The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture (Contemporary Urban Design Thinking) 3031378601, 9783031378607

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Contemporary Urban Design Thinking

Rob Roggema  Editor

The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture

Contemporary Urban Design Thinking

This series is indexed in SCOPUS. This series investigates contemporary insights in urban design theory and practice. Urbanism has considerably changed and developed over the years and undergoes a transformation moving into an era of uncertainty, regeneration, and resilience. In the recent past urban planning and design has focused on growth and was economically driven. This is no longer feasible in the context of rapid change, environmental and social transformation, and climate impacts. Therefore, new ideas for creating innovative approaches and implementation in urbanism are urgently required. This series publishes titles dealing with novel methods of urbanism such as nature-driven urbanism, social-driven urban planning, and landscape-based urban design. The series includes books and contributions by established researchers and leaders in the fields of urban design, city development and landscape urbanism. The books contain the most recent insights into urbanism and provides actual and timely publications that fill the gap in current literature. The series is of special interest to urbanists, landscape architects, architects, policy makers, city/urban planners, urban designers/researchers, and to all of those interested in a wide-ranging overview of contemporary urban design innovations in the field.

Rob Roggema Editor

The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture

Editor Rob Roggema Escuela de Architecture, Artes y Diseño Tecnológico de Monterrey Monterrey, Mexico

ISSN 2522-8404     ISSN 2522-8412 (electronic) Contemporary Urban Design Thinking ISBN 978-3-031-37860-7    ISBN 978-3-031-37861-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Contents

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 From Food as Commodity to Food as Community������������������������������    1 Rob Roggema

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Spatial Evolutions������������������������������������������������������������������������������������    9 Rob Roggema

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 Finding Space for Urban Productivity��������������������������������������������������   27 Rob Roggema

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FoodSpace ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   49 Rob Roggema

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Hardware, Software, Interface: A Strategy for the Design of Urban Agriculture ������������������������������������������������������������������������������   67 Greg Keeffe

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Symbiotic Peri-Urban Agricultural Interfaces: Applying Biophilic Design Principles to Facilitate Peri-Urban Agricultural Areas into Ecology, Foodscape, and Metropolitan Transition������������������������������������������������������������������   93 Fudai Yang, Arjan van Timmeren, and Nico Tillie

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From Food Swamps to Nutritious Landscapes of Tomorrow: Evidence from Mexico City��������������������������������������������  137 Aleksandra Krstikj, Moisés Gerardo Contreras Ruiz Esparza, and Christina Boyes

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How Big Is the Farm? Trailing the Externalities and Internalities of Industrialised Farming and Urban Agriculture����������������������������������������������������������������������������  157 Seán Cullen, Greg Keeffe, and Emma Campbell

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Migrant Edible Gardens�������������������������������������������������������������������������  175 Mirjana Lozanovska and Ha Minh Hai Thai

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Contents

10 The  FoodRoof: Growing Food in Favelas����������������������������������������������  193 Rob Roggema 11 From  Building to Interface: Reframing the Supermarket to Unlock Climate Transition Pathways������������������������������������������������  211 Emma Campbell and Greg Keeffe 12 Designing  Productive Urban Landscapes����������������������������������������������  227 Minke Mulder and Claire Oude Aarninkhof 13 Pre and Post-Pandemic View of Meshing Street Art, Industry Architecture, Urban Design and the Imperative of Green Spaces in a Corporate World��������������������������������������������������  239 Ann McCulloch and Alexander McCulloch 14 Lutkemeer-Polder: An Agroecological Rurban Voedselpark��������������  273 Rob Roggema and Jeffrey Spangenberg 15 In  the Future, Will Food Be Grown in Cities?��������������������������������������  295 Rob Roggema Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  301

About the Editor and Authors

About the Editor Prof. Dr. Ir. Rob Roggema is Distinguished Professor of Regenerative Culture at Tecnológico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico, and Director/Founder of Cittaideale, office for adaptive design and planning. He is Visiting Professor at Queens University Belfast and lead author of the Architecture, Urban Design and Planning chapter of the third assessment report of the UCCRN.  He is a Landscape Architect and an internationally renowned design-expert on sustainable urbanism, climate adaptation, energy landscapes, and urban agriculture. He has written three books on climate adaptation and design and four on urban agriculture, sustainable buildings and cities, design charrettes, Rio’s FoodRoofs, and design for recovery in Japan, and is series editor of Contemporary Urban Design Thinking (Springer). Rob is the leader of the climate adaptive design 2021 team for the Groningen region (“Moeder Zernike”), initiated the FEW-nexus project “the Moveable Nexus” (SUGI/JPI-­Europe), and designed the Edible Park in Ede, the Netherlands. He leads the design team of “Nature-Rich Netherlands” and is the lead landscape architect of Greening NEOM development. Rob developed the Swarm Planning concept, a dynamic way of planning the city for future adaptation to climate change impacts, and has designed and led over 30 design charrettes around the world, involving communities, academics, governments, and industries in design processes for more resilient communities.  

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About the Editor and Authors

About the Authors Christina Boyes  is an assistant professor in the International Studies Division at the Center for Economic Research and Teaching, A.C. (CIDE) in Mexico City. She holds a PhD and M.A. from the University of Colorado Boulder in International Relations and Public Policy focused on the role of natural mineral resources and intrastate conflict and an M.A. in Cross-Cultural Studies from Regis University. She teaches classes on International Organizations at CIDE. She has a forthcoming paper in the British Journal of Political Science, as well as chapters in edited volumes from Springer, CRC Press, and the American Political Science Association. She is also the current Vice President and Co-program Chair for the ELIAS section of the International Studies Association. Dr. Emma Campbell is a Research Fellow in the School of Natural and Built Environment at Queen’s University, Belfast. Emma uses a range of designresearch approaches to reimagine systems and spaces that address our climate and biological emergency. Emma is particularly interested in applied climate regeneration design using circular economy principles and nature-based solutions in co-creation settings. Currently, she works on the EU-funded UPSURGE project which looks at the implementation of naturebased solutions on unused green spaces in Belfast alongside local communities. She has previously been a Research Fellow on the Innovate UK-funded Ideal Home. Emma’s PhD research applies a similar methodology to consider the emergence, development, and potential futures of supermarket shopping.  

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Moises Gerardo Contreras Ruiz Esparza studied Civil Engineering at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), has a Master’s degree in Earth Sciences from UNAM, and has completed the PhD course in Seismology at Kyoto University, Japan. He has more than 18 years of experience analysing seismic data and performing hazard assessments at an international level (Japan, Spain, USA, and Mexico). He worked for 2 years as a Deputy Director of Seismic Risk in the Mexican National Center for Disaster Prevention and in the National Seismological Service of Mexico. Currently, he is working in the seismic instrumentation unit at UNAM’s Institute of Engineering.  

Dr. Seán Cullen is a Lecturer of Future Cities in the School of Natural and Built Environment at Queen’s University Belfast (QUB). His research focuses on how architecture and design can tackle the challenges of climate change in a globalized, accelerated culture. In recent years, he has worked on a range of research projects that explore the application of design methodologies to imagine spatial interventions in landscapes and industries that require rapid climate action. These projects have included: the Moveable-Nexus (M-NEX), funded by Joint Programming Initiative (JPI) Urban Europe and Belmont Forum, which applied a designled approach to the food-water-energy nexus in cities vulnerable to climate change; and Ideal Home, funded by Innovate UK, which examines sustainable pathways, technologies, and processes for poultry production while improving animal welfare. He teaches architectural design in the undergraduate and postgraduate programmes at QUB.  Previously, he has worked for Burckhardt+PartnerAG and Sult Design on a range of commercial and public design projects.  

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About the Editor and Authors

Greg Keeffe is Professor of Architecture and Urbanism at Queens University Belfast and an internationally renowned urban designer. His expertise is in urban resilience, in particular climate-proof cities, net zero neighbourhoods, and urban agriculture. He is the designer of the award-winning Biospheric Project, the world’s first building integrated aquaponic vertical farm, as well as a large number of urban design strategies for neighbourhoods around the world, in cities such as Amsterdam, Sevilla, Tokyo, and Sydney. Recently he has worked more directly with communities, supermarket retailers, and chicken famers to develop innovative solutions to reduce the impact of food production. In addition to his current post, he is also Visiting Professor in the School of Architecture at Cornell University.  

Aleksandra Krstikj is Assistant Research Professor at Tec de Monterrey’s School of Architecture, Art and Design. Her lines of research are nutritious landscapes, sustainable urban development, and resilience, with a focus on spatial equity and urban services. She has published in numerous international indexed journals, and in 2022, she co-edited the book COVID-19 and Cities: Experiences, Responses, and Uncertainties (Springer). In the last two years, Aleksandra Krstikj has received the recognition of Distinguished Professor from Tec de Monterrey and she was nominated for Gender STI’s #WomenInLeadership campaign, which celebrates women leaders in science, technology, and innovation.  

Mirjana Lozanovska is Professor of Architecture and Director of the Architecture Vacancy Lab at Deakin University. Her work investigates the creative ways that architecture mediates human dignity and identity through multidisciplinary theories of space. Her books include Migrant Housing: Architecture, Dwelling, Migration (2019), Ethno-Architecture and the Politics of Migration (2016), and Iconic Industry (2017). She has published widely on Kenzo Tange’s masterplan for Skopje, including “Cold War Collaboration: Urbanism in the UN-Yugoslavian project for the reconstruction of Skopje after the 1963 earthquake,” Planning Perspectives, (2017, with I. Martek). Mirjana was co-editor of Fabrications 2018–2021. She is currently investigating the space of labour with focus on BHP Steelworks, Port Kembla (Australia Research Council Discovery Project).  

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Alexander McCulloch was Director/owner of McCulloch Gallery (CBD) and Director of Metro Gallery. With a particular interest in Aboriginal Art, emerging artists in Australia, and international acclaimed artists, McCulloch had fortnightly exhibitions for 10 years and hosted a radio program alongside the advent of these exhibitions. During his Master’s degree in Curating Art at the University of Melbourne, he gave several conference papers, judged numerous Art prizes, and wrote regular reviews and articles. In recent years, McCulloch completed a Law Degree, and alongside his role as Art Dealer and commentator, he works as a solicitor in the area of personal injury.  

Professor Emerita Ann McCulloch (Deakin University, Australia) explores in her multi-disciplinary scholarship the history of ideas (philosophical, psychological, political) that inform Aesthetics, Literature, and the Visual Arts. She is author of 10 books and numerous chapters and articles. Her prevailing interest in Tragedy and its attendant theories pervade her work whether it is directed at Australian Writers such as Patrick White, AD Hope and Christina Stead or subject areas such as the re-invention of space; child abuse and subsequent adult depression, Climate Change, Discourse of the Arts and particular interests in the philosophies of F.  Nietzsche, S.  Freud; C Jung, Deleuze and Guatari et. al. McCulloch is the foundation member and Executive Editor of the online journal Double Dialogues (23 journal issues to date and 5 books) and co-coordinator of the related international conferences (1996–). She has created a documentary of seven parts on the life and Work of AD Hope and three documentaries on climate change. Her interest in theatre has resulted in her directing, producing, and writing 12 theatrical events and culminating in a six-act play “Where Gypsies Lie” performed at the National Theatre and St Martin Theatre in Melbourne, Australia.  

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Minke Mulder and Claire Oude Aarninkhof Claire Oude Aarninkhof and Minke Mulder are award-winning and internationally working landscape architects who graduated from Wageningen University (BSc and MSc, both with honours, 2008). Their Master’s Thesis called “Croproad Park”: designing a productive urban landscape instigated an ongoing research into the implementation of aesthetically pleasing, functional, and socially imbedded urban agriculture in a city’s public space. The work has been nominated for Archiprix Netherlands as well as Archiprix International 2009 and won the 3rd Prize at StedenbouwNU 2009. As Young Innovators (2014, commissioned by the Dutch Board of Government Advisors), the authors have collaborated in the (inter-)national context on expanding their knowledge and researching the viability and success rate of urban agriculture projects, resulting in the publication of Stadslandbouwdoos, here referred to as ProduCityPlanner. Both have longstanding work experience as both conceptual and practice-oriented landscape architects in several design offices in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands.  

Jeffrey Spangenberg is Co-founder of Foodcouncil MRA, Director of the A Matter of Food foundation, and owner of Spang31 consultancy. He has a background in medical anthropology and business administration. He is specialized in organizational culture and change, started as a consultant and found salvation as a social entrepreneur. He discovered the regenerative social power of food. This led to the ambition to use food as an instrument for change, on a regional, local and individual level. This played out in a number of activities and projects, such as kickstarting the first street food event in the Netherlands to change the urban food system bottom up and running the Jamie Oliver mobile food incubator project, to promote less is more entrepreneurship. He initiated the design of the first food court in the Netherlands, World of Food, as a local common. The foundation of the Foodcouncil MRA with Arnold van der Valk was inspired on the teachings of Wayne Roberts. Currently he is working on a hyper short food chain based on regenerative  

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agro-ecological principles and with a multi stakeholders governance, Voedselpark Amsterdam, with the mission to decrease urban food insecurity and to make local healthy food more accessible and affordable for the most vulnerable in the city. Dr. Ha Minh Hai Thai Thai’s teaching and research focus on the social and economic significance of urban physical form, i.e. how the spatial settings of cities’ street networks, everyday used public spaces, and building types shape dwellers’ social and economic activities. His research brings together three major schools of urban analysis, including mathematical-based space syntax, mapping-based urban morphology, and ethnography. He has collaborated with designers and scholars in Vietnam, China, the Philippines, Taiwan, Korea, and USA and engaged with informal traders and disadvantaged migrant communities to examine the spatial nature of their livelihoods and transnational place-making practices. His research findings advance knowledge and practices on policymaking, design, and management of cities, advocating more just, inclusive, vibrant, and safe public spaces. His most recent projects include “Economic significance of Hanoi’s urban form,” “World Atlas of Chinatowns,” and “Migrant place-making in Australia.”  

Arjan van Timmeren is Full Professor at TU Delft, Faculty of Architecture and the Built Environment, Department Urbanism, section Environmental Technology & Design(ETD). Besides he is Scientific Director of Resilient Delta Initiative in Rotterdam, Academic Portfolio Director Sustainable Cities program for the TUD Extension School, and Principal Investigator at AMS Institute in Amsterdam (Institute for “Advanced Metropolitan Solutions”). His work focuses on sustainable development in the built environment, with emphasis on environmental technology, urban metabolism, circular and biobased economy, nature-based solutions, urban climate, and environmental behaviour. He leads several (inter)national projects and has seats in (inter)national steering groups, quality teams and scientific boards, special issue editorships and is lecturing all over the globe as expert and keynote speaker.  

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Nico Tillie is a landscape architect/botanist and specializes in synergetic urban landscape planning at TU Delft, where he leads the Urban Ecology and Ecocities Lab. He works on issues ranging from low carbon cities and climate adaptation to biodiversity. He is conference chair of the Ecocities World Summit 2022 and chairs the Scientific Board of NL Greenlabel.  

Fudai Yang is a recent graduate of the Master of Landscape program at Delft University of Technology with a double Bachelor’s degree in Philosophy and Landscape Architecture. She is currently working as a Landscape Researcher and Designer at Defacto Urbanism. Fudai has a specific interest in systemic landscapes facing global trends, e.g. sea level rise. By rethinking the landscape with a nature-based approach, her perspective on the relationship between human and nature is constantly redefined. In her thesis, with a research-by-design methodology, she explored the potential from the history of the site to transform a reclaimed Dutch polder into a mesoscale symbiotic landscape framework.  

Chapter 1

From Food as Commodity to Food as Community Rob Roggema

Abstract  The trend to produce more food in harmony with the environment is visible, however not yet the dominant way of agricultural practice. The ever-growing scale of industrial agricultural production, food as a commodity, has profound impacts on the environment, ecology, human and non-human health, and social coherence. This economically driven system has so many negative effects on life, that a fundamental rethink is needed to reconnect urban dwellers with the origins or their food. A (hyper)localized way of growing food depletes less resources, reduces food insecurity and unsafety, it brings social cohesion, and a public space that can be enjoyed and appreciated. This way of growing food requires a transformative way of designing the city, in accordance with other urgencies such as bending biodiversity loss and controlling climate change. Keywords  Food · Urban agriculture · Spatial scale · Social · Ecological · Food as commodity · Food as community

1.1 Introduction When one shops at the supermarket, the neatly packaged food is displayed at your convenience. The system behind it can be seen as a chain of tightly connected links. The farmer may be the first it is certainly not the most significant of all. Transportation to a processing installation (often a slaughterhouse), the packaging fabric, the global transport in a worldwide distribution system, finally ending up at the consumers dishes. In the meantime, fertilizers, fodder, pesticides, and subsidies are added to the food production machine. During production it impacts the environment, and the consumption is more than often not beneficial for one’s health. In the end food

R. Roggema (*) Escuela de Architecture, Artes y Diseño, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_1

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production, processing and distribution may exaggerate climate change, biodiversity loss and planetary health. The simple, and mostly cheap, food bought in the supermarket disrupts the planetary system, animal and non-human health and threatens people’s well-being. At the same time farmers suffer, because of complex and changing regulations, low prices, and strangling contracts they have with banks, and the supply industry. The impacts of the food production system can be related to the pig- or cow density. Maps that visualize this in Europe (Fig. 1.1) make clear where the intensity of husbandry as well as the according problems may be expected. The correlation with the countries where farmer protests rise is striking. In Belgium (Chini, 2022), France (Clarke, 2021), the Netherlands (Pole, 2022), Europe (Sleigh, 2022), Germany (Schulz, 2019), Spain (Kitson, 2020), Poland (Manning, 2022a), and Italy (Manning, 2022b) famers protests have disrupted public life in recent years. As the main cause of nitrogen emissions, the agricultural sector is also the major reason for loss of biodiversity in nature reserves somewhat close to these intensively farmed areas. Regulations and laws to reduce nitrogen deposition in nature areas implies that the source of the emission is held responsible, e.g. the cattle farmers who keep animals in too large numbers. Apart from the nitrogen, this way of farming also increases the risk at animal diseases, such as bird flu and different forms of zoonoses, eventually causing human casualties, as could be witnessed during COVID. However, it is too easy to just point the finger at the farmers. They have often been confronted with a business paradox: reducing animals and nitrogen levels implies they put their head in the noose of the supply industry, financial sector, and the supermarket conglomerates, with whom they have long-running contracts and mortgages. Reducing the size of production then leads to bankruptcy, a dilemma that is not solvable by the farmers alone. The globalized food production system views food products as a commodity that provides the profits to large industries and is seen as a major factor in national GDP’s. The fact that many farms can only survive by the European agriculture subsidies, and even then, can make a minimal gain, illustrates the dependency of the agricultural sector on large scale industries. The food system is a globally operating system, with the Netherlands being one of the biggest importer and exporter. The production process of crops, animals,

Fig. 1.1  Cow (left) and pig (right) density in Europe. (ARTE, 2022)

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seeds, and milk and cheese is for a large part automated. The inputs (such as living animals, plants or other), is commoditized and globalized. Some numbers to illustrate the working of this food-machine (VPRO, 2022) in the Netherlands: –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

17,824,248 inhabitants (28 January 2023) Surface area: 41,543 km2 1.8 billion kg unions (2021), 84% is exported 1 billion kg tomatoes (2021), 80% is exported There are 4 million cows in the country, 40% of them are milk cows who produce 14 billion kg milk per year, of which 57% is used to make cheese 955 million kg cheese (2021), 85% is exported Every day, 4000 calves are slaughtered, 90% for export Every day 20,000 pigs are slaughtered, 2.6-billion-euro export value, mainly to China 4.2 billion kg soy is imported, 42% used as fodder 3.7 billion Euro meat is imported 2.8 billion Euro vegetables is imported 7.1 billion Euro fruit is imported 2.3 billion Euro fish and seafood is imported 52% of the vegetable seeds worldwide originates from the Netherlands 1 kg of tomato seeds is more expensive than 1 kg of gold.

This presents an image of the Netherlands as a transit country. Not the growth of crops and keeping the animals is the core business, but the import and export of goods. This has profound impact on the environmental qualities and livability. Once the pigs are exported, the manure stays in the country. The soil quality is degraded, and nearly without natural life, the air quality is substandard, and the water quality is decreasing, putting the drinking water supply at risk and the biodiversity of water related nature losing its traditional richness. In 2023, 42% of the agricultural land in the Netherlands is classified as ‘polluted’ (Ministerie van Landbouw, Natuur en Voedselkwaliteit, 2023). Moreover, smell, noise, logistic traffic, and diseases are putting the rural livability under pressure. People in rural areas suffer from stress, bad health, and reduced happiness.

1.2 Food as Community If the negative impacts of the current food machine are to be transformed into a food system in harmony with people and the environment, the focus shall no longer be on the commodity but rather on the community. At the community level other mechanisms are important than the sole productivity or profitability. Local of hyperlocal production requires a local scale of production with immediate links between the growth of food and the consumption. Food as community has not only an economic driver but also social, ecological and health reasons for existence.

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In an urban context, with existing patterns that are not easy to dissolve, the planning for growing food is not straightforward. A typical pitfall is that technologies and crops used in confined urban spaces are identical to the ones used in rural spacious areas, a misfit that is inefficient and expensive. Food is grown in small and isolated spaces against higher costs with lower productivity. The benefits of being in an urban area are not made useful. A direct consumer market nearby, fresher crops, citizens that can see where their food grows, and less transportation needs are some of the comparative assets the urban offers. When these isolated spaces are connected, for instance around a common market, the relative inefficient land-use may turn very effective. It requires a turn in thinking. Instead of ever-increasing sizes of plantations, farms, crops, and cows, these shall be designed or kept smaller. A reduced, bonsai type of food growing fits in with the hyper-localized nature of the urban neighborhood. On the contrary, some elements of food as community grow bigger: more intense communication, social networks and more flourishing collaborations, and an increase of the number of people involved in the growth of the food, the logistics and preparation and consumption. For each urban precinct a tailormade size and shape is to be designed for an optimal food community, its types of crops, its menu, its social character, and local engagement. What has become visible is the alternative for food as a commodity provides hope for a safer, healthier, ecological, and more social way of producing and consuming food, so people can easier celebrate their local food. The growth of food has, over time, changed towards larger scales and higher intensities, to realize a higher productivity and larger amounts of products and output. In parallel, the market for food products has grown from a local business to a food-market that operates at the global scale and is traded as stock. In historic cities it can be witnessed how small the distance was between the place where food is produced, where it is traded and consumed. Old city centers often have a fish-­ market, a butter street, cow- or grain market, where it becomes literally visible where which food was traded. In current days the connection between the area of food growth and the place where food is sold is no longer visible. If we would build the space of all the produce required to run one McDonalds restaurant on the exact footprint of the drive-through, we would need to stack up a building of 30 km high. Naturally that is not possible, but it shows the spread and required area needed to supply 1 day of happy meals. In the end, the size of agricultural fields, farms and produce has grown to a level at which no one is in charge anymore, has control over it nor has the overview over all components. For the citizen it is an incomprehensible system of pyramids of super positioned and interdependent chain links that he is dependent upon but its functioning or scale he cannot influence. This prisoner’s dilemma can only be broken if the scale of production and ownership is related to the individual consumer, allowing him/her to understand the implications of choices for the one or other food product. Small-scale networks of food producers and consumers at the neighborhood or city scale should be the basic principle for designing the agricultural system for coherent food communities.

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With over 50% of the global population living in cities a romantic idea of rural food growth, consumed in small villages can no longer hold. The direct connection of agriculture to the rural community is replaced by an industrial agri-business complex, located outside the city, producing, and distributing food for the urban population as an industrial activity. The tension between the large number of urban dwellers, their demand for fresh food and the increased spatial limitations for creating areas where food, fresh water or nature dominate leads to problems with availability of fresh food, potential diseases, and concerns about quality control. The urban inhabitant grows in numbers, and demands larger amounts of fresh food, while the space to produce it is strongly reduced. The expanding metropolises require ever longer supply chains for the food to be brought from all corners of the globe to city centers of distribution hubs. This requires large amounts of energy for the transport itself, the cooling of products and the food-security measures, with all the environmental impacts, such as air quality, carbon emissions and noise pollution. Some other sustainability impacts need to be mentioned. The gigantic use of resources to produce, distribute and package food, from fertilizers, water, energy, pesticides, depletes the landscape in many regions around the world. Moreover, the waste of valuable food products, during growth, production, preparation, and consumption is enormous, and could have fed large populations that suffer from hunger. It makes sense to close the distances between the area where food is grown, and where resources are recruited from, and the place where food is consumed, reused, and recycled. Mostly, food is grown in places where the consumer cannot see it, sometimes even hidden behind security fences and impossible to bring a visit. Therefore, the link between what we eat and where it is from is broken. Part of the children nowadays answers the question where the milk comes from with: ‘the supermarket’, not from the cow. This illustrates a lack of consciousness about what is consumed, what determines the quality or how it is produced, let alone the (artificial) ingredients that are added for preservation or taste only. It enhances unhealthy diets of most urban citizens. Individualization is another social phenomenon in cities, that people drive away from each other. Both the understanding of the food sources and one’s neighbors can be supported by development of local food-gardens, -forests and -markets. Here, people can meet each other, become part of a social network of their neighborhood and learn about the local plants, trees, and fruits, that they can grow, harvest, and cook together. Beside this social coherence, communal food gardens turn residents from supermarket-oriented consumers into collective food producing entrepreneurs. The food community is a locally based multifaceted concept that unites the growth and consumption of food, social, ecological, health and economic benefits. It counteracts the ongoing separation of food and people and brings these back together again. The major question remains how to integrate an effective food system, that produces enough for the people in high density confined urban spaces.

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1.3 Where Do We Stand? The last decade has shown a rise in attention for urban agriculture, local and organic food, biological produce, agroforestry, and food forests. This movement is very promising. It gives hope to: –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

Solve environmental problems Create social cohesion and work together in gardens Produce healthy food Prevent diseases Produce enough food locally Shorten production chains Reduce food waste Design hyper-localized meaningful places

However, in 2023 the agricultural system is still dominated by large scale, economically driven companies, allowing little space for communal food systems. To live up to the promises a fundamental transition is required. This relates the food system to other major transformations that are urgently needed, such as bending the curve of biodiversity loss, controlling global climate change, and keeping the planet within a safe operation space. These major transformations together urge for a renewed view on the city, in which people could live happy, healthy and in a resilient natural context. In this sense the task for a novel urban food system is coupled with these other topics. This makes the growth of food in the city a spatial task, that only can be designed in congruence with all major transitions. At the same time, growing food in a regenerative, healthy way is also a manifesto of many small, but connected projects and initiatives. The individual garden plays a major role in the entirety of places feeding the population, close to this population.

1.4 Coming of Age In this book an eclectic overview of current insights, examples, and viewpoints on the way food can thrive a regenerative development of urban areas is presented. It shows urban agriculture comes of age through innovative solutions at different scales, with social ecological, or sustainability ambitions, and in countries from all corners in the world. It shows that the urgency is felt, the change is moving, and much is possible. This proves that a new time is coming, and the growing of local, urban food is the next big thing in agriculture. The chapters in this book are an inspiration for spreading the novel way of presuming our food.

1  From Food as Commodity to Food as Community

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References ARTE. (2022). Europa. Kontinent im Umbruch. https://www.arte.tv/de/videos/098069-­001-­A/ europa-­kontinent-­im-­umbruch/. Accessed 28 Jan 2023. Chini, M. (2022, June 29). Flemish farmers to disrupt traffic tonight in protest of nitrogen policy. The Brussels Times. https://www.brusselstimes.com/247210/flemish-­farmers-­take-­to-­the-­ streets-­to-­protest-­nitrogen-­policy-­tonight. Accessed 27 Jan 2023. Clarke, P. (2021). French farmers block roads to vent anger at support changes. Farmers Weekly. https://www.fwi.co.uk/news/french-­farmers-­block-­roads-­to-­vent-­anger-­at-­support-­changes. Accessed 27 Jan 2023. Kitson, M. (2020, February 5). Hundreds of farmers rally in Madrid to demand fairer prices. El Pais. https://english.elpais.com/economy_and_business/2020-­02-­05/hundreds-­of-­farmers-­ rally-­in-­madrid-­to-­demand-­fairer-­prices.html. Accessed 27 Jan 2023. Manning, J. (2022a, July 8). WATCH: Farmers in Poland and Italy join Netherlands in mass European protests. Euronews. https://euroweeklynews.com/2022/07/08/watch-­farmers-­in-­ poland-­and-­italy-­join-­netherlands-­in-­mass-­european-­protests/. Accessed 27 Jan 2023. Manning, J. (2022b, September 14). WATCH: Italian farmers protest forced slaughter of cattle and energy price increase. Euronews. https://euroweeklynews.com/2022/09/14/watch-­italian-­ farmers-­protest-­forced-­slaughter-­of-­cattle-­and-­energy-­price-­increase/. Accessed 27 Jan 2023. Ministerie van Landbouw, Natuur en Voedselkwaliteit. (2023, January 20). Implementatie derogatiebeschikking en zevende actieprogramma Nitraatrichtlijn. Kamerbrief. Identification number: 00000001858272854000. Den Haag. https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/documenten/ kamerstukken/2023/01/20/implementatie-­derogatiebeschikking-­en-­zevende-­actieprogramma-­ nitraatrichtlijn. Accessed 30 Jan 2023. Pole, J. (2022, July 5). Dutch farmers and fishermen block roads to protest new emissions rules. euronews.green. https://www.euronews.com/green/2022/07/05/dutch-­farmers-­and-­fishermen-­ block-­roads-­to-­protest-­new-­emissions-­rules. Accessed 27 Jan 2023. Schulz, F. (2019, November 27). 40,000 farmers on tractors block Berlin in protest at new agricultural policy. Euractiv. https://www.euractiv.com/section/agriculture-­food/news/40-­000-­ farmers-­on-­tractors-­block-­berlin-­in-­protest-­at-­new-­agricultural-­policy/. Accessed 27 Jan 2019. Sleigh, J. (2022, July 14). Farmer protests spread across the globe. The Scottish Farmer. https:// www.thescottishfarmer.co.uk/news/20278342.farmer-­protests-­spread-­across-­globe/. Accessed 27 Jan 2023. VPRO. (2022, November 5). Voedsel BV (Food Inc.). Tegenlicht. https://www.vpro.nl/programmas/tegenlicht/kijk/afleveringen/2022-­2023/de-­voedsel-­bv.html. Accessed 28 Jan 2023.

Chapter 2

Spatial Evolutions Rob Roggema

Abstract  In this chapter typical worldviews and their impact on how spaces are designed is discussed. Historic transformations brought societies to new eras and the accompanying habits and convictions of religion, knowledge, and science. The current emerging worldview highlights the organic way of thinking. Its basis in ecology presents planning as a process that is emergent, non-linear, and non-static. It fits with the current time in which futures seem to be increasingly uncertain. It also fits with Darwin’s thinking in adaptations to unforeseen conditions. For urban design this implies that not the solutions are the major objective, but the creation of conditions that support adaptation. The planning and design of landscapes, cities, neighborhoods, and buildings increase their chances of adapting to these uncertainties if they create at least 30% of free or unplanned space. Keywords  Adaptation · Organic worldview · Darwin · Emergence · Rhizome

2.1 Introduction Many places around the world are confronted with the effects of climate change. Bushfires, flooding, prolonged droughts are some of the impacts that derail landscapes, cities, and societies. The paradox is that many national governments are convinced they have taken sufficient precautions to protect their citizens against all imaginable risks. Especially in the Netherlands, for more than half below current mean sea level, this seems strange. Risk here is increasing as result of the rising sea Parts of this chapter have been published in a different form and in Dutch: Roggema, R. en Broess, H. (2014) Darwin in de Ruimtelijke Ordening (1) Groen 70 (1) 20–24 Roggema, R. en Broess, H. (2014) Darwin in de Ruimtelijke Ordening (2) Groen 70 (2) 17–22 R. Roggema (*) Escuela de Architectura, Artes y Diseño, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_2

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and the fact that consecutively many more built areas are created in low lying areas. It may be questioned, and this can be stated for many countries in the world, whether the imagined safety is a reality or a constructed perception. In dense cities, and when density is increasing, the space for disaster is reduced and future climate impacts have no space to go. Dur to spatial limits of urban environment climate change is bringing the system to the edge of breaking. The agricultural system faces the same problems. Due to the impacts of current food production, it brings the spatial system to its boundaries. A more regenerative food system would have to be organized in the same urban context, demanding additional free or flexible space. The required room for biodiversity works in the same direction. Additional flexible usable spaces allow the city literally the breathing space for climate impacts, food production and nature to fill in those areas. As an example, the regional planning practice in Groningen, a province in the northern part of the Netherlands, illustrates the limited freedom in occupying new spaces for climate ends. In 15 years of planning only 2% is planned to be adjustable (Roggema et  al., 2012), while at least 30% is required to adapt the landscape to unprecedented uses in the future. Moreover, the problem is even more complicated due to the variety in planning and policy time horizons. Where political terms between elections is limited to 4–5 years, the range of spatial planning documents is generally 10 years, while the changes in climate play at much longer times of 50 or more years. This makes planning for climate impacts increasingly difficult (Roggema & Van den Dobbelsteen, 2008). It drives you crazy. To complicate this even more, climate change is identified as a wicked (Rittel & Webber, 1973) or even a ‘superwicked’ (Lazarus, 2009) problem (VROM-raad, 2007; Commonwealth of Australia, 2007). The agricultural complex of problems can also be deemed a wicked problem: the moment one solves the emissions, the next problem of prices of goods emerges, or the viability of farming is at stake. It is therefore no surprise that planners and politicians can’t make sense of wicked problems as they are getting more complicated with varying time horizons and inflexible planning systems. This may all be true, it does not explain the absence of unplanned, flexible spaces in many urban and regional plans. The changing context in which the global community finds itself can be placed within a ‘bigger picture’ at a larger distance from the here and now. Following Brouwer (2011) four Worldviews (mythic, static, mechanic, and organic) represent long-term changes in the way knowledge is gained and viewed (Fig. 2.1). In the mythical worldview (2000–500 BC.) humanity intuitively views knowledge without the ability to give words. This confronts man with surprises and unexpected consequences. There is no distinction between dead or alive, as everything is seen as alive and all is included in the concept of a God, who ordains. The static worldview (500 BC.–1500 AD) is frozen and is observed from Plato’s grotto. In this period all major religions are founded. The knowledge about good and evil is not agreed upon. The World is seen as flat and clearly ordered. From a certain and fixed perspective, the grotto’s window, objects are viewed and knowledge about it obtained. Aristotle is the key thinker of this time.

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Fig. 2.1  Four worldviews

The knowledge in the mechanical worldview (1500–2000 AD) is divided in elementary parts. The total of the knowledge of these parts coincides with knowledge of the whole. In this worldview everything is seen as dead and disassembled. The core fields of science emerging are chemics and physics, in which fields major steps forward are made. The concepts of time and space are standardized hence can be manipulated. Also, time can run both forward and backward. Growth and shrinkage are represented as a clock running forward vs. backward, a road goes up and forward vs. down and backward. As shrinkage is the opposite of growth it is costing, while growth brings prosperity. The knowledge of living systems, such as ecology, is core in the organic worldview (since 2000 AD). Development is seen as progressing stages hence time can only run forward. Every system, every process goes from young to old, and from former to later. Living, which is different from alive, and emergence are the core, and this implies there are infinite ‘right’ solutions for a single problem. Shrinkage and growth are both progressive stadia, making the simultaneously expensive and beneficial. In the organic worldview the urban designer is no longer the manufacturer of the urban fabric, someone who puzzles the parts to one functioning whole, but needs to consider processes of emergence, growth and shrinkage, disruptive events and uncertainty. This also means it is necessary to keep space free for the effects of these processes, and it is rather a quest for finding unused spaces than to fill the entire picture. The planning approach of Swarm Planning (Roggema, 2012a) proposes exactly this; to keep at least 30% of an area available for unforeseen developments. This 30%-question is the challenge for the contemporary designer (Fig. 2.2).

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Fig. 2.2  The Magic Black Square of Malevich can be seen as the icon of a Mythical Worldview, the Red Knot (Roggema, 2012a, p. 72) represents an Organic Worldview

2.2 Rationale The reason for the need of a different design attitude is twofold. Firstly, consecutive international reports (IPCC, 2001, 2007, 2014, 2021) present rigorous evidence that climate change is persistent and increasingly influential on a range of spatial developments, such as land use change and land cover. Moreover, a strong connection between the food production system and climate change is highlighted (IFPRI, 2022). The changes taking place will stay for a prolonged period, as both systems, climate, and food, have the habit of being inert, or have a limited capacity to change rapidly. Once a certain pathway is entered it is hard to change course. The degradation and pollution of land, the rising temperatures and melting glaciers will continue long after humanity decides to stop carbon emissions or implement an organic food system. Again, the spatial impacts, or necessities, are not used in current planning and design practice. Nowhere one third of the area is kept free of occupying land uses, and this limits the adaptability and the opportunity to be available for novel food areas or the spatial effects of climate disasters. Climate and food demand space, which they do not receive! Secondly, depending the economic season, the pressure on space is fluctuating. Currently the demand for space is high (PBL, 2021), while 10 years ago the competition for space led to underused buildings and public spaces (PBL, 2012). The latter brought about thinking about the spontaneous city, in which empty spaces could be temporarily used for other purposes, such as the growth of food or harvesting rainwater. On the longer term it can be expected the population is stabilizing or even shrinking (Van Duin & Stoeldraijer, 2012), as it already did in Eastern Germany or former industrial cities in northern England. However, others expect a strong increase of population, for instance due to migration (Boelhouwer & Van der Heijden, 2022).

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With an accelerated change in climate and higher demand for food growing spaces, also in the city, the future use of space is in limbo. For sure, the moment space comes available during economic relief plans for using these spaces to grow food or for climate adaptation, is sensible. Once economy and spatial claims rise again, temporary use may be turned around and space can be reused for other purposes. The implication of this is that the design task changes from a programmed approach to designing the 30% free usable space in every design at every spatial scale to create the required flexibility. This way the city opens to the production of food, and to accommodate the spatial consequences of climatic disasters. As these disasters happen not often the space can be in use for temporary purposes (Bishop & Williams, 2012). This is a way to enhance the resilience of the city, as temporary use of space allows for the generation of energy, recycling of waste, purifying water and the local produce of food. Inhabitants become the owners of these flows and co-design their own city.

2.3 Transformation The current time in history is one of significant change, which requires a novel perspective on the way knowledge is gained, developed, and disseminated. To align with the visualization of a clock, the knowledge interpretation in each worldview is visualized. The clock reflects on the position one has in the context of progressing time. This might even cause some occasional laughter when one looks at his/her own position! The visual shows four quadrants, each of them representing one worldview (Fig. 2.3): 1. 2. 3. 4.

Unconsciously Maladaptive Consciously Maladaptive Consciously Adaptive Unconsciously Adaptive

Every subject can be placed in the four quadrants and brings about a specific point of view towards that subject. For instance, the shrinkage of the population is viewed differently. In Quadrant One the reflection may be “Population doesn’t increase, nor shrink in the region”, while the comment in Quadrant Two may likely be “Population shrinks, and this is not an attractive perspective”. In Quadrant Three: “Shrinkage is part of the design and therefore shall be recognized”, and the commentary in Quadrant Four would be that “Shrinkage is part of the quality of the design so, why not include it as one of the drivers”. If the same quadrantial approach is used to qualify a Participative Society (Fig. 2.4) the following responses are likely: “No!” [Quadrant One], “Not in my backyard!” [Quadrant Two], “Just in my backyard” [Quadrant Three] and “Yes, why not?” [Quadrant Four].

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Fig. 2.3  The four quadrants applied to ‘attitude’, from unconscious maladaptive until conscious adaptive

Fig. 2.4  The four quadrants of the Participative Society: From ‘No’ via ‘Nimby‘ and ‘Jimby’ to ‘Yes!’

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2.4 Swarm Planning In the context of the organic worldview a Participative Society is likely to be oriented on the process of planning. People will behave differently and will develop solutions and decisions mainly by themselves. As an example, the decisions cyclists take in a busy public space can be compared with a flock of starlings (Te Brömmelstroet, 2013). Most of the cyclists are generally concerned with themselves while they are scanning other cyclists around them consistently. In the busy and sometimes unexpected traffic conditions in Amsterdam, swarm behavior in which all the cycling agents in the swarm are alert, creates increased safety. This way, fast and ad-hoc anticipation of the traffic situation is possible by instant reactions to unexpected accelerations or retardations and by smaller or wider fanning. Swarm behavior only fails when everyone tries to stick to the official traffic rules, which may cause disruptions, traffic jams or accidents. By enhancing self-organization and adaptation the planning and design of the city is to be reconsidered. Swarm Planning (Roggema, 2012a) enforces urban dynamics and flexibility to make the city more resilient by spatially facilitating a variety of dynamics. Moreover, when urban environments are capable of changing dynamics, from highly to lower at times, the adaptive capacity is increased. This distincts Swarm Planning from the theory in which certain areas are only planned for high dynamics and others for lower dynamics (Tjallingii, 1993). Based on the understanding of animal behavior, such as swarms of bees, flocks of birds or schools of fish, Swarm Planning propagates that (urban) areas have also the capacity to change in size, activity, and intensity, hence adjust their dynamic whenever the conditions change. Planning the city therefore is divided in distinct layers each with their own time-rhythm. Existing layer theory (Frieling et al., 1998; De Hoog et al., 1998) do not include a specific rhythm, or layer, for the unexpected or unprecedented and rapid change. Therefore, the layer of ‘Unplanned Spaces’ is added in the theory of Swarm Planning, describing places where relatively low dynamics suddenly can transform into highly dynamic areas and vice versa. This supposedly occurs especially when an area is prone to (climate) disasters. To this layer ideally 30% of the land should be allocated. As this is in many cities not yet the case it can be seen as the new task for urban designers. These unplanned spaces demand a relative low density of built constructions and provide the space where the spatial impact of climate disasters can be temporary welcomed. When dynamics are high (during a disaster), this space is in full use, but the remainder of the time it is operating as space where water can be treated, energy be generated, biodiversity is enhanced, or food grown. The space can also play an important role in the social fabric, and be used as a meeting place, leisure and recreation space, or playground. It is essential the community members are the co-designers of these areas and the design process must be organized accordingly, for instance by means of design charrettes (Roggema, 2013) and application of the How?-Wow!-Now! method (creative solvers, undated). A design charrette is defined as an ‘intensive design workshops where in subsequent days collaboration occurs in the study area with all

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engaged participants who are crucial for the decision-making process’ (Lennertz & Lutzenhiser, 2006) to ‘develop a collective plan for a sustainable society’ (Condon, 2008). Climate change is a wicked problem, and this requires the development of new knowledge. Already available knowledge will only lead to already known solutions, even if the wicked problem presents itself as fundamentally different. Novel knowledge enhances responses to a future that is not yet crystal clear. In uncertain times it is necessary to involve people in the planning and implementation of transformative designs because this helps them to face those uncertainties. In a design charrette citizens and stakeholders can be directly involved and co-develop solutions together. This way new knowledge is generated during the process, an essential feature in the organic worldview. It increases the understanding and adoptability of novel spatial transformations that are needed to create the spaces for the impacts of climate change (Roggema, 2012b). Design charrettes are an extremely suitable environment to generate new knowledge and involve stakeholders and citizens. This improves spatial transformations required to create space for climatic impacts (Roggema, 2012b). Some of the essential success factors of design charrettes are defined as (Condon, 2008): 1. Design with everyone. Every participant contributes to the design and non-­ designers shall never be excluded from the process. 2. Start with a blank sheet, to open the space to everyone to feel invited to contribute new ideas. 3. Offer just enough information. Providing too much information often constrains a creative process. 4. The drawing is a contract. This visual representation of the jointly developed result is conceived by everyone, agreed upon by everyone and cannot be broken without everyone’s consent.

2.5 The How-Wow-Now Method As part of a design charrette, and to initiate the shaping of novel ideas, the How-­ Wow-­Now methodology is very effective. The process of subsequent divergence and convergence of ideas enhances group innovation. The first divergent step is to collect as many ideas as possible by rotating sub-groups that answer initial questions, and add to the list that was generated by former groups. This challenges the participants and leads to an exponentially growth of ideas, because of the groups responding to each other’s answers. The next step condensates the richness of ideas by making selections. This is undertaken by using the COCD-box (Fig. 2.5). The box safeguards to not lose the ideas that seem impossible at first glance. Indeed, these ideas are often at the cradle of paradigm shift and should be embraced, not lost. The ideas that are original yet impracticable (the ‘dreams’) will be placed in the yellow square in the box. Well-known and practicable ideas go in the blue square

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Fig. 2.5  The COCD-box (after: www.cocd.org) Enriching original ideas with dreams and quick wins

while novel and practicable ones end up in the red square. Once all ideas, no matter how strange they may seem, have been placed in the colored squares, the next step is to connect ideas into new concepts or projects. The best red ideas are moved to the blank square, where they are enriched with yellow ideas and quick wins, the blue ideas that are already used in practice. After this, the ideas that end up together in the white square can be further detailed into coherent propositions, project proposals, or designs and plans. In the design charrette every conglomerate of ideas is then further spatially designed (a step that is not common in the COCD-methodology) on a map or similar visualization. This work allows the participants to take a step away from their daily concerns and habits and makes it possible to better understand the timeframe they live in. By applying this evolutionary approach, in a metaphorical sense, Darwin is invited at the design table.

2.6 Can Darwin Radically Change Spatial Planning? It is not very plausible that nature is thinking in space and time dimensions (Van der Heijden, 2013). The here and now of space and time cannot be defined very accurately. Change itself enhances the understanding of what is past, present, and future. Change takes place whenever balance is disturbed and are more fundamental for social and ecological societies than space and time. This makes Darwin, more than Archimedes or Einstein a key thinker of the organic worldview. To underpin this thought the movie ‘Adaptation’ of director Spike Jonze speaks about: “Change is not a choice. Not for a species, nor for a plant or for me. It happens and you’re different. You are not changing because you decide to be different. Adaptation is a fact in the moment, ‘now’, you discover how you may flourish in the world, ‘here’ (Vonk, 2013)”. To apply Darwin’s thinking in Spatial Planning, change in and the

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adaptation of human settlements can be related to Brouwers’ worldviews. As humanity still exists and multiplies rapidly raises the question why it earthen so well. It doesn’t really matter where humans choose to live, in tidal landscapes, in the middle of a mountain chain or in a densely populated urban precinct, humans earthen everywhere, and easy. It may be caused by our grit, that forms the liquefactions between human blood and soil. Or is it caused by the earth itself, offering the food and climatic conditions to offer the best environments for survival. One way or another, it must be Darwin operating in Spatial Planning! Darwin in Spatial Planning version 0.1 would state that not the strongest or most valuable settlements survive, but the ones that adapt best to changing conditions of the earth. It can be questioned whether this capacity to adapt can be recognized before or only afterwards. When it is unknown what future changes exactly are, how can one determine how adaptive he/she is? And when is it decided who will be the fittest? The axiom of Darwin 0.1 is that all creatures have survived large and small change by adequately adapt. Simultaneously, maladaptation will have an impact forever. Darwin in Spatial Planning version 0.2 practices unbiased viewing. If, for example, insects are deemed dirty and non-food while they could provide the highly needed proteins to survive, the bias must be excluded to increase the chance on survival. So, the drivers of current survival strategies are useless when future change comes into play. How this future change can be estimated is shown in the worldview-­ SUDOKU (Fig. 2.6). The diagram can be read both horizontally and vertically. The changes a certain (spatial) aspect undergoes (or has undergone), can be read from left to right, while the spatial typologies for each worldview can be read from the top down.

2.7 Crack the Code The task for designers is then to crack this novel code. The spatial ask for flexibility and unplanned space as well as the anticipation of spatial typologies that fit the organic worldview are both a core aspect of how designers can plan for future cities. The code can be cracked using the following three steps: 1. Start with an inventory of existing worldviews represented in a building, street, city or region. This can be translated in a ‘Darwinistic imaginary’ in which the existing situation can be related to which elements belong to a specific worldview. The set of images then shows the changes that have occurred up to the present. 2. Look for the areas or places where most likely the most significant change will occur under influence of climate change. 3. Identify the potential where 30% unplanned space (Roggema, 2007; Roggema et al., 2012) can be planned to create future flexibility.

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Mythic

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Water management

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Fig. 2.6  Worldview-SUDOKU with concepts and worldviews

These steps can be applied in every area and interpreted by every designer in his/her own way. It is even possible additional steps are added that ease the cracking of the code.

2.8 Interventionistic Design A specific way to crack the code is to not ‘over-design’, e.g. to limit the design proposition to a couple of strategic intervention and indemnify the direct area around it from spatial obstacles and restrictive land-use. Such an approach is presented in the ‘Windows of Groningen’ (Roggema, 2008). The proposed spatial interventions do not define the final land-use of an area, but they mark the beginning of a spatial transformation (Fig. 2.7). Sometimes the expected change is predictable, but in most cases the future impact of the intervention remains uncertain. The aim to spatially intervene is to increase the overall resilience in the area. The sole fact that a fixated spatial regime is abandoned opens the way for the area to prepare for uncertainty by self-organization. The intervention does exactly this: allowing actors and spatial elements to organize themselves freely and kindle the process towards becoming a system of higher resilience. This way the area prepares itself for even unknown disasters of unprecedented future conditions.

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Fig. 2.7  The ‘Windows of Groningen’, with strategic interventions and their spatial influence

An interventionistic design acts in those places where the most vulnerable conditions are found and shapes the impulses that start a process of spatial adaptation to new conditions, just like a swarm of bees does. The interventions that are proposed in the Groningen landscape all influence a broader area indirectly. The following interventions and estimated processes are proposed: 1. The closure dam of the Lauwers Lake is heightened. It means the water level in the lake is getting higher, so it will store more rainwater, especially useful during future torrential rain events. This impacts also on the waterlevels in the feeding river system of the Reitdiep, where more water is captured and refeeding the agricultural lands around the river. 2. Kwelderworks in front of the coastal protection system capture sand and clay particles and form new higher grounds. This, new, land can be used as saline agricultural fields, industrial area or extend the rare Wadden ecological reserve.

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3. Perforating the dike between the Eems harbor and Delfzijl will create a dynamic coastal zone. Water enters the hinterland through the gaps in the dike where the sand and clay particles add levels to the land at a pace faster than sea levels rise. Allowing the entering water to self-organize the landscape, new opportunities for safe and attractive housing emerge. 4. Repositioning the current sea-sluice of Delfzijl makes it possible to better protect the city and create a novel seaside waterfront. 5. The introducing of a new lake in the peripheral area of Oldambt repositions this region as a luxurious living area. Besides increasing the rainwater storage through the lake, it also raises the economical living standards in the existing towns and neighborhoods. 6. A new rail line between the City of Groningen and the Peat Colonies will increase the development options of the newly disclosed region. This new economic condition not only benefits new residential locations, but it also makes a robust ecological corridor financially possible. Here, nature allows the landscape to adapt to sudden climatic impacts.

2.9 Cracking the Code in a Building The need for creating flexibility through an unplanned percentage of space of 30% is important at several spatial scales. At the regional scale, as illustrated above, but also at the scale of a building. In the city of Delfzijl, the code is cracked for one of the current high-rise buildings that is fronting the Wadden Sea (Fig. 2.8).

Fig. 2.8  Design with 30% emptiness in a high-rise building in the North of Delfzijl. (Veltman, 2013)

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The northeastern part of the Netherlands is one of the regions that face significant problems with a shrinking population. Delfzijl is the main city where this decline in population size is most hardly felt. It has led to typical pos-war high-rise buildings becoming vacant. This specific building typology is on the one hand side the least attractive to live in, and on the other hand is the most difficult one to adapt to alternative uses. The design task is therefore to turn the static structure of the building into a dynamic and diverse concept that complies with the characteristics of nature. Systems in nature grow organically and can adjust themselves in multiple forms to new demands and opportunities. This understanding of nature can be used to redesign built structures. For a spatial translation the concept of the rhizome is useful, as it emphasizes continuous change. A rhizome, defined as ‘underground root structure’, represents, to speak with Deleuze, ‘the development of collaboration that can only emerge from a continuous change perspective, replacing the control perspective’ (Romein et  al., 2009). Rhizomes possess arbitrary nodes and ramifications, that are visible or hidden and are mutually connected. Connections that are established between the most different entities at the most impossible times in the strangest environments. They originate from everywhere, ending nowhere, without a stem or hierarchy. Rhizomes create a nearly ineradicably network as they grow unrestrained, enter in novel connections and interlock. It opens the potential for free-­ flowing creative desires placing coincidence as the core concept over well-thought through, controlled patterns (Bakker, 2011). The rhizomic perspective on the future of city design implies there is an abundance of options for swarming and coincidental encounters. At first, the rhizomic space is empty, to be occupied by the coincidental growing structures. In high-rise buildings, such as the one in Delfzijl new uses emerge resulting from novel views and light entering at unexpected places, driven from the underlying landscape (Fig. 2.9). Over time, these empty spaces are evolving to attractive places because different atmospheres emerge at every floor of the building initiated by the differences in relation to the surrounding landscape, its fertility, humidity, light and views.

Fig. 2.9  The underlying landscape. (Veltman, 2013)

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Fig. 2.10  Search for the most suitable emptiness as a ‘searching rhizome’ and the ‘vertical street’. (Veltman, 2013)

–– The mystic green spaces beneath the building are closed off from direct light. It contains separate corners that exaggerate the contrast between light and dark, incentivized by breakthrough passages and new vistas. Here, the ground floor landscape tries to find its way to the light. –– In the core of the building smaller and loosely connected empty spaces are located, where the link with the basic level exists, but the view of higher floors ogles. –– At the top of the building, have lost connection with the ground and bath in free air, sunlight and 360 degrees views. Here the experience of emptiness is reduced, but the feeling of infinity dominates. All these gradations of emptiness and experiences of atmospheric differences are connected through two spatial conceptual structures, the rhizomic line and the vertical street (Fig. 2.10). The rhizomic line searches its way organically growing as a staged route that interlinks the landscape, the building, and its inhabitants. The vertical street runs from bottom to top through the building to make the landscape, smell, view, and light ‘experiencable’. This way the building invites people to discover, use and fill the empty spaces.

2.10 Conclusion The sequence of worldviews as presented in this chapter makes one realize that a travel through time brings one to the future. Nowadays the organic worldview is (about to becoming) dominant. In the arrangement of urban spaces and the optionality of infill with novel uses, it is needed to allow for emergent and dynamic changes, and the creation of flexible land-use and spaces. An average of 30% of the space, no matter at which spatial scale must possibly be changeable. The rhizomic search for emptiness in the built environment emphasizes a dynamic urban design, following the principles of Swarm Planning. In a three-step approach the new task to include the code of 30% unplanned space can be cracked. Darwin’s theory states that the

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‘fittest survive’. These are not the strongest or smartest, but the ones that are most adaptive. To apply mechanistic, static principles in the built environment is pre-­ eminently unsmart, as these will prove to be the least ‘fit’, simply because future environmental conditions cannot be known. The design of the built environment for an uncertain future requires an approach that includes a significant amount of free space. Because this is contrary to the detailed and controlled planning systems usually adopted by professional planners and governmental policies, processes of co-design, in which citizens collaboratively develop novel spatial typologies, help to realize those objectives. This ‘tingletangle’ designs overhaul the traditional distinction between urban and rural with their separated land-uses. In this view the design deliberately keeps spaces empty so these areas can be occupied by temporary use, such as a floodable landscape. This design task is not easy, as it appeals to designing magical and imaginative futures that land in physical space at the same time. A great task for current and future generations of urbanists.

References Bakker, J.-H. (2011). Grond, Een pleidooi voor aards denken en een groene stad. Uitgeverij Atlas Contact. Bishop, P., & Williams, L. (2012). The temporary city. Routledge. Boelhouwer, P. J., & Van der Heijden, H. M. H. (2022). De woningcrisis in Nederland vanuit een bestuurlijk perspectief: achtergronden en oplossingen. Bestuurskunde, 31(1), 19–33. https:// doi.org/10.5553/Bk/092733872022031001002 Brouwer, J. (2011). De Eindeloze Trap. AfdH Uitgevers. Commonwealth of Australia. (2007). Tackling wicked problems; A Public Policy Perspective. Australian Government/Australian Public Service Commission. Condon, P. M. (2008). Design Charettes for sustainable communities. Island Press. Creative solvers. (undated). COCD box (how-now-wow-matrix). Published online: https://creativesolvers.com/methods/cocd-­box-­how-­now-­wow-­matrix/. Accessed 8 June 2022. De Hoog, M., Sijmons, D.  F., & en Verschuuren, S. (1998). Laagland, eindrapportage HMD-­ werkgroep Herontwerp. Gemeente Amsterdam. Frieling, D. H., Hofland, H. J. H., Brouwer, J., Salet, W., De Jong, T., De Hoog, M., Sijmons, D., Verschuuren, S., Saris, J., Teisman, G. R., & en Marquard, A. (1998). Het Metropolitane debat. Toth Uitgeveij. IFPRI (international food policy research institute). (2022). 2022 Global food policy report: Climate change and food systems. International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI). https:// doi.org/10.2499/9780896294257 IPCC. (2001). Climate change 2001: Synthesis report. A contribution of working groups I, II, and III to the third assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change [Watson, R.T., & the Core writing team (Eds.)]. Cambridge University Press, 398 pp. IPCC. (2007). Climate change 2007: The physical science basis, working group I contribution to the intergovernmental panel on climate change fourth assessment report. Cambridge University Press. IPCC. (2014). Climate change 2014: Synthesis report. Contribution of working groups I, II and III to the fifth assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change [Core writing team, R.K. Pachauri, & L.A. Meyer (Eds.)]. IPCC, 151 pp.

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IPCC. (2021). Climate change 2021: The physical science basis. Contribution of working group I to the sixth assessment report of the intergovernmental panel on climate change [Masson-­ Delmotte, V., P.  Zhai, A.  Pirani, S.L.  Connors, C.  Péan, S.  Berger, N.  Caud, Y.  Chen, L. Goldfarb, M.I. Gomis, M. Huang, K. Leitzell, E. Lonnoy, J.B.R. Matthews, T.K. Maycock, T. Waterfield, O. Yelekçi, R. Yu, and B. Zhou (Eds.)]. Cambridge University Press. https://doi. org/10.1017/9781009157896 Lazarus, R. (2009). Super wicked problems and climate change: Restraining the present to liberate the future. Cornell Law Review, 94, 1053–1233. Lennertz, B., & Lutzenhiser, A. (2006). The charrette handbook. The essential guide for accelerated collaborative community planning. The American Planning Association. PBL. (2012). Vormgeven aan de spontane stad: belemmeringen en kansen voor organische stedelijke herontwikkeling. Planbureau voor de Leefomgeving (PBL) en Urhahn Urban Design. PBL. (2021). Grote opgaven in een beperkte ruimte. Ruimtelijke keuzes voor een toekomstbestendige leefomgeving. Planbureau voor de Leefomgeving. Rittel, H., & Webber, M. (1973). Dilemmas in a general theory of planning. Policy Sci, 4, 155–169. Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, Inc., Amsterdam. (Reprinted in N.  Cross (Ed.), Developments in Design Methodology, Wiley, Chichester, 1984, pp. 135–144). Roggema, R. (2007). Ruimtelijke impact adaptatie aan klimaatverandering in Groningen. Provincie Groningen. Roggema, R. (2008). The use of spatial planning to increase the resilience for future turbulence in the spatial system of the Groningen region to deal with climate change. In Proceedings 2008 UK systems society international conference- building resilience: Responding to a turbulent world, 1–3 September 2008, Oxford. Roggema, R. (2012a). Swarm planning: The development of a methodology to deal with climate adaptation. Delft University of Technology and Wageningen University and Research Centre. PhD-thesis. Roggema, R. (2012b). Swarm planning methodology. In R.  Roggema (Ed.), Swarming landscapes: The art of designing for climate adaptation (pp. 141–166). Springer. Roggema, R., & Van den Dobbelsteen, A. (2008). Swarm Planning: development of a new planning paradigm, which improves the capacity of regional spatial systems to adapt to climate change. In Proceedings of the 2008 world sustainable building conference [electronic resource]: World SB08 Convention Centre 21–25 September 2008/editors Greg Foliente ... [et al.] Roggema, R., Kabat, P., & Van den Dobbelsteen, A. (2012). Climate adaptation and spatial planning: Towards a new planning framework. SASBE, 1(1), 29–58. Roggema, R. (2013). The design charrette: Ways to envision sustainable futures (p. 335). Springer. Romein, E., Schuilenburg, M., & Van Tuinen, S. (Eds.). (2009). Deleuze compendium. Boom. Te Brömmelstroet, M.  C. G. (2013). Fietsers die zijn als een zwerm spreeuwen. NRC 14 May 2013. https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2013/05/14/fietsers-­die-­zijn-­als-­een-­een-­zwerm-­spreeuwen-­ 12656879-­a285934. Accessed 31 Jan 2023. Tjallingii, S. P. (1993). Ecopolis: Strategies for ecologically sound urban development. Backhuys Publishers. Van der Heijden, M. (2013). Ergens tussen zojuist en straks. NRC 6 oktober 2013. https://www. nrc.nl/nieuws/2013/10/26/ergens-­tussen-­zojuist-­en-­straks-­1306952-­a999966. Accessed 31 Jan 2023. Van Duin, C., & Stoeldraijer, L. (2012). Bevolkingsprognose 2012–2060: Langer Leven, Langer Werken. Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek. Veltman, R. (2013). Feeling the void, an organic transformation of a high-rise apartment building in Delfzijl. Academie van Bouwkunst. Vonk, R. (2013). Ik kan ook bloeien onder een rots. NRC 1 mei 2013.. https://www.nrc.nl/ nieuws/2013/05/01/ik-­kan-­ook-­bloeien-­onder-­een-­rots-­12650944-­a689058. Accessed 31 Jan 2013. VROM-raad. (2007). De hype voorbij, klimaatverandering als structureel ruimtelijk vraagstuk (Advies 060). VROM-raad.

Chapter 3

Finding Space for Urban Productivity Rob Roggema

Abstract  In the search for space where food can be grown, every little area is used for exploring the possibilities. In the early stages of urban agriculture practice this has led to a random spread of small places where a little bit of food could be grown. The flaw of this process is that these areas are often not connected, ill-designed, and not economically viable. To create an urban agricultural system, it is advised to include three levels of design. First, the strategic design involves the landscape potentials, such as environmental conditions, for growing food. Secondly, the conceptual design integrates urban systems of material flows, which supply and reuse resources for the growth of food. And the third aspect is the project for which design principles are defined that emphasize the aesthetics of projects. All three belong together and form the spatial response to the demand for food, the economic viability of the business and the productivity of crops and produce. A framework for urban agriculture design is presented in which these aspects are related to each other and integrated in a concrete design approach. Keywords  Urban agriculture framework · Urban productivity · Material flows · Design strategy · Design concept · Design principle

3.1 Introduction The growth of food in an urban environment is generally deemed sustainable, healthy, and contributing to social cohesion. It seems so logical to grow food close to where it is consumed, especially since over half of the world’s population lives in cities. Of these people the most vulnerable, living in temporary or permanent squatters, have major difficulties to access healthy food options. Current expanding urban zones have become so large the transport of food has to cover ever larger distances. R. Roggema (*) Escuela de Architectura, Artes y Diseño, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_3

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This compromises the freshness of the food and impacts the environment unnecessarily. So, it means there are significant benefits of growing food nearby. Local knowledge is enhanced, the carbon footprint is limited, and food is healthy (safe) and available (secure). Most of the landscape design and planning concepts for food production focus on the countryside, separating the growth of food from the city. As an example, in the Dutch design tradition, the growth of food is positioned according to the ‘casco-­ concept’ (Sijmons, 1992) and ‘the strategy of the two networks’ (Tjallingii, 1993), both theories separating high and low dynamic land-use. In urban design theory the topic of food production is nearly absent. Concerns regarding the urban lay-out relate to housing, economy, transportation and, at its best, green infrastructure. It makes sense that the large-scale, highly automated way food is currently produced, will not fit the dense and sensitive urban environment. It is hard to imagine mono-­ functional, intensive breeding methods, large greenhouses, and big open field cultivation to be embedded in the confined spaces of the city. The pressure on the land in and near cities is high and lower value production systems will be abandoned first. The difficulties for integrating food growth in the city arising from planning practice and economic habits are complemented by problems intrinsic to urban agriculture. Firstly, many of the urban agriculture projects have been realized because of ‘good will’ of one active citizen. He or she started from the idea that it would be a great idea to grow some food close to home, and many of these projects have been ignited as wellmeant initiatives. These projects only survive when the person that initially started it does not move away or became disinterested. Many of these projects no longer exist. Secondly, many urban agriculture projects are temporarily funded. They have received funding or subsidy from the government with the idea to become financially self-sufficient after a couple of years. A large portion of these projects will not be financially independent and when the subsidy ends, the projects end. Thirdly, many urban agriculture projects are not designed and look as if the crops are coincidentally planted. Often, they are found next to infrastructure, with a preference for (abandoned) rail-tracks. In any case these projects are not visible for the general urban resident. These projects occupy land that is temporarily not needed, is in an area far away from residential areas and looks like maintenance is not a priority. Indeed, not an attractive sight. This does not improve acceptance amongst the public. The reason for the backward position of food production in the city might be that it is a relatively recent phenomenon. In contrast with what most people think, growing food within city boundaries is of very recent date. Despite monks were gardening their cloister gardens, the food produced in the Middle Ages just outside the walls of the city, and the fruit grown in renaissance gardens, it all took place outside the city. Even the allotment gardens of a later date, were created to offer the urban dwellers a pleasant green leisure area just outside the urban boundary, which later was circumvented by the growing city. This explains the teething problems of current urban agricultural practice. It has just begun, and the food growth anxiously tries to (re-)enter the city.

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3.2 Urban Agriculture Outside the City Growing food in cities is therefore a relatively recent phenomenon and has not been part of urban design practice before. This means there is a new task at hand: the integration of productive food areas within the urban context. The question is where and how this could happen. Learning from past spatial concepts highlight the position of food production in relation to the city. For many years, bright minds have developed spatial concepts for the place where food is grown to feed the urban population. Von Thünen (1826) planned the different categories of food in concentric circles around the city (Fig.  3.1). The further away from the city the better the produce could last for a longer period it takes to transport the goods to the city. The produce that requires immediate consumption are planned directly around the urban boundary. In the view of Ebenezer Howard (1902) larger farms are located in between the central city and several of the garden cities (Fig. 3.2). Every satellite town (the garden cities) are surrounded by a complex of allotment gardens, providing the food directly to the inhabitants of those settlements. Some decades later the plan for the so-called La Ville Radieuse (Le Corbusier, 1935) separates the different land uses according to their intensity (or importance to the urban dweller). The closer to the center the more important the functions seem: closest are the government and the university, then transportation and so forth (Fig. 3.3). Agriculture is placed in the zone that is farthest away from the urban core. Frank Lloyd Wright presented his plan for Broadacre City (Wright, 1945) as an ultimate low density sprawling city, in which many land use forms are mixed. This gives an impression of the precinct with a lot of green space. Despite this might offer good options to integrate food production in the urban fabric, the specific areas where food is grown is relatively limited to areas for small farms in a combined leisure and recreational zone close to the river and the market (Fig. 3.4).

River Grazing

Forestry

(crop

Crop rotation

Von Thünen model

0 0

25 25

50 MILES

50 KILOMETERS

ng Grazi

2

ield

3

Encl

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Three -f

and paosed fie sture ld alterm s ate us e)

City Horticulture and dairying

Model modified by river

Fig. 3.1  Von Thünen’s Model with from the center outwards: CBD, horticulture (dairy, fruit, vegetables), forest, crops (grain), grazing livestock, Wilderness. (Von Thünen, 1826)

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Fig. 3.2  Ebenezer Howards’ scheme for his Garden City of Tomorrow. (Howard, 1902)

The way ‘food’ was seen in these spatial concepts has one common denominator: though it is essential that fresh food can reach the city in time, it has never been appreciated as an integrated part of the productive city itself. In other words, as a function within the urban boundaries. Even in the period since Wright presented his plan for Broadacre City, it is still the main principle (Steele, 2008). When railway lines, urban expansions, and industries have been added to the urban complex, the production of food shifted along with these boundaries, step by step moving away from the urban core (Fig. 3.5). Thus, food production for urban consumption is not really urban and did not play a role in the design of the city. The question is how to integrate Urban Agriculture spatially in the urban environment. This is a new question to the landscape architecture and urban design disciplines. The spatial concepts as they are in use have not been very successful in providing space for urban food production. Several recent designs may however be used as an inspiration.

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Fig. 3.3  La Ville Radieuse: from top to bottom the zones of University/Government, CBD, Station/Airport, Residential, Industry and Agriculture. (Le Corbusier, 1935)

The design for the urban neighborhood of Brøndby in Denmark (Fig. 3.6), shows how green space, private gardens and residential living can be integrated. If only the intermediate green landscape would have played a role in growing food, the integration of Urban Agriculture in the urban tissue would have been complete. It is easily imagined this in-between space could provide most of the needed vegetables and fruits for the residents and could even work as a social space for relaxing, working

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Fig. 3.4  Broadacre City. (Wright, 1945)

and socializing. The Brøndby-example illustrates that spatial concepts are possible that potentially become food-productive. This way of approaching envisions a city with both attractive and productive places in which people can appreciate the productive environment, no matter if they are part of the productive food-chain or not. Several innovative designs have been conceived, but so far have only made it to the stage of thought experiments. The plan for Park Supermarket (Van Bergen en Kolpa, 2010), proposes to transform the landscape between Rotterdam and The Hague in the Netherlands into a large-scale supermarket landscape, where the food is grown in departments as one would expect in a normal supermarket (Fig. 3.7). In clear compartments the production of the fish department, bread, vegetables, meat, grain, and spices is organized as if walking through a real supermarket, ending your journey at the cash desk. To be able to offer products from all global directions, each compartment is created sustainably to simulate the climate conditions in which the products would normally grow. In this landscape the entire food provision is possible, while the landscape is designed to improve recreational, ecological, and water conservation purposes. The conceptual design Pig City (MVRDV, undated) is both innovative and challenges existing conventions. In the proposed plan three big problems are simultaneously solved: the disproportional scale of existing pig farms compared with the

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Fig. 3.5  Historic development relation between food production and the city. (Scheme by Steve Swiggers, after Steele, 2008)

scale of the landscape, the number of pigs close together causing animal unfriendly conditions and diseases, and the enormous environmental pressure caused by farming pigs in such high densities. The housing of pigs in concentrated high-rises tackles all three problems in one go (Fig. 3.8): –– It relieves the spatial pressure on sensitive landscapes. Because of the concentration of these Pig Cities, the rest of the country is released from all pig-pressure. –– In the Pig City all manure is collected and transported to a local energy plant, recycling their waste as heat and electricity back into the buildings. The built environment controls the flows of resource to waste to resource and has been proven to perform environmentally better than conventional pig farming. The pigs in their dwellings even feel better and are happier. –– It provides a stressless life for the pigs. Each couple of pigs share their own spacious ‘apartment’ with a view, complete with balcony and outdoor space. They eat locally produced food and garbage from surrounding restaurants, and cuddle in their specially designed muddy living rooms. Pig cities are supposedly located at the edge of or in harbor areas, such as the Maasvlakte near Rotterdam.

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Fig. 3.6  Community of Brøndby, Denmark

The many interesting concepts are readily available, but a strategic framework for designing urban agriculture, that brings all corners of the puzzle together is missing. The transformation of cities to productive landscapes can only be successful if the different elements are related to each other and strengthen each of their benefits. This could bring the necessary coherence, and attractive design solutions, that are acceptable both for decision makers and political leaders as well as for local residents.

3.3 Designing Urban Agriculture For a productive city to be successful in the long term, a coherent framework in which all ingredients are logically linked, is needed. In the framework Designing Urban Agriculture (Fig.  3.9) the productive and the design aspects are mutually related and connected to multiple scales, from the city region to the building (Roggema, 2014a, b). The framework brings together the two sides of urban agriculture: it must produce (to the left), and it has to be well designed (to the right). In the center these sides are unified in the design of ‘findable spaces’.1

 ‘Findable spaces’ is a concept of thought, with the objective to find or allocate spaces in (dense) urbanized areas where many spatial constraints occur and a high spatial and functional pressure is experienced, to produce healthy and fresh food. 1

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Fig. 3.7  Park Supermarkt by VanBergenKolpa Architects. (Van Bergen en Kolpa, 2010)

3.3.1 Urban Agricultural System To a large extent, the population, the economy, and demand for products determine desired functioning of the urban agriculture system from a socio-economic perspective. –– The number of people to be fed and the sort of food requirements determine the total amount of food that must be produced. Additionally, the wish to produce healthy crops or collectively farm, influence the sorts of produce for a specific group of consumers. –– The growing conditions, such as soil fertility, humidity, or sunlight, may limit or accelerate the productivity. –– The economic feasibility of growing the demanded produce, with the available technology and workforce, makes it possible (or not) to grow healthy, local, and

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Fig. 3.8  Pig City by MVRDV. (Source: MVRDV, https://www.mvrdv.nl/projects/134/pig-­city)

Economy - Feasibility - Business model - Effective chains

Products - Demand - Crops - Productivity

Population - Size - Food demand - Health - Social connectivity

Flows of water and energy

Urban Agriculture SYSTEM

Design of findable space

Re-use and recycling of waste

Individual project initiatives

Architecture and project design Designprinciples Analysis existing city Creating space Research by Design APPROACH

Designconcepts

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Spatial typologies Large and small scale Designstrategies Climate impact 30% demand for space Food-potential Mapping

Sa n d wic h

Circular metabolism

DESIGN TASK

Spa t ia l

URBAN AGRICULTURE

Underground, soil, water, landscape

Fig. 3.9  Framework for the design of urban agriculture. (Roggema, 2014a, b)

sustainable. Is a business model possible to practice urban agriculture with sustainable distribution chains to deliver fresh, affordable and healthy food to the consumer.

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Three interlinked basic questions may compromise the operation of the urban agriculture system. However, applying recycling and re-use of flows of nutrients, water and energy may close the cycles and limit the amounts of resources required to grow food. This may compensate the somewhat higher initial costs that smaller food-­ plots and complex urban conditions may bring. Especially when several plots can be connected to each other they benefit from waste streams of others and share resources. This way a connected network of food producing areas emerges that together produce the range of demanded urban food. Moreover, sharing volumes of water, nutrients, and energy, creates a tailormade system of finetuned demand and supply, leading to optimized results for all.

3.3.2 Design Approach The design tasks focus on realizing a high spatial quality for areas where urban agriculture is practiced. To design an area both planning and design strategies are important. Planning is ‘A basic management function involving formulation of one or more detailed plans to achieve optimum balance of needs or demands with the available resources’ (Lexico-a, undated. The planning process ‘identifies the goals or objectives to be achieved, formulates strategies to achieve them, arranges or creates the means that are required and implements, directs, and monitors all steps in their proper sequence’ (Lexico, undated-a) or ‘control the development by a local authority, through regulation and licensing for land use changes and building’ (Lexico, undated-a). Design is ‘to plan and establish form’ (De Jong & Van der Voort, 2005). It results in ‘A plan or drawing produced to show the look and function or workings of a building, garment, or other object before it is made’ (Lexico, undated-b). There are several ways designing can be applied (De Jong & Van der Voort, 2005): –– Research for design is all the research required for making a design (often quantitative analysis of factors, relevant for the design and the location/context). –– Research through design aims to generate new knowledge by varying the design solutions within a well-known context (Aaron, 2012). –– Research by design generates knowledge and understanding by researching the effects of changing the design solutions in a changing context. –– Design research describes and analyses existing designs (e.g. comparative study). When design need to be innovative and respond with novel solutions to an environment that is not well-known, research by design is a suitable approach, as in this situation the mutual impact on both context and subject are to be investigated. In this case, the subject of the design, urban agriculture, and its context, the urban environment are both changeable. Research by design generates modifications of and reciprocal changes to both the design as the environment.

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3.4 A Spatial Sandwich Many recent urban agriculture initiatives have been proposed for the local, urban neighborhood scale (see for instance: Gorgolewski et al., 2011; Miazzo & Minkjan, 2013; Philips, 2013; Viljoen, 2005; Viljoen & Bohn, 2014). The linkages with the larger, city region or landscape scale are very limited. Where the larger scale focuses on regular agriculture and is predominantly represented in Landscape planning and Master planning, the local scale projects are concrete initiatives. The spatial gap implies also a functional difference and establishing connections, spatially and functional could be beneficial for the overall effectivity of the food system. This is visualized as a spatial sandwich (Fig.  3.10), in the form of a so-called McAg (Roggema, 2014a, b). The three levels of the McAg represent the scales of the urban agricultural system, local, urban, and regional, inclusive of the linkages between them. The design task is to design at each scale and their connections.

3.4.1 The Basis The soggy bit of the bun is the well-known, not too tasty part of the dish. It is needed to give minimal coherence to the whole. Though the metaphor is not the best, just as the basis for the burger, the landscape forms the ground floor for the functioning of all uses. Therefore, basic ingredients for any agricultural design, such as the soil, hydrology, topography, need to be taken care of at the regional scale, as these determine the fertility hence opportunities for growing food.

Fig. 3.10  The ‘McAg’ including three levels of the Urban Agriculture system, which are all necessary to create a productive city

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The underlying conditions of the landscape tend to change very slowly, over periods of decades or centuries. The way this resource is treated and used is therefore extremely important. Once changed, it is not easy to revert to former conditions quickly. Using and extracting resources should be undertaken with care and rest-­ flows of water, energy, and nutrients shall be returned into the regional landscape. This requires a long-term strategy as the resources need to be available over prolonged periods and to make certain the landscape can maintain its function. A design strategy emphasizes what should be achieved on the long term (HfG Ulm, undated; Doblin, 1987; Gorb, 1990; Lindinger, 1991). It helps to determine what to make and d, and why to do ‘it’ (e.g. urban agriculture) and how to innovate contextually (Wardah & Khalil, 2016). A design strategy could, as a food strategy, determine the places in the region where to grow food. Such a strategy defines the conditions locally and connects individual areas to the broader landscape, and the urban with the rural. It offers the space for the metabolic use of resources, their supply, re-use, and storage. This soggy basis may not be the sexiest part of the land, but without it there would be nothing else. It gives the necessary basis for all other uses to exist. The landscape offers potentials to be productive. When these potentials are mapped the areas for optimal use for urban agriculture can be depicted. Like Energy Potential Mapping (Van den Dobbelsteen et al., 2007, 2018), a Food Potential Map (FPM) shows the opportunities for certain crop types of food systems. This mapping extends beyond the traditional maps indicating landscape conditions such as water availability, solar intensity, or soil fertility. It maps also the potential artificial conditions such as inside humidity, microclimate, exposure to sunlight inside existing buildings. This determines the most suitable spaces for application of aqua-or hydroponics. At the landscape scale other conditions can be added to the mapping such as economic (land value, supply chain, food market) or social (cohesion, local network, culture of precinct) factors. After this mapping the design strategy can be executed. As discussed in chapter two, in anticipation of climate impacts an estimated 30% of the land should be available for temporary land-use change (Roggema, 2012). Because climate hazards only occur occasionally and influence spaces for a limited time, the remainder of the time these are free to use for any other purpose. An infill wit urban agriculture presents an excellent opportunity to fill up these spaces, in combination with other semi-­ permanent uses, such as leisure and recreational spaces or nature. An urban agriculture design strategy then joins forces with the need to create larger public spaces for dealing with climate impacts.

3.4.2 The ‘In-between’ Depending on the choice of the burger, the taste is created in between the bun. Translated to cities these can only become tasty (eg. productive) when areas where food will be grown can be supplied with water, the right soil, nutrients, and energy.

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Especially under changing climatic conditions an anticipative and careful design is needed. As with the stuff in between the bun, the right combination of ingredients makes it possible to create a tasteful, productive urban area. The landscape relates to any local area through the middle scale. It links the systems of water, energy, ecology, mobility, and transport, social, and economy with the growth of food. For example, are waste streams of one system useful to other systems, and do the local areas receive their supply at the right moment? Can each system be flexible enough to adjust its flows any time and store, supply, and slow down its flows? For increasing this adaptive capacity of these operating system, the specific conditions of the landscape must be matched with the demands of local food growing areas. This requires regulating and opening & closing of valves that let go or stop the flows of materials and resources and distribute it to the right places. To make the right systemic choices the existing flows operating in the city are analyzed to determine the places where potential supply can be provided and for which spatial typology the most suitable food system can be applied. Urban agricultural types (Point to Point Communicatie, 2013) such as placemaking farming, rooftop farming and high-tech farming (all three located inside cities) or multifunctional farming or open field farming (both located at the urban fringes), can then be embedded within the water-, nutrients-, transport- and energy-flows to operate at their most productive capacity. At this intermediate scale the design strategy must be detailed in design concepts, that provide the guidelines for the local designs. In these design concepts the interrelations of the urban systems with the specific conditions of landscape and local demand are exemplified. In this sense, the design concept is ‘an abstract idea in the form of a plan or intention, conceptualizing a mental image which corresponds to a distinct entity or class of entities, or to its essential features, or determines the application of a term (especially a predicate), and thus plays a part in the use of reason or language’ (Lexico, undated-c). It is a representation of reality that bridges problem and possible solutions. The Continuous Productive Urban Landscapes (CPULs) is such a concept: “Open landscapes productive in economical and sociological and environmental terms. They will be placed within an urban-­ scale landscape concept offering the host city a variety of lifestyle advantages and few, if any, unsustainable drawbacks.” (Viljoen, 2005; Viljoen & Bohn, 2014).

3.4.3 The Top The McAg is topped with a bun that sprinkled with seeds, which provide the taste. The seeds are small and spread over the bun. This top level represents the individual urban agriculture projects that are generally spread over the city. Each individual project is quite tasty but is also small. It can only gain importance (and taste better) when it is rightly embedded in the broader urban system of flows, as inserted productive urban landscapes’ (Viljoen, 2005). This helps to prevent the local project to get footloose as a stand-alone object of food. Following this, the choice of crops, the intensity of farming and the choice for a certain technological system determine the

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specific ‘Urban-Ag-DNA’. For designing its specificity, the fitting design principles shall be used to give each area its own character, urban form, and aesthetic/beauty. For designing urban agriculture projects interconnect ted design principles used for landscape architecture (Whyting, 2017) are useful. They include qualities such as unity, scale, balance, simplicity, variety, emphasis, and sequence (Table 3.1) and are applied to features such as line, form, texture, and color (Table  3.2). Design principles differentiate one design from the other. They establish harmony, or not. Create balance, or not. And so forth. These design principles are applied to lines, shapes, textures, and color (Table 3.2).

3.4.4 Three Levels Connected The three levels of appreciation are strongly connected. Each one determines the success of the others. As if the taste of the burger cannot be appreciated fully when one of the parts is missing. The design process needs therefore to link a design strategy, − concept and – principles (Table 3.3). Each level plays its specific part in the whole and once the strategy is defined, the conceptual design and its principles shall be applied in accordance with the chosen direction. The long-term strategy defines the potentials and strategic reservations in the landscape, suitable to becoming part of structure planning documents. The conceptual design elaborates the functionality and resilience of urban system flows. The integration of these systems delivers spatial typologies and can be easily used as part of a Master Plan. Strategic and conceptual design is made operational at the project level. The specific design principles shape detailed public or private spaces, such as parks, rooftops, squares, food-forests, or food-gardens. As the three parts of the system belong together integration and coherence are beneficial for the overall performance and productivity. Projects are located at the most fitting places, and create an effective, productive, and resilient urban environment. The coherence exists from the top to the bottom and vice versa. The strategy defines the concept and the principles, but also a single design can lead to novel concepts and strategic designs for adaptation of the landscape.

3.5 Conclusion The two sides of creating space for a productive city are the on the demand and the design side. By connecting both sides food growth can be integrated in the urban context. When produce, the social and economic aspects are bridged at three spatial scales, a comprehensive design for food production in urban environments can be developed.

Simplicity

Balance

Design principle Unity & Harmony

Definition Unity (and Harmony) is the Quality of Oneness. When all elements are in agreement, a design is considered unified. No individual part is viewed as more important than the whole design. A good balance between unity and variety must be established to avoid a chaotic or a lifeless design. To achieve visual unity is a main goal of design. When all elements are in agreement, a design is considered unified. No individual part is viewed as more important than the whole design. A good balance between unity and variety must be established to avoid a chaotic or a lifeless design (White, 2011). This can be achieved using different methods (Rawal, 2018) Balance represents the distribution of elements. It is a state of equalized tension and equilibrium, which may not always be calm. Formal balance repeats the same left and right, giving stability, stateliness, and dignity. It is high maintenance keep both sides similar. Informal balance differs from left to right giving curiosity, movement, and feels alive. Total mass of plants needs to balance left and right (Whyting, 2017). White (2011) distinguishes several types of balance (Rawal, 2018) Simplicity and variety work together to balance each other. Simplicity is the degree of repetition rather than constant change, which creates unity. Variety is diversity and contrast in form, texture, and color preventing monotony (Whyting, 2017).

Table 3.1  Design principles and their characteristics Elements Proximity gives a sense of distance between elements or how close together or far apart items are to each other. Similarity comprehends the ability to seem repeatable with other elements Continuation: the sense of having a line or pattern extend Repetition: elements being copied or mimicked numerous times – repetition use of the same colors, styles, shapes, or other elements and principles throughout a document Rhythm: is achieved when recurring position, size, color, and use of a graphic element has a focal point interruption. Altering the basic theme achieves unity and helps keep interest. Unity how well parts of the document work together (see proximity) Consistency uniform use of design elements. Symmetry Asymmetrical produces an informal balance that is attention attracting and dynamic. Radial balance is arranged around a central element. The elements placed in a radial balance seem to ‘radiate’ out from a central point in a circular fashion. Overall balance is a mosaic form of balance, which normally arises from too many elements being put on a page. Due to the lack of hierarchy and contrast, this form of balance can look noisy.

Dominance & Emphasis

Scale & Proportion

Design principle Hierarchy

Dominance/emphasis creates a focal point (Rawal, 2018). Emphasis is the dominance and subordination of elements. The human mind looks for dominance and subordination in life. As we look at a landscape from and direction, we need to see dominance and subordination of various elements. If we don’t find it, we withdraw from the land- scape. Some gardens lack the dominant element. Others suffer with too many dominant elements screaming to be the focal point. Emphasis can be achieved through different sizes, bold shapes, groupings, and the unusual or unexpected (Whyting, 2017). Dominance is created by contrasting size, positioning, color, style, or shape. The focal point should dominate the design with scale and contrast without sacrificing the unity of the whole (White, 2011)

Definition Hierarchy leads the user through each design element in the order of its significance. The type and images are expressed starting from the most important to the least. Hierarchy: A good design contains elements that lead the reader through each element in order of its significance. The type and images should be expressed starting from most important to the least (White, 2011). Scale/proportion uses the relative size of elements against each other and can attract attention to a focal point. When elements are designed larger than life, scale is being used to show drama (White, 2011). The following types are distinguished (Whyting, 2017)

(continued)

Absolute scale relates the comparative value of landscape elements to a fixed structure (for instance a house) Relative scale relates to comparative relative sizes or “values” of objects in the landscape. Relative scale is very emotionally charged and closely linked to color. It may create a feeling of relaxation and peacefulness or one of energy and action. Low scale is relaxing and calming. It is used in the home landscape to give a feeling of peace and relaxation. High scale promotes action. It is used around large buildings and in large spaces to fill the space. Use of high scale in small spaces makes the space feel smaller.

Elements

Sequence is the change or flow in form, color, texture, and size giving movement or life. Movement is the path the viewer’s eye takes through the artwork, often to focal areas. Such movement can be directed along lines edges, shape, and color within the artwork. Use proportionally larger numbers of fine textured elements. Texture becomes finer when distance increases. In a distant corner, finer textures are better, sequencing to coarser textures on the arms. There are few basic rules how many warm and cool colors to use. More is not always better. As a rule-ofthumb, designs need 90% green to set off 10% color. Darkest shades and the purest intensity dominate and should be used at the focal point. Warm colors work best in sequence. Using cool colors in contrast is more effective than sequences (Whyting, 2017)

Sequence

Elements Build a unique internal organization structure. Manipulate shapes of images and text to correlate together. Express continuity from page to page in publications. Items to watch include headers, themes, borders, and spaces. Develop a style manual and stick with the format. Similarly, contrasting environments can be developed in several ways: Filled or empty space, space is near or far, and can be 2-D or 3-D Position to the left or right, in an isolated or grouped way, centered or off-center The form can be simple or complex, beautiful, or ugly, whole or broken The direction of the environment can be developed towards stability or movement The structure can be organized or chaotic, mechanical, or hand-drawn The size can be large or small, deep or shallow, fat or thin. The color is grey-scale or colored, light, or dark. The texture can be fine or coarse, smooth or rough, sharp or dull The density can be transparent or opaque, thick or thin, liquid or solid The gravity can be light or heavy, stable or unstable

Large parts of this table has been published before and is used with permission from the following publication: Food Roofs of Rio de Janeiro: https://link. springer.com/book/10.1007/978-­3-­319-­56739-­6

Definition Similarity and contrast make focal points visible through consistent design. Too much similarity is boring but without similarity important elements will not exist. An image without contrast is uneventful so the key is to find the balance between similarity and contrast. Planning a consistent and similar design is an important aspect of a designers work to make their focal point visible (White, 2011). There are several ways to develop a similar environment (White, 2011)

Design principle Similarity

Table 3.1 (continued)

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Table 3.2  Application of design principles Aspect Line

Shape

Texture

Color

Definition A line connects and defines the space and creates outdoor rooms. Lines are a powerful design element that define rooms and connect people to the landscape. For a professional touch, use sweeping bold lines and curves rather than small zigzags and small wavy curves (Whyting, 2017) Shapes or form include the threedimensional mass. Line, direction, and arrangements determine the shape. The mass resulting from this, influences the scale. For unity, the topographical characteristics can be repeated in the form of design elements. There are several types of form (Whyting, 2017)

Properties

Horizontal and spreading forms emphasis the lateral extent and breath of space. These are comfortable shapes because it corresponds with the natural direction of eye movement. Rounded forms are most common in natural materials. They allow for easy eye movement and create a pleasant undulation that leads itself to certain groupings. Vase-shaped trees define a comfort- able “people space” beneath the canopy. Weeping forms lead the eye back to the ground. What is below the weeping form often becomes a focal point. Pyramidal forms direct the eyes up- ward. Grouping pyramidal forms will soften the upward influence. They will look more natural in the surroundings with foliage to the ground.

Texture is fine or coarse, it can be heavy and light, and thin or dense, emphasizing light or shade. At a distance, texture comes from the entire mass effect of design elements and the qualities of light and shadows (Whyting, 2017) Color gives greatest appeal and evokes the greatest response. How does color speak to you? Color is powerful in creating mood and feeling. “Color therapy” is a popular topic in our rapid paced modern world. What moods and feeling do various color create for you? What colors work for the landscape? What moods and feeling do you want in the environment? Is it a space for relaxation and healing or a space for activities (Whyting, 2017)

Large parts of this table has been published before and is used with permission from the following publication: Food Roofs of Rio de Janeiro: https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/ 978-­3-­319-­56739-­6

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Table 3.3  Characteristics of three levels of the spatial sandwich Design type Mode of operation Focus of design Design aspects

Bottom Strategy Strategic Whole landscape Food potentials Space for climate

Middle Concept Tactic Urban system Spatial typologies Creating space in existing city

Planning type/level

Structure plan

Master plan

Upper Principle Operational Individual project (Garden) architecture Park/public space design Project design

It has long been assumed that the best place to grow food is located outside the urban boundaries. With growing demand from an urban population, this is changing and therefore new questions are asked about how to supply, what are growing conditions and which designs are appropriate. With the production of food entering the urban realm, urban agriculture becomes part of city life. This means it does not only produce food, urban agriculture needs also to be seen as a social innovation and plays an important role in how public spaces look like. It is obvious that a major task for designers lies ahead. The growth of food is not something that is done randomly, without an eye on spatial qualities, because then it becomes a burden for the urban resident. Instead, it should be attractive and invite citizens to spend time in these areas and actively participate. The design of the individual project is thereby to be placed in the context of the bigger picture: the urban networks and systems of material flows, and the larger landscape, providing the environmental and climatic conditions for the growing of plants. This compels connecting the strategy, concept and principles of design and link them with a continuum of spatial scales.

References Aaron, H. (2012). Research through design? Crossing Boundaries, 17 July 2012. http://boundariescrossing.wordpress.com/2012/07/17/research-­through-­design/. Accessed 25 Mar 2022. De Jong, T. M., & Van der Voort, D. J. M. (Eds.). (2005). Ways to study and research urban, architectural and technical design. IOP Press BV. Doblin, J. (1987). A short, grandiose theory of design. STA Design Journal, Analysis and Intuition, 6, 6–16. https://www.doblin.com/our-­thinking/a-­short-­grandiose-­theory-­of-­design. Accessed 11 June 2022. Gorb, P. (1990). Design management. Papers from the London business school. Architecture Design and Technology Press. Gorgolewski, M., Komisar, J., & Nasr, J. (2011). Carrot city, creating places for urban agriculture. The Monacelli Press. HfG Ulm. (Undated). Hochschule für Gestaltung Ulm. https://www.hfg-­ulm.de/de/hfg-­ulm/. Accessed 2 June 2022. Howard, E. (1902). Garden cities of tomorrow. S. Sonnenschein & Co., Ltd.. Le Corbusier. (1935). La Ville Radieuse. Boulogne-sur-Seine: Editions de L’Architecture de Aujourd’hui.

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Lexico. (undated-a). Planning. https://www.lexico.com/definition/planning. Accessed 10 June 2022. Lexico. (undated-b). Design. https://www.lexico.com/definition/design. Accessed 10 June 2022. Lexico. (undated-c). Concept. https://www.lexico.com/definition/concept. Accessed 10 June 2022. Lindinger, H. (1991). Ulm design: The morality objects. The MIT Press. Miazzo, F., & Minkjan, M. (Ed.). (2013) Farming the city. Food as a tool for today’s urbanisation. Trancity and Valiz. MVRDV. (undated). Pig City. http://www.mvrdv.nl/projects/131_pig_city/. Accessed 8 June 2022. Philips, A. (2013). Designing urban agriculture. A complete guide to the planning, design, construction, maintenance and management of edible landscapes. Wiley. Point to Point Communicatie (Red.). (2013). Stadsboeren in Nederland; professionalisering van de Stadsgerichte Landbouw. Ministerie van EZ, Ministerie van IenM, Van Bergen Kolpa Architecten, LEI, De Volharding Breda, Priva. Rawal, A.S. (2018). 10 Basic principles of graphic design. Medium, 11 July 2018. https://medium. com/@anahatsidhu/10-­basic-­principles-­of-­graphic-­design-­b74be0dbdb58. Accessed 22 Mar 2022. Roggema, R. (2012). Swarm planning: The development of a methodology to deal with climate adaptation. Delft University of Technology and Wageningen University and Research Centre. PhD-thesis. Roggema, R. (2014a). Framing urban agriculture: the quest for new design concepts. Proceedings ECLAS-conference, 21–23 Sept 2014, Porto. Roggema, R. (2014b). It’s time for the McAg: Finding spaces for productive cities in a spatial sandwich. Proceedings IFLA2014, 4–6 June 2014, Buenos Aires. Sijmons, D. F. (1992). Het Casco-concept; Een Benaderingswijze voor de Landschapsplanning. Studiereeks Bouwen aan een Levend Landschap, nr. 24. Utrecht: Directie Bos en Landschapsbouw, Ministerie van- Landbouw, Natuurbeheer en Visserij. Steele, C. (2008). The Hungry City, How Food Shapes Our Lives. Chatto and Windus. Tjallingii, S. P. (1993). Ecopolis: Strategies for Ecologically Sound Urban Development. Backhuys Publishers. Van Bergen, J., & Kolpa, E. (2010). Park Supermarkt, voedsel en recreatie in metropolitane parken. S&RO, 91(5), 32–35. Van den Dobbelsteen, A., Jansen, S., Van Timmeren, A., & Roggema, R. (2007). Energy potential mapping – A systematic approach to sustainable regional planning based on climate change, local potentials and exergy. In Proceedings of the CIB World Building Congress 2007. CIB/ CSIR. 14–18 May 2007. Van den Dobbelsteen, A., Roggema, R., Tillie, N., Broersma, S., Fremouw, M., & Martin, C.  L. (2018). Urban energy masterplanning  – Approaches, strategies, and methods for the energy transition in cities. In P. Droege (Ed.), Urban energy transition. Renewable strategies for cities and regions (pp. 635–661). Elsevier Publishing SPi. Viljoen, A. (Ed.). (2005). CPULs: Continuous productive urban landscapes. Designing urban agriculture for sustainable cities. Architectural Press, Elsevier Ltd. Viljoen, A., & Bohn, K. (2014). Second nature urban agriculture. Designing productive cities. Routledge. Von Thünen, J. H. (1826). In P. G. Hall (Ed.), Die isolierte Staat in Beziehung auf Landwirtshaft und Nationalökonomie. Pergamon Press. English translation by Wartenberg C M in 1966. Wardah, E. S. A. A., & Khalil, M. O. (2016). Design process & strategic thinking in architecture. Proceedings of 2016 International Conference on Architecture & Civil Engineering (ICASCE 2016). March 26–27, 2016. White, A. (2011). The elements of graphic design. Allworth Press. ISBN 978-1-58115-762-8. Whyting, D.E. (2017). Master Gardener Colorado State University Extension  – GardenNotes Complete set for 2020. https://cmg.extension.colostate.edu/wp-­content/uploads/ sites/59/2020/01/GardenNotes-­Complete-­Set.pdf. Accessed 25 May 2022. Wright, F. L. (1945). When democracy builds. University of Chicago Press.

Chapter 4

FoodSpace Rob Roggema

Abstract  The amount of space available for growing food in cities depend both on the available spaces as well as the desired dimensions for different urban agriculture types. In this chapter both the urban spaces, private and public are investigated and combined with the typical sizes of ways to grow food. This is interconnected in the so-called capacity-typology matrix. Further to this, the estimated amount of food that can be grown in a hypothetical municipality is calculated, based on types, number of projects to be implemented and the productivity of urban agriculture. This potential of food produce is subsequently related to the demand for food in the Netherlands. It results in a percentage of 0,144 of total food demand that can be supplied within the urban boundary. This amount can be increased by extending the space to the cityregion and the accompanying higher productivity in this extension. The total maximum produce in the city-region is estimated at roughly 32%. It is obvious that even if urban agriculture is maximized in the urban region, still more than two-third of food demand need to come from other solutions, such as further increase production effectivity, finding additional (unexpected) space for urban food growth, or (eventually), it might be necessary to import food from outside the city region. Keywords  Spatial capacity · Urban agriculture typology · Capacity-typology matrix · Food productivity · City-region

4.1 Introduction How much space is available for urban food production? And what is its contribution to the overall consumption? Currently, only 0.0018% of the total consumed food in the Netherlands is produced from within urban boundaries (Roggema, 2018). Despite all urban agriculture initiatives, this is therefore not anywhere near a R. Roggema (*) Escuela de Architectura, Artes y Diseño, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_4

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significant contribution. Several options to increase this number are relevant: find additional space for urban food production (Roggema, 2014a, b, c), increase productivity of these areas, and strengthen the direct relationship between urban food consumption and the areas in the vicinity of the city. To answer the first question, where additional spaces could be found, three options can be investigated: decreasing urban densities so more space is available, change the way current urban areas are used from anything into growing food, and to make spaces under, at or above existing building usable for the growth of food (Roggema, 2015). Each of these options face practical difficulties due to the economic pressure that is apparent in the city. Moreover, it is often unclear how the urban agricultural typologies fit the urban form hence possible synergies are missed. The potential increase in urban food production can therefore be enhanced by investigating this potential at the scale of the city. At the city scale there is more space available than initially one might think. For instance, in the city of Amsterdam 12% of the area is potentially available to be transformed into food growing spaces. When this space is used it can feed approximately 25% of the residents of the city (Mulder & Oude Aarninkhof, 2014). Large gains can be achieved by fitting the available space (capacity) with the type of urban agriculture (typology).

4.2 Methodology To discover the role of food grown within urban boundaries, both the available space as well as the sort of urban agricultural practices need to be matched. Therefore, the following aspects have been investigated: 1. Estimate the sizes of typical private and public spaces in the city. The total area of public and private spaces that can be made useful to grow food is defined as the spatial capacity. 2. Understand the typical size of different types of urban agriculture, based on successful examples across the world. Every spatial manifestation of urban agriculture has its own characteristic size. This defines the Urban agriculture typology. 3. Link the size of urban spaces with the types of urban agriculture. In the so-called capacity-typology matrix the possible matching between urban space and urban agriculture is visualized. 4. Estimate the potential spatial capacity and productivity of urban agriculture production in the Netherlands. When the potential space in an average city in the `Netherlands is combined with the average productivity of urban agriculture areas, the potential of food produce in urban agriculture at national level can be calculated. 5. Estimate the total of food consumed in the Netherlands. Based on average consumption numbers for meat, fish, vegetables, drinks, and all other categories, the total amount can be calculated.

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6. Conclude the potential significance of urban food production for the total food consumption. The importance of the amount of food in urban areas for the total consumption in the Netherlands can be determined. 7. Identify potential factors to increase the contribution of food grown in cities to the total food consumed.

4.3 Spatial Capacity and Typology To estimate the significance of urban agriculture for the total food supply, both the potential spatial capacity in the city as the typical sizes of urban agriculture projects must be related to each other. This to make optimally use of the spaces available with the most fitting agricultural type. Within these spaces the productivity determines the total produce. First the spatial capacity is estimated, followed by an investigation of the sizes of agricultural types. Then the productivity of different urban agricultural projects is averaged after which a certain number of urban agriculture projects per municipality is suggested. This combined leads to the potential maximum produce per municipality and, multiplied by the number of municipalities in the Netherlands, for the entire country. Finally, if this number is compared with the total amount of food consumed, the potential significance of urban agriculture for the national food supply can be estimated.

4.3.1 Spatial Capacity The potential available space in the city where food can be grown determines the spatial capacity. Private spaces, such as the space inside buildings, on the roof or balcony, in the garden, at the parking, and attached to the façade (Table  4.1), can be turned into productive space. This is also the case for public space, such as abandoned spaces, nature, parks and green spaces, collective parking, or infrastructure (Table 4.2). For each of those spaces the spatial dimensions are estimated as well as the potential combinations with other urban uses. A spatial analysis of all possible food growing areas on a map shows the total spatial capacity for urban agriculture in any given city.

4.3.2 An Urban Agriculture Typology Urban agriculture appears in many different forms. Each one requires a different spatial size and context. The urban agriculture typology charts the properties each type has (Table 4.3), which makes it possible to link it with the available spaces in a city. In the overview the approximate sizes, their purpose (private consumption or commercial sale), and possible combinations with other uses are specified. These characteristics are derived from examples that are successfully implemented.

Table 4.1  Dimensions of private spaces Space Roof

Specifications Family household Company

Size Use 10 × 15 m PV, empty

Collective

20 × 30 m PV, empty

Balcony Family household Façade Family household Company Garden Family household Company Parking

Family household Company

Building Home Flat/apartment Industrial/ warehouse

2 × 3 m

Storage, laundry and bbq

Conditions Construction, combination with PV Construction, combination with PV Construction, combination with PV Pots, small

10 × 6 m

Unused

Construction

30 × 50 m PV, empty

40 × 40 m Unused 5 × 5 m Concrete, flowers, gardening, waste containers 30 × 30 m Water, meadow, trees, for looking 4 × 15 m Partially for parking 20 × 20 m Partially for parking 10 × 15 Living 15 × 40 m Living 50 × 20 m Manufacturing

Construction Possible Possible Use only underused parking space Use only underused parking space Space inside Spaces inside Reuse of internal spaces

Table 4.2  Dimensions of public spaces Public space Park

Specifications Big

Public green

Small In between houses/buildings

Nature

Eco-zone

50 × 50 m

Use Recreation, nature, dogs, mix Recreation, play Playground, field-games (football), dogs Nature

Connections

15 m × length 5 × 10 m

Nature, leisure, mobility –

Ecological quality is main factor Ecological connections must prevail –

–

Pollution must be solved

Wedged space

15 m × length 20 × 40 m

Nature, unused

Collective

50 × 50

Parking

In streets

3 × 5 m

Parking

Possible pollution should be solved Only underused parking area, temporarily used; double use Transform from parking into productive

Rest Corners, spaces, mis-designs left-overs Along infra Roadsides

Parking

Size 100 × 100 m or more 30 × 40 m 50 × 20 m

Conditions Only partly use, leisure is core Leisure is prime Use the underused only

15 × 50 m

Flat/office

20 × 20

100 × 50

Collective neighborhood vegetable garden Edible forest garden

Edible forest

20 × 30 m

10 × 15 m

20 × 30 m

In building

House

10 × 5 m

Roof

Aquaponic system

Roofgarden

100 × 50 m

Specification

Type Productive space Urban farm

Own use/ sale Own use/ sale Sale

Own use Own use/ sale Own use Own use

Sale

Own use/ Approx. size sale

Table 4.3  Properties of urban agriculture typologies

Forest, space

Space

Leisure, social cohesion Recreation, nature, social cohesion

Volunteers

Construction, maintenance Construction, maintenance

Education, social cohesion

Lunch break, PV

Terrace, PV

Construction, water, fish

Visitor center

(continued)

Voedselbos Vlaardingen, NL (Boers, 2016; De Graaf, 2015) Voedselbos Makeblijde, Houten, NL (Permaculture Research Institute, 2017)

Sarphatipark, Amsterdam, NL (Visionair, 2011)

Zuidpark Amsterdam, NL (Mulder en Oude Aarninkhof 2010) Ebisu metro-station, Tokyo, Japan (Meinhold, 2014; Plaskoff Horton, 2014) Parmedines, Wijsgerenbuurt, Geuzenveld, Amsterdam, NL (Klaassen, 2013)

FoodRoof Rio, Brazil (Roggema, 2014c; Roggema et al., 2014) Biospheric project Manchester, UK (Keeffe, 2015; Roggema, 2014b, biospheric foundation, undated) FoodRoof Rio, Brazil

Caetshage, EVA-Lanxmeer, NL (urbangreenbluegrids, undated)

Building, space

Construction, water, fish

Example/reference

Requirements

Building, animals, outside and inside, pigs, chicken Leisure, wash, PV

Use/mix

4 FoodSpace 53

Sale

10 × 25 m

20 × 30 m

Office garden

Own use/ sale

Sale

30 × 20 m

Restaurant garden Shop garden

Productive garden annex

Allotment gardens

Own use 100 × 100 m Own use

10 × 10 m

Private

Vegetable garden

Own use Sale

10 × 10 m façade Whole building 40 × 20 m complex façade

200 × 150 m Sale

House

Specification

Own use/ Approx. size sale ? Own use

Vertical farm

Fringe farm

Type Wild foraging

Table 4.3 (continued)

Employees

Clients

De Kas, Amsterdam, NL (restaurant de Kas, undated) Hemel food garden, Hemel Hempstead, UK (Sunnyside rural trust, undated) LED vegetable garden, Yokohama, Japan (DigInfo_TV, 2014)

Nut en Genoegen, Sloterdijk, Amsterdam, NL (Tuinpark Nut en Genoegen, undated)

Requirements Example/reference Unexpected food in urban Urban edibles, Portland, Oregon, US (Yee, places 2012) BOSKOI, urban edibles app, NL (fo.am, 2021) Space, manager Hoge born, Wageningen, NL (Stichting de Hoge born, undated), Kemphaan, Almere, NL (Kemphaan, undated) Owners, maintenance, harvest Owners, maintenance, Green spirit farms New Buffalo, harvest Michigan, US (Artesian Farm, 2022) Plantagon, Sweden (Lutkin, 2019) The living skyscraper, Chicago, Blake Kurasek US (Greenaway, undated) Residents

Flowers, meadow, shed Townhouse, flowers, Association nature, collective shed Grow the demand

Office

Care, nature, education, meeting facility Living

Use/mix Recreation, experience, urban activities

54 R. Roggema

10 × 10 m

5 × 4 m

10 × 20 m

10 × 10 m

100 × 50 m

Home-made

Sale Streetfood-vendors

Restaurant

Shop

Market

50 × 50, 10 × ? m

10 × 5 m 2 × ?m 30 × 50 10 × ? m

50 × 50 m

Shack roads

Roads:

Garage bike-paths

Specification

Processing Factory

Trucks

Companies

Type Distribution Individuals

Sale

Sale

Sale

Sale

Sale

Sale

Sale

Sale

Sale

Own use/ Approx. size sale

Shop

Festival, leisure

Living

Shop

Living

Use/mix

Space location. Close to supply clients Space and location, close to production and clients Supply, close to clients Space/location Distribution, close to clients

Equipment, Distribution channel close to production and marketing

Equipment, employees close to production and client

Employees, web-shop, transport/small trucks shack Chauffeurs, web-shop, roads, shack

Storage, transport, (electric bike), web

Requirements

Whole foods market, Fulham, UK (whole foods market, undated)

Unicorn grocery, Manchester, UK (unicorn, undated)

Rollende keukens, Amsterdam, NL (MisterKitchen, undated) Hooi, Utrecht, NL (Indebuurt, undated)

Kicking Horse coffee company, Columbia Valley, Canada (Powell, 2017) De Witte Lelie, Maasland, NL (Grooten, 2022) Titi eco Farm, Malaysia (Foodiestravel, undated)

Refinery29, New York, US (Rankin, 2013)

Hello fresh, international (Hellofresh group, undated)

Web-shop Esther, Wageningen, NL

Example/reference 4 FoodSpace 55

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4.3.3 Capacity-Typology Matrix The spatial characteristics of private and public spaces, and those of the urban agriculture types can subsequently be matched. The required spatial specifications must fit the spatial conditions in the city. In the matrix (Table 4.4) these connections are made visible and can be used to maximize the urban food production and plan the food system at the urban scale.

4.3.4 Calculations on Capacities Once the typologies and spatial conditions in a city have been linked and used to conceive an urban plan, it becomes clear how much space for growing food in the city can be located. Based on this, the total amount of food that potentially can be produced can be calculated in subsequent steps (Table 4.5): 1. For every urban agricultural type, the typical size (in m2) is defined. 2. The number of each type that can reasonably be implemented in one municipality is estimated. This results in the total area that can be planned for every type (typical size times the number per type). It is assumed that, on average, this number of urban agriculture projects can be implemented in each municipality in the Netherlands. Though some are larger than others, the average covers a reasonable amount to be realized in each municipality. 3. The total space per type is then multiplied by the average productivity of urban agriculture. This amount (in kg’s) is based on a combination of literature and is 661  kg/ha (De Graaf, 2011a, b; De Muynck, 2011; Dijksma, 2013, 2014; Ecovrede, 2012; Stadslandbouw, 2009, 2010; Gemeente Rotterdam, 2012; Gorgeliewksi et al., 2011; Groene Ruimte, 2014; Jansma et al., 2011; Kuypers, 2012, Ladner, 2011; Marsden & Morley, 2014; Miazzo & Minkjan, 2012; Philips, 2013; Point to point communicatie, 2013; Stutterheim, 2013; Van der Sande, 2012; Veen et al., 2012; Viljoen, 2005). 4. Add up the total amounts of all types. This gives the total produce for one municipality. This is nearly 57,000 kg/year. 5. Multiply this total amount by the number of municipalities in the Netherlands (342, CBS, 2022a) and the total amount of food from urban agriculture in the Netherlands can be estimated. This is approximately 19.5 million kg/year. To understand how significant this amount of food produced within urban boundaries is, it is related to the total consumption of food in the country. The analysis of the fish and meat (Table 4.6), vegetables and other food (Table 4.7), and liquids and drinks (Table  4.8) make up the total consumption of food (Dagevos et  al., 2021; CBS, 2022b, Geurts et al., 2014; Goeievraag, 2011; De Waart, 2020; Productschap Vee en Vlees en het Productschap Pluimvee en Eieren, 2013; Van der Bie et  al.,

Capacity type Production Urban farm Aquaponic system on a roof Aquaponics in a building Roof-­garden on a house Roof-­garden in high-­rise/office Collective vegetable garden Edible forest garden Edible forest Wild foraging Fringe farm Vertical farm, house Vertical farm, building complex Vegetable garden, private Allotment gardens

Public green between houses Eco-zone

Small park

Large park

Table 4.4  Capacity-typology matrix

(continued)

In apartments/ offices In warehouse/ greenhouse In home

Company garden

Family house facade Company building facade Private garden

Balconies

Collective roofs

Company roofs

Family roofs

Company parking

Private parking

Street parking

Collective parking

Infra-wedges

Infra-roadsides

Left-over corners

Eco-­connection

Capacity type Productive garden & restaurant Productive garden & shop Productive garden & hotel Productive garden & office Distribution Individuals Companies Trucks Processing Factory Home-­made Sale Street food-­vendors Restaurant Shop Market

Table 4.4 (continued)

Large park Small park Public green between houses Eco-zone Eco-­connection Left-over corners Infra-roadsides Infra-wedges Collective parking Street parking Private parking Company parking Family roofs Company roofs Collective roofs Balconies Family house facade Company building facade Private garden Company garden In home In apartments/ offices In warehouse/ greenhouse

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Table 4.5  Total capacity of urban agriculture in the Netherlands

Type Urban farm Aquaponic system, roof Aquaponics, in building Roof-garden, house Roof-garden, flat/office Collective neighborhood Vegetable garden Edible forest garden Edible forest Wild foraging Fringe farm Vertical farm, house Vertical farm, building complex Vegetable garden, private Allotment gardens Productive garden annex, restaurant Productive garden annex, shop Productive garden annex, hotel Productive garden annex, offices Total

Approx. size (m) Size (m2) 100 × 50 m 5000 m2 10 × 5 m 50 m2

Number/ municipality 6 100

Total area (m2)/ municipality 30,000 m2 5000 m2

Productivity/ municipality (total area (m2) x productivity/ha (661 kg) 1983 kg 330.50 kg

20 × 30 m

600 m2

20

12,000 m2

793.20 kg

10 × 15 m

150 m2

300

45,000 m2

2974.50 kg

15 × 50 m

750 m2

200

150,000 m2

9915 kg

20 × 30 m

600 m2

90

54,000 m2

3569.40 kg

20 × 20 m

400 m2

20

8000 m2

528.80 kg

100 × 50 m Undefined 200 × 150 m 10 × 10 m Façade 40 × 20 m Façade

5000 m2 1000 m2 30,000 m2 100 m2

6 6 12 90

30,000 m2 6000 m2 360,000 m2 9000 m2

1983 kg 396.60 kg 23,796 kg 594.90 kg

800 m2

150

120,000 m2

7932 kg

10 × 10 m

100 m2

2000

200,000 m2

13,220 kg

100 × 100 m 10,000 m2 12

120,000 m2

7932 kg

30 × 20 m

600 m2

15

9000 m2

594.90 kg

10 × 25 m

250 m2

30

7500 m2

495.75 kg

10 × 15 m

150 m2

12

1800 m2

118.98 kg

20 × 30 m

600 m2

25

15,000 m2

991.50 kg

56,998.03 kg/ municipality (average)

60 Table 4.6  Consumption of meat and fish in the Netherlands on a yearly basis

R. Roggema

Cow Pig Chicken Turkey-duck-goose Sheep-goat-horse Fish Total

Kg/year 323,500,000 684,200,000 353,800,000 26,900,000 40,400,000 538,000,000 1,966,800,000

#/year 1,400,000 1,300,000 283,000,000

Productschap Vee en Vlees en het Productschap Pluimvee en Eieren (2013) Table 4.7  Consumption of non-meat and fish products in the Netherlands on a yearly basis

Potatoes Legumes Milk products Cereals Cakes Sugar Fat Total

Kg/year 416,927,001 557,009,223 426,144,378 1,630,701,926 175,493,797 178,660,331 117,295,530 3,502,232,186

#40 ft. containers 15,160 20,254 15,496 59,298 6496 4265

Based on: CBS (undated), RIVM (undated) Table 4.8  Consumption of drinks in the Netherlands on a yearly basis

Nonalcoholic Alcoholic Condiments Total

l/year 7,692,067,983 275,478,457 115,659,215 8,083,205,652

#40 ft. containers 295,848 10,595 4448

Based on: CBS (undated), RIVM (undated)

2012; Van Rossum et  al., 2011; Van Rossum en Geurts 2013; Voedingscentrum, 2014). The total amount is estimated at 13,552,237,838 kg/year, a little over 13.5 billion kilograms. With its potential of 19.5 million kilograms coming from urban agriculture it contributes maximally 0.144% to the total consumption. In comparison with the current urban agriculture production (0.0018%) the potential urban food production is substantially higher, approximately 80 times. However, a production of less than 0.2% is still not significant. Thus, if the objective is to increase the amount of food grown in urban areas other innovative strategies must be employed.

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4.4 City-Region Scale The most logical option to further increase urban agriculture production, is to extend the area for growing food beyond the strict urban boundaries, immediately around the existing cities. Assuming that a reasonable extension is to double the radius from the city center, the potential area is multiplied by four. The projection on the map of Amsterdam (Fig. 4.1) shows the implications: a large area at a very close distance to the consumers. In this compact city-region, at a maximum range of six kilometers from the Amsterdam city center, most of the food can be grown, processed, distributed, and consumed. Within the city region the productive space can be estimated. Inside the urban boundary, 12% is potentially available for urban agriculture (Mulder & Oude Aarninkhof, 2014). Outside the urban area, the pressure on land use is different and more space can be used for urban farming. For the Netherlands 66.4% of the surface area (excluding water) is used for agricultural purposes (CBS, 2015). Applying this number to the city region, it means that, with the assumption the productivity is like urban agriculture inside the city, another 3187% of total demand can be grown. However, the productivity outside the urban boundaries can be higher, due to logistics, advantages of scale and fertility of the soil. If an estimated production can be achieved that is tenfold the inner-city food production, 31.87% can be grown in the immediate vicinity of the urban boundary. A total percentage of 32,014 (31.87 + 0.144) of total consumption can reasonably expected to

Fig. 4.1  Projection of the city-region Amsterdam. (Roggema & Spangenberg, 2015)

62

R. Roggema

be grown in or directly around the city. This is just under one third of total consumption, meaning another two thirds lack. Therefore, additional space needs to be discovered and this requires unexpected and innovative solutions. The options for increasing the amount of food grown in or near the city, in unexpected places can be challenging. Nevertheless, several solutions can be explored: 1. Further increase of the productivity/hectare. This can be achieved by improving effectivity of technologies, improving growing conditions (fertility, water, warmth, and light) and further increase the intensity of production. 2. Use of additional space for urban farming, for instance in public spaces (parks, green), or incentivizing use of private spaces. 3. Us of unexpected areas that so far have been excluded from farming, such as adding extra productive layers on roofs, creating multiple floors under buildings, or further transforming current land-use. 4. Import food from outside the urban sphere. However, this cannot be counted easily as urban agriculture as it fails the estimated benefits of urban agriculture. Though the city-region offers the opportunity to extend the amount of food grown from the urban realm, it is not easy to satisfy demand. Especially in a densely populated country, such as the Netherlands, this is difficult, even though the number of consumers living in the city is advantageous.

4.5 Conclusion The analysis in this chapter shows that the urban food productivity is relatively low, in comparison with the food demand of urban dwellers. Even when production is extended outside the urban boundaries, only 32% can be realized. This however is significantly more than the current production of 0.0018%. To make a step change to higher amounts of urban agriculture produce two routes of investigation must be explored. The first question is what is needed to increase the contribution of urban food from 0.0018% to 32%. Aspects such as governance, resources, citizen networks, distribution facilities, knowledge development and exchange, and use of the available space must be considered. Secondly, a further increase beyond 32% is subject of further study. The increase of productivity, finding extra space and exploring unexpected space are to be considered. The development of urban agriculture is still in its early stages. All opportunities to increase its importance must be used. As it is not a straightforward, complex, problem to solve, a transformational pathway is likely to be effective.

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Goeievraag. (2011). Hoeveel dieren (koeien/varkens/schapen en dergelijke) eten wij als Nederlanders per dag. https://www.startpagina.nl/v/maatschappij/samenleving/vraag/124647/ dieren-­koeienvarkensschapen-­dergelijke-­eten-­nederlanders/. Accessed 4 Feb 2023. Gorgelewski, M., Komisar, J., & Nasr, J. (2011). Carrot city. Creating places for urban agriculture. Monicelli Press, Random House Inc. Greenaway, P. (undated). Talking vertical farms: An interview with Dickson Despommier. EnviroIngenuity. https://www.enviroingenuity.com/articles/talking-­vertical-­farms.html. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Groene Ruimte. (2014). Dossier Stadslandbouw. http://www.groeneruimte.nl/dossiers/stadslandbouw/. Accessed 25 July 2014. Grooten, L. (2022). Genieten in de theetuin van De Witte Lelie. Achterhoek Nieuws, 4 April 2022. https://www.achterhoeknieuwswinterswijk.nl/nieuws/cultuur/412481/genieten-­in-­de-­theetuin-­ van-­de-­witte-­lelie. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Hellofresh Group. (undated). We change the way people eat forever. https://www.hellofreshgroup. com/en/. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Indebuuurt. (undated). HOOI. https://indebuurt.nl/utrecht/gids/hooi/. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Jansma, J. E., Veen, E., Dekking, A., Vijn, M., Sukkel, W., Schoutsen, M., et al. (2011). Staalkaarten Stadslandbouw + Ontwikkelstrategieën om te komen tot Stadslandbouw in Almere Oosterwold. PPO: Lelystad. Keeffe, G. (2015). Why urban food production makes sense and how to make it happen. IUFN. Published online January 29, 2015. http://www.iufn.org/en/iufninterview/keeffe/. Accessed 28 Jan 2016. Kemphaan. (undated). Kemphaan. https://www.kemphaan.nl. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Klaassen, M. (2013). Appendices to the dissertation: An urban Farm at Zernike. Hanzehogeschool. https://www.hanze.nl/assets/kc-­noorderruimte/Documents/Public/ListofappendicesMaarten Klaassen.pdf. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Kuypers, V. (2012). Stadslandbouw leuk, maar niet meer dan dat. Binnenlands Bestuur. Ladner, P. (2011). The urban food revolution. Changing the way we feed cities. New Society Publishers. Lutkin, A. (2019). This indoor farm is trying to revolutionize the growing process in Sweden. Green Matters. 23 May 2019. https://www.greenmatters.com/community/2018/03/05/1pCWUi/ indoor-­sweden-­farm. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Marsden, T., & Morley, A. (Eds.). (2014). Sustainable food systems. Building a new paradigm. Routledge. Meinhold, B. (2014). Rooftop farms on Japanese train stations serve as community gardens. Inhabitat. https://inhabitat.com/rooftop-­farms-­on-­japanese-­train-­stations-­serve-­as-­ community-­gardens/. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Miazzo, F., & Minkjan, M. (Eds.). (2012). Farming the city. Food as a tool for today’s urbanisation. Trancity*Valiz. Mister Kitchen. (undated). Rollende Keukens. https://misterkitchen.com/events/rollende-­ keukens-­2022/. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Mulder, M., & Oude Aarninkhof, C. (2010). Productief Stedelijk Landschap. S&RO, 5, 40–43. Mulder, M., & Oude Aarninkhof, C. (2014). Stadslandbouwdoos. Atelier Rijksbouwmeester. Permaculture Research Institute. (2017). Food Forest Makeblijde. https://permacultureglobal.org/ projects/1774-­food-­forest-­makeblijde. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Philips, A. (2013). Designing urban agriculture. A complete guide to the planning, design, construction, maintenance and management of edible landscapes. Wiley. Plaskoff Horton, R. (2014). Japanese commuters can tending train station rooftop gardens. Urban Gardens, 27 March 2014. https://www.urbangardensweb.com/2014/03/27/japanese-­ commuters-­can-­tending-­train-­station-­rooftop-­gardens/. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Point to Point Pommunicatie (Eds.). (2013). Stadsboeren in Nederland. Professionalisering van de Stadsgerichte Landbouw. Van Bergen Kolpa, LEI, De Volharding Breda, Paul de Graaf Ontwerp en Onderzoek, Priva, Ministerie van EZ, Ministerie van IenM.

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Powell, K. (2017). Looking back on the Kicking Horse Coffee story: From a backyard shack to a $215 million deal. Kootenay Business, 6 June 2017. https://kootenaybiz.com/bizblog/ article/looking_back_on_the_kicking_horse_coffee_story_from_a_backyard_shack_to_a_2. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Productschap Vee en Vlees en het Productschap Pluimvee en Eieren. (2013). Vee, Vlees en Eieren in Nederland, Kengetallen 2012. PVV & PPE. Rankin, S. (2013) NYC, you can now get food truck grub delivered straight to your desk. Refinery 29, 24 January 2013. https://www.refinery29.com/en-­us/lunch-­calling. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Restaurant de Kas. (undated). Restaurant de Kas. https://restaurantdekas.com/eng/garden. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. RIVM. (undated). Wat eet Nederland, Consumptie van Voedingsmiddelen. https://www.wateetnederland.nl/resultaten/voedingsmiddelen/consumptie. Accessed 4 Feb 2023. Roggema, R. (2014a). Finding spaces for productive cities. Keynote lecture, 6th AESOP conference sustainable food planning. Leeuwarden. 6 Nov 2014. Roggema, R. (Ed.) (2014b). Greg Keeffe: The nutritious city. The biospheric foundation (p. 51). International urban agriculture lecture, March 5, 2014. Velp: VHL University of Applied Sciences. ISBN: 978-90-822451-0-3. Roggema, R. (2014c). FoodRoof Rio: How favela residents grow their own food. Adjacent Government, 4(2014), 18–21. Roggema, R. (2015). The reinvention of the academic conference: How active delegates develop productive city concepts. Future of Food: Journal on Food, Agriculture and Society, 3(1), 63–78. Roggema, R., & Spangenberg, J. (2015). New urban networks for linking the urban food production-­ preparation-­consumption chain. Proceedings 51st ISOCARP conference. Wageningen, 19–23 Oct 2015. Roggema, R., Pugliese, A., Drissen, M., & Broekhuis, B. (2014). The Foodroof: How Cantagalo and Pavão-Pavãozinho favelas grow their own food. In R. Roggema & G. Keeffe (Eds.), Why we need small cows. Ways to design for urban agriculture (pp. 207–230). VHL Press. Stadslandbouw, E. (2009). Manifest Eetbaar Rotterdam. Expertisegroep Stadslandbouw. Stadslandbouw, S. (2010). De Re Rustica Urbana Tandem Fit Surculus Arbor, of hoe een hype perspectief kan krijgen. WUR: Wageningen. Stichting de Hoge Born. (undated). De Hoge Born. https://dehogeborn.nl. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Stutterheim, E. (2013). De Eetbare Stad. Een onderzoek naar de mogelijke bijdrage van Stadslandbouw op de kwaliteit van de leefomgeving. RUG. Sunnyside Rural Trust. (undated). Hemel Food Garden. https://www.sunnysideruraltrust.org.uk/ our-­sites/hemel-­food-­garden/. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Tuinpark Nut en Genoegen. (undated). Tuinpark Nut en Genoegen. https://www.nutengenoegen. amsterdam. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Unicorn. (undated). Manchester’s co-operative grocery. Unicorn Grocery Group. https://indebuurt. nl/utrecht/gids/hooi/. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Urbangreenbluegrids. (undated). Caetshage urban farm, EVA-Lanxmeer, Culemborg, The Netherlands. https://www.urbangreenbluegrids.com/projects/caetshage-­urban-­farm-­eva-­ lanxmeer-­culemborg-­the-­netherlands/. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Van der Bie, R., Hermans, B., Pierik, C., Stroucken, L., & Wobma, E. (2012). Smakelijk weten, trends in voeding en gezondheid. Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek. Van der Sande, B. (Ed.). (2012). Food for the city. A future for the metropolis. NAi publishers/ Stroom Den Haag. Van Rossum, C. T. M., & en Geurts, M. (2013). Hoeveel mensen voldoen aan de Richtlijnen goede voeding? In RIVM Volksgezondheid Toekomst Verkenning, Nationaal Kompas Volksgezondheid. RIVM. http://www.nationaalkompas.nl. Accessed 24 June 2014. Van Rossum, C.  T. M., Fransen, H.  P., Verkaik-Kloosterman, J., Buurma-Rethans, E.  J. M., & Ocké, M. C. (2011). Dutch national food consumption survey 2007–2010. Diet of children and adults aged 7 to 69 years. RIVM-Rapport 350050006. RIVM.

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Veen, E., Breman, B., & Jansma, J. E. (2012). Stadslandbouw. In Een verkenning van groen en boer zijn in en om de stad. Wageningen UR. Viljoen, A. (Ed.). (2005). CPULs. Continuous productive urban landscapes. Elsevier Architectural Press. Visionair. (2011). De eetbare bostuin. https://www.visionair.nl/politiek-­en-­maatschappij/nederland/de-­eetbare-­bostuin/. Accessed 2 Feb 2023. Voedingscentrum. (2014). Vlees. https://www.voedingscentrum.nl/encyclopedie/vlees. aspx#blokhoeveel-­vlees-­eten-­wij-­nederlanders?. Accessed 4 Feb 2023. Whole Foods Market. (undated). Whole Foods Market. https://www.wholefoodsmarket.co.uk. Accessed 3 Feb 2023. Yee, A. (2012). Urban edibles. Sustainable America, 27 July 2012. https://sustainableamerica.org/ blog/urban-­edibles/. Accessed 2 Feb 2023.

Chapter 5

Hardware, Software, Interface: A Strategy for the Design of Urban Agriculture Greg Keeffe

Abstract  This chapter describes how urban agriculture differs from conventional agriculture not only in the way it engages with the technologies of growing, but also in the choice of crop and the way these are brought to market. The author proposes a new model for understanding these new relationships, one that decouples this practice from industrialized agriculture, one which is analogous to a systems view of information technology, namely Hardware-Software- Interface. Keywords  Urban agriculture · Hardware · Software · Interface · Bio-port Liverpool · Biospheric project Salford · Manchester

5.1 Introduction This chapter describes how urban agriculture differs from conventional agriculture not only in the way it engages with the technologies of growing, but also in the choice of crop and the way these are brought to market. The author proposes a new model for understanding these new relationships, one that decouples this practice from industrialized agriculture, one which is analogous to a systems view of information technology, namely Hardware-Software- Interface. The first component of the system is hardware. This is the technological component of the agricultural system. Technology is often thought of as equipment, but its linguistic roots are in ‘technis’ which means ‘know how’. Urban agriculture must engage new technologies for growing, ones that deal with the scale of operation and its context, one which is very different than rural agriculture. Often the scale of the ‘farm’ is very small, and urban soils are very often polluted, particularly in exindustrial cities: here the idea of ‘technology’ in urban agriculture could be technical such as hydroponic or aquaponic systems or could be soil-based agriculture such G. Keeffe (*) School of Natural and Built Environment, Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast, UK e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_5

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as allotments, window-boxes, or perhaps methods based on permaculture. The choice of method of growing does not necessarily imply or determine the crop produced, nor its yield or efficiency. The crop produced is linked to the biotic components that are added to the hardware: this is seen as the ‘software’ in the system. The software in this model of urban farming is the ecological elements within the system. These produce the crop, which may or may not be determined by the technology used. For example, a hydroponic system could produce a range of crops, or even fish or edible flowers. Software choice can be driven by ideological preferences such as permaculture, where companion planting is used to reduce disease and pests, or by economic factors such as the local market at a particular time of the year. The monetary value of the ‘software’ is determined by the market. Obviously small, locally produced crops are unlikely to compete against intensive products produced globally, however the value locally might be measured in different ways (such as provenance, circularity, or food miles), and might be sold to a different market, with different values. This leads to the final part of the analogy – interface. The interface is the human terrain in the system, in this case the link between the system and the consumer. In traditional agriculture, there can be a tenuous link between the producer of the crop (say asparagus in Peru) and the consumer (a supermarket shopper in Europe). In fact, very little of the money spent by the consumer ever reaches the grower. Most of the money is spent on refrigeration, transport and profit for agents and supermarket chains. Local or hyper-local agriculture needs to bypass or circumvent these systems and be connected more directly to the consumer. This is the interface. In hyper-localized systems effectiveness is often more important than efficiency, and direct links between producer and consumer create new economies. Effectiveness relates to a holistic understanding of the total benefits of the system, whereas efficiency is a reductivistic analysis of input and output. The benefits of urban agriculture extend far beyond the production of a yield of crop. Changes in urban space utilization for example can improve legibility of neighborhoods, and developing community growing can cement bonds between stakeholders and improve mental health outcomes for example, which might be more important than just the basic yield of the crop. This is effectiveness versus efficiency.

5.2 Background The development of organized agriculture and the rise of the city form are directly connected from as early as 6000  BC (or earlier) in what James Henry Breasted called ‘the Fertile Crescent’ (Abt, 2011) in places such as Erbil. However particularly since industrialization there has been an increasing separation between the places of production and those of consumption. This has come about through a radical re-imagining of the farm as a hyper-industrial system at an unbodied scale. Today a

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city such as London needs around 150 times its own footprint just to feed itself (Best Food Forward et al., 2005). This disconnection in scale is compounded by the fact that this productive land is no longer nearby but is scattered piecemeal around the globe: wheat may come from the USA, beef from South America; fruit from Africa and Asia; fish from Australasia and so on. This scattering is a direct result of international trade agreements that have liberalized flows based on supply cost, rather than on ecological factors. However, it is not just food that is distributed far from the city: energy production and the fuel itself is similar in its disconnection: a city such as Liverpool, UK with 1.5 million people in its region, has only a tiny amount of power produced within the city. This consists of a small but growing fraction of offshore wind, but there is little else produced, even the nearest fossil fuelled electricity is produced some 20 kilometers from the city, and there is little or no solar electricity generation in city, limited to a small number of domestic installations. In terms of resilience, this creates a vulnerability to crisis in the contemporary city: through the utilization of the very global system of trade that it created, the city has become more and more dependent on these trade networks for its metabolism. If these networks were to collapse or mal-function, due to fuel shortage, resource depletion, or climate change, the situation the city might  find itself in could be untenable. Such possibilities might be considered rare, but even minor events such as the ‘ash cloud’ from the Eyjafjallajokull volcano in Iceland during 2010 had critical effects on the city. The cloud prevented flights in and out of the UK for only a few days, but a mere 3  days after the stoppage, empty shelves were seen in Supermarkets such as Tesco, where their just-in-time strategy of food supply was put under pressure. As the Head of the UK Government’s Countryside Agency, Lord Cameron once said: “The UK is only nine meals from Anarchy” (Boycott, 2018). The supply of fuel oil is equally vulnerable, not only can the price be affected by market supply and demand fluctuations, but political events can also halt supplies coming from far afield. The lack of stores of fuel in a process that relies on a ‘just in time’ strategy means that even short events can have a catastrophic effect. A short strike in 2000 by refinery workers and fuel delivery drivers in the UK created petrol shortages after only 2 days (BBC, 2000). The more serious effect of fuel shortage can be seen in Bulgaria, where disagreements with Russia during February 2008 resulted in disruption to the gas supply. This, compounded by harsh winter weather, left 60,000 dead and raised the concept of ‘fuel security’ for the first time. Indeed, recent issues in the Ukraine have bought this clearly into focus (BBC, 2014). The concepts of food security and fuel security are widely acknowledged and considered, but these are not issues that are easy to remedy, especially when the policies of the last 50  years have been about developing a globalized economy. Arjan Appadurai in his book “Modernity at Large” describes globalization as a system based on flows of global commodities (Appadurai, 1996) and these commodities flow in large market-based networks, which rely on a just in time delivery system, with as little (or no) storage as possible. Facing up to this it begs the question, how do we equip our cities and country to be more resilient in the face of this Century’s problems: climate change, resource depletion, peak oil, increased

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population, and international strife? The author champions a move to a less globally sourced system (at least in part) and this chapter looks to develop strategies for a more localized production of energy and food. The aim being to develop strategies that not only help to mitigate the effects of the above, but also help to make the city a more livable and equable place. The chapter describes in detail two projects at very different scales, and although different in scale and output, both projects highlight the need for a process and place-based approach to urban agricultural design. The two projects are both based in post-industrial cities in the UK; the first a proposal for a large-scale city-wide installation of an energy landscape growing algae in Liverpool UK, and the other the design, build and operation of a small, hyper-localized technical food system in Salford, Manchester UK.

5.3 Hardware, Software, Interface [HSI] The author has argued for some time that urban agriculture is very different in scale and engagement from modern intensive agriculture (Grundlach, 2015). For example, it is often centered around participatory projects and organic methods, and many of the projects carry a polemical, rather than efficiency focus. In addition, projects are often consumer-led, where output is consumed locally, by local people. Often the scale of implementation is relatively small compared to conventional production methods [even in Bio-Port when compared to oil drilling]; this means that it is difficult to complete against industrialized production on a purely economic basis. On a financial basis in an open global market, urban agriculture does not make sense; not only is there a large reduction in the economy of scale, but also many of the techniques are a lot less intensive. However, there are many other benefits, and it is necessary to consider the implementation of agriculture in an urban setting in a different way. The HSI strategy (Fig. 5.1) considers urban agriculture not as agriculture in the city per se, but as a multilayered urban design strategy. This urban design strategy sees the integration of agriculture as a holistic urban design problem that is inter-­ disciplinary and based on networks and agents rather than purely the technical issues of agriculture at a small scale. In this way urban agriculture becomes an important design and engagement tool, that creates new contexts for livability, rather than it being an add-on to a finished masterplan. The strategy is systems-based, in that it sees urban food production as a nested system within the city, one that engages with place, people and technology and it looks to integrate the three components of urban agriculture in a way that supports a synergy with its location. This it can be seen as a contextual place-based solution, that links with ideas of livability, urban metabolism and circularity, resilience, and local distinctiveness. Each component of the system has a separate knowledgebase, but it is the design and integration of the three elements that creates the effective urban condition as a technical/ecological/social hybrid.

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Fig. 5.1  Hardware software interface

5.3.1 Hardware To design cities to include urban agriculture needs a way of seeing the practice as a designable and configurable element of the urban fabric, rather like the way designers see a wastewater system or urban mobilities. Once considered in this way, urban agriculture becomes urban technology to be applied, rather than purely a method of cultivation that can fit in void space in the city. This liberates the designer to develop rational and comprehensive ways of developing its incorporation, instead of viewing it as an amateur and non-essential element for which space may need to be provided or might happen by chance. This holistic reading of urban agriculture breaks down the practice to three separate elements that cover the whole of the socio-technical system. The system can now be understood from different viewpoints: as a part of the urban metabolism; as an eco-system service; or as a consumer choice; or lifestyle, and therefore can be designed. As a hyper-localized socio-technical system, urban agriculture can be considered as three separate components: the growing technology; the choice of crop; and the engagement with the social network of consumption. The first component of this system is called ‘hardware’, the growing technology to be used. This is the technological component of the agricultural system. Technology is often thought of as equipment, but its linguistic roots are in ‘technis’,

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which means ‘know how’. Thus, technology in agriculture could be technical such as raceway ponds, as used in Bio-port, or other futuristic systems such as aquaponics, aeroponics or hydroponics. Equally however the technology could be soil-based, say an agriculture utilizing a compost-based system such as used in an allotment, window-box, or permaculture system, or perhaps a crop-rotation system. The choice of method does not necessarily determine the crop produced nor its efficiency. This is linked to the biotic that is added to the hardware, which I call the ‘software’. Choice of technology will depend on a reading of place and an assessment of appropriateness. Indeed, one technology is not superior or higher than another: aquaponic systems have been used successfully in favelas (Roggema, 2015), just as compost-based systems are still being applied in wealthy English towns such as York. Seeing ‘hardware’ as a component of the more complex urban agriculture system allows designers to choose options for deployment that are independent of the biotic components of the system. This separation allows a decoupling of the wide range of expertise necessary for urban agriculture into discreet elements of knowledge, which can then be allocated to appropriate members of the urban design team. Urban designers can work on retrofit options for the building stock and streetscape, without needing to know exactly what will be grown, although obviously the size of the technological system may have limitations on crop type. The M-NEX project (http://m-­nex.net) developed a series of options for urban retrofit, that gave designers a toolkit of technical additions for terraced streets (Fig. 5.2).

Fig. 5.2  Urban agriculture toolkit by the M-NEX Project (Greg Keeffe and Sean Cullen)

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5.3.2 Software The biotic element of the system is seen as the ‘software’. This component allows the system to be adapted over time to cater for changes in season, climate, or market demand. The biotic output of the system may or may not be determined by the hardware. For example, an aquaponic, nutrient film system could produce a range of leaf crops or perhaps produce edible flowers, which may vary through the seasons or because of shifts in local demand or market price. The software allows the fixed technological system to adapt to the context in which it operates: agriculture has always been adaptable in this way, but the methodology allows the technology to be designed without necessarily knowing to exact output of the system. This allows designers to make strategic decisions which can be adapted later (or over time). Indeed, software choice can also be driven by ideological preferences such as permaculture, for example, where companion planting is used to reduce disease and pests, or perhaps by economic factors such as the local market at a particular time of the year. This flexibility in the system allows adaptation as the monetary value of the ‘software’ is determined by the market, over which the designer has no control. Obviously small, locally produced crops are unlikely to compete against industrialized products, in a global market, but their direct value locally may be very different, also the small scale of the system allows for more rapid adaptation to local forces. This leads to the final part of the analogy – interface.

5.3.3 Interface The interface is the link between the harvested crop and the consumer, and perhaps beyond if we are to close the cycle. In traditional agriculture, there is a very tenuous link between the producer of, say, apples in Chile and the consumer in Europe: the conditions of employment are unknown, the effect on the environment is similarly unknown. In fact, there is little communication between producer and consumer, even financially. Indeed, very little of the money spent by the consumer ever reaches the grower. Most of the money goes to profit for agents and supermarket chains, and the rest on refrigeration and transport. The refrigeration and transport have another effect: it greatly increases the ecological footprint of the crop using fossil fuels and the delay from harvest to market reduces greatly the nutritional value of the produce. Apples for example can often be stored for up to 12 months before selling (Rickman et al., 2007). Local or hyper-local agriculture can and needs to bypass or circumvent these systems and be connected more directly to the consumer. This is the interface. In hyper-localized systems like the Biospheric Project, leaf crops are sold direct to restaurateurs who pay equivalent prices but receive local organic foods. Parts of the crop that does not meet aesthetic standards or are in over-supply, are sold through the 78 Steps Wholefood shop direct to the public in the neighborhood. This creative

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use of the interface not only maximizes economic return but also makes the project effective socially.

5.4 Bio-port, Liverpool UK: Large Scale Implementation This case study looks at the development of the agricultural system that produces energy crops and shows that the implementation of relatively simple technology at a large scale could transform the productive capacity of a city and aid urban resilience in the long term.

5.4.1 Liverpool Liverpool (UK) was at the start of the twentieth century the world’s largest port. Sited on the West coast of the UK, sheltered in the Mersey Estuary, its deep-water port was perfectly positioned between the industrial powerhouse of Manchester and the Americas and India. However, since then as trade within Europe has become more widespread and the size of shipping has increased Liverpool has fallen on hard times. UK government figures show that Liverpool’s population has halved since the Second World War, and those that remain are poor and under-educated (Oswalt, 2005). Throughout the city, dereliction abounds: the once prosperous dockyards covering some 12 km of river frontage are now vacant, and reports show that over 12% of all land in the city is derelict (Save Liverpool Docks, 2008). Even with Category One EU funding [reserved for the poorest cities and regions] the future is difficult. Geography is working against the city: it is relatively isolated from the prosperous Southeast of the UK and indeed Europe, and it has no natural resources to fall back on. Even the sea, once its raison d’être is turning against it, as sea level rises and storm surges in the Irish Sea, put its World Heritage status mercantile city centre under threat of deluge. Recent times have seen decay, poverty, and shrinkage at frightening levels. Nearly half of Liverpool’s 28 districts are rated as in the worst 50 in the whole of the UK with respect to deprivation, with 4 in the bottom 10. In some areas adult unemployment is at 90%. In 2004, the Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment (CABE) in the UK reported that ‘…space is a luxury in the modern city’: this cannot be held as true in Liverpool, where shrinkage has created a toxic oversupply of land, which makes space difficult to navigate, and density or lack of it destroys once thriving neighborhoods. Here space could be seen as a liability. Compounding this spatial collapse is societal collapse: jobs are scarce, and fuel poverty is a real concern. Any new solution to Liverpool’s plight must not only readdress Liverpool’s function but also reconfigure the

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prodigious amount of spare space to re-make a contiguous urbanism. The project described here is a radical but realistic attempt to reverse Liverpool’s fortunes by an application of new technology perfectly suited to its estuarine position.

5.4.2 Fossil Fuel Futures Peak oil has been reached (Roberts, 2010) and yet there seems to be no reduction in demand for fossil fuels. Many of the renewable replacements have issues regarding the necessary continuous supply. Wind energy is only produced when its windy and solar energy only collected during the day. Energy storage on a vast scale is complex and difficult. In the book ‘After the Car’ Kingsley Dennis and John Urry explain that due to technological ‘lock-in’ and its corresponding inertia in technological investment, cars with internal combustion engines are unlikely to disappear as the main means of transport any time soon. This will mean that it is likely we will still be needing to produce liquid fuels such as diesel fuel oil into the second half of the century (Dennis & Urry, 2009). The increasing demand for fuel oils has led to a large increase in the agricultural production of fuel oil [biofuels] such as rapeseed oil or palm oil. Although renewable they cannot be seen as sustainable, as they take land away from food production or encourage deforestation on a huge scale. The scale of production necessary for biofuels can be simply illustrated: taking Liverpool as an example, just meeting current energy demands for the city through biofuels would utilize an area of land larger than the county of Lancashire (Fig.  5.3). This is obviously unfeasible and unsustainable. If Liverpool is to thrive in the next century, then a new way of operation is needed, one that utilizes its connection with the sea, and that also improves its precarious position regarding energy. One such solution may be to embrace large-­ scale algae production. Algae-culture offers another method of producing biofuels on a large scale. Algae is an aquatic plant that does not produce woody growth. Instead, it creates structural rigidity by filling its structures with oil. Some species of algae are up to 45% by weight vegetable oil (Briggs, 2004). This vegetable oil is easily extractable by pressing, and is not dissimilar to diesel oils in fraction, but is much cleaner, having and exceptionally low Sulphur content. Algae is not only having a high hydrocarbon content, it also has a high productivity due to its almost continuous production cycle: through continuously filtering the mature algae out of the water, light penetrates into the water encouraging more rapid growth. This allows a much more efficient production cycle than land-based crops and thus a much higher yield. Algae species such as Spirulina and Botryococcus Braunii have a high lipid content and fast growth and are the most suitable for UK systems as they grow in colder environments.

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Fig. 5.3  Impact of biofuels: powering Liverpool with rapeseed

5.4.3 Hardware The system that grows algae is known as an algae reactor. There are several available technologies for these, including open tanks, tubular systems, and glass topped raceways. Closed raceway systems are slightly more expensive to build than open tanks but being closed to air offer less chance of cross-fertilization and contamination with other less productive strains and reduce evaporation losses. Their other benefit, utilized in this project is that they also facilitate forced carbon dioxide sequestration. Due to the UK’s rather low temperatures in winter, these closed tanks are the most appropriate as the greenhouse effect keeps the tanks warm and thus productive [albeit a lower output] throughout the year. Research has shown that this sort of system could theoretically produce around 150,000 liters of biodiesel per hectare per annum: this is 100 times greater than a similar area of rapeseed (Sheehan et al., 1998). New technologies such as light gathering rod technologies [to make light penetrate deeper into the tank] and carbon dioxide diffusers [which make CO2 better available] could increase the yield by 2 or 3 times. The challenges the technology faces are mainly regarding reducing maintenance and methods of control of the system. However, the main problem is in the control of cross contamination with lower yield species, which could reduce output considerably.

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Fig. 5.4  Bio-port resource flows

5.4.3.1 Operation The closed raceway system (Fig. 5.4) is simple in construction and operation. Water is circulated by a paddle pump around a circular bed approximately 500 mm deep. The pump has a low power consumption, and the paddle is designed to aerate the water as it circulates. Algae is continually collected as the water passes through a micro filter. In some system a centrifuge is used to extract the algae. The system needs nutrients to be added to keep it productive. These are carbon dioxide which is usually produced by a cogeneration plant [which may also supply low-grade heat to the tank in winter], along with phosphates and other minerals. These are usually obtained from composted sewage sludge or manure. 5.4.3.2 Process of Implementation The Bio-port Project was conceived as an emergent process-based urban transformation, with relatively low startup costs. Many future visions for cities are conceived without a roadmap to the final form and operation. Here the process of implementation was considered key in developing a future vision. Thus, the project can be considered as ‘realistic’ and possible: none of the technologies are novel or untried. In Bio-port, it is the scale of implementation and the closed cycle urbanism that accompanies it, that makes the project innovative. The first investment is in a glass recycling plant. Europe has a large waste stream of powdered glass that is readily available, and once recycled this is the major component of the closed raceway tanks, Liverpool as a port allows for easy low carbon transport of what is a

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low value resource (so low in fact that there are extremely large supplies). The raceway tanks themselves, once manufactured, are floated in the Mersey Estuary. This offers several advantages: firstly it allows space for the development of a large-­ scale array without disruption to the city; secondly it provides a relatively compact solution, occupying space between the major centers of population, namely Liverpool and Birkenhead, which minimizes supply distances for oil and heat and power, and finally it offers the chance of building a barrage across the mouth of the estuary to help prevent tidal inundation of the city from storm surges and climate warming induced sea-level rise in the Irish Sea. The process of implementation is simple: glass for recycling will be transported to Liverpool by sea and processed into glass in the recycling plant. The plant will be powered initially by fossil fuels until the first algae reactors are functioning, then algae will power the plant, and then as more arrays come on stream, then algae will start to power the city. Once revenue arrives, investment will be made in a second glass factory to increase the rate of production, until 10 modular glass recycling plants are in operation, which will, over a 50-year period, develop an energy production system that fills the whole estuary, a total of 6000 hectares of algae array. This massive array will produce over double Liverpool’s current energy demand for electricity and a factor four over-supply of heat, making Liverpool not only sustainable, but also a net exporter of oil.

5.4.4 Software In the Hardware-Software-Interface model described in this paper, ‘Software’ is the biotic component of the system. There are literally countless species of algae available, however not all are suitable for bio-fuel production. Those that are needed to have a high lipid content, a high growth rate, and must fit with the climatic conditions prevailing. Liverpool, latitude 53 N, has a mild maritime climate, with an average temperature of around 5 °C in winter and 15 °C in summer. Algae species must be chosen to reflect these environmental conditions, bearing that in mind, those most suitable for Western Europe include Spiro and Braunii, these both require a reasonably low light level (around 60 w/m2) and low ambient temperatures.

5.4.5 Interface The interface with the city for a productive system of this size is complex. Firstly, the system lends itself to large-scale cogeneration, mainly because the fuel oil produced is easily transported and stored in the city. The current heating system for the city is based on natural gas, and a future district heating system could make use of the same infrastructure, by installing evacuated piping directly in place of the gas piping. The fuel system for heat and power is just a part of the productive cycle: as

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Fig. 5.5  Bioport climax: After 40 years of growth, Bio-port fills the entire Estuary and provides more than enough fuel for the whole city

approximately 50% of the algae by weight is oil, there will be a large waste component of mainly cellulose, produced as a biproduct from the extraction process. The use of this cellulose allows resource cycles in the city to be closed. This connection to other productive streams is the ‘interface’ of the productive system. In Bio-port the interface is directly with the food production system. The crushed algae waste is used as feed for cows in the hinterland of the city. This helps to maximize the productive potential of the region. Indeed, there is further cycling, where the waste produced by the cows is utilized to develop market garden-based agriculture within the city (Fig. 5.5). This urban market garden system has two functions, not only does it feed the city, but also by utilizing derelict land within the curtilage of the city, it helps to reconfigure the complex and broken urban spatial matrix that shrinkage has created. The resource cycle is finally closed when green waste from the greenhouses and human sewage are released back into the algae reactors, to replenish the resource cycle.

5.4.6 Summary Bio-port, although a theoretical proposition, is place-based and realistic. It offers a view of the sort of interventions that urban designers can make in the city to increase resilience, without large- scale rapid change of investment. These emergent systems, built on a process-based understanding of the city, allow for a gradual adaption to carbon-neutrality of the city over time, albeit at an unimagined scale. The scale of production is large but necessary: bringing the power infrastructure at such a scale home to the city inevitably creates new scenarios for how a city might look and function. The Hardware-Software-Interface approach shows that the system is only complete and useful when all three elements are present. This challenges urban planners and designers to work in a more interdisciplinary and holistic way, with the gain that

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the approach creates synergies to urban function that would otherwise be lost. Here the re-imagining of Liverpool creates a sustainable energy and food future without really affecting the functionality or form of the city. The next section of the paper will describe a much smaller scale urban agriculture system that utilizes the same methodology to deliver change in a deprived neighborhood.

5.5 Biospheric Project, Salford UK: Hyper-localised Systems The development of the globalized food system has stretched our resource net to the limit. In reaction to this there is a move toward highly tailored, hyper-localized systems based around localism, community growing and the utilization of ‘unclaimed’ post-industrial space. Critics of these types of systems cite that fact that subsistence-scale agriculture is not as efficient as its industrial counterpoint and that its output makes little difference to the consumption of the city. This critique misses the point of participatory urban agriculture: hyper-localized food production may not be efficient compared to industrialized farming, but it is extremely effective. It brings people together, educates people in health matters, greens the city; produces healthy crops; reduces food miles; makes economic activity in areas of depravation; can alleviate food poverty and finally it can help reconfigure the city, making it more legible by enclosing and regenerating redundant space.

5.5.1 The Biospheric Project One such scheme is the Biospheric Project at the Biospheric Foundation in Blackfriars, Salford, Greater Manchester. The Biospheric Foundation was created by Vincent Walsh to readdress issues of sustainability and community in a deprived area of the inner city (Biospheric Foundation, 2014). Blackfriars is one of the most deprived neighborhoods in the UK. Despite being situated within a kilometer of the city centre of Manchester, global wealth has bypassed the neighborhood. A study by the Biospheric Foundation found the area to be a ‘food desert’, a place where it was almost impossible to buy fresh food (Hall, 2013). The Biospheric Foundation set up a project to change this, and through funding from the biennial Manchester International Festival (MIF) created the Biospheric Project. The Biospheric Project was a self-contained food production system envisaged as the first part of the Foundation’s local action. The project was designed by a team from Queen’s University Belfast including the author, Andrew Jenkins and Natalie Hall. The aim of the Biospheric Project was to show that hyper-localized food systems could change people’s lives. Interestingly, The Manchester International Festival (known locally as MIF, a biennial international art event) had noted a connection between poor diet and a lack of connection with art, so it was their aim to link food directly with the arts festival. Working with researchers at Queens

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University Belfast, the project created an urban strategy plan to close cycles with respect to food in the neighborhood, and the Biospheric Project would be central to this.

5.5.2 Issues with Land Early studies of the urban space in Blackfriars revealed several issues, these were related directly to post-industrial shrinkage. Population density was low, and the reconfiguration of the space after industry had left created a patchwork infrastructure, with a large amount of unprogrammed space, which made the neighborhood difficult to read geographically and pockets of occupied land in isolated positions. Initially the team viewed traditional urban agriculture as a method for the reconnection of these spaces, but this was not possible, like so much post-industrial space all the available vacant land was highly polluted and unsuitable for growing crops. There needed to be another solution to the development of Blackfriars as a productive neighborhood. The solution developed was two-fold: firstly soilless systems would be used; these could occupy buildings and land without engaging with the pollution beneath, and secondly, whilst these systems were in operation, Phyto-remediation would be allowed to take place beneath the systems on waste ground, so that over time the land could be returned to a natural condition, and soil-based agriculture could be introduced at this later date. This long-term plan had other barriers to its implementation, both in scale of investment and expertise as the team had little knowledge of soilless systems, and particularly their performance. It would be necessary to build a prototype system that could act as demonstrator for the bigger idea, so the Biospheric Project was created (Fig. 5.6). The Biospheric Project consisted of three components; a building-based technical food system; a community forest garden and a prototype food network consisting of a wholefood shop, food box distribution system and hyper-localized connection with food industries.

5.5.3 Hardware: Technical Food Systems The technical food system developed was based within Irwell House, the home of the Biospheric Foundation. Developed with monies from the Manchester International Festival, it was intended to be part exhibition, part prototype and functioning laboratory. The brief was to develop a system that would inspire the public, but also leave a legacy, both as a productive system and a testing facility for urban aquaponics. Aquaponics are a combination of Aquaculture and Hydroponics. Aquaculture is the breeding of fish whereas hydroponic systems are soilless growing systems

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Fig. 5.6  The Biospheric Project

where the plants are grown in water. The advantage of this technology is that nutrients are readily available and growth rates much higher than soil-based systems. Pests and disease can also be reduced. There are also some disadvantages namely that energy needs to be expended to pump the water around the system, and that nutrients need to be added to the system of which many are produced with fossil fuels or through traditional agriculture. In addition, as the systems have been developed as part of the intensive agriculture industry, they usually configured as monocultures and are not particularly resilient to crop failure. The design brief for the project was a complex: the food system had to be designed to function not only as a laboratory for testing technically based urban agriculture, and also be profitable in use for the Biospheric Foundation, but in addition it had to be an appropriate exhibit for the Manchester International Festival, which was funding the Project. Manchester International Festival is a biennial arts festival which aims to engage residents from all backgrounds in the city with creative endeavors. There are links between [poor] diet and [lack of] engagement with art, which the festival was keen to address.

5.5.4 System Description The design of the system was a compromise between the conflicting needs of a project that had to be efficient as a production facility, be able to be analyzed as a laboratory, and finally be an excellent visual exhibition. On these counts, the decision was taken to install the system partly within the building and partly on the

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roof, where light levels are high. The more visually exciting parts of the system were contained on the second floor of the building, these were the fish themselves, the mineralization bank, and the deep-rooted crop bags placed in the south-facing windows. The system on the roof consisted of the nutrient film system for growing leaf crops, and this was contained within a polytunnel. The system is relatively simple in design (Fig. 5.7): there are 12 fish tanks which are fed with returning water from the NFT system on the roof, the overflow from the fish tanks collects in a sump, and the water from here is pumped to the mineralization bank. The water here drains consecutively through a series of syphonic containers containing expanded clay balls and worms into a further sump, from where it is pumped across the ceiling of the old mill and drains through silicon bags hanging in the windows where fruiting plants such as tomatoes are grown, and from here it is pumped up to the roof into the poly-tunnel where it flows down through 40 Nutrient film channels, containing over 6500 leaf crops, and back to the fish tanks. The risk of legionella build-up in the system was considered low but as a precaution, each time the water was pumped, it passed through a UV filter. The chemistry of aquaponics is rather complicated, but a simple description is that the fish are fed – in our case with organic fish food, and they produce two types of waste – firstly ammonia through their gills and solid waste, both are toxic to the fish, and, in the form they are in, the nutrient content not available to plants (Fig. 5.8). This is the function of the mineralization bank: here nitrating bacteria transform the ammonia firstly into nitrite and then into nitrate – which is available nutrient for the

Fig. 5.7  Exploded axonometric of the design showing 2nd floor aquaculture lab and roof-top greenhouse

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Fig. 5.8  Aquaponic process diagram

plants, and the solid waste is processed by the worms into nitrate. Many systems filter out and dispose of the solid waste, rather than process it, but in the Biospheric Project it was thought that this was against the ethos of the closed cycle philosophy of the project. The sizing of the system is related to the chemistry of the process and can be difficult to optimize. In the case of the Biospheric Project it was decided to use the method described by Wilson Lennard (2012). Input and output for theses sort of systems has not been fully researched, and this was to be part of the project’s brief as a ‘living laboratory’. In the Biospheric system, there were 12 m3 fish tanks, 90 × 400 mm × 500 mm × 200 mm mineralization beds, 130 window growing bags and a 6500 plant NFT array (Fig. 5.9).

5.5.5 Technical Issues The novelty of the system created some design issues, particularly related to the age and condition of the near derelict building, these were related mainly to the weight of the system. Installing agricultural systems into a building will add a great deal of extra load to the building structure. Indeed, even soilless systems are heavy, and existing buildings are not designed to carry this extra weight (the water.) The fish

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Fig. 5.9  Aquaculture as exhibition (Clockwise from top left): glazed fish tank/window system/ window system detail/Mineralization bank with cover removed

tanks alone weighed over 12 tons once filled, and the building floor could not take this extra weight loading, so the tanks were arranged in a square plan along major beams, to reduce deflection. Similarly, the mineralization bank was positioned along a structural beam. The roof was also not designed to carry the load of the poly-tunnel greenhouse or the added weight of the NFT system (Fig. 5.10), to solve this a series of structural adaptations were made consisting of two additional beams that spanned between existing structural columns on which the polytunnel was mounted. The second issue related to this was the need for a sophisticated control system. The vertical separation of the systems due to the structural issues of the building meant that the (3) sumps had to be kept separate. Thus, the three pumps had to work together to balance the system and prevent one part of the system running dry. A series of flow sensors and float switches were needed to keep levels in check.

5.5.6 Software: Permaculture and Biodiversity Seeing the biotic as a separate entity from the hardware of the system, allowed the team to tailor the system once designed to suit the local context: climatic, social, and economic. The nature of the project and the clientele meant that the software of the system was designed around ideas of permaculture and biodiversity. Many aquaponic systems are mono-cultural in design – growing one vegetable crop and one fish and utilize chemical or adulterated feed. The idea of the Biospheric Project

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Fig. 5.10  Roof mounted polytunnel with nutrient film system. Note bio-diverse planting

was to be organic and as bio-diverse as possible as the raison d’être of the Foundation was to develop a more bio-mimetic approach to agricultural production. The total number of crops in the system at any one time is over 6500. These are mainly leaf crops, together with a smaller number of fruiting crops. Over 30 different varieties and species were grown at one time, including Kale, Good King Henry, Sorrel, Tomatoes, Peppers etc. Plants were chosen according to the ideas of companion planting in permaculture (Worldwidepermaculture, 2017). This method of planting combines crops with other crops that need differing nutrients and have resistance to different pest: the plants support each other and should reduce the need for pest control. The plants chosen were also generally indigenous, as it was thought this would help with increase biodiversity as well as pest control. As well as the plant crops the system was also built to contain four species of fish, in 12 tanks, suitable for three sizes of each species. To commission the project two species were chosen: Nile Tilapia and Carp. The reason for this was that both species are very resilient to water quality fluctuations and thus were more suitable for an experimental system. In the future, the project hopes to cultivate cold-water species such as Trout or Perch. The fish were fed with organic fish food, from a sustainable supplier. Other sources of food such as worms or other insects were considered, but it proved difficult to cultivate these in large enough quantities to

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create a regular supply. The fish are considered a secondary crop in the system yet over the first year, the system produced more than 100 Kg of fish.

5.5.7 Interface 5.5.7.1 Economic Interface Urban agriculture on this scale needs a carefully designed interface with consumers, both professional and local. The Biospheric Project had this interface from the start, both with the local food businesses and with local consumers, which cut across both ends of the food spectrum. The project worked closely with a highly rated restaurant in Manchester City Centre, one that specializes in cooking with locally grown produce. An agreement was put in place for the restaurant to take the crop each day, at a fair market price, if the quality matched that from professional growers. This hyper-localized connection meant that freshly picked leaves could be in the kitchen with an hour of harvesting and be transported directly by person or bicycle. This drastically reduced the food miles in salad crops, and provided a service that could not be matched. The speed of turnaround also allowed negotiation directly with the restaurant on the type of crops that they wanted and when they wanted them, which minimized waste and maximized profit. In addition to this, leaves that were imperfect or unrequired, were sold to the public at the 78 Steps Wholefood shop nearby, which was part of the Biospheric Foundation and named after the ‘food miles’ from the system to the shop. The system’s first crop in August 2013 produced 21 Kg of mixed leaves. The team who harvested the crop were amazed at the rate of growth [which is faster than soil based growing] and the quality of the plants (Biospheric Foundation Blog, 2013). Further research on a wider scale is needed into the performance of systems such as this, but the system performed at the output predicted by the team. 5.5.7.2 Ecological Interface The Biospheric Project is the first part of a more integrated urban hyper-localized food system (Fig. 5.11). Aquaponic systems, as efficient as they are, still need input in terms of fish food, and other nutrients, and these need to be sourced sustainably. Typically, 1 Kg of fully grown tilapia need around 10 g of fish food per day, which should be around 35% protein. This can be difficult to source sustainably, as most fish food is made of fish protein, which seems ridiculous. In the closed cycle strategy plan for the Biospheric Project it was envisaged that the protein would come from worms from a vermaponic waste food composting system, and from spent grain from a micro-brewery. At present, these sources are not in great enough quantity to feed the 150 Kg of fish in the current system, and their diet is being supplemented by organic fish food. Work continues in trying to close the material cycles re food in the neighborhood.

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Fig. 5.11  Closing cycles in Blackfriars

5.5.7.3 Social Interface The project has attracted a great deal of attention, both locally and internationally, and the Biospheric Foundation has been inundated with volunteers and visitors. It is obvious that there is great interest in  locally produced food, and consequentially eating healthily. The aquaponic system, although a technical system with controls and pumps, is still farming, and is labor-intensive. Seeds need to be cultivated, plants harvested, and pests need to be controlled, this all takes manpower, but of a rather low-skilled variety. This can only be a good thing, particularly in localities in neighborhoods such as Blackfriars, where the sense of community is weak, unemployment is high and the diet poor.

5.6 Conclusion The model for urban agriculture developed in this chapter is an integrated and systematic one, where there are not only biotic components, but also technological and sociological ones. Although this approach allows the design of the system to be considered as urban design, and its operation to be considered in another way, it must still be seen as holistic. All parts of the system of hardware, software and interface still need to be considered to make a fully functioning urban system, but

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their separation allows designers to make decisions that are not bound by any one element in detail. In other words, this systemization may make the design process simpler, but it does not help the implementation and operation of these types of systems. This merely confirms and reinforces the fact that the design of urban agriculture is much more complex than most urban design interventions, because it deals with disparate subjects from urban morphology, agricultural technology, plant science, and the complexities of urban food networks. Beyond this even there are issues with land use (and re-use) in cities and the scale of project needed to make a difference, which will have to be addressed if we are to make cities more resilient in the future. Bio-port, although propositional, utilizes technologies available today, but at a scale of magnitude previously unimagined. It would take a huge political will to deliver such a project even though the initial investment would be quite low and the pathway to implementation simple. The hardware/software/interface is a clear analogy here, and it is the interface part that is the most interesting. Here the interface is not only with the technological cycles of energy infrastructure through the recycling of glass and aluminum and district heating and smart-grid technologies in the city, but also with the local biotic and agricultural systems, through feed for cattle and urban farming green waste. The complexity of the system and the need for holism cannot be underestimated, and would be to be developed concurrently, which is always problematic for urban projects. What is for sure then is that if we are to move to a new bio-fueled era, then there will need to be a re-defining of the governance of the city, and a re-imagination of the land use of its hinterland. The hyper-localized implementation of soilless agriculture also has a clear adherence to the hardware/software/interface proposition, but here the issues are different. In technological terms, the systems, integrated into the existing fabric, reveal structural and control issues which need to be factored into the mass adoption of these technologies. In addition, the complexity of the hyper-localized food network of consumers and producers is essential for the system to be functional but needs local knowledge and willing participants. Further complexity in this project was the implementation of community ownership and operation. Once the system was handed over from the research team to the community growing team, the system has not performed as well. This is mainly due to the amount of input needed on a dayto-day basis to ensure correct operation of what is a highly complex and novel technological biotic hybrid: skills are needed in both the technical parts of the system, and in the agricultural parts of the system. It seems that despite the technical acuity of soilless systems, the agricultural knowledge and input needed to keep the systems operating productively is still high and is as crucial a part of the system as the other components. To conclude, both projects show that technological urban agriculture is still in its infancy, but there is potential that its rapid and whole-scale implementation could dramatically change cities, not only making them more resilient and sustainable, but also in helping to bring together communities, particularly those under economic pressure. However, the complexity shown by the analogy of the hardware, software,

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interface model which covers the whole spectrum of urbanism will need to be considered, if this implementation is to be effective. This is an issue not only in the design of the system or its implementation, but perhaps more importantly in the way the systems are embedded into lifestyles of operators and consumers of the products of the system. The relationship between food (and energy) and the city is complex and the reconfiguration of this relationship has the potential to be a powerful and revolutionary force for change in the urban condition. Acknowledgement  The author would like to acknowledge the hard work and dedication of the following in the design and production of the projects described in this Chapter: Simon Swietochowski, Andrew Jenkins, Tilly Hall, Vincent Walsh, Morgan Grennan, Sean Cullen, and Josh Greenfield.

References Abt, J. (2011). American Egyptologist: The life of James Henry Breasted and the creation of his Oriental Institute (pp. 193–194, 436). University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-0011-04. Appadurai, A. (1996). Modernity at large: Cultural dimensions of globalization. University of Minnesota Press. BBC. (2000, September 8). Refinery hit by fuel protesters. BBC News (British Broadcasting Corporation). http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/915251.stm. Accessed 12 Jan 2008. BBC. (2014, June 11). Ukraine crisis: Death toll in east ‘at least 270’. BBC News. https://www.bbc. com/news/world-­europe-­27804611. Accessed 8 July 2014. Best Foot Forward et al. (2005). City limits: A resource flow and ecological footprint analysis for Greater London. www.citylimitslondon.com. Accessed 10 Mar 2014. Biospheric Foundation. (2014). The Biospheric Foundation. www.biosphericfoundation.com. Accessed 10 May 2014. Biospheric Foundation Blog. (2013). Biospheric first crop. http://www.biosphericfoundation.com/ biospheric-­first-­crop. Accessed 5 Sept 2013. Boycott, R. (2018, June 7). Nine meals from anarchy. How the UK is facing a very real food crisis. Daily Mail. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-­1024833/Nine-­meals-­ anarchy%2D%2DBritain-­facing-­real-­food-­crisis.html. Accessed 10 June 2014. Briggs, M. (2004). Wide scale biodiesel production from algae. University of New Hampshire, Durham, US. Physics Department: UNH Biodiesel Group. Dennis, K., & Urry, J. (2009). After the car. Wiley. Gundlach, R. (2015, January 29). Greg KEEFFE – Why urban food production makes sense and how to make it happen. International Urban Food Network. http://www.iufn.org/en/iufninterview/keeffe/. Accessed 15 Aug 2015. Hall, N. (2013). Blackfriars resource analysis. Architecture at Queens internal report, Belfast, NI. Lennard, W. (2012). Aquaponic system design parameters. ©Copyright Aquaponic Systems. https://csdt.org/culture/engineeredecosystems/resources/Water%20Chemistry.pdf. Accessed 15 May 2014. Oswalt, P. (Ed.). (2005). Shrinking cities V1. Hatje Cantz Verlag. Rickman, J. C., Barrett, D. M., & Bruhn, C. M. (2007). Nutritional comparison of fresh, frozen, and canned fruits and vegetables. Part 1. Vitamins C and B and phenolic compounds. Journal of the Science of Food and Agriculture, 87(6), 930–944. https://doi.org/10.1002/jsfa.2825 Roberts, S. (2010). The oil crunch: A wake-up call for the UK economy. Arup.

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Roggema, R. (2015). FoodRoof Rio: How favela residents grow their own food. Adjacent Government. http://www.adjacentgovernment.co.uk/lg-­edition-­004/profile-­foodroof-­rio-­ favela-­residents-­grow-­food/11807/. Accessed 25 Sept 2015. Save Liverpool Docks. (2008). Idle land. Sheehan, J., Dunahay, T., Benemann, J., & Roessler, P. (1998). A look back at the US Department of Energy. National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL). Worlwidepermaculture. (2017). Companion planting, what companion planting is, why it is effective and the science behind it. https://worldwidepermaculture.com/wp-­content/uploads/2018/11/ World-­Wide-­Permaculture-­Companion-­Planting-­Guide-­1.pdf. Accessed 23 Apr 1998.

Chapter 6

Symbiotic Peri-Urban Agricultural Interfaces: Applying Biophilic Design Principles to Facilitate Peri-Urban Agricultural Areas into Ecology, Foodscape, and Metropolitan Transition Fudai Yang

, Arjan van Timmeren, and Nico Tillie

Abstract  Challenges and potential are embedded in peri-urban agriculture under metropolitan sprawl, which requires a future-oriented development to address major trends such as the climate crisis, metropolitan sprawl, autonomy in food production and environmental quality issues. Following a design exploration in Oosterwold, Almere, The Netherlands, a biophilic design framework was used to demonstrate the effective transformation of a symbiotic peri-urban agricultural interface. The results embody a sequence of principles based upon biophilic design, urban metabolism, and bottom-up governance mechanism. Keywords  Peri-urban agriculture · Peri-urban interface · Landscape design · Urban planning · Biophilic design · Sustainability · Climate adaptation · Urban metabolism · Oosterwold · Metropolitan development · Foodscape

Abbreviations BD NBS PUA PUAI

Biophilic design Nature-based solutions Peri-urban agriculture Peri-urban agricultural interface

F. Yang (*) Department of Urbanism and Landscape Architecture, Urban Ecology & Ecocities Lab, Delft University of Technology, Delft, the Netherlands A. van Timmeren · N. Tillie Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology, Delft, the Netherlands © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_6

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6.1 Introduction Peri-urban agriculture (PUA) have attracted much attention in recent decades due to their vital significance in the food supply of cities. Moreover, because of its strong association with issues of well-being (Carrus et  al., 2015), the circular economy from the local to the global level (Stadler et al., 2017), and the representation of cultural landscapes (Palang et al., 2011), it has shifted from a theoretical subject to one that requires action. How PUA contributes to sustainability and resilience is a prominent concern at present (Padgham et al., 2015; Olsson et al., 2016; Fantini, 2022), and there is a research basis and data to support this notion. Yet, most of these studies examine PUA as an accessory functional site of the city or examine simply the productive land attributes (Ayambire et al., 2019). The preconditions for PUA to become multifunctional and interact sustainably with nature, society, and production, and how this comprehensive PUA system transforms in terms of the trade-off between governance and autonomy, is still under investigation. The extent to which design guidelines for a successful peri-urban agricultural interface (PUAI) can be applied to another site, and what aspects of the site need to be revisited and focused on due to the site-specific characteristics of the design. In this study, we explore the potential of using biophilic design (BD) principles through scales to generate a multifunctional and symbiotic PUAI within the context of a metropolitan development vision. To evaluate the principles, a design exploration in Oosterwold, Flevoland, The Netherlands is made for research by design approach. The site is near the newtown of Almere which potentially can realize more of its sustainable city ambitions (Roorda et  al., 2011) using synergetic urban landscape planning (Tillie, 2018) to design areas with symbiosis between nature, agriculture, ecology, and housing. This paper is separated into five sections. The first section explores the feasibility of transitioning PUA into multifunctional interfaces. The second section discusses the BD concepts that can be utilized to establish a symbiotic environment. The fourth section on Oosterwold design exploration follows the consideration of the prerequisites for integrating biophilic approaches into PUAI in the third section. The final section comprises the applicable appropriate design logic and principles for constructing a symbiotic PUAI.

6.2 Peri-Urban Agriculture as an Interface In the current age of the Anthropocene, 56% of the global population lives in cities, and the percentage is projected to be 68% by 2050 (United Nation, 2018), contributing to more than 80% of the global GDP (Urban Development, 2022). This rapid urbanization has been accompanied by a “geographical decoupling” of cities from metabolic flows (Langemeyer et al., 2021: 2). An essential aspect is the source of food supply, with land use in urban and peri-urban areas being reoriented to higher-­ value uses. This reorientation of land use, growing urban populations, and new risks

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such as climate change and unexpected disease outbreaks imply that cities and peri-­ urban areas are also concentrating risks. There is ample evidence that urban areas are witnessing more extreme environmental degradation and pollution; more frequent floods, storms, and heat waves; and growing inequalities (Galasso et  al., 2021). Not easily noticed is how geographic decoupling exacerbates the “marginalized” discussion of the peri-urban area in the daily lives of urban interlocutors. Each city is invisibly supported by its peri-urban area through resources, food supply, economy, and ecosystems, but it does not receive commensurate fame for it. As a transition zone with urban-rural interplay, the relative lack of attention to peri-urban areas is probably best explained by the widespread perception that the urban fringe represented a short-term transitional area with little enduring interest or importance (Simon, 2008). This marginalization is also reflected in the debate on definitions of “peri-urban areas” in the academic field. For a long time, the spatial definition of “peri-urban areas” has been generally considered as missing or still vague. The low population density and lack of infrastructure compared to cities make it not urban, while the limited agricultural and natural land makes it not “rural” either (Allen, 2003; Zasada, 2011). This ambiguity has allowed many urban issues to flow unnoticed and take root in these sandwiched grey lands. These peri-urban regions suffer from urban extension pressures while their resources are being absorbed into the city (Wandl & Magoni, 2016). However, it is not all unbalanced, “as they also benefit from proximity to urban areas, as markets, cultures, and technical innovations are signified by a socio-cultural shift from rural to urban lifestyles” (Antrop, 2000; Zasada, 2011). In that sense, a peri-urban area that produces and provides more resources has more potential, both in terms of category and quantity, to be selected as a fertile ground for piloting metropolitan development centered on a pre-existing large city. Notwithstanding, peri-urban areas contain their own identity, with a decentralized perspective, sometimes even more profound and more abundant than the city itself. As an everyday land use in underappreciated peri-urban areas, PUA is a form of surplus agriculture on the edge of growing cities (Verburg et al., 2004). Due to conventional agriculture being transversal, the vast spatial extent of peri-urban areas gives agricultural land a key role in managing the social, aesthetic, and ecological functions of peri-urban landscapes and nearby urban agglomerations (Zonneveld & Stead, 2007). Additionally, often located on fertile soils (Bryant & Johnston, 1992), PUA has historically provided most of the perishable crops for urban centers within a short distance. Today, with the optimization of logistical systems and food preservation technology, PUA can provide goods and services for regional and even global markets. Thus, it is sometimes referred to as “metropolitan agriculture” (Heimlich, 1989) or “urban fringe agriculture” (Bryant, 1997). This indicates an upward trend in the role of PUA, although it has yet to jump out of the urban concentration discourse. The land is a continuous narrative in space, time, and scale. A dynamic story hides behind PUA, telling how it was shaped and transformed into what it is today. Each type of PUA land displays a sector of water systems, soil types, landforms, cultural history, and anthropology (Balta & Atik, 2022). A more extensive system of natural and cultural

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landscapes with regional characteristics can be seen through the PUA landscape. As the focus shifts from urban to peri-urban centers, the in-between location (urban and rural) enables PUA the potential to be transformed into centers of resource exchange with an urban metabolism with its own environmental or cultural values.

6.2.1 Values of Peri-Urban Agriculture Areas Despite PUA areas’ marginal position, it has conclusively been shown to be indispensable due to its critical role in environmental quality, cultural identity, leisure and recreation, and regional food support (Zasada, 2011). The ecological benefits of PUA include moderating urban climate (Lamptey et al., 2005), mitigating regional climate issues and ecological functions, and providing biotic and abiotic resources to nearby cities within a larger region. It mitigates urban heat problems by providing cooling mechanisms through increased evapotranspiration and it also accelerates carbon sequestration (Freibauer et  al., 2004; Hutchinson et  al., 2007) while also contributing to microclimate regulation that reduces indoor temperatures (Walters & Midden, 2018). A peri-urban area also helps with flood control (Wheater & Evans, 2009) and groundwater recharge (Haase & Nuissl, 2007) through high water infiltration rates possessed by pasture and arable land. Although PUA areas have distinct types and different agricultural intensity (e.g., agricultural land along with forests and wetlands might affect more ecologically than monoculture agriculture in a greenhouse using pesticides), the ecological value contained in PUA areas seems indisputable, which has garnered academic interest in integrating PUA and ecology in recent years. The most straightforward function of PUA – food supply – provides nutritionally adequate food, with its advantages in terms of variety, quantity, or quality of products. By offering animal products, PUA provides a more extensive range of products than urban agriculture (Opitz et al., 2015). Meanwhile, PUA is commonly expected to have higher yields per farm and season due to benefiting from large-scale and intensive production (Eisler et al., 2014). Moreover, PUA contributes from a visual amenity aspect and constitutes a part of cultural identity (Zasada, 2011). Agriculture is considered an integral part of the cultural landscape in densely urbanized areas (Hall et al., 2004), and urban beholders often recognize it to represent a supportive element of the peri-urban image and surrounding landscape (Bouraoui et al., 2005). Along with a general appreciation of agricultural land use, according to the empirical evidence provided by Fleury (2002) and Buijs et al. (2006), the view of urban visitors on agricultural landscapes has gradually changed from a pure functional-productive to a hedonic-aesthetic one over the last few decades. More synthetically, PUA has profound benefits for sustainability and urban metabolism. Evidence suggests that PUA accelerates improvements in urban spaces and the social quality of people’s lives (Fanfani et al., 2022), promotes the recycling of household organic waste (Fantini, 2022), and reduces energy embodied in food

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transportation (Ackerman et al., 2014), promotes social cohesion and community empowerment, and enables bottom-up innovation and localized sustainability solutions possible (White & Stirling, 2013; Wendelboe-Nelson et al., 2019; Chalmin-­ Pui et al., 2021). Amidst all the significant values embodied in PUA, the pitfalls of its current and prospective development limitations also emerge.

6.2.2 Challenges in Peri-Urban Agriculture At the fringes of cities and agglomerations, the high degree of land use transition and conversion for urban purposes and the existence of idle and marginal open spaces result in a complex and chaotic mix of heterogeneous land uses (Jenkins, 2002). Peri-urban is at a junction of pressures. In addition, the rapidly expanding urban edge brings about a shift in land use, constantly squeezing the territory of PUA. Capitalist globalization is weaving the world more closely into an integrated system driven by the pursuit of profit. In this context, markets, commodity flows, and population movements operate and articulate at different scales and in other spaces. Separate regions with previously distinct identities and combinations of activities are becoming interconnected through continued dramatic urbanization and infrastructure corridors. Thus, peri-urban area per se is facing a massive surge of dynamic transition and uncertainty. Meanwhile, under these stressful issues, PUA usually needs more finance to handle a systematic, complete transition. The geographical marginalization of the peri-urban region leads to a passivation of development. The contemporary urbanization mechanism follows the flow of funds, which is always naturally the first to gather in the more valuable land. PUA are thus planned as “filling the remaining gaps around the city” or as a platform for “outward urbanization expansion” visions (Cabannes & Raposo, 2013). The passive characteristics of PUA transformation is often manifested in rapid construction and land use shift based on the original urban-dominated scene and as an extension of the city. In The Netherlands, efficient PUAI continue to provoke issues such as the nitrogen crisis and biodiversity loss. As the second largest agricultural exporter in the world, The Netherlands benefits economically from this (Jukema et al., 2023). It is increasingly noted that intensive and large-scale industrialized PUA is not a sustainable model of food production (Ma et al., 2023). The effects of greenhouse gasses, the excess of natural manure, and the use of pesticides have raised questions about the health of the population, such as agricultural poisons, water eutrophication, particulate matter, polluted drinking water, antibiotic resistance (Glibert, 2020), and diseases such as bird flu, and COVID-19 that can be transferred from animals to humans, in addition to climate change, depletion of the soil, loss of biodiversity, and animal welfare debates. The conflict between PUA and metropolis is also easily ignited, one of the consequences of which is the fragmentation of the population by region and occupation with different claims (Fasal & Manalodiparambil, 2023). This is where groups take on the attribute of speaking out for the land. For example,

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in the peasant protests in The Netherlands in 2022, some peri-urban farmers posted signs saying, “I am proud to be a peasant.” (Fig. 6.1) demonstrating an identity distinguishing them from city dwellers. At the same time, whether due to policy pressure or a proactive sense of responsibility, more Dutch farmers are recognizing the potential unsustainability of existing intensive PUA production and sensing the risk of the industry‘s demise. According to a significant study by De Staat van de Boer, the daily newspaper Trouw, about 80% of farmers and horticulturists want to move to more sustainable forms of agriculture, such as nature-inclusive agriculture, which uses, protects, and takes care of nature’s cycles, or high-tech, recycling, and zero-waste agriculture. And almost half of the agricultural companies indicated the expectation to switch to a more sustainable agriculture system within 10 years (Bouma & Marijnissen, 2018). With the outbreak of the pandemic and the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022, the food supply autonomy issue around the city is again on the table, which accordingly facilitates the PUA back to the public spotlight. The challenge of heterogeneity in PUA is pervasive, but at the same time, it is indigenous to each region and culture due to differences in the magnitude of development and agricultural types. Opportunities and challenges are like two sides of the same coin in PUA. Fresh out of the chaos of the pandemic and the progressive recovery of global supply chains and large-scale urban construction, this “dormant period of disruption” is good timing for urban planners to recognize the importance of PUA to the quality of life of urban residents and to reflect on the long-term transformative direction the land may face in the future.

Fig. 6.1  Dutch farmer protests with a “proud to be a farmer” sign. (Photo by Torn, 2019)

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6.2.3 Reciprocity or Alienation As an interface, a PUA area is defined as the transitional zone between the urban fabric and productive land in the countryside. Nevertheless, the PUAI is a dynamic place as there is a tendency for urban areas to take over and dominate more of the original productive land use in the periphery of urban areas. This expansion commonly has distinct directions, with an unequal expansion speed around the city. The incentive of the transition is the availability of major arterial roads, which can be the pioneer carrier that spreads to the interstices (McGregor & Simon, 2012). Several internal factors also contribute to the result, as agriculture in the PUAI seeks a pivoting, structural transformation, or the dramatic development of urban agglomerations and reallocation, or a combination of both. Another aspect to consider is that the PUAI contains complex socio-economic interactions. Urban metabolism, including people, food flow, material flow, and energy flow, shapes the critical role of PUA in invisible interactions. The current situation and mechanism of the PUAI differ by city. When it comes to the site specification, the variations are sometimes drastic, and it also relates to more giant puzzles such as geopolitics and the inequality of resource distribution worldwide. As an interface, the PUA‘s impact can be detrimental or favorable regarding the whole region. Thus, the official vision is an important indicator to estimate whether the PUAI will reciprocate with the cities or be further segregated from rural areas. Site research from Frances et  al. in Jos plateau, Nigeria region indicates that the threats brought by PUA in the context of inadequate institutional planning for urban spatial development can be enormous. Misconceptions about the accessibility and the economic competitiveness of PUA in vision planning pose a further constraint to PUAI, which continues negative impacts on soil infertility, and water quality degradation through unsustainable farming mechanisms, such as toxic fertilizer and pesticide usage (McGregor & Simon, 2012). Besides the detrimental loop, in the case of Senneville, a salubrious cycle appears. The municipality of Senneville in the Montreal region in Canada proposed a 10-to-15-year collective vision on spatial planning in PUA zones. The PUAI is closely coordinated with the city through rational planning, constituting an interface with a metabolism that impacts both peri-urban and urban areas. By reserving sufficient agricultural land and introducing multi-functions to the transition zone, the government and locals credited the Senneville project for its contribution to the development of a plan for an equitable and sustainable food system in Montreal (Bryant & Chahine, 2015). PUAI acts as a bi-direction converter in actual cases, both amplifying the strengths and weaknesses. Due to this mutuality feature, PUAI can be a reciprocity or an alienation (Adam, 2014). The impact of PUA on the autonomy of regional food supply, ecological and cultural landscape values, and the metropolitan development direction is a double-edged sword. The potential for utilizing the PUAI to achieve mutual benefits in developing a specific metropolitan region is discussed in the next section.

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6.2.4 Multifunctional and Symbiotic Potentials Contemporary rapid urban development has driven PUAI to produce timely and rapid flexibility as well. Douglas (2012) shows many examples of PUA regions from developing countries, particularly in Asia and Africa. Although in distinctiveness and hybridity, each PUAI area has some nuances that distinguish it from the rest, a pre-defined collective vision for PUA transition zones is substantial. To establish a continuous management process involving representatives of agricultural municipalities and governments, landowners, farmers, and citizens, revisiting the active and multilateral interest of the PUAI can help clarify the responsibilities and obligations of all parties in this transformation. However, ecological values are often blind spots in this fast-paced, human-driven urban planning vision. Due to the long-term character of ecological benefits, the limited land resources, and the inevitable conflict between socio-economic and ecological values in the direction of development, debates about ecology or economy occur occasionally (Hopwood et al., 2005). From a social perspective, different groups define PUAI values differently. Due to low prices, accessibility to the city, and future development potential, peri-urban areas often contain high-value properties for the middle class and nearby poor immigrant squatter settlements. Based on Ian Douglas’s (2012) previous research, synthesizing the points of interest of the poor, the middle class, industry, local government, conservationists, and the aspect of education and human well-being, eighteen peri-urban environmental change factors are summarized. Although elaborated guidelines and plans should be carefully generated from on-site indigenous research and analysis, outlining six central claims and goals for the PUAI is straightforward: • Safe agricultural production with a regional food chain supply, ideally with food autonomy and soil and water sustainability (Lundqvist et al., 2008). • Formal inclusion of PUAI into the metropolitan development planning. • Brownfield rehabilitation, such as previous mining sites, protection of crucial ecological areas, and ecological link with the urban biosphere (Cundy et al., 2016). • Sustainability and recycling aim, including organic waste management, agricultural compost safety, and moderate water resources use (Cipolletta et al., 2021). • Encourage innovation and adaptation of advanced agricultural technologies, such as climate-adaptive agriculture-type transformation. • The PUAI bridges the quality of life of residents and food security, social awareness and people’s activities, consumption systems and the natural environment, and policy-making and participatory land use planning (Krause et al., 2015). Multifunctional synthesis is both a fundamental demand and a target of the PUAI. On a macro level, the symbiosis of nature, agriculture, and groups is highly associated with sustainability. BD, as an integral measure of bridging sustainability and ecology (Wijesooriya et al., 2023), is the focus of the next section.

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6.3 Biophilic Design Principles, Terminology, and Approach Cities contribute 70% of the world’s carbon emissions, consume over 60% of the planet’s resources, and profoundly impact global sustainability (Wiedmann et al., 2021). Due to their smaller areas and highly efficient transportation, dense metropolitans have a lower potential ecological footprint per capita than sparsely populated areas (Ulucak & Khan, 2020). Previous practice on building compact cities has demonstrated that highly concentrated cities can have serious negative impacts, such as the urban heat island effect, regional pollution, and more consumption of non-renewable energy resources (Benavides et al., 2021). In addition, climate crisis such as rising sea levels and extreme weather have been examining the resilience of cities. With all the challenges, UNESCO introduced an “ecocity” in the Man and the Biosphere (MAB) report in the early 1970s. Register (1987) defines an eco-city as an ecologically healthy city, pointing out a series of criteria to measure the city’s ecological health, such as urban traffic and the natural characteristics of biodiversity. As the academic field delves more deeply into it, the terminological dimension of “ecocity“has been expanded. Not only do water, urban form, waste and energy technologies, and transportation systems must change, but the value system and underlying processes of urban governance and planning need to be reformed to reflect the sustainability agenda. In the context of the development of community economics, social ecology, the green movement, and bioregionalism at the end of the twentieth century, the connotation of “ecocity“is mainly based on sustainability, technological, economic, and urban design considerations (Roseland, 1997). Kenworthy (2006) firstly brought “ten critical ecocity dimensions” into the academic sight. With the conceptual model for ecocities, numerous design experiments were conducted worldwide. After half a century of implementation, those ecocity paradigms seem to be built on the “good” of scientifically proven data. However, some factors such as ecology and climate change are in an evolving state, and the theoretical framework is seeking to also evolve over time as the definition of sustainability develops (Fig. 6.2). Despite the sustainability framework, the human need for nature and its benefits may be more significant than we foresee. Longitudinal analysis and research on the relationship between local-area green space and psychological health concludes that compared with residents living in areas with less green space, those living in urban areas with greater amounts of green space show significantly lower mental distress and significantly higher well-being (White et al., 2013). Green spaces may have intrinsic value as they represent the environments in which humans spent most of their evolutionary and cultural history. It suggests that the fit of organism-­ environment may directly benefit well-being (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989; Wilson, 1984). As a synthesis between ecological value and residents’ quality of life, BD has returned to the foreground in recent years.

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Fig. 6.2  Sustainable development framework and the relationship between biophilic design, eco-­ city, and sustainability at the macro level. (Image generated by the authors, model based on Kenworthy’s work, 2006)

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6.3.1 Biophilic Design for a Healthy Future Natural landscapes are crucial to human survival and a favorable quality of life (IPBES, 2019; Nijhuis, 2022). Although we use BD as an innovation today, ironically, it has been the design approach to architecture for most of human history. It conveys the inherent human desire to connect with nature when designing the constructed environment. The integration with the natural environment; the use of indigenous materials, factors, and patterns of nature in architectural artifacts; the connection to culture and heritage; and, more than anything else, the tools and approaches used by builders, artisans, and designers to create structures that remain among the most practical, aesthetically pleasing, and enduring in the world (Kellert et  al., 2011). “Biophilia hypothesis” is the etymology of BD. The concept and notion of Biophilia were initially proposed by prestigious biologist Edward O. Wilson. This suggests that humans possess an innate tendency to seek connections with nature and other forms of life. Wilson (1984) raised the hypothesis in his book, Biophilia. He defines biophilia as “To explore and affiliate with life is a deep and complicated process in mental development. Our existence depends on this propensity, our spirit is woven from it, hope rises on its currents” (Wilson, 1984; Kellert & Wilson, 1995; Kellert, 1997; Kellert et  al., 2011). With recent further research in the psychology field, biophilia hypothesis is proven to be genuine, and origins from human‘s evolution. It is hypothesized that biophilia has evolved and succeeded in the Pleistocene, when only wild nature existed. However, there are at least two fundamental moments of discontinuity in the evolutionary experience of humans and nature: the transition between the Paleolithic and Neolithic (Waters et al., 2016) and the Neolithic-Urban transition (Barbiero & Berto, 2021). In the Neolithic, the family was the universal environment with which humans interacted. Wild nature is more likely to be avoided as a “formidable enemy”, while belonging is reserved only for domesticated plants and creatures. (Sessions, 1996; Barbiero & Berto, 2021). Post-contemporary humans still have an inner connection with rural nature. However, the natural wilderness sometimes brings fear but awe to people, e.g., storms and mountain fires. According to philosopher Slavoj Žižek’s (2003) framework, the power of wild nature is a “Grand Other” [grand Autre], which is far beyond human control and brings fear, embodying the ontological priority of nature. It manifests human‘s insignificance, thus delivering a sublime and transcendent experience. Due to urban lifestyles, our interaction with nature has diminished (Turner et al., 2004). Nature still has fascinations, but our sense of belonging to the wild has loosened (Miller, 2005). Our present modern life and urban living accentuate the disconnection with nature. The sporadic contact we have with nature is no longer sufficient to stimulate our biophilia, and it tends to atrophy (Wilson, 1993; Barbiero, 2011; Barbiero & Berto, 2021). In the foreseeable future, the trend is getting even more dramatic. By 2050, it has been estimated that more than twice as many people will be living in urban (6.7 billion) than in rural settings (3.1 billion) (Ritchie & Roser,

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2018). In The Netherlands, the urban population for 2021 was 16,231,024, a 0.89% increase from 2020, while the rural population for 2021 was 1,302,381, a 3.82% decline from 2020. In addition to the urban population outnumbering the rural population, the growth trend in urban living is also noticeable. 92.57% of people will live in urban contexts in 2022, a 32.82% increase from 1960 (Netherlands Rural Population 1960–2023, 2023). With the explosive growth of urban population, the fragmentation from nature is growing in tandem. An increasing number of the world’s population lives in urban areas, which makes it necessary to consider the characteristics of urban life as a determinant of well-being (Vlahov, 2002). Furthermore, biophilia motivates us to bring it to an online world, such as in Metaverse or VR game Second Life. When we digitalize buildings and urban agglomerations, another vital part of fulfilling our actual living senses is nature. From the “walk your dog in the meta park” to purchasing several plant pots for your virtual room renovation, our human living life cannot bypass the affiliation with nature. There is research on the impact of biophilic environments in a virtual reality context held by the Harvard 2020 VR studio. It claimed that “biophilic environments had larger restorative impacts than a non-biophilic environment in terms of reducing physiological stress and psychological anxiety level” (Mollazadeh & Zhu, 2021). In real and virtual worlds, introducing and applying BD to draw a desirable future for metropolitans is tangible. By connecting people closer to nature, BD supports and cultivates our cognitive function, physical health, and psychological well-being.

6.3.2 Predicament of the Biophilic Approach on Mesoand Macro Scale Although BD has been broadly accepted and utilized in architecture and interior design, there are few practical cases when it comes to a larger scale, such as in landscape design or urban planning. Seldom literature on BD mentioned approaches on meso- and macro scales. This symptom reveals a common argument that humans and nature are in opposition or a human-centralized tendency in terms of entity level. The subliminal message of introducing natural elements into the built environment contains that architecture and interior spaces are extensions and products of human creativity (Moffatt & Kohler, 2008). However, when it comes to a meso-­scale, as urban agglomerations, it requires cities to address a range of pressing global and local challenges, from climate change to community health to economic decline to political uncertainty, through multifunctional strategies (Andreucci et  al., 2021). As the challenge becomes complex and diverse, specific measures of human-­nature affiliation become more ambiguous. Thus, applying biophilic approaches to larger-scale designs requires mindset transformation and taxonomic stratification.

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6.3.3 Call for a Nature-Based Approach on a Larger Scale At the macro level, BD is caught in a dilemma that cannot be achieved simply by introducing natural elements as on meso- or micro scale. The key points proposed by micro-scale BD are all directly tied to “physical” natural elements, e.g., natural light, plants, and materials. Unlike them, adaptations on the macro scale are more in a more extensive outdoor, “natural” context. Thus, adapting BD on a larger scale requires more resounding theoretical support in landscape and urban design. In the landscape and urban field, nature-based solutions (NBS) as a design principle and developing theory share the same objective with BD in deeply connecting humans and the natural environment. More than that, NBS reduce multiple risks and contribute to climate change adaptation and mitigation. The preceding research provides an evidence-based vision for cities to adapt, evolve and reconnect with nature (Blau et al., 2018). Stepping out of the scale of architecture and interior design, under the vast sky dome, the natural landscape offers the contemporary society fresh water, food products, and ecosystem services (Alcamo & Assessment, 2003). Rather, landscape refers to an area perceived by humans and characterized by a combination of human and environmental factors (Zonneveld, 1995). This concept underlines the interaction between humans and the environment and integrates the notion of nature and culture. In this sense, landscape is a cultural construct. In this context, it is worth noting that biological reserves with a crucial impact on the global biosphere, such as the Amazon Forest, are often labeled as pristine nature or “wilderness” due to their high biodiversity but are equally the result of many cultural landscapes that are the result of a symbiotic relationship between humans and their environment (Nijhuis, 2022). Over the centuries, people have created cultural landscapes with enhanced habitat heterogeneity based on nature and developed cyclic production systems with many domestic and wild species (Molnár and Berkes, 2018; IPBES, 2019). Thus, it expands the domain of the biophilia field by bridging NBS into BD perspectives. At the same time, NBS introduces the natural landscape’s cultural and historical connectedness into the BD’s vision. This integrated aspect has more potential to enhance the affiliation between people and the environment, and the land itself.

6.3.4 A Systematic Biophilic Approach Through Scales As discussed, through a synthesis of previous studies on BD methodologies, Table 6.1 presents an overview of the potential and related concepts for BD through scales. In the fourth section of this study, Oosterwold PUAI’s design exploration will test applying BD principles into a design process, and focus on the potentials on the macro scale.

Dimensions Nature incorporation

Nature incorporation

Nature interaction

Scale Product design

Interior design

Architecture

Biomimicry (Sachin & Dash, 2022)

Natural elements inside and around the building (Andreucci et al., 2021) Space and place-based relationships (Sachin & Dash, 2022)

Biomorphic forms and patterns (Andreucci et al., 2021; Sachin & Dash, 2022)

Non-visual connection (Sachin & Dash, 2022)

Taxonomy of biophilic principles Visual connection with nature (Browning et al., 2014; Kellert, 2018; Sachin & Dash, 2022; Bolten & Barbiero, 2023)

Table 6.1  Biophilic design interventions through scale Indicators Water (Mador, 2008; Gillis & Gatersleben, 2015; Kellert, 2018) Soil (Kellert, 2018; Moslehian et al., 2023) Air (Kellert & Calabrese, 2015; Sachin & Dash, 2022; Zhong et al., 2021) Natural light (Gillis & Gatersleben, 2015; Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Flora and fauna (Gillis & Gatersleben, 2015b; Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Animals (Kellert, 2008) Views (Kellert, 2018) Sensory stimuli (Peters & D’Penna, 2020; Mollazadeh & Zhu, 2021) Thermal and airflow variability (Ryan et al., 2014; Ardiani et al., 2020) Naturalistic shapes and forms (Kellert, 2008; Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Materials (Gillis & Gatersleben, 2015; Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Color (Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Natural geometrics (Kellert & Calabrese, 2015; Kellert, 2018) Mood based on perception (prospect, refuge, mystery, risk, awe) (Mollazadeh & Zhu, 2021; Hung & Chang, 2022) Change and metamorphosis (McGee & Marshall-­Baker, 2015) Reverence and spirituality (Kellert, 2008) Green roofs and green walls, shade trees and vegetation (Makram & Abou Ouf, 2019) Biomimetic architecture and system design (Zari, 2009; Makram & Abou Ouf, 2019)

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Dimensions Nature succession

Nature succession

Scale Urban agglomeration

Cultural landscape (including PUA zones)

Taxonomy of biophilic principles Nature-driven urbanism (Roggema, 2020a; Roggema, 2022; Roggema et al., 2021) Landscape-based urbanism (Roggema, 2020b; Roggema and Monti, 2021; Nijhuis, 2022) Sustainable eco-city (Sachin & Dash, 2022) Urban ecological networks (Beatley, 2011) Evolved human-nature relationship (Mazzi, 2021) Landscape first (Nijhuis, 2022) NBS (nature-based solutions) Regional ecological systems (Ryan & Browning, 2020) Long-term structure planning Synergetic Urban Landscape Planning (Tillie, 2018) Natural cycles (Ryan & Browning, 2020) Landform Hydrology system (Wolfs, 2015) Soil type Nature indigenism Geological substructure (Thayer, 2003) Climate (Africa et al., 2019) Ecosystems and processes (Kellert, 2008) Vistas (Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Curiosity and enticement stimulation (Kellert, 2018; Bolten & Barbiero, 2020)

Indicators Transitional spaces (Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Mobility and wayfinding (Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Native species (Beatley, 2009; Kellert & Calabrese, 2015) Urban microclimate (Africa et al., 2019)

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6.4 The Prerequisite of Applying Biophilic Approaches to the Peri-Urban Interface Clarifying the variables in the transformation of PUA land is done before applying BD principles to translate the principles into implementations at a practical level. As the dynamics of peri-urban areas are influenced by several factors, including urban migration, agricultural intensification, industrialization, and changing preferences for specific functional locations, such as distribution centers, waste and wastewater treatment infrastructure, and similar circumstances. The challenges are exacerbated by governance complexity. PUAs tend to span across many government jurisdictions; hence, their management is primarily impacted by the fragmentation of plans and management requiring substantial cooperation (Wandl and Magoni, 2016). Regarding PUA as a complete system, notwithstanding the external stressful interfering factors, seeking drivers from within, this massive system can be decomposed into subsystem layers as follows: • Biosphere, including soil and water systems, indigenous key species, and their habitats. • Metabolism, containing regenerative material flows, resource exchange, energy transition, and other kinds of system flow based on infrastructures in PUAI. • Society, comprising people, health, cultural context, governance. • Economic cycle. Notwithstanding the hierarchy of subsystems, the cooperation between subsystem layers contributes to the adaptation of biophilic principles in a targeted approach to the transformation from peri-urban mono-agriculture land to a multifunctional PUAI.

6.4.1 Biosphere System Under a biosphere-based sustainability theoretical framework (Folke et al., 2016), soil and water in the biosphere system are the cornerstone since they are the carrier of life. Soil and water largely determine the indigenism and spatial characteristics of a site. Among all the natural components that define land, water and soil are the most directly traceable to its history, from which the land palimpsest can be manifested (Corboz, 1983; Vâlceanu et al., 2014). In that sense, any interventions applied on the soil and water layer will be relatively long-term and profoundly affect the land, thus requiring prudent and visionary decision-making on interventions. With water and soil layers as a baseline, there follows the preservation and establishment of habitat and the consequent subsistence or reintroduction of local key species. Habitat preservation for local ecosystems should be arranged in advance with spatial planning, especially during a site’s visioning or planning phase. Since ecosystem interventions are often slower and more long-term than in fast-paced, changing urban systems, human cities have an urgent and instinctive demand for creature

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comforts that are directly efficient. Failure to integrate ecological value in advance could lead to the problem that many cities are facing; how to explore all possible spaces for ecological reintroduction in an already densely developed urban fabric. Worth mentioning that, from a dimension of biological nature, people are not just interacting with but are inhabitants of the biosphere together with all other life on Earth, shaping its resilience in diverse ways, from the local to the global, consciously, or unconsciously (Folke et al., 2016). However, in terms of urban planning, people’s quality of life is constituted by a variety of factors that are not fully aligned with the biosphere’s needs and are conditioned by the well-being of the biosphere. Therefore, in this paper, people are included in the social sphere rather than the biosphere level.

6.4.2 Metabolism Urban metabolism takes materials, energy, and resources as the most intuitive matrix (Tan et al., 2019). These transformations invisibly constitute the cornerstone of social and economic cycles and are sustainability indicators. The exchange of materials begins to occur while the site is under construction. The circulation of materials on the same plot, such as the balance of excavation and fill and the reuse and redistribution of local materials, adds an edge to a sustainable circular flow. The exchange of resources within a specific range saves the cost of long-distance transportation while enhancing the indigenous identity of the site. The energy transition is more directly related to spatial planning and energy systems as infrastructure. From energy production to its conversion and distribution, the organization of appropriate spaces and infrastructures for energy functions is a priority, while integrating social awareness and renewing energy research and energy efficiency policies on a regional and collective scale (Juwet and Ryckewaert, 2018). Flows based on social amenities, such as energy and mobility, are the medium between the metabolism and social circles.

6.4.3 Society and Circular Economy To constitute a cohesive society, maintaining indigenous culture will be an indicator that can be integrated with spatial planning. Unlike most of the metropolitan cultural heritage in the world, which is characterized by a partition of structures (Carrà, 2016), the design experiment site in this article contains a complete cultural heritage in the subsoil of agricultural land, which is elaborated in Sect. 6.5.1. Indigenous culture can be a leverage to social cohesion. With the integration into spatial planning, cultural factors can shape a robust and effective social foundation and, in some projects, a leading role. For example, the introduction of the concept of social cohesion in this

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framework, in a metropolitan context with significant multiculturalism, which leads to inequalities. This framework possesses vulnerabilities related to the effects of marginalization and concentration of dilemmas, not only from an urban perspective but above all from a social one. This implicates the attribution of a central role in the project implementation, leading not to a general treatment of businesses, with a positive impact on the weakest section of the population (Carrà, 2016). The governance mechanism is another crucial point involved. As bottom-up strategy gradually moves from theory to practical application, governance patterns are being innovated for cooperation and co-development. Each plot of land has its own identity, a biography of its history, and the people who inhabit or utilize it (Kolen et al., 2015). Due to this uniqueness, governance mechanisms are not destined to be uniform. There may be an “optimal” system in theory, but in practice, how governance works effectively on the land is a matter that requires synthesized consideration and customization. Just as design principles can be learned from reference cases, the design itself is site-specific; governance mechanisms can be borrowed, but the governance pattern needs to be localized to fit the land and cultural context, ultimately serving the land and the people themselves. A prosperous and healthy economic cycle is not only based on but also complementary to, the development of the city. The complexity of urban issues has been brought to the forefront with the development of metropolitan areas. The future of the PUA can be glimpsed in the sheer size of the metropolis and the complexity of the urban issues. As the peri-urban area evolves, it will eventually merge with the city into a larger urban agglomeration. Therefore, to transform a PUA into a symbiotic PUAI with BD principles, it is crucial to synthesize site-specific analysis with different perspectives and design with a sustainable logic. Through research by design approach, the following section discusses a PUAI design exploration in Oosterwold, The Netherlands.

6.5 Design Experiments in a Peri-Urban Dutch Polder Within a Larger Metropolitan Scope The design experiment is set in Oosterwold, a peri-urban area of 4363 ha, with a net 3645  ha available for development, east of Almere, The Netherlands (Gemeente Almere, 2013). Regarding urbanization and land functionality, Flevopolder (Fig. 6.3), where Oosterwold is located, has an “organic“development process on a provincial scale. It was designed and built on newly created land, resulting from recreating a part of the IJsselmeer in the 1960s. The primary objective for its reclamation was to expand agriculture holdings, and it also served as a flood-resisting technique. Since 1972, with the dramatic population growth, urbanization has accelerated on this formerly agricultural land, reflecting a concentrated version of a usual urbanization pattern. Cities in Flevopolder are planned, designed, and developed with a grid-based planning, with the progression of agriculture and urban in four

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Fig. 6.3  Dutch natural landscape types map. (Flevoland is located in a reclaimed clay environment)

distinctive development periods (Fig.  6.4). The uniqueness of reclaimed land embeds pioneer spirits in the local culture, which is attributable to the diligent work of engineers, constructors, and farmers. This testimony to the continuation of the pioneer spirit is a contemporary manifestation of Oosterwold‘s ongoing “Freeland” urban experiment (Tkachenko, 2016).

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Fig. 6.4 Landscape biography of Flevoland. (Four development phases with ongoing transformation)

According to the strategy promoted by the Municipality, this is an urban experiment as there is little previous experience of this kind in The Netherlands, nor elsewhere in the world (Cozzolino et al., 2017). The general idea for Oosterwold is to have a fully demand-driven large-scale transformation, which, will gradually emerge by small private initiatives. All of this is done without any direct public investment as regards collective infrastructures or land preparation (Cozzolino et al., 2017). In a governance sense, the Freeland experiment enables Oosterwold to step away from governmental dictate and invites organic urban growth, stimulating initiatives by which inhabitants are responsible for creating their neighborhoods, including public greenery, energy supply, water system, waste management, urban agriculture, and infrastructure. The practice of self-organization in urban planning introduces challenges not only to urban planning that are traditionally perceived as a governmental responsibility, notably dealing with public goods and externalities (Van Straalen et  al., 2017), but also to pioneer residents who are responsible for conceiving, designing, and implementing personal and social infrastructures. Van Straalen et al.’s (2017) study identified the three most major challenges the current Freeland mechanism poses: • The foremost concerns are public goods’ excessive costs and archaeological research implementation. However, given the bottom-up governance in Oosterwold, there are seldom related experiences or precedents individuals could have on these complex situations. The local government would need to provide more insight into costs and procedures as they set the residents back in their budgets for construction guidance. Only after forming a collective group were pioneer residents able to reduce these costs. Although it practiced bottom-up strategy, it is an open question for every initiator whether the high cost and effort are justifiable. • Secondly, the communications between utility organizations and residents must be organized by citizens. Utilities, such as water availability and energy usage, must be settled by separate landowners with unclear responsibility allocation. Thus, there is a conflict between the nature of organic development, the dis-

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persed character of development spatially and temporally, and the utility companies’ requirements to know the route of the main cables and tubes before connecting each plot. • Lastly, there needs to be a more precise distribution of risks and accountability to pioneer residents. Accordingly, community homeowners’ associations appear to receive management fees and a portion of the mandate from residents to centralize the maintenance and management of public infrastructure and address public affairs (Jansma and Dekking, 2016; Van Straalen et  al., 2017), such as public road maintenance. Oosterwold Freeland’s experiment adds depth to the complexity of the peri-urban transition zone, which brought a couple of challenges on land within the urbanization, further blurring the boundaries between urban agglomeration and PUA. From a PUA focal point, the Oosterwold area is under notable agricultural heterogeneity. Jansma and Wertheim-Heck (2022) identified three generic types of heterogenous PUA patterns in Oosterwold: garden, multifunctional, and conventional farming. Garden farming represents a broad range of non-commercial or semi-commercial farming activities executed by groups of individuals, associations, or communities. It is characterized by hobby- or will-oriented part-time agricultural activities, usually on small plots of 2–3 hectares of farmland. In the landscape field, it is mainly derived as community edible gardens, whose food production supplies within households or neighborhoods. Multifunctional agriculture encompasses semi- or full-professional farms with less than 50 hectares of farmland, providing city and region food supply. Conventional farming has economic radiation of the agriculture supply chain worldwide, producing crops and livestock, in which the final consumers are unknown to the farmers. As urbanization progressed in Oosterwold, the direction and objective of PUA also shifted. Initially, the Oosterwold area has been the domain of conventional farming which produce for the world market, and only a few farms offered additional multifunctional services like the on-farm sale or caravan storage. In the survey taken in 2022, “most of the agriculture in Oosterwold can be considered a hobby or lifestyle type of garden farming” (Jansma and Wertheim-Heck, 2021). This paradigm shift offers transformation potentials from within PUAs, pivoting from intensive conventional farming to diverse and multifunctional agriculture forms, driven by internal factors. On the Oosterwold Freeland, the current vision is indicated through land-use subdivision configurations, which encompass 51% urban agriculture, 20% housing, retail, services, and office buildings; 6.5% pavement; 22.5% of public green and water (Davis, 2020). However, through the research of Cozzolino et al. (2017), the vision for Oosterwold have been designed to allow a high degree of flexibility, with foreseeable uncertainty and unpredictability, which leads to a conflict between top-­ down spatial configurations and emergent, freedom-driven, bottom-up creativity of the initiators. At this point, new research investments in the mechanistic puzzle are worth waiting for. Beyond the political perspective, a systematic analysis and design experiment of the Oosterwold PUA land as a continuous landscape with BD can help to provide new insights from the landscape and urban domain.

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6.5.1 Historical Creek Under Cultural Landscape Subsoil Under land reclamation, pioneer spirits, and Freeland policy, human dominance has been a long-standing keyword of Flevopolder. However, in the field of geoarchaeology, the far-reaching history of natural domination in the land far beyond individual life cycles can be glimpsed just from the literature title “New land, old history: covering the last 220,000 years of landscape and human activity in Flevoland, The Netherlands” (Van den Biggelaar, 2017). It was “during the reclamation of the polder, prehistoric archaeological remains were found, together with remnants of past landscapes that existed in the area during and after the penultimate Glacial Period, indicating the “new” land is much older than expected. Furthermore, the well-preserved subsurface of Flevoland contains valuable information on human history” (Van den Biggelaar, 2017). A simplified geological movement process based on historical geological and soil maps is shown in Fig.  6.5. As early as 9000  BC, an ancient stream flowed through the land that is today’s Oosterwold. With the compression of glaciers to the south and inland water erosion to the north, the ancient creek had essentially shrunk by 5500 B.C. By 3850 B.C., the ancient creek had almost disappeared due to the continuous erosion of the salt marsh soil by the inland water, which had reached the boundaries of the present-day Almere. By 500 BC, inland water filled the whole of Almere, apart from a few peat islands. The land-water boundary was already recognized as the outline of the present-day port of Almere. Then after 800  A.D., the rising water level and peat subsidence caused these former islands to be hidden beneath the water‘s surface, no longer visible. These ancient subsoils provided the foundation for the technology and the initial possibilities for the human activity of land reclamation, with these dominant natural histories buried right under the Flevopolder, turning it into a new land with a profound history. Beyond this, the cooperation process between nature and humans can be regarded as a microcosm of Dutch history on a broader scale.

Fig. 6.5  Geological transformation in Oosterwold over time

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Oosterwold‘s PUA is a cultural landscape, widely referred to as a Mondrian idyll (Van Bokkum, 2018), resembling an abstract painting by Mondrian with its grand vistas, clean lines, and sharp contrasts. Productive land is a cultural landscape and, in The Netherlands, a potent cultural symbol. From a cultural landscape perspective, Oosterwold is historically indigenous and continuous, as palimpsest (Corboz, 1983; Vâlceanu et al., 2014). The land reveals a land biography in progress, narrating its past and potential future.

6.5.2 Pivotal Complexity of Transformation The transformation of PUA is a long-term and incremental process involving many phases. The site complexity is accompanied by the potential threat to Oosterwold‘s hydrological system from sea level rise due to global climate change on the one hand, while the reformist housing crunch that Oosterwold will face over the next decades due to Almere’s metropolitan vision on the other. As early as 2007, the city council of Almere signed agreements with the government to expand the city to a metropolitan with 350,000 inhabitants by 2030. Currently, it is the seventh largest in The Netherlands, with more than 216,000 citizens (2021), and is part of the Amsterdam Metropolitan Area (MRA) (Gemeente Almere, 2021). The dramatic population growth in the short term created concomitant food issues, coupled with the COVID-19 crisis highlighting the centralized nature of the food system, some of which exacerbated vulnerability and led to insecurity (Petetin, 2020). In Oosterwold, the PUA area has been shrinking due to urbanization. Nevertheless, potentially, the research from Jansma and Wertheim-Heck (2021) pointed out that Oosterwold has a unique context to support a gradual transformation of agriculture typology with residents’ self-organization and aims to be the pilot project of converting conventional farming to garden farming and multifunctional farming while retaining at least 51% of the agricultural land (Jansma & Wertheim-Heck, 2022). The agricultural area of Oosterwold lacks ecological functions, yet it is in an adjacent location to nature reserve Oostvaardersplassen, sharing joint and multiple liabilities for ecological issues such as ecosystem degradation and biodiversity loss in Oostvaardersplassen. The Oostvaardersplassen consists of marshland and is located between Almere and Lelystad (Venhuizen & Drenthen, 2018). The Oostvaardersplassen came into existence when the South Flevoland polder was reclaimed, and large herbivores were introduced to maintain short grassland for grazing by geese (Heck cattle in 1983; konik horses in 1984; and red deer in 1992). All three herbivores increased rapidly, and they soon became recognized as an important ecosystem component. However, due to habitat deficiency, Staatsbosbeheer (National Forestry Department in The Netherlands) has implemented a reactive culling policy where a high proportion (75–80%) of herbivores in poor conditions in late winter are killed before they die naturally to avoid unnecessary suffering (Schmeets, 2016). This policy has continued to provoke the resentment of animal conservationists, with protests continuing annually as people break down nature

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reserve fences and attempt to keep the animals alive by escaping. Consequently, the panoramic and vast PUA land of Oosterwold became the first hurdle for the escape of the exiled animals, blocking the last path for animals to escape. Ideally, the PUAI in Oosterwold would maintain its food production identity as a food base for local and Flevoland while providing sufficient space for the development of Almere metropolitan, simultaneously backing up the nature reserve Oostvaardersplassen in the north-east, with ecological benefits, preferably as an ecological corridor connecting Almere and Zeewolde at a meso-scale. However, the discrepancy in scales of residents, municipalities, and biosphere determines the gap between the metropolitan’s development vision, the quality of life as a concept, and the need for creature comforts in the daily life of pioneer individuals. Due to the incompatibility of scales, when bottom-up policies encounter comprehensive problems from a multi-faceted perspective on a large scale, an organization must pool the interests and strengths of more than one individual to move forward. Oosterwold‘s site specificity, historical geography, anthropological heritage, ecological value, and metropolitan development vision all come together in a self-managed PUA site. Contemplating large-scale vision starts with a scale-matched mindset and interventions. This was the starting point for Oosterwold design experiment, to explore the feasibility of the BD principle for PUA adaptation and which new principles need to be highlighted when it encounters the local bottom-up strategy.

6.5.3 Systematic Biophilic Interventions The unique historical context of reclamation grants Oosterwold the attributes of a cultural landscape. The polder, as agricultural use, is also a representative identity of the cultural landscape. The dual cultural identity makes it demanding for Oosterwold to develop a reliable, long-term sustainable, and more fundamental path as a support. There have been some precedent researches showing that “it is necessary to develop and apply planning and design strategies and principles that take the natural landscape as the basis to work with natural processes for the benefit of socially and ecologically inclusive and thriving urban landscapes.” Such as “landscape first” approach (Nijhuis, 2022; Roggema, 2020b, 2021, 2022) and regards the biosphere as the backdrop for economic and social development (Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2017) (Fig. 6.6). In this sense, BD principles fill the gap between theory and practice, indicating that humans need dependency on nature, providing NBS concerning people’s and society’s health, and acting together with sustainability and ecocity concepts. Of all dynamic systems in Oosterwold, the historic creek system with anthropological values and extant subsoil structures has the lowest planning risk tolerance and the most extended change cycle (Brinkkemper et al., 1999). Since the life cycles of different systems are different, for example, the metabolism of cities changes more rapidly than natural ecosystems, design with nature has theoretical roots to sustain it. Starting from the slower system level is imperative to plan for a

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Fig. 6.6  Sustainable development circles. (Original image sourced from Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2017)

longer-­term, more sustainable, desirable future (Nijhuis, 2022). The historic creek system under PUA land indicates a potential green and blue corridor between Almere and Zeewolde on a meso scale, adding a bypass to the nature reserve Oostvaardersplassen. At the same time, it serves as a foodscape infrastructure supporting the developing communities in the west of Oosterwold (Fig. 6.7). The principle of BD on an ecological level is to prioritize landscape.

6.5.4 Incremental Transformation to a Symbiotic Interface As discussed, based on the fabric of the historical creek layer, Oosterwold‘s existing macro-systems contributing to a symbiotic interface are, in sequence, ecological system – PUA – urban fabrications, according to how rapid the renewal of the system could be. Among the sub-systems that constitute the ecosystem, the hydrological cycle is the most fundamental and decisive in the transformation. The current hydrological system in Oosterwold is a microcosm of the typical Dutch polder agricultural water system, which, in simplified terms, consists of three layers of surface watercourses connected by pumps at different heights: the dense ditches within the polder, the ‘boezem’ system (A typical Dutch water management system, which is

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Fig. 6.7  Oosterwold: Symbiotic PUAI with a green-blue infrastructure

Fig. 6.8  The current water system in Oosterwold

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an additional layer with surface water for the collection and discharge of water from the polder) at intermediate heights, and the canal system, which is usually wider and higher than the first two layers (Kaijser, 2002) (Fig. 6.8). Accurate water control is the cornerstone for all life and production in the reclaimed lowlands of Flevoland Province. In the transformation of PUA, the type of agriculture must be closely coordinated with the hydrological system (Rockström et  al., 2004), so it is also predestined that the restoration of an ecological waterway in this square grid of water systems and the simultaneous integration of agricultural production is a huge and delicate game of hydrological systems that must be accompanied by many different phases, each of which contains multiple detailed interventions. 6.5.4.1 Hydrological System Transformation The incremental transformation of hydrology in Oosterwold‘s design experiment can be divided into three phases. With the cessation of drainage pumps around the lowest area of the polder, the central area will soon become waterlogged and agricultural production in this area will be the first to cease. As the surface water surface expands, the rewilding process will gradually begin, even if the water body is still eutrophic water at the beginning. In tandem, two new water interfaces and pumping stations are created at the existing canals of Lage Vaart in the north and Hoge Vaart in the southwest. The current waterways are widened with an ecological corridor created as a one-way outlet to the nature reserve Oostvaardersplassen in the north and Eemmeer in the south, which follows a new harbor (Fig. 6.9). The first phase will take about 3–5 years, during which time the agricultural regions that will be transformed in the next phase can also be well prepared. Government organizations, research institutions, and local farmers have the potential to collaborate to experiment and practice the first step in transforming agriculture typologies under climate change. The topsoil excavated in the first phase can be used to raise the area for further urban agglomerations in the second phase, contributing to the sustainable metabolism of the material cycle within the Oosterwold site. By the second phase, the wetland in the center of the polder will have a more organic boundary. A dynamic mesotrophic waterway extending from the Hoge Vaart to the central wetland could be considered. To ensure the rest of the agricultural land can function, the boezem system will be modified to include several ditches based on the original boezem system as much as possible (Fig. 6.10). The main objective of these temporary boezem systems is to provide the functionality of the water system with the subsequent phases in consideration. In the last stage of the water system transformation, the watercourse from the central wetland to the Lage Vaart will ultimately interconnect the mesotrophic water flows from north to south into a blue-green infrastructure based on the ancient river (Fig. 6.11). Thus, a landscape hydrological system with mesotrophic water is born from the PUA water system and acts independently.

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Fig. 6.9  Phase one: ecological links from north to south

Fig. 6.10  Phase two: organic wetlands and natural waterflow

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Fig. 6.11  Phase three: separate natural water flow from agricultural water supply to maintain water quality

6.5.4.2 Water-Centered Systems The transformation of water systems most directly affects the regional ecosphere. Even though the new landscape water system can contribute to the environment as a blue-green spine in the fields of Oosterwold, the waterways themselves are changed with biophilic interventions because of the long-term need of the metropolitan area to adapt to climate change and the ecological vision of the Oostvaardersplassen expansion. With the waterway in the middle, three layers of areas are set up in a way that makes sense from an agricultural and ecological point of view. Lastly, they are closely linked to PUA. This makes the green-blue infrastructure the center of a multifunctional peri-urban foodscape. Therefore, the Oosterwold blue-green infrastructure is made up of four layers centered by water: (a) the water system; (b) the ecological reserve; (c) the green buffer zone (a,b,c in Fig. 6.12); and (d) an innovative agricultural system. In addition to kayaking and canoeing, which are enjoyable water activities, water can also transport perishable foods. The traditional view of urban planning separates the city, productive landscape, and nature. Still, Oosterwold is more than just a place of tradition. It is a PUAI that blurs the traditional lines between different land use zones and provides a self-renewing and diverse living environment for many animals. By intertwining multiple functions and transitioning slowly, the green-blue landscape infrastructure consistently generates and recycles resources as a “green-blue engine” (Fig. 6.13).

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Fig. 6.12  Phase one: construction of green-blue infrastructure

Fig. 6.13  Phase two: focus on accessibility and connectivity

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The green and blue areas here are not traditionally defined as fixed dry or wet areas. Water and land boundaries naturally change due to seasonal water level changes. These areas with “intermittent water level changes” give nature a place to “breathe” and save room in case the water level rises very quickly in the future. There will be four diverse kinds of waterfront biospheres (Fig. 6.14), each of which will connect to communities and human activities in different ways. These connections will range from providing food and material resources to providing ecological values and recreational space to making communities more resilient to climate risks. During the phased transitioning period, some key species, like otters in the Oosterwold area, can be chosen as “environmental indicator species.” With an inherent characteristic of living environment requirements and a long history of being environmental indicator species, otters can be a milestone to examine if the water system links successfully from Eemeer to Oostervaardersplassen, while also examining the water quality. Otters will develop habitats and move with the water system in a blue-green infrastructure with enough living resources. This environment where people and animals share an environmental system helps people with biophilia and feel more responsible for protecting the environment (Cajete, 1999). When buffer zones are built around blue-green infrastructure, they create an adaptable place where people, plants and animals can together thrive. For climate adaptation of the region, waterfront areas serve as floodplains during intense weather and mitigate urban heat issues. Unlike traditional city infrastructure, the green-blue infrastructure in Oosterwold is composed of ecological corridors and food landscapes that are constantly renewed and cycled as the biosphere grows. From an economic and sustainability point of view, it requires modest maintenance and offers a high return in the long run.

Fig. 6.14  Four types of waterfront sections

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6.5.4.3 Diversification of Agriculture Industry In the transition zone, where conventional agriculture is transforming into climate-­ adaptive agriculture, agricultural diversity is enhanced by multiplying crop production typologies to give the agricultural system a higher risk of resilience. In the part of the Almere Oosterwold metropolitan sprawl adjacent to the west side, an edible landscape could be implemented as a pilot plot for community co-cultivation and harvesting (Jansma & Wertheim-Heck, 2022), which has shown a high willingness of residents to grow food spontaneously. This is a sign of the internal passion of agricultural transformation from the previous large-scale, centralized agricultural production only to partly resident or community-owned small-scale urban agriculture (Fig. 6.15). Due to the fertile land in Oosterwold, the local market, and the active development of new agriculture like beer brewing, viticulture, and floriculture, Oosterwold‘s future food landscape could be centered on a new agro-industrial belt and small-scale urban agriculture, such as community edible gardens (Fig. 6.16). With Oosterwold’s food markets, food products can be transferred to financial support for developing the local agricultural system further, which contributes to a circular economy. Through the subjective attention and systematic sequential analysis and design of PUA, a symbiotic and multifunctional PUAI model with symbiotic and sustainable nature is constructed in Oosterwold by virtue of its ecological value, food production function, new urban development, historical and anthropological culture, climate resilience, and flexible metabolism on renewable resources, which is a

Fig. 6.15  Phase three: Enhance life quality and social equality by providing more housing, jobs and mixed-used areas

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Fig. 6.16  PUAI Oosterwold‘s foodscape with diverse types of agricultural production

lateral demonstration that constructing a symbiotic PUAI by integrating biophilic principles can work in the macro-scale design field.

6.6 The Adaptability of Biophilic Principles and Pitfalls; Translation to the Systemic and (Peri-Urban) Agriculture Scope A development pattern with design principles can be summarized through the research by design processes. Although there are no universal measures in design due to site specificity. Some emphasized dimensions in design processes can be extracted and applied to other PUAI projects. With a mindset of BD principles on macro scale and the sustainability circle (Fig. 6.6 and Table 6.1), to spatially transition a productive agricultural area under a metropolitan expansion vision into a symbiotic PUAI, six crucial principles in a logical consequence are proposed.

6.6.1 Metabolism Based on Indigenism In a multifunctional PUAI, the construction of material flows, ecological circles and economic structures should be based on the understanding of local systems and the relationships between PUA and the city. For PUAs to transition into a

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multifunctional PUAI, it should be able to meet the needs of the local consumers and the market it is aimed at, as well as the requirements from the main local stakeholders: farmers. Furthermore, the species of plants to be planted should be adapted to the climate, soil, and water conditions of the area. In terms of the biosphere, native plant and animal species should be selected to restore wildness to the nature reserve and green buffer. If there are new economic and investment flows, they should be assessed while considering the current economic industry. Investment needs to be ensured from a governance level if defined development targets are established during the vision phase.

6.6.2 Nature-Based Solutions for Biophilia A symbiotic PUAI requires a balanced intrinsic relationship between humans and nature. Since biophilia is an inherent human trait, well-being indices are related to the natural environment in urban and transitional peri-urban areas (Thomson & Newman, 2021), NBS provide generic BD principles through scales. Within the context of landscape and urban planning, water and soil systems are the most critical component indicators.

6.6.3 History and Culture as Carriers of Land Palimpsest Land is a being that far exceeds humans in both temporal and spatial scales. The human sense of belonging to the land stems from the memory of events that occurred on the land (Diprose, 2011). By presenting the history and culture of a specific place in space, it helps to convert the transitional process of the PUAI into a collective memory with social and individual participation.

6.6.4 Sustainability Integrated with Circular Economy Circular economy seeks to reconcile the supply chain and production and consumption patterns by reducing resource waste, integrating renewable energy, and providing additional socio-environmental advantages (Korhonen et  al., 2018; Ferasso et al., 2020; Arruda et al., 2021). Circular economy can be integrated into a sustainability aim, which offers potential investments as a financial pillar of sustainability and food autonomy in PUAI.  Commonly and sadly, PUAI design proposals are impractical due to a lack of funding. Circular economy contributes to the achievement of planning and are more critical to sustainable development (Dantas et al., 2021).

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6.6.5 Balance of Governance and Autonomy For PUAI to be functional, top-down regulatory policy and bottom-up public opinion support should match. In the case of Oosterwold, a purely bottom-up extreme model is in place. Unlike the traditional top-down model of peri-urban planning and development, a purely bottom-up model has the advantage of the freedom of direction and can stimulate the initiative of residents (Jansma & Wertheim-Heck, 2022). The drawback is the fact that development can be slow and ambiguous, as demonstrated in Oosterwold. At the organizational level, top-down mechanisms ensure that the project has a general guideline to operate under. Meanwhile, the range for bottom-up participation in decision-making processes should be widened to stimulate resident participation.

6.6.6 Resilient Long-Term Vision with Elaborated Transformation Phases Besides the agriculture transformation issues, PUAI usually needs to deal with new urban agglomeration development and coordinate with natural landscape infrastructure. The vision of PUAI requires an adaptation to trends and future challenges, as climate change, population growth, and the globalization of food supply chains. This needs an overview based on professional knowledge of multiple fields and the ability to suggest potential answers, which requires a team of experts and stakeholders to talk, negotiate, even argue about it. Given the unpredictability of future scenarios, the vision needs to remain flexible and resilient to possible new emergencies. Finally, it is fundamental to accept that the transformation of the PUAI complex system will be slow and long term, thus requiring a phased vision with a detailed implementation formulation.

6.7 Conclusion and Discussion In the past few years, PUA has been getting more and more attention due to the need for urban sprawl and food security problems. PUA area is an essential part of urban metabolism because it directly affects the circular economy, food independence, sustainable development, residents’ well-being, cultural landscape impressions, and environmental quality, especially soil and water. However, due to geographical marginalization, the development of a PUA area was often city-driven, neglecting its subjectivity as a comprehensive unique system. At the same time, due to the site-­ specific identity of the design, we observed that most of the current research on PUA had been conducted from the perspective of new urban planning. As some previous research also concluded that “the claim to set up and apply innovative PUA

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design tools seems to represent a further result and fruitful research direction stemming from the present study” (Fanfani et al., 2022), there needs to be a further discussion about what process and principles to follow to construct a PUAI in terms of spatial planning. One concern about the principles laid out in Sect. 6.6 is that designers should be aware of the irreproducibility of site design when applying them. Because the situation in every region differs, the design process should be based on a systematic synthesis of site analysis. The example of transitioning green-blue infrastructure in Oosterwold might not be able to adapt to other sites. Furthermore, the study is limited by the lack of exhaustive multi-stakeholder talks during the design process because of multilateral relations of interest in the Oosterwold region. The site research partly represents the farmers‘and residents’ bottom-up mechanisms (Tkachenko, 2016). The municipality’s existing plans and policies represent up-to-­ bottom governance but did not thoroughly include institutions’ and organizations’ opinions, such as Waterboard or Staatsbosbeheer. Notwithstanding these limitations, the principles can be reinterpreted in different ways, as in clarifications of economic and policy strategies or subliminally integrated into local culture and people’s behaviors.

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Chapter 7

From Food Swamps to Nutritious Landscapes of Tomorrow: Evidence from Mexico City Aleksandra Krstikj, Moisés Gerardo Contreras Ruiz Esparza, and Christina Boyes Abstract In this work, we review the food environment of Mexico City’s Metropolitan Area. The research questions were: (1) What is the effect of car-­centric planning and reduced mobility on nutrition in the metropolitan periphery? (2) Is there a legislative framework that supports the production of fresh food in urban context? (3) Is fresh food affordable for the most vulnerable populations in the metropolitan? We found that existing development patterns and lack of mobility, especially in peri-urban zones, do not provide conditions for a healthy diet while processed and ready-to-go food is easy to reach. Long travel distances, as well as marginalization, hinder access to healthy food. While Mexico City has set up public policies to support urban agriculture in the city, such legislative framework and support is largely absent in the metropolitan periphery  – a condition that further enhances inequality and precariousness on the urban fringe. Finally, food is more affordable in informal settings and in the periphery than in inner-city neighborhoods. This fact, although positive for the vulnerable living on the fringe, might promote the continuation of the current trend of buying instead of producing food even though the periphery has more land reserve. Thus, the main challenge is transforming food swamps – environments that offer mostly processed food – into nutritious landscapes where food is organically produced, available within walking distance of housing, and affordable. The work emphasizes the need for an integrated, context-specific approach in planning that can compensate for inequalities in fresh food access between inner-city and peri-urban zones.

A. Krstikj (*) School of Architecture, Art and Design, Tecnologico de Monterrey, Atizapán de Zaragoza, State of Mexico, México e-mail: [email protected] M. G. C. R. Esparza Instituto de Ingeniería, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico City, México C. Boyes Centro de Investigacion y Docencia Económicas, A. C., DEI, Álvaro Obregón, Mexico City, México © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_7

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Keywords  Mexico City · Food environments · Peri-urban · Food swamps · Vulnerability

7.1 Food Environments in the Global South Evidence in literature suggests that the trend of increasing overweight and obesity has progressively shifted from the high-income countries of the Global North to low- and middle-income countries of the Global South (Ezzati et al., 2005; Popkin, 2006), with obesity becoming more prevalent in socially deprived communities (Friel et al., 2007). Obesity and diet are main risk factors for the development of other chronic non-communicable diseases, such as diabetes, hypertension, and depression (Felber & Golay, 2002; Seravalle & Grassi, 2017; Preiss et al., 2013). Barrera-Cruz et al. (2013) reported that Mexico has the second highest global prevalence of obesity in the adult population (30%). In 2012, 26 million Mexican adults were overweight and an additional 22 million were obese. Thus, concern over diet-­ related health issues, health inequality, and the food environment are of particular importance in Mexico. The consumption of fruits and vegetables has been linked with lower risk of obesity, metabolic syndrome, cardiovascular disease and diabetes, while high sodium intake  – coming mainly from of ultra-processed foods such as snacks, industrialized sweets and desserts – has been associated with hypertension, obesity and other non-communicable diseases (Rodríguez-Ramírez et al., 2020). The rapid urbanization, coupled with economic development and demographic change, are reshaping urban food environments that condition access to food, food quality and consumption, thus nutritional health (Lytle & Sokol, 2017; Crawford et al., 2014; Giskes et al., 2011). The World Health Organization identified food environment improvements as important strategies for creating healthy dietary patterns in the population (Vandevijvere et al., 2015). In previous literature, there is evidence of disparity in food access only from the US, while tendencies are less visible elsewhere (Black et al., 2014; Pitt et al., 2017). There is a lack of data, research and knowledge about how emerging urban environments in the Global South are changing dietary habits even though the greatest vulnerabilities related to nutrition are precisely in this region. Built-up patterns play a crucial role in determining how individuals reach food outlets and interact with their food environment (Lucan, 2015). Even in the Global North, poorer urban neighborhoods can suffer from decreased access to good quality fruits and vegetables (e.g., Black et al., 2012). A significant part of the problem can be found in how mobility and transport infrastructure are planned and organized, since they can limit access and trigger community severance – the effects of

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motorized traffic as a physical or psychological barrier separating one built-up area from another built-up area or open space (Anciaes et al., 2016). Walking and walkable access to urban facilities and services is essential to promote social inclusion, environmental justice, sustainability, and urban health, and is especially significant for populations who depend on non-motorized transport to reach urban services, e.g., the elderly, children, permanently or temporarily disabled, and the poor (Talen & Anselin, 1998). Globally, there has been limited efforts from governments to create healthy food environments (Phulkerd et  al., 2015; Popkin et  al., 2012). Previous literature on methods and tools to evaluate policies for healthy food environments found that the most common barriers to implementing such policies were infrastructure support, resources, and stakeholder engagement (Phulkerd et al., 2015). In Mexico, policies such as the obligatory labeling of products with excess of sugar, fat, and calories and the control of food offered in schools were recently enacted to reduce overweight and obesity in the population. Nevertheless, as a recent study by Jimenez-Aguilar et al. (2017) suggests, the actual effect of these policies is limited. Tools to evaluate food environments of different settings and to push forward innovative and scalable policy measures are urgently needed. Food environments are conditioned by global and local economic networks, where uncertainties are mounting due to security and climate issues. Various studies have found that beside access, affordability of food promotes fresh food consumption (Caspi et al., 2012; Minaker et al., 2014). Healthy fresh foods are generally more accessible for those of higher economic status in the US (Drewnowski et al., 2020). However, in the Global South with high degree of informality there is a lack of data on accessibility and affordability of fresh food in neighborhoods. There are indications that informal street vendors, for example, offer cheaper fresh foods than supermarkets in Mexico. However, these informal outlets are not recorded in government databases which might skew the assessment of affordability of fresh food in informal contexts. In this chapter, we review the food environment of Mexico City Metropolitan Area. Our research questions were: 1. What is the effect of car-centric planning and reduced mobility on nutrition, especially in the metropolitan periphery? 2. Is there a legislative framework that supports the production of fresh food in the urban environment? 3. Is fresh food affordable for the most vulnerable populations in the metropolitan? We tackle these questions in the following three sections. In the fifth and last section, we reflect critically on the opportunities and challenges to transform today’s food swamps into tomorrow’s nutritious landscapes.

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7.2 The Effect of Car-Centric Planning on Food Environments The central region of Mexico is a dense patchwork of urban networks where some of the largest urban zones of Mexico City, Toluca, Cuernavaca, Puebla, Pachuca, and Querétaro, converge (Ávila-Sánchez, 2011). Mexico City metropolitan Area is the fifth-largest urban agglomeration in the world, inhabited by nearly 23 million people. The urbanization of this region has triggered vast consumption of adjacent agricultural lands, 60% of which were expropriated from collectively owned lands or ejidos (Ávila-Sánchez, 2011). Mexican cities are car centric. For instance, Bartzokas-Tsiompras (2022) found that the median length of pedestrian streets in European metropolises is about 12.7 km; in Australia and New Zealand the range falls to 5.5 km, while in Latin America/Caribbean it is only 2.3  km. Bizarrely, the highest ranked US city, New York, has pedestrian streets roughly 2.5 times shorter than the highest ranked European city, Paris. The study placed Mexico City, with 67 km of walkable infrastructure, third in the region after Lima (93 km) and San Salvador (73 km). Another recent study by Boeing et  al. (2022) that evaluated spatial indicators related to mobility in 25 cities found that only 35–38% of people in Mexico City live within 500 m of a public transport stop – the number was lower only in one other city: Maiduguri, Nigeria. This estimate only considers the formal public transport of the inner-city where around 9  million people live. Outside of the city’s administrative boundary in the metropolitan area inhabited by 13 million people, the formal public transport practically does not exist. In the peri-urban fringe there is almost complete dependence on private cars and informal group transport that is irregular and insecure (Cervero & Golub, 2011) (Fig. 7.1).

Fig. 7.1  Avenue Lopez Mateos, municipality Atizapan de Zaragoza in the metropolitan periphery, near park Mexico Nuevo (1 in Fig. 7.2). The infrastructure for pedestrians is of very low quality and formal public transport non-existent. (From Google Street View, accessed March 14, 2023)

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Peri-urban areas, sometimes called “edge-cities” (Garreau, 1991), “edgeless cities” (Lang, 2003), or “post-suburbs” (Phelps & Wood, 2011), are located at the urban periphery but contiguity itself cannot explain the phenomenon (Murgante et al., 2007). Key features of peri-urban areas are their mediating role in migration between rural and urban areas and their partially developed infrastructure and services (Iaquinta & Drescher, 2000). Although researchers and governments have long acknowledged the potential role of peri-urban areas in alleviating food insecurity for inner-city dwellers, few studies probe into the food environment of peri-­ urban zones. A recent study by Murphy et al. (2018) used quantitative, spatial, and qualitative data to clarify the understudied relationships between local food environments and health outcomes across various suburban developments in Australia. They found that interrelated challenges of car dependency, poor public transport, and low-density development hampered healthy food access in the suburbs. Mexico’s peri-urban inhabitants face degradation of their livelihoods while conflicts for space with other social groups increase. This results in unequal access and use of urban-rural peripheral spaces, which increases marginalization and spurs the redefinition of lifestyles and dietary habits (Ávila-Sánchez, 2011). Policymakers struggle to develop integral sustainable policies based on local resources to mitigate urbanization’s negative impacts. For example, agriculture in the peripheral metropolitan municipalities has not been included or encouraged in development policies despite its potential to encourage the consumption of healthier, locally produced foods while improving local livelihoods (Ávila-Sánchez, 2011). While some studies evaluated the food environments of inner cities in Mexico (e.g. Bridle-­Fitzpatrick, 2015) or performed surveys and analysis based on official data (e.g. Perez-Ferrer et al., 2020; Pineda et al., 2021; Reyes-Puente et al., 2022), there are no studies that compare inner cities with the peri-urban zone, nor consider the informal food outlets that are a common source of food for most Mexicans. In a previous study, we set out to explore dietary modernity in Mexico and shed light on possible factors related to urban planning that condition shifts in dietary behaviors. This pilot study was based on an on-line questionnaire for a convenience sample, distributed by students from 17 states from Fall 2020 to Spring 2021 (Krstikj et al., 2022). The respondents answered a total of 57 questions related to their dietary, transportation, and shopping habits. We hypothesized that peri-urban dwellers differ from their urban and rural counterparts in having a more pronounced modern diet. A modern diet in this study was defined as the consumption of store-­ bought and processed foods. On the other hand, a healthy diet was defined as the consumption of plant-based foods, including fresh fruits and vegetables, whole grains, legumes, seeds, and nuts (Cena & Calder, 2020). The independent variables were the preferred transport mode, neighborhood marginalization, and settlement location (inner-city, peri-urban, or rural). The results showed that dependence on individual cars and marginalization are positively related to shifts toward a modern diet. In this context, people most at risk of eating a modern diet are peri-urban dwellers from more marginalized areas that

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lack quality public transport. Yet, many of these people also report trying to eat healthy, especially older adults. While food per se is not lacking, it is the type of food that is offered and accessible that is the problem. Thus, the metropolitan periphery is increasingly creating the conditions of a food swamp: environments with excessive access and exposure to unhealthy foods and drinks (Bridle-­ Fitzpatrick, 2015). These results emphasize the gap and inequality in fresh food access between inner city and peri-urban zones, where lack of mobility and long distances traveled in cars play a crucial role. The development patterns of peri-urban zones at present do not form healthy food environments but house more land reserve that can be used for local food production. Through this study on intersections between city planning and food consumption patterns, we saw an opportunity of linking the policies related to urban health with innovative land use policies that can encourage urban farming and green transportation. Improving mobility and creating conditions for urban farming should be crucial aspects for city planners determined to develop nutritious landscapes, especially in the urban periphery.

7.3 Food Production in the Mexico City Metropolitan In this section we revise the urban conditions and the legal framework that supports urban gardens in the city and in the periphery. We discuss the land reserve or the open green areas that could support such activity as well as legal planning tools for its promotion and compare the conditions between the city and the periphery. The exponential growth of Mexico City reached the rate of 25  sq km/year between 1970 and 2000 (FAO, 2014). This led to the creation of the conservation zone in the south of the city proper in 1992 to safeguard vital ecosystem services, such as the supply of drinking water and oxygen, and included forests, grasslands, wetlands and 300 sq km of farmland. However, since housing is increasingly scarce and expensive in the urban zone and almost 40% of the population live in poverty (CONEVAL, 2020), the conservation zone is under constant development pressure. In 2014, the FAO reported more than 850 informal settlements being built there and the natural habitat being lost at the rate of 600 ha/year. Today, most agriculture in the city proper is performed in the suburban and peri-urban areas of the conservation zone, mainly in the boroughs of Tlalpan, Milpa Alta, Tlahuac, and Xochimilco. These areas used to have the lowest population densities, but today are trending medium density (Fig. 7.2). The economically active population practicing agriculture in the conservation zone was estimated by the FAO to be approximately 16,000 people working on 11,500 family farms that amount to 22,800 ha of land. Main farming products were maize, fruit, and vegetables, but also included large-scale production of nopal, amaranth, herbs, and ornamental plants. Some of the main challenges to conserve and promote the agricultural activity of this zone are the limited capacity for harvesting rainwater and wastewater treatment, the use of agrochemicals, providing financial

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Fig. 7.2  The Metropolitan Area of Mexico City. * the data on location of peri-urban and suburban agriculture in CDMX was adapted from a report by FAO ¨Growing Greener Cities in Latin America and the Caribbean¨ (2014, p. 23, Author Cristian Reyna Ramírez)

and expert help to farmers, as well as the management of urban organic waste (FAO, 2014). Regardless of this significant agricultural activity in the southern periphery of the city, the FAO estimated that 80% of the food consumed in the city is supplied by other states of the country or imported (FAO, 2014). Small farmers have only limited access to Mexico City’s huge wholesale market called Central de Abasto (FAO, 2014). For small-scale farmers with diversified production, the direct producer-­to-consumer trading at weekend informal markets is crucial. However, the concentration of food production in the far southern periphery, large distances, and lack of public transport in the metropolitan zone discussed in Sect. 7.2 also mean that the weekend markets in the south are not easily accessible to most city dwellers.

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Moreover, for young prospective farmers, the land in the south is not affordable because the price is determined by the suitability for urbanization, not farming (FAO, 2014). To prevent further degradation of the conservation zone and bring food production closer to people, the city government started promoting sustainable, ecosystem-­ based agriculture in the city itself despite high density built-up. In the last two decades the government focused on the generation of different inventories of urban green areas to identify their spatial location, dimensions, types of green areas, composition, and quantity per inhabitant, using Remote Sensing and Geographic Information Systems (López-Caloca & Muñoz, 2012). The inventories of Urban Green Areas in Mexico City, published in 2002, 2010, and 2017, have made it possible to have a city level diagnosis of green areas. Nevertheless, recently the local government has been criticized for still not having a complete public registry for consultation of each and every one of the public spaces that exist in Mexico City, “which has left many of these spaces to abandonment and negligence, turned into sources of infection and crime, without attention from any authority and in many cases without due use in favor of the citizenry, mainly in municipalities where there are few public spaces” (a comment by congresswoman and president of the Commission of Use of Public Space Gaby Salido, published in the newspaper El Universal1). Park amenities across the 16 boroughs of Mexico City are inequitably distributed against marginalized populations (Fernandez-Alvarez, 2017). This supports conclusions by Segura (2014), that even though many large cities in emerging regions like San Paolo, Mexico City, and Buenos Aires have managed to reduce income inequalities, the urban fragmentation and spatial discrimination persists. In this context, urban gardening is still in its infancy, since subsidized food marketing and the rise of convenience grocery stores offer ready access to food and make buying food, rather than producing it, the most attractive and easy option for most inhabitants. Despite the lack of green open areas in the city, incomplete inventories, and low engagement from the citizens, the city government has placed urban agriculture resolutely on its agenda. FAO reports that between 2007 and 2012, the Secretariat for Rural Development and Equity for Communities invested “…US$ 6 million in 2800 urban agriculture projects – including gardens in homes, housing units and social rehabilitation centers – directly benefiting 15,700 city residents….and launched a program with the boroughs of Alvaro Obregon, Cuauhtemoc, Miguel Hidalgo and Cuajimalpa to introduce greenhouse horticulture on social housing estates (FAO, 2014).” Some notable projects that have sprung from these programs are Romita Urban Demonstration Garden (A on Fig.  7.2; https://huertoromita.mx/) conducting gardening workshops for the public, Iztapalapa, residents’ organizations, such as Raices del Norte (https:// www.facebook.com/RDOMX), focused on small scale horticulture projects (B on

 https://es-us.vida-estilo.yahoo.com/solicitan-inventario-espacios-p%C3%BAblicos-­resguardados-­ 163136709.html 1

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Fig. 7.2), and the Miravalle community assembly in Sierra de Santa Catarina (C on Fig.  7.2; @huertourbanomiravalle) that established gardens using recycled containers, rainwater harvesting, and organic composting. Moreover, the city’s Secretariat for Urban Development and Housing has promoted rooftop hydroponic gardens, while the Secretariat for the Environment has installed beds of succulents on more than 12,300 sq m of rooftops over schools, hospitals, the city’s Natural History Museum, and other civic buildings (FAO, 2014). In 2016, Mexico City enacted and published in the Official Gazette the Law of Urban Gardens. This law provides legal base and support for the creation, maintenance, and protection of urban gardens that are within the city’s jurisdiction; training and support in urban agriculture for the installation, maintenance, and care of urban gardens on request;2 and advocates strongly for the strengthening of the intergenerational involvement of children and adolescents and older adults in the transmission of traditions and contribution of new trends and technologies in agricultural environments. Moreover, the law sets local government objectives to promote the recovery of disused public spaces to create new urban gardens in coordination with the population of the community and according to local needs. In 2020, researchers identified 40 urban collective gardens in the city (Fernandez et al., 2020). While urban agriculture in the inner city is increasing, the metropolitan periphery belonging to other States has seen very little progress in this area. The precarious conditions, long working hours, lack of mobility, the lack of water, poorly planned infrastructure and services, as well as the lack of legislation to support urban agriculture, form completely different conditions in the metropolitan area. Recently, a biologist and member of the collective Iniciativa Edomex Siembra (IEMS) noted: “In the periphery, on the part of the State Government we do not have a law that promotes the creation of urban gardens, nor programs focused on promoting this activity. In the municipalities, those of us who develop these activities are the activists, from self-managed community organization with families”.3 There are few studies on the state of urban agriculture in the Metropolitan Zone of Mexico. In 2019, Moreno-Gaytan et al. published a study focused on the popular citizen organizations farming in the metropolitan that included a survey of 25 woman-producers, members of the XicoKaa’a Comunicaciones A. C. in Valle de Chalco Solidaridad (D in Fig. 7.2) in the eastern periphery. 50% of the gardening identified was evaluated as sustainable, at the same time generating benefits for the community, improving nutritional and economic conditions for dwellers. Thus, the legal framework to support the self-management, nutrition, and economic autonomy of the poorest communities acquires great relevance for this areas. To develop meaningful and context-based strategies for urban gardens that can improve the accessibility of fresh food in the periphery, horizontal networks and collaboration between academia, citizens, and local government is necessary. To

 https://www.sepi.cdmx.gob.mx/secretaria/huertos-urbanos  https://www.archdaily.mx/mx/963873/ciudad-de-mexico-la-segunda-ciudad-con-mas-huertosurbanos-en-latinoamerica 2 3

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test and refine tools for social innovation, we performed various project workshops at the campus of the School of Architecture of Tecnologico de Monterrey, located in the northern municipality of Atizapán de Zaragoza. The students chose different locations, from abandoned parks to junkyards (marked 1, 2 and 3  in Fig. 7.2), to explore existing conditions of green infrastructure, water stress, and social needs. The needs were analyzed using online surveys answered by locals and (non)existing norms for urban developments were discussed with local government. After, drafts and proposals were developed through iterative process of feedbacks from local municipal officers and citizens (Figs. 7.3, 7.4, 7.5 and 7.6). The workshops showed that this type of collaboration is especially valuable to empower marginalized communities and fine-tune government planning proposals. In settings with poorly developed public policy, dominant marginalization, and few resources, students were active agents of social change that set the base of action on social justice. The main challenges we encountered during these workshops were lack of interest or engagement from the community, lack of public policy to facilitate the appropriation and management of public space, and lack of resources. The local government showed interest and gave regular feedback on different designs, however the lack of legal, financial, and management tools to realize them as municipal projects was constantly mentioned. We observed that community self-organization

Fig. 7.3  Exploring green infrastructures in Park Mexico Nuevo (1  in Fig.  7.2); students Ivy Carranza and Sandra Gil

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Fig. 7.4  Strategies for conversion of abandoned municipal junkyard into an urban garden (3 in Fig. 7.2); students Fernando Ortezar and Brayan Rodriguez

Fig. 7.5  Master plan for the conversion of abandoned park Riaders (2 in Fig. 7.2) into an urban orchard; students Aileen Citlali, Mariana Echegaray and Paola Osorio

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Fig. 7.6  Exploration of form and function of an urban orchard in park Riaders (2 in Fig. 7.2); student Vanessa Hernandez

and activism is essential. However, the socio-spatial fragmentation and class divisions in the periphery does not present good conditions for strong community-led projects. Nevertheless, we identified opportunities through educational processes, especially through involvement of primary and secondary level students’ participation, to encourage these activities. We note that incorporating environmental education (eco-pedagogy) activities in  locally accessible open green public spaces as laboratories could set the base for future urban gardening projects in this context.

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7.4 The Formal and Informal Food Environments Although geographical patterns of food production and distribution undoubtedly clarify some aspects of the food security problem, wider integration of contextual urban and socioeconomic factors is necessary. For the most vulnerable living in the urban fringe of emerging cities, informality and precariousness are crucial aspects of their food environment. Holdsworth and Landais (2019) and Gálvez-Espinoza et al. (2018) studied food environments in Africa and Chile, respectively, and identified the importance of lifestyle, social, and community networks, living and working conditions, and cultural factors in eating healthy. Neverthless, the informal aspect of food environments in the Global South is rarely considered or studied. In Mexico, the tianguis – a traditional street market for local produce – persist from pre-Hispanic times (Linares & Bye, 2016) and have resisted the global “retail revolution” that predicted the rapid decline of small-scale retail shops and traditional markets in favor of supermarket chains (Zhong et al., 2020). Recently, several studies that evaluate proximity of food outlets and quality of the food environment in Mexico have emerged in the literature (e.g. Pineda et al., 2021; Reyes-Puente et al., 2022). However, these studies focus mainly on the retail food environment that is composed of fixed markets, convenience stores, and grocery stores, not including the tianguis. Considering that only 6–10% of products sold in supermarkets in Mexico are fresh, unprocessed food (Gonzalez & Capron, 2020), the role of supermarkets in providing a nutritious food environment is somewhat limited. Not considering the tianguis in studies on food environments in cities which have a high degree of informality can skew results on what type of foods are being offered and consumed. Since the tianguis are not fixed features – they can be installed almost anywhere in a short period of time – they play a significant role in improving spatial inequality resulting from lack of planning and provide an adaptive and resilient value crucial for increasingly uncertain times. Most Mexican urban

Fig. 7.7  Tianguis in Gudalajara, steet El Colli. (Taken by authors on October 10, 2022)

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residents and especially lower and middle classes still acquire fresh foods from these street markets that pop-up on the streets once or twice a week (Fig. 7.7). In 2022, we received a seed fund from the Observatory of Cities at Tecnologico de Monterrey to study food environments of Mexico and shed light on the role of the informal street market. We focused on the measures of availability, accessibility, and affordability of fresh food since previous literature found evidence that links those measures with food consumption patterns. We researched the metropolitan areas of Mexico City, Monterrey, Guadalajara, Querétaro, and San Luis Potosí. To compare the different conditions that exist in the inner-city neighborhoods and the peripheral zones, we did field studies in both inner-Mexico City zones and in the peripheral municipality of Atizapán de Zaragoza. Data on locations of street markets was obtained through different sources. For Mexico City, an open database and shapefile with the location of 1367 tianguis was published on the city’s web page on April 28, 2021.4 However, this information only covers the administrative area of the city and not the metropolitan zone. Therefore, we obtained an inventory list of 116 addresses in Atizapán de Zaragoza from the municipality office of Urban Development. After excluding tianguis with less than 10 stalls from the database and eliminating duplicates, we confirmed and georeferenced a total of 46 tianguis in Atizapan de Zaragoza. Additionally, field surveys were performed in randomly selected locations of each city to document the amount, quality, and price of fresh food offered. These surveys were conducted from August to September 2022. The results of this research revealed some striking differences between the city and its periphery regarding availability and affordability of fresh food. In terms of availability of food – calculated as a function of the population served (market presence) and product availability, we found that Mexico City has the best spatial match between distribution of tianguis and population. 71% of the total population of Mexico City lives within walking distance of a tianguis, while in Atizapan this is true for only for 53% of the population. The population served per market or service level was similar, however Mexico City has larger percent of stalls that offer fresh food compared to Atizapán. The results of accessibility based on street network analysis also showed that Mexico City has high accessibility compared to the low accessibility in the periphery. Nevertheless, we found that the fresh food in Atizapán de Zaragoza is the cheapest. This result differs significantly from the formal sector, showing that fresh food sold in the tianguis is significantly cheaper. Moreover, comparing the cost of the street markets with the minimum wage, we find that while in Mexico City you would need to pay 19% of your salary obtaining fresh vegetables and fruits, in Atizapan you would pay 12%. We published some initial results on the interactive platform Tableau in 2022 (Fig. 7.8). We also gathered several short interviews with open ended questions with buyers and sellers in the tianguis. The population for the interviews was chosen randomly

 https://datos.cdmx.gob.mx/dataset/tianguis-de-la-ciudad-de-mexico/resource/d379d65b-1bfd4d6f-bd5c-40503a4948b5 4

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Fig. 7.8  Initial results of the analysis of availability, accessibility, and affordability of fresh food in the tianguis of Mexico, by Maria Jose Perez. (https://public.tableau.com/app/profile/maria.jose. perez.pereda/viz/shared/DP8HT9WTF)

from people who were willing to chat. We acknowledge the fact that the sample is by no means statistically significant, but only illustrative to set the context for discussion of the results and set the course for future research. We asked the buyers the following questions: 1. Do you always buy your food from this tianguis? 2. How often do you buy food from the tianguis? 3. How do you perceive the price and quality of food compared to supermarket food? We asked the sellers: 1. Do you always sell your food in this tianguis? 2. Do you live in the same locality of the tianguis where you sell the food? 3. Do you grow the food you sell? We found that people who were buying food in the tianguis are usually regulars there. They are very aware of the difference in food prices between the tianguis and supermarkets, especially in the periphery. Regarding the perceived food quality, they found no difference between food offered in the tianguis and supermarket food. Regarding food sellers, we also found that the sellers are regulars at the markets, some of them selling food in the same market for years. The sellers in Mexico City were not likely to live in the same inner-city neighborhoods, while the sellers of Atizapán lived in the same municipality. Most of the sellers in Mexico City and in the periphery were not producing the food; they were reselling it. Sellers we talked to in other, smaller cities such as Queretaro and San Luis Potosi were likely to also be the producers of fresh food in small family gardens (less than 1 ha).

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7.5 Planning Nutritious Landscapes of Tomorrow In this work, we aimed to shed light on implications of city planning to food environments that can set a base for better formal planning. Our focus was on the Mexico City Metropolitan Area, which provided a strong test case for food environment conditions in the rapidly developing Global South. We looked at relations between mobility and food consumption, the legal framework that supports fresh food production close to home in the form of urban gardening, and the difference between formal and informal food outlets in the city and its periphery. We found that development patterns and lack of mobility in the city, and especially its peri-urban zones, do not presently provide opportunities for a healthy diet, while processed and ready-­ to-­go food is easy to access. Marginalization and reliance on automobile infrastructure hinder access to healthy food outlets. While Mexico City has set up public policies to support urban agriculture in the city, such legislative framework and support is largely absent in the adjacent metropolitan periphery; a condition that further enhances inequality and precariousness on the urban fringe. Finally, food is more affordable in informal settings and the periphery than in inner-city neighborhoods. This fact, although positive for the vulnerable population living on the fringe, might promote the continuation of the current trend of buying instead of producing food, even though the periphery has more land reserve. Our results have several implications. First, the strong effect of lack of mobility on nutrition is becoming evident and more serious analysis of impacts of mobility on urban health are needed. The need for locally sustainable places and improved service provisions in peri-urban areas is apparent. Second, the current trend of advancing inner-city legislation and service provision while the periphery is left without appropriate public policies and set as a “place for those who couldn’t fit in” is not solving, but only displacing, the problem. While is interesting to see how the city government promotes urban gardens in highly urbanized contexts, the lack of such initiatives in the adjacent peri-urban zones where the land reserves are more abundant and food vulnerability higher is surprising. In fact, the open land and rivers of the northern peri-urban zones are abandoned and significantly contaminated, while the residents eat junk food. The transformation of peri-urban food swamps into nutritious landscapes with an integrated planning approach and public policies that include mobility, education, and social inclusion could be beneficial for the whole metropolitan area. Local production of organic food in peri-urban zones could increase the amount of local food offered in the city markets and potentially lower prices. An integrated, context-specific approach in city planning that can compensate the gap and inequality in fresh food access between inner city and peri-­ urban zones is urgently needed. Acknowledgments  We appreciate the information provided by the municipality Atizapán de Zaragoza, and the students of Tecnológico de Monterrey’s School of Architecture, campus State of Mexico, who helped collecting data and designing the future urban gardens. Conflicts of Interest  The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

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Funding  This research was funded by the City Observatory of Tecnologico de Monterrey’s School of Architecture, Art and Design.

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Chapter 8

How Big Is the Farm? Trailing the Externalities and Internalities of Industrialised Farming and Urban Agriculture Seán Cullen, Greg Keeffe

, and Emma Campbell

Abstract  This chapter compares the externalities and internalities of industrial farming and urban agriculture. Contemporary farming practices are contingent on global processes, supply chains and labour. By following and interrogating the example of modern broiler farming, the chapter highlights the exploitation of natural resources and ecosystems upstream and downstream from the poultry house, evidencing wide-ranging negative externalities and few positive internalities. The long- and short-term effects are often obscured from the consumer, processor, or farmer, as they often take place in distant landscapes and the effects are never truly reflected in product prices. The purpose of this approach is to ask what one considers the size of the farm to be. Is it simply the spatial territory in which we grow food, or does it require a broader definition that considers social, cultural and environmental impacts on third-parties or on society at large? In contrast, urban agriculture is an enabling agent that measures its success on being socially and culturally effective, rather than deducing the problem to economic and resource efficiency. Urban agriculture offers new opportunities for education, health and wellbeing that enhance long-term prosperity and fosters meaningful relationships with food. The paper argues that the emergence and uptake of urban agriculture will rely on how we measure the effect of food and what we consider a true cost or benefit to be. Keywords  Industrialised farming · Externalities · Internalities · Poultry farming · Anonymity · Extraction · Operational energy · Embodied carbon · Effective

S. Cullen · G. Keeffe · E. Campbell (*) School of Natural and Built Environment, Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_8

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8.1 Introduction When we visit a supermarket, shop, restaurant, or takeaway, we are absorbed by the prospect of what lies ahead, just ahead; the taste, the smell, and the enjoyment of what is to come. Rarely, do we stop and consider the past, the journey; where the food has come from, how it got here, how it was grown and by whom, and the time all it has taken to arrive at this very moment. Nor do we often consider the period beyond the meal itself, beyond the clean-up. This transactional relationship with our food veils a complex web of systems, processes and places that are ambiguous and emblematic of industrialized farming. They have profound implications to wider society, future generations and to our planet. Take, for example, the water needed to grow the food we eat in one day, approximately 4,270 liters for an average U.K. diet. An Ulster fry – a breakfast consisting of tomatoes, eggs, bacon, sausages, mushrooms, and bread – requires 1,190 liters of water to produce a single fry (Flood & Strum, 2021). In contrast, a vegetarian alternative only needs approximately half that amount, 615 liters (Fig. 8.1). Our modern food systems exploit our disconnected relationship with the places our food is grown, processed, transported, packaged, and stored. Urban agriculture offers a counterpoint to these obscure processes, allowing food to be grown in the places we occupy daily  – on our streets, within our green spaces, on our

Fig. 8.1  Water required to grow the food for the average UK diet (left) and water required to grow the produce in an Ulster fry and vegetarian alternative (right). (Source: QUB Public CoLab 2019 – Flood & Strum, 2021)

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supermarkets and inside our homes. It allows us to become aware of the fact that the food we eat has a cause and effect on our environment, ecology, and economies. The inputs and outputs become tangible and, with that, an appreciation for the speed at which our food grows, who is involved and the effort it takes. This chapter argues why urban agriculture is coming of age not because we want it to, but because it is obvious that it is better for others, for our environment and planet, and it is better for us. It will unpack the externalities of industrialized farming by using the specific case of poultry. Furthermore, the chapter will also examine what chickens used to mean to us, culturally and economically, and how we once saw them as key parts of our lifestyles. These offer contrasting visions for the future of how we grow and eat food that asks us to situate ourselves on a diverse spectrum of ethical, moral, and environmental values. This qualitative, discursive method will extract and explore the people, places, and processes of our current, industrialized food systems, but also the capabilities that urban agriculture affords. It will explore the benign interfaces that we engage with in the city that strip out the controversies that belie the industrialized system. While it is not exhaustive in its analysis and critique, it asks us, as citizens and consumers, to question where we define the boundaries of the farm in our own minds – the farm, not as a physical space, but as a moral, ethical, economic, and environmental territory. The answer is not simple to solve, nor is it homogenous or conclusive; rather, it is personal and peripatetic.

8.2 The Effect on Others; the Effects on Us: What Are Externalities and Internalities? Our daily decisions have cause and effect – food is no different. When we choose to buy a chicken in the supermarket, we facilitate externalities and internalities. Externalities are the effects on parties who are not directly involved in the production or consumption of a good or service (Helbling, 2010). The effects can be positive or negative for the third party or society at large. However, these impacts do not have a bearing on the price paid for by a consumer or on the costs borne by the producer. In effect, the impact of any decision is displaced, and the effect can be immediate or long-term. Negative externalities often highlight the costs borne by our natural ecosystems – for example, soils, flora, fauna, oceans, and waterways. These are costs that are often ignored and it is society that suffers and future generations who will likely have to shoulder the most significant implications. This highlights our failure to account for the depletion, or displacement, of environmental resources – for example, phosphorous. These effects are not measured or used to dictate the price we pay for our vegetables or grain. Rather is it the materials inputs or flows that dictate cost. New research and policy highlight the need to ‘internalize’ externalities – that is, the cost (in holistic terms) of producing food should be reflected in the price paid for by

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a consumer (Eidelwein et  al., 2018; European Environment Agency, 2023). Alternatively, we create and support new ways in which we grow food or engage in lifestyles that remediate the negative effects by ‘nudging’ consumption that supports positive internalities. Internalities are the effects created on us, as consumers, when we buy a good or a service. They can be positive – for example, buying a bicycle to commute to work every day, becoming fitter and healthier over time  – or negative  – for example, smoking a packet of cigarettes every day, detrimentally affecting our lung health – and, often, are long-term. Positive internalities are time and convenience when considering them in the context of our global, industrialized food systems. Convenience has been a marketing tool to sell pre-packaged or readymade meals that seemly enables internalities in other aspects of our lives to become possible. For example, it expedites the cooking process, saving us ‘valuable’ time and simplifying our food choices, allowing us to spend more time with our families or friends. Finding negative internalities is far easier.  Convenience can also be a negative internality; we become passive consumers, not aware of the origins and sources of the constituent parts of our roast chicken dinner – mash, peas and carrots included. Artificial ingredients of processed foods bring with it a range of health-related issues, not least diabetes and obesity; more fats, sugars and salt; more preserving additives. These present major, long-term detrimental health effects to ourselves as the consumer. This type of food also comes with many negative externalities at the same time, notably more plastic packaging, and thereby material waste. Our food system requires fewer negative and more positive externalities and internalities; instances of where we see tangible benefits to our ecosystems, lifestyles, and environment. Tipping this balance is not possible in our globalized food system. Research, policy, and discourse on externalities of farming are widely documented (Balmford et al., 2018). Modern agriculture is not homogenous, and therefore alternative forms of practice make understanding externalities highly contextual and nuanced. It also makes it very challenging. Therefore, the story of poultry acts as an example of how our relationship with the chicken has evolved from a backyard scrapper to protein pumped bird breeds that grow fast. Industrialization of poultry farming highlights the displacement of externalities and the drive for efficiency.

8.3 From Backyard Scrapper to Protein Primed Poultry Historically, the chicken has played a vital role at dealing with the externalities of the home in a positive way. It once was a key agent in dealing with waste from the food we cooked at home - the potato peels from dinner; the unwanted scraps; or the corn kernels discarded in the wind during harvest. In return for these vital sources of food, the chickens would supply an egg every day or two. They lived in simple lean-to timber structures and were able to freely roam the yard, supplying vital nutrients for the farms soil via their excrement. In this rich soil, we would plant our

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crops, which, in turn, supplied more feed for the hens the next season through scraps or leftovers. This symbiotic relationship between animal, human and landscape highlights the mutual benefits for all. Within these close relationships multiple positive externalities support and reinforce continued cooperation, embedding circular processes at a scale that is tangible and direct. If you were to ever eat the chicken, it would require you to do the deed – saying goodbye to the backyard friend; a sobering and somber experience that is never forgotten by those who have acted as executioner.

8.3.1 Externalities of Industrialized Farming: The Factory Chicken In contrast, the sanitized breast meat we are presented with in shops and supermarkets today does not allude to anything beyond the plastic packaging – certainly not a life. Furthermore, these sealed and sanitized versions are available whenever we want. In the last fifty years, there has been a 300% increase in the amount of meat produced globally (Ritchie et al., 2019). The emergence of factory farming, particularly of livestock, is embodied through the industrialization of the broiler chicken. There were projected to be 73.79 billion chickens slaughtered in 2021 alone, up from 6.58 billion in 1961. This is forty-seven times the number of pigs, the next most slaughtered animal each year globally, at 1.51 billion (Ritchie et  al., 2019). Poultry is widely perceived to be a major Anthropogenic signifier and visualized so vividly by artists Våglund and Fidjeland in the Pink Chicken Project (Bennett et  al., 2018). With industrialization, the effects of the farm and food have been moved to distant and remote places. This locates externalities away from the consumer, reinforcing the disconnection and blurring the cause and affect associated with our choices. Furthermore, these landscapes are often in even more climatically vulnerable locations or in places of ecological or biodiversity importance. Several factors have enabled this form of industrialized production; including the ability to move vast quantities of grain long distances on ships, the increasing size of broiler houses, the genetic breeding of chickens and the emergence of waste as a point source. To understand the externalities of production in the industrial poultry sector, the broiler house acts as the node; it is an acupuncture point that enables one to grapple with the complexity of global, poultry operations. Its construction and the operational inputs and outputs reflect the far-reaching effects it has ‘upstream’ and ‘downstream’ from the farm and, therefore, allows for an appreciation of the externalities. Shifting this lens from the dinner plate to the farm, aims to highlight that the food we eat has broader impacts beyond the farm gate. This level down unveils the types of externalities created by this process that are not immediately apparent when a roast chicken is bought in a supermarket.

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At a macro level, the major inputs to the shed are for: (1) heating – either from natural gas or biomass; (2) electricity for lighting, ventilation, and pumps; (3) drinking water; (4) feed; (5) litter for bedding, normally sawdust; and, (6) the materials for constructing the house. The major outputs include: (1) greenhouse gasses  – notably carbon dioxide, methane, and ammonia; (2)  waste heat; (3) waste  litter, including bird excrement; and, (4) the building elements at the end of life (Fig. 8.2). Historically the poultry house has been a simple lean-to structure that could accommodate approximately a dozen birds. However, the evolution and industrialization of poultry has seen contemporary sheds house as many as 34,500 birds at any one time (Campbell et al., 2023). A typical house averages 6.8 growth cycles every year. This equates to 234,600 birds grown in one house in one year. To enable this, a standard broiler house requires 434,400 kWh to heat a conventional house. The energy used to heat the broiler house is a significant input, particularly in the U.K. climate. For the first week the chicks spend in the house, the temperature is kept at roughly 32 °C, reducing each week thereafter until it reaches approximately 20 °C. If a house uses biomass – say wood chips – for heating, this roughly converts to the emission of 6,500 kg CO2e per annum, assuming wood pellets produce 15 g CO2e per kWh (Campbell et al., 2023). Furthermore, the house uses electricity for lighting and ventilation as the windows are small, thereby reducing air flow and natural light to the space. Annual electricity use for a conventional house in the U.K. is approximately 34,000 kWh. Assuming a grid mix of 0.339 g CO2e per kWh, the grid mix for Northern Ireland, this is equivalent to emissions of 1,500 kg CO2e per annum (DAERA, 2022; ten Caat et al., 2022). However, the most significant

Fig. 8.2  Inputs, outputs and environmental conditions of a conventional broiler house. (Source: Authors)

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input to the operation of the broiler house is the feed. The growing, processing and transportation of feed accounts for approximately 72% of global warming potential from broiler poultry irrespective of it being a standard, free range, or organic system (CIEL, 2020). Of the total feed burdens in standard systems, wheat (41.9%) and soy (28.3%) account for the most substantial input. Assuming each bird eats 2.16 kg of feed in its full growth cycle, this is equivalent to 108,800 kg of feed required per house each year. Therefore, each house in the U.K. requires a 33 ha farm - often sited in Argentina, Brazil or Ukraine - to grow soy for it alone. The embodied carbon of the materials used to construct the house is approximately 57,000 kg CO2e. The constituent materials are structural steel (24,924 kg CO2e, or 43.7%), glass (178  kg CO2e, or 0.3%), structurally insulated panels (15,884 kg CO2e, or 27.9%), rockwool insulation (4005 kg CO2e, or 7%) and concrete (12,009 kg CO2e, or 21.1%). With none of the materials easy or feasible to reuse, the house represents a linear material waste-stream. Poultry litter is defined as: “a mixture of bedding material and poultry manure arising from the housing of poultry with a dry matter content not less than 55%” (DAERA, 2014). It also consists of feathers, broken eggs and remaining poultry feed (Foy et al., 2014). For every 1,000 chicken broilers, 65 kg of poultry litter is produced each day (Augustyńska-Prejsnar et al., 2018). In June 2020, there were 15.36 million poultry in Northern Ireland (DAERA, 2021). Therefore, Northern Ireland produces approximately 365,000 tons of poultry litter each year. Currently, broiler litter in N.I. is managed in four ways: land spreading (31% of volume); anaerobic digestion (51% of volume); mushroom compost (~10% of volume); incineration (~8% of volume). The inputs and outputs if the house have a notable environmental burden. It requires 4,410  kg CO2e to produce 1,000  kg of edible poultry meat in standard broiler systems – a highly industrial process (Leinonen et al., 2012). However, the negative effects on waterways and air quality are never reflected in prices consumers pay. In some cases, the negative externalities are immediate while others take time; some happen close to the consumer, others happen close to the producer – with many others in between.

8.3.2 Upstream Production Externalities Most of the obvious externalities of contemporary broiler production comes from the feed, and hence why it is one of the thorniest issues for policymakers and governments to deal with. Much of the grain moved for animal feed into N.I. comes from Ukraine and Argentina (NIGTA, 2020). This emphasizes the global nature of the logistics operation but also the infrastructures and agents that facilitate this process.

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8.3.2.1  Destruction of Natural Ecosystems and Landscapes Since 1988, 481,843 km2 of Brazilian rainforest has been cleared, an area similar in size to the country of Spain (TerraBrasilis, 2023). In many cases, this land use change has occurred for the purposes of livestock or soy farming (Watts et  al., 2020). This transformation has seen the Amazon now emit more CO2 thank it absorbs (Gatti et  al., 2021). Satellites now monitor the Anthropogenic changes, visualizing the ‘operationalization’ of natural ecosystems that were once unscathed because of their remoteness (Fig. 8.3). These interventions in the landscape are difficult to stop let alone undo and are emblematic of contemporary food systems that are global and accelerating biodiversity and ecological loss. The infrastructure and places that are enabling it are normalizing it and accelerating it. Grain mills and ports in South America are critical infrastructural nodes of global grain supply chains. For example, Rosario and Timbúes, situated along the Parana River, are now key gateways to the South Cone region in Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay. The region contributes 20% of global soybean production and is now well connected via waterways and road. Large grain suppliers in this region distribute grain to the U.K. for animal feed (COFCO, 2021). These major importers then distribute to regional ports for sending to local suppliers and, ultimately, farmers. Global phosphorous (im)balance In recent years, the major shift in Phosphorous (P) balance around the planet has been a notable debate because of the accelerated global market of animal feed. A major focus has been closing Prosperous cycles to reuse this valuable and limited supply. The reasons are twofold: (1) to reduce the vulnerability to global supplies and prices of P; and, (2) reduce the build-up of P in soils and waterways beyond growing needs and the capacity of natural ecosystems. N.I. has increased P surplus

Fig. 8.3  Yurimagus, Peru on 29 June 2001 (left) and 10 July 2019 (right). (Source: NASA Earth Observatory)

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in soils from 8.8 kg P ha−1 in 2008 to 12.3 kg P ha−1 in 2017 (Doody et al., 2020). In 2017, according to NI Substance Flow Analysis (SFA), N.I. imports far more P each year than it exports – through animal feed, fertilizers, live animals and manure – resulting in a system surplus of 10,300 tonnes. The result is a P efficiency of 38%, an indicator of dominance of livestock in the N.I. food system (Doody et al., 2020) as it is less efficient at converting P than crop-­ based agriculture (Meston et al., 2012). 64% of all P imported into NI is in animal feed. Doody et al. (2020) highlight the poultry sector as having a P efficiency of 35%. Loading of soils is a major environmental problem as run-off into water bodies can cause damage water quality. Livestock manure is the largest P flow in the NI food system and if the waste management sector was able to effectively recycle the 3,750 tonnes of P, it could meet 22% of crop and grassland P demand for NI and reduce 88% of fertilizer imports (Doody et al., 2020). Replacement of inorganic fertilizer through valorisation processes will substantially reduce P surplus in N.I and reduce the need for importation. Poultry litter is a valuable P source. This report examines technologies and processes for recycling P, either through biofertilizer or through animal feed alternatives. Connecting People and Economies to New Opportunities These long supply chains bring some positive externalities, but also significant negative externalities. For example, remote towns and villages previously disconnected socially and culturally are now integrated with new economies and supply chains. These enable economic development, creating new industries, forms of employment and business opportunities for communities and residents. For example, furniture deliveries are not possible along major rivers in the Amazon (Economist, 2020). Knowledge and education are shared in both directions, creating new lifestyles and opportunities for people. Despite this, economic benefits are often touted and praised at the expense of the environment. The negative externalities fall on flora and fauna to whom little social, political, or economic capital is attributed. The direction and speed of travel is accelerating and transformational. According to TerraBrasilis, deforestation in Brazil in 2021 covered 13,038 km2, up from 4,571 km2 in 2012 (TerraBrasilis, 2023). Much of this deforestation is linked to large conglomerates involved in meat production, with murky corporate structures involved in soy farming on deforested land (Phillips et  al., 2019; Murphy et  al., 2012). In many cases, the negative effects are felt by our natural ecosystems and the positive effects are societal.

8.3.3 Downstream Production Externalities Effects of Litter Management Each litter management process creates significant environmental challenges. For example, ammonia emissions associated with land spreading. In 2018, it was

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estimated N.I. emitted 32 kt of ammonia, 91% of which came from agriculture, of which, 35% came from manure applied to soils. It is estimated that 20% of N.I. ammonia emissions are from the pig and poultry sector (DEFRA, 2020; DAERA, 2020). Another consequence is that the spread of fresh poultry litter on land can release nitrous oxide (N2O), a potent greenhouse gas (GHG), as well as the effect on human and animal health through contamination of pathogens that might be present in the poultry litter (O’Connor et al., 2021). Applying excessive amounts of poultry litter as a fertiliser can cause nutrient build-ups in soil, particularly nitrogen (N) and phosphorous (P), thereby increasing the possibility of nutrient runoff, thus, threatening aquatic wildlife (Nusselder et al., 2020). Years of land spreading from livestock farms in N.I. has resulted in excess nutrient build up in soils, beyond what grass or crops are able to absorb (Rothwell et al., 2020). Furthermore, in the U.K., ammonia from farms is now believed to account for approximately 60% of tiny particulate matter, PM2.5, in cities. The particles are the deadliest form of air pollution and costs approximately £8 billion in health damages each year (Kelly et al., 2023). Land spreading also results in significant run-off into natural waterways, significantly affecting their ecosystems through Eutrophication. For example, of the 450 rivers in N.I., none achieved a good or high health level status in 2021. Run offs into the natural waterways because of land spreading come despite tight legislation aimed at closely monitoring when and how farms spread litter. Antibiotics + human and bird health. Human health suffers in other ways too. The overuse of antibiotics on livestock is widely considered to build up bacterial resistance. Some bacteria, including certain E Coli strains, have been found to have developed resistance genes for the immune systems of animals, but also humans (Jangir et al., 2023). The widespread and indiscriminate use of antibiotics, often as an additive to feed, has long-term consequences for human health and medicine. The pursuit of disease resistant birds is not limited to the use of antibiotics either. Genetic breeding of chickens has evolved to speed up growth, particularly for certain parts of the bird, and with the sole aim of increasing profitability. More recently, birds have been genetically modified to be resistant to Avian Influence – bird flu. The gene editing of these animals has resulted in limited breeds of bird (Fig. 8.4). The welfare issues – beyond the straining caused by the environmental stresses of the spaces they inhabit – that result from genetic breeding are that some birds are unable to move because of their size, nor can they eat or feed. The cost to the welfare of the bird and the population is significant, arguably the greatest negative externality of industrialized poultry farming.

8.4 Anonymity and Extraction The anonymity of these sheds in our landscapes does not give any hints to the scale and reach of the farming operation (Fig. 8.5). They sit as discreet agriculture sheds that are vacuums of energy and resources. Hiding in plain sight, they fane to be

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Fig. 8.4  The genetic modification of the chicken, Cobb. (Source: Cobb)

Fig. 8.5  The anonymity of a broiler shed in the Northern Irish landscape. (Source: Google StreetView – A1 Newry Road)

something they are not! Eschewing the architectural language of the farm – a shed – it masks the systematic operation that can only thrive by making our environment pay the cost. Examples of ‘agro-extractionism’ are emerging in many parts of the world. They rely on conditions of anonymity delivered in various guises. One of the most striking in the use of major natural aquafers and the Colorado River in California to grow alfalfa (Markham, 2019). The crop is ultimately exported to Saudi Arabia for cattle feed. Ambiguous business structures and ownership models give anonymity to a practice that enables the ‘exportation’ of the water footprint

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from a predominantly dry country to another territory that is equally as perilous. Another notable example is taking place in Western Sahara. Tomatoes destined for European supermarkets are coming from the territory that are grown illegally by Moroccan farmers (WSRW, 2022). When tomatoes are purchased in the U.K. from Morocco, the externalities are twofold: one, it exploits precious and limited freshwater reserves for citizens of Western Sahara; and two, it enables illegal settlement which creates major political instability. Displacement of effect ensures that the citizen – as consumer – must be motivated and interested in understanding the externalities. Cognitive dissonance is a friend of the industrialised farmer.

8.5 Negative to Positive: Externalities and Internalities of Urban Agriculture 8.5.1 Positive Externalities of Urban Agriculture While the negative externalities of industrialized farming are multiple, familiar, and apparent, urban agriculture’s positive externalities offer effective solutions to unique urban challenges in the Anthropocene. Ecosystem Services In a rapidly urbanizing world, cities are increasing focused on population density and economic intensity. However, urban agriculture has the potential to offer wide ranging ecosystem services to cities. Soil based, outdoor urban agriculture can greatly benefit pollinators, reduce water run-off, mitigate against the urban heat island effect, and enable phytoremediation. These are vital functions to a sustainable and ecological city that balances urban developments with contingent green space. Land use of this type can also function as a spatial chess piece, allowing the retention of open, green space for public benefit over private, built development. These tensions are seen in places where informal agriculture has blossomed at the margins. An example of this is seen in Harare, Zimbabwe. Wetlands, or vleis, along major rivers and tributaries have been marginal land for built development. They were primarily protected spaces zoned as such, primarily because of flood risk. Informally, they are growing spaces for the urban poor – a vital source of food. Their role for wider society could equally been seen as custodians of the city’s aquafers. The land enables replenishment of watertables and ensured a saturated landscape. In recent years, these marginal lands have been built upon, formally and informally. Now, the city suffers frequent droughts with limited natural water reservoirs to turn to. The wider benefits provided by these urban growers is critical to the broader water security of the city but also to the flora and fauna that inhabit the vlies. Synergetic Economic Opportunities Bring the work to where the people want to live! The age of farmers in the global North is increasing  - in the U.K. the average farmer is 59 years old. Younger

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generations are increasingly attracted to cities where they can engage with the knowledge and services economies. Limited human resources on farms sees huge challenges for harvesting produce in the way we traditionally do it. The solution often touted is automation of these processes however, this removes people from the process to an even greater extent. Urban agriculture brings employment and new economic opportunities to cities. These come about because the food economy is multi-­faceted – from growing, to cooking, to delivering and cleaning. This has the potential to increase economic intensity in cities, particularly in low-density, economically inactive neighborhoods because there is space to grow food and support residents by providing free food or better paying employment. These positive economic relationships and enterprises also emerge in the processes of production. The by-products of growing food in a city can be used in a synergetic way. For example, heating homes from excess or waste heat from greenhouses (Fig. 8.6). Residents benefit from proximity to a heat source that would otherwise dispose of it. These symbiotic relationships have the potential to radically reshape the operation and functioning of cities where third parties benefit greatly because of how close they are to the spaces in which food is grown.

8.5.2 Leveraging Internalities The historic way of engaging with the chicken and how we understood its role in our food systems exemplifies what urban agriculture can offer us in the future. It integrates biotic processes and systems in a meaningful way that cultivates respect

Fig. 8.6  Mapping the spaces, processes, flows and employment opportunities for an urban farm in East Belfast. (Source: Authors)

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and responsibility for where and how our food is grown. It ensures that any negative externalities of our food growing processes are closer to home and, therefore, more apparent to the consumer. However, urban agriculture offers a far more compelling narrative, one that leverages positive internalities created when food is grown in our neighborhoods and constantly present in our daily lives. Environmental Education Urban agriculture, in its various guises, requires one to meaningfully engage in how, when and where food grows. Depending on the approach to growing a differing set of skills, expertise and knowledge is required. For example, a technical food system, like aquaponics, requires knowledge on nitrate flows, fish stocking and water quality monitoring. The operation and maintenance manual for an urban farm built in Salford, the Biospheric Project, was 88 pages in length, detailing the daily, weekly, and seasonal tasks and checks – and this is for one farm alone, unique in design (Fig. 8.7). On the other hand, soil-based growing, for example in raised beds, needs one to be aware what crops to plant and when, how to harvest and how to enhance and protect soil quality. In both cases, it requires people with the appropriate skills and expertise who can share and democratize their knowledge. As such, food becomes a vehicle for education. The internalities in consuming the basil or tomato grown in your neighborhood has enriched you physically but also intellectually. Over a meal these stories are shared with friends and family who are far removed from the process, thereby offering positive externalities. Physical and Mental Health While the number of tomatoes or basil leaves you may grow in the community raised beds may be modest, what it does afford is for tangible benefits to your own mental and physical health when you take part in growing. The physical toughness of farming keeps the body active; engaging with other people, keeps the spirit

Fig. 8.7  The Biospheric Project, Salford (2013), an aquaponic urban farm with fish tanks and window growers on first floor (left) and nutrient film tray system in polytunnel on roof (right). (Source: Authors)

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rejuvenated – although sometimes exasperated too! One of the avenues in for people to this type of activity is through social prescribing, a way of refereeing people who are lonely, isolated or suffer from mental and physical ill health to community services. Urban farming allows participants to engage in activities that do not address their challenges directly but do so through a collective activity and effort. The Department of Health & Social Care in England (2023) and local community-led organizations are increasingly using food growing – typically soil-based planting – and access to nature as ways to tackle mental and physical deficits in certain areas or for certain groups of people. The consumption of fresh produce that is grown does not need to be massive in scale, but the positive internalities associated with connectedness to nature and people are meaningful and enduring. Urban agriculture reinforces a holistic way of engaging with food. It requires us – citizens – to prioritize effectiveness over efficiency. What industrialized processes do well is mechanize, systematize, and standardize, with an emphasis on the bottom line – how to reduce the cost of production, provide some degree of certainty and speed. In limited cases, they also aim to reduce the environmental burden at the same time – quantified to an inch of its life. Industrialized farming achieves this by designing out people and planet. Mechanization reduces the need for farm workers; plant-factories with artificial lighting remove any notion of season; artificial fertilizers replace vital nutrients once provided through permaculture.

8.6 Conclusion: How Big Is Your Farm? These issues question where we define the edge of our farm and where we require the impact of these externalities to land – morally, mentally, and environmentally. What urban agriculture argues for in a closer connection between cause and effect which makes tangible the impact we have on our ecosystems and planet. What we argue here is for externalities to be apparent in the food we eat. Without changing the status quo, which prioritizes efficiency, we undermine our environment. The planet shoulders most of the negative externalities associated with contemporary industrialized farming. However, it will not be a ‘stick’ that will see urban agriculture reach maturity, it will be the carrot. The internalities afforded by urban agriculture are the way in which it’s uptake will rely  – the carrot. These internalities represent an appreciation for urban agriculture as effective. It will be measured qualitatively, not quantitatively. Socially it will bring people together. Culturally it will enable a new relationship with the way food is grown, its locality and seasonality. Spatially it will give new life to cities by activating streets and buildings that require new urban functions (Fig. 8.8).

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Fig. 8.8  Maddening murals to food facades: the integration of new street and building functions through urban agriculture. (Source: Authors)

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Chapter 9

Migrant Edible Gardens Mirjana Lozanovska

and Ha Minh Hai Thai

Abstract  Australian residents love gardening. They transform unattractive spaces into edible gardens and harvest organic foods and ways to improve their quality of life and enhance place attachment. This chapter examines a wide range of edible gardens established by immigrants in metropolitan Melbourne, from home backyards to vacant land lots, underutilized cul-de-sacs and odd corners in school playgrounds. It reveals the positive meaning of such labor-intensive activities on these opportunistic, sometimes guerrilla migrant gardeners, who come from various backgrounds but share common desires to establish a sense of home in Australia. Keywords  Migrant · Edible · Backyard · Guerrilla · Garden

9.1 Introduction In a survey of 1390 households in Australia in 2014, Wise (2014) discovered that approx. 52% are growing some of their food at home or in a shared garden, and about 13% intend to do so. Despite such optimistic findings, the high level of urbanization and the intensification of inner suburbs in Melbourne lead to a disconnection between people and their food production (Lennon, 2020). Immediate consequences include a loss of respect for food, an increase in food waste, a less healthy diet, and little support for rural food-growing communities that occasionally suffer from bush fire, drought, or floods. Since the 1960s urban sprawl in Australia is characterized by low-density suburbs criticized for the associated unsustainable lifestyles dependent on cars, a vast monotonous landscape (Boyd, 1960), the escalated scale of consumption and waste M. Lozanovska (*) Northcote, VIC, Australia e-mail: [email protected] H. M. H. Thai West Melbourne, VIC, Australia © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_9

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(Trubka et al., 2010), a cultural vacuum inherent in suburban lifestyle (Sandercock, 1998), and consequential depression. While the morphology of these suburbs  empty, wide streets, large land plots, and low-rise detached houses - are unlikely to disappear, their impact on future urban development models are critical to sustainable development debates (Lozanovska, 2014). With a focus on edible green space in the suburbs of Melbourne, this chapter firstly examines precedents of migrant gardens from the 1960s and uncovers the potential contribution of such suburbs to a sustainable urban future. Secondly, the chapter discusses newer garden spatialities through the lens of food security, social inclusiveness, and mental health. It examines the cultivation of food as ‘edible spaces’ made by and for migrants. Teasing out narrative threads between urban culture, home culture and agriculture, this chapter draws on an in-depth study of the edible gardens in migrant houses, guerrilla gardens in the alleyway and formal community gardens in underutilized land allotments or public spaces. It discusses these edible spaces as a model of urban agriculture that may provide current experiments with a precedent, discussing the limits, challenges, transitions, and potential. Food has perhaps become the most important question of our era (Armanda et al., 2019; FAO et al., 2022). What value or impact does urban agriculture have in the current hysteria around food, and how does the migrant edible garden relate to this? The poor have been feeding themselves in resourceful ways for centuries, and many still do in most parts of the world. One concern of an increasingly urbanized world is how and who is going to feed the escalation of people living in the cities? Added to this is a hypothetical question: Can such an approach be envisaged on a grand scale of a city? Figures have shown that 1 m2 of urban land can yield 50 kg of fruit and vegetable per year (Eigenbrod & Gruda, 2015). Thus, to achieve the basic daily need for 300 g of vegetables per capita per day (Badami & Ramankutty, 2015), each family needs 6–9  m2 hypothetically. Other calculations estimate that urban farming would provide 15–20% of the city’s vegetable needs (Altieri, 2019). What about the other 80%? Statistics are confronting, even if always to be questioned. These statistics highlight the unacknowledged dependence that the city has on the village and on rural agriculture. The city of Melbourne and Australia’s nation-building campaigns depended on mass immigration, which in turn, along with post-war industrialization, facilitated the exodus of inhabitants from thousands of rural villages from many parts of the world. Villages providing food to cities, like many nations dominated by rural economies, became ‘underdeveloped’, and many turned into ghostly shadows of their former identities (Berger & Mohr, 1975). Immigrants, arriving in cities that were often hostile, exclusive, and discriminatory, established gardens even if they had not lived in a rural village (Armstrong, 2004; Lozanovska, 2004). A parallel contradiction evolved as the rural village eroded. In the processes of settlement in a new country, migrants adapted existing workers cottages, lived in boarding houses, shared houses, or flats. For many, their lives were dominated by hardships, struggles, and efforts to navigate new systems, languages, and urban environments. In these unsettled contexts, food – its sensory familiarity as aroma, as taste, as cuisine – grew into an ontological nostalgia, a nostalgia interfaced with an existential sense of

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being. Edible gardens of various sizes and characters were established. Various flows of migrants grow vegetables, fruit trees, herbs, and sometimes, raise chickens, rabbits, and pigeons. For many, their home  – whether this was a house, a neighborhood, or the local park, creek embankment, railway line land strip – were the interstitial sites for potential cultivation. As migrants settled within proximity of one another in the suburbs, their houses were adapted into socially dynamic and edible spaces, contrasting an existing Australian suburban atmosphere of garages, introverted houses, empty streets. A more recent wave of migrants after 2000s moving toward suburbs in Melbourne that had previously been inhabited by southern European immigrants, now inner-city suburbs, has been a catalyst for the creation of various private or community gardens, observable in the public domain. These gardens play a critical role in allowing unprivileged migrant communities to gain confidence, establish new communities, and gradually integrate into the host society. Information about seeds and fertilizer is disseminated through community networks, and the urban migrant gardens are prolific in the growth of vegetables. Studies have shown that self-­ growing food is a way of establishing a sense of home and belonging that can counter hostility and lack of agency (Armstrong, 2001; Head et al., 2004). Growing food is a way of providing a nurturing environment (Graham & Connell, 2006) for those that cultivate, as well as those that consume. While rural agriculture has sustained and continues to sustain the city and its inhabitants, in recent history, the city has disavowed its dependence on the village and agriculture. And yet we know the relationship between the city and agriculture is conceptually interwoven rather than distant or oppositional as is often portrayed in urban discourse. The city develops as a model of settlement only because a stable supply of food is assured historically from agricultural fields on the edge of the city (Mumford, 1961). Urban agriculture recognizes that food is important, and the city can no longer take this dependent relationship on rural areas for granted (Thomas, 2002a, b). It addresses the need for growing food but does not alleviate the need for rural agriculture.

9.2 Edible Backyards The architecture of the home is predominantly discussed as a space of consumption (Maudlin & Vellinga, 2014). In contrast to this phenomenon, descriptions of the migrant house present the home as a site of production (Armstrong, 2001; Lozanovska, 2004). Armstrong, amongst others, has elaborated on the productive nature of immigrants’ gardens in addition to their ornamental and complementary relation to the house. An edible backyard might be called an ‘eco-object’ through which practices of sustainability and ecology are interwoven with social and cultural orientations imported from the migrants’ homelands. It exemplifies how ecology interacts with architecture and physical buildings, and the ‘migrant house’ goes against the dominant representation that the suburban house is quintessentially a

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site of consumption. However, there have been very little investigations into the ways that this operates. In the migrant houses, a series of outdoor and semi-outdoor spaces produce a complexity of inside-outside relations and make possible different lifestyles. Suburban migrant houses are integral to a suburban pattern of settlement comprising detached houses on land subdivided of almost equal plots monotonously inscribed over the landscape. The migrant houses built in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, like non-migrant houses, have quite large back and front yards. Gardens have been a critical element in the cultivation of the landscape of Australia. Perceptions of the Australian landscape oscillate between an attitude of fearing and wanting to take control of its perceived hostility and an attitude that this land should not be inhabited and left in its ‘Eden’ wilderness (Seddon, 1998). Both these disavow firstly British colonization and the White Australia policy following the Gold Rush, and secondly large flows of non-British immigration. Cultivating the land through gardening with a strong and symbolic British reference was integral to the process of colonization (Holmes et  al., 2008). Colonization involved both ornamental and food growing gardens. Very little is known of the food growing and cooking operations of the non-­ British that remained in Australia following the deportations resulting from the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901. Australia’s post-war mass immigration campaign totally reoriented the nation and resulted in a culturally diverse society. The appearance of vegetables, fruit trees, outdoor cooking and food-processing facilities introduced a different relationship between the house, nature/landscape, and urbanism. Distinct from the land title history of the colonial homestead, the migrant house is inserted into existing suburban subdivision patterns. In this context, the migrant house, and the land on which the house is located produced spaces of growth, production, difference, and use. The migrant house and its edible gardens are creative and innovative, but undervalued precedents, where human beings produce their identity and their environment as mutually and interwoven processes (Bourdieu, 1984). Migrants have used their backyards to cultivate vegetables, raise small livestock, and grow farm produce. Many generations of migrants have left their traces in these backyard gardens, evidenced by the existence of mature fruit trees and seasonally grown vegetable boxes. For decades, the backyards have been sites of growth and productivity, where the immigrants have undertaken the seasonal labor necessary to facilitate and nurture their vegetable gardens, tending the existing lemon, mandarin or persimmon trees inherited from previous house owners. The garden is designed and curated so that plants and vegetables of various types can grow and thrive (Fig. 9.1). Home gardening allows migrants to maintain a sense of independence and cultivate personal values. Such practices have been carried by migrants, from their arrival to Australia continuing into retirement. Their habits of eating at home grown organic food passes onto the younger generations (Egan, 2021). Various cooking facilities include the solidly built barbecue, the outdoor wood oven, the smokehouse (room where various foods are processed) and adapted or newly constructed ‘summer kitchens’. The ‘summer kitchen’ is a liminal space at the interface between the rear of the house and the backyard. Migrant houses in

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Fig. 9.1  Backyard gardens in St Albans. (Photos taken in Nov 2022, by Ha Thai)

Northcote, a suburb in Melbourne where many migrants settled in the 1960s, comprised summer kitchens in the basement. These facilities were also used for the large seasonal cooking rituals that would often include the extended family. Crops are used to make sauce, preserves, relish, and sweet delicacies. These were crucial to the extended family and communal festivity that punctuated the otherwise difficult and hard-working lives of labor migrants. Integral to the difficult process of immigrant resettlement was the social infrastructure that developed as immigrants shared with and supported others through information about work, accommodation, housing, and supplies. In the 1960s and 1970s, outdoor cooking facilities were vital in producing an atmosphere of production rather than the consumption associated with the suburban house (Church, 2005). The practice of urban agriculture contributed to an atmosphere of festivity, differentiating the migrant house from the privacy and interior focus associated with the typical brick veneer house. The iconic outdoor concrete tap goes with the story, now a local myth in Melbourne, that everything in the migrant garden was constructed from concrete, including the dining tables and benches for sitting. These outdoor taps are not used for watering the gardens like the conventional taps in most Australian gardens, nor are they the pit for stormwater, a dirty collection point. The migrant house taps have fully constructed sinks raised to ergonomically serve the user as any indoor sinks. They are used for processing food, and for outdoor cooking. The outdoor tap domesticates the outdoor space cultivated through associations with food. The outdoor tap has become a migratory object. It was also constructed in village houses in the homeland. Vegetable gardens are dispersed in between the dwellings of the inner city or fringe suburbs, outdoor cooking, and preparation of food facilities, including taps and cool rooms for storage are located around the edges of the house. Urban and rural house practices and characteristics become entangled as migrants adopt conventional dwellings to their embodied and remembered lifestyle.

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Fig. 9.2  An edible front garden in Brunswick in a recently built house showing continuity of the migrant front and back vegetable gardens. (Photos taken in Nov 2022, by Ha Thai)

The migrant house is surrounded by traces of work in progress. The basement is a formal and planned space for work and production. It can be organized as a kitchen, storage of winter preserves, sauces, relish, pickles, and when required, organized into working benches for the preparation of these. Alternately, spaces to the side of the houses were identified and used as spaces for the storage of useful materials and for maintenance. The migrant becomes a hoarder of ‘materials, tools, seeds, knick-knacks’ that they can use for making stakes, grafting trees, shelves, and hooks. The house for the migrant effectively becomes a process or operation rather than an object. Its symbolic and structural aspirations are adjusted to accommodate everyday needs of growing, preparing, processing, making, and storing food, and the ceremonial and social gatherings of community and family events. Edible front gardens usually include fruit trees, commonly lemon trees, rather than vegetables, due to the important role of this space at the interface between the house, its veranda, fences, and the street. Sculpted bushes mixed with varieties of pine trees, fruit trees, cacti, and flowers, created a new aesthetic and imagery of what a garden is. As a rare instance, edible front gardens (especially if it faces north in southern hemisphere Australia) are carefully curated and become a showcase of home-owner’s gardening skills. Homeowner set up their front garden with glasshouses, a nursery area, planter boxes, and occasionally a giveaway box (Fig. 9.2).

9.3 Guerrilla Gardens Guerrilla gardens are usually portrayed as informally (and sometimes illegally) created spaces by people who want to make positive changes to inaccessible, neglected urban landscapes, beautify their local living environment, and increase the biodiversity of their neighborhood (Adams et  al., 2015). By cultivating land without the consent of authority or owner, gardeners become informal place-makers, like street

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artists. They explore the capacities of urban space, provide care through gardening, and leave traces of their identity. Guerrilla gardening is considered a part of the ‘temporary and tactical urbanism’ movement, where place-makers experiment and realize their ideas of urban future through short-term interventions of urban space. They use cheap, recycled, lightweight materials to temporarily change the settings and nature of a targeted place without causing permanent damage. The conversion of urban voids, such as abandoned allotments, deserted nature strips, and underutilized back lanes, into guerrilla gardens, is beneficial for people with no access to private green spaces. Historically they have been inhabitants of multi-tenant apartment blocks and public housing. They are new migrants, students, and less well-off citizens who usually have the lowest voice and power. Many experience racism and exclusion from local decision-making process. Guerrilla gardens are not necessarily a way to protest or challenge the regulatory or hierarchical structures, but a method of providing care to the spatial ‘leftover’. They improve the connection between less-privileged people and natural environment, and generate a range of physical and psychological benefits, including mitigating mental fatigue and opportunities for relaxation and exercise. When collectively made, these pop-up green spaces bring together ethnoculturally diverse people by gathering their skills, experiences, actions, and imagination. The garden provides a sense of focus, belonging, sharing and accountability (Casey, 1996; Escobar, 2001; Seamon, 2018). The acts of migrants conducting (informal/semi-illegal) guerrilla gardening are both opportunistic and naive. More recent international students and new immigrants who are adjusting to the norms and code of the host society, opportunistically take control of seemingly forgotten places and exercise leisure gardening. They plant things they can’t find in the supermarket, or that are costly in their ethnic green shop, or from leftover bits from their kitchen, such as spring onion, mugwort, Vietnamese mint, thyme, curry, parsley, rosemary, and chives. During the Covid-19 ‘stay at home’ period in 2020, there were many guerrilla gardens popping up in Brunswick and some continue to be tended. Their forms vary from a simple on ground garden bed for lettuce in the median strip, a few boxes of dirt in the alley for spring onion and mugwort, to galvanized steel raised garden bed on the sidewalk for various kinds of vegetables (Fig. 9.3).

Fig. 9.3  Guerrilla gardens in Brunswick, built on the median strips and on the pavement. (Photos taken in Oct 2022, by Ha Thai)

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9.4 Therapeutic Community Gardens The therapeutic landscape concept was described in 1992 in the work of geographer Wilbert Gesler, as a landscape setting capable of offering physical, mental, and spiritual healing (Gesler, 1992, 1993). The notion of therapeutic landscape is not limited to health-related physical contexts such as hospitals and clinics, but can be natural environments, including wilderness spaces, mineral springs, urban parks, and gardens, as well as specific spaces offering symbolic meanings to particular individuals. For migrants, therapeutic landscape also includes ‘imagined places’ evoking a sense of home and homeland, or a sense of belonging and territories within a strange and foreign place (Doughty, 2018). Reimagining place through constructing edible gardens emerges as therapeutic activities for immigrants experiencing uncertainty, stress, changes, and re-rooting. An example of a therapeutic landscape benefiting unprivileged migrants can be found in Brunswick East, an inner-city suburb of Melbourne, where a not-for-profit organization named CERES is operating an Environment Park, comprising an education center, an urban farm, and a social hub (Fig. 9.4). This community place, once a bluestone quarry then a landfill site for household and construction waste, was founded in 1982 by a group of local alternative people who wanted to make use of then barren and polluted site (CERES, 2022). Their initiative was developed via a program called ‘work-for-the-dole’. Four decades later and with a sophisticated cooperative structure, they make compost, grow vegetables, and lobby for the cleaning, remediating, and revitalizing of the land as well as nearby Merri Creek. In 2012–2013, CERES initiated a gardening program in collaboration with Red Cross, called ‘Putting Down Roots’, to provide support to vulnerable migrants and asylum seekers. Participants from diverse backgrounds, including Iraq, ex-Yugoslavia, Vietnam, Somalia, China, Kurdistan, Bosnia, and Greece, often victims of war, find peace through gardening and interface their nostalgia with cultivation (Jacobs, 2016; MCMC, 2004). Participants also meet others, exchange knowledge and information, share values and find empathy.

Fig. 9.4  CERES environment park and community gardens. (Photos taken in Oct 2022, by Ha Thai)

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The gardening activities are physical but fun and rewarding, also facilitate learning English vocabulary and understanding the Australian climate, landscape, soils, and plants. Interacting with other peer migrants and the volunteer mentors allows participants to situate themselves in relation to other cultures, beliefs, values, and ways of living. The shared gardens engender a rare opportunity for social and recreational engagement at a time when they have little money or language skill to participate in mainstream society’s activities, and when their financial and visa status doesn’t allow them to formally study or work. Sharing time, knowledge, experience, and effort in the garden fosters immigrants’ place attachment and belonging, establishes community, and facilitates the process of integration. The ‘Putting Down Roots’ program was not continued due to lack of funding, but it is a model for the garden as significant facilitator for producing food, community, and connection to place, an edible therapeutic landscape. Community gardens of various scales are popular in inner suburbs of Melbourne. Monthly working bees are key events attracting a wide range of participants, who voluntarily contribute to the communal place with their skills, time, labor, and commitment. Newbies collaborate with those familiar with the space and discover what is involved in starting to grow their food. Facilitators, usually staff from the local council, discuss opportunities, challenges and support with the group and managers. Support for community gardens comes from various sources, including corporate volunteers, propagation experts, and local hardware stores. A network of cultivating communities, facilitated by social media, also provides support and inspiration, bringing together culturally vibrant local communities, increasing access to nutritious food while promoting a sustainable food system, urban agriculture and reducing food waste (Fig. 9.5).

Fig. 9.5  Social media pages of cultivating communities in Brunswick and Coburg. (Screenshots taken in Nov 2022, by Ha Thai)

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9.5 School Gardens School gardens have a strong history of existence in Australia and their role as an educational tool to increase children’s social and living skills as well as their attitude and preference toward healthy diets (Burt et al., 2017). To the school community, a well-integrated school garden also becomes a place to attract outof-hour visitors and a shared place where many parents can donate their time and efforts. In various primary schools in Melbourne, gardening is integrated into the curriculum with specialist teachers/gardeners. Edible gardens are often built into school’s odd playground corners, providing lush, playful areas, or acting as a noise barrier to adjacent busy streets (Fig. 9.6). They are well curated with timber planter boxes for edible plants, ranging from tomatoes, corn, carrots, vegetables, and herbs. Fruit trees and bushes mixed with flowers enhance the landscape of these outdoor gardens. Chickens wandering around worm farms and open-air classrooms with hay seats bring lively and attractive nonurban feelings to schools. Children participate in various aspects of physical gardening, ranging from simple tasks such as watering to more complicated tasks such as planting, harvesting, feeding the chooks, or collecting eggs. They also learn to create organic fertilizer from scrap foods. The evolvements of volunteer parents in various events, such as weekend gardening, holiday watering, after-school cooking demonstrations, expand the reach and impacts of the garden. Parents take rosters to help take care of the garden and animals during school holidays. Eggs and fruits collected from the gardens are sold in the school stalls or at the office for parents registering their interest (BSWPS, 2022). It creates a bond and sense of contribution between the community and the school. The engagement of children in gardening exercises at their school offers academic achievement in environmental education and increases their ecologically friendly behaviors.

Fig. 9.6  An edible garden in a primary school in Brunswick, Victoria, Australia. (Photos taken in Oct 2022, by Ha Thai)

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With more Australian families living in smaller townhouses and apartments with no private green space, the school garden program engages the community beyond students. With a sizable number of international students, these gardens are platforms to engage new immigrant students in the host environment, develop a sense of belonging and ‘rooting’ into the community.

9.6 Food Market in Edible, Green-Based Society Edible suburbs can be linked closely to the concept of edible urbanism, where the food market plays a significant role in connecting consumers to fresh produce and vendors (Russo & Cirella, 2019). The provision of fresh produce through affordable, farmer markets can alleviate malnutrition which might be experienced by the less well-off sectors of the community. The grass-roots movement of producing and selling food locally networks growers, and urban agronomists from non-profits, community centers, churches, and schools to the local markets. Seasonal subscription and purchase agreements with local consumers, restaurants and vendors have helped these small-scale urban farms find the consumer of their produce. While formal farmer marketplaces have demonstrated their critical parts in an edible, green-based society, informal sidewalk markets have also spiced up the street life of migrant suburbs. The Saturday green marketplace in Footscray is evidence of Vietnamese migrants’ initiative in bringing home-based farmers and their fresh produce to the public. More than just a market, the sidewalk hosts a food and cultural festival, decorated with a lot of chilies, herbs, exotic fruits, flowers, and gardening equipment (Fig. 9.7).

Fig. 9.7  An informal pop-up marketplace in Footscray, Melbourne. (Photos taken in Feb 2021, by Ha Thai)

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9.7 Migrants, Seeds, and Homes Edible gardens have contributed to the vision for sustainable cities. The intensive labor required for establishing gardens limits radical and romantic ideas about gardens and growing food. The migrant’s edible backyards and community gardens, the food crop, and the transformation of that crop into preserves, sauces, relishes, jams, are a result of immense, seasonal, and continuous effort and responsibility. Cultivating the suburban landscape and the resulting edible gardens enabled a rise in the sense of dignity of the migrant as citizen contributing to the community and their wellbeing. This sense of belonging, identity and community ties the edible garden to contemporary interest in urban agriculture. A central concern is the expectation of labor, long-term commitment, and duty of care if self-growing food is a sustainable practice. Migrant communities demonstrate a sense of obligation towards the seed – the seeds transported for cultivation, and the metaphoric seed of putting down roots. This is a non-urban relationship towards nature, whereby agriculture and food iterate a connection between the urban and the rural ethic. Edible gardens require planning and design, knowledge, and information, and must be supported by a cohesive social infrastructure, as for current initiatives of urban farming. But they were also a hands-on enterprise that required enduring physical labor. Systems of production, including the preparation of seeds and seedlings, preparation of soils, design, and curation of the vegetable garden, making and maintaining agricultural infrastructure (drainage, stakes, irrigation), are instruments in the innovative reinvention of the domestic and public space. Rather than signifying homesickness for the original homeland, planting seeds, tending to plants, and making familiar foods is the process of cultivating the landscape through which the unfamiliar is rendered familiar, argues Ghassan Hage (1997). The new place is made homely through such practices. In Hage’s theory, the practice of establishing edible gardens is not about reliving attachments to places of origin but building a home in the new place (Bratishenko, 2010). Migrant edible gardens are a performative sense of belonging – planting seeds, tending to plants – which contribute to the processes of homebuilding towards the development of Hage’s structure of security, familiarity, community, and sense of possibility, are not definitive or secured. However, homeliness is a fragile condition, and in contrast to an either-or position of homesickness or new place attachment, nostalgia and its potential melancholy are entwined with creative and positive practices of gardening. And for immigrants, it is continually and repeatedly constructed against and within an environment, especially a hostile environment. An understanding of the central role of seeds in the migration journey, including the migration of people, cultures, and ideas, provides a particular insight into theoretical frameworks of social infrastructure, cultural sustainability, human dignity, and subjectivity critical to understanding the city and the urban. Conversely, is the current crisis around food related to an apocalyptic narrative of the city?

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The movement of seeds is vagabond (Borasi, 2010). On arriving in Australia in the 1950s and 1960s, immigrants wished to extend the array of fruit and vegetables with which to prepare meals. The seeds of garlic, capsicum, peppers, lemons, olives, figs, cucumbers, diverse varieties of potatoes and onions, apricots, apples, tomatoes, and herbs including parsley, mint, basil, paprika and sage were illegally transported in grandmothers’ balls of wool, in the lining of jackets, or dispersed in the pockets of coats. This transportation of seeds was not always or only for the introduction of new foods. The memorable statement ‘it does not taste the same’ suggests a strong desire for a particular flavor, ‘the taste of the homeland’, to the new country. It is ironical that food diversity, essential to the cosmopolitan cultural identity of Melbourne, is a result of imported cuisines that have come about through the illegal transportation of seeds. The distribution and cultivation of the seeds amongst the community produced various seed networks, including cross-cultural exchanges within local neighborhoods. By the late 1800s, large tracts of the Australian landscape were totally transformed from its First Nations topography and ecological condition by British colonizing infrastructure practices and colonial settler farming, especially dairy farming. In contrast, in the post-war immigration boom in Australia, grandmothers and other immigrants risked facing the harsh application of the Australian bio-ecological law. But do we owe something of the current richness of the cuisine boasted about in Melbourne to them? Seeds associated with the travel of migrants introduce cross-cultural exchange of fruits, flavors, and methods of agriculture. Modern communication and social media have facilitated additional informal dissemination of seeds. Online groups, such as the “Gardening Buy, Swap and Sell: Melbourne Eastern Suburbs”, “Plants And Gardening Melbourne”, and “Melbourne Farmers’ Union” Facebook groups, have been a platform for sharing valuable and rare seeds, planting and caring knowledge, and gardening tips using recycled tools and cheap materials (Fig. 9.8).

Fig. 9.8 Members’ posts on Vietnamese Farmer’s Union in Melbourne Facebook group. (Screenshots taken in Nov 2022, by Ha Thai)

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With more than 4.4 thousand followers, members of the Melbourne Farmers’ Union have helped to enhance the cultural flavor as well as the taste and nutrition of various Vietnamese families’ everyday meals. Seeds, vegetables, and fruits are usually given for free between members of the group. Vegetables and herbs which cannot be found in popular supermarkets are sold at an affordable cost in the informal roadside marketplaces or via personal messages from a member of these online groups. The popularity of gardening tools and prepared soil sold in hardware stores and supermarkets have also facilitated the hobby of many gardeners.

9.8 Conclusion: Edible Futures Examination of the edible gardens emphasizes the critical role that intertwines home, urbanization and agriculture to enhance new modes of community. Two significant issues of sustainability in relation to current practices of urban agriculture are highlighted: agricultural labor and social infrastructure. Agricultural labor includes the necessity for intensive hands-on work. The commitment required for tending to edible gardens and long-term production of food conflicts with current lifestyle, aspirations of travel, instant gratification, and short-term interest. The edible garden revises the division between the city worker and the peasant, which is key to a much earlier phase of industrialization. Boundaries between urbanism and agriculture have been renegotiated through this softer ecological and incremental approach. Migrant edible gardens in the 1960s in Melbourne have indirect, direct, or imaginary links to distant villages and histories of agriculture. These gardens conjure the village, not as a literal but as reiterated reference through which the migrant gardening practices are performative cultivations of trans-cultural belonging tying the new land to the homeland. The edible gardens have escaped both the keen gaze of developers and the merciless effect of repeated droughts. Is this endurance due to a ‘rural’ migrant understanding of the land and what should be planted? Migratory histories are a palimpsest and have inscribed the cultural landscape of suburbs of Melbourne with plenitude and plurality. Many food growers are second-­ generation migrants who are both formally informed and value their parents’ and community’s contribution. New genres of open-minded people and inventive practices can again inhabit these same fields. Usually found in medium-density neighborhoods, community edible gardens are a great unifier of place and race, offering a common ground for the differences. The act and art of community gardening resonate with place-making practices. Although guerrilla gardening is often criticized in the literature, it is a type of temporary and tactical urbanism with low-risk urban alterations. The guerrilla gardens allow the creation of a ‘third space’ (Soja, 1996), where the migrant gardeners can claim their ‘right to the city’ and express their imagined and re-imagined places. They show great potential for participatory place-making, inclusive urban regeneration, strong social cohesion, and abundant urban ecosystem services.

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The idea of edible gardens aligns with both sustainability and resilience. The inclusion of edible plants in the city’s open space, either public or private, will raise the awareness of local food that inhabitants can source for free. The involvement of grassroots, community organizations and individuals in the making of space as well as managing urban food systems encourages urban dwellers to consider a healthy diet and the making of meaningful urban space. The ecological benefits of each edible garden can go beyond its local context. It links to food security, energy and water saving, pollination, soil reservation and erosion prevention, and climate regulation. The chapter has also demonstrated how social infrastructure, encouraged through gardening, has the capacity to foster inclusive place-making and sustainable citizenship. The idea of edible suburbs requires sharing of stewardship of open space. Informal gardening often attracts public debate about urban messiness and illegal acquisition of (under-utilized) public space. It is also worth noting that it is local government’s responsibility to provide quality green space to residents, and not pass place-making responsibilities to civil society. While urban edible gardens have contributed significantly to mental and physical health, food security, public space for social cohesion, they are usually not compliant with food safety standards, as must be followed by commercialized food. Rouillon et al. (2017) and McDonald (2021) point out various sources of contamination that deposit heavy metals in urban soils, including home pesticides, traffic fumes and leaked petrol, household paint. These unwanted materials can be absorbed by plants and transported into edible tissues of vegetables and fruits. The accumulation of heavy metal contamination is even higher in and around historic industrial sites, where informal urban farmers often find opportunities to establish their community gardens. Post-structuralist theories have pointed to the migrant as a quintessentially metropolitan figure (Chambers, 1994). But the migrant garden reorients definitions of the ‘urban’ and ‘metropolitan’. Edible suburbs remind us that migrant landscapes engender the urban, not in the modernist sense of industry and technology, but in the most inventive and relevant sense of cultural ecology. It provides a scenario where urban culture, home culture and agriculture intersect through the dedication and interminable labors of the migrant.

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Armstrong, H. (2001). Migrant cultural landscapes: Collisions of culture in Australia’s pluralist cities. Landscape Australia, 23(1), 57–60. Armstrong, H. (2004). Making the unfamiliar familiar: Research journeys towards understanding migration and place. Landscape Research, 29(3), 237–260. Badami, M. G., & Ramankutty, N. (2015). Urban agriculture and food security: A critique based on an assessment of urban land constraints. Global Food Security, 4, 8–15. Berger, J., & Mohr, J. (1975). A seventh man: The story of migrant worker in Europe. Granta Books. Borasi, G. (Ed.). (2010). Journeys: How travelling fruit, ideas and buildings rearrange our environment. Canadian Centre for Architecture. Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste. Harvard University Press. Boyd, R. (1960). The Australian ugliness. Penguin Books. Bratishenko, L. (2010). When a cucumber is not a cucumber. In G. Borasi (Ed.), Journeys: How travelling fruit, ideas and buildings rearrange our environment. Montreál. BSWPS = Brunswick South West Primary School. (2022). Newsletters. https://brunswicksw-­ps. vic.edu.au/parents/#newsletters Burt, K.  G., Koch, P., & Contento, I. (2017). Development of the GREEN (Garden Resources, Education, and Environment Nexus) tool: An evidence-based model for school garden integration. Journal of the Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics, 117(10), 1517–1527. Casey, E. (1996). How to get from space to place in a fairly short stretch of time: Phenomenological prolegomena. In S. Feld & K. Basso (Eds.), Senses of place. School of American Research Press. CERES. (2022). 40 years of CERES. https://ceres.org.au/40-­years/ Chambers, I. (1994). Migrancy, culture, identity. Routledge. Church, J. (2005). Per l’Australia: The story of Italian migration. Meigunyah Press. Doughty, K. (2018). Therapeutic landscapes. In P. Howard et al. (Eds.), The Routledge companion to landscape studies (pp. 341–353). Routledge. Egan, N. (2021). We arrived in Darwin in 1999. Australian Aging Agenda, September–October, 24. Eigenbrod, C., & Gruda, N. (2015). Urban vegetable for food security in cities. A review. Agronomy for Sustainable Development, 35, 483–498. Escobar, A. (2001). Culture sits in places: Reflections on globalism and subaltern strategies of localisation. Political Geography, 20, 139–174. FAO, IFAD, UNICEF, WFP, & WHO. (2022). The state of food security and nutrition in the world. FAO. Gesler, W. (1992). Therapeutic landscapes: Medical issues in light of the new cultural geography. Social Science & Medicine, 34(7), 735–746. Gesler, W. (1993). Therapeutic landscapes: Theory and a case study of Epidauros, Greece. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 11(2), 171–189. Graham, S., & Connell, J. (2006). Nurturing relationships: The gardens of Greek and Vietnamese migrants in Marrickville, Sydney. Australian Geographer, 37(3), 375–393. Hage, G. (1997). At home in the entrails of the west: Multiculturalism, ‘ethnic food’ and migrant home-building. In H.  Grace, G.  Hage, L.  Johnson, J.  Langsworth, & M.  Symonds (Eds.), Home/world: Space, community an marginality in Sydney’s West (pp. 99–153). Pluto Press. Head, L., Muir, P., & Hampel, E. (2004). Australian backyard gardens and the journey of migration. Geographical Review, 94(3), 326–347. Holmes, K., Martin, S., & Mirmohamadi, K. (2008). Reading the garden: The settlement of Australia. Melbourne University Press. Jacobs, G. (2016). Putting down roots. Landscape Review, 16(2), 77–79. Lennon, J. (2020). Tangible and intangible heritage in urban agriculture: Australia experiences. In L. Scazzosi & P. Branduine (Eds.), AgriCultura: Urban agriculture and the heritage potential of Agrarian landscape (pp. 97–114). Springer. Lozanovska, M. (2004). Emigration/immigration: Maps myths origins. In S. Cairns (Ed.), Drifting: architecture and migrancy. Routledge.

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Chapter 10

The FoodRoof: Growing Food in Favelas Rob Roggema

Abstract  Healthy food for the most vulnerable communities is not seldom a phantasy. In the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, the residents have nearly no access to vitamins, and minerals. By building a FoodRoof on top of the house they will be able to grow these produce, cheap and close by. The plan for a FoodRoof is embedded in the larger urban systems and fits the underlying rocky mountain, as the design is based on the specifics of these three spatial scales. The choice for an aquaponic system is made because of the diversity of types of food that can be produced, and the opportunity to recycle all urban flows, such as water, waste, energy, and nutrients. This makes the system relatively independent from centralized utility systems. Besides this, It can be built in 1 week, from obtaining the materials, its construction and to make it operational. Keywords  FoodRoof · Roof garden · Rio de Janeiro · Favela · Vulnerable population · Health · Build and construct

10.1 Introduction The Pavão-Pavãozinho favela is home to Rafael Lezinho. He is two meters tall, strong, and three times a day he practices his Jiu-Jitsu skills in the Team VB gym. His large body and the daily sports regime need huge amounts of (healthy) food. But Rafael eats mainly some prewrapped sandwiches, cakes, and candy. The lack of fresh food and vitamins is exemplary for the menu of many in the favela. A possible solution to get more healthy food in, is to grow it in and on his own house. Despite the commonly known problems such as high levels of crime, violence and general unsafety, there is also a positive side to life in the Cantagalo and Pavão-­ Pavãozinho favelas. Social cohesion is high, the community feeling is strong, and R. Roggema (*) Escuela de Architecture, Artes y Diseño, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_10

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people are generally friendly and welcoming. This positive vibe has partly emerged due to a range of social projects, such as the Jiu-Jitsu school. It is located at the higher parts of the mountain in an older unused building. Every night, young kids train their skills and body, but are also taught respect and honesty. They spread this culture throughout the favela, impacting their parents and grandparents, and helping to establish a safe and livable neighborhood. The State government works hard to provide utilities, such as energy, clean water and sewage and waste treatment systems, but the concern about a healthy lifestyle remains. The favela residents do not eat enough healthy produce. The building of the first FoodRoof in Cantagalo is an initial step in growing fresh food where it is needed the most: in the middle of the favela, on top of the place where it is consumed. The story of how this first FoodRoof arose is told in this chapter and offers the knowledge to multiply the number of FoodRoofs in Brazil and beyond.

10.2 The Favelas of Cantagalo and Pavão-Pavãozinho Cantagalo and Pavão-Pavãozinho favelas are located on top of several mountains, very close to the popular beaches of Rio de Janeiro. From Ipanema or Copacabana, it is an uphill walk of 15 min through a luxury urban zone full of large apartment buildings. The contrast couldn’t be bigger. Once the Cantagalo favela is reached, the city changes into a myriad of streets and randomly built houses (Fig. 10.1). Streets have followed the topography of the hill in efficiently organized insurgent patterns. Cantagalo borders the top of the hill to the north, where dense forests are nibbled away by permanent housing initiatives. To the south, the transition is more sudden, from the entangled favela to the gated communities where the dog-walking upper class dominates the streets. The favela houses are constructed, contrary to what many expect, in a robust way. Foundations are strong and safe, mainly due to the anticipated extra floors that each owner wants to construct and rent out. This future perspective of leaving the

Fig. 10.1  Cantagalo favela

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Fig. 10.2  Flat roofs. (Photo credit: Rob Roggema)

option open to build additional levels, also implies all roofs are flat (Fig. 10.2). In a condensed urban fabric, the space for green in public spaces is very limited, but instead these roofs offer the space for greenery and potential growth of food. This potential space can be used to accommodate the food demand of the residents. Nearly all of them do not have access to a healthy menu, because the food in supermarkets is too expensive, fresh food doesn’t stay fresh for long when brought into the favela shops, or the suppliers do not dare to enter the favela because of safety reasons. The community can benefit from turning their own free roofspace into a productive area, trade the food locally and start to eat healthy.

10.3 Regenerative Policies The concerns about crime and violence have long puzzled Brazilian authorities. Despite significant efforts it became only possible to really make a change under influence of the Rio Olympics in 2016 (Downie, 2011). This Olympic makeover allowed the government to implement infrastructural improvements in the favelas. The PAC (Program for Acceleration of growth) in the State of Rio de Janeiro brought electricity, telecommunication, home appliances, water, healthcare, education, employment, and transport directly to Rio’s favelas. The program started in 2008 in five areas, of which Cantagalo/Pavão-Pavãozinho was one. The objective of the program is to: “transform physical interventions into sustainable development, bringing together projects that generate transformation of the territory through economic growth and community participation based on constant dialogue” (Jurberg, 2013). The program of pacification is partly made possible by installing the so-called UPP’s. These Pacifying Police Units are heavily armed stations at strategic locations throughout the favela. The program and UPP together ignited a development of urbanization and sustainability (Alvarado, 2012). In most of these programs, art plays an important part because this allows for a branding of the area to enhance employment and the economy (Melo, 2013). “City officials hope the answer is a program called Morar Carioca, a comprehensive program to bring the settlements

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fully into the city by extending public services, improving individual homes, and constructing new housing and infrastructure, such as pedestrian passageways and, where feasible, streets that will allow sanitation trucks to pass through the rehabbed neighborhoods” (Benfield, 2013). This is a planned strategy, that has, in the context of Rio de Janeiro, been rare. The city has grown haphazardly without a continuously adopted spatial vision for its physical shape (RioReal, 2013), even though the ‘second-term strategic plan’ (Rio Prefeitura, 2013) has been adopted. In recent years, urban planning is dominated by acupuncturist design in streets, avenues, or squares. Although these interventions in themselves can lead to positive change, they generally do not impact on the planning of the whole city (Brandão, 2006). Formerly favelas were seen as a burden, that needed to be demolished and being rebuilt far away from the city. However, favelas are also the places where creativity and a lived urbanity thrive. Designers from around the world are attracted how these ‘unplannable’ qualities can be combined with strategic interventions (Williamson, 2013) such as: –– Realize affordable housing in core areas. –– Promote density without excessive verticality to prevent an increase of isolation. –– Stimulate the quality of public services and make these accessible for pedestrians to enhance community exchange. –– Improve bicycle networks and public transport to decrease environmental impacts –– Develop mixed-use complexes, realize residential units above shops and other commercial uses. –– Realize housing close to workplaces to reduce costs and time spend commuting, also reducing the overloaded transit networks. –– Encourage organic architecture that adapts and evolves along with changing needs of residents. –– Increase collective action and exchange to strengthen the social cohesion and reduce the costs of services and materials. –– Stimulate enstrangled solidarity and local networks. –– Accelerate the degree of cultural development. –– Enhance entrepreneurship by facilitating exchange amongst residents, allowing a business at home, and making use of a traditional lack of regulations. All in all, these planned interventions lack attention for growing food locally.

10.4 Problem Definition and Objective The potential to grow food in the favela is compromised by a complex of problems. First and foremost, fresh food does not reach the favela. This is both a problem for the accessibility to healthy food and the need to start growing food within the favela. Most of the fresh food is sold outside the favela, in, expensive, supermarkets or restaurants which are aimed at the richer part of the population. For favela residents this fresh food is not only expensive, but also at a distance. The time for favela

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residents to reach this food is generally used to gain an income. For them, the price and effort it takes to reach healthy food does not weigh up to the health benefits. This urges to explore the potential to grow fresh food locally inside the favela. To grow food closer to the favela consumers, the next problem must be solved. The water supply is insufficient and uncertain. During heavy rainfall, water is discharged out of the favela immediately while in dryer periods there is not enough. Additionally, the water is instantly polluted in the favela system of open gutters. Even the water that is supplied by the water utilization company is, after clean water is pumped uphill, decreasing in quality rapidly so it becomes unusable. Rainwater is not used as it is mainly seen as a burden one wants to get rid of. The other major problem is a lack of space for implementing any other use than sealed streets or houses built in high densities. This urges to construct innovative solutions. Even more, the residents are not familiar with planning the public space and have not experienced how this could eventually improve their access to healthy food. Finding the space for growing fresh food inside the favela solutions for the above problems rely on the integration of food, water and space in a solution that is simple and safe to operate and easy and cheap to construct. The roofs have the space, are strong enough and close to home. Here, an integrated system of water storage, food growth and organic waste recycling can be established. An aquaponic system, which breeds fish, and grows veggies and fruit, closes the cycles of water, nutrients, and waste, is small enough to fit on the roof and can be constructed with local materials and manpower.

10.5 Application of the Design Urban Agriculture-Framework To create more urban agriculture projects both the spatial design as well as the productive needs and capacities are essential aspects. To consistently work on this, the Design Urban Agriculture-framework (Roggema, 2014a, b) has been developed (Fig. 10.3). It emphasizes a spatial attention through a research-by-design methodology, that “generates knowledge and understanding by researching the effects of changing the design solutions and/or the context at the same time” (De Jong & Van der Voort, 2005). This method is applied to three spatial scales (right half of the diagram), also represented as a ‘spatial sandwich’ with a top, middle, and bottom level: –– the region, or underlying landscape, demanding design strategies at the basis level. –– the urban connections and systems, requiring design concepts in the middle level. –– the individual project scale, which needs design principles at the top level. The other half of the diagram represents the demand and supply of the food system. The size and desires of the population determine the amount and sorts of food to be produced, the produce in terms of crop types and productivity, and the economic feasibility of production through specific business models and the supply chain.

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Economy - Feasibility - Business model - Effective chains

Products - Demand - Crops - Productivity

Flows of water and energy

Urban Agriculture SYSTEM

Population - Size - Food demand - Health - Social connectivity

Design of findable space

Re-use and recycling of waste

Individual project initiatives

Architecture and project design Designprinciples Analysis existing city Creating space Research by Design APPROACH

Designconcepts

Urban connections & systems

Spatial typologies Large and small scale Designstrategies Climate impact 30% demand for space Food-potential Mapping

Sa n d wic h

Circular metabolism

DESIGN TASK

Sp a tia l

URBAN AGRICULTURE

Underground, soil, water, landscape

Fig. 10.3  Design Urban Agriculture-framework. (Roggema, 2014a, b)

In the center the two sides come together to integrally design the space for a food productive city. This spatial sandwich-model is applied to design both the systemic as local plan for growing food in Cantagalo and Pavão-Pavãozinho.

10.5.1 The Basis The underlying landscape (the basis) provides the conditions for the type and intensity of the food system. The soil, slopes, water, ecology, and climate are important factors that determine the food potential. Moreover, within each particular area roughly 30% of the space needs to be reserved for safely accommodating the impacts of climate change, such as for instance flooding (Roggema, 2012). The steep slopes and mountainous subsoil in Cantagalo make a design strategy necessary that captures and keeps as much water on the slopes and in the area, preventing it from being discharged without using it. The water is needed to allow the plants to grow. Especially aquaponic systems rely on the availability of water. In a dense neighborhood, such as favelas, every space possibly must be made functional and contribute to the productivity of the system. This implies that on the long-term, the entire favela is transformed into a farm, where enough fresh food is

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Fig. 10.4  Direction of natural water flows (in blue), based on the indicative contours (in white) and the connected storage on roofs (blue squares)

grown to feed all residents. Besides (all) roofs, the public space, though limited available, plays its role as a vegetable garden of plantation of fruit-bearing trees. The initial strategy to harvest all water of Cantagalo is based on understanding the elevation and slopes (Fig. 10.4). Once the natural and most logical water courses are determined the water can be captured in strategic places and stored on the roofs that are directly located next to these little discharge streams. This strategy allows for continuously available water. This way each roof in the favela will be used for a different purpose, with some of the roofs in use as water storage, others to grow the food or some form the base for installing solar panels.

10.5.2 The Middle The level of urban networks and connections is subsequently conceived. It emphasizes the connection of resources needed for growing food. Specific types of urban agriculture such as rooftop-, or high-tech farming (Point to Point Communicatie, 2013), are then located within these networks, so together they can form a continuous productive urban landscape (Viljoen, 2005): “Open productive landscapes in terms of economy, sociology, and the environment are placed within an urban-scale landscape offering the city a variety of lifestyle advantages and few, if any, unsustainable drawbacks.” The design concept follows the formulated strategy to use all available spaces in the favela to support the food growing system. The conceptual design identifies the best fitting space for water storage, growing food and harvesting energy respectively. This is identified by following specific ‘rules’ for every theme (Table 10.1). The design concept responds to these rules by organizing every rooftop with a specific purpose (Fig.  10.5). The rainwater that is captured from the streams, is stored on the most suitable roofs. The water then flows into the artificial aquaponic system on a nextdoor roof. Solar energy is harvested on the remaining higher roofs.

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Table 10.1  Rules to implement water, food and energy facilities Water storage The rainwater need to be captured as soon as possible, highest up in the landscape or on the roofs of the highest buildings. These determine places for water storage. The contours illustrate the slope angles. When the slopes are steeper, it requires more storage measures

Storage of water on buildings with the highest carrying capacity

Food production The place for growing food to be as close as possible to the water storage roofs to guarantee water availability

Energy harvest The house to be oriented to the north, north-west or northeast sides.

Buildings to be strong enough to carry the gardens. Aquaponics is a light-weight system (except for the fish basins), which makes less strong buildings suitable. Roofs to be accessible Availability of nutrients Acceptance of both owner and neighbors

Free space for capturing sunlight makes higher buildings more suitable

Fig. 10.5  Design concept, connecting rainwater storage (in blue) with aquaponic systems (in purple), public green and tree gardens (orange) and energy harvesting (white)

This way there is no need for natural soils, enough water is available throughout the year, the cycles of water, nutrients, waste and energy can be closed, and vegetables, fruits and fish can grow.

10.5.3 The Top Specific projects are designed as the finishing touch of the system. Once the strategy is defined and the concept designed, individual projects can be designed according to specific design principles. Each design becomes an “inserted productive urban landscape” (Viljoen, 2005) in the broader context. It establishes synergy between four functional elements of the aquaponic system: storin rainwater in fish basins, a horizontal vegetable garden (hydroponics), a vertical fruit and herbs facility and water pump recycling used water back into the fish tanks using solar power. The

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specifics of the roof height, the shade and sunlight and transition of sunshine during the day, radiation, seasonal differences, and humidity all play a role how the foodroof is spatially organized.

10.6 FoodRoof Design Several design principles have been used to develop a final design for the FoodRoof, aiming to create a long-lasting sustainable solution. To do so, the cycles of water, nutrients and energy are closed, and all waste is reused in the system. Plant-beds are located where they can catch sufficient sunlight, but not too much of the radiation and heat in summer. Where the residents use areas daily, the food is grown vertically not to occupy spaces unnecessarily. Where space is not or limitedly used, larger areas for food growing are planned. This aquaponic system has been realized in the Biospheric project in Manchester, and the FoodRoof design applies the core principles that have been used there (Biospheric Foundation, 2015; Roggema, 2014c). Early sketches of the design depict size, existing use, and several options for placing the fish-tanks, plant-beds, and other equipment (Fig.  10.6). These initial ideas have been used for the detailed design and construction of the FoodRoof (Broekhuis & Drissen, 2014). The components of this aquaponic system are a couple of fishtanks, some food-beds and a solar pump providing the energy for recycling the water. In the fish-tanks fish of different sizes live, to let them grow from baby-fish to medium sizes and ultimately large enough fish to be consumed. The water in the tanks is enriched by the poo of the fish in the form of ammonia. Because plants require water, light, carbon dioxide and bacteria like nitrates to grow, bacteria that are in the hydro-grains in the growth-bed, break the ammonia down to nitrates, which plants can take up. The nitrates are extracted from the water by the plants and this way the water is filtrated and cleaned. In the first horizontal growth-bed, the water is kept up to a maximum level, before the effluent is leaving via a siphon to the feeder tank (Fig. 10.7).

Fig. 10.6  Early sketches of the FoodRoof design

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Fig. 10.7  The fish-tanks, the horizontal grow-bed and feeder tank

Fig. 10.8  The vertical grow-bed on the roof terrace and its pipe system

A second growth-bed is vertically designed (Fig.  10.8). Here, the water flows through a system of tilted pipes, feeding small substrate cups of plants (fruits, herbs). The roots of these crops are always in a continuous flow of water. After these crops took out the remaining nutrients, the cleansed water flows in the pump-basin. The water from the vertical growth system, enters the pump-basin and is pumped up through a hose back into the fish tanks. The pump itself uses a small battery, which is supplied with electricity by a small solar panel, establishing a closed water/energy cycle. As the fish grow and are ready for consumption, the residents of the house can eat them. The waste from other protein-rich food, such as vegetable, egg-shelves, maggots and worms, grains, and bread, is fed to the fish. The system does not need any additional food for the fish. The only supply that is required is to add water. Because evaporation and leakages require a refill of about 10–15% every month. It is important no chlorinated water, but instead rainwater is used for supplying the system. The integrated design for the first FoodRoof (Fig. 10.9) is the prototype for many roofs to follow. Using the design principles for this first design, ensure every new FoodRoof will fit in the overall design concept and -strategy. To stimulate the realization of next roofs, a simple, visual, and readable (both in English and Portuguese) manual is developed (Broekhuis & Drissen, 2014). In this manual easy to follow guidelines and instructions are presented (Fig. 10.10) so anyone can easily construct his/her own FoodRoof.

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Fig. 10.9  Final design

Fig. 10.10  Two pages of the manual, with required tools and materials

10.7 FoodRoof Construction The construction of the first FoodRoof is executed within 1 week. To buy materials and construct all components of the system and have it operational, four people worked on it: the project leader (Rob Roggema), two students Marc Drissen and Bart Broekhuis), and a local architect (Marcelo Mourão). Firstly, all materials needed to be bought and ordered (Fig. 10.11). The Fortlev water-tanks, hoses and pipes are bought in the construction store, wood comes from the local timber shop, 700 liter of hydroponic grains (= 14 bags) is bought in the

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Fig. 10.11  Order, buy and deliver of materials. (Photo credit: Rob Roggema)

Fig. 10.12  Construction of the fish tanks. (Photo credit: Rob Roggema)

flower stall in Ipenema, and the tilapia fish is ordered from a fish-breeding station 60 kilometers outside Rio. Secondly, the fish tanks are constructed on top of the roof (Fig. 10.12). Besides connecting the tanks with pipes to allow the water to flow through, the main effort consists of coloring the blue tanks, adding red and white paint. The white is important for increasing the albedo effect, which helps to keep the water cooler in summer. This way the red-white-blue tanks stand out in the favela context and, especially at night look attractive. Thirdly, the horizontal and vertical growth system is constructed. The sides and bottom of the horizontal plant-bed (Fig. 10.13) is built from wood and in the corners supported by beams. Waterproof paint is used to seal the bottom and complemented with a plastic base layer to keep it waterproof. The perforated siphon and pipe-­ system that diverts the water are added in the bed. The plant-bed is subsequently filled up with the hydroponic grains, and 10 different crops, such as bell pepper, chili pepper, tomato and strawberry are planted (Fig. 10.14).

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Fig. 10.13  Construction of the horizontal growth bed. (Photo credit: Rob Roggema)

Fig. 10.14  Filling the growth-bed with hydroponic grain and planting the crops. (Photo credit: Rob Roggema)

The vertical system is constructed using PVC-pipes. The single pipes are linked through connectors to make the turns (Fig. 10.15) and hang the construction in tight clips. In the pipes little holes are perforated to hang 60 small cups in total. The cups

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Fig. 10.15  Constructing the vertical growth system. (Photo credit: Rob Roggema)

are open at the bottom which allows plants to grow their roots hanging in the flow of water. The cups are filled with small herbal plants, such as basil, rosemary, and sage. In the end, all components of the aquaponic system are tied together. The tubes, hoses and pipes connect the fish-tanks, plant-bed and vertical system, and the pump can be connected. The water can now flow through the system. Water is released from the tanks and drops into the plant-bed. There the siphon overflows which finalizes the operation of the whole system. This is the moment to release the fish in the tanks and makes the FoodRoof complete (Fig.  10.16), forming a new attractive addition to Cantagalo favela. After the FoodRoof is installed and operational, the owner of the house, Marcelo Assunção is instructed how to regulate and maintain the roof. This is necessary because in the first couple of weeks the system needs to establish its own balance. It might need some smaller adjustments, which can be carried out easily by the homeowner. After a 1-week process of building, the FoodRoof is in operation. It does not only grow food, it also brought about a lot of goodwill and support within the local community. This opens the way to construct more of these roofs and, increase the amounts of healthy food consumed by the residents.

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Fig. 10.16  Final result. (Photo credit: Rob Roggema and Marcelo Mourão)

10.8 Conclusion The Cantagalo FoodRoof is born from the concern of providing healthy food to favela residents by growing it right above their heads. By implementing an aquaponic system, the food is close by, fresh, and easy to operate. Moreover, the food is grown where it is needed the most, close to people with little money and time, currently feeding themselves with unhealthy products. It turns an aquaponic system, often seen as something of luxury, into a useful and well accepted system. The Cantagalo FoodRoof must be seen as part of a larger food system, covering the entire neighborhood. It is part of the local water, nutrient and energy systems, connected to the water flowing down the hill. In this sense, the artificial system fits the basis landscape, the steep mountain with a less fertile natural soil. The aquaponic system can produce a range of food types, crops and fish and is able to recycle water and waste into the system. Moreover, it is lightweight, except for the fish-­ tanks, and easy to construct. In this chapter the design of the FoodRoof illustrates the interconnections of production and multiscale planning, as depicted in the Design urban Agriculture

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framework. In this context it is an example how to plan and design within the Spatial Sandwich. One roof will not produce for all residents. However, this roof is not on its own and announces the coming of more gardens in the favelas of Cantagalo and Pavão-Pavãozinho. An increased number of FoodRoofs will provide healthy food both for the residents and the kids in the Jiu-Jitsu school. Each homeowner will benefit from a food-growing roof. The produce will be sufficient to feed the family, and probably be enough to share and sell.

References Alvarado, P. (2012). The urbanization of Rio de Janeiro’s slums, a model for sustainable development. Online: http://www.treehugger.com/urban-­design/the-­urbanization-­of-­rio-­de-­janeiro-­s-­ slums-­a-­model-­for-­sustainable-­development.html. Accessed 16 Mar 2022. Benfield, K. (2013). Stabilizing & greening the favelas: Rio’s Formidable challenge. Online: http://sustainablecitiescollective.com/kaidbenfield/188166/stabilizing-­greening-­favelas-­rios-­ formidable-­challenge. Accessed 1 Mar 2022. Biospheric Foundation. (2015). Biospheric Foundation circa 2013–2015. Online: www.biosphericfoundation.com. Accessed 29 Jan 2022. Brandão, Z. (2006). Urban planning in Rio de Janeiro: A critical review of the urban design practice in the twentieth century. City & Time, 2(2), 37–50. Online: http://www.ct.ceci-­br.org. Accessed 11 Mar 2022. Broekhuis, B., & Drissen, M. (2014). Food growing roof terrace; instruction manual aquaponic system, roof terrace Rafael Lezinho. Van Hall Larenstein University of Applied Sciences. De Jong, T. M., & Van der Voort, D. J. M. (Eds.). (2005). Ways to study and research urban, architectural and technical design. IOP Press BV. Downie, A. (2011). Rio gives its favelas a pre-olympics makeover. Online: http://content.time. com/time/world/article/0,8599,2091817,00.html. Accessed 11 Mar 2022. Jurberg, R. (2013, October 25). Connecting Complexo do Alemão. Urban age city transformation conference. London School of Economics and Political Science, Rio de Janeiro. Melo, D. (2013). Rio de Janeiro’s favelas become a brand. Online: http://infosurhoy.com/en_GB/ articles/saii/features/economy/2013/04/23/feature-­02. Accessed 25 Feb 2022. Point to Point Communicatie (Red.). (2013). Stadsboeren in Nederland; Professionalisering van de Stadsgerichte Landbouw. Ministerie van EZ, Ministerie van IenM, Van Bergen Kolpa Architecten, LEI, De Volharding Breda, Priva. Rio Prefeitura. (2013). Pós 2016, O Rio Mas Integrado e Competitivo. Plano Estratégico da Prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro 2009–2012. Rio Prefeitura. RioReal. (2013). Urban planning in Rio de Janeiro. Online: http://riorealblog.com/2013/10/04/ urban-­planning-­in-­rio-­de-­janeiro/. Accessed 17 Mar 2022. Roggema, R. (2012). Swarm planning: The development of a methodology to deal with climate adaptation. PhD-thesis, Delft University of Technology and Wageningen University and Research Centre. Roggema, R. (2014a, November 6). Finding spaces for productive cities. Keynote lecture, 6th AESOP conference sustainable food planning. Leeuwarden. Roggema, R. (Ed.). (2014b, March 5). Greg Keeffe: The nutritious city. The Biospheric Foundation (International urban agriculture lecture, p. 51). VHL University of Applied Sciences. ISBN: 978-90-822451-0-3.

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Roggema, R. (Ed.). (2014c). The nutritious city; The Biospheric Foundation (Lecture Prof. Greg Keeffe. Lecture series design for urban agriculture, VHL University of Applied Sciences). VHL Press. Viljoen, A. (Ed.). (2005). CPULs: Continuous productive urban landscapes. Designing urban agriculture for sustainable cities. Architectural Press/Elsevier Ltd. Williamson, T. (2013). Land tenure and urban planning in Rio de Janeiro’s favelas. Online: http:// rioonwatch.org/?p=11075. Accessed 16 Mar 2022.

Chapter 11

From Building to Interface: Reframing the Supermarket to Unlock Climate Transition Pathways Emma Campbell

and Greg Keeffe

Abstract  Supermarkets are a ubiquitous building typology in the UK and Ireland. Typically, they are described as a big-box store filled with trolleys, aisles, and checkouts, situated out-of-town with a dedicated car park. They are rarely admired for their architectural character, yet they are culturally significant spaces because we buy most of our food from them. Supermarkets have perfected an efficient and convenient system for selling food, but this current model is far from perfect: in fact, it’s precarious, murky, monopolistic, and unhealthy for both people and the planet. Despite this, it is hard to imagine a radically more sustainable food shopping model that could fully replace it because they rely on a complex, locked-in food system. Therefore, imagining a new typology requires a new approach; one that reframes it as an interface to wider social, technical, economic, ecological, and political systems. In doing so, the space and food system are holistically reimagined to achieve better alternatives for both. Much like Reyner Banham’s seminal text, A Home is not a House – a supermarket is not just a building; it’s also a meeting space, a waste producer, a refrigeration node, a public health actor and much more. In the race to net-zero, thinking and designing in this way, reframing the supermarket from building to an interface, opens opportunities to reveal previously unconsidered climate transition pathways. Through research-by-design methods and the application of systems thinking, this chapter uses the supermarket as a case study to imagine new ways of seeing and redesigning architectural typologies in the context of a rapid climate transition. In the text, the supermarket is first defined from an architectural standpoint, then in its relationship as an interface to wider local and global systems. This informs a thematic lens-based investigation through which a climate resilient and sustainable supermarket is imagined. Though some interesting ideas are presented, the results highlight the complexity of the challenges faced by supermarkets and explores the value of design to navigate pathways towards better solutions.

E. Campbell (*) · G. Keeffe School of Natural and Built Environment, Queen’s University Belfast, Belfast, UK e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_11

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Keywords  Research-by-design · Systems thinking · Supermarket · Sustainable food systems

11.1 Introduction Supermarkets have been the dominant food shopping typology in the UK since the 1970’s. Their ubiquitous spaces, located on urban edges and characterized by trolleys, aisles, and checkouts, emerged in the early twentieth century to facilitate self-service shopping. By prioritizing convenience, low-prices, choice and all-year seasonality, this shopping model relies on precarious food supply chains that cause largely unseen resource consumption, pollution, and waste. As the UK’s grocery market is dominated by supermarkets, consumers also face issues of food access and poverty, which is more prevalent in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, Brexit, conflict, and extreme weather events. In line with global targets, the UK government aims to reach net-zero carbon emissions by 2050. In its Environment Act, the government also aims to increase woodland cover by 16.5% in England by 2050, halt the decline of species populations by 2030, half the waste per person by 2042 and in the same year cut exposure to harmful air pollutants and restore water bodies by cutting pollution by 10% (Department for Energy Security and Net Zero, 2022; Department for Environment, F.& R.A., 2022). With 30% of the UK’s greenhouse gas emissions attributed to the food sector, and around half of all food consumed coming from outside the UK, supermarkets bear responsibility as the key interface between consumers and the food they buy (TescoPLC, 2022; United Kingdom Food Security Report, 2021). UK supermarkets have made bold commitments to address these challenges, looking specifically at scope 3 activities, those which happen along supply chains. For example, Tesco has committed to make their whole footprint net-zero by 2050, M&S have the same aim for 2040, while Sainsbury’s aim to plant 1.5 million native trees by 2025 and seek to be water neutral by 2040 (Sainsbury’s, 2022; TescoPLC, 2022; Marks & Spencer, 2023). This chapter explores an approach to imagine climate resilient futures for the supermarket. Through research-by-design methods and systems thinking, the UK supermarket functions as a vehicle to explore this challenge, where the authors consider ways to reflect on how spaces interface with broader global systems to inform their future design. First, the authors unpack the evolution of the supermarket typology which informs the development of a theoretical position for how spaces might be redesigned to address its challenges. Then, the authors carry out thematic analysis of supermarket interfaces and use scenario-building to unlock future visions of the supermarkets.

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11.2 The Typology of a UK Supermarket Supermarkets developed in the United States as nodes to sell packaged foods in bulk (Boyd, 2012). Post WW2, this typology arrived in Europe as a modernist shopping solution. By the late 1970s it dominated the UK’s grocery market. Today, just nine supermarket retailers manage around 97% of the UK’s food system (Statista, 2023). In this chapter, we focus on the ‘big-box’ supermarket typology, complete with large carpark located on the edge of towns and cities. Although not explored in this chapter, supermarkets also inhabit smaller high-street retail spaces, and much of the discourse around food supply is applicable to this model too. Supermarkets are not typically considered of architecturally interest. Their ubiquitous architecture facilitates a heterogenous shopping experience – from Aberdeen to Southampton to Belfast (Fig. 11.1). But as an interface between the world of food production and consumption, supermarket spaces are designed to enhance connections between shoppers and food with the aim of stimulating impulse and increasing consumption through low prices, lots of choice and all year seasonality (Blythman, 2004). By making the space a backdrop for the food on display, for example, through relaxing music and tall aisles, consumers lose sense of time and space. Orchestrated by store planners and retailer design guides, planograms also help employees carefully lay out products on shelves and aisles to maximise impulse shopping. Since becoming the dominant shopping model, lots of the food on shelves has changed, reflected in the annually published Representative Price Index (RPI) Basket of Goods (Office for National Statistics, 2023). Incremental adjustments to the design of indoor shopping environments reflect shifts in consumer culture and embrace technological advances, with the overall aim of increasing consumer

Fig. 11.1  Supermarket shop floor. (Author’s photograph)

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sales (Statista, 2022). Given the huge challenges faced by supermarkets in meeting climate targets and their responsibility as purveyors of the UK’s food system, changes remain minimal and are economically rather than environmentally focused. Can supermarkets continue to make tiny changes when targets and challenges demand radical change? And how might supermarkets be redesigned to become socially and environmentally sustainable to address the climate and biological emergency? If supermarkets are to hit global, national, and self-led targets, they made need to be redesigned from first principles. At the same time, a radical rethink of supermarket design requires an equally radical rethink of the systems they interface with.

11.3 Imagining Sustainable Systems and Spaces By seeing the supermarket typology as not just a building, but also an interface to global systems supports further understanding of its design characteristics. Supermarkets are one of many spaces along food chains and they are key interfaces between global food inputs and local consumers (Campbell et al., 2023a; Keeffe, 2016). Thinking about the supermarket as an interface also helps to question these characteristics and think about how its spaces might be redesigned to support better alternatives. Research-by-design methods offer a framework to unpack ‘what is’ and imagine ‘what ifs’, through iterative, simultaneous consideration of problems and potential solutions at local and global scales (Campbell et al., 2023b; Keeffe & Cullen, 2021). Within this approach, systems-thinking supports pattern generation and a lens for holistic inquiry, in this instance, seeing the systems colliding inside supermarket space (Thün et al., 2015). Scape-based investigations are one way to consider the relationship between systems and space, or content and form (Keeffe & Cullen, 2021). Scape analysis enables design-researchers to develop and test thought-­experiments by identifying leverage points for whole system acupuncture, to consider future relationships between systems and space (Campbell et  al., 2023a; Cullen et  al., 2020; Meadows, 2009). Rather than attempt to find the right way to design the future supermarket, this approach offers what Cullen and Keeffe describe as a ‘flexible scaffold’ to identify wideranging possibilities. The term ‘scape’ was first used in the field of architecture and urbanism in Gruen’s essay, City and Landscape, where ‘scapes’ are described as mechanisms to ‘transform chaos into order’ (Gruen, 1955). There are several relevant examples of system lens, for example, Appadurai proposes five generic ‘scapes’, to understand key global cultural flows; Ethnoscape, Mediascape, Technoscape, Financescape and Ideoscape (Appadurai, 2010). Similar, though described as a ‘shed’, Thun et  al.’s maps also unpack themes in the Great Lakes Megaregion, such as Enviroshed, Eventshed and Medished. Where scape analysis offers a

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generic, customizable framework to thematically unpack and reimagine complex relationships between systems and space, Transition Design practice specifically addresses ‘wicked problems’ to develop solutions for a more sustainable future. Linked to the Transition Town Movement, Transition Design supports ‘longerterm visioning and recognition of the need for solutions rooted in new, more sustainable socioeconomic and political paradigms’ (Irwin, 2015). Transition Design is centered on ‘Cosmopolitan Localism’, which is a place-based lifestyle that creates local-scale solutions for global problems (Irwin, 2015). Scenario development, future casting, and speculative design are fundamental to Transition Design (Kolko, 2012; Knapp, 2011). Like the ‘Flexible Scaffold’, transition designers look for ‘emergent possibilities’ across different timeframes rather than resolved solutions (Irwin, 2015).

11.4 From Building to Interface Reflecting on the previous section of this chapter, one way to redesign the supermarket is to think of it not just as a space, but a node or channel in a wider system of global flows. For example, one obvious way to do this if to reframe supermarkets as a moment along food chains. Taking this approach enables the designer to think beyond the human interaction with the shelf or aisle and consider the processes that occur before and after the weekly grocery shop. Food flows through efficient logistics networks from millions of farms around the world to thousands of supermarkets around the UK. For example, before an avocado lands on a supermarket display in December, it moves thousands of miles in refrigerated freight through distribution hubs from unspecified farms in Morocco, Chile and beyond. Once purchased, this avocado rests in a home refrigerator, and once consumed, leaves homes again to an unknown destination through sewage and waste management networks (Campbell et al., 2023a). Not only are supermarkets nodes within these wider networks, but they also function as an interface (noun), actively interfacing (verb) between the world of production and consumption. In any system, the characteristics of the interface determine the relationships between these colliding worlds. Supermarket interiors are designed to connect consumers to the food on display, but this connection focuses more so on promoting consumption and less on communicating the impact of consumption. There are multiple examples of how the interface between food production and consumption is blurred through the architecture of supermarkets. From their location in urban environments, to the sale of washed, plastic-wrapped foods devoid of provenance (Campbell et al., 2021, 2022; Steel, 2013). It’s clear that supermarkets interface with food systems, but what other kinds of systems are they connected to? There are many ways to categorize the systems that interface with supermarkets, but one approach is to think about what flows

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through them  at the global, regional, city and building scale (Campbell et  al., 2023a). In this instance, the authors identify three key flows through supermarkets: resources, people, and information. Some sub-flows within these are also identified below: 1. Resources: • • • • • • •

Food Energy Packaging Waste Nutrients Water Vehicles

2. People: • • • •

Health systems Food culture Social spaces Transport systems

3. Information: • • • • •

Consumer Data flows Money flows Management processes Policies Logistics

It’s important to note that these three ‘flow’ scapes cannot be viewed as silos as there are unending horizontal connections between and across them, for example, food and energy systems are interdependent, while the flow of people into and out of stores comes together with the flow of consumer data (Fig. 11.2). Instead, these three categories may be used to piece apart complex, relationships between supermarkets and the multi-scalar systems of production and consumption they interface with. While food is noted under the ‘Resource’ theme, it’s clear that food is the binding ingredient between the supermarket and other interfaces. For example, water and nutrients are embodied within foods, food is integral to human health and the quantity of food sold by supermarkets influences the flow of money. The value of this lens-based approach is that moments of connection between supermarket space and wider systems can be unpacked to inform reflections and ideas about the current and future design of the whole space. Next, we explore three sub-flows, one from each theme to understand past and present relationships to unlock pathways towards more resilient and sustainable food-retail futures.

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Fig. 11.2  Diagram of scapes and flows through a space

11.5 Three Supermarket Flowscapes In this section, three different themes and sub-themes are explored in relation to the past, present and potential future of food-retail. By looking at each theme separately, the designer can develop varying broad and deep perspectives on the space and its role as an interface with a mix of wider systems.

11.5.1 Resources: Energy Supermarkets consume significant amounts of energy to heat and power stores as well as move and store foods around the world. This is particularly acute in the refrigerated storage of foods both in stores and along logistics networks. As supermarkets are situated outside of towns, this also encourages individual consumers to use additional fuel as they travel to shop. In a bid to retain a wide choice of out-of-season foods, sourcing practices contribute further to less visible, globalized energy consumption as foods come from further away or require more energy to produce than would be required in some climates. Much of the energy used by supermarkets is also wasted, for example, overhead heaters blast warm air to automatic entrance doors, while freezers and fridges blast cool air into aisles for fear of the impact of glass doors on the impulse purchasing. With a third of all food reaching bins rather than mouths, embedded energy in food production, transportation and storage is lost too (Zarocostas, 2022).

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The scale of energy consumption to run supermarket operations is vast. The rapidly rising cost of energy in the past year has created a new sense of urgency to become more energy efficient. This is a challenge which also presents some interesting opportunities for supermarkets. Easy wins in terms of spatial design and management approaches within the shop are already in place in many stores. Doors on refrigerated equipment, clustering of cold food zones, well designed draft lobbies, careful orientation of the shed and a siphoning of space for additional services means that energy use is marginally decreased. Despite some positive progress, there are further opportunities to reduce energy consumption and waste. This might mean enabling energetic circularity by co-locating spaces with cooling and heating demands to create new business models and spatial typologies that might take advantage of excess heat from store refrigeration such as housing, a leisure center, or alternative food production (Ten Caat, 2018). New models of managing refrigeration could also be explored, such as a vending machine approach where large doors remain shut but give a view to contents within (Campbell et al., 2022). Going a few steps further, supermarkets might significantly reduce instore refrigeration by harnessing the existing home-based refrigeration network, effectively renting cool storage, and finding different ways to move goods between home fridge freezers. As most people shop for food in supermarkets, there are further opportunities to remake them as energy nodes, or localized suppliers for onsite production, through a combined heat and power plant or anaerobic digestion (Campbell et  al., 2023a). The delivery fleet might shift to deliver energy as well as food, and on return, collect home-produced energy and food waste to power each stores energy production system, thus inviting citizens in the coproduction of energy. This food-energy-waste fleet could even move people around the city too, significantly reducing energy consumption for transport and leaving huge swathes of carparking as fertile ground for “growing” energy through, for example, biomass crops.

11.5.2 People: Food Culture When the UK transitioned from an agrarian to industrial society individual citizens lost a degree of control over food production. Spaces of production and consumption also moved further away as mass production shifted to regions best placed for certain food types (Steel, 2013). In this shift to mass production, a small number of large companies began to take hold of the UK’s food system. At the turn of the twentieth century, packaged foods opened opportunities for self-service shopping, and it was in this context that the supermarket typology gained popularity. The arrival of supermarkets facilitated a homogenization of the UK’s food culture, already more industrially leaning than the rest of Europe. Through grocery market saturation, and eventual domination, locally run markets and independent high street shops all but disappeared by the mid 1990s, replaced by a heterogenous shopping typology. In this shift, the civic and social nature of shopping dissipated (New Economics Foundation, 2003; Steel, 2013). Conversations once had strolling through a market

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or between shop servers has been replaced by a new one to one relationship with the shelf and scripted conversations with an increasingly limited number of checkout operators. As one of the few ways to experience public life, food  shopping now occurs almost exclusively within privately managed space. Street life, once found in high street cafes, fishmongers and butchers are now located in “market” branded booths in out-of-town superstores. Where less than ten supermarket retailers control the significant majority of the UK’s grocery market share this also creates issues of food security, particularly at present in the case of rising food prices. While the supermarket shelf deems to cater for all citizens; on a budget, health-conscious, seeking indulgence or otherwise, they are a product of a detached food culture fueled by processed, ready-meals wrapped in fake-farm branding. As a result of this dominance, supermarkets dictate where food comes from, when it can be accessed and how much it costs. Demonstrated by a mass of empty shelves and queues during the Covid-19 pandemic, the detachment of food production and consumption in the UK, realized by its reliance on a small number of food retailers, has revealed a precarious situation for governments and individual shoppers alike. Interestingly, record numbers of people on furlough from work during this time also aided the establishment of more informal models of food exchange, from sourdough starters to compost and seeds (Busby, 2020; Parveen, 2020). Though this was a seemingly temporary phenomenon, it created a glimpse of a much more localized and reciprocal food system, opening questions of how supermarkets might be redesigned to enable a more engaged, participatory food culture. One big shift towards this might be to nationalize food production and to embed more people in food production. From this basis, a more open and “public” shopping model might emerge, where consumers are also producers. Reflecting on Pine and Gilmore’s seminal text, Experience Economy, new food experiences might also emerge, where the act of shopping is combined with learning, sharing, eating, cooking, playing, and testing (Campbell et  al., 2022; Pine & Gilmore, 1998). Spatially, this might manifest as laboratory kitchens, a program of growing and cooking classes, food swap stations or public dining spaces. These multi-use shopping spaces could be relocated back within high streets or form a more distributed network of micro-stores next to residential pockets. No longer what Auge might deem ‘non-spaces’, this new form of shopping would be an ‘anthropological place’, made for and with citizens (Auge, 2009). Where food is partly grown by urban inhabitants, shelf contents would shift towards more climate resilient, seasonally appropriate whole foods while ready meals might be hyper-­ localized through in-store production (Campbell et al., 2022).

11.5.3 Information: Consumer Data Flows Since the 1940’s, the UK economy has measured inflation through the RPI Basket of Goods (BOG) (Office for National Statistics, 2023). An interesting benefit of this annual economic reflection is that it also captures changes in consumer culture

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where popular foods enter the basket and foods that become less popular leave it. The RPI BOG has reveals a marked shift towards convenience foods, for example, granulated sugar replaced cubes in 1962 while more recently prepacked salads replaced whole round lettuce in 2013 (Campbell et al., 2021). Data for the RPI BOG has been easier to capture since the invention of the Universal Product Code (UPC), also known as barcodes, since the early 1970s. Today, barcodes and electric point of sale software (EPOS) help supermarkets manage and order tens of thousands of food products from around the world daily, upholding a “permanent global summertime” on shelves (Blythman, 2004). Loyalty cards collect individual consumer data to develop personas that help supermarkets to anticipate required food supply at vast scales based on transactional patterns linked with other kinds of information such as weather forecasts, sporting events, or seasonal holidays (LeCavalier, 2016). Data at the regional, store and consumer scale also enable supermarkets to ‘sweat’ space, testing the location and display of products to optimize sales per square meter. Though supermarkets have developed a successful model for managing food flows, it’s still difficult to accurately predict how much food will be sold each day. While partnerships between food redistribution organizations are established, food waste in stores is nonetheless difficult to avoid. Data on how food flows around cities after its purchased and consumed is not yet captured in anywhere the same accuracy as how it reaches the supermarket. If this type of data was captured, it could have a huge impact on reducing urban food waste further (Campbell et al., 2023a). This is mentioned because supermarkets collect much of the data on UK food consumption and have developed sophisticated data models on UK consumers. While they tend to work with large-scale, centralized food suppliers, with the help of emerging artificial intelligence (AI) technologies these models could be adjusted to facilitate more climate resilient and just food supply systems, by sourcing food, and potentially managing food waste, from a wider mix of much smaller, decentralized, local suppliers. In this way, small scale urban producers could sell foods directly to or through supermarkets, a bit like how Amazon Marketplace operates today. Not only would this significantly reduce food miles, energy consumption and waste, a new shopping model could emerge which capitalizes on technologies to reinforce “older” relationships between citizens and food systems.

11.6 Merging Flowscapes to Reprogram the Supermarket Interface As demonstrated in the previous section, looking at three separate subthemes, or flowscapes, across different scales and timeframes can help designers gain broad understanding of the supermarket as both building and system interface. Merging these “what if” exercises, designers can quickly develop a nuanced proposition that reprograms the supermarket as a multi-system interface to inform its future spatial

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composition. So how might a new supermarket typology operate and what would it look like if its interface was reprogrammed to address more sustainable energy production and consumption? How might this shift enable resilience by nationalizing food systems and facilitate a more engaged food culture? Finally, how might consumer data play a role in this decentralized, local shopping infrastructure? Keeffe frames urban agriculture by three components; hardware (technical know-how), software (biotic ingredients) and interface, where the latter is a described as ‘the link between the system and the consumer’ (Keeffe, 2016). Here, they suggest that efficiency could be replaced by effectiveness, by reducing the role of the interface to promote direct links between food producers and consumers to make, what Lang defines as ‘prosumers’ (Gabriel & Lang, 2006). Taking this approach, the supermarkets role as an orchestrator of shopping would be dissolved and the ‘interface’ reduced to enable give and take between citizens involved in both production and consumption. The success of this new informal, decentralized shopping model would be based on increased collaboration with urban citizens rather than grocery market share (Fig. 11.3). Reflecting on food culture shifts towards slowness during the pandemic and on the need to bolster urban food security, a future supermarket might also embrace slowness. Tied to the Slow Food Movement, established in the late 1980s, Cittaslow presents an alternative to ‘everywhere communities…(and) everywhere food’ upheld by supermarket retailers (Radstrom, 2011). These movements call for holistic societal shifts to flatten power structures, so that for example, food systems become open and cooperative. Such a transformation towards slowness might be spurred by the speed of AI automation. Employment shifts caused by AI are already in force at a rapid pace, eliminating the need for certain skillsets and professions. While new types of jobs will also inevitably emerge, recent trends towards a four-­ day work week suggest future lifestyles might enable more down-time (Stewart, 2023). Reflecting on this, a future supermarket in this context would become a multi-­ functional, dynamic public space, much like the Agora, the earliest marketplace typology. Derived from the Greek ‘ageiro’ meaning ‘to gather’, its primary function was for the sale of food, however, it was also a space to dwell (Campbell et  al.,

Fig. 11.3  Diagram describing a shift from a private, top-down to a public, bottom-up food system and shopping model

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2021). Within the Agora, a simple roofed colonnade structure called a Stoa would be positioned along key arterial routes in the city. The Stoa changed constantly throughout the day, week and year, hosting pop-up stalls not just for food but to meet for political, religious, and social gatherings too (Steel, 2013). Inspired by the Stoa and the more recent Slow Food Movement as well as reflecting on the impact of automation to slow lifestyles, a new supermarket typology would enable citizens to meet as well as share food, energy, time, and skills (Fig. 11.4). Hacking existing big-box stores, smaller units might be occupied by creches, co-working facilities and exercise studios while the car park might become a new space for urban food production. Self-service on the shop floor might also dissipate, replaced somewhat by renewed conversations between food producers and consumers. This new type of food ‘shopping’ space, a Slow-Food Stoa, would no longer be ubiquitous, nor a typology. The supermarket concept would remain but reflected less in the spatial arrangement and more as a facilitator for reciprocal food flows at a more concentrated urban scale. Each store would become a unique reflection of the diverse social profile of citizens using it and food sold or exchanged there would reflect the climate and local resources, in turn re-establishing a culture that embraces food provenance to create ‘somewhere’ communities and food.

11.7 Discussion and Conclusion With most of the UK’s grocery market share dominated by supermarket retailers, the phenomenon of empty shelves during the pandemic revealed the precarious nature of supply chains which conceal the scale of resource consumption, pollution, and waste in food systems. Relying on a small number of retailers also causes issues of food access and poverty and has negative implications on both people and planet. While the direct impacts of the pandemic have subsided, global conflict, extreme weather events and the fallout of Brexit in the UK context  continue to impact operations as well as the shopping experience. Climate change presents the biggest threat to future operations and UK government and supermarket commitments will lead to radical operational changes to address social and environmental sustainability and climate resilience. Despite this, it is hard to imagine a radically more sustainable food shopping model that could fully replace what exists today. This is perhaps because supermarkets are ubiquitous architectural typologies that have developed incrementally through continual optimization. Tied to a complex, locked-in food system, the future of supermarket shopping will reflect changes in wider food systems. One way to envision new supermarket futures is to think about this space as an interface to wider systems. In doing so, this approach can clarify why it is designed as it is today and how it might be redesigned if these wider systems changed to support a more resilient, sustainable food shopping model. This chapter tests research-by-design methods to develop ways to frame the complex challenges faced by supermarkets, acknowledging the typology as an interface to wider systems.

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Fig. 11.4  Photomontage visualisations of the Slow Food Stoa proposition

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Inherent in research-by-design is the exploration of ‘what-ifs’ through thought experiments. In the text, the authors develop ‘what ifs’ for the future supermarket by first defining different lens of investigation, called scapes. These scapes emerge from an analysis of the systems flowing through supermarkets. Here, three flow types, resources, people, and information are highlighted. The authors use the term ‘flowscape’ to reflect on the lens-based analytical approach focused on what flows through supermarket space. From here, sub-flows, or flowscapes, within each flow type are identified. In this instance, energy flows, food culture and consumer data are analyzed and reframed separately to develop thought experiments on how these flows might change and the potential impact of these changes on the design of a future supermarket. Finally, each of the three thought experiments are merged to develop one more holistic supermarket proposition. This proposition is imagined as a Slow-Food Stoa, combining different ideas developed in the flowscape analysis. This future food shopping space is described in the context of new leisurely lifestyles enabled by AI automation. Energy and food production are hyper-localized, and the supermarket is replaced by a multi-functional hub, reflective of the unique culture and climate it sits within. This new model takes on the role of a more traditional marketplace where it is owned and run by local citizens, who visit it to buy and sell commodities or simply pass some time. The proposition plays on the shift from fast to slow, global to local and private to  public to enable new opportunities for the interfacing of producers and consumers. Supermarkets today are an embodiment of the systems they interface with and the different things that flow through them. Though they appear as simple from an architectural standpoint, their complexity is revealed in how they interface with these wider systems. Analyzing and reimagining different aspects of future systems enables the design proposition to transcend the boundaries of the shopping space to envision, for example, new lifestyles, economic models, and supply chains. Though this chapter presents some interesting ideas on the current and potential future design of the supermarket, its main aim is to explore how research-by-design methods can help develop holistic solutions that address wicked problems. The challenge of designing a new resilient and sustainable supermarket cannot be resolved with the current approach of incremental improvements. Through the concept of flowscape, designers can retain an understanding of context by zooming in on parts of different system, then zooming out by merging multiple flowscapes to develop a design proposition. This approach is abstract and inexact. It builds on evidence but does not depend on it and instead focuses on the development of possibilities rather than answers (Keeffe & Cullen, 2021). The flexibility of this approach means that different priorities and different flowscapes render different results. The results here reveal the complexity of the challenges faced by supermarkets and the extent of change required to address these challenges. For designers operating in a time of crisis, the approaches explored in this chapter offer pathways to at least begin to reframe the challenges to design climate resilient and sustainable future spaces.

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References Appadurai, A. (2010). Modernity at large. University of Minnesota Press. Auge, M. (2009). Non-places: Introduction to an anthropology of supermodernity (p.  78). Verso Books. Blythman, J. (2004). Shopped: The shocking power of British supermarkets. Fourth Estate. Boyd, G. (2012). Designing bare essentials: ALDI and the architectures of cheapness. In R. Morrow & M.  Gamal Abdelmonem (Eds.), Edge conditions in architecture (pp.  67–79). Taylor and Francis. Busby, M. (2020). How coronavirus has led to a UK boom in community food growing. The Guardian. Guardian News and Media. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/ aug/24/how-­coronavirus-­has-­led-­to-­a-­uk-­boom-­in-­community-­food-­growing. Accessed 7 Mar 2023. Campbell, E., Keeffe, G., & Boyd, G. (2021). Repacking the supermarket: Food retail evolution and futures. Thesis. Campbell, E., Keeffe, G., & Cullen, S. (2022, Feburary 22). Fit-bytes: Reimagining the supermarket through the lens of health. In Proceedings ecocity world summit 2021–22: Conference proceedings. Ecocity Builders, Ecocity World Summit 2021–2022, Rotterdam, Netherlands, pp. 671–680. Campbell, E., Keeffe, G., & Cullen, S. (2023a). Spatialising urban metabolism: The supermarket as a hub for food circularity. Minerals and Waste, 213–225. Available at https://doi. org/10.1007/978-­3-­031-­16135-­3_8 Campbell, E., Keeffe, G., Cullen, S., Richmond, A., Beagan, S., Lavery, U., McKenna, B., & Lester, S. (2023b). Research-by-design in complex systems: Reflections on approaches used to reimagine environmentally sustainable, high-welfare poultry housing futures. Sustainability, 15(7), 5808. Cullen, S., Keeffe, G., Logan, K., & Campbell, E. (2020). End-of-the-line urbanism: Reprogramming the FEW-nexus of the city region for a post-carbon society. In S.  Riffat, N.  Ismail, Y.  Su, & M.  Idayu Ahmad (Eds.), Proceedings of the 18th international conference on sustainable energy technologies (SET 2019), 20–22 August 2019, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Vol. 2, pp. 386–394. https://nottingham-­repository.worktribe.com/output/3936800/ proceedings-­o f-­t he-­1 8th-­i nternational-­c onference-­o n-­s ustainable-­e nergy-­t echnologies-­ set-­2019-­20-­22-­august-­2019-­kuala-­lumpur-­malaysia Department for Energy Security and Net Zero. (2022). Net zero strategy: Build back greener, GOV. UK. GOV.UK.  Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/net-­zero-­strategy. Accessed 24 Mar 2023. Department for Environment, F.& R.A. (2022). New legally binding environment targets set out, GOV.UK. GOV.UK.  Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/news/new-­legally-­binding-­ environment-­targets-­set-­out#:~:text=Sitting%20at%20the%20heart%20of,exceed%20current%20levels%20by%202042. Accessed 24 Mar 2023. Gabriel, Y., & Lang, T. (2006). The unmanageable consumer. Sage. Gruen, W. (1955). City and landscape. Available at http://www.fortworthtexasarchives.org/digital/ collection/p16084coll18/id/54. Accessed 24 Mar 2023. Irwin, T. (2015). Transition design: A proposal for a new area of design practice, study, and research. Design and Culture, 7(2), 230. Available at https://doi.org/10.1080/17547075.2015.1051829 Keeffe, G. (2016). Hardware software Interface: A strategy for the implementation of urban agriculture. In R. Roggema (Ed.), Sustainable urban agriculture and food planning. Routledge/ Taylor & Francis Group. Keeffe, G., & Cullen, S. (2021). The flexible scaffold: Design praxis in the FEW nexus. In R.  Roggema (Ed.), TransFEWmation: Towards design-led food-energy-water systems for future urbanisation (Contemporary urban design thinking) (pp. 95–106). Springer.

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Knapp, A. (2011, October). Brian David Johnson: Intel’s guide to the future. Forbes Magazine. Available online http://www.forbes.com/sites/alexknapp/2011/10/13/ brian-­david-­johnson-­intels-­guide-­to-­the-­future/ Kolko, J. (2012). Wicked problems: Problems worth solving. Ac4d. LeCavalier, J. (2016). The rule of logistics (1st ed.). University of Minnesota Press. Marks & Spencer. (2023). Plan A our planet. Available at https://corporate.marksandspencer.com/ sustainability/plan-­a-­our-­planet#:~:text=As%20a%20starting%20point%2C%20we,line%20 with%20our%20own%20commitment. Accessed 24 Mar 2023. Meadows, D. (Ed.). (2009). Thinking in systems: A primer. Earthscan. New Economics Foundation. (2003). Ghost Town Britain II: Death on the high steet (p. 2) [Online]. New Economics Foundation. Available at https://neweconomics.org/uploads/files/2b43a5ca5 4c63ddc98_2ym6b01hh.pdf. Accessed 22 Mar 2023. Office for National Statistics. (2023). Consumer price inflation basket of goods and services: 2023. Available at https://www.ons.gov.uk/economy/inflationandpriceindices/articles/ukconsumerpriceinflationbasketofgoodsandservices/2023. Accessed 4 Mar 2023. Parveen, N. (2020). Gardens bloom under lockdown with record demand for seeds. The Guardian. Guardian News and Media. Available at https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2020/ may/08/gardens-­bloom-­under-­lockdown-­with-­record-­demand-­for-­seeds. Accessed 27 Mar 2023. Pine, J., & Gilmore, J. (1998). Welcome to the experience economy. Harvard Business Review [Online]. Available at https://hbr.org/archive-­toc/3984. Accessed 4 Mar 2023. Radstrom, S. (2011). A place sustaining framework for local urban identity: An introduction and history of Cittaslow. Italian Journal of Planning Practice [Online], 1(1), 90–113. Available at https://www.cittaslow.org/sites/default/files/content/news/files/7864/_an_introduction_and_ history_of_cittaslow.pdf. Accessed 3 Mar 2023. Sainsbury’s. (2022). Better for the planet. Available at https://www.about.sainsburys.co.uk/sustainability/better-­for-­the-­planet. Accessed 24 Mar 2023. Statista. (2022). Europe: Grocery sales per unit area 2020. Available at https://www.statista.com/ statistics/1227277/grocery-­sales-­per-­unit-­area-­europe/. Accessed 24 Mar 2023. Statista. (2023). Great Britain: Grocery market share 2022. Available at https://www.statista.com/ statistics/280208/grocery-­market-­share-­in-­the-­united-­kingdom-­uk/. Accessed 24 Mar 2023. Steel, C. (2013). Hungry city: How food shapes our lives. Vintage. Stewart, H. (2023). Four-day week: ‘Major breakthrough’ as most UK firms in trial extend changes. The Guardian. Guardian News and Media. Available at https://www.theguardian. com/money/2023/feb/21/four-­day-­week-­uk-­trial-­success-­pattern. Accessed 27 Mar 2023. Ten Caat, P. (2018). Towards energetic circularity: Greenhouse-supermarket-dwelling energy exchange. Msc, Delft University of Technology. TescoPLC. (2022). Climate change. Tesco PLC. Available at https://www.tescoplc.com/sustainability/planet/climate-­change/. Accessed 24 Mar 2023. Thün, G., Velikov, K., Ripley, C., McTavish, D., Fishman, R., & McMorrough, J. (2015). Infra eco logi urbanism (1st ed., pp. 96–97). Park Books. United Kingdom Food Security Report. (2021). Theme 2: UK food supply sources. GOV. UK.  Available at https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/united-­kingdom-­food-­security-­ report-­2021/united-­kingdom-­food-­security-­report-­2021-­theme-­2-­uk-­food-­supply-­sources. Accessed 4 Mar 2023. Zarocostas, J. (2022). Un says a third of food wasted. The Lancet, 400(10359), 1185. Available at https://doi.org/10.1016/s0140-­6736(22)01925-­0

Chapter 12

Designing Productive Urban Landscapes Minke Mulder and Claire Oude Aarninkhof

Abstract  This chapter discusses the design and calculation for the possibilities of productive urban landscapes: open urban spaces planted and managed in such a way as to be environmentally and economically productive through the implementation of urban agriculture. Urban Agriculture differs from rural agriculture because of a direct relation with the city’s market and presence in the (green) public space. Therefore, it is necessary to include functions and qualities associated with urban green. Productive urban landscapes contribute to adapting cities to future changes in climate and population, improving cities’ resilience and establishing a better living environment. The ProduCityPlanner researches the productive potential of Amsterdam through analysis of the city for productive potential on three scale levels (S, M and L). It is a toolkit that contains guidelines to check spaces’ suitability, match place, person and business model and then design a productive park according to a set of design principles and the spatial characteristics of the production system itself. Every city can change into a productive urban landscape. After many successful local initiatives on the small scale, it is time to apply the framework at a larger scale. By introducing M- and L sized projects, a difference can be made at city level. Productive urban landscapes are both a framework and a network: they (re-)use resources, adapt cities to climate change, generate community involvement and social control and explore new markets – linking people to new places. Keywords  Urban agriculture · Productive urban landscapes · Climate adaptation · Urban development · Healthy cities · Producityplanner · Public space design

M. Mulder AG FREIRAUM Landschaftsarchitekten PartGmbB, Freiburg im Breisgau, Germany C. Oude Aarninkhof (*) Arnhem, The Netherlands COALstudio, Arnhem, Netherlands © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_12

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12.1 Introduction The story of food: where it comes from, how it grows and the labor it involves, starts to become visible in the Dutch cities. Historically all cities contained production space, logically supplying the population with food, using local resources. Its surrounding landscape served the city additionally with a direct link between the field and the market. Industrialization caused scale enlargement, both in cities and in agricultural areas. Production moved further away and disappeared from the consumer’s eye. Due to the changing relation between city and hinterland, production is no longer the main function of the land surrounding the city, consumption is. Considering worldwide food security is still at stake (FAO, 2006), this has led to a search for new production space. Over the past decades landscape architects and local gardeners have intended to show that the urban green can contribute and become productive, instead of purely functioning for aesthetic or quantity-green-­ policy reasons. Productive urban landscapes, open urban spaces planted and managed in such a way as to be environmentally and economically productive, are finally becoming reality (Viljoen, 2005). In fact, urban agriculture can be seen as a tool to create productive urban landscapes: it helps in adapting cities to future changes in climate and population, improving cities’ resilience and establishing a better living environment. To successfully introduce a productive element in the city, thoughtful design is vital. A study investigating the potential of urban agriculture in the post-industrial city of Amsterdam is ‘Productive Urban Landscapes’ and the thereafter commissioned research project ‘Stadslandbouwdoos’ (Hereafter translated as ProduCityPlanner) (Mulder & Oude  Aarninkhof, 2008, 2014). The following chapter explains design considerations when creating a productive urban landscape. The steps to consider are analyzing the city for productive potential, checking suitability, matching place, person, and business model, and designing the productive park according to a set of design principles and the spatial characteristics of the production system itself.

12.2 Find Places to Activate First step is the search for space, where production could be added. Green areas in cities, and the urban tissue they are part of, can easily be inventoried and categorized. The outcome is a spatial analysis that leads to the creation of a map of potential (Fig. 12.1); by merging a top-down-analysis (from surrounding landscapes to city parks) and a bottom-up-analysis (research into building typologies, urban fabric spaces and derelict lands (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2014)) a zone with potential for urban agriculture becomes apparent. The possible sites are notably located as intermediates between highly urban and natural networks, a synergy.

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Fig. 12.1  Map of potential: spaces in Amsterdam suitable for the implementation of urban agriculture, supplying enough to feed a small borough with daily portions

Not all available green space is suitable for productive re-design. The degree of quality in urban green depends on the level of maintenance and the ‘replace-ability’ (Fig. 12.2). High maintenance implies a cultural character and high user intensity, whereas low maintenance provides growing opportunities and ecosystem development, leading to a more natural character. An indication of ‘replace-ability’ is valuable when protecting ‘old landscapes’; mature vegetation and green with cultural historical significance (dRO, 2003). The combination of an intermediate level of maintenance (no high user intensity, nor very natural) with replaceable green illustrates those parts of urban green where quality could be improved. The areas indicated as replaceable and fairly extensive, are most suitable to implement urban agriculture, because agriculture is characterized as cultivated green and has a temporary aspect.

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Fig. 12.2  The green-quality-matrix: rating replace-ability and maintenance intensity

12.3 Matching Place & Initiative Opposed to most urban green, productive green needs intensive maintenance. This can be executed according to scale; large scale would fit commercial holdings or contractors, small-scale calls for community involvement and caretakers living close-by (Berg, 2008). The ProduCityPlanner categorizes potential locations or spaces into S, M, or L size (Figs. 12.3 and 12.4): –– S includes the small-scale projects for individuals to produce harvest for their own community. Examples are allotments, community gardens or school gardens. The projects have a strong social cohesion and are usually based on volunteer work. –– The M-category of initiatives find their location in a public space like a park or urban fringe, where production adds to recreational use. Even though the plots are bigger, and the produce might be sold of rather than shared amongst volunteers, these parks are never solely about food production.

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Fig. 12.3 ProduCityPlanner

–– The L level consists of the largest plots, including derelict land without direct spatial claims or a cluster of left-over green spaces that can be combined and optimized into an urban agriculture production system. The main productive plot should have the longest guaranteed availability. From this hub several plots can be maintained, for example with a productive construction company who guarantees the continuity. Working with contractors and subscriptions (for example harvest subscriptions, market stalls or baskets to buy) safeguards the continuity in maintenance, whilst still providing the local inhabitants the opportunity to collaborate in their neighborhood green. The local government, research platforms and social media (like the former online platform ‘Farming the city’ (2013–2015)) can form the link between initiators and available land (Fig. 12.5).

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Fig. 12.4  Combined principles, ProduCityPlanner

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Fig. 12.5  Types of maintenance define social impact

12.4 Designing a Productive Urban Landscape Urban agriculture involves the production of crops and animals in direct synergy or competition with urban activities and use of resources (Berg, 2001). It is a way of enhancing natural processes in the city. It is an intermediate between urban and natural networks, with high user intensity and a strong relation to the natural base. It differs from rural agriculture because of a direct relation with the city’s market and presence in the (green) public space. Therefore, it is necessary to include functions and qualities associated with urban green. The design principles described below are suitable for implementing urban agriculture into the green public spaces of a city. These differ from places where the production is entirely separated from the people, like farmland, allotment gardens or indoor intensive farming. Integrating production in the public realm makes it visible for people and therefore has the highest impact (Fig. 12.6). Because of the mix with recreation and dwelling, the maximum production yield is reduced to 40% (Mulder & Oude Aarninkhof, 2008) (Fig. 12.7). It is important to consider that the goal of urban agriculture is not only to produce a maximum number of carrots, but also to further to enhance the city’s fitness, which includes recreation, water retention, climate trees, roads, and places to play. A framework would consist of several layers, like accessibility & connectivity (routes, borders, orientation), program, and finally the production itself (Fig. 12.8). Accessibility and connectivity are achieved by making a site accessible and passable for pedestrian and cyclists. Furthermore, the domain has a hart: a farmhouse or café from where production is coordinated. Attached to the route system the different park functions, tree lines and grass for recreation find a place. The production plots

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Fig. 12.6  Visualisation of public transport hub at the entrance of productive park

Fig. 12.7  Stadsschijf (City Slice)

are located behind and between the park functions. The various production entities all have limited accessibility but vary in sight and transparency. When integrating production systems into the urban fabric, the transparency of processes is relevant. The food production process becomes part of daily life again; for citizens to understand the land use-function helps acceptance and/or involvement. The degree of visibility, achieved by possibilities to view and walk around plots, is substantial for integration with urban green. To protect the quality of green and of the production, illusory access (good sight, no entry) is required.

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Fig. 12.8  Framework for productive park design

This illusory access takes form in the design of plot borders. Classic example is the use of hedges, surrounding arable lands or allotments. Not only do they mark property borders, but they also offer habitats to flora and fauna that benefit the crops. Ditches can structure sites for drainage and prevent direct access. By varying height and width of embankments, topography can help to create distance and a more playful overview of the plots at the same time. Tree rows/lines guide the larger plot entities. The choice of tree species makes a crucial difference; for example, climate change adaptable Tilia trees are suitable along roads with car traffic, catching fine dust. Fruit trees have a high visual impact in spring and yield popular produce. With the framework in mind, the actual production system is designed. In case of urban agriculture, organic production would be most fitting. Without the use of artificial fertilizers and pesticides, it resembles natural cycles and therefore helps to improve natural resistance. Additionally, in the dense urban environment health and safety conditions come into play. Furthermore, there is market for organic food, as illustrated by the recent expansions of Farmer’s Markets and eco-supermarkets. Organic production of fruit and vegetables requires a crop rotation (Schroën, 1993) (Fig.  12.9). In a crop rotation plant are cleverly grown after one another, season by season. The different crops can profit from the combination of nutrients left in the soil by the one preceding it (Leferink & Damsma, 1995). A crop rotation is also necessary to suppress diseases. The plant calendar with 8-year-rotation forms the basis of a park’s vegetation plan. It shows when crops are planted, sown, harvested, or ploughed. The scheme attempts to create an evergreen character and

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Fig. 12.9  Plant calendar example for organic crop rotation with year-round production and green appearance

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Fig. 12.10  Visualisation of new building block with communal allotment garden in courtyard

has various harvest moments throughout the year. When there is no crop grown, green manure plants replace it and improve the fields. The rhythm of the park, different from the rhythm of city movements surrounding and crossing it, becomes visible.

12.5 Conclusion Every city can change into a productive urban landscape. After many successful local initiatives on the small scale, it is time to apply the framework at a larger scale. By introducing M- and L sized projects, a difference at city level can be made. This is the crucial step to provide a city with a spatially visible, experiential food system and enhance its resilience. A thorough search for places within the existing urban green, derelict lands or building blocks that have a medium maintenance intensity, high replace-ability, a viable maintenance-business model, and people nearby and involved, is the starting point for this extra layer in the urban landscape (Fig. 12.10). Careful design, based on local characteristics, makes every plot both unique and part of the greater framework. And so, productive urban landscapes are both a framework and a network: they (re-)use resources, adapt cities to climate change, generate community involvement and social control and explore new markets – linking people to new places.

References Dienst Ruimtelijke Ordening Amsterdam. (2003). Ruimtelijke inventarisatie tuinparken Amsterdam, Amsterdam: dRO. FAO. (2006). The state of food insecurity in the world. FAO. Farming the City. (2013). http://farmingthecity.net. Accessed 23 Feb 2014.

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Gemeente Amsterdam. (2014). http://maps.amsterdam.nl/braakliggende_terreinen/. Accessed 23 Feb 2014. Leferink, J., & Damsma, E. (1995). De biologische weg naar een duurzame vollegrondsgroenteteelt. Informatie- en Kenniscentrum Akker- en Tuinbouw, afdeling Akkerbouw en Groenteteelt in de Vollegrond. Mulder, M. O., & Aarninkhof, C. G. (2008). Productive urban landscapes: Urban agriculture in post-industrial cities. Thesis, Wageningen UR. Mulder, M. O., & Aarninkhof, C. G. (2014). Stadslandbouwdoos (ProduCityPlanner). College van Rijksadviseurs, Young Innovators. Schroën, G.  J. M. (1993). Vruchtwisseling in de vollegrondsgroenteteelt. Informatie- en Kenniscentrum Akker- en Tuinbouw, afdeling Akkerbouw en Groenteteelt in de Vollegrond. van den Berg, L.  M. (2001). Urban agriculture as the combination of two ‘impossible’ though sustainable trends. Alterra Green World Research. van den Berg, L. M. (2008). Organisation structures urban agriclulture [notes], (personal communication, 14-01-2008). Viljoen, A. (2005). CPULs: Continuous productive urban landscapes. Architectural Press.

Chapter 13

Pre- and Post-Pandemic View of Meshing Street Art, Industry Architecture, Urban Design and the Imperative of Green Spaces in a Corporate World Ann McCulloch and Alexander McCulloch Abstract  This chapter has two parts. Part One explores the way in which Street Art in pre-pandemic times paid tribute to those urban designers attempting to bring green and open spaces into urban environments. One noted the presence of fauna and flora in the art as well as efforts made in industrial spaces to add vegetable gardens and a flourish of sunflowers to places of industrial waste. Part II acknowledges how these initiatives continued with the end of lock downs but also notes how public art privileged large characters representing human agency just prior the lockdowns in Sydney signaling the ending of marginalization of vulnerable people. Part II also takes on corporate management of towering skyscrapers noting negative and positive values as well as recognizing the completion of long-term plans in Geelong to bring green spaces back to the center of the city. This two- part work warns that there will always be a battle between the ideals and living conditions of the public and the corporate need for profit and progress. Street Art will dramatize this tension and see itself as a problem solver. Keywords  Street art · Architecture · Urban design · Climate change · Well-being · Green spaces · Industry · Corporate development and commercialisation

All Photos in this chapter are by Ann McCulloch, unless mentioned otherwise.

A. McCulloch (*) Emerita Professor of Literary Studies, School of Communications and the Creative Arts, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia A. McCulloch Director of Art Orpheus, Henri Caris and Associates, Melbourne, Australia © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_13

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Part I: Street Art: Mirror Reflections on and meshing with urban agriculture Ann McCulloch

13.1 Introduction This chapter will look at the way socio-political commentary exists in street art and how it has tended in recent times to be displayed in concert with cultural activities endemic to community urban gardens. The urgency with which inner suburban councils in Melbourne and Geelong, Australia, have dedicated themselves to carving out recreational and environmentally sound spaces is a re- flection on the expectations of multi-cultural groups whose culture incorporates the growth of vegetable and fruits (and flowers) close to their place of residence. Street art, famous for its commentary on urban ugliness, has integrated its philosophy and aesthetics, alongside notable community gardens in Melbourne. The images incorporate the aims of urban agriculture whilst often simultaneously critiquing the alienation of the urban dweller cut so relentlessly from the means of growing food and from accessing land that might produce it. Community gardens in the twenty-first century go some way to reversing a state of being in which ‘workers’ were alienated from the source of their labor and their survival. Simultaneously, graffiti management policies are being developed in Melbourne to curb illicit graffiti. Alison Young points out in her interrogation of these policies that: ‘requests for graffiti removal from private property in the City of Yarra increased from 2500 in the City of Yarra in 2010 to over 4000 in 2012’ (Young, 2012). This however does not indicate a widespread disapproval of graffiti but more that those who do disapprove do so intensely and go to some lengths to make their views heard. This point is made here to emphasize that Graffiti art is capable of transforming cultural preferences and prejudices and that this happens most effectively when there is a perceived tension between how it is valued and how it is despised. This is a new social relation- ship mediated by images.

13.2 Graffitti and Community Gardens Join Hands It is a worthwhile exercise to probe the extent to which street art in the inner laneways of Melbourne, Australia, incorporate fauna and flora into their designs. This reference to all that is organic in environments devoid of vegetation draws attention not only to that absence but also for the need to address it. This work will therefore deal with two interrelating themes: (1) Street art that complements community gardens; (2) Street art that engages with agricultural imagery and images of fauna and flora with the aim of subverting the continual growth of unregulated concrete jungles. Furthermore, it is integral in this analysis to look at how different artists (including graffiti artists) throughout the world have decided to remind city dwellers that they may have forgotten the sheer beauty involved in incorporating into city spaces, dominated as they are by concrete highways, reminder that they are of

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nature and that cities have imposed a superstructure on their lives that have compromised their own humanity. In Melbourne Australia, in the suburb of St Kilda, a bayside suburb, there exists a vegetable plot overseen by Luna Park, a place of carnival treats: a scenic railway, giggle palace and other assorted rides designed to terrify and excite simultaneously (Fig. 13.1). Each weekend families arrive at the plot with fertilizers, watering cans and garden tools and as they get their hands embroiled in the dirt and chat to their weekend friends the screams of the riders of the scenic railway, as it takes them down a near perpendicular descent, punctuate the conversations of the urban gardeners. St Kilda is a sophisticated suburb providing its residents and weekend visitors a long street (Acland St) of the most delicious cakes, stores sporting hand-­made bags, paintings and jewelry and restaurants offering cuisine from all over the world: Indian; Malay; Indonesian; Italian; Turkish to name a few. On Sundays the beach walkways are lined with craft shops and the streets are crowded, music plays, and people walk the beach or play volleyball on it. As one walks from the line of cosmopolitan shops towards the beach it is alluring to watch the week- end gardeners at work. Surrounding the garden there exist small art-studios often tagged by local graffiti enthusiasts. Art, off course has long drawn on nature for its content and it makes sense in a rather whimsical way that as families cultivate their vegetables, just a few meters away artists create their art (Figs. 13.2, 13.3, 13.4 and 13.5).

Fig. 13.1  Community garden and Luna Park

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Fig. 13.2  Community garden, St Kilda

Fig. 13.3  Art & vegetables

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Fig. 13.4  Public art, backdrop to garden Fig. 13.5  Art & conserving water

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13.3 Inner City Street Art: Fauna and Flora It was with this combination of garden and ecology with public art in mind that I walked the streets of Melbourne, particularly in Fitzroy, Collingwood and surrounding suburbs where graffiti is welcomed and appreciated as a significant cultural presence, to see how much of the graffiti brings to the walls animals, fish, and natural environments. The walls of these neighboring suburbs are extensively covered with the works of Rone; Phibs; Meggs; Sync; Wonderlust; Prizm; Makatron and The Tooth to mention but a few of the street artists that work under a collaborative collective known as Everfresh.1 Most of this artwork is geometric, intensely coloured and includes cartoonish characters ensconced in industrial frames (Fig.  13.6). In recent months though a giant fish has appeared in Brunswick (Fig. 13.7), a huge galloping monkey being ridden by smaller monkeys and a young girl wraps itself around a house that sits at the junction at the point where Brunswick St changes into St Georg- es Rd. (Fig. 13.8) and animals, applied as stencils, appear prolifically in the most unlikely of places (Fig. 13.9). The more I wandered the streets the more I saw cultural ecology revealed in images exhibiting animals in varied states of distress (Figs. 13.10, 13.11 and 13.12). Characteristic of these works of art is that they vanish as swiftly as they appear.

Fig. 13.6  ‘Tortoise’ by Makatron

 See Megs (designer) & Cathy Smith (Ed.) (2010), Everfresh: Blackbook: The Studios & Streets: 2004–2010, Melbourne: The Miegunyah Press, for profiles on these artists. 1

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Fig. 13.7  ‘Fish’ by Itch

Fig. 13.8  HeraKut (artist)

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Fig. 13.9  Kaffine (artist)

Fig. 13.10  ‘Polar bear’, in car-park, Rose St., Brunswick, Melbourne

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Fig. 13.11  ‘Magpie’ by Alstark

Fig. 13.12  ‘Toad in car-park’

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Nevertheless, there was something new happening. Art and gardening/ and presentation of vegetation/flowers are finding a new meeting place.

13.4 Sunflowers, Art and Industry In the last few months, a Melbourne artist, Ben Morieson, has married gardening with art. Morieson was influenced by Cuban city dwellers, when visiting Havana, who since the 1980s have created prolific gardens that were designed primarily to feed the residents, but which also beautified their city. The idea of turning an industrial site into a garden became a reality for Morieson when he decided to bring to an industrial site the fact of nature. In doing so he created art calling the artwork ‘Fieldwork’ which Megan Blackhouse, reviewing the site, noted was ‘a play on the color field painting’ that was rampant in the late 50 s in Melbourne and elsewhere (Backhouse, 2014). In the inner suburb of Kensington, Morison and his team planted thousands of sunflowers on a site covered in old scrap-metal, rusty from the elements, amongst greasy mud puddles. The impact is spectacular. In visiting the site, I was overwhelmed with the dominance of that yellow that only sunflowers can quite embody. The choice of site was inspired as this vast field of sunflowers had a backdrop of warehouses and factories covered in graffiti. In view, when standing amongst the flowers, there is a freeway overpass and rail tracks suggesting transport of industrial waste rather than people. Interestingly the artists/gardeners did not remove the scrap metal, nor did they fill in the pools of dead water; they simply became part of the artwork. The message was nevertheless clear (Fig. 13.13).

Fig. 13.13  ‘Sunflowers seeding a change of art’, This photo shows a wasteland transformed; Ben Morieson stands in the midst of his living work of art in Kensington. (Search by image: www.smh. com.au 620 × 349. Photo: Ken Irwin)

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This garden of sunflowers created quite deliberately on what could be termed an abandoned industrial waste site creates quite a contrast to the city of Guiyu in China’s Pearl River Delta. Here is the place where all the old laptops go to die. McKenzie Wark in his book The Spectacle of Disintegration2 intent to show what happened to developed societies when desires were met excessively in a society reliant on cell phones and computers describes this place as one of hopelessness, ugliness and as far removed from nature as conceivable. It indicates that the adage ‘take out time to smell the roses’ would need to be deconstructed as an old myth for contemporary workers in industrial societies. The place, Wark describes as ‘something like the electronic-waste capital of the planet. He writes: ‘Some sixty thousand people work there at so-called recycling, which is the new name for the old job of mining minerals, not from nature but from this second nature of consumer waste’.3

13.5 Glimmers of Hope Nevertheless, whilst the postindustrial age creates cities of waste (even though heralded as ‘re-cycling’) there are architects, urban agriculturalists, ecologists, and town planners’ intent on improving cities to promote ‘livability, productivity and sustainability’. Under the title ‘ECOSPINE- An Integrated Ecological Concept for the Regeneration of Geelong CBD’ a group of researchers led by Professor Elkadi are in the process of working towards implementation of what is termed an ‘Ecological Spine’ in the city of Geelong.4 The plan is one that involves integrated planning to enhance ‘livability, productivity and sustainability’. Professor Elkadi writes: ‘One of the six catalyst projects proposed was the establishment of an Ecological Park running east west through the central activities district. This concept involves transformation of key features in the city back to a more ecologically sensitive infrastructure linking people with place and nature. The concept extends the Johnston’s Park precinct between the Geelong Train Station and the CBD in its first stage’ (Fig. 13.14). The project in its entirety is a complex one and includes ‘engineering and environmental opportunities’ one of which is an opportunity to provide water cycle management options in the design which may include a wetland park and more efficient storm water management in the park. Alongside this project and relevant to the theme of this chapter concerning ‘Food, Art and Nature’ there is the planned feasibility study which ‘will develop regional understanding on current and future urban and peri-urban food producers and systems, building a better understanding

 M. Wark (2013), The Spectacle of Disintegration, London: Verso, p. 14.  M. Wark (2013), The Spectacle of Disintegration, London: Verso, p. 14. 4  H.  Elkadi (2014a, b), Development of an Ecological Spine and WMC, Living Victoria Fund, Victorian State Government. Project Summary. 2 3

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Fig. 13.14  The ecological spine: Plans for Geelong City

of the local and regional food economy’.5 In a city where industries related to manufacturing are in decline this study will identify the possibility of bringing to the fore local food production, not only in terms of current needs but, also, needs projected into the future. At a time in which people have become increasingly aware of the impact of climate change, a new agribusiness has emerged; subsequent businesses such as organic locally grown food provide new business opportunities and in themselves embody a cultural change in the way we see our cities. What is being identified here is a transformative period in which architects, businesspeople, city dwellers, urban planners, and researchers in these areas are becoming attuned to and influencing the ways in which cities can reintegrate with agriculture and to see this as connected to how places are designed and built. Art plays its part in these transformations not only in raising consciousness but also in reflecting changed consciousness via images in public places.

13.6 Public Art in Unlikely Places The tendency of artists to use flora and fauna to enliven cities or simply to wake people up to the barren nature of their utilitarian environments is a worldwide movement. The work of the Barsky broth ers rendered succinctly in a recent text titled Urban Recreation warrants attention.6 In many ways their art reminds me of Blek Le Rat’s comment about his urban art ‘I love hidden places where I love to

 Ibid.  AKAY &Peter (Barsky brothers).

5 6

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create a surprise. Surprising the passersby is a big strength of urban art’.7 The Barsky brothers also are motivated to surprise. It is, though, to surprise people who have forgotten their natural origins, who have been consumed by a form of modern life in which there is daily travel through concrete freeways and hours sitting in front of computers. In the for- ward of the book they ask: ‘What if more people turned the places where they ARE into places where they WANT TO BE: Its not so hard’. And to prove the point they constructed a cottage and placed it on an elevated rock area above flowing traffic and industrial landmarks. The cottage was given a small surrounding garden decorated with a Christmas tree when the time was appropriate and changed to reflect the change of seasons and the advent of festivals. The impact was positive to the extent that the Department of Pub lic Works deemed that ‘Traffic Island’, as it was named, was allowed to stay. At this point the brothers developed it further creating a summer garden, which entailed carrying 65 liters of water up a mountain each day to water the lawn. Kidpele who is the spokesperson (in written word) about the Barsky projects makes the following pertinent points: The projects are not to be categorized as a particular kind of art; they are projects that come about by action recognizing the propensity for artists to fail before words; the city is the playground for these artists which is why the text is entitled urban recreation and he notes: ‘The Barsky Brothers show us that its possible for people without cars, without permits, without grants or other financial aid to just go outside and make something wonderful. If you have an idea and you’re willing to put work into it, there are no excuses’.8 Other Barsky projects have included: cut-out animals ‘shadows’ made from plywood which were ‘let loose’ at Karberg stations; a luncheon party of diners set up as a picnic on a grassy median between two busy highways; the placement of swings in unlikely places throughout the city allowing those individuals ‘who would stop everything and just take ad- vantage of the moment, allowing herself to get swept away’9 and the scribbling screen, aka Klotterullgarden, which in the current cultural context in which there are strong anti- graffiti feelings in some communities, provided an alternative for those who wish to express themselves without provoking hostilities. The scribbling screen was set up on a wall of the college of Architecture that is often plagued by tags. People passing by had the option of either contributing to the screen or pulling it up as a form of protest. What was interesting about the experiment was that no one wrote on the surrounding walls during it. Nevertheless, there is no intention here to suggest that graffiti, written on walls illicitly, is necessarily an evil. There are environments where it enriches the cultural experience of the residents and performs an important function in making public feelings and philosophies of a community.

 A. N. McCulloch, ‘Interview with Blek Le Rat’, Melbourne, 2010.  Kidpele, ‘Forewood’, Akay & Peter Urban Recreation, Denmark: Dokument Forlag, Norhaven book, 2006. 9  Kidpele. 7 8

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13.7 Redefining the Use of Public Spaces: Mural Art Worldwide Kiriakos Iosifidis collated a book of almost one thousand examples of mural art worldwide.10 Mural art as he defines it relates to large artworks and graffiti that take up entire walls in public places. It is he argues ‘a journey to the victorious battles against the lack of public spaces, battles that redefined the use of public space. Every wall has its own history, from murals that children make at school on walls, to interventions on walls created by architects in their unending battle to balance their constructions with the environment, to the simple interventions of public agents to renovate buildings11’. What is fascinating about this collection is the extent to which these murals encompass and celebrate nature drawing on for example: a giant sea wave on the side wall of a lifesaving club on a beach in France (2002)12; portraits of birds spray-painted into a bus shelter (2007) and field of red poppies on a wall of an electronic station (2007); concrete bunkers turned into seascapes (2007); a painting of a squirrel eating leaves (2008)13 or the extraordinary paintings by the City of Philadelphia-Mural Arts Program (MAP) of a flock of birds flying over yellow hills at twilight (2007)14 as well as a vast mural of a garden called ‘into the Garden’ (2004) painted on the side wall of a three-storied apartment block15. At least one-fifth of these one thousand artworks represented natural landscapes, animals, and seascapes and all were painted in stark industrialized areas.

13.8 The Spectacle of Disintegration McKenzie Wark in his book The Spectacle of Disintegration examines the extent to which we are engaged with existence as a spectacle, so much so, that we have become disengaged from what is real. His introductory chapter draws attention to a large amount of professional people deciding to commute for up to six hours a day to own what they see as the appropriate house displaying all the desired attachments of contemporary high living. In examining the ways in which the developed world has become ‘overdeveloped … which somehow

 Kiriakos Iosifidis, Mural Art: Murals on Huge Public Surfaces Around the World from Graffiti to Trempe L’oeil, Publikat Vertags- und Handels GmbH & Co, 2008. 11  Iosifidis, p. 5. 12  Anthony Dominique, Mural painted as a happening during the international surf competition on the beach in Hossegor, France, in Iosifidis, p. 16. 13  ART.EFX, Wolgast, Germany, in Iosifidis, pp. 18–20. 14  Phillip Adama and Rob Minervini ‘Dreams’ in Iosifidis, p. 75. 15  Ana Uribe Iosifidis, p. 76. 10

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overshot the mark’16 he points out that a change in direction may have brought about a qualitative transformation; instead, all that was achieved was an excess that denied itself its own critique. Urban agriculture, which includes art projects, that do more than offer mere critique, is a development that ensures action and transformation. It is a matter of reassessing the difference between needs and desires and recognizing that the realization of material desires in developed society simultaneously blinded the recipients. Wark notes when he attempts to represent the thought of the situationalists: ‘It’s the past we need for the critique of this present’.17 This is what is fascinating about Wark’s book- in looking back at the Situationists’ theory he does so with an eye to the present and the future in how to ‘live without dead time’. This of course requires the ability to get outside a capitalistic system that in its organization was designed and driven by the continued insatiable desires of society. It raises the point on whether it is possible to get outside the system to conceptualize an alternative.18 It is the contention of this chapter that urban agriculturalists and artists at the community level do demonstrate that they can remove themselves from these insatiable desires. Those involved in related research however will be required to justify their studies in economic terms; that is the funding of such studies in the twenty first century will be granted only if the study whilst making life better for people must also argue that these changes will be financially profitable ones. Whilst the preference of families to grow their own food in built-up areas is indicative of a rejection of more established systems and a liberation of previously curtailed desire, the support of larger initiatives that requires governmental funding is more locked within the system in which profit is mandatory. This is the contradiction of our times. The argument of this piece however is that, in looking at urban agriculture alongside art there is an attempt to illustrate that representational forms embodied in the graffiti art or art projects I have presented achieve a collaborative meshing although not dictated by a political strategy are nevertheless not separate from it either. The reason that this short chapter is so enthralled and influenced by McKenzie Wark’s study of the ‘Situationalists’ is because he has shown brilliantly that there is a need in our own time to do what they did and that was that they found ‘strategies for confronting their own time, to challenge it, negate it, and push it, however slightly, towards its end, toward leaving the twentieth century’.19

 See: “Address to Revolutionareies of Algeria and All countries,” in Knabb, Anthology, p. 119, Internationale Situationiate, No. 10, March 1966. P. 46 quoted in Wark, The Spectacle of Disintegration, p. 8. 17  McKenzie Wark,The Spectacle of Disintegration, London: Verso., 2013 p. 16. 18  This idea of the impossibility of conceptualizing an alternative when embroiled in a system was introduced to this chapter in discussion with Benice Spark who is currently working on a doctoral thesis on the novels of Don de Lillo and the extent to which his novels deal with this entrapment. 19  Wark, p. 20. 16

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Wark in his study of Guy DeBord, a nota- ble situaltionalist, emphasizes that and books emphasized the need to see the relation between things, events, artwork and the actions of people. Artists of the street, architects and urban agriculturalists are thinking now in terms of these relations and striving to dispense not only with ‘dead time’ but also with cities that have forgotten the fact of nature and the possibility of it being replenished. An artwork in conjunction with a community garden has a certain amount of power in reminding us of what Nietzsche had predicted science would lead to: ‘the pretentious lie of civilization’. Nietzsche as early as the mid nineteenth century stressed the significance of the earth: ‘Remain faithful to the earth, my brothers, with the power of your virtue. Let your gift-giving love and your knowledge serve the meaning of the earth. Thus, I beg and beseech you. Do not let them fly away from earthly things and beat with their wings against eternal walls. Alas, there has always been so much virtue that has flown away. Lead back to the earth the virtue that flew away, as I do – back to the body, back to life, that it may give the earth a meaning, a human meaning.20 Nietzsche’s insistence that humankind had ‘been educated by his errors,’ that ‘he placed himself in a false order of rank in relation to animals and nature’, has long been acknowledged. The twenty first century, in its second decade has accepted the risks for a future, on a global scale. It is now seen as a world that no longer can afford to treat nature merely as a source of cultural or economic production. Nature has now an acknowledged agency and tells us of its presence and its destruction by humankind. Public art and community gardens are reflections of a discord amongst a people becoming increasingly aware of the need to rethink our cities and create environments that connect us with the natural world of flora, fauna and recreational space that challenges the dominance of concrete, technology, and industrial waste. Part II: 2014–2023: The Continued Battle between Art and Well Being with Corporate Management and Industry Ann McCulloch & Alexander McCulloch In returning to the issues outlined above my immediate attention was to assess any new directions in street art in Australia. Just prior lockdowns in our major cities it was apparent that street artists (and ‘canvasses’ including silos and huge walls of high city buildings) became enmeshed with the representation of formerly marginalized public figures. There has not been a withdrawal of fauna and flora in street art but what has emerged is the presence of the transformative human. Of interest also is the extent to which industry and art had tentatively joined hands- a necessary point of engagement if one were to feel optimistic about the ideals of an urban architecture intent on including natural phenomena whether trees, grass, and open skies in built up areas and art that mirrored that enterprise.  Friedrich Nietzsche (2006) Thus Spake Zarathustra, in Keith Ansell Pearson & Duncan Large (Eds), The Nietzsche Reader, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, p. 256. 20

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The problematic relationship between art and life is somewhat resolved by an urban architecture that creates practical environments that are green and aesthetically realized. Street Art, as argued in Part 1, reflects human desire to heed the presence of nature, both its beauty and its terror, in urban spaces as well as to dramatize the consciousness of its tensions.

13.9 Industry and Art An excellent example of such a union is the artworks on major city buildings in Sydney. The project was conceived and curated by Alex McCulloch in conjunction with a major Australian bank: ANZ and was deemed highly successful by the art  -world, the public and industry itself. Alex McCulloch addressed an international conference audience in 2016. Under the rubric ‘Breaking Points’ he later wrote the following giving an overview of his experiences21: Can Industry and the Arts work together? What are the obstacles to such a project? What are the ruptures and what is the nature of the success when it comes together? This is the story of street artists working with a large corporate sponsor: the ANZ bank. I was the curator and project manager of this event which resulted in three walls in Sydney’s CBD exhibiting the works of street artists: Adnate; Kaff-eine and Elk. The subjects, creators and location of paintings are as follows:

1. Jenny Munro by Adnate (Haymarket), A Wiradjuri elder, Jenny Munro is the founder of the Redfern Aboriginal Tent Embassy. The artist Matt Adnate is one of Australia’s foremost street artists and big wall painters, internationally recognised big wall artist Matt Adnate is famous for painting indigenous portraits (Figs. 13.15 and 13.16). 2. Katherine Hudson by Kaff-eine, (Bondi Junction). LGBTI activist Katherine Hudson is a co-founder of Wear It Purple, a schools-based anti-bullying campaign to arrest the scourge of LGBTI youth suicide. Street artist Kaff-eine is known for her unique visual style in combining illustration and quirky caricature (Figs. 13.17 and 13.18). 3. Father Dave Smith by E.L.K., Martin Place. ‘Fighting’ Father Dave Smith is the founder of youth centres helping disengaged or disadvantaged adolescents challenged by drug addiction. Sydney-based artist, Luke Cornish, a.k.a. E.L.K., is known for his interpretative approach using layered, handmade stencils (Figs. 13.19 and 13.20). This project was highly successful from the artists’ point of view and the causes they represent. Equally, it was successful from the corporate perspective: it was the second most successful online campaign the ANZ bank has ever had, gaining from  Alex McCulloch, ‘Art and Industry’ at Double Dialogue Conference: Why do Things Break, University of Adelaide, 2016. 21

Fig. 13.15  Painting by Matt Adnate. (Photograph: Alex McCulloch)

Fig. 13.16  Painting by Matt Adnate. (Photograph: Alex McCulloch)

Fig. 13.17  Painting by Kaff-eine. (Photograph: Alex McCulloch)

Fig. 13.18  Painting by Kaff-eine. (Photograph: Alex McCulloch)

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Fig. 13.19  Painting by Luke Cornish, a.k.a. E.L.K. (Photograph: Alex McCulloch)

it $5,000,000 worth of advertising. What I have asked myself is, is this partnership an anomaly or is this the reality of the contemporary world whereby former ideological enemies (capital and art) have no choice but to build bridges? I hope that it is the latter. The processes of working with corporate management did not come without its challenges. I do acknowledge that some may have been a result of my naiveté and eagerness to see the project realised; I am sure that anyone with experience in working with large corporations and government would have predicted that long delays and frustrations were inevitable. However, I feel that the struggles I underwent taught me the extent to which Australia’s cultural horizons have broadened. It is reassuring to experience the fact that a bank such as the ANZ, as the principal sponsor of the project, recognized that the Australian climate has changed and that it is within their remit and that of their customers to support an art project of this scale which advances the cause of marginalised groups in the community. The agenda at first seemed straightforward. Firstly, I was to find the artists. Having long worked with street artists in my varied roles as gallery owner and director, this was the easy part. The second step was to find three walls across three suburbs. I viewed at least 100 walls and put in applications for 40 of them. It seemed to go well at first, despite the lengthy preparation of each application, which took at least a week to formulate. After arduous work, I managed to get through the various

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Fig. 13.20  Painting by Luke Cornish, a.k.a. E.L.K. (Photograph: Alex McCulloch)

and varied council processes (the complications of which would take an hour to outline). However, officials within the ANZ (and as anyone who has worked with large corporate entities will attest, there are always committees upon committees working at different tiers of importance and each step required ratification) then decided that the three walls must be in the CBD. Unlike Melbourne, there are few available and suitable walls in Sydney. Naturally, after all my efforts, I felt blighted. Not only did I have to reject the ones that I had fought so hard to secure and for which the owners were enthusiastic to be used, and were understandably disappointed, but I had to begin lengthy negotiations again. This entailed at least 100 further meetings in the search and securing of the final walls. Daily, the project went from high promise in the morning to collapse at the end of the day There was the time I successfully attained a perfect wall in George Street. Follow up meetings with the ANZ were resoundingly positive and I felt that this was a major achievement. But woe to me, the owner of the building just before the contract was signed wanted to choose the artists. And it was back to square one. I need a contemporary Franz Kafka to encapsulate the sheer absurdity of bureaucratic obstacles when trying to get a project of this kind up. I recall with some horror another wall that was secured and preliminarily approved for use by the council. I was ecstatic until I was informed that it must go to the City of Sydney Arts

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review committee. This committee does not meet often and so the approval, if secured, would only come through seven days after the agreed launch date. For this project to work, the three portraits were to emerge and be painted in the same week. To realise this, the launch date kept getting extended and I kept going to Sydney leaving my wife at home too many times with a newly born baby. I spent most of my time placating the teams of scaffold builders, film crews, traffic controllers, and very impatient artists all waiting on standby for the go-ahead. Each of the final walls involved 180 meetings. There were different people at the meetings each time and sometimes a casual throwaway line like, ‘shouldn’t all the paintings be done in ANZ colours,’ would send me plummeting, although I did learn never to look flustered. Imagine the possible expression on my face when it was announced that one of the walls, selected so that a portrait 40 m high would adorn it, must, according to a relevant official, be reduced to five metres by three metres. At one point I had to go to the mayor to plead our case when, yet another decision was made that undermined the project. These obstacles represent only a few of the many. All the while negotiations advanced at a snail’s pace, the artists had been paid and were waiting to commence the work. We were always in danger of losing them as timelines constantly changed (McCulloch, 2019). I think during the period of this project I only ever talked about walls and my family has banned me from ever using the word ‘wall’ again. The Berlin wall came tumbling down at the end of the cold war; the success of the Sydney walls and the portraits were sustained by a turbulent hot war between the whims and necessity of capital; the awareness of new audiences championing the causes of the marginalised and downtrodden, and the desire of the artist to create something beautiful that would not only interpret the world but also change it. Would I take on a project such as this again? Judged by the reaction of Sydney to the wonderful work that was created by these artists, I would have to answer with a resounding ‘Yes!’22

13.10 Street Art: Old and New Themes During and Post Lock Downs The privileging of people as potential agents of action, as contemplators and as societal representatives of change has become evident in post lock-down street art. However, they maintain back drops of both fauna and flora with the addition of machines that suggest the intervention of a mechanical and technical world on the natural one. In Melbourne most of the street Art present in 2014 that I discussed in Part 1 remains, though a little worn from weather and the absence of street artists during the pandemic, but it was a pleasure to note that the community garden in Bayside St Kilda was thriving.

 Extracts taken from Conference: Double Dialogues: Alex McCulloch,‘Why do Things Break’ University of Adelaide 2016. See also Kathryn Keeble (Ed) DoubleDialogues, Issue 19, 2018. 22

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The addition of the human form is the major change. It is often engaged in a political message. In Melbourne, tributes are made to health workers and the wearing of masks is pictured in people intent on survival or looking terrified (Web, 2020). In a Melbourne beachside suburb of Black Rock, a wall exhibits a health worker with wings holding up the earth on his back (Fig.  13.21). The artists are Brigitte Dawson and Melissa Turner. In Northcote an image of a woman wearing a surgical mask on a pillar of a railway overpass (Fig. 13.22) is Ai Fen, a senior doctor

Fig. 13.21  Black rock street art. (Photo by Wayne Taylor)

Fig. 13.22  Street art in Flinders Lane. (Photo by Wayne Taylor)

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at Wuhan Central Hospital who in December 2019 warned her colleagues of a new disease. She was silenced and reprimanded for spreading rumours. The artist, Amanda Newman, maintains that if the doctor’s words had been heeded the course of the pandemic history would have been vastly different. Wayne Taylor takes a more humorous approach invoking toilet rolls (Fig. 13.23) and the advantages of implementing social distancing by a jealous co-worker (Fig. 13.24).

Fig. 13.23  Street art Prahan Square. (Photo by Wayne Taylor)

Fig. 13.24  Street art in Northcote. (Photo Wayne Taylor)

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13.11 A Celebration of Street Art: Canberra, ACT, March 2023 A festival celebrating street art occurred in Australia’s capital city, Canberra, in 2023 in which the narrative is somewhat extended by including natural phenomena in otherwise peopled scapes. The art unfolds a post pandemic tale. A girl, somewhat reflective, is painted alongside a Kookaburra, an Australian icon in the world of Australian birds and known most for its haunting and jubilant laughter at dusk (Fig. 13.25). A vast wall situated in Bradden (32 Mort St) known as the Yamaroah wall attracted a group of co-designers whose efforts as a collective created a layout that facilitated their individual contributions. Again, we have a natural landscape ‘peopled’ by cartoon characters seemingly in a state of fighting chaos and one notes street artist Ruben’s character/monster who has numerous eyes. The mural has bright blue waves tipped with white froth and snow-capped mountains. This may well be based on a famous 1830, woodblock print by Japanese ukiyo-e artist Hokusai

Fig. 13.25  Street art Canberra. (Photo Ann McCulloch)

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(Fig. 13.26). In this print there is a storm-tossed sea, with a large wave forming a spiral in the centre; Mount Fuji is visible in the background. This iconic image that foregrounds the terror and magnificence of nature is appropriated into this street artwork. Wondrous forces of nature rise in magnificence yet in its foreground are miniature cartoon characters bearing weapons and exhibiting a kind of frenzy as if something needs to be conquered. The figures embrace the grotesque and robotic and seem fuelled by weapons of a mechanical and technological ilk. The artists DAI  =  Rub3n1sm  +  Seth One+Wiskey + PHIBS worked on the Yamaroah wall in Mont St Braddon, and it has become somewhat a centre piece to the Surface festival (Fig. 13.27). I was intrigued with the bird who confronts an artefact of itself highlighting to me that baffling relationship between art and life (Fig. 13.28). Is it metaphoric. Do we create cures of nature gone askew with artefacts (vaccines) that we must confront and, perhaps recognise, their human source and qualities, and debate their value endlessly. That Large bat that flies across the pink and blue sky is a presence to be dealt with and the configuration of the world in the sky suggests that the bat emerged as a global event. This work is by Crisp and is also located in Braddon (Fig. 13.29). Fig. 13.26  Great Wave off Kanagawa. (Sourced from Google, Photo Ann McCulloch)

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Fig. 13.27  The Yamaroah wall by DAI = Rub3n1sm + Seth One+Wiskey + PHIBS. (Photo Ann McCulloch)

Fig. 13.28  Street art Canberra. (Photo Ann McCulloch)

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Fig. 13.29  Painting by Crisp in Braddon. (Photo Ann McCulloch)

And finally, my limited overview ends with a more comforting figure seated amongst Flora and holding a drink that is shared by one of the two rosellas. The young female holds a cup that has stick figures drawn on it, suggesting a young child’s worldview. Her demeanour is one of a person in thoughtful contemplation. The work is by Scot Nagy and Krimsone at Palko also in Braddon (Fig. 13.30). In conclusion street art during the intense phase of the pandemic was non-existent and when it did emerge the fascination with fauna and flora in urban spaces was still present but, significantly, there was an additional debate in which the human presence emerged as hero, helper, victim, and contemplator. The world had changed, and street art captures the transfigurations and the potential agents of change as well as recognising the presence of an enigmatic terror.

13.12 Geelong Project: The ‘ECOSPINE’ In Part 1 of this chapter I was excited about an: ‘Integrated Eco- logical Concept for the Regeneration of Geelong CBD’. I was told a group of researchers led by Professor Elkadi were in the process of working towards implementation of what is

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Fig. 13.30  Painting by Scot Nagy and Krimsone at Palko in Braddon. (Photo Ann McCulloch)

termed an ‘Ecological Spine’ in the city of Geelong.23 The plan was one that involved integrated planning to enhance ‘livability, productivity and sustainability’. Professor Elkadi wrote: ‘One of the six catalyst projects proposed was the establishment of an Ecological Park running east west through the central activities district. This concept involves transformation of key features in the city back to a more ecologically sensitive infrastructure linking people with place and nature. The concept extends the Johnston’s Park precinct between the Geelong Train Station and the CBD in its first stage’. Eight long years later it is indeed satisfying to see that the project has progressed beyond research, meetings, and debates among the stakeholders. The Green Spine project is transforming central Geelong with a vibrant linear park along the length of Malop Street, connecting Johnstone Park and Eastern Park. The Green Spine will connect Johnstone Park to Eastern Park and the Botanical Gardens via six blocks along Malop Street.Cities around the world are embracing linear parks to support health and wellbeing. It is estimated that nearly a hectare of new green space will be added to the Geelong CBD as well as more than 10,000 plants and trees. The aim was to reclaim Malop Street as a pedestrian and active transport zone, providing enhanced alfresco and social opportunities, a safer cycling route spanning

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 H. Elkadi (2014a, b), Development of an Ecological Spine and WMC, Living Victoria Fund.

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the length of the Green Spine, and delivering a unique and distinctive streetscape showcasing Geelong’s UNESCO City of Design status.

13.12.1 Biophilic Design Principles A key feature in the designs is the use of ‘biophilic’ design principles, which seek to connect buildings and people more closely with nature. Biophilic city design has been proven to deliver a range of environmental, social, and economic benefits to the community. By embracing these design principles, flora and fauna will flourish along Malop Street,24 breathing new life into the CBD and supporting Geelong’s status as a UNESCO City of Design. The work done so far is admirable and has transformed an ugly industrial area into an environment of pleasure both in terms of its aesthetic qualities and the wellbeing effects of the presence of greenery.

13.13 Moving Forward: Self Critiques in Changing Times and Towering Skyscrapers in Melbourne During the lock downs in Melbourne, Australia, 109 new buildings were built. It is a curiosity on my part to wonder if the particularly aesthetically pleasing high skyscrapers that emerged gave attention to sustaining green spaces and acting as a stimulant of well-being for the visiting and resident public. Rachel Dexter in an article in the Age25 discusses comprehensively the success and limitations of these buildings. She points to a review that was brought to the buildings by a panel of experts of academics, architects, urban designers, a public space advocate and a Heritage Victoria founder.26 In Part I of this chapter, I referred to McKenzie Wark’s ‘The Spectacle of Disintegration’ in which he argues that material desire has blinded people of the values of the earth. He argues that needs must be privileged over desire and that mindless excess can deny the recipient of his/her/their own critique. It is clear from this examination of Street Art and reconstructions of city living outlined here that we  Block 1 (Malop Street between Gheringhap Street and Moorabool Street); Block 1 north side; Stage: Block 1 Stage 1 north side complete. 25  Rachel Dexter ‘Ten Buildings that changed Melbourne while you were at Home’, The Age, March 12, 2023. 26  The experts that are on this panel are: RMIT emeritus professor of environment and planning, and former Victorian government planner Michael Buxton, adjunct professor of architecture at Monash University and principal architect Kerstin Thompson, urban designer and design advocate Andy Fergus, architect and public space advocate Tania Davidge, and Heritage Network Victoria founder Adam Ford. 24

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have become more mindful in the third decade of the twenty-first century. It is this contention that makes the review of these recently erected buildings of particular interest. There have been criticisms. Mindfulness of the public or the artists representing it does not readily affect the imperatives of the developers. On first viewing, one can be blinded by the resourcefulness of utilising facades of nineteenth century buildings with towering skyscrapers rising up behind them. But after closely examining eight of these buildings via photographs and heeding the criticisms of the panel doing the review, I am less persuaded that mindfulness has resulting in correctness. Some buildings are more successful than others: (a:i:) ‘Queen and Collins’ building reimagined four of the oldest buildings in Melbourne: The historic Gothic Bank (1887); the former Stock Exchange building (1891); the former Safe Deposit building (1890) and the 34 story ANZ skyscraper (1993). It has been called ingenius in the way the space created is structured to welcome back the ground floor of office development and complimented for the way new Melbourne draws inspiration from the past. Others think it the worst rather than the best of ‘facadism’. There is not much left of the original but the façade. One critic commented, “Developers are plundering every square metre of the city that can be plundered for high rises, no matter what pre-agreements were reached”. (a:ii) ‘Collins Arch’ is complimented in at least having a lawn and (a:iii) ‘Munro Development’ is praised for its more human scale. (a:iv) ‘Premier Trove’, the Beyonce inspired skyline shape is admired for its novelty and beauty but criticised for its lack of balconies or out-door space. Panel member Buxton complimented (a:v) ‘Melbourne Connect’ which is built in brick with a central court yard. (a:vi) ‘Melbourne Square’, on the other hand, with its in-built supermarket and with an eight- minute walk to transport is considered not inviting for the general public. (a:vii) ‘Wesley Place’ integrates heritage into its design by building its enormous glass office tower within metres of the Wesley Church. Panel member Buxton and Ford see the office buildings as oppressively looming around the retained former church manse and note that neither respond to, nor effectively contrast with, its blue stone gothic forms and steeply pitched roof. I can’t help but think that in the decades ahead people will be disturbed by the buildings built during lock-down in Melbourne particularly due to the somewhat cynical use of nineteenth century buildings as their foundation. Late afternoon on the eve of submitting this chapter to the editor, I decided to drive into the city and have a close viewing of these buildings. I travelled from Mt. Macedon, a regional area 56  km from the city centre. The contrast between the mountainous heavily and heavenly treed area and Collins Street could not be greater, and this did askew my leaning towards wanting to see open green areas rescued from these towering constructions. I took two seven-year-olds with me to get an un-blurred view from children who will have their futures played out in these environs.

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As a matter of convenience I focused on (a:viii) 76–84 Collins St (Fig. 13.31). My research up to this point had included the voice of the panel members selected to review the buildings. I recall a criticism that centred on the loss of a public courtyard and open sunlight. Furthermore, the Heritage founder Adam Ford was horrified by the loss of Le Louvre Building, which dated back to 1855 and was one of Melbourne’s oldest retail buildings. This mammoth development at the “Paris end” of Collins Street teeters high above the former Commercial Bank of Australia (which houses a Rolex boutique). I stood diagonally across the intersection of Collins and Exhibition streets and looked up for the full effect of 47 floors of rippled glass wedge. At first sighting I was confused using a nineteenth century building at its base and recognised at once a gesture towards heritage requirements. The seven-year-olds, Evie and Hendrix, were overwhelmed by its size and splendour (Fig. 13.32). The entrance area was stunning with its high-grade shops, vastly high ceilings and wall cladding, which was diverse and glistening gold, silver, and copper and diverse in the use of wall materials splendid in many colours. Entering the centre of the ground floor three lane ways within the structure lead out into the roads that surrounded the huge building. One could at least see the outside, or glimpse it, as one viewed a collection of restaurants within the complex (Japanese, Mexican, wine bar, etc) with inviting signs generated by film or design. The children chose the restaurant with the skulls. Although these skulls are artefacts of a culture that reveres the day of the dead, I could not help transferring the image

Fig. 13.31  76–84 Collins St. (Photos: Ann McCulloch)

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Fig. 13.32  Collins and exhibition street splendour. (Photos: Ann McCulloch)

to buildings that once stood here that had either been removed or reduced to facades but with little sense of reverence towards them. In part 1 of this chapter, I used the notions of mirroring and meshing to represent relationships between related but quite specific unique disciplines of thought and complex entities of commercial practice. The key words therefore necessary to navigate this plane of negotiation and interaction are: Art; Architecture; Urban Design; Climate Change; well-being; green spaces; Industry; Corporate Development and Commercialisation. Art, we know is always in danger of being commoditized, but it is never in danger of not being a spectator of our joy and our terror.

References Backhouse, M. (2014). Sunflowers seeding a change of art. Sydney Morning herald, 8 Feb 2014. https://www.smh.com.au/lifestyle/sunflowers-seeding-a-change-of-art-20140206-3237z.html. Accessed: 21 Mar 2023. Dexter, R. (2023). Ten buildings that changed Melbourne while you were at home. The Age, 12 Mar 2023. https://www.theage.com.au/national/victoria/ten-­buildings-­that-­changed-­melbourne-­ while-­you-­were-­at-­home-­20230104-­p5cabx.html. Accessed 20 Mar 2023. Elkadi, H. (2014a). Geelong urban food hub. Regional Development Victoria, Victoria State Government: Research Project. Elkadi, H. (2014b). Development of an ecological spine and WMC. Living Victoria Fund, Victorian State Government: Research Project. Iosifidis, K. (2008). Mural art: Murals on huge public surfaces around the world from graffiti to Trempe L’oeil. Publikat Vertags-und Handels GmbH & Co. Kidpele, A., & Peter. (2006). Urban recreation. Dokument Forlag, Norhaven Book. McCulloch, A.N. (2010). Interview with Blek Le Rat. . McCulloch, A. (2019). ‘The breaking point’ in double dialogues, Issue 19. Megs (designer) & Cathy Smith (Ed.). (2010). Everfresh: Blackbook: The Studios & Streets: 2004–2010. The Miegunyah Press.

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Nietzsche Friedrich. (2006). Thus Spake Zarathustra. In K. A. Pearson & D. Large (Eds.), The Nietzsche Reader (p. 256). Blackwell Publishing. Wark, M. K. (2013). The spectacle of disintegration. Verso. Web, C. (2020). ‘All we can do is paint’. How Street Artists see Coronavirus Out Break. The Age. April 20, 2020. Young, A. (2012). Criminal images: The affective judgment of graffiti and street art. Crime, Media, Culture, 8(3), 297–314. https://doi.org/10.1177/1741659012443232

Chapter 14

Lutkemeer-Polder: An Agroecological Rurban Voedselpark Rob Roggema

and Jeffrey Spangenberg

Abstract  The Lutkemeerpolder is a historical polder close to Amsterdam, which is designated as a distribution center to be filled up with logistic boxes and halls. The citizen initiative, Voedselpark Amsterdam (Voedselpark Amsterdam, Voedselpark Amsterdam, oogst voor de toekomst. https://voedselparkamsterdam.nl/. Accessed 13 Feb 2023, 2022), is a bottom-up movement with the ambitious goal to protect the last piece of the fertile soil of Amsterdam. Instead, it proposes to use this unique area for an inclusive, nature-based food supply system. The plan consists of a combination of nature and the growth of food. It emphasizes the opportunities for citizen engagement, employment, and social interaction. The plan fits very well in the municipality’s policy ambitions in the field of food, climate, and green. However, the main decision is dependent on political courage, to rethink formerly taken decisions. Keywords  Edible Park · Lutkemeer · Nature-inclusive · Biological food · Circular agriculture · Voedselpark Amsterdam

14.1 Introduction The Lutkemeerpolder is located at the western edge of Amsterdam. The area is 43 hectares large. The area is currently being planned to become a business park (Must Stedebouw en Tauw, 2020). However, the fertile soil and location close to the city of Amsterdam make an alternative use a point of consideration. The ecological value is high and underestimated. Moreover, the lack of green space and space for urban food production urges future use of this area to be reconsidered. Voedselpark R. Roggema (*) Escuela de Architectura, Artes y Diseño, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] J. Spangenberg Amsterdam, the Netherlands © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_14

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Amsterdam urges local authorities to turn Lutkemeerpolder into agroecological extension of the city with a plethora of opportunities and functions that are supportive and needed to find and work out new answers to our current major agroecological challenges and dilemmas. Instead of feeding the endless hunger of our global supply chain, it is better to use our scarce resources to build on a new supply chain model, close to the city and bottom-up. A model that supports the needs and demands of humans and non-humans. A regenerative environment, that works on food security and climate control. Balancing the economy with the ecology of the city and the Voedselpark is a foundation in the municipal food policy and evolve as an internationally renowned project. Instead of an economic neo-liberal focus other values can become manifest, such as inclusiveness, diversity, and connectivity (Fig. 14.1). Imagine: A warm, summerlike, day in June 2030 comes to an end. Just above the fields, a gauze rises from the damp soil and plentiful vegetation. Despite the unprecedented heat in early summer the fertile soil contains sufficient moisture. The sweet scent of elderflower fills the air, while a wide variety of birds sing their songs from the bushes. Swifts screech through the air, courting, and diving in acrobatics circling towards the many insects that can be found here. The loud call of the natterjack toad sounds from the pools. You can’t imagine this is close to the city in one of the largest areas for urban agriculture in the country. Early morning the electric trucks and ditto ships full of fresh vegetables have left to supply urban markets and clients with food packages. Larger fields of commercial growers alternate with

Fig. 14.1  Location of Lutkemeer in the western fringe of Amsterdam

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areas that are cultivated by the local community. School trips and young school garden growers have long gone home. The end of the day belongs to residents of the New West Amsterdam district, returning from their collectively cultivated fields. Families from a variety of backgrounds as diverse as the city itself. A colorful mix and beautiful reflection of the population, groups of young adults or elderly work and live together. Some stay to enjoy the abundance of flowers, colors, insects, and scents. A belated group of foreigners falls from one surprise to another. A group of landscape architects, climate scientists, ecologists and journalists visit this famous project. It is an example for many other cities across the world. A diversity of scientific experiments showcases the impact of all activities. Here sustainable and healthy food is grown in the fringe of the city with a large engagement of people from the next-door neighborhood. The municipality and its citizens together create a livable and climate proof city. The project adopted a completely new way of validation, organization, and maintenance. It is not the economic value and shareholders that rule, but the city belongs to the people who live, work, and enjoy here. The sun sets in the west and colors the evening sky deep red. Will the long-­ awaited rain come? This area, in contrast with most of the Dutch landscape, will survive without rain, because the precipitation of earlier this year is stored in the fertile soil. This urban green lung has a profound cooling effect on the city which is more than welcome in the heated world. On one of the benches the mayor happily smokes his pipe. He enjoys the diversity and happy people. His heart is filled with pride. It was not easy to make the choice to transform this area into an ecological food paradise. It took a lot of reversed thinking. But looking at it now, one can hardly imagine anything else, especially when thinking about future generations. To leave a city that has real value was a golden decision. In hindsight it is easy. At once he was in doubt, but he came, thought, did, and saw that it was green.

14.2 Current Situation The Lutkemeerpolder is located in Amsterdam-Osdorp in between the Aker and Ringvaart. Originally, the landscape is low lying and a landscape full of longitudinal meadow plots, dewatered by tiny canals (Fig. 14.2). In the 1990s plans were made for this area to create a business park for companies related to Schiphol airport. The idea was that the airport would continue to grow and needed the space for these businesses. The construction of the northern part started in 2002, and the plan was to build the western part from 2018 onwards. The most recent plans for the area still show the construction of large logistics businesses. (Westas.8-13, undated). Currently a small part of the landscape is still in use for crop cultivation (Fig. 14.3). Nowadays these plans have become obsolete. Against the backdrop of climate change and the and the appallingly bad ecological conditions. New insights

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Fig. 14.2  The original landscape

also show that a plain construction of logistics hugely undervalues the potentials for nature, biodiversity and urban agriculture offer. This insight urges us to reconsider the land use and make a turn towards a sustainable future. With the land owned by SADC BV and the municipality of Amsterdam, this turn in thinking requires political will, courage, and vision. It necessitates an exchange of land and change of the land-use plan. The change to use the area as an edible park Lutkemeer is therefore by far not a done deal. The revaluation to nature, and regenerative agriculture fits very well in the spatial context of the Gardens of West with its main purpose of leisure, allotment gardens and sporting facilities. A small part is meant for urban agriculture. At the same time the demand for using the land for growing food is high. The current farmers are very successful and require more space and there is a long waiting list of likeminded people who want to start producing food near the city. Moreover, every year a large group of urban farmers graduate and are looking for land. These groups are united in the Urban Agriculture Network and the Future Farmers initiatives, and these new networks and ideas are growing fast. The western fringe of the city of Amsterdam could be turned into a food producing oasis of agroecology and this area becomes a main factor in the network of regenerative farming in the Amsterdam region. It connects large- and small-scale cultivation in a joint cooperative of residents and entrepreneurs, who fully focus on improving the sustainability of the food supply chain in the city, innovation in distribution and local markets.

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Fig. 14.3  Landscape transformations

14.3 Foodscapes The Netherlands is one of the biggest exporters of agricultural produce, while at the same time the country imports a large amount. By guiding this flow of food more towards the inner market, both export and import can be decreased. This has profound environmental advantages, related to resource depletion and transportation. This requires a closer connection of farmers and consumers, but also a critical analysis where supermarkets recruit their goods from (Voedsel verbindt, 2020). This leads to foodscapes with sustainable soils, a good water quality, and high biodiversity. Agriculture is dubbed ‘landscape-inclusive’ to offer farmers a fair income to produce healthy food and an attractive, accessible, and biodiverse landscape with clean water, air and a vital soil are self-evident (College van Rijksadviseurs, 2020a, b, c ,d). It fits in the quest for solutions in the myriad of disconnected problems, such

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as climate adaptation, reconstruction of the agricultural sector, urbanization, and energy transition. Novel and innovative perspectives are needed to create a beautiful and coherent landscape (College van Rijksadviseurs, 2018).

14.4 The Opportunity The existence of a large and fertile yet unoccupied piece of landscape close to the city is a unique opportunity to increase the quality of nature and sustainable growth of food. This is not only a hypothetical chance but content wise and financially very realistic. The main barrier is political, to reverse a decision that is already taken. A turn that requires the courage to step away from business-as-usual processes, one that fits the political agreement of the municipality of Amsterdam: “we are the first generation to experience the impact of climate change and the last generation that can do something about it. If we want Amsterdam to celebrate its 750th birthday in 2025 (Stichting Amsterdam 750, 2023) in a healthy state, we need to make robust decisions now”. To choose for the Voedselpark Lutkemeer is such a robust decision. The 43 hectares is not a small pocket of land but can really make a difference. It can substantially reverse the loss of biodiversity. The area offers enormous opportunities to create a ‘Living City’ (Price, 2018; Gershenson, 2013). A novel vision on ‘capital’ is however welcome, in which short-term economic value is replaced by sustainable value forever (Bos et al., 2019).

14.5 Guiding Examples The Voedselpark plan fits in perfectly with international trends for new integral forms to use space. All over the world people are working on the food transition. Agroecology, sustainable and social agriculture with as few external inputs as possible, with healthy soils and local products, involving many people and a fair income for the producers. In the coming years, the European Commission wants to ensure that the area under organic farming expands significantly (European Commission, 2021). Progressive cities in Europe and elsewhere in the world are already working to integrate agriculture and the city. Successful and inspiring examples exist in cities such as Leuven, Brussels, Ghent, and Paris, as well as in landscape parks in Barcelona and Valencia. It is striking how much social and financial support these projects manage to generate. An increasing number of urban regions are conscious about the added value, even the necessity to facilitate the growth of food in and near the city. Over 160 cities committed to develop local, sustainable, and fair food systems in the so-called Milan Urban Food Policy Pact (MUFPP, 2014). In Amsterdam, Van Amsterdamse Bodem (Van Amsterdamse Bodem, 2017), Food Council Amsterdam (Food Council

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MRA, 2017) and Voedsel Anders (Voedsel Anders, 2014) have contributed to the city’s intended commitments. Some of the most inspiring examples are found throughout Europe and North America: –– In Barcelona, Spain, two food-parks with a novel signature are added to the existing range of urban green spaces: the Parc Agrari del Baix-Llobregat, an agricultural park, and Parc Montserrat, a rural park. These food-parks are an integral part of the green network of urban and national parks in the Catalan city (Vereniging Delta Metropool, 2019). –– Boeren Bruxsels Paysans is initiated at the western fringe of Brussels, Belgium, right next to the multicultural neighborhood of Anderlecht (Fade in, undated). –– The city of Leuven in Belgium plans to stimulate urban agriculture through purchasing land for this purpose (Avermaete & Engelen, 2018), and offers land to urban farmers free of lease (Verbrugge, 2021) –– In 2015, the municipality of Lille, France, bought 47 hectares to enhance biological farming so the demand for organic and local food in the metropolis could be met (Giacchè et al., 2022). –– The Parisculteurs in Paris was launched in 2020. The program aims to green the city with a yearly area of 100 hectares, of which one third is planned for urban agriculture (Parisculeurs, undated). –– South and southeast of Milan, Italy, the Parco Agricolo Sud Milano is a large protected rural area. The area was founded in 1990 with the aim to preserve, protect and value the natural and historic heritage of the Po valley (Spagnoli & Mundula, 2021). The 47,000 hectares large area connects two nature reserves, Ticino Park and Adda Park. –– The so-called Frankfurter Grüngürtel is a large protected green rural area that is prevented from building activities. The area is meant for agricultural purposes, nature, and recreation and is one third of the surface area of the City of Frankfurt, Germany (Körner & Pilgrim, 1998). –– The government in Albuquerque (US), bought five farms of in total 160 hectares to protect agricultural land from project development. Local entrepreneurs manage the area and local residents can enjoy rural products, farm landscapes, educational activities, nature, recreation, and special events (City of Albuquerque, undated). –– In Detroit, US, the Michigan Urban Farming Initiative (MIUFI, undated) emerged after the economic downturn in the early twenty-first century. New sustainable ‘agrihoods’, food growing neighborhoods were launched all over the city. In the Netherlands, several promising initiatives have been developed over the years, such as in Almere and Rotterdam: –– The municipality of Almere, close to Amsterdam, stimulates urban agriculture initiatives (Ik bouw mijn huis in Almere, undated), for instance in the precinct of Oosterwold (Gemeente Zeewolde en gemeente Almere, 2013). Urban farmers

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and new residents shape this new precinct together in an innovative process of organic area development. 50% of the land is used for urban agriculture (Maak Oosterwold, 2019). A green city is literally growing here. –– The plan to spectacularly increase biodiversity, grow fair regional food, and develop an attractive business case for farmers, is a co-creation of Natuurmonumenten, farmers, supply chain businesses, (online) supermarkets and entrepreneurs in Rotterdam (Rotterdam de boer op, 2020). Besides these frontrunner initiatives, a series of design studies explored the link between urban agriculture and future spatial development of the landscape close to living areas. –– The perspective to create landscape ‘inclusive’ agriculture in the northern municipality of De Marne is to organize so-called chain-businesses, in which crop- and cattle farmers exchange resources, products and services. The future of De Marne comprises a robust ecological network with nature-rich edges of fields, broadened streams, and ecologically managed dikes. The sustainably maintained soil is the basis for a minimal use of pesticides and fertilizers (College van Rijksadviseurs, 2020b). –– The task for the farmers in the Krimpenerwaard, in the western part of the Netherlands, is huge. The uphill battle comprises a mix of general problems such as to reduce nitrogen deposition, enhancing the sustainability of the agricultural sector), with specific problems of the area, such as soil subsidence in the peat landscape and the care for meadow birds and biodiversity. In the plan for this area, agricultural viability is combined with a healthy soil, clean water and air, high biodiversity, and an attractive environment. The qualities of the past landscape with the technologies of the future (College van Rijksadviseurs, 2020c). –– A renewed connection between land use and landscape can be established by making Salland, in the eastern part of the Netherlands, more dynamic, diverse, and resilient. Crop farming will therefore be at the fertile natural river levees and the characteristic cover sand ridges. The so-called ‘enken’ are intertwined with the town fringes and the rural surroundings. Open land transforms slowly, while seepage areas and canals are surrounded by nature reserves and a self-regulating water system. In large parts agroforestry is implemented as the cultivation method to contribute to a more sustainable production system (College van Rijksadviseurs, 2020d).

14.6 Objectives For the transition to a just, resilient, and healthy food supply a combination of objectives must be realized. It involves closing all types of material cycles and the incorporation of climate and biodiversity ambitions.

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14.6.1 Closing Cycles A lot of good quality compost ends up in the waste treatment facility. It is a large part of the daily weight of garbage. Less organic waste is good for energy saving and decreases material use hence it reduces the costs of waste disposal. A significant part of the rest flow can instantly be reused locally, preferably in the garden or a worm farm at the resident’s home. Composting is an ideal way of reducing waste flows and can be implemented in a clean and safe way. In the facility of Comité Jean Pain residents showcase different compost techniques, smaller and larger, and the options for natural gardening (Comité Jean Pain, undated) so biodiversity can be enhanced. Closing cycles shall be organized at the local to regional scale and therefore requires a view on the use of the land around cities. Instead of looking at the land from an economic perspective, building square meters of housing and working areas, the focus lies on well-being of the urban residents, including their space, climate, biodiversity and water capture and storage capacity of the landscape in the urban fringe. In a spatial sense the exchange of resource flows, people’s health, and exchange of an organically overflow of the urban and natural environment is beneficial. The area is used for a local food system, providing engaged citizens with healthy food close to their homes. This food system fits in a climate and biodiversity friendly environment without wasting and reusing resources. It connects the flows of water, nutrients, materials, and energy in an integrated local system, connecting the surrounding land with the city sustainably. Moreover, such a landscape recovers the traditional nature and landscape in one coherent and conserved land with historic small-scale patterns and natural water courses. It gives the landscape clarity and does not mess up the experience in too many small and mixed-up varieties of land use.

14.6.2 Biodiversity and Climate None of the objectives about biodiversity that were agreed by the UN 10 years ago have been achieved. Nature suffers and all signs are pointing in the same direction: a fundamental turn in perspective and implementation is needed (Secretariat of the Convention on Biological Diversity, 2020). A healthy soil is inescapable. It provides the basis for a sustainable agriculture, captures carbon, stores water during heavy rainfall and releases it slowly in dry periods. A climate sensitive and biodiverse city needs a soil that is resilient and full of life. This is increasingly recognized (Duijn & Kiveron, 2022). The soil is important for the entire society. One hand of healthy soil contains more organisms than people on the planet. Due to an exhaustive agriculture, urban development, deforestation and erosion, the use of heavy equipment and impact of pesticides and fertilizers, the quality of the soil is degenerated at an unprecedented

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Fig. 14.4  Flood risk due to the relative low landscape

rate. According to the FAO Up to 40% of the planet’s land is degraded. This will directly affect half of humanity, and threatens roughly half of global GDP (US$44 trillion) If business as usual continued through 2050, report projects additional degradation of an area almost the size of South America (2022). A healthy soil produces healthy crops. To reverse, stop or revitalize soil several techniques can be applied: crop rotation, strip-cropping and agroecological management strategies. Important not to leave the soil bare. To be conservative in tillages and limit and stop using pesticides and fertilizers. Healthy soil is best partner in battling climate change. Healthy soil has the capacity to store carbon and its organisms turn that into humus. The capacity to store and retain water and its resilience in periods of peak rainfall, droughts, heat and cold is enhanced. In the Lutkemeerpolder this is extra necessary because it is one of the lowest parts of the city, approximately 7 m below the ground level of Dam-square in the city center which makes the area flood-prone (Fig. 14.4).

14.7 In Amsterdam There are good reasons to pay attention to the soil (Van der Berg et al., 2021). It implies thinking along new avenues and developing novel perspectives. The soil is a form of natural capital already apparent in the area. It supports a lot of objectives formulated by the municipality of Amsterdam, such as shortening the food supply chains, co-creation and public engagement, reducing packaging materials, and novel models for land ownership as primers for a future-oriented agriculture and urbanism. This perspective marks the transition from a silo-ed linear to an integrated rhizomatic way of working and cooperating. There is no other way to solve the complex and interrelated polycrisis. Still many projects and research are in the race to find a silver bullet to solve systemic problems. We must get used to it that finding the way up out of the woods by working together in a multistakeholder context.

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14.7.1 Climate Policy The municipality of Amsterdam released its climate policy in 2020 (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2020a). Its focus lies on energy use and the aim to reduce carbon emissions. In this plan the link with the food supply or biodiversity loss is minimal. Biodiversity and climate adaptation are fundamental for the Green Vision (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2020b). One of the promising elements in this vision is the development of new landscape parks, directly around the city. These parks consist of (re) wilded nature, food forests and increased opportunities for active recreation. Lutkemeer fits seamlessly in this ambition, by linking food, biodiversity and water and carbon storage capacities of the soil with the carbon emission objectives in the Amsterdam climate policy. Moreover, the green space will reduce the Urban heat Island (UHI) effect of the city.

14.7.2 Shortening the Food Supply Chain The Voedselpark Lutkemeer will distribute hundreds of kilograms of vegetables and fruit via a carbon-neutral transport system from the fields into the city. Residents from the neighborhoods next door harvest in the picking garden or shop in the local store. Restaurants, institutions, hospitals, schools, and shops serve fresh food from Amsterdam soil. Kids and adults learn about the local food system and find rest in the area. Local brands are of great importance for strengthening the short supply chains (Vereniging Deltametropool, 2019). In Amsterdam local brands have emerged, such as Weerribben, van Eigen Erf, Boeren van Amstel en Moma. This fits naturally in the ambition of the municipality to increase the amounts of local food supply (Gemeente Amsterdam, 2014). Ambition is to source 25% of the consumption in Amsterdam locally (Obdeijn, 2020). This means an increase of local consumption of 20% in 10 years.

14.7.3 Healthy Food for Low Income If local growers invest together in a regional shop or a collective market stall where they sell their produce themselves a direct contact with the consumers may arise. This makes people familiar with the origin of the produce and they gain access to relatively cheap food and ingredients. This is especially supportive to people with lower incomes.

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14.7.4 Innovations in Distribution All the produce will be transported with a carbon-neutral distribution system to the city, preferably using waterways and, if needed by small electrical vans. The produce is brought to local takeaway hubs and local food collectives, and this shortens the supply chain considerably. The food remains fresh and is transported climate neutral and efficient.

14.7.5 Agroecological Landscapes Many cities in Europe realize edible parks in the form of agroecological landscapes. Many of these initiatives are born from societal urgencies. Lutkemeer is suitable to establish such an agroecological landscape, as it has a very fertile soil and is next to the city of Amsterdam. There is a strong connection between growing food and urbanization. This leads to conflict and synergy at the same time: conflict because the city occupies an increasing part of the landscape, but also synergy, because the fertile soils are the reason why people started to live in the city. However, the boundaries of exploitation and extraction are already crossed for many decades. Whoever occupies a piece of land at this time should be conscious about eating a fertile piece of land definitively. Like water and energy, we need to start planning better for how we access food (Bio Mijnnatuur, 2021).

14.8 The Lutkemeer Lutkemeerpolder is part of an ecological and recreational connection between Amstelland to Spaarnwoude. The polder comprises, besides nature and recreation, also a heritage farm landscape, a fertile agricultural landscape and a, frequently visited, biological care farm. Next to the fields is a large willow- and alder forest, which is part of the National Ecological Network. A nature-inclusive circular agriculture contributes to strengthening biodiversity and establishes the connection between food and nature.

14.8.1 Lutkemeer Plan The proposal for a transitional Lutkemeerpolder is inspired on the work of iPES FOOD (Anderson et al., 2021; Mooney et al., 2021), and consists of several interdependent components (Must Stedebouw, 2020) (Fig. 14.5):

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Fig. 14.5  Impression landscape plan Lutkemeer

–– 43 hectares of agroecological landscape –– Management of the landscape is organized as a common with engaged citizens, entrepreneurs, food- and nature experts, landscape architects and scientists. –– A part of the land is used for a variety of local communities, growing vegetables and fruit for their own use, community supported agriculture. –– Food is grown with agroecological methods and techniques, without fertilizers or pesticides. –– Biodiversity and healthy soils are maximally supported with the expertise of experienced agronomists and scientists. –– The produce is sold in Amsterdam and direct surroundings with a unique Lutkemeerpolder label that all produce is local and biological. –– Distribution of the produce is undertaken over water or electrical vans. –– Involvement of Amsterdam residents is maximized by self-motivation and hiring local workforce. –– The engagement of youth and parents through school gardens and educational projects is encouraged. –– Participative research and the connection with local food is stimulated. –– 40 jobs are created, such as learning jobs, daytime activities, and mindfulness. –– The revenue of developing the natural capital is minimally €750,000 per year. –– The costs for the taxpayer are minimalized, as the plan is financed through crowdfunding and support of entrepreneurs.

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14.8.2 Research and Education Research is an integral part of the Lutkemeer plan. New knowledge and experiences are shared. Ongoing research and practical progress are brought to the residents, entrepreneurs and interested others. Local schools and nature clubs are invited to play an active role. The expertise and acquired agronomic knowledge stay within the Lutkemeer community. Instead of bringing external knowledge bearers to the farming community, as is normal practice, the knowledge is developed from within and stays with the community. This novel approach of knowledge development links the Dutch design tradition to the new reality responding to regional questions of the city and agriculture. Some research directions include: –– Healthy and non-manipulated food. –– Strip-cropping in trial fields. –– Citizen involvement in research or as a network of measuring points, such as the Curieuze Neuzen program in Belgium (Curieuze neuzen, undated). –– Cultivation of open-pollinated varieties. –– Trial fields (Vilt, 2019; Lateir, 2019). –– Composting in a compost yard and education center.

14.8.3 Sustainable Food and Origin The knowledge about sustainable food is encouraged by developing programs together with schools in Amsterdam New West. Food is obvious, but not many people know what is needed to grow it and what the origin of the food one eats is. To eat from the season enhances a sustainable food pattern. By celebrating the harvest people can become aware of the food that is ‘in the season’. Besides looking at the produce, shows eating it the rich variety that can be cooked with seasonal products. The sustainability of local food patterns is also improved by involving residents in harvesting and using the ingredients. This enriches their understanding about the food supply hugely. The harvest makes you work, makes you feel the seasons and teaches you the advantages and disappointments of the wonders of nature.

14.8.4 Lutkemeer: A Community The Lutkemeerpolder is part of the Amsterdam New West precinct. The many different people and cultural backgrounds together make the Lutkemeer Community (Fig.  14.6). The group is a place for entrepreneurs, food processors, innovators, culinary chefs, and gardeners. This process of building the project together is also supported by expertise in the field of collaborative practice.

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Fig. 14.6  Lutkemeer community

Co-creation Community Supported Agriculture (CSA) is a reciprocal relationship of support and dedication between local farmers and citizens. Together these groups finance the costs of production by a yearly membership fee. In return they will receive a part of the harvest every week in the season. This can take shape in the form of a picking garden in which members can pick themselves or as vegetable packets, which members can receive on a weekly basis. One step more intense is a community in which citizens cultivate the land and harvest the produce together. Employment, Education, and Activation All together the agricultural activities lead to 30 full-time jobs. Additionally, through side activities such as care, and education another 10 jobs are generated. The park is open for young people who want to learn in practice in agriculture or the green sector. Moreover, it is a place where reintegration into the employment market is possible in an accessible way by offering structure, support, and a challenging but tranquil daytime activity (Fig. 14.7). Cooperative Entrepreneurship Every entrepreneur chooses his/her own juridical entity and becomes a member of the cooperative. Buildings, lease rights, equipment and joint contracts are part of this cooperative. While every entrepreneur is responsible for his/her own revenues and business model, he/she also enjoys the benefits of joint action, shared services, collective facilities, distribution, and exchange. This guarantees the objectives of the cooperative, inclusivity and diversity are secured (Fig. 14.8). Agricultural Start-Ups and Part-Timers Starting growers are offered a safe context for their business. The land ownership is kept with the municipality of Amsterdam and is leased to the cooperative. This

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implies a limited risk for starting farmers without the need for heavy, commercial loans. Besides this, an increasing number of part-timers, the ‘over 30s’, want to combine their office job with some physical work on the land. Lutkemeer offers these part-time farmers a perspective within the cooperative model. The location close to the city makes it extra attractive for them.

14.8.5 Finance and Administration From a traditional economic perspective, selling the land to the highest bid seems logical. However, in the doughnut-economy, growth is not the main economic driver anymore. Other, planetary, concerns and aims replace the oil-driven economy in the twenty-first century. However, the plan for Lutkemeer is far from a fairy tale. It is also a cost-benefit story, though the alternative future requires a fundamental rethink. It bends the short-term economic profit towards a sustainable eternal value that is on the long term a financially smart investment. Only the ecosystem services are calculated between one and eight million euro per year (Diele et al., 2020). The price for the land is estimated at €100,000 per hectare, totaling the area at a price of 4.3 million euro. This amount of money is sufficiently raised through contributions of the Amsterdam community, sustainability investors, philanthropic foundations, and land cooperatives such as Aardpeer (undated), Grond van bestaan (2020) and Land van Ons (2020). The land will, after it is bought, be placed in a foundation, which guarantees the design and control for the community. A Food Fund To establish the food transition a smart finance system is needed. By creating a regional food fund, the local capital can be oriented at strengthening the local food system. The fund operates as a regional platform where several monetary flows come together. A network of investors, donations, and farmers put money together for a resilient food system. This way they take responsibility for their own living environment. This money can subsequently be distributed from the platform to the area where the investors live themselves. The land can be bought, and even sustainable entrepreneurs can be supported. The revenues coming from the lease and rent of land by the Voedselpark entrepreneurs are used to compensate for the investments during a period of 20 years. In this financial fund model, the municipality of Amsterdam does not have to invest or take any financial risk. The following monetary flows are calculated to flow into the fund: –– One million via citizens and companies in Amsterdam (through crowdfunding and food memberships). –– One million through philanthropic foundations. –– One million sustainable investors and land foundations with low return on investment of 0–2% on the long term. –– 1.3 million loans from banks.

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Ecosystem Services The revenues of so-called ecosystem services can be calculated and capitalized. The Lutkemeer plan produces the following ecosystem services: productive- (food and water), regulating- (pollination, air purification, carbon capture, pest control), cultural- (recreation and esthetics), and supportive services. The monetary value of all, quantifiable, ecosystem services in Lutkemeerpolder is estimated at a value of between €1.565.000 and €8.609.800 per year (Diele et al., 2020). The inflow of visitors will increase with 15%. The value of pollination, pest control, water and air quality and carbon capture will strongly increase because of the natureinclusive way of growing food. On the contrary, the current land use will most likely reduce the value of ecosystem services, such as negative effects on recreation, food production, and air quality. The long-term economic benefits of not destroying the local ecosystem are significant, set aside the health implications of future generations.

14.9 Conclusion 14.9.1 The Benefits of the Voedselpark Lutkemeer Are Multiple The Voedselpark grows food for Amsterdam. All produce is meant for the local market. The Community Supported Agriculture projects (CSA) and all local farmers produce for the city. Agroecological landscape protects historic qualities. The local food system contributes to the beauty of the landscape and makes the history visible. It creates and keeps the landscape intact as it used to be. A system of fields surrounded by small discharge channels which makes drainage unnecessary. The Voedselpark is a foundation for an inclusive neighborhood. New West is one of the poorest districts in Amsterdam, where many citizens have limited or no access to fresh local food. The area will be lively yet tranquil. The engaged citizens find their place here, no matter which cultural background they have. The area is supported by participative research and explanatory routes are created for young and old. Extra communication happens during the harvest celebration events. Biological and nature-inclusive agriculture. All food grown is biological. Production occurs with respect for and embedded in nature in the same way Lutkemeer was treated. No pesticides and artificial fertilizers are used, but the soil is enriched with organic material and natural fertilizers. The variety of crops is based on their resilience and crops rotate frequently. This maximizes biodiversity and production. Strengthening natural values. Food is grown within the boundaries of the natural system, the environment and climate. The environment determines the limits, not the maximum yield. The soil quality, landscape elements, and ecological connective zones are enhanced.

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Ecosystem services increase economic benefits. The total possible revenues from four types of ecosystem services (production, regulation, culture, and support), is estimated to be between 1.5 and 8.6 million euro per year and can be capitalized when the Voedselpark is realized. Lutkemeer turns out to be the coolest spot of the city. It is also the lowest point NAP. Finally, Lutkemeer stores one of the few places were the quality of water is good. All these ecosystem functions will dramatically degenerate if the planned distribution center is realized. Cooperative entrepreneurship. The business model is multi stakeholder cooperative. Within the unique opportunity to connect a broad variety of businesses and stakeholders to one piece of land. In this way Voedselpark Amsterdam uses the same principles in biodiversity to develop a hyper locale bottom-up short food chain. What connects all these different agents is the ambition to give Lutkemeer an alternative future by shared ownership. Hereby reducing risks and maximizing sharing services, products, personnel, equipment, distribution, and sale. The land is leased cooperatively to guarantee mutual flexibility and joint ambitions. Employment, learn- and experience positions and daytime activities. Besides 30 jobs related to the food production, processing, and sale another 10 jobs are created that are related to care, culture, and catering industry. Apart from these jobs, there will be ample opportunities for learning on the job trajectories, experience places, and internships. Additionally, daytime activities are offered. Education and research. The Voedselpark offers a range of opportunities for research on innovative forms of agriculture, collaborative practice, distribution novelties and growing food in the urban fringe. Moreover, educational practice shows all aspects of the food supply chain at the regional level by organizing harvest- and processing study days, collaboration with schools, organization of courses and workshops. Added value for the population of Amsterdam: –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

Living lab for food policy and production Engaged citizens with a multitude of cultural backgrounds. Healthy local food and sale Climate buffer zone for water and heat Recreation, education, and leisure Care, societal activation and contemplation Employment and work placement places Carbon neutral distribution Showcase to demonstrate Amsterdam as a future proof livable metropolis.

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Chapter 15

In the Future, Will Food Be Grown in Cities? Rob Roggema

Abstract  The growth of food in the city is not only about producing food. Though the productivity can be increased, even if all opportunities for urban farming are used it will not be meeting the demand of the entire urban population. To grow food within the urban boundaries has therefore many other reasons, such as improving social conditions, the creation of economic opportunities for less advantaged communities, the equal access to (healthy) food, and greening and beautifying the city. Some of the main conditions for implementing and maturing urban agriculture development are the use of holistic frameworks that allow for inspiring and integrated designs at multiple scales. Keywords  Urban agriculture · Frameworks · Design · Scale · Social justice · Equity · Productivity

15.1 Introduction In most cities and metropolises growing food is not an immediate part of urban life or urban planning. Despite promising initiatives such as the food councils (Stahlbrand & Roberts, 2022; Halliday et  al., 2019), that actively stimulate the development of food grown in the urban realm, food generally is transported from places outside the city, some of it close but most of it from far away. It raises the question to what extent the urban population can be fed by growing food within their urban boundaries. And whether it is the only measure to decide if urban agriculture is coming of age? It seems obvious that if growing food is a pure matter of providing meals to people, growing it in the city might not be the most efficient way. Although efficiency in some food growing sectors has improved, such as artificial LED-lighting R. Roggema (*) Escuela de Architectura, Artes y Diseño, Tecnológico de Monterrey, Monterrey, Mexico e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4_15

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within urban blocks (Nájera et al., 2022), even these are producing less than similar technologies in greenhouses outside the city. So, beyond pure productivity there must be other reasons to practice urban farming, which justifies the coming of age of urban agriculture. In this chapter the productive capacity of cities for growing food is firstly discussed, after which some main considerations for enhancing urban farming are presented. The chapter concludes with the conditions that are seen as the boundary condition for a successful implementation of urban farming.

15.2 Insights in Productivity When all possible spaces in the city are exploited with the suitable urban agricultural typologies, the research in Chap. 4 of this book shows that the productivity within urban boundaries can be increased by a factor 80. Although this is potentially a substantial growth of produced food and requires, to effectuate it, a huge effort from urban farmers and city governments, the contribution of food grown in cities relative to the total amount of food consumed is less than 0.2%, see Chap. 4. This implies that, beyond producing food, the reasons for implementing urban agriculture must be found elsewhere.

15.3 Multiplicity The reasons for growing food in the city need therefore to be multiple. First of all, areas where food is grown can add to the greening and beauty of the city. It improves the way the city looks and is appreciated by its inhabitants and visitors. Moreover, green spaces in the city add to ecological qualities and improved living conditions, such as better air and water quality. Several chapters in this book show the potential of designing these green spaces (Chaps. 5, 6, 7, 10, 12, and 14). Additionally, urban agriculture inspires artists that add their paintings and other art in public spaces (see Chap. 13), enhancing the visual experiences people have. Secondly, urban agriculture projects have different positive impacts for social equity and justice. On the one hand side, social groups, especially migrants, improve the spatial quality and increase of food growth by initiating urban food gardens (see Chap. 9). In a slightly different way, offering foodroofs to favela inhabitants to grow their own food gives them the opportunity to eat healthy, and build and maintain their own garden (see Chap. 10). Developing urban farms also opens the pathway to higher employability through being involved in the construction of the farm, and be skilled to work as an urban farmer, tradesmen, restaurateur, cook, and more. Especially for younger kids in disadvantages communities that normally would have minimal foresight for paid work, this is an opportunity to learn, work and develop (Roggema et al., 2023).

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In line with the above, urban farming is also a mean to create more equity in the chances to access healthy food and minimize the differences between distinct urban areas within the city, and increasing the health and nutritional menus for all people, no matter where they live, or were born (see Chap. 7). So, apart from the pure productivity of growing food in the city there are many reasons for enhancing urban farming projects, systems, and structures in metropolitan and urban contexts. One reason for doing it might not do the trick, but the combination of added values makes urban agriculture worthwhile.

15.4 Localization What many urban agriculture projects have in common is their localized nature. The local conditions, such as the soil and water system, play a major role in the preferred types of crops and produce. Even geological conditions may determine the design of urban framing plans (see Chap. 6). Moreover, the authenticity of local ingredients and dishes, based on traditional knowledge is enriching the food culture, and the health impact of menus (Roggema et al., 2023). The typical position in the food chain of supermarkets could help the transformation from a globalized driven system towards a community based resilient facility (see Chap. 11).

15.5 Frameworks The many reasons for including the growth of food in urban environments are often perceived as separate topics. Individual projects may focus on producing the highest amounts of harvest possible, aim for the urban garden as a social connector or may be seen as beautification of the city. These stand-alone projects are therefore also isolated as suboptimal solutions for both the integrated quality of urban life as well as for their specific purpose. This eventually determines the success or failure of valuable urban food initiatives. To overcome the dependance on coincidental success/fail factors, the structural use of integrated frameworks is essential. There are several of these frameworks presented that each aim to connect the productivity of urban agriculture, with the planning and design of it, such as the hardware-software-interface model (Chap. 5), the urban agriculture framework (Chap. 3) or the ProduCityPlanner (Chap. 12). Combining these frameworks could provide an integrated system (Fig. 15.1), that helps to develop holistic urban farming projects. The hardware (technological components), software (biotic components) and Interface (social components) can be positioned in between the productive side, in which food is a quantitative commodity, and the design side, in which the qualitative aspects of food as a community manifest. These connected frameworks can then subsequently be applied to different scales (small, middle, and large), and

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Fig. 15.1  Integrating urban agriculture frameworks

adapted to changes of time, the specific urban agriculture typologies, and the sorts of terrain the food is grown. Frameworks are not a goal by themselves but serve the process of developing integrated solutions within which the growth of food is an important part. It helps to integrate the food system in urban planning systems and adapt solutions to specific contexts without losing the overall purpose of growing, harvesting, processing and consuming healthy food.

15.6 Design The application of frameworks requires a design approach to fully implement all aspects of urban agriculture purposes. Design can connect topics, purposes, and spatial scales (see Chaps. 6, 12, and 14). The attention in many urban agriculture projects lies often on the productivity or social role of growing food, but without design the appreciation of plots with crops. Design illuminates the integration and holistic approach to developing healthy, livable, and beautiful urban precincts.

15.7 Conclusion The question whether food will be grown in cities may not be the right question. It is obvious that food will be grown in the city, however, the harvested amounts will never suffice the demand of the urban population. This does not mean growing food

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in the city is useless. It does provide healthy produce, but it also meets many other objectives of social, spatial, and economic nature. To realize these objectives integrally, it is recommended to use urban agriculture frameworks, advance the design approach and apply all aspects of growing food in the city holistically.

References Halliday, J., Torres, C., Van Veenhuizen, R., & Van der Valk, A. (2019). A hybrid food policy board for the Amsterdam metropolitan area. Urban Agriculture Magazine, 36, 15–17. Nájera, C., Gallegos-Cedillo, V. M., Ros, M., & Pascual, J. A. (2022). LED lighting in vertical farming systems enhances bioactive compounds and productivity of vegetables crops. Biology and Life Sciences Forum, 16(1), 24. https://doi.org/10.3390/IECHo2022-­12514 Roggema, R., Mallet, A. E., & Krstikj, A. (2023). Creating a virtuous food-cycle in Monterrey, Mexico. Sustainability. Stahlbrand, L., & Roberts, W. (2022). Food policy councils and the food-city nexus: The history of the Toronto food policy council. Canadian Food Studies/La Revue canadienne des études sur l’alimentation, 9(1), 69–86.

Index

A Accessibility, 99, 100, 122, 139, 145, 150, 151, 196, 233, 234 Adaptation, 15, 17, 20, 41, 73, 85, 100, 105, 108, 116, 127 Affordability, 139, 150, 151 Agroecology, 276, 278 Algae, 70, 75–79 Anonymity, 166–168 Aquaponics, 53, 59, 67, 72, 73, 81, 83–85, 87, 88, 170, 197–201, 206, 207 Architecture, 103, 104, 177, 196, 213–215, 240–270 Arts, 80, 82, 188, 195, 240–244, 248–260, 263, 264, 271, 296 Australian suburbs, 141, 177, 241 B Biodiversity, 2, 3, 6, 10, 15, 85, 86, 97, 101, 105, 115, 161, 164, 180, 276–278, 280–285, 290, 291 Biological food, 279, 290 Biophilic design (BD), 94, 100–108, 110, 113, 116, 117, 125, 126, 268 Biospheric, 53, 73, 80–88, 170, 201 Broadacre City, 29, 30, 32 Build and construct, 197 C Cantagalo, 193–195, 198, 199, 206–208 Capacity-typology matrix, 50, 56–58 Car-centric development, 140–142

Casco-concept, 28 CERES, 182 Chicken, 53, 60, 159–163, 166, 167, 169, 177, 184 Circular agriculture, 284 Citizens, 4, 5, 9, 16, 24, 28, 46, 62, 100, 112, 115, 144–146, 159, 168, 171, 181, 186, 218–222, 224, 234, 275, 281, 285–287, 289–291 City-region, 34, 38, 61–62 Climate adaptation, 13, 123, 278, 283 Climate change, 2, 6, 9, 10, 12, 16, 18, 69, 95, 97, 101, 104, 105, 115, 119, 121, 127, 198, 222, 235, 237, 250, 271, 275, 278, 282 Climate transition, 211–224 Closing cycles, 88, 281 COCD-box, 16, 17 Co creation, 280, 282, 287 Combined heat and power, 218 Community, 1–6, 80, 81, 88, 89, 97, 101, 104, 113, 124, 138, 145, 146, 149, 170, 171, 175, 177, 180, 182–189, 193–196, 206, 230, 237, 240, 251, 253, 258, 268, 275, 285–287, 289, 297 Community gardens, 176, 177, 182–184, 186, 189, 230, 240–244, 254, 260 Complexity, 89, 108, 110, 113, 115–116, 161, 178, 224 Condiments, 60 Consumer, 1, 4, 5, 35, 61, 62, 70, 71, 73, 87, 89, 90, 113, 126, 143, 159–161, 163, 168, 185, 212–217, 219–222, 224, 228, 277, 283

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 R. Roggema (ed.), The Coming of Age of Urban Agriculture, Contemporary Urban Design Thinking, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37861-4

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302 Consumer waste, 249 Consumption, 1, 3, 5, 29, 30, 49–51, 56, 60, 68, 71, 77, 80, 101, 126, 141, 142, 150, 152, 159, 160, 165, 175, 177–179, 202, 212, 213, 215–222, 228, 283 Contemplation, 266, 291 Continuous Productive Urban Landscapes (CPULs), 40, 199 Cooperative, 182, 221, 276, 287, 289, 291 Corporate development, 271 Cow, 2, 5, 60 Crop, 2–4, 28, 29, 35, 39, 40, 68, 71–73, 75, 80–83, 85–87, 95, 113, 124, 161, 165–167, 170, 179, 186, 197, 202, 204, 205, 207, 218, 233, 235, 236, 275, 280, 282, 290, 297, 298 Cultivation, 28, 71, 176–178, 182, 186–188, 275, 276, 280, 286 D Darwin, 17–18, 23 Density, 2, 5, 10, 15, 29, 33, 44, 50, 74, 81, 95, 142, 144, 168, 196, 197 Design charrette, 15–17 Design concept, 40, 197, 199, 200, 202 Design principle, 41–45, 105, 110, 125, 197, 200–202, 228, 233, 268 Design strategy, 37, 39–41, 116, 197, 198 Distribution, 1, 2, 5, 36, 42, 55, 62, 81, 99, 108, 109, 113, 149, 150, 187, 215, 276, 284, 285, 287, 291 Diversity, 124, 274, 275, 287 E Ecocity, 101, 116 Ecological, 3–6, 17, 20, 21, 32, 52, 68–70, 73, 87–88, 95, 96, 99–101, 107, 109, 115–117, 119–121, 123–125, 161, 164, 168, 187–189, 249, 250, 267, 273, 275, 280, 284, 290, 296 Ecology, 11, 40, 94–128, 159, 177, 189, 198, 244, 274 ECOSPINE, 266–268 Ecosystem services, 105, 142, 168, 188, 289–291 Edible gardens, 113, 124, 175–189 Edible park, 276, 284 Education, 53, 54, 100, 148, 152, 165, 170, 182, 184, 195, 286, 287, 291

Index Effective, 4, 5, 16, 41, 44, 62, 70, 74, 80, 90, 109, 168, 171 Embodied carbon, 163 Emergence, 11, 161 Emptiness, 21, 23 Energy, 5, 13, 15, 33, 37, 39, 40, 69, 70, 75, 78, 80, 82, 89, 90, 96, 99, 101, 108, 109, 112, 126, 162, 166, 189, 194, 199–202, 207, 216–218, 220, 222, 224, 278, 281, 283, 284 Energy crops, 74 Entrepreneurs, 5, 276, 279, 280, 285–287, 289 Environmental, 3, 5, 6, 24, 33, 40, 46, 78, 95, 96, 100, 105, 123, 127, 139, 148, 159, 162, 163, 165, 166, 170, 171, 184, 196, 222, 249, 268, 277 Existence as spectacle, 252 Export, 3, 277 Externalities, 112, 158–171 Extraction, 79, 166–168, 284 F Facades, 172, 269, 271 Farmer, 1, 2, 98, 100, 111, 113, 119, 126, 128, 143, 144, 164, 168, 185, 187–189, 235, 276, 277, 279, 280, 287, 289, 290, 296 Fat, 44, 60, 139 Fauna, 106, 159, 165, 168, 235, 240, 244–248, 250, 254, 260, 266, 268 Favela, 72, 193–208, 296 Fish, 3, 15, 32, 50, 56, 69, 83, 86, 87, 197, 200, 201, 204, 206, 207, 244 Fish tanks, 83–85, 170, 200–202, 204, 206, 207 Flevoland, 94, 111, 112, 114–116, 119 Flora, 159, 165, 168, 235, 240, 244–248, 250, 254, 260, 266, 268 Food as commodity, 1–6 Food as community, 3–5 Food chains, 32, 100, 214, 215, 291, 297 Food council, 278, 295 Food deserts, 80 Food diversity, 187 Food environments, 138–142, 149–152 Food Potential Map (FPM), 39 Food productivity, 62 FoodRoof, 53, 193–208, 296

Index Food swamps, 138–152 Food systems, 2, 3, 5, 6, 10, 12, 38–40, 56, 70, 80–82, 87, 99, 115, 158–160, 164, 165, 169, 170, 183, 189, 197, 198, 207, 213–215, 218–222, 237, 278, 281, 283, 289, 290, 298 Food waste, 6, 175, 183, 218, 220 Fresh food, 5, 30, 80, 139, 142, 145, 150–152, 193–198, 283 G Gardens, 5, 28, 51, 79, 113, 144, 175, 199, 230, 241, 275, 296 Global flows, 215 Goat, 60 Green spaces, 23, 29, 31, 51, 101, 158, 168, 176, 181, 185, 189, 229, 231, 240–271, 273, 279, 283, 296 Growth bed, 201, 202, 205 Guerrilla gardening, 181, 188 H Harmony, 3, 41, 42 Health, 1–3, 5, 68, 80, 97, 101, 104, 108, 116, 138, 139, 141, 142, 152, 160, 166, 170, 171, 176, 189, 197, 216, 235, 261, 267, 281, 290, 297 Healthy cities, 101 Heritage, 74, 103, 109, 116, 268–270, 279, 284 Hierarchy, 22, 42, 43, 108 Howard, E., 29, 30 Human, 2, 18, 43, 68, 79, 100, 101, 103–105, 108, 114, 123, 126, 161, 166, 169, 178, 186, 215, 216, 254, 255, 261, 264, 266, 269 Hyper-localized, 4, 6, 68, 70, 71, 73, 80, 81, 87, 89, 219, 224 I Import, 3, 62, 165, 277 Inclusive(ness), 38, 116, 176, 188, 274, 280, 290 Indigenism, 107, 108, 125–126 Industry, 2, 30, 31, 81, 82, 98, 100, 124–126, 165, 189, 240–271, 291 Inequality, 95, 99, 110, 138, 142, 144, 149, 152 Informality, 139, 149 Informal urbanism, 189

303 Interface, 67–90, 94–128, 159, 178, 180, 182, 212–224, 297 Internalities, 158–171 L Landscape, 5, 9, 31, 70, 94, 139, 161, 175, 197, 214, 228, 252, 275 Landscape architecture, 30, 41 Landscape design, 28, 104 Land-use, 4, 12, 19, 23, 24, 28, 29, 37, 39, 61, 62, 89, 94–97, 99, 100, 113, 121, 142, 164, 168, 276, 280, 281, 290 Le Corbusier, 29 Legumes, 60, 141 Liquids, 44, 56, 75 Living system, 11 Lutkemeer, 274, 276, 278, 283–291 M Material flows, 46, 99, 108, 125 Mechanistic worldview, 10, 11 Metropolitan development, 94, 95, 99, 100, 116 Mexico City, 138–152 Migrant houses, 176–180 Migration, 12, 108, 141, 186 Milk, 3, 5, 60 Multi-cultur, 240 Mural art, 252 N Nature, 2, 10, 39, 51, 85, 94, 163, 177, 218, 241, 276, 297 Nature-based solution, 105, 107, 126 Nature-inclusive, 98, 284, 290 Nutrients, 37, 39, 73, 77, 82, 83, 86, 87, 160, 166, 170, 171, 197, 200–202, 207, 216, 235, 281 Nutrition, 138, 139, 145, 152, 188 Nutritious landscapes, 142, 152 O Oosterwold, 94, 105, 110–119, 121, 123–125, 127, 128, 279, 280 Organic, 6, 12, 70, 73, 83, 86, 87, 100, 110, 112, 119, 120, 143, 145, 152, 163, 178, 184, 196, 197, 235, 236, 240, 250, 278–281, 290 Organic worldview, 10–12, 15–18, 23

304 P Park Supermarket, 32 Participative, 13–15, 285, 290 Peri-urban, 95–100, 108, 110, 113, 121, 126, 127, 141, 142, 152, 249 Peri-urban agriculture (PUA), 94–100, 107, 108, 110, 113, 115–117, 119, 121, 124, 125, 127 Peri-urban interface, 108–110 Pig, 2, 166 Pig City, 32, 33, 36 Pigs, 3, 33, 161 Potato, 60, 160, 187 Poultry farming, 160, 166 ProduCityPlanner, 228, 230–232, 297 Productive foodscape, 125 Productive urban landscapes, 40, 200, 228–237 Public policy, 146, 152 Public space design, 46 R Racism, 181 Regenerative, 6, 10, 108, 195–196, 274, 276 Research, 37, 76, 94, 138, 159, 228, 253, 282, 296 Research-by-design, 37, 94, 110, 125, 197, 212, 214, 222, 224 Resilient, -ce, 6, 13, 15, 19, 41, 69, 70, 74, 79, 82, 86, 89, 94, 101, 109, 117, 123, 124, 127, 149, 189, 212, 216, 219–222, 224, 228, 237, 280–282, 289, 290, 297 Resources, 5, 33, 37, 39, 40, 62, 69, 74, 77–80, 95, 96, 99–101, 108, 109, 121, 123, 124, 126, 139, 141, 146, 159, 166, 169, 199, 212, 216–218, 222, 224, 228, 233, 237, 274, 277, 280, 281 Rewild, 119 Rhizome, 22, 23 Rio de Janeiro, 44, 45, 194–196 Risk, 2, 3, 9, 83, 94, 95, 98, 105, 106, 113, 116, 123, 124, 138, 141, 168, 254, 282, 289, 291 Roof garden, 59 S Scale, 2, 21, 32, 50, 67, 94, 144, 161, 175, 197, 214, 228, 254, 281, 297 Scape, 214, 237 Scenario-building, 212

Index Sheep, 60 Shopping, 141, 212, 213, 218–222, 224 Simplicity, 41, 42 Skyscrapers, 54, 268–271 Slow Food, 221, 222, 224 Social, 3–6, 15, 17, 27, 31, 39–41, 46, 53, 70, 71, 85, 88, 95–97, 100, 101, 109, 110, 112, 116, 124, 126, 139, 141, 144, 146, 149, 152, 165, 171, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182–184, 186–189, 193, 194, 196, 216, 218, 222, 230, 231, 233, 237, 240, 262, 267, 268, 278, 296–299 Soil, 3, 18, 35, 38, 39, 61, 67, 87, 95, 97, 99, 100, 108, 114, 126, 127, 159, 160, 164–166, 168, 170, 183, 186, 188, 189, 198, 200, 207, 235, 273–275, 277, 278, 280–285, 290, 297 Spatial capacity, 50–61 Spatial intervention, 19 Spatial planning, 10, 17–18, 99, 108, 109, 128 Spatial sandwich, 38–41, 46, 197, 208 Spatial scale, 13, 21, 23, 41, 46, 126, 197, 298 Strategy, 18, 28, 39, 41, 46, 60, 67–90, 104, 110, 112, 116, 128, 145, 196, 199, 200, 202, 253, 282 Street art, 240–271 Sugar, 60, 139, 160, 220 Supermarket, 1, 2, 5, 32, 68, 69, 73, 139, 149, 151, 158, 159, 161, 168, 181, 188, 195, 196, 212–224, 269, 277, 280, 297 Sustainability, 5, 6, 80, 94, 96, 97, 100–102, 108, 109, 116, 123, 125, 126, 139, 177, 186, 188, 189, 195, 222, 249, 267, 276, 280, 286, 289 Sustainable consumption, 221 Swarm Planning, 11, 15–16, 23 Synergetic design, 94 Systems thinking, 212, 214 T Therapeutic gardens, 182–183 Topography, 38, 187, 194, 235 Transformation, 6, 13–16, 19, 34, 77, 97, 99, 100, 104, 108, 109, 112–125, 127, 152, 164, 186, 195, 221, 249, 250, 253, 267, 277, 297 Typology, 18, 22, 24, 40, 41, 46, 50–61, 115, 119, 124, 212–214, 218, 221, 222, 228, 296, 298

Index U Unprecedented, 10, 15, 19, 274, 281 Urban, 4, 10, 27, 49, 67, 94, 138, 159, 175, 194, 212, 228, 240, 273, 295 Urban agriculture, 6, 28, 49, 67, 96, 144, 158, 176, 197, 221, 228, 240, 274, 295 Urban agriculture framework, 197–201, 207–208, 297, 299 Urban boundary, 28–30, 46, 49, 50, 56, 61, 62, 295, 296 Urban design, 23, 28–30, 70, 72, 88, 89, 101, 105, 268, 271 Urban development, 94, 100, 124, 145, 146, 150, 168, 176, 281 Urban farming, 61, 62, 68, 89, 142, 171, 176, 186, 279, 296, 297 Urban gardens, 142, 145, 147, 152, 240, 297 Urban green, 144, 228–230, 233, 234, 237, 275, 279 Urban metabolism, 70, 71, 96, 99, 109, 127 Urban network, 46, 140, 199 Urban productivity, 27–46

305 Urban planning, 100, 104, 109, 112, 121, 126, 127, 141, 196, 295, 298 Urban system, 40, 41, 46, 88, 108 V Voedselpark Amsterdam, 273–274, 291 Vulnerability, 69, 110, 115, 138, 152, 164 Vulnerable population, 139, 152 W Water, 3, 5, 13, 15, 20, 21, 32, 37, 39, 40, 52, 53, 61, 62, 75, 77, 82–84, 86, 95–97, 99–101, 103, 105, 108, 112–114, 117–119, 121, 123, 126, 127, 142, 145, 146, 158, 162, 165, 167, 168, 170, 189, 194, 195, 197–202, 204, 206, 207, 212, 216, 233, 243, 248, 249, 251, 277, 280–285, 290, 291, 296, 297 Wicked, 10, 16, 215, 224 Wright, F.L., 29