The Columbia Guide to American Indians of the Great Plains 9780231507370, 0231507372

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THE COLUMBIA GUIDE TO AMERICAN INDIANS OF THE GREAT PLAINS

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The Columbia Guides to American Indian History and Culture

COLUMBIA GUIDES TO AMERICAN INDIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE

The Columbia Guide to American Indians of the Southeast Theda Perdue and Michael D. Green The Columbia Guide to American Indians of the Northeast Kathleen J. Bragdon

THE COLUMBIA GUIDE TO

AMERICAN INDIANS OF THE GREAT PLAINS ——eErrno——.

Loretta Fowler

Wy

Columbia University Press Publishers Since 1893 New York = Chichester, West Sussex Copyright © 2003 Columbia University Press All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fowler, Loretta, 1944—

The Columbia guide to American Indians of the Great Plains / Loretta Fowler. p. ecm. — (The Columbia guides to American Indian history and culture) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN o-231-11700-0 1. Indians of North America—Great Plains. I. Title. II. Series. E:78.G73 F'69 2003 978.004'97 —dcz1 2002073708

Columbia University Press books are printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper. Printed in the United States of America

c10987654321 p10987654321

CONTENTS

List of Maps — vil

PART I: HISTORY AND CULTURE 1

Chapter 1. Introduction 3 Chapter 2. Encounters with Europeans: ‘Trade Relations 17

Chapter 3. American Expansion: ‘Trade and Treaties 44

Chapter 4. Reservation Life: 1880s—1933 85 Chapter 5. The Self-Determination E:ra 115 PART II: PEOPLE, PLACES, AND EVENTS © 139 PART III: CHRONOLOGY © 191 PART IV: RESOURCES © 209

1. Research: Methods and History 211 2. Bibliographies and Research Aids 222

vl Contents

3. Archaeology 223

4. Published Primary Sources 224 5. General and Comparative Studies 227

6. Tribal Studies 235 Arapaho 235 Arikara 236 Assiniboine 236 Blackfeet 237 Caddo 239 Cheyenne 240 Comanche 241 Crow 243 Gros Ventre 244 Hidatsa 245 Iowa 246 Kaw 246 Kiowa 246 Mandan 248 Omaha 248 Osage 249 Otoe-Missouria 250 Pawnee 251 Plains Apache 252 Plains Cree 252 Ponca 253 Sioux 253 Wichita 257

7. Selected Literary Works 258

8. Video and Film 259

9. Internet Resources 262 Index 265

LIST OF MAPS

1. North American Plains and Its Subareas and the Location of the Nomadic and Sedentary Peoples 5 2. Tribal Locations and Trading Establishments, Southern Plains, 1700 20

3. Tribal Locations and Trading Establishments, Southern Plains, 1740, and Central-Northern Plains, 1750 27 4. Tribal Locations and Trading Establishments, Central and Northern Plains, 1700 31

5. Tribal Locations and Trading Establishments, Southern Plains, 1780, and Central-Northern Plains, 1785-98 33 6. Reservations, Trading and Military Posts, Southern Plains, 1825-1907 46

7. Reservations, Trading and Military Posts, Central and Northern Plains, 1825-2002 54

THE COLUMBIA GUIDE TO AMERICAN INDIANS OF THE GREAT PLAINS ——earro—

Part |

History and Culture

a

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The Great Plains is a land of sun, wind, and grass stretching 1,500 miles north to south from the Prairie Provinces of Canada to west central Texas and about 1,000 miles east from the base of the Rocky Mountains. Regions within the Plains vary in environmental conditions to the extent that five areas can be identified: the Southern Plains (today, roughly far eastern New Mexico, north central Texas, and west central Oklahoma); the Central Plains (roughly eastern Colorado, Kansas, far western Missouri, Nebraska, and far western Iowa); the Middle Missouri (roughly west central North and South Dakota); the Northeastern Periphery (the boundary of which has fluctuated over time with changing environmental conditions, but which is roughly eastern North and South

Dakota, southwestern Minnesota, southern Manitoba, and southeastern Saskatchewan); and the Northwestern Periphery (the boundary of which has also Huctuated, but which is roughly northern and eastern Wyoming, most of eastern Montana, southeastern Alberta, and southwestern Saskatchewan). This is a vast, semi-arid, and generally treeless grassland, the elevation of which gradually decreases from west to east. The lack of trees gives high-velocity winds a tree sweep, which has a drying effect. ‘This upland steppe region is covered with

shallow-rooted short grasses that provide good winter forage and a variety of Howering plants that survive with little rain. The short grass in the uplands gives way to mixed and deeply rooted tall grasses in the lower prairie elevations. On

4 History and Culture the northern edge of the Plains, the tall grass grades into a forested parkland; to the east of the Plains are woodlands. Along the watercourses, such as the Missour! River, which begins in the Rocky Mountains and flows into the Missis-

sippi River, belts of forest two to ten miles wide once provided a home for woodland animals, as well as a wide variety of plants.! The formation of the Great Plains began ten million years ago when there was an uplift of the Rocky Mountain region and drier conditions caused a replacement of forest by grassland. Large grazing animals, now extinct, thrived

under these conditions in the late Pleistocene era, when the Great Plains began to be occupied by big game hunters. Unlike anyplace else on the continent, here one species or another of bison flourished in abundance throughout the period of human occupancy of North America. Once anthropologists thought that the Great Plains was a desolate place visited only periodically by hunting groups from the west and east and that native people could not have lived there permanently before they adopted horses and guns from Europeans. In fact, for thousands of years this region has been continuously occupied by people who relied on herds of grazing animals, particularly the bison. The life they made for themselves involved increasing technological sophistication and cultural diversity as they adapted to a series of environmental challenges.’ The first occupants of the Great Plains came in many small bands during the last glaciation. Scholars disagree on the timing of the migration. Some argue for 28,000 years ago, others for a more conservative estimate of 12,000 to 16,000 B.P.

(before the present), and others for prior to 28,000 years ago, during an earlier glaciation. ‘The migrants mostly came across a land bridge between Asia and Alaska and moved south along the base of the Rockies, although other routes could have been used. Referred to as Paleo-Indians by archaeologists, these people hunted the large grazing animals that lived on the grasslands. Traces of hunts that occurred approximately 11,500-11,000 years ago have been uncovered on the southern and western Plains in sites where Clovis spear points are found in association with various species of mammoth (members of the elephant family) remains. Other large animals, extinct before Europeans came, also were hunted: mastodons, horses, camels, ground sloths the size of elephants. The hunters’ spears had a distinctive fluted stone point. The Clovis spear point had one or more long flakes removed from its base to its center, which created a channel in which a preshaft fitted; this in turn was inserted into or tied to a spear shaft. Spears manufactured in this way were strong and effective. Other stone tools were made to be used as scrapers, drills, and knives. Flint, a stone widely available throughout the Plains, often was the material of choice for these points. Hunters apparently selected their prey carefully, for most of the mammoth remains are those of females and immature animals, ambushed in places where they could be routinely found, for example, at water holes.’

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34. History and Culture

might experience heavy casualties. Before the intense raiding activity, the Osage residence pattern had been patrilocal. This meant that a village whose young men were killed in a raid would be left without hunters and defenders. The Osage altered the residence pattern to a matrilocal one so that the men in a village would be from many different patrilineal clans; thus, if a war party was lost, the village would lose only a few men.”? Osage political organization was an expression of religious belief. Wakonta, the all-pervading life force, was manifested in the sky and earth realms, a dualism reflected in the organization of Osage society into two moieties. Be-

fore their extensive involvement in trade with Europeans, villages had two chiefs, each representing one moiety and each with different responsibilities. A council of elderly ritual authorities who had earned their positions by mastering various levels of ceremonial knowledge made most of the important decisions. Villages had joint decision-making institutions through the combination of the elders’ councils. Chieftainship was hereditary through the clans; council membership was largely confined to men from the most important, wealthy clans. Political organization changed dramatically during the eighteenth century. The elderly ritual leaders attempted to integrate the economic changes into the ceremonial organization, for example, in building a ceremony around metal. The opportunity for new wealth presented by trade with Europeans allowed young men to challenge the hereditary leaders and, at the turn of the century, create separate villages under new leadership. ‘Traders also preferred to deal with one designated leader rather than with a large body of village representatives, so the chief of the Sky Moiety often became the offcial representative and his power was augmented through his connections in

the trade (see Pawhuska; Claremore). The other Siouan-speaking village groups had similar social organizations and experienced similar changes in the eighteenth century.**

By the late eighteenth century, warfare and epidemics had reduced the population of the Pawnee, although they were still more numerous than the Siouan groups. Villages had amalgamated so that the Skiri occupied one village and each of the three Southern bands occupied its own village. The acquisition of the horse had led to efforts to expand hunting territory to the southwest, where they came into conflict with nomadic peoples. One of the Southern villages moved somewhat north and east to get easier access to the traders and the trade in guns. Their leaders visited St. Louis and established formal relations with the Spanish officials there. Chieftainship was hereditary from father to son, and chiefs came from high-status families. Tiratwahat, the highest power representative of an all-pervasive life force, validated chiefs’ authority, for they represented this power on earth. In the eighteenth century,

Encounters with Europeans: Trade Relations —35

the traditional chiefs maintained their control over young warriors and commoners. Major transformations in Pawnee life would come in the nineteenth century.””

THE NORTHERN PLAINS Before the European explorers and traders came, the Northern Plains was the home of several semisedentary peoples, who farmed and hunted buffalo, and several nomadic hunting peoples. The village people and the nomadic hunters engaged in trade at Mandan and Arikara villages and at trade fairs, for example, in the Black Hills and on the Green River in “Shoshone” country. French and British traders were competing for the prime pelts in Canada, and they entered the already established trading network on the Northern Plains at least by the early eighteenth century. The effects of trade with Europeans and the diffusion of the horse from the Southern to the Northern Plains had far-reaching effects, just as in the country to the south. In the late seventeenth century, the “Mandan,” who actually were different groups who had arrived in the upper Missouri River valley at different times, lived in several independent villages along the Missouri River in the vicinity of the Heart River. ‘To the north on the Knife River were the “Hidatsa,” who joined the Mandan, coming by way of what is now eastern North Dakota. The political divisions of the Hidatsa were the Awaxawi; the Awatixa, who were in close contact with the nomadic “Mountain Crow” who had separated at some point in the past from the Awatixa village to live by hunting the buftalo and who ranged as far west as the Yellowstone River; and the Hidatsa proper, who were in contact with a splinter group known as the “River Crow,” who also had taken up the nomadic life. In fact, groups of villagers sometimes journeyed out onto the upper Plains to hunt for long periods of time. The region in which the villages were situated was “a kind of elongated oasis,” where the river meandered back and forth across a densely wooded floodplain on which corn, beans, squash, and sunflowers were grown. Varieties of corn were developed that were resistant to drought, wind, cold, and frost. The villages were built on the terrace rim above the floodplain. In the summer, hunters went west to hunt buffalo; in the winter, buffalo frequented the timbered river valley. Sometime after 1400 ancestors of the Arikara (who had separated from the Skiri Pawnee farther south) moved into the Big Bend area of the upper Missouri River south of where the Mandan were established. Mutual borrowings of ideas and customs occurred, including the adoption of the round earth lodge by the Mandan. By the early 1600s the Mandan had withdrawn to the Heart River area, leaving the

360 ~—-_ History and Culture

Big Bend region to the Arikara. The small Mandan settlements in northern South Dakota and southern North Dakota combined into fewer, larger fortified ones as Mandan territory contracted.”© By the late seventeenth century Mandan villages were the most important

trade centers on the Northern Plains, where groups from many regions (the Great Lakes, the Gulf Coast, and the upper Missouri River, for example) came to trade. Mandan and Hidatsa farmers exchanged their own corn, beans, squash, and sunflower seed and goods they obtained from others for the dried meat, dressed hides, and flour made from prairie turnips brought by nomadic peoples. Arikara villages were busy trading centers as well, where nomadic peoples came for corn and tobacco. A complex social and political organization had evolved in the Mandan villages, focusing on religious ceremonies in a cen-

tral plaza, matrilineal clans, and age-graded societies. In each village, clans had sacred medicine bundles that were inherited by the wealthy elite males. The nomadic groups who visited or contacted parties from the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara villages at trade fairs were “Crow,” Kiowa, “Cree,” and Assiniboine, probably “Arapaho,” and possibly Blackfoot-speaking bands.*’ The horse spread to the nomadic tribes in the early eighteenth century. The Shoshone received horses in trade from the Comanche, probably at a trade fair on Green River. Peoples from the plateau area at the eastern edge of the Rocky

Mountains also traded there. The Shoshone, wealthy in horses, began to expand out onto the Plains, hunting buffalo on horseback in western Wyoming and Montana, threatening Blackfeet who ventured south of the Saskatchewan River, and fighting Kiowa and others in the vicinity of the Black Hills (see map 4). They traded horses to the Crow, who took them to the Mandan and Hidatsa villages. Horses were probably traded by the Pawnee or Kiowa to the Arapaho near the Black Hills; they also could have been obtained through raiding.

The Blackfeet and their Gros Ventre allies (see Blackfeet confederacy) ac-

quired horses through contacts with the plateau peoples near the upper Saskatchewan River or from the Arapaho to the south. The horse transformed the lives of the nomadic hunters. To use the Blackfeet as an example, prior to their acquisition of the horse, they hunted buffalo communally on foot, driving the animals into pounds or over cliffs. The meat was shared among all the participants. Social relations were egalitarian. Warfare was sporadic, largely motivated by revenge, and casualties were not high. With the horse they could trav-

el farther for buffalo, and hunters could ride beside the herd shooting the animals they preferred. Large quantities of meat could be transported by hors-

es back to camp. The size of bands increased, and ceremonial life became more elaborate when regalia could be transported on horses and food stores could be acquired for large camps over several weeks. Horse ownership created a less egalitarian society, with a large gap between those wealthy and those

Encounters with Europeans: Trade Relations — 37

poor in horses. Wealthy individuals generously provided for the poor, who then

were obligated to their benefactors; thus, leaders maintained a following through distributing wealth generously. The demand for horses led to an emphasis on raiding for horses and weaponry suited to mounted combat.”® In the late seventeenth century, nomadic Cree groups were on the northwestern shore of Lake Superior and on the lower Red River; Assiniboines were to the south in southern Manitoba and Ontario and in northern Minnesota, where they hunted, fished, and gathered wild plant foods. The French had founded Quebec in 1608 and were well established to the east and southeast, using the Ottawa and other middlemen to trade with the Cree and the Assiniboine. In 1668 the British formed the Hudson’s Bay Company, and it was granted a royal charter in 1670. From posts on the bay (particularly from York Factory), Britain competed with France for the Indian trade in pelts. The British traded guns to the Cree, and subsequently the Assiniboine allied with the Cree against the Sioux to the south and southeast. The French pushed westward in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, traveling by water along the St. Lawrence River and the Great Lakes, building posts and sending individual traders to native villages north and west of the lakes. The French built Lake Nipigon Post in Assiniboine country in 1684 to divert the Cree and Assiniboine from the bay (see map 4), but these peoples were in a position to control all canoe routes. They could play the French and British off against each other and they acted as middlemen in the trade with Chipewyan groups to the north, the Blackfeet groups to the west, and the Mandan to the south. The Cree and the Assiniboine used the manufactured goods they received from the British and French, then traded them for a markup in price. In the Mandan and H1datsa villages, nomadic groups brought products of the hunt (and horses by 1741) and exchanged them for food grown in the villages and other trade items received by the villages, including a small amount of European goods. The village traders prospered as brokers by controlling the prices. Occasionally there were attacks by Cree and Assiniboine, and there is evidence that captives were taken.*”

French traders reached the Mandan and Hidatsa villages in the 1730s and began direct trade, which the Assiniboine tried to thwart as best they could. In 1738 Sieur de La Vérendrye led an expedition departing from the Assiniboine River. He was the commander of the interior posts, which went as far as Lake Superior. La Vérendrye established Fort La Reine in Assiniboine country and was the first Frenchman of record to visit the Mandan (see map 3). His report

was handicapped by lack of an interpreter, for the man he was relying on eloped with a woman in the party of Assiniboines accompanying him. La Vérendrye’s sons visited in 1741 and 1742, and afterward French traders began

regular trade in the Mandan and Hidatsa villages, some marrying and living

38 History and Culture there year-round. A post was established nearer the villages at the mouth of the Souris River in 1755. In the trade the standard of value was the Made Beaver (one prime beaver skin). ‘The Mandan and Hidatsa provided wolf and fox skins and some beaver pelts, which were exported to Europe. Buffalo hides, meat,

corn, fat, dogs, and captured women were largely for the Canadian market. Dogs were more useful in winter and were cheaper to care for than horses. The women usually were purchased by the traders as consorts or wives. The traders traveled to the villages on horseback in the fall and spring when the pelts were best and came on foot in the winter, using dogs to transport goods. The French trade provided some guns, powder, shot, tobacco, axes, knives, chisels, awls, and “luxury” items. *”

After the Seven Years’ War, several independent French trading companies formed a partnership with headquarters in Montreal. This North West Com-

pany dominated the trade on the upper Missouri River from a post on the Souris River and on the Saskatchewan River by a string of posts on both branches of the river. The Hudson’s Bay Company attempted to compete by expanding west, building posts in the Red River valley and on the Assiniboine River in the 1780s and 1790s. Brandon House was built on the Assiniboine in 1793, from which trading expeditions went to the Mandan and Hidatsa villages. Cumber-

land House was established in 1774 on the Saskatchewan River, and in 1778 Hudson House was built farther upriver near the Gros Ventre and the eastern range of the Blackfeet confederacy (see map 5).”! These new posts threatened the role of the Cree and Assiniboine middlemen. Blackfeet and Gros Ventre began trading directly, bringing primarily provisions and horses as well as some skins (mainly wolf). The smallpox epidemic of 1780-81 weakened the Cree and Assiniboine, which made direct access to the Blackfeet confederacy especially important, and traders courted their leaders with gifts. Wealth in luxury goods, such as Brazilian tobacco, became a prerequisite for leadership, and the competition among traders to attract hunters contributed to the fission of large bands and to the development of rituals to formalize the redistribution of wealth. The Cree and Assiniboine responded to the construction of posts in Blackfeet country by making war on the Blackfeet confederacy. Better armed, they pounded the Gros Ventre and more eastern Blackfeet bands during the 1780s and 1790s. Eventually the Gros Ventre were displaced from the forks of the Saskatchewan and the Blackfeet driven more to the southwest. The Cree and Assiniboine began provisioning the posts on the Saskatchewan River. The weakened Gros Ventre became more dependent on the Blackfeet, which eventually led to their splitting off from the confederacy. As the Cree pushed into the Saskatchewan territory, some of the more southern bands relied more on hunting buffalo and became known as Plains Cree. The epidemic of 1780 devastated the Shoshone so that the mounted and armed

Encounters with Europeans: Trade Relations — 39

Blackteet and Gros Ventre were able to drive them from Montana and move there to escape the constant Cree attacks (see map 5).*?

The Mandan and Hidatsa also suffered from the smallpox epidemic of 1780-81, losing probably 68 percent of their population of 11,500. Regular attacks by the ‘Teton also cut into the population and led to malnutrition by preventing them from hunting and gardening. The surviving Mandan combined their villages and amalgamated on the Knife River with the surviving Hidatsa villages. Before 1780 there were 24 Mandan and Hidatsa villages (a population of probably 12,000). Afterward, there were 3,750 in five villages. They also reorganized their political, kinship, and religious life to cope with their new circumstances. After the smallpox epidemic the thirteen Mandan clans were reduced to nine. In some clans the female members all died and the clan became extinct. Where there were a few survivors, they joined a larger clan of the same moiety. Rules for the transfer of bundles within the clans were altered, and where there were multiple bundles in a village made up of remnants of several villages, one bundle was used and the others not transferred. In this way, the Mandans perpetuated their ceremonial system despite the devastating effects of

the epidemic.’ The ‘Teton Sioux moved into the upper Missouri area and gradually came to

dominate other peoples in the region. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries they lived on the prairies of Minnesota, where they secured their position by a ready supply of British guns from their “Santee” allies to their east. They kept the Cree and Assiniboine to the north of the headwaters of the Minnesota River and set about driving the Omaha, Iowa, Otoe, Missouria, and “Cheyenne” west toward the Missouri River. Once in control of this territory, they trapped beaver in the winter, hunted buffalo in the summer, and took their

furs to the Santee trade fair in the spring. The Teton had some horses in 1707 and began moving to the Missouri River, where they settled for a time with the Arikara and continued to act as middlemen in the trade, bringing horses and other goods to the Santee fair where they obtained guns and other goods to bring

back to the upper Missouri River area. By the late eighteenth century, traders from St. Louis were threatening the Teton’s position. The Teton attacked traders before they could get to the Arikara and beyond and they harassed the villages farther downriver. From St. Louis, the French traders had reached the Arikara in the 1740s and the Spanish also went to the Arikara villages, but the traders’ attempt to travel to the Mandan and Hidatsa was thwarted by Arikara and Teton Sioux, who wanted to protect their advantage. The smallpox epidemic of 1780 affected the Teton slightly, but it destroyed the ability of the Arikara, Mandan

and Hidatsa, and Omaha to resist their attacks. Thus, the Teton controlled the trade on the Missouri River by the turn of the century. Some bands began moving west as far as the Yellowstone and up the Cheyenne River (see map 5). They

40 History and Culture shifted their emphasis from hunting beaver to full-time buffalo hunting and horse raiding. The “Yanktonai” and Yankton, allies of the ‘Teton, remained east of the Missouri River on the Little Sioux River.**

The Cheyenne had been living near the mouth of the Wisconsin River in 1673, but pressure from the Cree and Assiniboine as well as the Teton and Yanktonai forced them to southern Minnesota. They were living in villages where they farmed and hunted. From southwestern Minnesota and southeastern South Dakota on the Minnesota River they were forced to move again; in 1700 they had villages on the Sheyenne River in North Dakota. They obtained horses and began moving toward the Missouri River, where some settled in the mid-eighteenth century on Porcupine Creek in North Dakota. By 1780 they had affiliated with the Arikara on the Grand River in South Dakota, and there they allied with a related group, the Sutai. Some Cheyenne bands moved west along the Cheyenne River toward the Black Hills in the upland Plains, where they made contact with the Arapaho and the Kiowa (who had allied with the Comanche and could make raids into Mexico to obtain horses) and served as middlemen in the trade between these nomadic peoples and the villages on the Missouri River. They gradual-

ly became a fully nomadic society, hunting buffalo year-round. Some Cheyenne bands married into Teton bands and took on a new identity, Cheyenne-Sioux, though they were still loosely allied with the Cheyenne. This facilitated an accommodation with the Teton, still to the east nearer the Missouri River. Cheyenne brought horses and products of the hunt to villages and trade fairs to exchange for manufactured goods, including guns.”? In 1803 the United States purchased Louisiana, and the fur trade passed to the control of Americans. ‘The semisedentary horticultural villages (Caddo, Wichita, Pawnee, Arikara, Mandan, Hidatsa, and the Siouan-speaking villages on the lower Missouri) all had relocated to varying degrees and constricted their territory to escape attacks from enemies. Absorption of remnants of different peo-

ples and amalgamations of villages during these tumultuous times led to the construction of new cultural identities. The village peoples embarked on a struggle during the nineteenth century to protect their remaining land base from American settlers pushing west across the Missouri into Kansas, Nebraska, and ‘Texas. These settlers were not interested in trade, but rather wanted to dispossess native peoples of their land. Thus, the village peoples bore the brunt of the westward expansion of the United States in the early nineteenth century.

NOTES 1. Elizabeth John provides an overview of trade relations on the Southern Plains in Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996), 64, 74, 129,

Encounters with Europeans: Trade Relations 41 134, 151, 158-64, 187-92, 196-99, 218-23, 247, 255. For the central Missouri River region, see A. P. Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark: Documents Illustrating the History of the Missouri, 2 vols. (St. Louis: St. Louis Historical Documents Foundation, 1952), 1-115. For the

Northern Plains, see W. Raymond Wood and Thomas D. Thiessen, Early Fur Trade on

the Northern Plains: Canadian Traders Among the Mandan and Hidatsa Indians, 1738-1515 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1985), 3-74; Arthur J. Ray, Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660-1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974),11-23; Olive Patricia

Dickason, Canada’s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992), 138-146, 192-201. 2. ‘Timothy K. Perttula, “The Caddo Nation”: Archaeological and Ethnohistoric Perspectives (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992), 13-18, 85; David La Vere, The Caddo Chiefdoms:

Caddo Economics and Politics, 700-1835 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 10-22, 29; Cecile Carter, Caddo Indians: Where We Come From (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), 33-37, 64-68, 79-80 (and see the origin story, 73-76). 3. John, Storms, 20-21, Carter, 20-25; F. Todd Smith, The Caddo Indians: Tribes at the Convergence of Empires, 1542-1854 (College Station: Texas A & M Press, 1995), 3. 4. John, Storms, 54-64, 70-71. 5. John, Storms, 165-69; Smith, Caddo, 8-14. 6. John, Storms, 79, 165-71, 189; Carter, 60. 7. Smith, Caddo, 37. 8. Carter, 26-32, 103; John, Storms, 198-203, 210-11; La Vere, 60, 65, 69. For a discussion of the bicultural community, see La Vere, 81-86. g. Carter, 110-21; Smith, Caddo, 54. 10. Ibid., 37, 40, 44, 52-55; La Vere, 41, 49, 55, 64, 66, 105-6, 108-15; George Sabo III, “Reordering Their World: A Caddoan Ethnohistory,” in Visions and Revisions: Ethnohistoric

Perspectives on Southern Cultures, ed. George Sabo II] and William M. Schneider (Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1987), 38, 39, 43. u. Smith, Caddo, 63-83; Carter, 179-92, 206-14, 217; La Vere, 78, 80, 92-104, 106-8, 120-21, 124. 12. F. Todd Smith, The Wichita Indians: Traders of Texas and the Southern Plains, 1540-1845

(College Station: Texas A & M Press, 2000), 3-9. 13. [bid., 8-13; Mildred Mott Wedel, “The Wichita Indians in the Arkansas River Basin,” in Plains Indian Studies: A Collection of Essays in Honor of John C. Ewers and Waldo R. Wedel, ed. Douglas H. Ubelaker and Herman J. Viola (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 30, 1982), 118-34. 14. Ibid. 15. Smith, Wichita, 15-17, 20-26; John, Storms, 218-21, 279, 304-5; Elizabeth Ann Harper, “Taovayas in Frontier Trade and Diplomacy, 1719-1768,” Chronicles of Oklahoma 31 (1953): 268-89, 272.

16. Smith, Wichita, 27, 35-91; Wedel, 118-34; Elizabeth Ann Harper, “Taovayas in Frontier Trade and Diplomacy, 1769-1779,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 57 (1953): 181-201; Elizabeth Ann Harper, “Taovayas in Frontier ‘Trade and Diplomacy, 1779-1835,” Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 26 (1953): 41-72. 17. John, Storms, g5, 117-21, 226—32, 236, 244-45, 250-51, 266-67, 290, 313; Elizabeth A. H. John, ed., “Inside the Comancheria, 1785: The Diary of Pedro Vial and Francisco Xavier Chaves,” trans. Aden Benavides Jr., Southwestern Historical Quarterly 98 (1994): 27-56;

42 History and Culture Thomas W. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History: An Ethnohistorical Perspective, 1706-1875 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), go. 18. John, Storms, 316-17, 338; John, “Inside the Comancheria,” 27-56; Stanley Noyes, Los Comanches: The Horse People, 1751-1845 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993), 11-12, 22, 24-25, 57-59, 61, 70, 79-80; Kavanagh, 81-83, 94-105, 109, 111-13, 116, 121, 146-48.

19. Gilbert C. Din and A. P. Nasatir, The Imperial Osage: Spanish-Indian Diplomacy in the Mississippi Valley (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983), 23-53; Willard H. Rollings, The Osage: An Ethnohistorical Study of Hegemony on the Prairie-Plains (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1992), 96-153; John L. Champe and Franklin Fenenga, “Notes on the Pawnee,” in Pawnee and Kansa (Kaw) Indians, American Indian Ethnohistory: Plains Indians, ed. David Agee Horr (New York: Garland, 1974), 17, 39, 41-42, 47-49; Douglas R. Parks, “Bands and Villages of the Arikara and Pawnee,” Nebraska History 60 (1979): 214-39, 229-37. 20. Garrick A. Bailey, “Changes in Osage Social Organization, 1673-1906,” University of Oregon Anthropological Papers 5 (1973): 1-122, 33-40; William E. Unrau, The Kansa Indians: A History of the Wind People, 1673-1873 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1971), 13, 25, 39, 52-79.

21. Berlin Basil Chapman, “The Prehistoric and Historic Habitat of the Missouri and Oto Indians,” in History of the Otoe and Missouria Lands, American Indian Ethnohistory: Plains Indians, ed. David Agee Horr (New York: Garland, 1974), 35, 45-46; G. Hubert Smith, “Ethnohistorical Report on the Omaha People,” Omaha Indians, American Indian Ethnohistory: Plains Indians, ed. David Agee Horr (New York: Garland, 1974), 23-242. 22. Bailey, “Changes,” 39-40, 50; John M. O’Shea and John Ludwickson, Archaeology and Ethnohistory of the Omaha Indians: The Big Village Site (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992), 17-32; Unrau, 41.

23. Bailey, “Changes,” 27, 42-45. 24. Ibid., 42-45; John J. Mathews, The Osages: Children of the Middle Waters (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), 233. 25. James R. Murie, Ceremonies of the Pawnee, 2 vols., ed. Douglas R. Parks, Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 27 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1981), 1:1, 7, 10-11; David J. Wishart, An Unspeakable Sadness: The Dispossession of the Nebraska Indians (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 253787. 26. Alfred W. Bowers, Hidatsa Social and Ceremonial Organization (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992 [1963]), 15-16, 19, 22; Roy W. Meyer, The Village Indians of the Upper Missouri: The Mandans, Hidatsas, and Arikaras (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1977), 1-3, 8-11 (quoted, p. 1), 15; Edward M. Bruner, “Mandan,” in Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change, ed. Edward H. Spicer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1961), 185-89, 192-205. 27. Meyer, 15-16. 28. John C. Ewers, The Horse in Blackfoot Indian Culture with Comparative Material from Other Western Tribes (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1980 [1955]), 299~322.

29. Wood and Thiessen, 6-9, 20-21, 57, 63; Ray, 3-6, 11-14, 23, 69. 30. Wood and Thiessen, 20, 22, 25, 56; Meyer, 18-26. 31. Wood and Thiessen, 12; Ray, 126-27.

Encounters with Europeans: Trade Relations —_43 32. [bid., 98-99, 102-4, 140-41, Loretta Fowler, Shared Symbols, Contested Meanings: Gros Ventre Culture and History, 1775-1984 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987), 24-27, 34-39, 41-47. 33. Wood and Thiessen, 6-8, 20, 27-28, 46, 48, 71-72, 74; Meyer, 14, 26-31; Bruner, 230. 34. Richard White, “The Winning of the West: ‘The Expansion of the Western Sioux in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” Journal of American History 65 (1978): 319-43, 321-27.

35. John H. Moore, The Cheyenne Nation: A Social and Demographic History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 200.

CHAPTER 3

American Expansion: ‘Trade and Treaties

The acquisition of Louisiana by the United States in 1803 paved the way for American expansion westward. American traders pushed west of the Missouri River and, without European rivals, had the edge in bargaining with native hunters. The settlers who followed the traders in the 1840s did not become kinsmen and partners in commercial enterprise, as had their predecessors. They viewed Indians as alien impediments to the settlement of the west. The farming peoples in the tall-grass prairie region felt the brunt of the entry of settlers and of immigrant Indians driven from their homes east of the Missouri River. These peoples were friendly to Americans, but their plight was ignored as the United States tried to placate the numerous Teton, bent on expanding west and driving other peoples from the buffalo range. The United States made several peace treaties, followed by land cession treaties as the circumstances of native groups worsened over time. Nomadic peoples on the Southern, Central and Northern Plains adopted a friendly or hostile stance toward Americans after 1850, depending on the effect of immigration on their hunting territory. On the Southern Plains, Osage dominance of the region gradually ended and they withdrew to the north. The Wichita moved their villages farther west and afhliated with the Caddo, who had moved onto the plains after their lands were overrun. Comanche and Kiowa prosperity continued unabated until the flow of settler trafhe to California and Oregon began to disturb the buffalo herds in the upland

American Expansion: Trade and Treaties 45

Plains in the 1840s. On the Central and Northern Plains, the farming villages consolidated and tried to withstand hostility from settlers and the aggressive Sioux. By the 1860s the survival of the nomadic Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Teton Sioux on the Central Plains was threatened by the westward migration, and they took military action to defend their territory. Nomadic groups on the Northern Plains were the last to face the trespass of American settlers. By the 1870s all the

native peoples were settled on reservations, economically dependent on the United States yet determined to maintain their way of life in a changed world.

THE SOUTHERN PLAINS After the Louisiana Purchase the United States worked on moving Indians from the Eastern Woodlands into Osage territory, even encouraging warfare with the Osage. Large numbers of Eastern Indians moved into southern Missouri and northern Arkansas, a region important to Osage subsistence. This immigration had begun in the 1790s as the United States encouraged Eastern tribes, such as the Delaware and the Shawnee, to move west. The Osage began withdrawing to the west; the Little Osage abandoned their village on the Missouri River and moved westward to join other Osage on the Osage River. The trader Auguste Chouteau built a post on the Arkansas River and encouraged Osage to move southwest. A village led by Claremore, the principal peace chief, settled there.

In 1808 the Osage were pressured to cede southern Missouri and northern Arkansas, and the Arkansas village agreed to cessions in 1809. By this time large numbers of Cherokee were moving into Osage territory and attacking them. In 1817 the Cherokee destroyed Claremore’s village on the Arkansas River. The Osage had little choice but to cede more territory in 1818 for the Cherokee set-

tlers. Even then the federal government failed to protect the Osage trom the Cherokee attacks. In 1822 the Osage began to negotiate for peace; they agreed in 1825 to cede all their land in Missouri and Arkansas. They retained a strip 50 miles wide in eastern Kansas for a reservation.!

The Osage’s circumstances worsened after the Indian Removal Act of 1830 resulted in more native peoples from the Southeast moving into Osage territory. By 1840, 73,000 Eastern Indians had settled in eastern Oklahoma and Kansas, outnumbering the 5,500 Osage. The increased population resulted in the extermination of much of the game in the area. The Osage continued to hunt in the Arkansas River region, challenging the Comanche and Kiowa to their west. Probably in an effort to intimidate the Kiowa, they attacked a village when most of the men were away hunting, killed the women and children, cut off their heads, and left them in pots for their men to find when they returned. This CutThroat massacre in the Wichita Mountains aggravated the hostile relationship

46 — History and Culture

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between the Osage and the Comanche and Kiowa (see map 6). The scarcity of game and internal competition between leaders led to the separation of the large Osage villages into several smaller ones. In 1839 there were eight villages, whereas in 1802 there had been three. The buttalo robe replaced furs as a major trade item, which was an additional incentive for remaining near the buftalo country. Young warriors became increasingly influential in the villages as they struggled to defend the Osage’s position in southeast Kansas and northeast Oklahoma. By 1839 their military dominance of the region was broken. The Osage on the Arkansas River agreed to move to the reservation in Kansas, where they would receive regular issues of food. They remained there for 30 years, except during the Civil War when life was disrupted by war conditions. Union and Contederate sympathizers competed for Osage support. The Great Osage village signed a treaty with the Confederacy in 1861 but did not actually take up arms. Outlaws on the Kansas frontier raided settlements, making it impossible for the Osage to remain on the reservation. Some bands fled to the Creek and Cherokee Nations. Some went to a Union stronghold. All the bands joined together for bison hunts when they could. The Osage all returned to the reservation when conditions allowed.’

American Expansion: Trade and Treaties 47

Before the Civil War, pressure was mounting to open the northern section of Indian Territory (what became Nebraska and Kansas after 1854) to settlement. After the war, in 1865 the United States pressured the Osage to cede the eastern part of their reservation. The Osage needed the annuity payments from the cession, for hostile Cheyennes interfered with their buffalo hunts in the Smoky Hill and Republican River area and settlers were trespassing and stealing their property. Delays in receiving the payments and increasing pressure to open land to settlers led the Osage to agree to another cession in 1869. They ceded their reservation in Kansas and agreed to move south to Indian Territory to a new reservation that adjoined it. Before Congress could arrange for the removal, settlers moved into Osage villages and appropriated their homes and property. In 1872 the Osage settled on their new reservation (see map 6).? In the early nineteenth century, the Wichita were in Spanish Texas and traded in their villages on the Brazos River with the Spanish and with the Americans who came to their fortified villages on the Red River. They played these rivals off against each other. By 1810 Osage attacks and the decline in buffalo due to the influx of Americans were damaging enough that Wichita villages began to move south from the Red to the Brazos River. The Wichita raided Spanish settlements in ‘Texas in order to obtain horses and other goods. When Mexico won independence from Spain in 1821, Mexican officials were unable to prevent such raids. ‘These officials had encouraged American colonists to set-

tle in eastern ‘Texas, and the settlers, as well as immigrant Indians from the Southeast, were targets of Wichita raiders.*

Not long after the turn of the century, Caddo people, the Kadohadacho, began moving from Louisiana into ‘Texas east of the Wichita. They had lived on the eastern border of the Plains and had welcomed the Americans to Louisiana in the early nineteenth century, hoping to obtain trade goods and protection from the hostile peoples who were raiding their villages in the Red River valley. Attacks

from Osage and Eastern peoples such as the Choctaw, who had been encouraged to leave the Southeast by the federal government, contributed to population decline. At this time the Hasinai and Anadako divisions of the Caddo were liv-

ing in ‘Texas east of the Wichita, and they continued to maintain friendly relations with the Spanish. The plight of the Kadohadacho worsened after 1812. Although President Thomas Jefferson had guaranteed them title to their land, Americans moved into the Red River territory and began to exterminate the game in the woodlands and nearby prairie. Louisiana became a state in 1812, and even though the Kadohadacho had supported the United States in the War of 1812, federal officials did nothing to stop the trespass. ‘The Kadohadacho expressed will-

ingness to sell some land in return for a guarantee that they could retain the remainder. By 1819, 14,000 settlers were in Kadohadacho country and Arkansas had become a territory. Choctaws and others from east of the Mississippi, as well as

48 History and Culture Americans, moved into the area, prepared to make war to stay there. ‘The Kadohadacho had absorbed small remnant populations, as well as some Kitsai, to strengthen their numbers, and they had established farming communities with grass houses, crops, chickens, and hogs. But their circumstances deteriorated to the point that the larger Kadohadacho settlements, led by Dehahuit, the principal caddi from 1800 to 1833, moved to Texas before the 1820s to escape attacks. They had adopted some European clothing and learned European languages, yet maintained their commitment to Caddo ceremonies. In ‘Texas the Caddo groups tried to establish good relations with Spanish officials and often served as intermediaries in Spanish-Wichita relations.’ In their villages the Wichita, who needed to raid to obtain horses and items to trade, were vulnerable to counterattack. Settlers drove them and the Kitsai from eastern and central Texas. As Anglo-American immigration into ‘Texas surged in the 1820s and 1830s, large numbers of Indians from the Southeast and Caddo peoples competed for the diminishing game. Caddo traveled as far west as the Washita River to hunt. More Kadohadacho moved into Texas after 1835,

when they were pressured into ceding all their lands in the United States (Louisiana); some went to Indian Territory and settled east of the Wichita there. The United States failed to pay the money they had agreed on for the land, yet sold it for four times as much as they had promised the Kadohadacho. The deteriorating conditions led to the Wichitas moving farther from the areas of settlement. Thus, by 1830 the Taovaya had established two villages near the Wichita Mountains in the Red River valley near the mouth of the Washita River, and the Tawakoni and Wako had moved from the Brazos River to join them there. The Wichita had to continue raiding the settlers in Texas in order to obtain horses and mules to trade to Americans on the Red River and to Pawnees from north of the Platte River. The Americans wanted to suppress intertribal conflict because it interfered with trade. With the assistance of a captive Wichita woman whom they ransomed from the Osage, a treaty council was held with

the Wichita, Kiowa, Choctaw, and Delaware (an immigrant tribe) at Camp Holmes in Indian Territory in 1835 (see map 6). The Wichita agreed to peaceful relations with the United States and, with the encouragement of the commissioners, planned to raid Mexico for stock. The Wichita villages were east of the Wichita Mountains and on Cache Creek near Fort Sill in Indian ‘Territory. They traded robes, horses, and mules at Camp Holmes and at a trading post at the mouth of the Washita River. Some Wichitas on the Red River raided into Texas and others, living in Texas, tried to maintain peaceful relations.® After Anglo-Americans in Texas revolted and established the Republic of Texas in 1836, settlers attacked and destroyed Wichita villages. In the 1840s

some Wichitas made retaliatory raids, despite several peace councils. The Caddo struggled to survive in Texas during this time. They were in three

American Expansion: Trade and Treaties 49

groups: 500 Kadohadacho, 225 Hasinai, and 250 Anadako. Most were in Hasinai country where Anglo-Americans trespassed on their lands and harassed them. The ‘Texas Rangers, organized in 1835, reflected settler opinion and took every opportunity to attack the Caddo. Although they tried to be peacemakers, the Caddo often were blamed for raids conducted by Wichitas, Comanches, and Kiowas. Some joined with the Choctaw and Chickasaw in Indian Territory and some settled near the Wichita there. In 1843 and 1844, those who remained in ‘Texas signed peace treaties with Texas, and many moved back to settle on the Brazos River with small groups of Kitsai and Delaware.’ In 1845 a peace treaty was signed by the Wichita and the Comanche with the Republic of Texas, but the following year the United States annexed Texas and assumed responsibility for the protection of Indians and the maintenance of peace, although Texans did not grant native people rights to land. Texas Rangers actively assumed the peacekeeping role because United States troops were engaged in a war with Mexico. Still Wichita raiders continued to steal stock. The treaty goods promised by the United States did not arrive and settlers continued to trespass, undermining the Wichita’s ability to support themselves. The Caddo faced the constant threat of attack, despite promises of protection from the United States. They moved their villages farther up the Brazos River away from settlers. Some Wichita and Caddo villages combined for better defense on the Brazos River, but Rangers often attacked them despite treaty guarantees. Some Wichitas on the Brazos began moving north of the Red River to join the Wichita there. By 1851 the Caddo population in Texas had dropped to 476; some had gone north to Indian Territory.® By the 1850s the United States had committed to establishing reservations for native peoples, rather than merely removing them from territory coveted by settlers. A reservation was established for several Wichita and Caddo villages on the upper Brazos River near Fort Belknap, and they relocated there in 1854 (see map 6). Caddo people from the Anadako and Hasinai divisions settled on the eastern portion of the reservation and the Kadohadacho to their west. Some Delaware and Shawnee allies moved there. Caddo caddis from elite families continued to provide strong leadership. Iesh (or Jose Maria) was the most important caddi during the reservation years. The Caddo tried to raise livestock and farmed traditional crops (corn, beans, melons, pumpkins) as well as wheat. They tried to hunt, but the Comanche blocked their way to the buffalo country. Two groups of Wichita, the Waco and the Tawakoni, settled on the west side of the reservation. Still, they were under almost constant attack from Texans, as well as from Comanche and Kiowa warriors. Some Caddos fled to Indian ‘Territory and joined others there. The reservation in ‘Texas was surrounded by settlers a few years after it was established; only twelve families of settlers lived nearby in 1854; by 1857, 150 families were there. They blamed the Brazos

50 ——- History and Culture

Indians for the raids of others, despite the fact that on three occasions, in 1856, 1858, and 1859, Caddos and Wichitas joined Rangers and U.S. troops to attack Comanche villages. A series of murders of Caddos by settlers in 1858 led to the recognition on the part of the United States that the reservation community would have to be moved to Indian Territory.” Wichita villages (Taovaya and others), some Kitsai, and some Caddo already were in the lower Washita River valley near Fort Arbuckle (see map 6) when the United States moved to establish a reservation for them and other native people there. Despite the fact that the area was part of the Wichita homeland, this land had been assigned to the Choctaw and the Chickasaw in return for their lands in the Southeast; thus, the United States leased land from the Choctaw and Chickasaw in order to establish a reservation there for the Wichita and others. The threat of annihilation of the Brazos reservation people by settlers led the United States to evacuate the reservation and move the Wichita, along with the Caddo and others, north to the Red River Wichita community in the “Leased District.” The trip from the Brazos reservation in 1859, referred to by historians as another “trail of tears,” was 150 miles and took 17 days.'°

The Wichita and Caddo living in Indian Territory and some Kitsai and Delaware (associated with the Caddo) were asked to proceed to the Leased District and choose the best area for settlement. The Texas groups later approved these selections. The Wichita Agency was established and Fort Cobb built in 1859 (see map 6). Both groups arrived at the agency within days of each other. The Wichita settled on the south bank of the Washita River in two villages. The three Caddo bands with affiliated families of Delaware chose to settle on the north bank of the river. The Caddo were in three divisions: the Kadohadacho,

the combined Hasinai and Anadako (or Nadoco) from the Brazos, and the White Beads (those who had been living near Fort Arbuckle). Attacks from Comanche and Kiowa were always a threat. Fort Cobb was built three miles west of the Wichita Agency to help protect the agency and its residents, who began rebuilding their homes and farms in the river valley.'! Just three years after their arrival, the Civil War (1861-65) started and the troops from Fort Cobb left, only to be replaced by militia from ‘Texas. Soon after, the Caddo and Wichita fled north to Kansas, where they lived under the protection of the Union forces and tried to support themselves by selling their

cattle and cattle they rustled. Some Caddos joined a Southern Comanche group; groups from the Kansas settlement joined them for the spring hunt along the Arkansas River. They were in Kansas five years, and the Caddo began to forge a common identity as well as one based on band. Similarly, the Wichita began to organize as pan-Wichita. Conditions were difficult and probably

one fourth of the population died. The agency on the Washita River was burned by Union troops. In 1867 the Wichita and the Caddo moved back to the

American Expansion: Trade and Treaties = 51

Leased District and began to rebuild their community at Wichita Agency. In 1872 they agreed on reservation boundaries.!* Nearby, the Comanche, the Kiowa, and the allied Plains Apache were soon to begin reservation life as well, although they resisted reservation settlement much longer. The Comanche had prospered by hunting and raiding in the early nineteenth century, just as they had before. ‘They traded in New Mexico and Texas and raided deep into Mexico. The Spanish, anxious to remain on good terms, tolerated raids on Spanish settlements north of Mexico. ‘The Americans and the Spanish both courted the Comanche and sought their trade by giving the head chiefs gifts and provisions. The Comanche were numerous; despite population loss from a smallpox epidemic in 1816, they numbered close to 20,000 in 1838. Their alliance with the Kiowa helped them fight off incursions into their hunting territory from tribes to the east. Mexican independence in 1821 did not affect their circumstances; they continued to raid and accept presents from Mexican officials. David Burnet, who knew the Comanche in the 1820s, described a Comanche raiding party to Mexico thus. Each warrior set out on a riding pony and leading a war pony. The party arrived at its destination at night and established camp, leaving their horses with their wives or male companions. They went into the settlement stealthily by moonlight on their war ponies to look for stock and captives (and, if the opportunity presented itself, to take a scalp). ‘They seized as many horses as possible and made for the Rio Grande, riding night and day. Americans bought as many horses and mules as the Comanche could produce. The Comanche also did a business in captives, ransoming many of them back to their home communities in Mexico, New Mexico, and Texas. In 1830, they held probably 500 Mexican captives. Others were adopted into the Comanche community, helping to maintain the

population. The Comanche had to compete for buffalo in the 1830s as Cheyenne and Arapaho and other groups adversely affected by United States expansion moved into their territory. In the late 1830s the Comanche and Kiowa were at war with the Cheyenne and Arapaho, but in 1840 they made peace and became allies.!? In 1835 when Anglo-Texans revolted against Mexico and founded the Republic of Texas, these settlers traded with the Comanche for horses, grease, meat, and furs and encouraged them to raid into Mexico for the stock the Texans wanted. The trail from Missouri to Santa Fe (see Santa Fe Trail) was heavily traveled and helped the merchants in Missouri prosper. The threat of Comanche and Kiowa raids on the trail led to a peace treaty with several tribes, including the Comanche, signed at Camp Holmes in 1835, in which the United States agreed to work to curtail intertribal warfare and raiding north of Mexico. But the settlers—35,000 between the Brazos and Colorado rivers — began to disrupt Comanche hunting as they entered the buffalo range, and the

52. History and Culture Anglo-Texans were inherently hostile to native peoples, unwilling to negotiate or coexist. Comanches sometimes raided settlements in Texas and took captives. In 1840 the Southern Comanche bands attempted to make peace with the Texans, offering to return captives. The peace delegation of men, women, and children were invited into the council house at San Antonio, then massacred there under a flag of truce. This “Council House massacre” soured Comanche-Texas relations and led to years of revenge raids, many led by Buffalo Hump. Not only were the Comanche at odds with the Texans then, but incursions from the immigrant Indians and the desperate Osages threatened Comanche prosperity. !* In 1846 the United States annexed Texas and provoked a war with Mexico. Efforts were made by the Americans to establish peaceful relations with the Comanche, in large part to facilitate the war effort. The various Comanche bands sometimes took opposing stances toward the Texas settlements. Some Comanches and Kiowas raided, then hurried north beyond the Red River. Raids

into Mexico were common. Other Comanches traded and attended local rodeos. ‘he United States made a treaty in 1846 that guaranteed protection to the Comanche and arranged for the return of captives, and the Comanche and Kiowa ceased raiding on the Santa Fe Trail for a while. In 1849 Americans began streaming west through Comanche and Kiowa territory toward the gold elds in California. The wagon trains along the Platte River brought smallpox and cholera (see Oregon Trail), and the Comanche lost thousands of people to disease. In order to try to prevent Comanche attacks on the emigrants and raids into Mexico (which the United States had promised to end at the close of the war), the United States organized another peace council at Fort Atkinson in 1853. Using Mexican captives as interpreters, 9,000 Comanches with their Kiowa and Plains Apache allies met with the commissioners. ‘The Comanche agreed to allow the road west in return for provisions to compensate them for their losses. The United States hoped to settle the southern bands on a reservation near the Caddo and the Wichita on the Brazos and, by protecting them from attack, prevent them from attacking settlers. But the Comanche were wary of American promises, and only a few families settled there. Attacks from Americans eventually drove the Brazos River Comanche north across the Red River near the Wichita at Fort Cobb in 1859. Most northern bands were still moving from camp to camp, raiding for horses and captives and hunting. The Comanche and their allies did what they could to protect their buffalo range, fighting the better-armed Eastern Indians. They extracted tolls from the emigrants on the trails west. ‘The Civil War brought some relief as troops were removed from the West. By 1864 the Comanche were raiding the ‘Texas frontier again, and they joined with the Cheyenne and the Arapaho in a general war on the Southern and Central Plains in retaliation for a massacre of Cheyennes and Arapahos on Sand Creek in Colorado in 1864 (see map 7). In 1865 the Co-

American Expansion: Trade and Treaties —53

manche were forced by fear of army reprisals to cede their territory in Colorado, Kansas, and New Mexico in return for a reservation in another part of their territory. The raiding for stock and captives continued. Another treaty council was held on Medicine Lodge Creek in 1867 (see Medicine Lodge Creek Treaty). Ten Bears was the Comanche spokesman and Satanta spoke for the Kiowa. The boundaries of the reservation were set within the Leased District in southwestern Oklahoma between the Red and Washita rivers. Reservation life began in 1868, but the Comanche, the Kiowa, and the Plains Apache still hunted for most of their subsistence (see map 6). Not until the buffalo disappeared from the Southern Plains in the late 1870s did the Comanche have to adjust their way of life to the reservation system.!°

THE CENTRAL PLAINS/LOWER MISSOURI RIVER After the United States purchased Louisiana from France in 1803, the native peoples along the lower Missouri faced new challenges, as had the native peoples on the Southern Plains. The newly acquired land presented an opportunity for the westward expansion of American settlers, the removal of native peoples from the east to the area west of the Missouri River, and the expansion of trade. At the same time, the large ‘Teton population was continuing its westward expansion, dislodging or harassing groups in its path. Travel over wagon roads westward along the Platte River, as well as the Santa Fe Trail, in the 1840s disturbed the bison, driving them away from the ranges they habitually occupied.

The village peoples—Kaw, Otoe, Missouria, Iowa, Omaha, Ponca, and Pawnee — bore the brunt of the population movements in the early nineteenth century, while the nomadic peoples faced displacement at mid-century. !° Before 1807 the St. Louis fur trade was confined to the lower reaches of the Missouri River and focused on the Kaw (and the Osage, who were south of their Kaw allies), Otoe, Ponca, and Omaha. In 1807 Manuel Lisa of the Missour! Fur Company helped to expand the trade by his foray into Crow country in the upland Northern Plains. As American traders moved northwest and

west, they dealt directly with nomadic peoples, thus bypassing the village middlemen. The defeat of the British in the War of 1812 largely removed them as competitors for the Indian trade in the region. American trade companies maintained posts along the lower Missouri and continued to distribute gifts there in order to placate the villagers. The post at Council Bluffs (Fort Lisa) (1812-19) and later Bellevue was within reach of the Omaha, Otoe, Missouria, lowa, and Pawnee. Another post, built at Cedar Island in 1809, served the numerous Teton and Yankton Sioux, who were becoming the dominant

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THE OKLAHOMA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, TARTOUE NEG. 20912

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