, he would uphold the                                                              598

Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology.., 81 Turner, The Forest of symbols..., 93. 600 Ibid. 601 Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 82. 602 Parrinder, African Traditional Religion, London, 1949, 102. 603 Conton, The African..., 26-27. 599

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order of the land according to Omenala; that he will never misuse his medicine or use it to harm anybody; that he will guard the mysteries of the vocation and the function of the Dibia; that he will not pursue riches at the expense of his vocation; that he will try not to exalt himself because of the supernatural power residing in him. He will suffer to be humble to all and sundry. Thereafter the candidate sits on the ground before the Arusi and the other Dibia surround him and rob the left side of his body with liquid Nzu (calcium carbonate). It is believed that through this robbing and the secret words spoken by the elder Dibia in the process the candidate is given the power to sacrifice to any Arusi in Igboland. Thereafter, the elder Dibia slaughters a Chick and uses a sharp instrument to rob the blood on the chest and head of the candidate. With this, it is believed that the candidate is given the authority as a proxy priest to offer blood sacrifices in any shrine in Igboland.”604 4.8.1.2 Community Ritual Within the sphere of the public ritual-actions, that is, those that necessarily involve the whole community or clan-group; two subdivisions are conceivable. The first group includes the collective rituals of initiation, maturity, fertility, marriage, wars and healing. The second group is specifically identified with the commemorating of some major cosmic events like the ritual re-enactment of the “sacred” seasons of the year performed before cultivation, seeding, and harvesting. Other public socially oriented rituals include those for rainmaking, hunting and fishing. The performative observance of the most public rituals is regulated and influenced by some geographical criteria, like the seasonal climate changes, as well as spiritual and economic factors. The epitome of pan-Igbo public ritual ceremony which has continued till today is the annual harvest festival, popularly known today as iri-ji (New Yam festival).605 Iri-ji usually starts with an announcement of the festival twenty four days before the commencement of the ritual ceremonies. After the announcement, the priests and elders, people begin to prepare themselves for the main ritual ceremony. John Oparaocha described one of such preparations as follows: “During this time the front of the shrine of Amadioha would be cleared and decorated. The daughters of the town married in other places, the friends of the town and young men abroad would be informed. When the time is approaching the town would be crowded. Young ladies would take time to decorate their hair and bodies. Some decorate                                                              604 605

Okorie, Priesthood in Igbo..., 154. Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 86.

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themselves with ede-ala, others with uri and some others with nki, a sort of tattooing, either on the hand or the face or even the back and the stomach.”606 As related by John Oparaocha, many forms of preparations are made during the sacred period preceding the yearly ritual ceremonies. The most striking part of it is the prohibition of any kind of quarrel, or the use of violence; for, should these rules be disregarded, the gods will be displeased and will not let the crops grow well.607 On the appointed ritual day, after the necessary preparations, families gather with their guests, the whole community will be converged at the sacred place. People who had promised either ewu (goat) or ebule (ram) to particular gods would bring them while others would bring a fowl each. All these and the food brought by women would be collected at the front of the shrine. The main ceremony of slaughtering the animal-victims, and the preparation of the ritual meal is heralded by the recitation of the sacred myths, and the “beating” of sacred music.608 Oparaocha observed further that drums, a tall as a man and some small ones would be beaten at the ceremony. As the drums are being drummed, the goats and the rams and some of the fowls would be killed in the shrine of Amadioha. After the slaughter, the young men would prepare the meat and cook it in front of the shrine of Amadioha. When it is time to eat what had been collected, the whole town would be staged with eating and drinking which occupies a great part of the time.609 The blood of the animals killed are poured on the land of the shrine and smeared at the sacred icons and altars of the gods as a communion or unity connecting all the ritual members, the community, the spirits and the gods; then the ceremony is concluded with a ritual dance. It should be noted that ritual-action which forms the core of Igbo traditional religion is performed by the traditional Igbo in worship and adoration to different gods, spirits and the ancestors according to the circumstance or events that led to the ritual action. And in these ritual actions, the deities, spirits or ancestors are not addressed as mediators or messengers of any other being rather than themselves.

                                                             606

Oparaocha, Mabri: Art as Sacrifice..., 59. Talbot, Tribes of the Niger Delta, 26-69. 608 Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 88. 609 Oparaocha, Mabri…, 60. 607

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4.8.2 Ritual Objects in Igbo Traditional Worship The Igbo do not worship their divinities empty handed. Certain materials and animals such as Ikwikwii, Ebule, Eke, Ngwu, Omu-nkwu, Udara etc., serve as symbols or accompaniments during worships. In some circumstances the effectiveness of the worship is dependent on these objects. 4.8.2.1 Some Mystical Animals in Igbo Traditional Worship 4.8.2.1.1 Ikwikwii (Owl) Ikwikwi is a frightening bird with protruding eyes. Its presence is not a favourable religious symbol in Igbo land, especially at night. Whenever the crooning ugly mournful sound of Owl is heard near a family house/sleeping room, it is a symbol of death locking in the neighbourhood. Owl is a religious mystical symbol of evil. Its presence also signifies supposedly impending attack of witches and wizards. 4.8.2.1.2 Icho-oku (Parrot) Icho-oku is regarded as a bird that sees all and speaks all. Its feather is regarded as a power of insight in the world. Diviners use the feather of this bird in their caps and for other rituals. In Igbo traditional religion it is used by medicine men in ritual for exposing secret things. Diviners also use it to have insight into the spiritual world and to proclaim the word of the spirits to the people. 4.8.2.1.3 Ebule (Ram) Ebule is a very strong and powerful domestic animal. Rams do not fear; they are energetic animals with vitality and dexterity. It resists being dragged along by men but follows a woman quietly. It is used ritually for Ozo title taking and the burial of titled men and village warriors. Its blood is used by priests in activating Ikenga and it is offered as a sacrificial meal to Amadioha deity. 4.8.2.1.4 Eke (Python) Eke is a sacred animal for many communities in Igbo land. It is often called Nneanyi (our mother) when it visits any home in some communities, like Ihiala and Idemili communities. It is regarded as a feminine ancestral spirit, and does not harm people from these communities. It is not killed and when one kills it accidentally, the person must bury it like a human being because it is an 156   

abomination and a sacrifice must be made to appease the land. In some other communities where it is killed the fat gotten from it is used to cure many sicknesses. 4.8.2.1.5 Udele (Vulture) Udele is a scavenger bird which is sacred. It feeds on dead animal and rotten things. The Igbos has a saying: Achuwa aja ma ahughi udele, mara na ihe mere na be ndi mmuo. (When a sacrifice is performed and the carcass of the victim left in the bush and vultures did not feed on it, it means that something happened in the spirit world). The implication is that the sacrifice is unaccepted by the spirits. However, if a vulture comes around when a sacrifice is made it is a sign that the supernatural have accepted the sacrifice. The Igbo see Udele as a sacred bird that carries this sacrifice to the spirit world when it consumes the carcass of sacrificial animals. As the vulture can fly high and observe all dead animals underground and on the surface, so has it the capability to identify persons who are polluted by social-dirt and expose them to Agwu, who reacts by sending minor misfortune to such persons. Aguwa observes that “vulture has extra-ordinary power; it is a symbol of Agwu’s high perception as a deity that detects the most hidden misdemeanour of human persons and facts of events and matters”610. 4.8.2.1.6 Mbekwu (Tortoise) Mbekwu is a very popular animal in Igboland because it features in many Igbo myths and folklores. Most Igbo mythology and folklores depict it as a very wise and cunning animal. Thus it can relate shrewdly with the mighty and low. It is used to activate an ofo.611 Mbe as pet of Agwu symbolizes the omniscient of Agwu, intelligence, shrewdness as Agwu is the spokesperson of divine beings.612 The flash of a tortoise is used to neutralize the power of poison. It is also used in the preparation of charms for disappearance/invisibility as tortoise best way to get away from its enemies.613 For example Mbekwu is a sacred animal to Ngodo people in Umunneochi Local Government Area of Abia state where it is forbidden to be killed by the people. It is also a ritual animal for wisdom.

                                                             610

Aguwa, The Agwu deity…, 60. Adibe, Igbo mysticism…, 213. 612 Aguwa, The Agwu deity…, 61. 613 Adibe, Igbo Issues..., 261. 611

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4.8.2.1.7 Nduru (Pigeon) Nduru symbolically connotes peace during ritual performances in Igbo religion. Priests use it as a substitutionary sacrificial ritual of appeasing the divinities for good health of concerned petitioner. It is rubbed around the body of the overburdened and the sick and thrown off to fly away. The blood is a sacrificial food for activating ofo. Pigeon is used for the ritual sacrifice for deliverance from spiritual and material problems. 4.8.2.1.8 Nwa-uyom (A Day Old Chick) A day old chick is used for ritual sacrifice (inu-iyi) when someone is claiming innocence of an accusation. It also serves as a substitutory animal for the sick and overburdened in suffering. The mouth is turned with force and thrown off. In some occasions it is left alive and kept in the place where it wanders off. A day old chick is used for ritual sacrifice when someone is appeasing his personal Chi. 4.8.2.1.9 Nkita (Dog) This is a strong and aggressive animal. It is used in Igbo traditional sacrifices for insight into the spirit world (iwa ke anya), because for the Igbo, a dog has the capability of seeing spirits. The blood is used for activating ofo (iwa ke ofo). It is also used as a special sacrifice to Agwu deity. Aguwa states that “the dog is very important in Agwu symbolic cult. It is used for sacrifices and equally serves as a messenger of Agwu, depicting its swiftness and perceptivity to finding out bad medicine where they are hidden; seeing through darkness, any moving object and spirits as it possesses four eyes; recurring of dogs in dreams is an allusion to Agwu possession for special work.”614 4.8.2.1.10 Okeokpa (Cock) Okeokpa is the handiest animal for Igbo traditional rituals. It is a multi-purpose birdin the sense that the priests use it for all kinds of appeasement to deities and spirits forces. The blood could serve for reactivation of okpensi, ikenga, or oha chi. All Igbo deities accept the offering of okeokpa according to circumstances and intentions. It could equally serve as a substitutionary for a sick person whose body

                                                             614

Aguwa, The Agwu deity…, 60

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will be rubbed with okeokpa and offered to the local deity for preservation of the person’s life. It serves as a good meal for the deities.615 4.8.3 Some Animate (Vegetative) Objects in Igbo Traditional Religion The animate (vegetative) objects are plants which in Igbo traditional religion have mystical powers. They have different functions and meaning traditionally. They or their parts are sometimes used in rituals and sacrifices. In some cases they are used in the worship of some deities and spirits. These include: 4.8.3.1 Udara Tree (Chrysophyllum Albidum) Osisi Udara is a special fruit bearing plant. If fruitful, it has many enticing fruits on the branches. It is a tree which in the traditional Igbo society is not owned by anybody, and nobody plucks the fruit, one can only pick the fruit when it is ripe and falls on its own. When it is ritually consecrated, it serves symbolically as a point of contact with spirits. In some communities the trunk is covered with white or red cloth, and sacrifices are made around it by a priest, it is not cut or felled without a sacrifice of appeasement to the deity of fertility being performed. It is also a symbol of fertility. It is believed traditionally that children could reincarnate from Udara tree. Some children who are ogbanjes are accused of burying their covenant seed under the root of Udara trees. 4.8.3.2 Ngwu Tree (Albizia Adiantifolia) Osisi Ngwu is consecrated in Igbo traditional religion with the blood of okeokpa (cock) as a symbol of Njoku deity where they offer votive sacrifice during yam festivals. In some areas, it is consecrated as a symbol of Agwu deity, and believed to be the abode of many other spirits. In Uturu area, it is also used for making boundaries in farm lands, and compounds, and there is the belief that anyone who removes or crosses it to take another person’s land or things brings a curse on him or herself and sometimes death.

                                                             615

Ibid.

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4.8.3.3 Omu-nkwu (Palm Front) The tender Palm front has many functions in Igbo traditional religion. It is a symbol of purity and sacredness. It is used during burials and for mourning. It is a symbol of the presence of the ancestral spirits and Ala deity in their mediatory role as peace makers, for seclusion, and as power brokers.616 When Omu-nkwu is used in making a demarcation, nobody crosses it. It is also used as a warning sign for bad things in Igbo land. 4.8.3.4 Ogirisi Tree (New Bouldia Leavis) Ogirisi Tree is a tree regarded as the converging point of the ancestors. The leaves are used to make some sound which is believed to invoke the ancestors and other spirits when sacrifices are being performed; the leaves are also used as plates for eating during sacrifices. Aguwa asserts that “Ogirisi has high survival ability that it does not shed its leaves during dry season and it is used as shrine paraphernalia and setting. Ogirisi as a plant must be planted at every shrine of Alusi. So its presence connotes the abode of a spirit force. Ogirisi has positive multipurpose value in Igbo religious circle. It represents Agwu as a spirit force. It is believed among the Igbo people that wherever an Ogirisi plant is seen, it represents the presence of positive supernatural life. This plant has life (ndu) all through the seasons. The cooked leaves can cure many kinds of ailment.”617 It is also used for making boundaries and demarcations, for fencing and building wood houses. 4.8.3.5 Oji-igbo (Kola-Nut) Oji in Igbo custom is a symbol of hospitality, joy, unity and mutual trust. Its cotyledons have specific interpretative meanings and symbolic significations. When a piece of kola nut has three cotyledons, it is called oji ikenga. It signifies bravery and nobility. If kola nut has four is understood to mean peace, progress and happiness. Symbolically, kola nut with five cotyledons signifies productivity and fruitfulness both of offspring and wealth. Also when Oji has seven cotyledons though rarely seen, it means double blessing. It also signifies bright future and approaching success.618 It is because of this notion of oji that the Igbo say ‘onye wetara oji wetara ndu’ (one who brings kola brings life).                                                              616

Adibe, Igbo mysticism…, 217. Aguwa, The Agwu Deity…, 57-58. 618 Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing…, 141. 617

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Equally, Oji is used at morning prayers by the elders, social-cultural gathering, and funeral rites. During sacrifices it serves as mystical religious communion with the spirit forces. It conceptualizes life and affirms it; enemies do not share from the same kola-nut; it is food for the spirits. It could serve as the only sacrificial contact between a poor person and his element of worship. It is a prayer point that links the living and the dead. The essence of kola nut is also supported by the Igbo myth surrounding the emergence of the four Igbo market days. It is said that four enigmatic people once visited a place; they would neither talk nor eat. But by coincidence, someone gave them a piece of kola nut to eat. To the surprise of all assembled, the people suddenly were given to speech in which they revealed their names as Eke, Orie, Afo, and Nkwo. By this singular act, kola is said to have gained significance not only as the food of the spirit, but also something that gives life. 4.8.3.6 Ofo (Detorium Microcarpa) The Igbo word ofo counts as a proper name of a species of plant found in almost every part of Igbo land. As Ejiazu puts it the term ofo, “is the proper name of two related objects, it immediately designate a particular species plant which grows in the Igbo area. And then in a derived sense, it identifies the twig or branchlet from the wood of that tree. Both the plant and its sticks are equally referred to as ofo.”619 He observed that, closely examined, a typical ofo tree shows signs of nodes as though the timber had joints. Actual joints are in fact revealed in the fallen twig which snaps at the joints. The rounded joints could be likened to the end of the long bones of the human skeleton. The Ofo tree produces a small black flower. Its seeds are white while it is encased in black and rough lining. When cut, the tree exudes a red juice, but the tree is not usually cut (except for use as a ritual symbol), nor is any part of it put into any service other than the customary use of fallen twigs as ritual sticks. Both the tree and its disengaged branches are sacred among the Igbo.620 The small black flower is traditionally interpreted as a manifestation of spirit real force, its red juice connotes blood, and ipso facto, points to life and its sacredness. In fact among some places in Igbo land the “red juice” is not just taken as “juice”, but regarded as “blood”, and de facto, the Ofo tree is said to be a “living person”. It bleeds like a human being.

                                                             619 620

Ejiazu, Ofo: The Igbo..., 32. Ibid.

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The Igbo belief that with the use of ofo, the prayer offered is conclusive and the divinity sought is reached with unimaginable speed. Blood of ritual victims are poured on it as a symbol of communication with the spirit world. Through ofo ritual, major Igbo religious issues are decided and concluded: sealing of covenants, initiation rituals, and proof of innocence, settling of disputes, enacting and decreeing laws. Ofo ritual symbol links the living and the spirit world in covenant and fidelity. The Igbo say, Dibia ji ofo na ogu baa n’okwu alusi o mata uche ndi mmuo (a ritual priest entering the deity’s shrine with ofo insignia and ogu will surely uncover the mind of the spirit.), the priest must always be ritually prepared before using ofo, which means that he must be religiously upright.621 Hence Robin Horton writes: “Ofo is said to have been set aside by Chukwu as a symbol of truth; and of all the oaths sworn in an Ibo community, that taken upon ofo is the most binding of all. It is constantly stated that ofo keeps men straight (upright); and this is true in the sense that, for anyone who has taken the standard form of the oath, ‘May ofo kill me if I did this’; its action is believed to be absolutely automatic… In summary he remarks ‘ofo is a sort of official stamp’ which validates the existence of the cult, social group, or individual with whom it is associated by linking it to Chukwu, the ultimate source of all life. Thus, it is said that a man who faces imminent death at the hands of his enemy in war would sometimes take his ofo out and start to pray upon it, and his enemy, seeing him do this, would seldom dare to kill him. For if he was to do so he would be pitting himself against Chukwu.”622 Some Igbo names are prefixed with ofo .For example Ofokansi, (ofo is stronger than poison) Ofoegbulam, (may I not be killed by ofo) Ofoma (ofo knows) etc. 4.8.4 Some Inanimate Objects in Igbo Traditional Religion. 4.8.4.1 Nzu (Phallic-Chalk) Nzu has a socio-religious and symbolic importance in Igbo traditional religion. It is a ritual mystical object for cleansing the eyes ritually for spiritual exercise Igo ofo ututu (Morning Prayer), igwa alusi okwu (prayer before the deity). It can be also                                                              621

Adibe, Igbo mysticism.., 219. Horton, God, man and the land in a northern Ibo village-group, 25-26. It must be noted that noted that when Horton says Chukwu, he does not mean the Supreme Being, because he argued in the same page that Chukwu cannot be omnipresent since he lives in a compound outside earth and sky but to make use of a somewhat garish metaphor, we may compare him with an octopus whose tentacles reach each and every department of society associated with an ofo.

622

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used for decoration, medicine, and as a symbol of welcome. It signifies purity of moral intentions and provides a symbolic link for cordial interaction with the spirit world. Every ritual priest rubs it on the eye, palm, hand, or feet as first ritual before every other action, as an aid for concentration and mystical entrance into the spiritual realm. Nzu serves in some occasion as wake up call for the spirits. It serves for exclusive warning to evil spirits and evil minded person when it is sprinkled on the road and any threshold. Nzeako vividly portray the relevance of nzu in divination in these words: “Nke a bu ijiri gosi obi ocha ha nwere na ijiiri choo ihe oma n’aka ihe ahu na-ekpere. Nke a ga eme ka ha jutachaa nke oma, ihe gbara gharii nke ha choro ijuta n’aka agbara, chi na ihe ha na-ekere.”623 (Nzu shows the purity of their heart, and help them to solicit for something good from the deity. It also helps the people to know some hiding things from the deity they worship). The ground on which the white chalk is drawn is sacralised in order to launch man into the realm o the spirits and to enable him have better a communication with them.624 4.8.4.2 Ikoro (Large Wooden Drum) Ikoro is a large wooden drum which makes a laud musical sound when it is beaten. It is virtually found in every part of Igboland, and also in the neighbouring ethnic groups like, Ibibio and Mbembe etc.625 It is often smeared with the blood of sacrificed animals like fowl feathers. It is used mainly on major feasts like New Yam Festival and Igba Ofala of kings. Also, when something bad happens, like the death of very prominent people in the community, like the Eze (king) and titled men, it is used to alert the people. As talking sweet drum, it is used to greet and invoke the name of deities and local divinities. What is very peculiar is that the spirits are invoked with it, with accompanying incantations by the beater. The sounds open the way to the spirit world.626 According to Cole and Aniakor, “Ikoro are monumental, powerful symbols of village unity, not only in warfare, where they are indeed central, but in the entire socio-political arena. Their loud sounds announce war, offensive and enemy attacks, threatening fires and village festivals as well. Like other important village symbols and structures, Ikoro resides in the public common house, seen by all, respected by all.”627 Morphologically speaking, most Ikoro are polymorphic in their embellishment motifs. Sometimes some Ikoro                                                              623

Nzeako, Omenala Igbo, Ibadan, 1979, 102. Metuh, African Religions in western.., 158. 625 Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 224. 626 Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing…, 143 627 Aniakor, Igbo Arts and Cosmos, in Groundwork of Igbo History, 83. 624

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bear purely anthropomorphic motifs, moreover, the two “lips” of the “mouth” of Ikoro that produce the two “speaking” tones of the drum are anthropomorphically identified as male and female. There are also different mixtures of theriomorphic and zoomorphic motifs that characterize its sacredness (thus, sometimes, the Oke ogirishi tree mark is surrounded by some representation of sacred animals: the python, tortoise, crocodiles, antelopes, lizard, etc.)628 4.8.4.3 Nkume mmiri (Rain Stone) This is the stone used by the Dibia Mmiri. It is believed to be the abode of weather spirits. When the Dibia Mmiri (rain maker) performs the appropriate ritual with it, it starts raining. It is a mystical point of contacting and attracting spirit agents of rain.629 4.8.4.4 Ikenga The Ikenga is always carved from a solid block of iroko-wood. The height varies from one foot upwards. It represents a man seated upon a stool; with two long horns, curling backwards, these long horns denote the symbol of strength and power. Many images have a long-stemmed pipe in the mouth, the bowl of the pipe resting on the knees. The right hand of the larger Ikenga grasps a sword; point upwards, while the left holds the head of the conquered enemy which signifies strength. Occasionally, the horns project from a headless trunk and no limbs are provided; such are simply of cheaper design. For religious purposes, all figures of Ikenga stand equal. As a rule, only the head of the household may offer sacrifice to them; should he be prevented for any reason the okpala (or next of kin - male) officiates in his stead.630 Ikenga is an individual religious symbol of mystical force of existence, strength and success-proposition/intention and achievement. It is a symbol of valour, determination and professional religious re-enforcer. It is a symbolic religious contact with one’s Chi - guardian spirit. It receives periodic sacrifices according to successes in life adventures. Every traditional male adult must own an Ikenga as a religious symbol of his link with his Chi and his ancestors for success in life.631 Talking about Ikenga, George Basdan says: “Occasionally, the god Ikenga is                                                              628

Oparaocha, Mabri…, 6. Adibe, Igbo mysticism…, 218 630 Basden, Among the Ibos of Nigeria, 219. 631 Ibid. 629

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invoked under the title of Ikenga Oweawfa, i.e., he who splits the shield (of the enemy), hence the strongest one: the bravest one. Under certain conditions, this spirit-worship exercises a tremendous influence over the lives of the natives. Each family has many sacred objects, of unequal significance, for among the ‘gods and lords’ there are higher and lower degrees of importance. The most universal of these household gods, and that which is given first rank, is the Ikenga, and no family may be without one. It is the first god sought by a young man at the beginning of his career, and it is the one to which he looks for good luck in all his enterprises. ”632 4.8.4.5 Ojii (Metal Arrow Staff) 0jii (staff) is a pointed long metal with esoteric materials or objects and small bells tied on it and held by hand. It is used by the dibia to detect where deadly charms are buried and to drive away bad spirits. Some masquerades and masquerades escorts use it as protection against bad charms directed at them. It is used at Ozo title taking ceremony and funerals of titled men. It is a major instrument for egwu abia (a music that escorts the dead to the land of the spirit), which is the music of the spirits. 4.8.4.6 Oja (Wooden Flute) Oja is a wooden flute used as a means of invoking man to the voices of the spirits. During festivals when a good flutter intones a powerful vibrative call, one would not just keep quiet, but jumps and dance around to the tone of the flute. It gives messages for valour and gesticulation.633 It is used to communicate with masquerades during festivals; it is sometimes used by some dibias during sacrifices to communicate with the spirits. 4.8.5 Instances of the Worship of Chukwu in Igboland Many Igbo scholars believe that Chukwu is not worshipped in Igboland. Christopher Nze asserts that, “There is no single instance where the Igbo perform sacrifices to or worship a single being of the Christian concept. Because the Igbos perform sacrifices as act of appeasement and or worships and because there exist no occasion when a Supreme Being of the Christian description is appeased or worshipped, it can be said that this being does not exist at all or exist but not                                                              632 633

Ibid. Adibe, Igbo mysticism.., 219.

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recognized because he is passive. Our fore fathers worshipped gods and not a God.”634 Some like Celestine Mbaegbu and Edmond Ilogu are of a contrary view. Ilogu after a painstaking investigation among the Ihiala people of Anambara state insists that God has alters and priests and is practically worshipped both publicly and privately. He records his research findings as follows: “At Ihiala I have discovered a public shrine called Egbo Chukwu (the square of the Supreme God). The annual public sacrifice performed at this shrine and offered to the Supreme God includes the offering of cocks by mothers who have given birth to male children, because it is believed that life comes from Chukwu or Chineke this annual celebration before the Chukwu shrine is an acknowledgement of such life given to the newly born children in the village and the dedication of life of all the inhabitants to Chukwu. Prayers are also offered to the Chukwu on behalf of newly married women who are presented to the shrine with the ceremony of Ihibe Akwukwa (the setting up of the hearth, the earthen tripod on which a wife cooks her meals). This is to symbolize that the newly married wife is now established in her new home into which Chineke will be pleased to send children to be fed with food cooked on this hearth. All Ozo titled men at Ihiala erect household shrine to Chukwu, commonly called Ihu-Chukwu. Sacrifices are offered at these shrines annually during religious festivals like Iro Muo and Ite Otite.”635 In Nsukka area according to Celestine Mbaegbu “precisely at Obukpa Asadu, a personal alter called onu Chukwu which is in form of a cone-shaped earthen alter and a live tree called Ogbu or Ahulu Osisi. On top of the earthen mound are a stone and an earth disc facing the rising sun… also at the village square of Amuba, Enugu Ezike… is a type of communal shrine or alter. This one is set upon as low mould, moulded conically and surmounted with a pot, this is usually four feet high. The pot is buried to the brim. It serves the suppliants for a receptacle into which specimen oblation are deposited.”636 Direct sacrifices to God are performed by the Onyishi (the eldest man in the village). Through the Arua ceremony which is preceded by the daily worship before the family Ezechitoke alter called Onu Anyanwu (mouth of Anyanwu in the individual compound). Items used in this ceremony consist of kola nut, water or palm wine, and small food (roasted or boiled yam) but in most cases the most important items are kola nut and a small quantity of water in a small round wooden bowl.637 Citing Talbot’s description of Aja eze elu alter at Ossomare                                                              634

Nze, Pragmatism and Traditionalism..., 28. Ilogu Edmond, Christianity…, 40. 636 Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God…, 268. 637 Ibid, 269. 635

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Mbaegbu also writes: His (Chukwu) most common symbol is Ogbu cotton, or Awha (or Chi’s) tree, or sapling or a post, some four to six inches high usually accompanied by round or flat stones, and a pot or pots, containing water and sometimes yellow wood, eggs, phallic chalk-cones, round stones and palm wine.638Collaborating the worship of Ezechitoke in this area, Francis Anyika writes: “there is an elaborate and tremendous amount of direct worship to Ezechitioke as the Supreme Being is popularly called here. The worship assumes four different forms - daily worship conducted at the village square by the priest; daily worship conducted by the ‘pater families’ the head of the family at the domestic shrine; annual worship marking the highlight of the yearly festival in honour of Ezechitoke and fourthly sacrifices offered by the eldest man in the village at the village communal shrine. In all worships, offerings consist mostly of kola nut and palm oil.”639 From all these evidences presented above, one observes that Chukwu or Ezechitoke is not worshiped in all parts of Igboland. One wonders why the worship of the Supreme Being (Chukwu) is not found in every part of Igboland as is the case with other deities like Ala, Amadioha and so on. Does this suggest that Chukwu is worshipped in these areas as their local supreme god? In an effort to proffer an answer to the non-university of the worship of Chukwu in Igboland, Ezekwugo writes: “Chukwu when rightly understood is by no means otiosus for he is worshipped by all his subjects: the Aros scattered all over Igboland. Not only does Chukwu has a shrine at Aro-uno where he is ministered to by a collage of eight priests, there are also private shrines established for him found in some Igbo families, especially families of Aro origin. These private shrines go by the name onu-Chukwu or simply Chukwu Abiama. The origin of onu-Chukwu found outside Aro families goes back to the regulation established by the priests of Chukwu: “that anyone who has been to consult Chukwu should establish his shrine somewhere.” Apart from the existence of Chukwu’s shrine in the families of some of his subjects, the deity is often invoked by his admirers and devotees in morning prayers and the prayer of dedication of the kola nut… it is only if the god is mistaken for ‘the Supreme Being’… does one begin to wonder why in some 99% of Igbo families,                                                              638

Talbot, The Peoples of…, 41. Quoted by Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God…, 271. Mbaegu’s attempt to show that there were indeed some instances of alters and sacrifices to Chukwu does not actually prove it is a generally practice. The citing of Talbot to support his view seems to have neglected the fact that for Talbot, the Supreme Being is Chi and Chukwu, and all other names are only expressive of his attributes. With this it is not surprising that he identified the ogbu tree as one of the marks of the shrines of the Supreme Being. Indeed this tree is planted at the personal Chi shrine in many parts of Igboland. 639 Anyika, The Supreme God in Igbo Traditional Religion..., 14.

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there exists no direct cult of him, why most Igbo families keep all types of oratories except that of Chukwu. One would rightly expect that the knowledge of the Supreme Being among any race should be followed by the worship of him by every village group or every family of that race. But this is not true of Chukwu.”640 This explanation by Ezekwugo seems to be right when one considers that in some of these towns where chukwu is worshipped; it is not even in all the communities that make up the town that one finds this Chukwu worship. 4.8.6 Conclusion So far in our treatment of acts of worship in Igbo traditional religion, we have seen the different ways through which the Igbos worship the divinities in order to obtain favours from them; show their gratitude or re-establish a broken relationships. We have also seen that in all the forms of worship, emphases are more on the deities and non-human spirits or the ancestors than Chukwu (Supreme Being). Subsequently, one may not be wrong to say that spirits occupy a more important position in the general life of the Igbos and in their religious system in particular than Chukwu. Examining the different types of sacrifice in Igbo traditional religion, one can argue that no special reference is made directly or indirectly to the Supreme Being (Chukwu), and there is no special emphasis on him; rather, in Igbo context, sacrifices are specific as to the different deities of whom offerings are made for different problems and favours received. As we have seen above, expiation sacrifice (Ikpu-Alu) is addressed to Earth Deity (Ala) and (Ichu-Aja) is addressed to the evil spirits; the mode is not the same and in both and no mention or reference is made to the Supreme Being. Sacrifice of petition and thanksgiving are also offered to different divinities as to what is needed and what is received. There are no frequent, important and spectacular sacrifices to Chukwu. This is incontrast to the innumerable sacrifices to the divinities and ancestors. The exposition on prayer shows that the Igbo address their prayers to all the divinities with no special reference to any as the first among the others or supreme deity. There is this belief that the gods or deities have their areas of specialization. For example, when there is an abomination (Aru) the people direct their prayers to Ala (Earth deity) who is believed to be the custodian of morality. In the case of new                                                              640

Ezekwugo, Chi the True God…, 91.

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yam festival, though other gods are mentioned, the main deity the people offer their prayers to is Njoku, (the god of yam). In the installation or dedication like the case of a dibia, prayers are being directed to Agwu deity. One can also observe that ritual, which is an indispensable feature of Igbo traditional religion, is hardly performed in honour of Chukwu as the Supreme Being, rather, it is performed to any god or deity as the need arises or when recommended by a dibia or diviner. Oparaocha writes, “In the old days, when the people were faced with major crisis like war, famine or infant mortality, they usually consulted a diviner. Often, they would promise the gods (Ala, the earth goddess; Duruojiaku, (the god of wealth); Agwu Nsi, (the author of all troubles and leader of fortune tellers); or Amadioha, (the god of thunder) that if they removed their troubles they would celebrate an Mbari (a celebration of thanksgiving) in their honour. So when their troubles were over, the villagers usually marked their deliverance with prayers, rejoicing and thanksgiving culminating in the cultural and artistic displays”641 to their gods for delivering them. Chukwu is mostly mentioned only in morning or in ejaculatory prayer (which many believe started between fifteenth and seventeenth century when the missionaries popularized the name). According to Obi Oguejiofor, “Igbo worship was structured to meet Igbo needs. Thus the Igboman appeals to his chi for his personal needs. There are some other needs for which he considers his personal god inadequate. To meet these, there are the alusi (divinities) who take care of them, and in so doing he is directed by the diviner. The question of morality is the special concern of Ala, the earth goddess. What then was left for an all-powerful Supreme Being?”642 Nwoga writes: “What is clear… is that by the time the Christians identified Chukwu as the Supreme God for the Igbo, the Igbo had already assigned all their needs, and the appropriate rituals, to the deities indigenous to Igbo traditional religious thought.”643 Considering what has been discussed so far, one can conclude that ritually, there is no spirit considered among the divinities in Igbo traditional religion as being supreme among the other spirits. The ritual evidence shows belief in numerous spirits, and these spirits exercise immense influence and control on the lives of the                                                              641

Oparaocha, Mabari…, 6. Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo traditional…, 59. 643 Nwoga, The Supreme God as Stranger..., 67. 642

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Igbo.644 There is also very much relationship between these divinities and the people than with Chukwu. However, the ritual life of the Igbo may not be sufficient enough to know what exactly the concept of the Supreme Being is in Igbo traditional religion. We will now consider other aspects of Igbo traditional life. For instance, their traditional names, proverbs and myths since Igbo religion is an oral tradition religion.

                                                             644

Egwu, Igbo Idea of the Supreme Being..., 30.

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Chapter Five Chukwu through the Prism of Oral Tradition of Igbo Religious Thought 5.1 Introduction It is obvious that the Igbo traditional religion has no sacred writings, no formulated scientific philosophic proofs or ways of demonstrating the existence of God as in Christianity and Western theology. Being an oral tradition, this knowledge can only be obtained through indigenous or every day expressions of the people, which has been the means through which the tradition, customs and beliefs of the people have been transmitted from generation to generation. We intend to discuss here some of the elements of oral tradition, which include: names, proverbs and myths since they can serve as sources of information on Igbo traditional religion. We intend situating Chukwu within their various contexts in the bid to expose Chukwu to further evaluation in the everyday life of the Igbo people. 5.1.1 Names The Romans have a saying: “Nomen es omen” “a name is an omen”. The Igbo share in this conviction. Names are not just identification marks on people; every Igbo name has a meaning. People are not given names in haste, for a name is supposed to represent the most cherished thought in the mind of the giver at the time the name is given. Much reflection, discussion and questions take place before naming ceremony – usually a very elaborate and festive occasion. The day, the condition or situation and belief of the parents can sometimes be read in the names the Igbo give their children and grand-children. Even achievements of great men can be reflected in names. Thomas Basden observes that, “... circumstances of prevailing conditions of time, may suggest an appropriate name whereby the unusual happenings are kept in remembrance. Some of the names sound rather strangely to the European ears, for it should be remembered that all names are capable of translation.”645 Just as in the Old and New testaments or the biblical tradition of the old Israel, names are not just pointers to persons. In the Igbo traditional society, names have symbolic realities that bear and express existential realities more than merely for purpose of identification. Real re-presentation (making present again) takes place in the act of naming. To confer a name is to confer personality, status, destiny, or express a wish or circumstances in which the                                                              645

Basden, Niger Ibos, 174.

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bearer of the name was born. Every name has a character and significance of its own.646 In the African context, the nature of language is an essential aspect of human life. The world or name does not become the key to unlock existence because of its rational and external nature, but because of its power. There is no name without consequences or relevance. Naming things is not only a rational, aesthetic, artistic or even creative act. A name reveals what is always there. In this way, it releases power. Ambiguity is clarified when someone or something is named; ambivalence becomes certainty. The name is effective because it participates in reality.647 The Igbo, like many Africans, do not give names to their children without a reason; “and the cause” according to Bolaji Idowu, “... is not the bare, inevitable one that a child must be born before it can receive a name”.648 Rather, as in the words of Arthur Leonard, “To every name in itself is attached a significance of expression and an intensity of human emotions the depths of which it is quite impossible for us to sound, much less to fathom.”649 And not only is this attached a living personal memory, there is more in a name – more joy, and more sorrow, more pathos and more passion, more tragedy, and more comedy, more humanity and inhumanity than it is possible for the Western society to realize. This is because, there is central in a name all the philosophy – i.e. all the love and tenderness, all the hate and scorn, all the jest and satire, all the hopes, aspirations, and ambitions that people are capable of. For these names are but the pages and the proverbs are the chapters in the life-history of every house; more than this, they are the diary or daily record, either of its progress and development or of its deterioration and downfall.650 Thus, every Igbo name is invariably a sentence, a clause, a phrase, an abbreviation or even a proverb; and it tells many a time a clear story.651 Names become in their different nature the window by which a people’s worldview and philosophy (especially the Igbo) can be known, and also a means of preserving ideas. Having analyzed briefly the Igbo concept of name, we are going to look into names in Igbo society as related to divinities especially Chukwu, to see what these names tell us about the concept of Chukwu in Igbo traditional thought.                                                              646

Uzo, The Traditional African Concept ..., 222. Sundermeier, The Individual and Community in African..., 22. Cf. Uzo, The Traditional ..., 222. 648 Idowu, Olodumare…, 33. 649 Leonard, The Lower Niger and its Tribes, 158. 650 Ibdi, also Cf. Uzo, The Traditional African …, 223. 651 Anozia, The Religious Import of Igbo Names..., 94. 647

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5.1.2 Classification of Names As aforementioned, there are different types of names given to children in Igbo traditional society which are used to paint a picture of circumstance, portray situations, express wishes and project expectations. Also in most cases, they express belief in divinities. Writing about the different types of names, Peter Uzor says, “Igbo historical names express various concepts in Igbo worldview. The Igbo ides of justice or righteousness, the idea of life and death, the idea of man and his destiny, the concept of love and hatred, the hardship of having to live in human society, the idea of co-operate personality, etc.”652 For instance, names like Obianaukonwa or Obianaujunwa (a child born when the mother had stayed for many years unable to conceive or a child born when the parents have many children already). Onwubiko (Death I implore you), Onwuhamaka (Death leave me alone), Ejimofor (Justice is on my side), Nwaogu (the son of righteousness) etc., are some of the names which the Igbo give their children to remember the circumstances or situation surrounding their birth or the life of their parents. Ofo na Ogu are Igbo symbol of ritual authority, justice, truth, and righteousness. A person who holds ofo and ogu has justice and equity on his side. “Ejim ofo ejim ogu; ofo ka ide ji awa ala” is an Igbo saying. When parents give their children and with such names they are declaring their innocence and righteousness and are protesting against some unwarranted calumny, slander or false accusation.653 Events such as death can also make parents to give their children names like Onwubiko. In his novel, Things fall apart, Chinua Achebe tells us how Ekwefi the wife of Okonkwo suffered in the hands of death, that after the death of many of her children she showed her despair by naming one of her sons Onwubiko,654 which means (Death I implore you). Such names further illustrate how a family is psychologically affected by death. Death is here personified and prayed to not to interrupt again the smooth running of life force. Though death is mentioned here, the prayer of protest is directed to the divinities and ancestors. Other names in this category include Onwuegbuchulam (May I not die pre-maturely), Onwudiwe (Death hurts), Ozoemena (May it never happen again), Onwuasoanya (Death is no respecter of persons), Onwuzuruigbo (Death is everywhere in the world).                                                              652

Uzo, The Traditional African …, 225. Ibid. It should be noted that in the Igbo society when a person is accused of something, he or she is taken to the shrine of an oracle to swear. One of the most popular oracles people go to prove their innocence is Chukwu’s oracle. If the person proves his or her innocence, when a child is born in such a family they usually give the child a name in remembrance of that experience. 654 Achebe, Things Fall Apart, 62. 653

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In the midst of suffering, disappointment or sickness, the Igbo try to express their wishes and expectations with names like Ogadinma (Things will be better), Uwadiegwu or Uwadiomimi (the world is a mystery or riddle). There are also names which are a sort of wise sayings, or a collection of centuries of experiences accumulated over a period of time. For instance, Irohaegbulam (may my enemies hatred not kill me) as a name can be given to a child whose parents have been victims of people’s unjust reproach, victimisation, abuse, discredit or unwarranted calumny. These names are usually given to children as a way of protest. Another similar name is Ebosie (after all the accusations). It is a name that indicates a sigh of relief by one who had been falsely accused especially when the accusation is proved false.655 Looking at the names in this group one can “read” what the parents or family might have experienced in the hands of their enemies before the birth of their child. Also the importance of children, the moral and social life of the Igbo is sometimes portrayed in their names. For instance, names such as Ifeyinwa (Nothing is like a child), Nwabueze (Children makes one a king), Ahamefule (May my name not cease to exist) etc. are some of the names that show the paramount importance of children as the channel through which the name of the family will be in existence. They believe that no matter how rich someone is, if such a person does not bear children who will take over from the person, it will be a wasted effort. Consequently, no matter what happened or what event surrounds the bearing of a child – be it through adultery or through concubinage, the Igbos must tune down their moral sensitiveness because nothing is like an offspring – Ifeyinwa.656 This is also because a child touches on the life force continuity of the family and the flow of life. The Igbo would say, Nwadiuko (children are scarce), it is precious (Nwadimkpa), Nwagbolumkpa (it satisfies the need), and it should unite the family no matter what odds there are (Nwajikolu).657

                                                             655

Ibdi, 228. Albert Obiefuna, paints the picture thus: “This was verified in the case of a new wife whom the relation and villagers of her husband had falsely accused of deceiving her boy friend into putting her in the family way so that he would be obliged to marry her. The villagers continually remarked that she did not play fair. But after the marriage things took their course. The time came when her pregnancy would have appeared if the accusation was founded, but nothing was seen and the period of delivery was just when it would be evident to all that there was no foul play before. All were ashamed and the women with a tone of exaltation called her first son Ebosie. The name reminds her of the false accusations and reminds all that false accusation will in the end be false.” Cf. Uzor, The Traditional African Concept…, 228. 656 Ibid, 23. 657 Ibid, 229.

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Names also serve as a reminder or a type of warning on the danger of retaliation and importance of endurance in the face of provocation, Aboka is one of such names. Aboka is the abbreviation of Aboka atanye isi – if one insists on revenge and retaliation, one runs the risk of losing one’s head (life) in the process. A family uses this name as a vocal warning to an untiring avenger, when the prosecutor gives it; it also indicates what the family has had to endure.658 On the other hand, names like Ochiabuto (A person who laughs with you may not be a friend) and Onyemauche (who knows what the mind thinks) describe the hypocritical attitude of some people towards their neighbours or friends. They pretend to be friendly or concerned in their neighbour’s presence but mock and calumniate them as soon as they turn their backs. Experience teaches that such people should not be trusted for they speak only words (Akalefu). Unless they correct their ways (Ekwugha), and begin to practise what they say (Akalonu), they will always bring about quarrel and distrust in the community (Okwulehie).659 The tradition of naming children after divinites is also popular among the Igbos. Amaury Talbot writes, “children are ... named ...after the deity or juju whose aid was invoked at or before birth – for example ... wachi (the child of chi) and wachukwu. Among the Ibo Ikwere and Etche Ibo, the commonest name of all is Amadi after Amadi Oha the god of thunder.”660 Some Igbo names that show their belief in and worship of different divinities especially in the pre-Christian era include names like Anizoba, Anichebe (let the earth god defend or protect) or Nwala (the child of Ala) etc. The earth deity is worshipped in almost every community in Igboland and many people name their children after this deity, whom they believe have given them their children or as a way to preserve their personal experience. Children are also named after the days of the week in reverence to the deities believed to own these days. For instance, names like Okereke, Okonkwo, Nwankwo, Okoroafor, Okoye and Ngbokwo, Ngboafor, Ngbeke, Ngborie661, which are names in honour of the deities that own these days, are some of the names in                                                              658

Obiefuna, The Christian Education of Igbo moral..., 24. Uzor, The Traditional African..., 229. 660 Talbot, Tribes of the Niger Delta, 156. 661 The Igbo have four market days, Eke, Orie, Afor, and Nkwo, and a deity, who goes by the name, owns each day. Most children born on these days are given the above names as a mark of honour to the deities. During the preChristian era these Igbo names can be used to know where someone comes from. Different areas answer names peculiar to their deities. In Nsukka area Odo was the most powerful and popular deity, and most children bear names like Odo, Nwodo, Ogbodo Ugwu etc. In Anambra area names like Okoye, Udeoye, Anichebe, Anizoba, was prominent then. In Imo area, predominant names were Anyanwu, Anyanwuocha, Duru, Osuji, Iwuji, Okparaji. In Aro and Bende area, names like Kalu, Chukwu, Nwaeke, Orji, Nwachukwu are also given to children. Even now, it is a common to know from which part of Igboland a person comes from with the surname he or she bears. 659

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this category. Other names include Nwagwu and Nwodo (which means the son of Agwu deity or a child gotten through the help of Odo deity). Ekelaka, (which means Eke has the last word), Ekeoma, (which means good Eke), or Orjikwe (if Orji accepts) Orji though a tree, in this context is a deity. In some parts of Igboland, names like Anyanwu, Nwanywu, Anyawuocha (which are names after the sky deity), Kalu, and Nwachukwu, (which are names after, Kamalu, the god of thunder and Arochukwu deity) are predominant. One also gets names like Chukwunagorom, Chukwuegbogu etc, which shows Chukwu as the final court of appeal. When a person is accused of something or people are quarrelling over something, Chukwu as an oracle deity is consulted, and if one is proved to be innocent he names his child one of these names as a reminder or proof of his innocence. These names reflect the faith and value which the people place on these deities. Having briefly presented the idea of names in Igbo traditional society, we shall examine the concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo traditional religion using names, which we think have not been influenced by Christianity, and has some relation with “Chukwu”. 5.1.3 Some Pre-Christian Names The names here are chosen bearing in mind what we said earlier about the Igbo not giving their children names without reasons. In this regard, we would like to examine names, which express wonder, memories of people and faith in “Chukwu”. These includes names like: Onuchukwu (shrine or voice of Chukwu). Uzochukwu (path way or road to Chukwu). Ajuluchukwu (was Chukwu consulted). Nwachukwu or Ilechukwu (son of Chukwu or Chukwu’s power or ability). Before examining these names, we have to bear in mind the timely words of Donatus Nwoga who claimes that, “Anybody who has grown up in Igboland would of course see this pattern of phrase as derived from the oracular practice: If a case becomes difficult ejeere ya be Chukwu (you consult Chukwu deity), meaning the

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oracle at Arochukwu.”662 It is obvious that the Supreme Being has no shrine (onu) where people consult or worship him. Having this in mind, the first name we shall consider is Onuchukwu. Onu as an Igbo word could mean mouth or point of entering into something. People or parents who, due to one reason or the other, consulted the Chukwu oracle at Arochukwu use Onuchukwu, as a name given to children to reverence the sacred shrine of the oracle they visited or to remember the pronouncement of Chukwu. Analysing the term “Onu” Raphael Egwu says: In Igbo religion the term onu … is widely understood as the most sacred spot of a shrine. It can be understood as the spot from where the spirit communicates his will. On this, spot the figures or representations of a spirit possessing a shrine are usually found. It is at this spot that sacrifices are offered. The spot is treated with maximum reverence, what the particular spirit abhors does not approach this area, and a certain stipulated code of behaviour is expected of anybody or all those who appear before this spot.663 From this understanding of the word onu, one can with certainty maintain that the personal name onuchukwu refers to a particular spot in a shrine of a spiritual being known as Chukwu,664 and not necessarily onu (mouth) in the literal sense of it. The reason why people or families employ such names in identifying their children varies, it could be that the parents or a member of the family may have visited this shrine, and wants to maintain the memories of this shrine. It could be that the family has some connections in one way or the other, directly or indirectly with the spirit of this shrine, or it could also be that a good number of adherents of this Chukwu lives in an area and through their influence, many families have come to use this name.665 Some other names where onu (the shrine of a deity) is referred to include: Onuigwe

the mouth (shrine) of the sky god Igwe

                                                             662

Nwoga, The Supreme God as Stranger ..., 43. Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 65. 664 Ibid. 665 Ibid. 663

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Onueke, the mouth (shrine) of the market god Eke, Onuiyi the mouth (shrine) of the water god Iyi,666etc. Uzochukwu, this is another name has something to do with the element of the shrine of Chukwu. The word “uzo” means route, path or way. Uzochukwu then means “route to the Chukwu”. In pre-Christian periods, many shrines were very popular because of the oracles that own them and many people visited them from every part of Igboland. The parts or routes that lead to these shrines are normally narrow and tortuous,667 and in most cases situated deep in the forest. The route to the shrine of Chukwu was one of the roughest but the most visited because of the popularity of Chukwu. Describing the route (uzo) to Chukwu’s shrine, Christopher Ejiazu writes: Going to the famous oracle at Arochukwu, generally referred to as ije chukwu – going to the big Chi, was widely held as an aweinspiring experience replete with shocks and mysteries… The location and all its environs – according to a lived experience of an informant – were very skilfully, given the air of a “terribilis locus” comparable in a big way to circumstances at Mount Horeb in the first encounter between God and Moses. Considering this grave atmosphere the primitive Igbos were induced to believe that nothing short, of God communicated with him in this oracle.668 Uzochukwu, possibly refers to these narrow and often tortuous routes that lead to the shrine of Chukwu. Moreover, it is possible that parents by giving their children the name may have wanted to use it retain the memories of these routes and the circumstances that led him to the place or probably in remembrance of what Chukwu may have done for them. We have been able to discuss two Igbo names Uzochukwu, and Onuchukwu, one pointing to the route and the other to the sacred spot of the shrine of the Chukwu oracle. The actual activity carried out at the shrine will be shown in the next Igbo name we are going to look into. Chukwukadibia is a name given to children in Igbo land. According to Egwu Raphael: The name contains two terms Chukwu and Dibia (the traditional medicine man) and an adjective “ka” (greater than) which                                                              666

Ibid Basden, Niger Igbos, 78. 668 Ejiazu quoted by Ezekwugo, Chi the True God..., 80-81. 667

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compares the two nouns. Chukwukadibia means the big Chi is greater than the dibia. In other words Chukwu is recognized as having something to do with divination, but this power of divination is by far greater than whatever power of divination that is believed to be possessed by the Dibia.669 As we have pointed out earlier, in the pre-Christian era among the popular oracles in Igboland Chukwu was regarded as the most powerful. His power of divination brought about the Igbo popular saying Onweghi ihe gbara Chukwu ghari - nothing is beyond the knowledge of the big Chi. This is because Igbo believe that the spirit has the capacity of passing hidden knowledge to people who come to visit its shrine with their various problems and cases. Ezekwugo observes that: “Chukwu could solve mysteries; people go to him from the farthest end of Igbo land and even beyond. The oracle could call every client by name, narrate his history and tell the applicant on what cause he has come to consult him … even cases which diviners could not handle found their satisfactory and final solution there.”670 These names above reveal that the Igbo believe in Chukwu as a spirit that posses the power of knowing everything and capable of solving the people’s problems. Names like Osuchukwu (lit. slave of the big Chi), also bears testimony to cultic activities that goes on in Chukwu’s shrine.671 Chukwunweikpe – The big Chi is the final judge, as an Igbo name reveals the Igbo belief that Chukwu is the final court of appeal. In line with this Basden writes, “People visit these shrines in order to get their disputes settled… whatever decision given by these spirit are accepted by all who came with their disputes as final.”672 Chukwu is the ultimate judge and executes judgment with justice and without partiality. In order to express this, the Igbo say: Chukwujekpe (ikpe) or Chukwujekwu (the big Chi will judge or the big Chi will say the last word).673 Describing the process of Chukwu’s judgment, Christopher Ezekwugo says:                                                              669

Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 65-66. Ezekwugo, Chi the True God…, 78. 671 In the previous chapter, we discussed Osu as one of the sacred person in Igbo traditional religion. Human beings are usually consecrated to spirits in Igbo communities. These consecrated persons are set apart and they become special properties of the spirit, including all the descendants that the consecrated may beget. These slaves live around the shrine and catered for by the spirit, they have the right to fixed portions of the sacrificial offerings brought to the spirit during sacrifices, and they render service to the priest of the spirit in the shrine and enjoy a sort of immunity among the people, nobody may injure sell or kill any of those slaves. It is believed that the spirit who owns them will fight for his property when tempered with by the people. 672 Besden, Niger Igbos, 76. 673 Uzor, The Traditional African…, 275. 670

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At Chukwu’s grotto, there was a narrow deep stream over which a log of wood was placed for crossing. If the accused was innocent, the log carried his weight, but if guilty the log gave way and the culprit fell into the stream and was devoured at the spot by the angry god. The relatives of the accused standing and waiting at the far end of the stream, when they see the stream red, they cry and go home knowing that “Chukwu atala onye ahu” (Chukwu has masticated the person).674 The masticating activity of Chukwu makes people to be very afraid of him that many dare not go to Chukwu oracle if they are not sure that they are innocent of an allegation against them. Hence, the Igbo name Chukwudiegwu Chukwdiebube (the big Chi is awe-some) emphasizes the awe-inspiring nature of Chukwu. Here Chukwu is understood to be incomprehensible and great. He is greatest of all the known spirits. The spirit Chukwu possesses enormous power to such a degree that he accomplishes what seems impossible in the eyes of human beings. Other names in this category include: Chukwunweike The big Chi is the owner of power Ikechukwu The effectiveness or power of the big Chi Udechukwu The fame of the big Chi675 From our exposition of these few Igbo names, one can observe that in the preChristian era there was a deity in Igboland referred to as Chukwu. The deity Chukwu was acknowledged by all as the most prominent deity in Igboland in the pre-Christian era. That prominent position can be observed in the names the people give to their children. Consequently, one can justifiably say that from the names observed, what the Igbo seem to be referring to in these names is a divinity who has a shrine (onu); that there is a route through which people go to where he is located (uzo); and is consulted by the Igbo people (Ajulu). This is so since it is a provable truth that Chukwu as the Supreme Bring (in the Christian sense) in Igboland has no shrine where they go to offer sacrifice to him. Bearing in mind that some may argue that this is not enough evidence, let us consider some other traditional evidence like proverbs. In doing this, we will first look into the meaning and origin of proverbs, because we believe this will throw more light on our discussion.                                                              674 675

Ezekwugo, Chi the true God…, 79. Egwu, Igbo Idea …, 68.

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5.2 Proverbs 5.2.1 Origin of Proverb The origin of proverbs is not all that clear; opinion varies regarding its proper origin. However, scholars like Andrew Handerson and Paul Rosenzweig argue that proverbs are the products of a community’s endeavour to preserve its heritage and consequently are of popular origin.676 While some are of the view that proverbs are products of individual experiences deriving “from a detailed observation of the behaviour of human beings, animals, plants and natural phenomena, from folklore, beliefs, values, attitudes, perceptions, emotions, and the entire system of thought and feeling, but later became society’s heritage.”677 Proverbs originated in all life circumstances, social and historical, and thus reflect the various viewpoints. Central to all these are the recurrence of the events from which the conclusive assertions of proverbs are drawn. Though products of practical and concrete life experience, the basic character of proverbs is an abstract one.678 Furthermore, no proverb can claim to be the first, the most important, or the basic of social edifice,679 since proverbs lacks any meaningful chronology. 5.2.2 Definition of Proverb Proverb, though earlier perceived to defy definition, has today been defined by many scholars. For instance, Iver Kjar sees proverb as “anonymous traditional sayings about human life.”680 Nigel Barly defines a proverb as “a standard statement of moral or categorical imperatives in fixed metaphorical paradigmatic form. It deals with fundamental logical relationships.”681 For Mulyumba Wa Mamba, it is “a proposition or group of propositions deriving from the experiences of the wise men in the society, affirming either clearly or metaphorically popular indisputable truths.”682 And for many others simply put, a proverb is condensed wisdom drawn from experience.683 Several Igbo scholars have also attempted to define proverb from the dimension and view point that is more appealing and encompassing to them. In the words of Donatus Nwoga, a proverb “is a terse statement which figuratively gives expression                                                              676

Ronsenzweig, ed., Book of Proverbs, Preface. See also Handerson, Scottish Proverbs, 1969. Obiechina, Culture, Tradition and Society in the West African Novel, 156. 678 Madu, Studies in African and American, 190. 679 Maurier, Philosophie de l’Afrique Noire, 178. 680 Iver Kjar, quoted by Madu, Studies in African…, 189. 681 Barly, The Proverb and Related Problem of Genre Definition, 741. 682 Mulyumba, Les Probverbes un Lanage Didactique dans les Societes Africanes Traditionnelles, 4. 683 Madu, Studies in African…, 187. 677

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to the point of traditional wisdom relevant to a given situation.”684 Chinua Achebe views it as “the palm oil with which words are eaten” According to Emmanuel Obiechina a proverb is “the Kernel which contains the wisdom of traditional people. They are philosophical and moral expositions shrunk to a few words, and they form a mnemonic device in societies in which everything worth knowing and relevant to-day-to-day life has to be committed to memory.”685 Rems Umeasiegbu sees proverbs as “any expression recognized by a people as embodying the wisdom and philosophy of their ancestors. He admitted that the definition has its pitfall but the strength lies in the words recognized by people as embodying the wisdom and philosophy of their ancestors. This he believes is important for an outsider cannot tell the people whose lore he is studying what their proverb is.”686 For Onuekwusi Jasper a proverb is “a philosophical, allusive and metaphorical citation that gives credence to traditional truth and wisdom. It is allusive and metaphorical because it refers to some truth outside itself. It is philosophical because it is a product of a long period of reasoning and observation which expresses some timeless truth.”687 A proverb means a lot and occupies a worthwhile position in the matrix of Igbo people’s culture as a means of interpreting and understanding several phenomenon and events around them. Although proverbs have the potential to mean more than one thing, not all of these meanings will necessarily be realized in the proverb performances of a given community or individual.688 Proverb invigorates public speeches in any gathering: social, religious, or political. It is uncommon for a traditional Igbo man to make two sentences without using one or two proverbs. As the Igbo say, “proverbs are the oil with which words are eaten”. The Igbo do not only emphasize the invigorating nature of proverb, they also value its indispensable functions, namely: it codifies traditional beliefs in divinities, man and the universe. Proverbs reveal religious faith, a world view, and the aspirations, hopes and fears of the people.689 Consequently, in the pre-Christian era there are many proverbs, which portray the wisdom and belief of the Igbo man in divinities, especially Chukwu. Having discussed the meaning of proverbs in Igbo tradition, there is need to analyze a few of them to understand what they demonstrate regarding the topic of this work, since according to John Mbiti, “proverbs are common ways of                                                              684

Nwoga, The Igbo Poet and Satire..., 16. Obiechina, Culture, Tradition and Society in West African Novel, 156. 686 Umeasiegbu, The Palm Oil in Speech: Igbo..., 19. 687 Onuekwuso, Fundamentals of African Oral Literature, 17. 688 Kirsenblatt-Gimblett, Towards a Theory of Proverb Meaning, 821. 689 Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God in…, 252. 685

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expressing religious ideas and feelings… It is in proverbs that we find the remains of the oldest forms of African (Igbo) religious and philosophical wisdom.”690 Moreover, Egudu Romanus asserts that “in Igbo societal life is much of proverbs and riddles... proverb and the riddle are ready tools for thinking and communication, not only for their exquisiteness, but also for their being a way of life in Igbo culture.”691 Some pre-Christian era proverbs would be considered bearing in mind that proverb usage and interpretations are context-sensitive. The collection will be restricted to situation in which the proverbs were actually used by the Igbo speaker. Considering the interest of this work emphasis will not be on the deeper meaning of these proverbs which is tied up in the contextual usage, but on the literal meaning which expresses religious ideas. The Igbo use the name of the spirit Chukwu often in their proverbs. We are going to consider some of these proverbs to find out what these proverbs reveal about the identity and being of the spirit Chukwu. The first proverb to discuss is: Achokata dibia agaba niru Chukwu makana uzo Okeke mara, okafor makwara ya.692 - Having repeatedly consulted the dibia, one proceeds to the face of the big Chi, because a path which a person knows (Okeke) is also knowable by another person (okafor) This proverb presents us with the pragmatic nature of the Igbo people. The Igbo do not have the patience of consulting a particular dibia or deity when it is obvious that his consultation is not solving their problem. Whenever this is the case, they normally look elsewhere until their problem is solved and often it is a higher deity or one perceived to be more powerful than the ones they have gone to. Concerning this proverb Egwu Raphael writes: The proverb concerns somebody who has a problem, he has certainly taken his problem repeatedly to various Dibia, but it seems the consultations prove futile, he then decides on another line of action, to take his problem to the shrine of the big Chi who is known to possess a higher power. He is aware of the difficulties involved in this alternative action, but despite all difficulties, he is determined to forge ahead with his plan,                                                              690

Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, 86. Egudu, Proverbs and Riddle in Igbo Traditional Verse, 29. 692 Egwu, Igbo Idea of God…, 68. 691

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reassuring himself that a difficulty which one person can overcome, another can also overcome it.693 A literal look at this confirms that there exists a deity called Chukwu, whom the people consult for their many problems. This deity has a shrine, which is located at a particular area; referring to the area. Samuel Crowther writes, “… people travel to the place from every part of the country. It is said to be, in the rain season, 3 months journey from this town…”694 The proverb also portrays Chukwu as more powerful than the dibia, while the people going to Chukwu shows that their problems could not be solved by the dibia, they then look for a higher power. Another proverb to be considered is one that points to the difficulty in consulting the deity Chukwu. This proverb says: Onweghi uzo esiri je Chukwu odi nso.695 “There is no short cut (short route) to the shrine of the big Chi”. As observed from the statement of Ajayi Crowther, the distance from some Igbo communities to Chukwu’s shrine sometimes takes three months journey or more than that. This difficulty does not involve only the physical distance one must cover, but also other things involved. For instance, during the pre-Christian era people do not travel much for the fear of being killed or being captured and sold into slavery. The cost in cash, the inconveniences somebody on pilgrim must bear, and the things the deity must demand before giving its oracle or solving the problem is what is portrayed in this proverb. Though the Igbo out of necessity consult the deity Chukwu, they believe that it is not an easy task considering the demands. That is why, when a task is difficult the Igbo would say Onweghi uzo esiri je Chukwu odi nso. From this proverb, it is confirmed also that Chukwu’s shrine is situated at a certain place and people go there to consult him. This statement also attests to the difficulty therein. Another Proverb is: Chukwu gboogu ile dibia abulu eziokwu.696 “When the big Chi settles a dispute the truth of what the dibia has predicted is confirmed”. When there is a problem, the people often consult the dibia (diviner) first. This diviner will tell them what to do, the deity to consult and the type of sacrifice that will be performed. This proverb portrays what goes on in the shrine of Chukwu. His judicial function of settling dispute among the people, the dibia                                                              693

Ibid. Rotberg, ed. Journals of James Schon and Samuel Crowther…, 1970, 695 Egwu, Igbo Idea of God…, 69. 696 Ezekwugo, Chi the true God…, 85 694

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handle cases that come before the shrine of Chukwu, what Chukwu decided goes to confirm what the dibia has already recommended.697 This is a way of acknowledging the supremacy of Chukwu over the dibia, and his infallibility in all matters and that his decision is final, and no other deity is accorded this supremacy in Igboland. Ogara na miri asaghiahu dika ogara na ihu Chukwu ajughi ndu ya. “He who went to the stream and did not bath is like he who went to the shrine of the big Chi and did not inquire about his life/destiny”. This proverb refers to the oracular nature of Chukwu, and what people go there to do. Chukwu being regarded by the people as an all-knowing spirit, they go to his shrine to inquire about their future and destiny. Just as water is the only thing the Igbo believe can be used to wash something clean, so do they believe that it is only Chukwu that can really reveal the secrets of the future. Thus many go to his shrine to enquire about their destiny. Ehi na enweghi odu Chukwu ya na achuru ya ijiji. “Chukwu helps the person who has nobody to help him or her.” Chukwu is portrayed in this proverb as the help of the helpless. In the pre-Christian era, when a poor person is maltreated or a person is alleged to have done something, the person always consults Chukwu to defend him or her. Even in cases of a person being owned by a richer or stronger person, it is always to the deity Chukwu he appeals to so that the deity can force the stronger person to pay him. In addition, land disputes are not left out. Other Igbo proverbs in which Chukwu feature as a chief god include: Onye Chukwu nyere odu egbubina ya, ya kpuru ya gaba.698 “Whoever is the recipient of a gift of a tail from the big Chi should not cut it off: the person should carry it along with him.” Ihe Chukwu nyere gi were obo aka nara ya699. “Whatever the big Chi gives you, you should receive it with happiness.” The above examination of this few Igbo proverbs will show a careful observer that the spirit being referred to in these proverbs – Chukwu is regarded as a chief god in Igbo traditional society, who is moral, a benevolent spirit, possessing the power of hidden knowledge.700 He is located at a certain place and has a shrine where the people consult him to solve their problems.                                                              697

Egwu, Igbo Idea of God…, 69. Ibid., 70. 699 Ibid. 700 Ibid. 698

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Consequently, one can assert that the spirit (Chukwu) being referred to in these proverbs is not the Supreme God of the Christian concept, because there is no dibia for Chukwu except where Chukwu is the oracle or a local deity.701 Furthermore the route (uzo) referred to in some of the proverbs is of course the route to the Chukwu oracle and not the road to heaven. In addition, it has been proved that the Supreme God does not have a shrine where people sacrifice or consult him to solve their problems, nor does He have priests in Igbo traditional culture. These proverbs provide us with the same information about Chukwu as discussed on the Igbo names. Let us now discuss Igbo traditional myths to see what they tell us about Chukwu. 5.3 Myth Before attempting to discuss this topic, it is important to note that there is no accepted definition of myth, as there are different opinions on it, which led Martin Day to assert that definers of myth are so varied and irreconcilable as delegates to the United Nations.702 However, we can only attempt to proffer some meaning of it. The term myth is derived from the Greek word (mythods), meaning “word” or “story”.703 The New Catholic Encyclopaedia traces the Greek Mythos to its IndoEuropean origin – Mendh or Mudh meaning, “to reflect”, “to think over”, “to consider”. In this later sense, myth has the force of “a definitive and finial expression of a reality” identical with the Greek (logos).704 However, with the introduction of the opposition between myth and logos by the Sophists, the term myth assumed a rather pejorative and often negative meaning which it has retained to this day.705 Anthony Mercatante define myth as, “an anonymous traditional story, orally passed on from one generation to the next, believed to be literally true by the culture that produced it, about gods and goddesses, heroes, heroines, and other real and fantastic creatures, taking place in primeval or remote times”.706 However, myth considered from its plural perspective is seen as “specific accounts concerning the

                                                             701

Nwoga, The Supreme God…, 38. Day, The meaning of Myth…, 2. 703 Madu, Studies in African…, 232. 704 Mercatante, The Facts of File Encyclopaedia of World Mythology and Legend, xiv. See also The New Catholic Encyclopedia, 182. 705 Madu, Studies in African…, 232. 706  Mercatante, The Facts of File..., xiv.  702

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gods or superhuman beings, an extraordinary events or circumstances in a time that is altogether different from that of ordinary human experience”.707 For Bolaji Idowu, Myth is “a vehicle conveying a certain basic truth about man’s experiences in his encounter with the created order and with regard to man’s relation to the super-sensible world”.708 From the above definitions, it is obvious that the contents of myth are man, gods, nature, and the heavens. Consequently, Paul Ricoeur asserts that, “what man codes in myth he first read, on the world, on some elements or aspects of the world, on the heavens, on the sun and moon, on the waters and vegetation”.709 A good analysis of some Igbo myths confirms and agrees with Ricoeur’s assertion. As Georg Ekwuru writes, “as sacred pronouncements, traditional Igbo myths concentrate solely on themes of creation and origin of things: like, the origin of the universe, gods, man, animals and plants, and various cultural features that enter into the daily socio-religious drama of the traditional life”.710 Moreover, all these myths express and sustain human attitudes towards extra-human forces, life forces, believed to permeate the whole universe. In these myths, we find a correspondence between social organization and the world order even up to hunting, farming, betrothal and childbirth.711 Marshall also asserts that, “the word “myth” is used to refer to stories that are fictional, and hence, it has come to have a pejorative sense. Traditionally it refers to invented stories about gods in which they behave like human beings with super human power”.712 5.3.1 Origin of Myths The origin of myth is very difficult to ascertain, as is observed by Thompson Stitt when he lamented the slowness of past writers on myth to recognize that the problem of the origin of myth is not simple.713 Maintaining that the ultimate origin of all folktales and myths must remain a mystery, just as the origin of language is a mystery, he concludes that all that the scholars can do is to speculate.714 However, in spite of this difficulty, there are some opinions concerning its origin. Some scholars like James Frazer believe that: “primitive man started out with a belief in                                                              707

 Myth and Mythology, Encyclopedia Britannica, 15th edition, 1974, vol 12, 793ff.  Idowu, African Traditional Religion, 84. 709 Ricoeur, Structure-Word-Event..., 11. 710 Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 95. 711 Anyanwu, Artistic and Aesthetic Experience in African philosophy, 271. 712 Marshall, Myth…, 449-451 713 Thompson, Myth and…, 107. 714  Ibid. 108.  708

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magical laws, when man begin to lose faith in magic, he invented myths about gods and claims that his formal rituals are religious rituals invented to appease the gods.”715 There is also the claim that myth began as allegories of natural phenomena, philosophical or spiritual concepts, which gradually came to be interpreted literally. As such myth resulted from personification of inanimate objects and forces worshipped by the ancients such as fire, air and other natural events, which they described as acts of personal gods. In this group is Elochukwu Uzukwu who believes that: “A myth is a product of human beings and as such it is not a narrative originating from another world outside this our natural world. It does not necessarily originate from one person but arises from the life of a community.”716 Scholars like Thompson who maintained a polygenesis view of myth, believes that, “the origin of myth and folktales over the world must be extremely diverse so that it is not safe to posit any single origin even of those of a particular people”.717 Every myth has an independent origin. This latter line of thought has its weakness. Its credibility is largely questioned by the very evident similarity of some myths in different cultures. Perhaps it is more plausible to maintain that myths have origins but the same myth can diffuse into very many cultures.718 In fact, “it is always easier to borrow a myth than it is to construct one”.719 This does not necessarily mean, however, that a myth similar to another in a different culture must have been borrowed directly from another culture.720 However, it does not imply that it may not have been influenced by it.721 What this does mean, is that it is not easy to posit the real origin of all myths to any given culture.722 The above views confirms the observation of Stitt Thompson that, “the ultimate origin of all folktales and myths must remain a mystery, just as the origin of language is a mystery”.723 Our study reveals that myths are stories about elusive mysteries, fictitious, exaggerated or idealized things which are often believed to be literally true in communities where they originated. Although Pierre Commelin argues that:                                                              715

 Frazer, G.J., The Golden Bough: The Classic Study in Magic and Revelation, 15.   Uzukwu, Nri Myth of Origin and its Ritualization, in Religion and African Culture, (ed.) Elochukwu Uzuukwu, 93.  717 Thompson, Myth and Folktales…, 104. 718 Madu, Studies in African…, 234. 719 Thompson, Myth and…, 108. 720 Madu, Studies in African…, 234. 721 Mercatante, The Facts…, xiii. 722 Madu, Studies in Africn…, 234 723 Thompson, Myth and…, 108. 716

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“Evidently, mythology is a series of lies. But these lies were subject of belief for many centuries”.724 We will consider Igbo traditional myths to know the place of the Supreme Being (Chukwu) in Igbo traditional thought and life. This is necessary because the main functions of myth include exposing the self-image of a people725, explaining a fact (natural or cultural)726 and validating something which took place or which is found in the life of a people727. In this regard, we are going to discuss three myths, which are the most popular in different parts of Igbo land. 5.3.2 Myths of Origin in Igboland The Igbo history like those of other tribes and religions in Africa and the world in diaspora encompasses embodiments of myths, which forms part of their religious and socio-cultural lives. Myths, which belong to the ancient Igbo, concern their gods, heroes, the nature of their world and tradition, including the significance of their worship and ritual practices. In Igboland, there are various forms of myths of creation that narrates how people or things came into existence. Different parts of Igboland have their version of how they or things came into existence. However, we will consider three out of these myths. The myths to be considered are: The Nnewi myth, Nri myth of origins and the narration according to Cosmas Obiego. 5.3.2.1 The Nnewi Myth Nnwei people have their myth of creation thus: Living in the heavens with Chukwu were some primordial beings who were not only inferior in rank and status to Chukwu, but they were also his messengers who carried out some minor jobs under the instructions and directions of Chukwu. One of the most prominent and the most beloved of these primordial beings was Edo- a female divinity. She was believed to be a special favourite of Chukwu who loved her because she was very industrious, full of initiative and diligence. Because of these admirable qualities in Edo, Chukwu gave her the special privilege of his staff of office- a piece of his long scepter which was made of                                                              724

Commelin, Nouvelle Mythologie grecque et ronmaine, Paris Garnier, 1926, i. Kees W. Bolle and Richard G.A. Buxton, Myth, in New Encyclopedia Britannica, 15th ed. 1988, 710. 726 Ibid. 714. 727 Ibid. 725

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Nzu (white chalk), and also a small clay port of water. With these materials (the Nzu or white chalk and the water in a small clay pot) Edo was sent out by Chukwu to go and survey the firmament, but unfortunately Edo’s adventurous spirit carried her beyond the firmament. Lost beyond the firmament, Edo began to grind and spray the white chalk all over the place. These sprays solidified and formed land. This was how Edo made land with Chukwu’s white chalk. But the rest of the white chalk Edo broke into four pieces and put into the water pot. Presently, Chukwu found Edo tired and lonely on the land that she has formed with Chukwu’s white chalk. Chukwu took pity on Edo and promised to give her some companion to talk with, send errands and do her service. So, Chukwu took the water pot in which the broken pieces of chalk were. He put his right hand into the pot and took out the first piece of white chalk and called it Otolo, meaning “first son”. He took out the second lump and called it Uruagu – “second son”, the third Umudim –“third son”, the fourth Ichi – “last son”. Then Chukwu blew some breath out of his mouth on them and the force of the breath shook the four images and they began to move and talk and behave. Then Edo told them: “I am the mother of you all – Nnewi, and this land on which you are walking is Ana-Edo, that is, my price from Chukwu because the Nzu with which you are made and with which the land is made is special gift and privilege from Chukwu.” So these four sons are the four villages which make up Nnewi town, and Ana-Edo is their common heritage and mother of all – Nnewi. So these four sons – Otolo, Uruagu, Umudim and Ichi grew into men and went to Ari-Chukwu and took four beautiful sisters and married them.728 The above myth described the activities of two spirits, Chukwu and Edo. However, Chukwu is not presented here as the chief actor, rather Edo, though inferior and subject to Chukwu. Her activity caused the earth to come into existence, thus by using the primordial element of chalk and a pot of water, and supported by a further assistance of Chukwu, to create the four ancestors mentioned at the end of the myth.729                                                              728 729

Awolalu and Dopamu, West African Traditional Religion, 58. Also see Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 72. Ibid.

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At first encounter, one might think that this myth was intended to be a narration of how Chukwu created the world. More to it, it was told by the people who produced it to provide explanation of the cultural realities of their society. Also, it is to show the relationship between the four towns that constitutes Nnewi community. According to Egwu, The myth which is the fruit of the experience of Nnewi people seek to give a reason or an explanation to a culture reality obtainable among the people. There exists a strong bond of social and cultural unity among the villages making up the town of Nnewi. This unity is strongly expressed in the cult of the chief spirit of the community known as Edo. Traditionally, a weeklong festival is celebrated in honour of Edo. Every seventh year, the women of Nnewi take their turn in celebrating this fest, while the men celebrate the same feast after every nine years.730 The attachment of Chukwu to the narration may be to add some amount of sacredness and authenticity to this celebration. Moreover, this accounts for why the role of Chukwu is not central to the main intention of the myth. Also, a deeper analysis of this myth shows that Chukwu is already recognized in this community as chief and greatest of all known spirits. The last information in this myth also provides us with a possible hint of the identity of the particular Chukwu being referred to. It states thus: the four ancestors, after reaching adulthood, went to Arochukwu and married four beautiful girls. Egwu suggested that the reference made to Arochukwu in the last part of this myth is a “possible hint to the identity of Chukwu, (perhaps), the Chukwu mentioned in this myth is the great Chukwu abiama of Arochukwu who owns the famous Long Juju Oracle”.731 In conclusion, this myth reveals that there is a link between the people of Nnewi and Arochukwu, whose deity, we can infer existed before Edo, and also that Chukwu was acknowledged as the greatest of the spirits, and very much consulted by all. However, the use of white chalk to create the sons of Edo by Chukwu and breathing into their mouth creates the impression of some Christian influence in this myth.

                                                             730 731

Ibid. Ibid.

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5.3.2.2 Nri Myth of Origin The account was given by Christopher Ejizu in his contribution in Bigard Theological Studies titled, “The Traditional Perception of Reality: Its Dialectics and Dilemma”. According to this popular Nri myth of origin: Chukwu sent down Eri (the mythical ancestor of Nri people) and Namaku his wife from the sky. When they came down, they stood on an anthill, as all the land was marshy. When Eri complained, Chukwu sent an Awka blacksmith to dry up the land with his bellows; Chukwu fed Eri and his descendants with Azu Igwe (fish from heaven). When Eri died, Azu Igwe ceased. Nri complained to Chukwu and got the reply that in order to get food he would have to kill his eldest son and daughter. Eventually, Nri killed and buried them. Three native weeks later, shoots appeared from the graves of the two children. From the grave of the son, Nri dug up a piece of yam. He cooked and ate it and found it so pleasing that he fell asleep such that his family thought he was dead. When he woke up, he told his astonished family what he did. They too ate of the yam and fell asleep. The next day, Nri dug up cocoyam from his daughter’s grave, ate it and likewise slept again. This is why yam is called “the son of Nri” and cocoyam called “the daughter of Nri”. Then Chukwu ordered Nri to distribute the new crops to all mankind. Nri objected but Chukwu insisted. As a reward for doing so, Chukwu constituted Nri and his descendants the ritual specialists of all men. They have the right to control the yam life force (the yam being the prince of all Igbo agricultural products) by making Ogwuji (yam medicine) to ensure plentiful harvest each year. Nri also got the special privilege to crown kings, to tie Ngwulu (ankle cords) on candidates for the prestigious Ozo title. Finally, they got the special role of cleansing every town of all categories of abomination, Nsoala, committed in any place in order to restore peace with the earth deity.732 In this second myth, as the name implies, originated from a town called Nri. The principal actors are Chukwu and a certain family. The father of this family and the                                                              732

Ejiazu, The Traditional Perception of Reality: Its Dialectics and Dilemma, 64-65.

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ancestor of Nri people who is identified as the son of the couple (Eri and Namaku) was sent down from the sky to the earth by Chukwu. The killing (sacrificing) of his son and daughter led to the provision of food and other privileges granted by Chukwu for him and his descendants. A thorough reading of various versions of Igbo creation myth shows that each has a particular interest that the community it originated from wants to establish. In this myth, it must be admitted that at face value, it may not have broadly presented itself in a universal category except that Nri is interpreted as the prototype of the Igbo race while Eri is the archetype and progenitor: a type of Adam733 and the Nri people a type of priestly people. Nri people are itinerant priests all over Igboland; so it may not be out of place that they used this narration to arrogate to themselves the priestly character, anchoring their credibility on Chukwu. This aim is made obvious in the last part of the story which runs thus: As a reward for doing so, Chukwu constituted Nri and his descendants the ritual specialissts of all men. They have the right to control the yam life force (the yam being the prince of all Igbo agricultural products) by making Ogwuji (yam medicine) to ensure plentiful harvest each year. Nri also got the special privilege to crown kings, to tie Ngwulu (ankle cords) on candidates for the prestigious Ozo title. Finally, they got the special role of cleansing every town from all categories of abomination, Nso-ala (land pollution), committed in any place in order to restore peace with the earth deity.734 Also, one may not doubt the influence of Christianity on this myth when one compares its similarity with some Biblical narrations. Eri, who was the eldest and of a superior personality of them all, came down to earth, which was in form of a morass, “ala di deke deke” (Den. 1, 2). Eri and Nri his sons, like the Israelites were fed with a heavenly food, Azuigwe (manna in the case of Israelites). In addition, Nri like Abraham, who had three visitors (Gen. 18, 1-4), had four visitors from Chukwu (Obinigwe): spiritual personages who became the animating spirits of the 4-day Igbo week (Afo, Nkwo, Eke and Orie are names of the week as well as deities). Furthermore, the Nri account had Nri sacrifice his first son and daughter before                                                              733 734

Okpalike, Ichuaja in Igbo…, 92. Ejiazu, The Traditional…, 65.

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food items were revealed to him by Chukwu. Chukwu caused these food items to grow on their graves in a significant manner… While the Jewish God supplied a lamb in place of Isaac (Gen. 22, 1-14), whom he demanded as a sacrifice from Abraham – the progenitor of the Jewish race – the Igbo God did not. Rather, he accepted the sacrifice of Nri and through it established a covenant between Nri and Ala – a covenant which all his progenies shall become part of.735 One would not have expected an Igbo myth to almost take the pattern of Christian story if not influenced by it. There is also the evidence in the account given about Chukwu sending the first parents, given orders, providing food, and granting privileges that Chukwu is already recognized and acknowledged in this community as a very prominent spirit whose power exceeds every other power.736 5.3.2.3 The Narration According to Cosmas Obiego This creation narrative is rendered by Cosmas Obiego in his work “Igbo Idea of God”. The text reads: At the beginning of things when there was nothing, neither man nor animals nor plants nor heavens nor earth, nothing, indeed, nothing was; only one very powerful person was and his name was Chukwu. Then he came and created the heaven and earth. Chukwu and Ala brought forth water above and water beneath, animals, plants; everything that we see today on earth. Afterwards Chukwu created man (Madu). Madu was the head of all things; but Chukwu and Ala own man. After a long time death entered the world and began killing men. Men sent a messenger to Chukwu asking whether the dead could not be restored to life and sent back to their homes. They chose a dog as their messenger. The dog, however, did not go straight to Chukwu, rather it dallied on the way. The toad had, however, overhead the message and he wanted (wished) to punish mankind; he overtook the dog and reached Chukwu first. He said that he had been sent by men to say that after death they had no desire at all to return to the world. Chukwu declared that he would respect men’s wishes and when the dog arrived to Chukwu with the true message, Chukwu refused to alter his decision. Thus, although

                                                             735 736

Okpalike, Ichuaja in Igbo…, 92-95. Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 74.

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a human being may be born again, he cannot return with the same body and the same personality.737 This myth, according to some scholars also manifests considerable signs of Christian influence. First of all, the enunciative introductory pattern, like, “there was nothing, neither man nor animals nor plants nor heavens nor earth, nothing”, or “he came and created the heaven and earth…, brought forth water above and water beneath, animals, plants; everything that we see today on earth,” falls outside the Igbo conceptual modes, that is, it contradicts the original Igbo conceptual vision of “creation,” as Okike (to share or distribute), in contraposition on Mmeputa (cause to exist, to make, to produce, etc). Moreover, the Igbo do not present “creation” as originating from the decision of the Supreme God. Rather, (as we observe in the other myths above) it comes as a response to human needs,738 also, Ala has never been presented as a co-creator in Igbo traditional thought. However, the main aim of the myth is finally presented in the second part of the story, with the sending of a messenger (dog) to Chukwu to relate the wishes of men about death to him, and how toad went and gave a different message to him. Egwu asserts: “the main intention of the myth, is to reflect on the problem of death. The blame on the continuous existence of death in the world is laid squarely not on man, not on Chukwu, but on the animal toad.”739 This myth, like others, not only reveals that Chukwu enjoys a position of prominence in the community in which it originated, but also supports the popular saying in Igboland that “ihe rawa ahu ejereya Chukwu” (When something becomes too difficult for the people they go to Chukwu’s oracle), which was the most popular oracle whom the people believe can do everything before the advent of the European in Igboland. It also shows that the Chukwu being referred to in this myth is not living in the sky but somewhere on the earth where the dog and toad can go. Worthy of mention here is an interview conducted on the 10th of April 1973 by R.C. Ogueri a student of University of Nigeria Nsukka with Nwaosu Manuba, a                                                              737

Obiego, Igbo Idea of God, 20-30. Ekwuru, Igbo Cosmology…, 100. As we can see from the other myths discussed above, “creation” especially out of nothing (ex-nihilo) is something unknown to traditional Igbo. Thus, all accounts of creation are presumed to be the “springing” and distribution of things. Speaking on the concept of ‘creation’ as foreign to Igbo lexical structure, Arazu says: “the ordinary meaning of the Igbo word okike is not to make things out of things, but to apportion or to divide…, Chineke only apportions to each existing things its lot and was never conceived by the traditional Igbo religionist as bringing things out of nothing”. See Arazu, The Supreme God…, 1-3. Also Nwoga, The Supreme God…, 54-57. Note also that in the Iso Ama Ibo Prima written by Crowther he did not use the word ‘kee’ to denote create. He rather used mee. ‘Tsuku me ren’me’ (God created me). It seems that if God is regarded as creator, ‘kee’ is not the original word that denoted his creative activities. Cf. Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igb o…, 64. 739 Egwu, Igbo Idea…, 74. 738

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traditional elder of Obibi-Ezena in Owerri area who was supposed to be 95 years old at that time, she writes: Nwaosu Manuba broke cola during which he called on Chineke (not Chukwu) “to do good to the good” and punish and frustrate the evil. Then he went to speak of Chukwu, prefixing his statement with the caveat: “A nhe ana ra anyu ahu ugbu wu, gi kama omenala anyi, nhu shi a gi koga akuko ufere” (what is painful to us now is that when you start speaking of our traditions they say you are telling fairy tale). Then went on to explain why Chukwu went to live far away.740 We will first present the Igbo version. Ihiagwu nhu Chukwu. Chukwu bu Anru ugbu, bi’ina Otamiri ihiagwu.Nhe kpoliri ya ni wu: oku u m kpa ngi ugbu dafuu m agbama Chukwu shi nna Chukwu, ole? Mkpisi fuu, eje juo ya, ugba efuueje juo ya. Onye shiri ashishi nhe aga eje juo ya. Yaanomije shi, ihe ya kwa, a ya aghaghi inochafu ngi anwhu nhi. Ya eshi ngi ni o bi kuwafee. Chukwu eshi nga ahi jema Anru je biri. A fairly literal translation of the statement could be: Ihiagwu was Chukwu. Chukwu that lives at Aro now used to live in Otamiri Ihiagwu. What made him move away was: This pipe that I am holding, if it got lost I would run to Chukwu and say “please father Chukwu, where is it”? A stick gets lost, they go and ask him; oil bean gets lost, they go and ask him. If one is gossiped about, he goes to ask him. After some time he (Chukwu) exclaimed “this is too much. I cannot continue to stay here and be bothered with these trifles”. He got up from there and moved far away. He left there and went to live in Arochukwu. This story from Nwaosu Manuba provides us with the information that Chukwu for the Igbos does not live in the sky but in a shrine in Arochukwu, and is recognized in all parts of Igboland. He is known to solve all problems in traditional Igbo society as the oracular deity. Having examined the three elements of Igbo traditional religion: personal names, proverbs and myths, we can conclude that Chukwu is one of the deities in Igboland, though he enjoys a type of supremacy among other deities in Igbo traditional society. He is not conceived as the Supreme Being in the Christian sense of it. He is                                                              740

Ogueri, quoted by Nwoga, The Supreme God…, 47.

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regarded as all knowing, can do all things and has his abode shrine of Arochukwu where he is consulted by all in Igboland for their different needs. It was certainly this shrine of Chukwu that was the subject of great military bombardment by the British colonial powers in the beginning of the nineteenth century in the subjugation of Igboland. In the Aro expedition which began in December 1901 and lasted till March 1902, the oracle was destroyed with explosives.741 In the words of Egwu, “the prominence and influence of Chukwu are manifested in the amount of force used in getting rid of this shrine”.742 5.4. Chukwu and the gods: The Question of Supremacy Having examined the position or function of Chukwu in Igbo cultic life one may ask, how supreme the Supreme Being (Chukwu) is in Igbo traditional society, since he does not future prominently in the cultic life of the Igbos. Some views led by Christopher Nze for instance contend the supremacy of Chukwu noting that: “the existence of numerous gods-Almighty-gods operative in nature”743 testifies to the existence of many supreme gods in Igbo society. Accepting that there is hierarchy of beings in Igbo society he writes: “Critiques may point out that there is a hierarchy in Igbo society, of course, this is true… but their supremacy is not universal or absolute; it is rather relative”744. Explaining further he says: “The power of the gods are restricted to their own sphere of special influence as other supreme gods”745. However, Mbaegbu argues that the Igbo cannot have multiple supreme gods. He agrees with Nze on the relative supremacy of the gods in their area of influence and operation, but adds that: “just as the gods have relative supremacy in their area of operation, Chukwu has absolute Supremacy over all the gods”746. Explaining further, he writes: “They (gods) administer their assignments with great deal of sovereignty and independence but the ultimate power and authority rest with Chi-Ukwu (God). In that sense, His nature is not threatened neither does the existence of the gods challenge His ultimacy and unity.”747 Gregory Nnamani in support of Mbaegbu says: “Rather than constituting a

                                                             741

Isichei, A History of Igbo People, 126. Egwu, Igbo Idea of God…, 75. 743 Nze, Pragmatism and Traditionalism in the Concept of God…, 21. 744 Ibid. 745 Ibid. 746 Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God…, 333. 747 Ibid. 742

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challenge to the Supreme God, the existence and power of the minor deities are themselves manifestations of His power and magnanimity.”748 However, if one agrees with Mbaegbu and Nnamani that the gods or deities are administrators or manifestations of the Supreme Being. It would be expected that this relationship will reflect in the cultic life of the Igbos, for instance, in their prayer and rituals. But from what we have seen in the analysis of cultic life of the Igbos, this is not the case. Because when the gods or deities fail to answer the prayers of the people after much sacrifice, it would be expected that the Igbos would refer their displeasure to the Supreme Being whom, the administrators (deities) are working for. However, the experience of Georg Basden in an Igbo community also shows that this is not the case among the Igbos. He writes: On one occasion a deputation of men from a neighbouring village waited upon me with the request that I would come and cast out their god (Ngenne), on the ground that too many people had died in spite of many sacrifices offered. The people had come with the conclusion that their Ngenne was too much of a knave (dishonest). Either he had no power to avert disaster, or he was of a sour disposition that nothing would satisfy him, although they beggared themselves in providing sacrifices749. In another instance, in Achebe’s Arrow of God, the renowned orator Nwaka cited the example of how the people of Umuaro dealt with their god ‘Ulu’ which was taking the people to ransom for no just cause. He says: “And we have all heard how the people of Aninta dealt with their deity when he failed them. Did they not carry him to the boundary between them and their neighbours and set fire on him?”750 Also asserting this attitude of the Igbos towards their gods, Michael Echeruo writes in his paper “A Matter of Identity” in 1979, Ahiajoku Lecture: What is equally true is that we (Igbos) are a thoroughly iconoclastic people that we keep our gods in our hearts and have only an appropriately respectful attitude to the circumstances that surround them. We respect the gods, but as the proverb says, we also expect the gods to respect us. We acknowledge the power of the gods, and cultivate their power; but when these gods consistently fail to prove                                                              748

Nnamani, The Paradox of a Suffering God, 328. Basden, Among the Igbos of Nigeria, 214. 750 Achebe, Arrow of God, 347. 749

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themselves powerful, we reserve the right to discard them and seek new gods751. The experience of Basden on the attitude of an Igbo community towards their god or deity (Ngenne) and the statement of Echeruo are proofs that the Igbo do not take their gods as means to an end but rather as ends in themselves, and that the people in their relationship with their gods do not see them as representatives of any other higher being. 5.4.1 General Evaluation From our exposition of Chukwu (Supreme Being) in the religious and social life of the Igbo so far, there are some doubts as to the supremacy of Chukwu among the other gods in Igbo religious life and the existence of this concept in Igbo traditional religion. First, there is no doubt that the standard etymology given to the name Chineke (ie. Creator God) is due to the influence of Christianity. As Nwoga has shown, the word ‘kee’ in Igbo language has nothing to do with making or creating.752 The possibility is that the missionaries took two words which as Achebe pointed out represented for the Igbos the dual supernatural beings responsible for man and his destiny (Chi and Eke) and baptized them into one god. Though there is no doubt that the names existed before the coming of the missionaries to Igboland, what is contested is the meaning of this words in Igbo religious consciousness without the influence of Christianity. Also Chukwu, the second most popular name of God no doubt has been in use long before the presence of the Christian missionaries. It is also certain that Chukwu was used to stand for Ibinukpabi of the Aros, the oracle revered throughout Igboland, and consequently the name was made popular by the Aros through the activities of their deity. This made the early Christian missionaries (Crowther) think that the name fits the God they came to preach about. The claim of some authors that the etymology of the name of the Supreme Being is Chi-ukwu (great Chi) can only be true when there is a reason to think that the Aros coined the term to convince the rest of the Igbo that they were dealing with a supernatural being of the greatest importance,753 than the normal chi which the Igbo                                                              751

Echeruo, Ahaajoku lecture Owerri, ministry of information, 18. Note that in the Iso Amo Ibo Prima, Crowther did not use the word Kee to denote ‘creat’. He rather used mee. ‘Tsuku men ren’me’ (God created me). It seems that if God is regarded as creator, Kee is not the original word that denoted his creative activites. Cf. Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo…, 60 753 Ibid. 752

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have in their religious pantheon, which in other words, may be regarded as Chi-nta (small or inferior chi). This is because the name Chi-ukwu presupposes the existence of another chi which when compared to Chi-ukwu is an inferior one. Secondly, in many religions of the world, what the people believe in their religion, normally and naturally, is reflected in their ritual life.754 One would expect that, that of the Igbo will not be different, but that is the case when we consider the ritual life of the Igbo. It is perplexing that the Supreme Being (Chukwu) has no temples or structures erected which are consecrated to him; no shrine or figures to represent him, no priests who are officially set apart to minister to him, no sacrifices brought to him, no sacred time in form of feasts or festivals consecrated to his honour or worship.755 One wonders what account or answers that can be offered on why the concept of Supreme Being does not reflect on the ritual life of the Igbo people, if not that Chukwu is not conceived as supreme in Igbo religious thought. Furthermore, in the Igbo society, the most important god or deity is Ala. Ala is regarded as the head spirit in any given territory where she operates. Usually, there are other spiritual beings (minor spirits) under her control. Her domination over these minor spirits is manifested in the ritual action which any candidate aspiring to be a priest of any of the minor spirits must perform. For example, before any priest of the minor spirits assumes office, or begins to minister, he must first of all receive Ofo (symbol of authority) from the king priest of the particular Ala. This type of acknowledgment of cultic authority is never shown to the Supreme Being (Chukwu or Chineke).756 The earth deity also receives the tributes paid at the beginning and the oblations presented at the end of the farming year (nru). Okwu Ani (the earth shrine) is the venue for taking major decisions and swearing supreme oaths. Any decision enacted there is irrevocably binding on all concerned within the community.757 Talbot writes: … the chiefs … invoke the juju according to ancient custom, to prevent strife during the sacred month of Ale (Ala)… Should the peace of Earth mother be broken, she would permit the ground to bring forth but scanty harvest; whereas, if but universal goodwill                                                              754

Egwu, Igbo Idea of God…, 60. Ibid. Though it has been argued by some that Chukwu has alters and is whorshipped in some parts of Igboland. One would expect that such a Supreme Being is surposed to be at the centre of Igbo religious worship and not only worshipped in some parts. 756 Ibid. 757 Chieka, Traditional Human Living among the Igbo..., 35. 755

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reign at such a time, crops would spring forth with luxuriance, flock yield great increase and a multitude of strong and healthy babes be sent to gladden happy (hearts and) hearths.758 In Igbo societies, personal and communal disputes are often settled by swearing by a local divinity or by divination, or by appeal to an oracle; illnesses are explained in terms of offences committed against Ala (Earth deity). The prominency of Ala is such that the laws ‘Omenala’ (lit. Actions in accordance with the land) of the Igbo are extricably bounded up with the earth deity and her tenants, and this Omenala cannot easily be altered or repealed. Morality is also based on the ubiquitous Ala/Ani who holds groups together and produces the bounty for the survival and continuity of the race. Some specific crimes known as ‘aru’ (abominations) are regarded as offences against Ala and not against the Supreme Being (Chukwu). Some of these crimes includes: murder, homicide, suicide, adultery, stealing (especially yam), to mention but a few. These crimes whenever committed require sacrifices of purification, and these sacrifices are only offered to Ala and not to any other spirit. These sacrifices are usually done by the priest of the earth deity (Eze-Aja-Ani, Eze-Ani) who is often the foremost and greatest of the religious functionaries in the village. He is the ‘cleaner’ of abominations (nso ala or aru) committed against the land. In this regard, the anthropologists Forde and Jones documenting their research findings in Igboland write about Ala thus: “Ala, earth spirit is the most prominent deity and is regarded as the queen of the underworld and the owner of man whether dead or alive. She is the source and judge of human morality and accordingly exercises the main ritual sanctions in disputes and offences. The priests of Ala are guardians of public morality.”759 Indeed, Ala (Earth deity or mother Earth) is the most intimate deity in the hearts and minds of the Igbo. She is also perceived as the defender of the weak and castigator of the wicked, hence, the Igbo give their children names like: Achebe (Anichebe: may mother Earth protect), Agbogu (Anibogu, Anigboo-ogu: may mother Earth settle the fight), Akwuba (Anikweuba: may mother Earth permit increase), Anikwenze (may mother Earth permit the king enjoyment his title                                                              758 759

Talbot, Tribes of the Niger Delta…, 68-69. Cf. also Ifemesia, Traditional Human living among…, 36. Forde and Jones, quoted by Ilegbune, Earth Deity (Ala) and Morality in Igbo Worldview..., 30

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prestige) and such other names bearing the component ani or ala.760 Having observed the position of Ala in Igbo society, Talbot writes: “in some Igbo society, Ala is taken to be the supreme being.”761 The question then is, if there was a pre-existing concept of a Supreme Being, why would the Igbo not offer him any organized cult; why is it that all important functions (especially that) of maintaining morality, the prerogative of Ala (the Earth deity), and not that of the Supreme Being (Chukwu). The argument of the Supreme Being being vague and incomprehensible, and the interpretation that God is viewed as the ultimate recipient of all the sacrifices offered to deities, and that all those deities are the agents of God.762 In the words of Oguejiofor, “are but Christian doctrine clothed with a very thin vest of Igbo traditional religion, (because) if the deities were so subservient it would be impossible to explain the attitude of the Igbos towards them.”763 Echeruo in his Ahiajoku Lecture makes the following statement concerning Ala: “One divinity, however, was beyond the capriciousness of the Igbo: that divinity is neither Igwe, nor even Chukwu, but Ala, the goddess of the earth. She was the one deity which no man or woman and no community could afford to offend, much less discard. If ever there was a supreme god among the Igbo, it was Ala”764. However, According to Oguejiofor: There is also a strong doubt that the Igbo people regard Ala as a single universal deity. Certainly they often use the name without any other qualification. But the evidence indicates that it is more likely a generic name whose specifications surface once it becomes necessary to avoid confusion. The Igbo traditional religionist would rather talk of Ani-Onitsha, Ala-Owerre, Ala-Awkuzu... it seems that just as each individual has his own chi, and each man has his own Ikenga, each autonomous community also has its own Ala.765 Laying credence to what Oguejiofor said, Margaret Green writes:                                                              760

Ifemesia, Traditional Human living among…, 36. Talbot, The People of…, 44. The statement of Talbot implies that Ala is not the supreme spirit but other spirites. 762 Arinze, Sacrifice in Igbo…, 10-11. 763 Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo…, 61. 764 Echeruo, A Master of Identity..., 19. 765 Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo…, 70. 761

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It is not to be sure of the implication of the cult of Ala. Ala is one, the people will say, in the sense that a priest of Ala can learn his functions from another priest anywhere. But when Ala is invoked, as it frequently is in prayer, it is Ala anye... Our land – or Ala Umueke, that is called upon. I used to ask my staff what they thought people had in mind in there invocation, and they said it was the local Ala and not some general conception of the land.766 Thus, Green’s statement supports that Ala, though acknowledged in every part of Igboland, is also localized. For example, totem animals that are never eaten become edible once they cross the borders of the community where they are totem. The Igbos say: ihe mba na aso ka mba na eri (what one community forbids eating is delicacy in another community). Homicide (even when accidental) is nso ala (abomination, defilement of the Ala), but when committed in a foreign land, it does not constitute for the criminal a serious crime. Sometimes such deeds were greatly praised;767 though as Basden points out, “... such deeds must be performed abroad: They are very serious crimes when committed against a follow-town’s man. But if perpetrated outside the town area, when the criminal returns safely, especially if he brings back his booty, he will be congratulated on his success.”768 Hence, offences that are regarded as defilement of Ala are binding only on those who live within a particular community, or within a community in which one has blood relations. When these offences have their direct adverse effect on a human being, it will be a serious abomination against Ala if a member of the community or a permanent resident is affected. It is not known that the Ala of a foreign community holds in ransom an offender who is neither a member of the community nor a resident. In cases where the community becomes aware that their land has been defiled by a stranger, they can offer expiatory sacrifice or seek redress.769 When one commits an offence against Ala of a community and leaves that particular Ala to another Ala (community) he has not defiled; without contact with the Ala he defiled, he can well live out his life without problems. The above concept of Ala among the Igbos also gives us the reason to believe that Ala is not a single universal deity among the Igbo. Being local, she cannot logically be                                                              766

Green, Igbo Village Affairs, 26. Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo…, 70. 768 Basden, Niger Ibos, 39. 769 Achebe, Things fall Apart..., 104. The Igbos are of the belief that if the clan did not exact punishment for an offence against the earth goddess, her wrath will affect not only the offender, but on the whole land. 767

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supreme.770 This goes a long way to confirms that there is no supreme deity of the Christian concept of Supreme Being in Igbo pantheon before the advent of the missionaries to Igboland. Another deity or spiritual being one would have attributed the concept of supremacy to is Chi. Chi is the only spiritual being in Igbo religious pantheon that is conceived as the ultimate reality of all things. Ritually, Chi is worshipped in the entire Igboland. It has shrines, priests and feasts dedicated to him. However, what cast some doubt on the supremacy of Chi is the concept that Chi is not one but many, hence no two people have the same Chi. Thus, the Igbo says: Otu nne muru, mana obughi otu chi kere. (Two people may be of the same mother, but they are not of the same Chi {destiny}); Hence, the concept of Chi ojoo and Chi oma (good Chi and bad Chi). Also the Igbo concept that “onye ka mmadu ka chi ya” (One who is bigger or stronger than a person is stronger than his chi) depicts Chi not as a supreme spiritual being. 5.4.2 Summary and Conclusion Effort have been made towards finding out if the Supreme Being has being part of the structure of Igbo religious thought before the advent of Christianity in Igboland and whether Chukwu (One of the nomencletures of the Supreme Being among the Igbo) has always being a universal God of the Igbo. In doing this, a presentation of the possible origin of the Igbo people was made by examining the different theories on the origin of the Igbo. We also analysed the different opinions on the nature of Igbo traditional religion to find out whether it is monotheistic or polytheistic to help us know the place of Chukwu in Igbo traditional religion. Though there is already a development within the Igbo culture attempting to conceive Chukwu or Chi as a single universal absolute reality, it was discovered through the cultic life of the Igbo, the intiation and fuction of their secred persons, that the Igbo worship Chukwu and many other gods or deities (not only that the Igbo worship these gods, they are more prominent in the cultic life of the people. Their presence is felt more in the social and religious life of the Igbo) which portrays Igbo traditional religion as a polytheistic and not monotheistic religion. The examination of some elements of Igbo traditional religion such as: names, proverbs and myths also shows that the Chukwu being refered to in these names, proverbs and myths is not necessarily the Supreme Being but Chukwu as one of the                                                              770

Oguejiofor, The Influence of Igbo…, 70.

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gods worshiped in Igboland. However, the impact of the work of Christian missionaries in Igboland cannot be over looked as it concerned the concept of Supreme Being and the life of the Igbo in general. It is obvious that Igbo traditional names, proverbs and myths have changed very much due to Christian influence. Luke Mbefo writes, “After all”, “his work (Shanahan) among us has transformed us into different Nigerians (Igbos) from our ancestors”.771 Certain things which they did when they transmitted Christianity to Igboland were good and adequate; others were insufficient and deficient and led to some of the problems of today. However, the polytheistic nature of the Igbo and absence of a supreme god (being) in their traditional religion, manifest in the life of some weak or not very conviced Igbo Christians. When they are faced with serious life difficulties, they turn back to their old ways by looking for solutions from their traditional gods or deities,772 which in Igbo traditional life is a normal practice, as one is free to try many gods until he or she finds the solution to his or her problems. Augustus Ohajiriogu writes, “The traditional Igbo of Nigeria may condone such contradictory religious attitude and hypocrisy by maintaining that ‘anaghi ano ofu ebe ekiri mmanwu’ meaning that one does not stay at a spot to get a good glimpse of the masquerade”773. Lamenting this attitude of some Igbo Christians, Ndiokwere writes, “It is not understandable why a Christian who goes to mass in the morning is seen in the house of a witchdoctor in the evening with his amulet in the pocket and at the same time wearing the scapular around his neck”.774 This attitude of some of the Igbo Christians is not caused by external influence; rather it is something intrinsic and goes a long way to support that in Igbo traditional society either there is no concept of the Supreme Being or the concept is not well developed as it is in Christianity.775                                                              771

 Mbefo, Nigeria’s Twofold Heritage..., 54.   For example, a Roman Catholic reverend sister in Nigeria lost a large some of money sent to her by her brother for some work in their family house. In an effort to find the money she tricked those living with her in the convent and took them to the shrine of a dibia (native doctor) to find out who among them took her money. Also an Igbo Roman Catholic priest lecturer in one of the seminaries in Nigeria lost some money in his house. After praying for some time about the money he went and consulted a deity he believed would help him found his money or reveal the person that took the money. It is also a common thing among many Igbo Christians to advice their friends who are in one problem or the other to go and seek the solution to their problem from the Igbo traditional gods or deities. On the ground that their problem is not what prayer to God alone would solve. 773  Augustus Ohajiriogu. This attitude means also that one can combine different religious currents in as much as they will help him solve his life problem. 774 Ndiokwere, The African Church Today and Tomorrow, Vol., 1. 775   Mbaegbu writes: “The concept of God among the pre-modern Igbo at the epistemological level, that is, at the level of knowledge or appearance of “God-as-grasped” (the phenomenal God) is in many ways opposed to or 772

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The picture776 is a clear presentation of the Igbo Christians’ attitude described above.

This picture depicts the character of an Igbo Christian who is not completely convinced of his new religion (Christianity).                                                                                                                                                                                                   different from the Christian or Western phenomenal God in the sense that their sources of knowledge differ essentially. While the phenomenal God of the Igbo is arrived at within the limits of reason that of the Christian is through both reason and supernatural revelation. The implication is that perfect knowledge of God at this epistemological level is both the function of reason and faith. Thus Christianity which avails herself of the benefits of supernatural revelation which pure reason cannot attain plays an indispensable role in providing traditional minds with the perfect truths about God which their reason’s capacity could not provide. It is only at this level that one can think of the importation of the Idea from Christianity to the Igbo traditional concept of God …. Admittedly, the premodern Igbo man’s notions of God especially at the level of ttedly, the pre-modern Igbo man’s notions of God especially at the epistemological level are not scientifically expressed and documented as it is in other Weastern cultures. But he has vague, unscientific and uncoordinated ideas about this phenomenal God. What we think Christianity contributed to Igbo concept of the Supreme Being does not go beyond the epistemological level. And even at this level, its contribution is better summerized in the phrase “Logical conclusion and Fulfillment”. Cf. Mbaegbu. Hermeneutics of God…, 346-347.   776 Nkwota, of CAS Creation in God Providence Printer, Mushin Lagos, Nigeria is the artist of the work. http://images.google.de/imgres?imgurl=http://farm1.static.flickr.com/165/422271007_c41cda845f.jpg%3Fv%3D November, 2008.

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Though he would want to identify himself with the new Religion (Christianity), giving the glories that is associated with it. He also practices his old religion by seeking solutions to his problems from the traditional gods or deities. Convinced that the God of his new religion (Christianity) cannot solve his problems; he reaches a compromise by combining the old and the new in order to have this spiritual balance. This shows the underlying attitude from his old religion - Igbo traditional religion (polytheism) (This is a very serious problem in Christianity in Igboland). One can say that it is the “vague” concept of God (as in a polytheistic religion) in Igbo traditional religion that prepared the soil for effective evangelization by the Christian missionaries. The Christian missionaries, having met an already religious people like St Paul in Athens (Acts 17:22-23), did not find it difficult planting the word of God. Thus, Christianity taught the pre-modern Igbo the best concept of God. With the coming of Christianity in Igboland God (Christ) and no more the traditional gods was made the focal point of human (Igbo) salvation. Though He is present in every tradition and culture in a unique way, Christianity helped the Igbo find authenticity and affiliation with Christ whose mission on earth was to unite all religion and lead them to God. 5.4.3 Recommendations The essence of this work is not to criticize Igbo traditional religion or to support the notion that it a primitive or paganish religion which cannot concive the Supreme Being, or to condemn the good works of the Christian missionaries who endeavored to bring the message of Christ to Igboland. Rather, to analyze Igbo traditional religion in its original nature to find out the root cause, or why many Igbo Christians are not authentic Christians, why they find it easy to worship other gods (even as Christians) especially when they are confronted by serious problems in their life. In other to make sure that the objective of this work is achieved, some suggestions which we think will help in bringing the Christian massage of salvation to the center of Igbo life will be made.

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Frist, the use of the name of a deity in Igboland for God was a missionary mistake by the early Christian missionaries.777 This in a way made it difficult for the early Igbo Christian converts to understand properly the difference between their old religion and Christianity. Because the missionaries did not make them understand properly the difference between the Chukwu as God and the deity they associated this name with before their conversion to their new religion. For example, the Igbo catholic catechism which is used to teach the Igbo catholics about God is not detail in content. This misunderstanding is even observed in the way some Igbo Christians practice their Christian religious belief.778 Effort should be made to provide the Igbo speaking Christians a more detailed catholic catechism. The catechism which can to take into consideration the contents and recommendations of the new catholic catechism issued by Pope John 11 in 1992 and the teaching of St. Paul in … when I was a child I take children’s food and now am an adult I eat the food of adults (1 Cor. 13: 11). In line with this, there should be in different parishes and dioceses priests and well trained persons who can teach the people the difference between Christian concepts which are similar to the one the Igbo have in their traditional religion. These should be explained very well so that the people understand the difference. It is necessary because evangelization loses much of its force and effectiveness if it does not take into consideration the actual people to whom it is addressed, if it does not use their language, their signs and symbols, if it does not answer the questions they ask and if it does not have a concrete impact on their life.779 Secondly, apart from catechism classes where children and adults are prepared for the reception of the sacraments especially the sacraments of baptism, the Eucharist, penance, confirmation and matrimony. Evening instructions which are given in catholic parishes, moral instructions which are still conducted in different schools, retreats and seminars should focus more on teaching the people the principles of Christianity, especially the worship of one God (monotheism) taking cognizance of                                                              777

In Athens, St. Paul while in his missionary enterprise did not use the name of one of their gods to preach about his monotheistic Yahweh. The Greeks had ruled the world as they knew it, before the rise of the Roman Empire. Greek was the language of that ancient civilization. The principal god of the Greeks was Zeus regarded as the father of the gods. Paul was aware of that, but he chose to preach about Yahweh not as Zeus, but as an “Unknown god” he saw as an inscription on an alter. Cf. Arazu, Chukwu and Yahweh: The Problem of Naming God…, 25. 778 Some Igbo Christian hang some Christian religious objects such as holy water, crucifix, medals etc. on their door post and in their farms, the way Igbo traditionalist hang charms with the believe that these religious objects will harm anybody who comes into their home with charms to harm them or in their farm to steal. 779 Paul 11, Apostolic Exhortation on Evangelization in the Modern World, 63.

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their background as a people who have many gods in the pantheon of their former religion. Thirdly, In Igbo traditional worldview, man is perceived to be at the center of the universe, (the Igbo man has anthropological values). Much importance is attached to life and various means are used to enhance and sustain it, whatever threatens life (such as sickness, misfortunes, childlessness, curses and death) is considered an evil which must be fought by all means. Consequently, the Igbo traditional notion of suffering and misfortune is far different from the Christian concept of “resignation to God’s will”,780 in times of suffering. In times of tension and frustration, the traditional pragmatic nature of the Igbo come to bare, they make recourse to the deities which they consider powerful as they (deities) could pragmatically influence human life and have the ability to satisfy human needs. Therefore, for a typical Igbo man to convert wholly to Christianity more renewed pastoral attention should be given to the concept of suffering in human life. The church in Igboland should intensify her teaching on the Christian concept of suffering. As some of her members still believe in the traditional understanding of misfortune in human life and even seek idolatrous solution at moments of sickness or other unpleasant life experiences. They need to be drilled thoroughly on the Christian theology of suffering.781 In general, there should be renewed pastoralecclesial solidarity with the poor, the sick, the childless couples, the bereaved and all the members of the church who are in need both physical and spiritual. This should not only take care of their material needs, as is done in many parishes where relief materials and aids are offered the poor during Christmas, Easter, uka-nne (Mothering Sunday) , uka-nna (Fathering Sunday) and other times. Effort should be made to use the opportunity to offer them thorough pastoral counseling about their situations. According to Teresa Okure, “Christianity is neither a culture nor a monolithic institution. It is a personal message, which encounters persons in concrete life situations not at all superficially. As it were, it strives to reach and touch people as they are; contextually, culturally, and in their socio-anthropological

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Ezeanya Stephen corroborates that according to the religious tradition of the Igbos suffering, sickness, misfortune and natural disaster were all attributed to the influence of powers above man, both good and evil showing their displeasure at human offences. He states therefore that in traditional religion suffering is seen as evil that must be got rid of. Resignation to God’s will is unthoughtful, because suffering has no value or useful purpose to serve in life. Cf. Ezeanya, The Christian and Suffering, Pastoral Letter, 1989, Onitsha, Nr. 22-23. Cf. Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing Conflict…, 299. 781 Udoye, Resolving the Prevailing Conflict…, 304.

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conditions. It paves the way for Christ and the spirit to capture, heal, liberate and possess the people”782. Also, Igbo Christians, should be encouraged to undertake in-depth studies in philosophy, theology, more so, be committed to social scientific researches that will lead them to self-rediscovery. As a proper knowledge of theology, and African (Igbo) thought in particular will lead to a better presentation of the gospel to the Igbo people. Finally, in the Ten Commandment, it is stated that, “Thou shall not have other gods before me. You shall not make for yourself an idol in the form of anything in heaven above and on the earth beneath. You shall not bow down to them or serve them” (Exodus 20:3-5 KJV.). Based on this, it is our humble suggestion that Igbo scholars and theologians should not in their effort in elevating Igbo traditional religion to the rank of other world religions confuse some already confused Igbo Christians by suggesting or teaching them that the gods and deities are the messengers of God (the Supreme Being).783 Rather, they should like St. Paul who though saw alters of many gods (as we have in Igboland) in Athens did not choose any of these gods as the God he came to preach to them, but rather devised a means of presenting to the “new Supreme God” to them. (Acts 17:22-23). As we have come to the end of this work, I will like to acknowledge that though this work has tried in a certain way to answer some question set out on this topic discussed. We did not solve entirely or make a final conclusion on this topic or the problem we intended to solve. It is our hope that our incapability and conclusions arrived at in this work will serve as a meaningful point of departure or reference for further researches and provoke more serious thoughts on the better ways of solving the problem of ‘double-dealing’ among many Igbo Christians so that they may be redirected to lead a good Christian life.

                                                             782

Okure, Inculturation: Biblical/Theological Base in Okure, T., et al., 32 Article in Evaluation Inculturation of Christianity in Africa, 115. 783 Mbaegbu writes: “There is no definite denial of other gods, they (Igbos) also believe in the existence of many gods and these gods receive prayers, petitions, and sacrifices either in themselves or on behalf of the Supreme Being … the gods exist as gods and messengers at the same time. They relate to God as creator is related to creature; father to son; master to servant etc. They may receive sacrifices on their own as tokens and remuneration to inspire them in their role as go-between between God and man”. Cf. Mbaegbu, Hermeneutics of God…, 350.

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The contemporary Igbo Christians, while accepting the supremacy of God, are still easily prone to seek other causes and other solutions for the problems of their lives. They are quite satisfied to give God his due at mass and service on Sunday and go home and give Amadioha (other deities) his due. This attitude of many Igbo Christians has been a cause to worry to the clergy and scholars. This attitude has also call the faith of the Igbo Christians and their concept of God as a Supreme Being to question. In this work the author tries to critically analyze the concept of the Supreme Being in Igbo traditional religion which is the religion from which the Igbo Christians were converted to Christianity. In doing this he analyzed Igbo traditional religion to find out whether it is a monotheistic or polytheistic religion; to know the position of Chukwu in the cultic and social life of the Igbo and to know if the old religion (Igbo traditional religion) influences the attitude of the contemporary Igbo Christians and concluded by making some recommendations that can help the Igbo Christians stop living a double standard life.

Rev. Fr. Isidore Chika Orjikwe is an indigene of Uturu in Isukwuato Local Government Area of Abia State (Nigeria). He holds Bachelor’s degree in Philosophy and Theology (Bigard Memorial Seminary Enugu, Nigeria). He was ordained a catholic priest in 2001. After his ordination he acquired a Post Graduate Diploma in Education (from Imo State University Owerri, Nigeria) and the doctorate from Julius Maximilian University Wu ¨ rzburg, Germany in 2015.

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