The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995 : Clashes, Concord, and Cacophony [1st ed.] 9783030480837, 9783030480844

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CHRISTIANITY AND RENEWAL – INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES

The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995 Clashes, Concord, and Cacophony Judith C. P. Lin

Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies

Series Editors Wolfgang Vondey Department of Theology and Religion University of Birmingham Birmingham, UK Amos Yong School of Theology & School of Intercultural Studies Fuller Theological Seminary Pasadena, CA, USA

Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies provides a forum for scholars from a variety of disciplinary perspectives, various global locations, and a range of Christian ecumenical and religious traditions to explore issues at the intersection of the pentecostal, charismatic, and other renewal movements and related phenomena, including: the transforming and renewing work of the Holy Spirit in Christian traditions, cultures, and creation; the traditions, beliefs, interpretation of sacred texts, and scholarship of the renewal movements; the religious life, including the spirituality, ethics, history, and liturgical and other practices, and spirituality of the renewal movements; the social, economic, political, transnational, and global implications of renewal movements; methodological, analytical, and theoretical concerns at the intersection of Christianity and renewal; intra-Christian and interreligious comparative studies of renewal and revitalization movements; other topics connecting to the theme of Christianity and renewal. Authors are encouraged to examine the broad scope of religious phenomena and their interpretation through the methodological, hermeneutical, and historiographical lens of renewal in contemporary Christianity. Under the general topic of thoughtful reflection on Christianity and renewal, the series includes two different kinds of books: (1) monographs that allow for in-depth pursuit, carefully argued, and meticulously documented research on a particular topic that explores issues in Christianity and renewal; and (2) edited collections that allow scholars from a variety of disciplines to interact under a broad theme related to Christianity and renewal. In both kinds, the series encourages discussion of traditional pentecostal and charismatic studies, reexamination of established religious doctrine and practice, and explorations into new fields of study related to renewal movements. Interdisciplinarity will feature in the series both in terms of two or more disciplinary approaches deployed in any single volume and in terms of a wide range of disciplinary perspectives found cumulatively in the series. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14894

Judith C. P. Lin

The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995 Clashes, Concord, and Cacophony

Judith C. P. Lin Montrose, CA, USA

Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies ISBN 978-3-030-48083-7    ISBN 978-3-030-48084-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

To Taiwan

Foreword

The Classical Pentecostal Movement emerged in a variety of locations around the world at the beginning of the twentieth century. It began as a movement within various Holiness, Evangelical, and mainline churches and revival movements, which quickly decided that they did not wish to embrace the message of these Pentecostals. The earliest Pentecostals held to the historic doctrines of the faith regarding the Trinity, the Deity of Christ, the Atonement, the singular importance and inspiration of Scripture, and the like, but when it came to the Holy Spirit they had expected more in the churches of which they were part, than what they saw. In 1929, the Oxford professor, B.  H. Streeter, noted that in early Christianity the disciples had experienced the Holy Spirit in such a way that it was “definite and observable…as an attack of influenza.”1 These newly minted Pentecostals had experienced such a life-transforming experience, one that they believed was identical to what they read about in Acts 1:8 and Acts 2:4. They had received the “Promise of the Father,” the “Baptism in the Spirit,” and the evidence they gave was that they were speaking in other tongues just as the apostles had. They regarded these tongues as evidence that was both definite and observable! They did not find ready acceptance when they tried to share their testimonies. Sometimes they were too judgmental of those who had not yet received what they had experienced, and that only caused division. On other occasions, the churches made it clear that they wanted nothing to do 1  B. H. Streeter, The Primitive Church: Studied with Special Reference to the Origins of the Christian Ministry (London: Macmillan and Co., 1929), 69.

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with such “subjective” experiences or fanaticism. Some went so far as to accuse them of being mentally unbalanced, or being in league with the devil. As a result, they formed their own churches, and ultimately a number of newer Pentecostal denominations came into existence. These two groups, Pentecostal churches and non-Pentecostal, historic churches, would remain separate for over half a century. In the late 1950s, things began to change. People in historic churches began to enjoy the same experience to which Pentecostals had long pointed. Various healing ministries, organizations such as the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International, the “Latter Rain Movement,” as well as many independent churches facilitated this change. Literature such as David Wilkerson’s The Cross and the Switchblade also played a role in bringing about these changes. It was in the midst of the Cold War, the high point of existentialist philosophy, sexual and drug experimentation, and regional wars especially in Asia, Korea, and Vietnam, for instance, when these changes took place. It was a time when people were looking for answers that they often did not find in their churches. They soon found relief and encouragement in a fresh experience of the Holy Spirit that proved to be life transforming. As a result, many left their churches and joined various Classical Pentecostal congregations. However, others stayed where they were, and attempted to fit their new experiences into their existing theological framework. It was in such places where the Charismatic Renewal was born. For over a decade Charismatics referred to themselves as “Neo-­ Pentecostals,” clearly linking them with the experiences of their Pentecostal forebears. Later, they would take the name “Charismatic Renewal,” which provided them with sufficient distance from the Classical Pentecostals for them to forge their own interpretations of what they had experienced that was in keeping with their particular spiritual Traditions. Today, the Charismatic Renewal is a global reality that likely surpasses the number of Classical Pentecostals. The number of Catholic Charismatics alone stands at 160,000,000 people, which would make it over twice as large as the largest Classical Pentecostal body, the World Assemblies of God Fellowship.2 2  Alessandra Nucci, “The Charismatic Renewal and the Catholic Church,” The Catholic World Report (May 18, 2013). The International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Services Office has published the number 120,000,000 for over a decade. At least one report claims that the number may be as high as 200 million. As of December 2019, the World Assemblies of God Fellowship claims 69,000,000 adherents.

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Unfortunately, the Charismatic Renewal has received very little attention since Richard Quebedeaux published his much-revised Oxford University dissertation, The New Charismatics II in 1983.3 That may be due to the fact that the renewal held large stadium-sized gatherings, especially during the 1960s and 1970s, that no longer occur. In spite of the dearth of books on the subject either at the global or at the regional level, this renewal has never disappeared. It has continued to grow and may be found today in many historic congregations around the world. Today, its growth is most notable in Latin America, Africa, and Asia. This volume by Dr. Judith Lin is a welcome addition to our knowledge and understanding of the Charismatic Renewal, even though it is focused on one small part of Asia, that is, Taiwan. Charismatic Renewal has had a significant role in expanding and deepening the spiritual life of many mainline Christians in Taiwan, most notably in the Presbyterian Church, but also among other Protestants and among Roman Catholics. It also brings to light the very significant role that churches and leaders such as Oral Roberts, Jean Stone, and other Americans, as well as leaders from the “Latter Rain Movement” played in the birth and nurture of this renewal. Early Pentecostalism was known first as the Apostolic Faith Movement. The purpose of the Movement was to restore once again to the Church “the faith which was once for all delivered to the saints” (Jude 3), the faith that the original apostles had taught and lived. A decade later, it also took the name “Latter Rain Movement,” making clear its commitment to a restoration view of history. What the original apostles had taught and lived had been lost somewhere in history through apathy, compromise, and/or apostasy and the Lord was now restoring it to the Church through this Pentecostal Movement. The designation “Latter Rain Movement” came into vogue once again in the fall of 1947, with a revival meeting in North Battleford, Saskatchewan, Canada. Classical Pentecostals had been around for nearly half a century at that point, and they had been developing denominational structures that some Pentecostals believed were too restrictive. Institutionalization has always posed challenges to those who wish to leave open the spontaneous movement of the Holy Spirit. The early Church faced this challenge when those who claimed to be filled with the Holy Spirit challenged the authority of their bishops. That encounter set the stage for many subsequent 3  Richard Quebedeaux, The New Charismatics II: How a Christian Renewal Movement Became Part of the American Mainstream (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1983).

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challenges between those who claimed institutional authority, the duly appointed or elected church leaders, and those who claimed spontaneous and independent spiritual power demonstrated most commonly through their prophetic pronouncements. The emergence of this revival in the late 1940s resulted in a split within the Assemblies of God in the USA, which remains unresolved. Those who identified with this “Latter Rain Movement” argued that what they were experiencing in 1947 was a fresh outpouring of the Holy Spirit that required more freedom for the Holy Spirit to move, much like the wind (John 3:8) and less institutional control. Today, those connected to the “Latter Rain” appear most frequently in independent Pentecostal or Charismatic churches and in networks of loosely affiliated congregations. Their missionary zeal took them to Asia, where they found, in Taiwan, many Christians who were hungry for the message of spiritual empowerment that they brought at that time. Without such a study as Dr. Lin has presented in this volume, such a fact would remain largely hidden. This volume is also important because we are desperately in need of more regional studies regarding Pentecostal and Charismatic histories. It is a pity that the work of Paul Tsuchido Shew on the early Pentecostal Movement in Japan (1907–1945) and the work of Jay Woong Choi on the Origins of Classical Pentecostalism in Korea (1930–1962) have not yet found their way into print, for they accomplish similar goals in other Asian nations.4 What Dr. Lin has provided for us in this volume, however, is a template for what can and should be done elsewhere in the region. Her work is the first major study of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, a study marked by its focus, her attention to detail, and her personal interaction with her many sources, many of which have become more accessible in the West solely through her work of translation. Dr. Lin begins this study by developing the complex historical, cultural, and ecclesial contexts in Taiwan into which the Renewal came, including the tensions that arose between churches among the indigenous communities and the arrival of the newer immigrants and their churches, from 4  Paul Tsuchido Shew, “History of the Early Pentecostal Movement in Japan: The Roots and Development of the Pre-War Pentecostal Movement in Japan (1907–1945),” Unpublished PhD dissertation (Pasadena, CA: Fuller Theological Seminary, 2003). Jay Woong Choi, “The Origins and Development of Korean Classical Pentecostalism (1930–1962),” Unpublished PhD dissertation (Pasadena, CA: Fuller Theological Seminary, 2017).

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China. Such a regional study fills an important gap in the history of Taiwanese Christianity in the latter half of the twentieth century. Through this work, Judith proved to be very creative in locating first-­ generation primary sources, both written and oral and she doggedly pursued them. Her sources, including many personal interviews with those who participated in the renewal’s development in Taiwan, enabled her to construct a comprehensive history of charismatic activities that even predated the formal rise of the Renewal in Taiwan. In this way, her work is exhaustive! Her sources also pointed to the role played by certain American Pentecostal and Charismatic leaders in planting the seeds of renewal, and the significant role played by Taiwanese students in entering the Renewal, and then moving into leadership positions where they popularized Charismatic teaching for the churches. Judith’s re-discovery of the long-­ forgotten Formosa Chapter of the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International was also a big surprise! Finally, she located and visited a Catholic Religious, that is, a Sister, who helped provide invaluable information that was significant in opening up the Catholic Church to Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan. With the very difficult political realities that Taiwan faces today, especially when confronted by the much larger nation of China with its aggressive stance toward Taiwan, churches in Taiwan need all the spiritual power they can muster to find their way forward. Perhaps the Charismatic Renewal came to Taiwan during the period Dr. Lin has studied, precisely to empower the churches there to develop greater unity between them and to provide them with the ability to make the godly decisions that will best lead the people of Taiwan to a productive and hopefully an unrestricted future. Who knows what the future holds for Taiwan? We do not. Yet the people of God who rely upon the Holy Spirit should take hope in the reality of the charismatic message with its spiritual power that this volume presents in its look at the spiritual vitality that the Charismatic Renewal has already brought to thousands of Taiwanese Christians. Pasadena, CA, USA

Cecil M. Robeck Jr.

Preface

The growth of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan is a fascinating phenomenon. The involvement and expressions of the many tribes, peoples, and tongues in the movement in Taiwan—also known as Formosa by Westerners—not only echo the vibrant and diverse Holy Spirit renewal movements of the global scene but enrich as well as complicate the global story. Treading on a path that none have gone before, this book traces the contour of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan’s church history from 1900 to 2000, while giving special attention to the years from 1970 to 1995, which is when the movement took flight, gained currency, and was popularized. The development of numerous charismatic church contexts in this quarter of the century subsequently altered the ecclesiastical scene in Taiwan. The time frame in the book title was set to start from 1945 to ensure that several important activities that took place in postwar Taiwan are duly recognized. As prominent as the Charismatic Movement has been in Taiwan’s ecclesial context for over two decades, the story remained untold in the academic arena. Dissatisfaction with such lacuna thrust me into the current research, which led me to be ever more convinced that Taiwan has a story to tell. The growth of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan since 1980 is known to many people, but lesser known is the history leading to 1980. By connecting the dots, this book investigates crucial contributions made by some early charismatic missionaries, and their impact on key charismatic Taiwanese leaders who subsequently popularized charismatic teachings throughout Taiwan starting in the 1980s. xiii

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Instead of focusing on the development of the Charismatic Movement in a single denomination, this work examines several churches and community clusters that I regard as more influential in informing the trajectory of the movement in Taiwan. The breadth of the discussion enables me to compare and contrast how the movement has been perceived and received by churches across denominations over a span of time. Readers, however, will quickly notice the short discussion of the Classical Pentecostal churches in Taiwan in this work. The scope of my research accounts for the want. While it is misleading to put the Classical Pentecostal Church in Taiwan and the Charismatic Church in Taiwan in two different categories as if the two had never cross-fertilized ideas (the latter being the focus of my research), the two do have distinct origins, constituents, and growth patterns. Precisely because the Classical Pentecostal Church in Taiwan is such a complicated enterprise, and its convoluted history so unique compared to the Classical Pentecostal churches in other nations, it seems that any hasty attempt to mine the field will only render a mediocre analysis that does not do justice to the complexity and richness of the church. I, therefore, kept the discussion pithy. Having engaged relevant written and oral sources relating to Classical Pentecostal churches during my research, I am led to believe that it is preferable that the Classical Pentecostal Church in Taiwan be studied in its own right—from start to finish—rather than being examined through the lens of the Charismatic Church in Taiwan. It is my personal hope that the intentional blank that I left in my work would pique people’s curiosity and impel scholars to conduct further research. Montrose, CA, USA

Judith C. P. Lin

Acknowledgments

Articulating an account of history in the public space involves a degree of risk. It is an act that opens people’s stories for critique. History concerns the lives of the living and the dead, including parts that some would prefer not to be remembered. History and the people there within carry weight, which should not be tread upon lightly. Without people opening themselves up to the past—which is often a mixture of pleasurable and painful experiences—the act of history telling cannot be complete. As such, my deepest thanks go to the generous contributions of about thirty missionaries, missionaries’ children, and pastors and church leaders from Taiwan and abroad who made this project possible. The list includes Allen J. Swanson, Ross Paterson, Malcolm Foster, Helene Reichl, Tony Dale, Doug Plummer, Louise Ho (née van den  Berg), Lynn New, Jennifer McQuade (néeMcGillvray) , Zeb Bradford Long, Rey Bianchi, Kenneth Shay, Marion Shay (née Woodward), Norman Cook, Peter Ning-ya Yang 楊寧亞, Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow 周神助, Daniel Li-chung Tsao 曹力中, Andrew Chi-ming Chang 章啟明, James Sheng-chih Huang 黃聖志, Abraham Ku 顧其芸, Peng Teh-kui 彭德貴, William Jung-kuang Lo 羅榮 光, Chen Yi-ming 陳義明, Lewis Yi-che Sung 宋義哲 (1951–2018), Daniel Chih-yung Ho 何志勇, Vernon Wen-­ lang Wu 吳文朗, James Chung-chien Shia 夏忠堅, Jonathan Chih-chien Chiu 邱志健, David Tsai 蔡錦源, Daniel Tai I-shun 戴義勳, and Ernest Chong-fai Chan 陳仲輝. Specifically, my deep appreciation goes to Allen J. Swanson, Ross Paterson, Daniel Li-chung Tsao, and Malcolm Foster for fielding my incessant questions with incredible patience through their extensive e-mail exchanges with me. xv

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

In regard to research institutions, I am principally thankful for the staff at Fuller Seminary’s David Allan Hubbard Library for rolling out trolly after trolly of periodicals for me. I am also thankful for China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei) and President Tsai Lee-Chen, Taiwan Theological College and Seminary, Taiwan Baptist Theological Seminary, Research and Development Center at the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, and Holy Spirit Research Center at Oral Roberts University for opening doors to me. In addition, I am thankful for Iso Kirja College in Finland for helping to provide sources that I need for this research. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my mentor and advisor, Dr. Cecil M. Robeck Jr., for rooting for me since the day he agreed to take me under his wings as a doctoral student. I have indeed been standing on a giant’s shoulders—a privilege that few enjoy. I could not have imagined having a better mentor for my PhD study. Besides my advisor, I would like to thank my second mentor, Dr. Amos Yong from Fuller, and Dr. Lin Hong-Hsin from Taiwan Theological College and Seminary for their encouragement and insightful comments that led me to widen my research from various perspectives. A very special thank you also goes to Dr. John L. Thompson, Chair of the Department of Church History at Fuller, for his continued support, encouragement, and friendship. I am grateful to my extended Church family of many colors, especially the First A.M.E. Zion Church of Pasadena that has cared for my soul as I spent strenuous months working on this project. In addition, I am thankful to Chao Shih-Yi, Kally Wong, Cindy Powell, and Charlotte Lin for their friendship and support during the research process. Lastly, I am eternally grateful for my parents for their constant love and support, and for encouraging me in all of my pursuits. If I forget to mention the names of the numerous people who have helped me in the course of writing this project, I ask for their forgiveness. Full responsibility for this work and any remaining errors it may contain are mine alone.

Contents

1 Introduction  1 Significance of the Study   2 History of Research   4 Terminology   8 Pentecostal? Charismatic? Renewal?   8 “Taiwanese”: A Hard-Fought Identity  14 Delimitation of the Study  20 Methodology and Structure  21 Oral History  22 Structure  24 2 Protestant Christianity in Twentieth-Century Taiwan, with a Focus on the Evangelical Force from 1945 to 1990 25 Protestant Christianity in Taiwan, 1900–1945  26 Protestant Christianity in Taiwan, 1945–1990  29 Mission Societies  29 Defending Christianity and Opposing Communism  33 China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei)  35 Case Studies  39 China Inland Mission—Overseas Missionary Fellowship  39 The Church Assembly Hall  46 Stephen Tong  53 Conclusion  55

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3 A Brief Historical Overview of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Activities in Taiwan, 1900–1970 57 True Jesus Church  57 Japan Apostolic Mission  61 Different Pentecostal Groups in Postwar Taiwan  65 Pearl G. Young (1904–1986) and Zion Church (1957)  67 Nicholas G. Krushnisky (1932–2016)  69 New Testament Church (1965)  71 Charismatic Phenomena Among Non-Charismatic Christians in Taiwan  76 Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International Formosa Chapter (1958–1968?) and Oral Roberts in Taiwan (1960)  78 FGBMFI Formosa Chapter (1958–1968?)  78 Oral Roberts’ 1960 Visit to Taiwan  84 Jean Stone and Richard Willans in Taiwan (1968) and Charismatic Activities Among Non-Charismatic Missionaries in Taiwan  88 Conclusion  92 4 The Surprising Work of God, 1970–1979 93 Setting the Scene: The Age of Hunger  94 Pearl G. Young (1904–1986) and Zion Church (1957)  94 Donald and Penelope Dale and the Renewal Team 100 Donald Dale (1923–1998) and Penelope Dale (1924–2016): The Legendary Couple 101 The Renewal Team 107 Other Missionaries’ Involvement in Charismatic Ministry 115 Renewal Among Missionary Children in Taiwan 118 Ross Paterson (1943–) 120 The Tongues, the “Chaos”: Leadership Training Camp, Taichung, 1973 121 Déjà vu: The Tongues, the “Chaos”: Leadership Training Camp, Taichung, 1976 123 Small-Scale Revival at the National Taiwan University Fellowship, 1975 125 Interim Summary 126 Nicholas G. Krushnisky (1932–2016) 127 The 1972 Tayal Revival 129

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Allen J. Swanson (1934–) 146 Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan 150 Conclusion 155 5 The Loosing of the Holy Spirit: The Charismatic Movement Takes Off, 1979–1995157 Church Growth Initiatives in the Late 1960s and the 1970s 158 Ministry of Chen Chuan-huang 158 Taiwan Church Growth Society (1972) 160 Chinese Campus Crusade for Christ (Taiwan) and Visits to Churches in South Korea (1979–1980) 164 Chinese Christian Prayer Mountain (Miaoli Prayer Mountain, 1981) 166 Elim Christian Bookstore (1982)—Hosanna Ministry (1987): From a “Soft Revolution” to a “Merciless Revolt” 169 Latter Rain Magazine 170 Contemporary Worship from South Korea (1989) 173 Hosanna Ministry (1987): Enlarge the Place of Thy Tent 174 Non-Charismatic Churches Turned Charismatic, 1980s 176 Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei 176 Hsintien Covenant Church 180 Other Churches 185 Zeb Bradford Long (1950–) and the Charismatic Movement within the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan 186 Charismatic Conferences from 1980 to 1995 197 The Year 2000 Gospel Movement (1990–2000): A Godsend 198 Agape Renewal Center, California (1987) 205 Other Developments in the 1990s 208 Taipei Truth Lutheran Church 208 The Christian Pastoral Training Association (1996) and the Cell Group Movement 210 Conclusion 212 6 Candid Discussion Regarding the Charismatic Movement from 1970 to 1995: More Than a Battle of Words215 Campus Magazine 216 Basic Framework 216 Reception 218

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The PCT’s Taiwan Church News, Messenger (New), and Other Works 224 Basic Framework of Taiwan Church News 224 The “Ten Plus One” Movement 226 Initial Discussion on the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan Church News and Messenger (New) 228 Drawing the Line 231 Reception 232 PCT’s “Recommendation for the Holy Spirit Renewal Movement” 235 Summary 237 The “1995 Prophecy” 237 Summary 240 7 The Distinctive Features of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, 1970–1995243 Historical 243 Sources of Influence 243 Reception 245 Theological 247 The Ever-Present “Middle” World 247 Grassroots Ecumenism 249 Cultural 250 Power Encounter 250 Shamanism 251 Summary 255 8 Conclusion257 Appendices263 Bibliography273 Index319

Abbreviations

CES China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei) CIM China Inland Mission FGBMFI Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International KMT Kuomintang OMF Overseas Missionary Fellowship PCT Presbyterian Church in Taiwan TCGS Taiwan Church Growth Society TJC Truth Jesus Church

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List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 This photograph was published on page 14 of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 6, no. 1, February 1958. Left to right: Harold Herman, Madame Ho, Dr. and Pastor Chen, and Madame Wang. I am thankful to FGBMFI for granting me permission to reprint the image in this book. Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International80 Fig. 3.2 This photograph was published on page 28 of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 6, no. 1, February 1958. Left to right: Major General Wu, Chang Ching-yu, S. S. Hwa, and Thomas C. Kung. I am thankful to FGBMFI for granting me permission to reprint the image in this book. Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International81 Fig. 3.3 This photograph was taken by the author on October 4, 2018, at Oral Roberts University. The first flag on the left side of the Praying Hands is Taiwan’s national flag. (Photograph by author)87 Fig. 4.1 This photograph was taken in May 1979. Left: Tom Nian-chun Liu 劉念群, Vice-Chairman of the FGBMFI Taiwan Chapter. I am very grateful to Liu Nian-chun’s wife, Liu Lin Ming-yueh 劉 林明月, and their son, David Yu-chu Liu 劉昱初, for sharing the photograph and for granting me permission to include it in this work. Personal Collection of Liu Nian-chun’s Family106

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Administrative Divisions of Taiwan

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

The growth of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan is a fascinating phenomenon. Treading on a path that none have gone before, this book traces the contour of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan’s church history from 1900 to 2000, while giving special attention to the years from 1970 to 1995, which is when the movement took flight, gained currency, and was popularized. Instead of focusing on the development of the Charismatic Movement in a single denomination, this research examines several churches or community clusters that I regard as more influential in informing the trajectory of the movement in Taiwan. Due to the limited scope of this book, my discussion centers on the activities among missionaries and “Han” Christians on the island, whereas the experiences of non-Han Christians (i.e., Aborigines) are circumscribed. “Han” is an umbrella term used in Mandarin Chinese for those whom most people in the United States think of as ethnically Chinese.1 1  Anthropologist Melissa Brown’s explanation of “Chinese” is succinct and lucid: “The English term ‘Chinese’ can refer to ethnic identity (Americans of Chinese ancestry) or to national identity (citizens of the PRC). In Mandarin Chinese, the official language of both Taiwan and China, the distinction appears clear: han ren (lit., ‘Han person’) refers to the Han ethnic majority, whom most Americans would think of as the ethnic Chinese. (Han are the ethnic majority both in China and in Taiwan.) Zhongguo ren (lit., ‘China person’) refers to national citizenship and includes all 56 minzu (ethnic groups) officially recognized in China. However, the use of zhongguo ren in Taiwan is complicated by the term’s earlier political

© The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4_1

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J. C. P. LIN

As exciting as the study is, this project is as daunting as any project that attempts to reconstruct history through working with primary sources. Unlike some may believe, primary sources are not necessarily more readily available and accessible for researchers who work on a project that is situated in the recent past. The scarcity of primary sources of the early history of Pentecostalism is well noted.2 Since no research of this scale has ever been produced at a scholarly level, I began my research with little knowledge of where my primary sources are and—perhaps even more drastically—what they might be. The identification of primary sources for this project, including eyewitness accounts of living figures, was an ongoing task that continued well into the writing stage. The incorporation of oral history into this study is yet another challenge, which will be addressed in this chapter.

Significance of the Study Challenges aside, the current project is significant in a number of ways. First, it is the first work that presents to the academic arena a more comprehensive picture of the historical development of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in the twentieth century. The breadth of the discussion enables me to compare and contrast how the movement has been perceived and received by churches across denominations over a span of time. While the study of the Holy Spirit had long been regarded as “the Cinderella of Western theology,”3 it has since generated much enthusiasm in the field of theology. This recent movement is evidenced by the mushrooming of publications on a range of subjects from theology, biblical studies, hermeneutics, history, to ethics, mission, ecumenism, inter-faith uses: under the martial law rule of the Nationalist party (1947–1987), the term was used to support Taiwan’s claims to ruling mainland China.” Melissa J. Brown, Is Taiwan Chinese? The Impact of Culture, Power, and Migration on Changing Identities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), 1. In her work, Brown uses “Han” to refer to ethnic identity and “Chinese” only to refer to national identification with China. For historical reasons, “Chinese” is still retained in this book to refer to the ethnic identity of those who reside in Taiwan, but used only sporadically. 2  Cornelius van der Laan, “Historical Approaches,” in Studying Global Pentecostalism: Theories and Methods, ed. Allan Anderson, Michael Bergunder, André Droogers, and Cornelis van der Laan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 213–4. 3  Jürgen Moltmann, The Spirit of Life: A Universal Affirmation (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001), 1.

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3

dialogue, and so on in which the Holy Spirit is of central focus.4 The Pentecostalism that was once disparaged as emotionalism and non-­ intellectual seems to have been slowly vindicated by the increasingly sophisticated writings of pentecostal scholars in the English language. With the leading effort of Walter Hollenweger (1927–2016), the pentecostal-­turned-Reformed minister, Pentecostalism has now become a recognized sub-discipline of theology.5 In contrast, scholarly study of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement among Taiwanese scholars in the field of theology is still in an inchoate stage. The shortage of pentecostal-­ charismatic scholars in Taiwan and a long-held negative view of the subject matter by Taiwanese scholars could perhaps account for its impoverished status in academia. Thus, the significance of this study lies, secondly, in its attempt at providing Taiwanese scholarship with a more sympathetic account of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. The growth of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan since 1980 is known to many Taiwanese Christians, but lesser known is the history leading to 1980. During this time, early charismatic missionaries made crucial contributions that should be included in a more holistic narrative. By connecting the dots and offering a more thorough treatment of history, the book offers the Church in Taiwan and missionaries involved in the movement an opportunity to appreciate the past. Lastly, as I engage in this work from a Taiwanese perspective, I see people in Taiwan as being the Subject in history, instead of an appendage of someone else’s subjectivity as has long been perceived (more below). By reconfiguring historiography from a Taiwanese perspective, I wish to

4  For example, Amos Yong, Pneumatology and the Christian-Buddhist Dialogue: Does the Spirit Blow Through the Middle Way? (Leiden: Brill, 2012); Nimi Wariboko, The Pentecostal Principle: Ethical Methodology in New Spirit (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2012); Simon Chan, Pentecostal Theology and the Christian Spiritual Tradition (Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2011); Wolfgang Vondey, Pentecostalism and Christian Unity: Ecumenical Documents and Critical Assessments (Eugene: Pickwick, 2010); Vinson Synan, The Century of the Holy Spirit: 100 years of Pentecostal and Charismatic Renewal, 1901–2001 (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2001); Walter J.  Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide (Peabody: Hendrickson Publishers, 1997); Gordon D. Fee, God’s Empowering Presence: The Holy Spirit in the Letters of Paul (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1994); Cheryl Bridges Johns, Pentecostal Formation: A Pedagogy Among the Oppressed (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993). 5  Allan H. Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 244.

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challenge the academic circle also to take seriously the “Taiwanese consciousness” when engaging Taiwan’s history.6

History of Research Within academia, serious scholarly writings on the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan are scarce; and until around 2005, evaluations of the movement in a more positive light were even less common. The first edited quasi-­ scholarly work, Lingen Yundong zhi Yanjiu (Research on the Charismatic Movement) appeared in 1987,7 around fifteen years after the work of the Holy Spirit had already greatly stirred up the Tayal tribe, one of the aboriginal tribes in Taiwan (Chap. 4). The work was published by Yu-Shan Theological College and Seminary in Taiwan, a Presbyterian institution that primarily serves aboriginal communities. One of the purposes of the small book is to serve as a corrective to the “erratic” charismatic phenomena among aboriginal people groups in Taiwan (Chap. 6). China Evangelical Seminary in Taipei published an edited work, Shengling Gujinlun (The Holy Spirit Then and Now), in 1999.8 Heavy on biblical, historical, and theological studies, the work only engages limited discussion on the contemporary charismatic phenomena in Taiwan. Scholars Samuel H. H. Chiow and Peter K. Chow from China Evangelical Seminary published Lingen Shenxue yu Lishi Tantao (Charismatic Theology and History, 1999) and Rongyao Guang zhong Huoshui Quan: Lun Jiuen yu Lingen (The Glorious Light and the Living Water: Salvation and

6  As such, I decisively critique the regrettable mistake of including a map that indicates that Taiwan is a province of China in Fenggang Yang, Joy K. C. Tong, Allan Anderson, Global Chinese Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity (Leiden: Brill, 2017), xiv. 7  Chen Nan-jou 陳南州 ed., Lingen yundong zhi yanjiu: Taiwan shandi jiaohui he pushi jiaohui de yixie guandian 靈恩運動之研究: 台灣山地教會和普世教會的一些觀點 [Charismatic Movement: Some perspectives from the tribal churches in Taiwan and the global church] (Hualien: Yu-Shan Theological College and Seminary, 1987). In this book, I have chosen to respect the common spelling of names and place names in Taiwan, which is traditionally in Wade-Giles, except when individuals have adopted another form of spelling, such as the Pèh-ō e-jı̄ orthography (an orthography that is used to write Taiwanese Hokkien). The transliteration of book titles in footnotes will be rendered in Pinyin for ease of reference. 8  Archie Wang-do Hui 許宏度 ed. Shengling gujinlun: Cong shengjing, lishi, shenxue kan Shen de tongzai 聖靈古今論: 從聖經, 歷史, 神學看神的同在 [The Holy Spirit then and now: Discussing God’s presence from biblical, historical, and theological perspectives] (Taipei: China Evangelical Seminary, 1999).

1 INTRODUCTION 

5

Charismaticism, 2002), respectively.9 While Samuel Chiow explores how the Holy Spirit was understood by the Church and church fathers in history, Peter K. Chow discusses the charismatic theology and phenomena from an evangelical perspective. A part of both works addresses the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, although their discussions seem to be more prescriptive than descriptive. Long snubbed by Taiwanese theological scholars, the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan finally received more attention by Taiwanese scholarship in the 2000s, with Taiwan Theological College and Seminary (hereafter Taiwan Theological Seminary)—a Presbyterian seminary in Taipei—spearheading the effort. Under the leadership of Lin Hong-hsin,10 professor of systematic theology at Taiwan Theological Seminary, seminarians have made over a dozen of trips to Tayal churches in Hsinchu since 1999 to conduct interviews with tribal members who had experienced the 1972 Tayal Revival, and the children of Tayal tribe members who had been affected.11 The interview materials were subsequently complied and published as Shanjian Lingfeng chui qi: Taiyaer de suxing (The Tayal Revival) in October 2019. The seminary-wide effort that engages in oral history continues to this day. Further, Shih Shu-ying, former professor of systematic theology from the same seminary, organized several scholarly conferences in the latter half of the 2000s to explore such themes as “Demon Possession and Exorcism” and “Charismatic Movement.” Papers from the colloquium were subsequently collected in Jidu Zongjiao yu Lingen Yundong Lunwenji (Christian Religion and the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, 2012),12 which engages the ongoing Charismatic 9  Samuel H. H. Chiow, Lingen shenxue yu lishi tantao 靈恩神學與歷史探討 [Charismatic theology and history] (Taipei: China Evangelical Seminary, 1999); Peter K. Chow 周功和, Rongyao guang zhong huoshui quan: Lun jiuen yu lingen 榮耀光中活水泉: 論救恩與靈恩 [The glorious light and the living water: Salvation and charismaticism] (Taipei: China Evangelical Seminary, 2002). 10  Lin Hong-hsin 林鴻信 studied under Jürgen Moltmann, and produced a dissertation on pneumatology in Reformed theology: “Die Person des Heiligen Geistes als Thema der Pneumatologie in der Reformierten Theologie” (D.  Theology diss., Tübingen University, 1990). 11  Taiwan Graduate School of Theology’s Center for the Study of Christian Thought ed., Shanjian Lingfeng chui qi: Taiyaer de suxing 山間靈風吹起:泰雅爾的甦醒 [The Tayal Revival] (New Taipei City: Gan Lan, 2019), 307. 12  Shih Shu-ying 石素英 ed., Jidu zongjiao yu lingen yundong lunwenji: Yi Taiwan chujing wei zhuzhou 基督宗教與靈恩運動論文集: 以台灣處境為主軸 [Christian religion and the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan], (Taipei: Yong Wang, 2012).

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Movement in Taiwan far more seriously than previous works referenced. Also commendable is the publication of Chuanyue Chuantong de Jilie Shensheng Huiyu (An Intense Divine Encounter Beyond Tradition, 2012), which documents the charismatic experiences of two dozens of Christians in Taiwan.13 Edited by Shih Shu-ying, the work gives voice to those who had long been rendered voiceless, and charismatic phenomena appear to have grown into experiences that are worth recognizing within Taiwanese scholarship. Treatments of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in Taiwan by non-Taiwanese scholars or missionaries from the West tend to be less reactionary. Murray A. Rubinstein from the United States has written on the True Jesus Church, the New Testament Church, and the Assemblies of God in Taiwan.14 Also from the United States, a section of the Doctor of Missiology dissertation of missionary Robert Donnell McCall (1927–1997) at Fuller Theological Seminary investigates how the charismatic message impacted the church’s growth in the 1980s.15 Another US missionary and scholar, Ralph R.  Covell (d. 2013 at the age of ninety), discusses the Charismatic Movement among aboriginal people groups in Taiwan—but he simply re-narrates others’ writings, which constitute only a few pages in his Pentecost of the Hills in Taiwan.16 In contrast to what some may have 13  Shih Shu-ying ed., Chuanyue chuantong de jilie shensheng huiyu: Taiwan Jidu zhanglao jiaohui lingen yundong fangtan jilu 穿越傳統的激烈神聖會遇: 台灣基督長老教會靈恩運動 訪談記錄 [An intense divine encounter beyond tradition: Interview transcripts concerning the Charismatic Movement within the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan] (Taipei: Yong Wang, 2012). 14  Murray A. Rubinstein, “Holy Spirit Taiwan: Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in the Republic of China,” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, ed. Daniel H.  Bays (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 353–66; “The New Testament Church and the Taiwanese Protestant Community,” in Christianity in China, 445–73; Rubinstein, The Protestant Community on Modern Taiwan: Mission, Seminary, and Church (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E.  Sharpe, 1991), 86–93, 117–47; Rubinstein, “Evangelical Spring: The Origin of the True Jesus Church on Taiwan, 1925–1926” (Paper presented at the sixteenth annual meeting of the Society for Pentecostal Studies, Costa Mesa, CA, November 13–15, 1986). 15  Robert Donnell McCall “Conversion, Acculturation, Revitalization: The History of Fataan Presbyterian Church in Kwangfu, Taiwan, 1934–1994” (D.  Miss. diss., Fuller Theological Seminary, Pasadena, 1995). 16  Ralph Covell, Pentecost of the Hills in Taiwan: The Christian Faith among the Original Inhabitants (Pasadena, CA: Hope Pub. House, 1998), 271–8. Another important work that discusses the mass conversion of the Aborigines to Christianity after WWII in Taiwan is George F. Vicedom, Faith that Moves Mountains: A Study Report on the Amazing Growth

1 INTRODUCTION 

7

been led to believe, Pentecost of the Hills in Taiwan is not a book on the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement among aboriginal peoples in Taiwan. “Pentecostal” in Covell’s work refers to the mass conversion of aboriginal people in Taiwan after the Second World War. It is likely that charismatic phenomena were not left wanting during the mass conversion,17 yet more research is required to demonstrate this point. The emergence of Joshua Sian-chin Iap, the first Taiwanese Pentecostal scholar (with a doctoral degree), in the 2010s, has added a long-needed and meaningful voice to the discussion of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan.18 While several Taiwanese theological scholars have produced article-length studies on the subject, few would identify themselves as Pentecostals or Charismatics. Taking Pentecostal theology as a starting point, Iap’s works often interact with the current Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, which perspective has been lacking in the guild heretofore. The most recent work on the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in the English language appeared in 2016, which is co-authored by Joshua Iap and Maurie Sween.19 The article surveys the historical development and theology of various Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Taiwan, albeit only at an introductory level. In sum, the present scholarly writings on the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in Taiwan are mostly article-length studies or limited in scope to particular churches. The article by Iap and Sween (2016) is an attempt to extend the breadth of the study, yet it is limited by length.

and Present Life of the Church among the Mountain Tribes of Taiwan (Taiwan: China Post, 1967). 17  For example, Ruth Winslow, The Mountains Sing: God’s Love Revealed to Taiwan Tribes (Winona Lake: Light and Life, 1984), 42. 18  Joshua Iap’s PhD dissertation is on “Quanqiu Wuxunjie yundong shiyexia de Zhenyesu Jiaohui” 全球五旬節運動視野下的真耶穌教會 [The formation of the True Jesus Church: A perspective from the global Pentecostal Movement] (PhD diss., National Chengchi University, Taiwan, 2016). 19  Iap Sian-Chin and Maurie Sween, “Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Protestant Taiwan,” in Global Renewal Christianity: Spirit-Empowered Movements Past, Present, and Future, vol 1, Asia and Oceania, ed. Vinson Synan and Amos Yong (Lake Mary, FL: Charisma House, 2016), 127–41.

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Terminology Pentecostal? Charismatic? Renewal? Choosing between “Pentecostal” and “Charismatic” is a thorny issue when it comes to research located in Taiwan. The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements identifies three waves of the Renewal in the Holy Spirit in the twentieth century: the Classical Pentecostal Movement that originated from the Azusa Street Revival in 1906; the Charismatic Movement that emerged from within historical denominations in the middle of the twentieth century; and the Neocharismatics as a “catch-all category that comprises 18,810 independent, indigenous, postdenominational groups that cannot be classified as either pentecostal or charismatic but share a common emphasis on the Holy Spirit, spiritual gifts, pentecostal-like experiences … , signs and wonders, and power encounter.”20 At the risk of oversimplification,21 I recognize that the threefold classification is a useful starting point, not least because the development of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in Taiwan is appreciably influenced by a great number of pentecostal-charismatic missionaries, who brought with them distinctive theological beliefs, be it Pentecostal, Charismatic, or even “Third Wave.”22 Hence, when there is no need for generalization, this book will continue to use the terms “Pentecostal” or “Charismatic” in congruence with how churches or individuals identify themselves, unless a narrower definition is required. In English language literature, scholars often use “P/pentecostal” and “P/pentecostalism” as umbrella terms “to include all the different forms of ‘spiritual gifts’ movements.”23 Since the Azusa Street Revival 20  Stanley M. Burgess and Eduard M. van der Maas, ed. The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 2003), xx. For critique of such categorization, see Cornelius van der Laan, “Historical Approaches.” 21  Cf. Allan Anderson, “Varieties, Taxonomies, and Definitions,” in Studying global Pentecostalism, 15. 22  In Taiwan, C. Peter Wagner’s Three-Wave theory is popular within churches, yet it fails to accurately account for global Pentecostal-Charismatic Movements. See C. Peter Wagner, The Third Wave of the Holy Spirit: Encountering the Power of Signs and Wonders Today (Ann Arbor, MI: Servant, 1988), 15–9. For a critique, see Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 5–6, 62, 158. 23  For example, Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 6; Amos Yong, The Spirit Poured Out on All Flesh: Pentecostalism and the Possibility of Global Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2005), 18.

1 INTRODUCTION 

9

(1906–1909) quickly spread into a worldwide movement,24 it is ­understandable why “Pentecostalism” became the generic term for all later forms of “spiritual gifts” movements that often find roots in earlier “Pentecostal” history. The convention notwithstanding, I suggest that for this research within the Taiwanese context, “C/charismatic” functions better as an umbrella term than “P/pentecostal” for historical and linguistic reasons. First, unlike Classical Pentecostal denominations that have remained influential in the United States and worldwide since their inception in the early twentieth century,25 such denominations have hardly galvanized any extensive excitement in Taiwan, which is a curious phenomenon that awaits separate research.26 Rather, it is the global “spiritual gifts” movements in the second half of the twentieth century, which are often, but not exclusively, associated with the global Charismatic Movement, or Charismatic Renewal, that have widely captured the imagination and attention of Taiwanese Christians, and have exerted far-reaching influence on Taiwanese churches. Another reason why the term “C/charismatic” is preferable in comparison to “P/pentecostal” for this particular study pertains to language use. In Mandarin Chinese—one of the widely used official languages in Taiwan—the most commonly adopted blanket terms that include different forms of “spiritual gifts” movements are lingen 靈恩 (literally: “spirit grace”; trans. charismatic), or lingen yundong 靈恩運動 (Charismatic Movement), instead of wuxunjie (de) 五旬節(的) (literally: “pertaining to the feast of fifty days”; trans. pentecostal),27 or wuxunjie jiaopai 五旬節教 派 (Pentecostalism). 24  Cecil M. Robeck Jr., Azusa Street Mission and Revival: The Birth of the Global Pentecostal Movement (Nashville: Nelson Reference & Electronic, 2006), 8. While the Welsh Revival (1904–1905) and the North-East Indian Revival (1905) predate the Azusa Street Revival in 1906, the Azusa Street’s message wielded global influence as its missionary program surpassed all others in scale. 25  Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 52–3, 72, 113–4; Walter J. Hollenweger, “After twenty years research on Pentecostalism,” International Review of Mission, no. 75 (January 1986): 6. 26  Allen J. Swanson provides some possible reasons for the slow growth of the Assemblies of God in Taiwan in Taiwan: Mainline versus Independent Church Growth: A Study in Contrasts (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1970), 117–21. 27  In Mandarin Chinese, wuxunjie (de) is incomplete when standing alone. A noun has to be followed immediately after in order to make sense of the phrase (e.g., wuxunjie jiaohui, Pentecostal Church), and in which case, de is omitted.

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When Pentecostalism first arrived in the Chinese-speaking regions soon after the Azusa Street Revival, the term wuxunjie (de) (pentecostal) was employed within the official pentecostal circle: Mok Lai Chi (Mo Lizhi) in Hong Kong edited and published the first issue of a pentecostal monthly paper in Chinese, Wuxunjie zhenlibao 五旬節真理報 (Pentecostal Truths), in January 1908.28 The usage of wuxunjie in relation to pentecostal groups is therefore as old as the appearance of the twentieth-century Pentecostals in the Chinese-speaking regions. Use of the word “Pentecostal” in the English language evolved considerably in the twentieth century, so much so that it has grown from a set of denominational doctrines and expressions to a generic term used to describe all churches and movements that emphasize the gifts of the Holy Spirit. An “imported” word that does not already exist in the Chinese language, the term wuxunjie (de) (pentecostal) has hardly caught on among Christians in Taiwan, possibly because the plain wuxunjie (Pentecost; literally: “the feast of fifty days”) is meaningless in Mandarin Chinese, until one puts it in the Christian context. In contrast, lingen 靈恩, literally translated as “spirit grace,” is a more colorful term. While it does not already exist in the Chinese language, either, the term, at face value, conveys the idea of “something spiritual, while grace is somehow involved.” Semantically, therefore, lingen more aptly captures the essence of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement, in which spiritual gifts are greatly emphasized. It is thus perhaps unsurprising why the more descriptive lingen (charismatic) is preferred over wuxunjie (de) (pentecostal) among Chinese-speaking Christians in the long run to refer to different forms of “spiritual gifts” movements. Yet, this preference may have also come at a cost, as usage of the phenomenologically derived lingen may have in turn contributed to an (over-)emphasis on lived experiences at the expense of doctrines within the pentecostal-charismatic community among the Chinese-speaking population.29 28  Robeck, Azusa Street, 257. For Mok Lai Chi, see also Daniel H.  Bays, “Indigenous Protestant Churches in China, 1900–1937: A Pentecostal Case Study,” in Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity, ed. Steven Kaplan (New York: New York University Press, 1995), 129. 29  In a similar vein, Allan Anderson suggests that since “Pentecostalism” is concerned primarily with “the experience of the working of the Holy Spirit and the practice of spiritual gifts,” any definition on Pentecostalism based on theology or doctrine will be inadequate (Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 6). Nonetheless, it is impossible to dissociate “Pentecostalism” from certain doctrines in the English language, as Pentecostalism has sub-

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11

More research is needed to determine when and how the term lingen 靈恩 (charismatic) first appeared within the pentecostal circle in the Chinese-speaking regions. A brief survey of existing research shows that lingen is used frequently, comfortably, and sometimes loosely, as early as 1925  in the True Jesus Church’s Shenglingbao 聖靈報 (Holy Spirit Paper).30 Often, lingen is employed in the Holy Spirit Paper to describe pentecostal meetings (lingen dahui 靈恩大會),31 pentecostal teachings (jieshou lingen 接受靈恩),32 and experiences to be sought (zhuanqiu lingen 專求靈恩; qieqiu lingen 切求靈恩).33 Moreover, lingen is believed to carry power that is able to heal and to deliver people from demons as well as sins.34 As Holy Spirit Paper compiled reports and testimonies from True Jesus churches all over China, it is safe to say that by 1925, lingen not only had matured but also was widely used at least within the True Jesus communities in China. sequently evolved into an institution. The term lingen in the Chinese language, on the other hand, cannot be said to have been institutionalized, but has remained a thorough-going phenomenologically derived adjective, much more so than “Pentecostalism” in the English language. 30  In this book, the first time I cite a journal, magazine, or newspaper title published in Mandarin Chinese, I will provide the original Chinese characters, the transliteration of the characters, and an English translation of the journal title. Since my target audience is Englishspeaking readers who do not necessarily speak or read Chinese, when I cite a journal, magazine, or newspaper in subsequent notes, I will only use the English translation, which conveys more clearly the nature of sources, and also for ease of reference. Readers should be able to tell that such a title was originally published in Chinese from the article title, which offers original Chinese characters, their transliteration, and the title’s English translation. When in doubt, consult the bibliography. 31  For example, “Shanghai benhui baogao” 上海本會報告 [Report from Shanghai], Shenglingbao 聖靈報 [Holy Spirit Paper], no. 1, March 1925; “Shen yi sanshi yu nian zhi qichuan kesoubing” 神醫三十餘年之氣喘咳嗽病 [God heals thirty years of asthma], Holy Spirit Paper 2, no. 4, April 1927. 32  For example, Barnaba Chang 張巴拏巴, “Budao jilue” 佈道記略 [A brief report of an evangelistic ministry], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 4, September 1925. 33  For example, “QuanMin benhui dierci dajuhui shengkuang” 全閩本會第二次大聚會盛 況 [The second conference well attended in Min], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 1, March 1925; “Hubei” 湖北 [Hubei], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 5, November 1925. 34  For example, Lo Ko-ching 羅客卿 “Shubao xuanchuan zhi xiaoyan” 書報宣傳之効驗 [The effects of paper advertising], Holy Spirit Paper 1, no. 2, September 1926; Chou Chunchang 周鈞章, “Zhengming zhuen” 證明主恩 [Testifying God’s grace], Holy Spirit Paper 2, no. 7, July 1927; Wang No-fu 汪挪弗, “Nanchang benhui ge lingbao mengen jianzheng” 南 昌本會各靈胞蒙恩見證 [Testimonies from members in Nanchang], Holy Spirit Paper 2, no. 11, December 1927.

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Watchman Nee (Nee To-sheng) 倪柝聲, one of the most prolific Chinese Christian writers in the first half of the twentieth century, commonly used wuxunjie (de) to refer to pentecostal groups and their related phenomena, such as wuxunjie yundong (the Pentecostal Movement),35 wuxunjiehui (pentecostal churches),36 wuxunjiepai de ren (Pentecostal Christians),37 and wuxunjie de jingli (pentecostal experiences).38 Although Nee did not commonly use lingen to describe those same groups, at least two letters circulated within Nee’s circle in the 1930s did,39 and one of Nee’s associates used lingjinpai 靈浸派 (literally, “Spirit immersion group”) at least once, to refer to pentecostal groups.40 35  For example, Watchman Nee, “Wen da (ba)” 問答 (八) [Question and answer box (8)] (April 1927), in Ni Tuosheng wenji di yi ji di qi ce: Jidutu Bao (juan wu) 倪柝聲文集第一集 第7冊: 基督徒報 (卷五) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 1) Vol. 7: The Christian (5)], 4th ed. (Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004), 182. For the English translation of The Collected Works of Watchman Nee, see Living Stream Ministry, “Books by Watchman Nee,” Living Stream Ministry, https://www.ministrybooks.org/watchman-neebooks.cfm (accessed July 28, 2018). 36  For example, Watchman Nee, “Jiaru jiaohui” 加入教會 [Joining the church] (July 12, 1950), in Ni Tuosheng wen ji di san ji di sishiba ce: Guanyu chuxin zaojiu juhui, chuxin zaojiu (shang) 倪柝聲文集第三集第48冊: 關於初信造就聚會 初信造就 (上) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 3) Vol. 48: Messages for building up new believers (1)], 4th ed. (Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004), 114. 37  For example, Watchman Nee, “De Shengling jiaoguan de tiaojian yu zhuyi shixiang” 得 聖靈澆灌的條件與注意事項 [The conditions for receiving the outpouring of the Holy Spirit, and things to watch out for] (November 18, 1935), in Ni Tuosheng wen ji di er ji di sishiyi ce: Tehui, sinxi, ji tanhua jilu (juan yi) 倪柝聲文集第二集第41冊: 特會、信息、及談話記錄 ( 卷一) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 2) Vol. 41: Conferences, Messages, and Fellowship (1)], 4th ed. (Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004), 151. 38  Watchman Nee, “Women shi shenme” 我們是甚麼 [What are we?] (January 1934), in Ni Tuosheng wen ji di yi ji di shiyi ce: Fu Xing Bao (juan si) 倪柝聲文集第一集第11冊: 復興 報 (卷四) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 1) Vol. 11: The Present Testimony (4)], 4th ed. (Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004), 163. 39  Lingenhui 靈恩會 (charismatic group) appeared in Yuan Ching-chou 袁進舟 and Yuan His-ling 袁洗鱗, “Di er qi: Linzi laixin” 第二期: 臨淄來信 [Issue No. 2: Letter from Ling Tzu, Shantung] (December 14, 1933), and An Ching-t’ien 安靜天, “Di ba qi: Changchun Zhu Jia Cheng Zi jinxun” 第八期: 長春朱家城子近訊 [Issue No. 8: Recent News from Chu Chia Cheng Tze, Ch’ang-Ch’un, Manchuria] (June 8, 1934), in Ni Tuosheng wen ji di er ji di ershiwu ce: Tong Wen Hui Kan (juan yi) 倪柝聲文集第二集第25冊: 通問彙刊 (卷一) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 2) Vol. 25: Collection of Newsletters (1)], 4th ed. (Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004), 34, 206. 40  Chang Wen-wei 張文蔚, “Di liu qi: Dalian laixin” 第六期: 大連來信 [Issue No. 6: A Letter from Dairen, Manchuria] (April 14, 1934), in The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 2) Vol. 25: Collection of Newsletters (1), 165.

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13

The question of when the term lingen first appeared in Taiwan is yet another topic that requires further research. While True Jesus churches started work in Japan-ruled Taiwan as early as 1925,41 the term lingen appeared only once in the eighteen reports on Taiwan in the Holy Spirit Paper from 1925 to 1949 (which can be found on the True Jesus Church’s website, but note that these issues are incomplete). In that single occurrence, lingen is used in conjunction with testimony (lingen jianzheng, trans. pentecostal testimony).42 Even though the True Jesus Church headquarter eventually reestablished in Taiwan in 1956, lingen was not commonly used in reports on Taiwan in Holy Spirit Paper published in the 1950s and the 1960s to refer to charismatic phenomena. All usages of lingen in these two decades were in conjunction with meetings or conferences (lingenhui, or lingen dahui),43 except for once when it refers to pentecostal experiences (qiqiu lingen 祈 求靈恩).44 It is therefore my speculation that the understanding of the term lingen in the “charismatic phenomena” sense—which is how it is commonly understood in contemporary Taiwan—may have “traveled” to Taiwan with other Christian groups that moved to Taiwan with Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist government in the late 1940s (more below on history), and was popularized by preachers therewithin, instead of by the already existing True Jesus churches on the island.

41  “Guowai: Riben yi you lingbao juhui le” 國外: 日本已有靈胞聚會了 [Overseas: There are now True Jesus members in Japan], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 5, November 1925. 42  Tsai Sheng-min 蔡聖民, “Taiwan Jiayi benhui lingen jianzheng” 臺灣嘉義本會靈恩見證 [Pentecostal testimony from Jiayi, Taiwan], Holy Spirit Paper 8, no. 11–2, December 1933. 43  For example, Wang Chin-lu 王進祿, “Zhu shifang wo” 主釋放我 [God delivered me], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 36, April 1951; Pan Lin Yueh-yun 潘林月雲, “Zhongbing deyu” 重病 得癒 [Healed from severe sickness], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 44, April 1954; Hsu Tung-lin 許 東林, “Jilong Jiaohui lingen budaohui mengen jianzheng” 基隆教會靈恩佈道會蒙恩見證 [Testimonies from a Pentecostal evangelistic meeting in Keelung], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 205, September 1967; Tien Chi A-pien 田吉阿變, “Wojia guiru Zhenjiaohui de jingguo” 我 家歸入真教會的經過 [How I joined the True Church], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 207, November 1967; Tsao Jen-sheng 曹忍聖, “Chuisi yinghai shoujin zhongsheng” 垂死嬰孩受 浸重生 [A nearly dead infant regained life], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 220, December 1968; Hsieh Yu-ying 謝玉英, “Daogao zhong kanjian yixiang” 禱告中看見異象 [Seeing visions in prayer], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 227, July 1969. 44  Chen Pi-te 陳彼得, “Bei gui kunbang meng Zhu shifang” 被鬼捆綁蒙主釋放 [Delivered from demons by God], Holy Spirit Paper, no. 199, March 1967.

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Due to these historical and linguistic reasons, I believe that “C/charismatic” will be a better umbrella term than “P/pentecostal” for this study. Nonetheless, not all churches or Christians involved in the movement in Taiwan are in favor of the term “Charismatic Movement,” as some believe that the term carries negative connotations with which they wish to dissociate. One of my high-profile informants from a charismatic church communicated to me during our interview that he would not wish to participate in my project, should my research use the term “Charismatic Movement,” or even “Charismatic Renewal”; only “Renewal” is acceptable to him. Even though we finished our interview, this research is unable to include his voice as a result of his inclination. The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan that prefers the term “Holy Spirit Renewal Movement” over the “Charismatic Movement” is another example (Chap. 6). While several other informants from charismatic churches are also hesitant to self-­ identify as wholehearted Charismatics due to strong evangelical identification, they readily acknowledge that they are participating in the Charismatic Movement. It is therefore after much thought and deliberation that I have decided to adopt “Charismatic Movement” as the umbrella term I will use for this project. The choice enables me to assess the strengths and weaknesses of the movement more objectively, and to negotiate properly between contextual needs while maintaining clarity as I present the materials in the English language. When there is a decided Pentecostal presence or representation, however, “P/pentecostal-C/charismatic” will be utilized. Occasionally, I will follow the authors and adopt the term “charismatic renewal” in accordance with how it appears in publications. “Taiwanese”: A Hard-Fought Identity People from outside of Taiwan may be surprised to learn that the existence and usage of the term “Taiwanese” is hardly a given. While “Taiwanese” today can function simply as a modifier that describes things or people of Taiwan—in a similar way to terms like Canadian, Nigerian, or Peruvian— that has not been the case historically. Before 1990, the term could not be used without eliciting strongly positive or negative reactions when applied to people residing in or from Taiwan, for historical, cultural, and sociopolitical reasons. The various sensitivities toward the term “Taiwanese” have primarily to do with how people in and from Taiwan understand who they are in

1 INTRODUCTION 

15

relation to the world in general and mainland China in particular. It is a matter of self-identification, which is “formed and negotiated through everyday experiences and social interactions.”45 Long ruled by the Other, the ongoing battle for self-identification for people in Taiwan has been treacherous. Taiwan, 240 miles long and 85 miles wide at its broadest points, is an island on the Western pacific rim, about 100 miles from the Southeast coast of China. Taiwan was originally inhabited by Austronesian peoples, who are officially known as “Taiwan Aboriginal Peoples” in Taiwan, since at least 15,000 years ago,46 before a larger population of Han people migrated from mainland China in the seventeenth century. As of 2018, the Taiwanese government recognizes a total of sixteen different aboriginal tribes in Taiwan.47 From the seventeenth century until the twentieth century, Taiwan was occupied and ruled by the Dutch (1624–1661), Cheng Cheng-kung (Zheng Chenggong, also known as Koxinga, 1661–1683), the Qing dynasty (1683–1895), and then Japan (1895–1945).48 With Japan’s unconditional surrender to the Allies in August 1945, Taiwan was retroceded to China,49 under President Chiang Kai-shek and his Nationalist government, also known as Kuomintang (KMT). Defeated by the Communists on the mainland, Chiang Kai-shek’s government of the Republic of China (ROC) retreated to Taiwan in 1949. Before the arrival of an estimated one- to two-million “Mainlanders”— those who migrated from mainland China to Taiwan with Chiang and KMT—from 1948 to 1949, the population of Taiwan consisted of Aborigines and the Han. Han people who had resided in Taiwan under  Brown, Is Taiwan Chinese?, 13.  Michael Stainton, “Politics of Taiwan Aboriginal Origins,” in Taiwan: A New History, ed. Murray A.  Rubinstein, exp. ed. (Armonk, NY: M.E.  Sharpe, 2007), 28–9. Stainton’s article neatly discusses different theories of Taiwan Aboriginal origins, which serve different political agendas. 47  Council of Indigenous Peoples. “The Tribes in Taiwan.” Council of Indigenous Peoples. h t t p : / / w w w. a p c . g o v. t w / p o r t a l / c a t e I n f o . h t m l ? C I D = 5 D D 9 C 4 9 5 9 C 3 0 2 B 9 FD0636733C6861689 (accessed November 26, 2018). 48  John E. Wills Jr., “The Seventeenth-Century Transformation Taiwan Under the Dutch and the Cheng Regime,” in Taiwan: A New History, 84–106; John R.  Shepherd, “The Island Frontier of the Ch’ing, 1684–1780,” in Taiwan: A New History, 107–32. 49  For why Taiwan was returned to China when Japan, in effect, surrendered to the Allies and not to China, and how people in Taiwan were disadvantaged unjustly by Chiang Kaishek’s administration from 1945 to 1950, see George H. Kerr, Formosa Betrayed (Manchester, UK: Camphor, 1997). 45 46

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Japanese rule before 1945 can trace their ancestry largely to Fujian and Guangdong Province in China. The Han are considered natives in Taiwan, or as “Taiwanese” in the narrowest sense, in contrast with the “Aborigines,” and the “Mainlanders” who arrived since 1945. There was no sense of a broad, island-wide Taiwanese identity before 1895. The emergence of Taiwanese nationalism, or at least its roots, took place during the 1920s and 1930s during the Japanese rule,50 but with limited effectiveness.51 The tragic Er-er-ba shijian (“228 Incident”) in 1947 marked the watershed of Taiwanese nationalism.52 Enthusiasm of people in Taiwan for Taiwan’s retrocession to China in 1945 lasted for about six weeks, when the Taiwanese people’s optimistic expectations from the Chinese government were swiftly demolished by the unlawful acts of KMT soldiers and the looting of the new administrators at a grand scale all over Taiwan.53 On February 27, 1947, a woman in Taipei peddling cigarettes was accused by Monopoly Bureau agents of handling untaxed cigarettes, who then seized her small stock and money. When she fought back, the agents pistol whipped her, and fired upon the gathering crowd, killing at least one person. Harbored with prolonged frustration and anger, a crowd protested the incident the next day, which turned into an island-wide uprising against KMT misrule. Governor Chen Yi responded with the massacring of thousands of native Taiwanese on February 28 and in March, which is dubbed the Er-er-ba shijian (“228 Incident”).54 An estimated 6000–20,000 native Taiwanese, many of whom 50  Evan N.  Dawley, “The Question of Identity in Recent Scholarship on the History of Taiwan,” The China Quarterly, no. 198 (June 2009): 445–8; Harry J.  Lamley, “Taiwan Under Japanese Rule, 1895–1945: The Vicissitudes of Colonialism,” in Taiwan: A New History, 231–4; Chang Mau-kuei “On the Origin and Transformation of Taiwanese National Identity,” in Religion and the Formation of Taiwanese Identities, ed. Paul R. Katz and Murray A. Rubinstein (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 31–5. 51  Daniel Lynch, “Taiwan’s Self-Conscious Nation-Building Project,” Asian Survey 44, no. 4 (July/August 2004): 518; Chang, “On the Origin and Transformation of Taiwanese National Identity,” 44. 52  Chang, “On the Origin and Transformation of Taiwanese National Identity,” 42. 53  Kerr, Formosa Betrayed, 75–87. 54  For the incident and its aftermath, see George H. Kerr, Formosa Betrayed. Kerr served as vice consul of the US diplomatic mission in Taipei from 1945 to 1947 and was an eyewitness to the February 28 Massacre and the subsequent mass arrests and executions. See also Tillman Durdin, “Formosa killings are put at 10,000,” New York Times, March 29, 1947; Peggy Durdin, “Terror in Taiwan,” The Nation, May 24, 1947; “Taiwan: China’s Unhappy Colony,” The Nation, June 7, 1947.

1 INTRODUCTION 

17

were societal elites, lost their lives as a result.55 The impact of this terrible tragedy persists in Taiwanese society to this day. Thanks to political propaganda, most Han people in Taiwan identified themselves nationally as Zhongguo ren (literally, “China person”) from 1945 to the early 1990s—many by conviction and some by constraint. In contrast, the term “Taiwanese,” prior to 1990, meant nothing more than those who are native speakers of Minnan (Hoklo) and Kejia (Hokkien),56 and it was illegal to refer one’s national identity as “Taiwanese.”57 In other words, while Zhongguo ren was the only politically accepted self-­ identification to characterize one’s nationality, “Taiwanese” was relegated to indicating nothing more than one’s ethnic attribute. Deprived of equal opportunities and short on political leverage, the “Taiwanese” people that form about 85% of the population in Taiwan were not allowed to unite by using the collective noun despite several attempts.58 Usage of the word “Taiwanese” as an adjective that represents those living in Taiwan as a whole was similarly not permitted. The task for formal self-identification was reserved for, and only for, the politically charged Zhongguo ren. For the majority of the twentieth century, the identity of people in Taiwan was defined by whichever regime ruled the island, and was often imposed on the inhabitants without their consent.59 Yet discrimination and political repression faced by Taiwanese natives under Japanese rule and the rule of the two Chiang dynasties could not suppress the construction of a

 Kerr, Formosa Betrayed, 258.  Alan M. Wachman, “Competing Identities in Taiwan,” in The Other Taiwan: 1945 to the Present, ed. Murray A. Rubinstein (London: Routledge, 2015), 23. 57  Tsai Duujian, “Shifting National Identities in Public Spheres: A Cultural Transformation in Taiwan,” in Religion and the Formation of Taiwanese Identities, 78. 58  For Taiwan’s demography, see Allen J. Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980: A Review of the Past, a Projection for the Future (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1981), 6–7. Taiwan’s population is generally described as 84–85% Taiwanese (10% Hakkas and 75% Minnan), about 13–14% Mainlanders, and about 1–2% aboriginal peoples. For political activities in Taiwan, see Marc J.  Cohen, Taiwan at the Crossroads: Human Rights, Political Development and Social Change on the Beautiful Island (Washington, DC: Asia Resource Center, 1988). Cohen’s fine work documents major political events and developments in Taiwan from around 1943 to 1988. 59  Although after Japan gained control of Taiwan, registered inhabitants of Taiwan were given a choice by the Japanese government to leave for China by May 8, 1897, or staying in Taiwan and becoming Japanese citizens. Lamley, “Taiwan Under Japanese Rule, 1895–1945,” 208. 55 56

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unified Taiwanese political identity. Such discourses, as might be anticipated, also often elicited pressure or vengeance from their oppressors.60 Taiwan’s democratization only made greater strides after the lifting of martial law in 1987, when freedoms of speech, press, assembly, travel, and association were gradually returned to the people.61 Taiwan’s democratization culminated in the first direct popular election of Taiwan’s president in 1996.62 What emerged and then flourished in the 1990s was the robust island-wide Taiwanese national identity, or “Taiwanese consciousness,” when the climate was finally ready to cultivate a sense of “Taiwanese subjectivity” (Taiwan zhutixing). The task was arduous, however, because people in Taiwan “have never seen themselves as being a Subject in History, only an appendage of someone else’s subjectivity—whether the Manchu Qing Empire (1683–1895), the Japanese Empire (1895–1945), or Republican China (1945–2000).”63 Different measures have been taken to break free from the deep-rooted, forced “peripheralization” of Taiwan in history, including rewriting history “from a Taiwanese perspective.”64 Challenges notwithstanding, the blossoming of Taiwanese

60  For pressure under Japanese rule, see Tsai Pei-huo 蔡培火, Taiwan minzu yundongshi 台 灣民族運動史 [History of the national movement in Taiwan] (Taipei: Zi li wan bao, 1971). For pressure under the Chiangs’ government, see Alan M.  Wachman, Taiwan: National Identity and Democratization (Milton Park, UK: Routledge, 2015), 132–41, and Li Hsiaofeng 李筱峰, Taiwan minzhu yundong sishinian 台灣民主運動40年 [Forty years of democratic movements in Taiwan] (Taipei: Zi li wan bao, 1988). KMT’s efforts to squelch the dissents over the years may have contributed inadvertently to the radicalization of the Taiwanese opposition movement. There were also a number of dissenting Mainlanders under the KMT rule in Taiwan, but most of them were concerned with democratic reform of the government, and not with the national identity as were native Taiwanese. 61  Wachman, Taiwan: National Identity and Democratization, 146–7. 62  The maturation of Taiwan’s democracy is reflected in the winning of Chen Shui-bian, a candidate of the Democratic Progressive Party, in the presidential election in 2000. Chen’s victory ended fifty-five years of KMT rule under the two Chiangs’ one-party dictatorship, and Lee Teng-hui’s democratizing polity. The former opposition peacefully transitioned to the role of the government, and vice versa. J. Bruce Jacobs, Democratizing Taiwan (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 163–4. 63  Lynch, “Taiwan’s Self-Conscious Nation-Building Project,” 516–7. 64  Chang Yen-hsian 張炎憲, “Taiwanshi yanjiu yu Taiwan zhutixing” 台灣史研究與台灣主 體性 [The study of Taiwan’s history and Taiwan subjectivity], in Taiwan jin bainian shi lunwenji 台灣近百年史論文集 [Symposium of Taiwan’s history in the last one hundred years], ed. Chang Yen-hsian, Chen Mei-jung 陳美蓉, and Li Chung-kuang 黎中光 (Taipei: Wu Sanlian Taiwan shiliao jijinhui, 1996), 431–51.

1 INTRODUCTION 

19

consciousness over the course of the 1990s has had far-reaching influences on political, social, economic, and cultural realms in Taiwan.65 Numerous people in Taiwan thus underwent a paradigm shift since 1987 from self-identifying as Zhongguo ren and perhaps frowning upon the term “Taiwanese” to embracing the identifier Taiwan ren (Taiwanese).66 A telling result of such shift in language of national identity is observed from the answers to the question, “Would you identify yourself as a Taiwan ren (Taiwanese), or a Zhongguo ren (China person, or Chinese), or both?,” in surveys conducted by the Institute of Sociology of Academia Sinica in Taiwan in 1992, 1998, 2003, and 2013.67 The percentage of people identifying themselves as (exclusively) “Taiwanese” grew from 23.7% (1992), to 40.6% (1998), to 59.9% (2003), to 73.7% (2013), whereas those identifying themselves as (exclusively) Zhongguo ren (Chinese or China person) dropped from 23.4% (1992), to 10.6% (1998), to 9.0% (2003), to 1.1% (2013). Concurrently, survey participants who identify themselves as both Taiwanese and Zhongguo ren decreased from 49.7% (1992), to 46.7% (1998), to 30.0% (2003), to 24.2% (2013).68 65  Stéphane Corcuff, “The Symbolic Dimension of Democratization and the Transition of National Identity Under Lee Teng-hui,” in Memories of the Future: National Identity Issues and the Search for a New Taiwan, ed. Stéphane Corcuff (New York: Routledge, 2015), 73–101. 66  Wachman, Taiwan: National Identity and Democratization, 9. Lowell Dittmer, “Taiwan and the Issue of National Identity,” Asian Survey 44, no. 4 (July/August 2004): 475–483. 67  Academia Sinica, founded in 1928, is the national academy in Taiwan that supports research activities in a wide range of disciplines. 68  Fu Yang-chih 傅仰止, Chang Ying-hwa 章英華, Tu Su-hao 杜素豪, and Liao Pei-shan 廖 培珊 ed., “Taiwan shehui bianqian jiben diaocha jihua: Diliuqi disici diaocha jihua zhixing baogao” 台灣社會變遷基本調查計畫—第六期第四次調查計畫執行報告 [Report of the Taiwan Social Change Survey 2013 (Round 6, Year 4): National Identity], (Taipei: Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica, March 2014), 214. Other options to the question are: “Neither (please explain),” “I cannot decide,” “I do not understand the question,” “I do not know,” and “Unwilling to answer.” The report can be accessed from “Taiwan shehui bianqian diaocha” 台灣社會變遷調查 [Taiwan social change survey], Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica,  https://srda.sinica.edu.tw/datasearch_detail.php?id=978 (accessed  June 1, 2020). The project was conducted by the Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica, and sponsored by the Ministry of Science and Technology (formerly known as National Science Council), Taiwan. Readers are advised to consult the entire report to obtain a more nuanced picture of Taiwanese’ views on national identity. For an insightful discussion on how Chineseness is negotiated and perceived in different contexts of power and meaning, including Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and among overseas Chinese in particular, see Allen Chun, “Fuck Chineseness: On the Ambiguities of Ethnicity as Culture as Identity,” boundary 2, vol. 23, no. 2 (Summer 1996): 111–138.

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Because the term “Taiwanese” has taken on a whole new meaning and weight in the last three decades, the use of Taiwanese as an adjective to represent those living in Taiwan collectively not only warrants but also respects the self-determination of people in Taiwan. It is in this spirit that this book engages Taiwan’s history. The greatest risk for favoring the term “Taiwanese” in this project is not related to the political orientations of my informants, who have invested their lives in Taiwan (and none, to my knowledge, are likely to disidentify with Taiwanese). Instead, the greatest risk lies in the seemingly anachronistic use of “Taiwanese” as a collective noun in a project that focuses on the years from 1970 to 1995—an era in which the term had no place due to the political climate of the day. Still, I argue that my usage of the term “Taiwanese” is acceptable, as it returns to the majority of people in Taiwan the right to self-designation that should have belonged to them in the first place.69 Readers are to be reminded that when invoked in this project, “Taiwanese” is used to refer to phenomena and people in Taiwan in a generic sense, not to a group of people with certain ethnic attributes. In this book, “Taiwanese” will be used interchangeably with “natives” (bendi ren本地人), which differentiate local Christians from missionaries at work in Taiwan. Due to the historical and political reasons just explained, some organizations in Taiwan still carry “China” in their names, such as the China Evangelical Seminary in Taipei. Readers are advised to heed to the location of such organizations from the context.

Delimitation of the Study Since this research investigates the Charismatic Movement primarily among Taiwanese Protestants of the Han population in Taiwan in the twentieth century, with a special focus on the years from 1970 to 1995, it necessarily precludes in-depth discussion of some other communities that are also involved in the movement, such as the aboriginal peoples. While a section in Chap. 4 examines the 1972 Tayal Revival and its impact, the discussion is not exhaustive. Further, although this research briefly investigates the development of several pentecostal groups with Western roots 69  I am aware that the term does not do full justice to the aboriginal people groups who were the first inhabitants of Taiwan.

1 INTRODUCTION 

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in Taiwan in Chap. 3, more research is needed in the future to provide a more comprehensive account of these events. Instead of focusing on a single denomination, this research intends to offer a wider purview of the Charismatic Renewal across churches in Taiwan in the twentieth century. As a result, discussions in a few places may not appear to be as comprehensive as it could have been, although most often it is by design rather than oversight. I will also note areas that I believe merit further research as I proceed.

Methodology and Structure As a historical project, this research utilizes primary as well as secondary sources to reconstruct a narrative account of history. Identifying some of the essential primary sources for my task has been a great challenge. To my knowledge, only three pentecostal-charismatic churches and communities in Taiwan prior to 1995 are known to have produced carefully edited periodicals over a substantial number of years: Shenglingbao 聖靈報 [Holy Spirit Paper] and Shengling yuekan 聖靈月刊 [Holy Spirit Monthly] of the True Jesus Church, Enguang zazhi 恩光雜誌 [Grace and Glory] (1973–) of the Zion Church, and Chunyu zazhi 春雨雜誌 [Latter Rain Magazine] (1983–1994) of the Elim Bookstore. As primary sources for this project are not readily identifiable, I spent much time perusing periodicals, newspapers, and magazines in both the English and Chinese languages, published by pentecostal-­charismatic as well as non-pentecostal-charismatic churches or mission organizations, with an eye to finding records pertinent to Taiwan. While some searches were more fruitful than others, each discovery brought with it indescribable joy and excitement. As materials germane to this research are scarce, any material relevant to its subject matter appears to be extra valuable. Directories published by the Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (particularly issues from the 1970s and 1980s), which comprise basic information of missionaries at work in Taiwan, are invaluable sources that I consulted frequently throughout my research. Further, I have also relied heavily on Taiwan’s Chinese Christian Tribune 基督教論壇報 database for this research. The database does not store past issues of newspapers in the original format, and hence a systematic walk-through is not an option. However, by entering keyword phrases such as names of people or organizations, the database displayed articles relevant to the searched words, through which I then began to sift.

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Once identified, I was able to locate most sources I needed from the David Allan Hubbard Library at Fuller Theological Seminary and China Evangelical Seminary’s library in Taipei. However, the effort to connect with eyewitnesses was not as straightforward. As many of my sources were renowned pastors and church leaders from Taiwan, it is almost impossible to arrange an interview with them without special connections. As a result, I was only able to arrange face-to-face interviews with prominent pastors and church leaders from Taiwan and abroad through the kind help of my various contacts. I made two research trips to Taiwan for data collection and interviews in August–September 2016 and January 2018. The effort to connect with key pentecostal-charismatic missionaries who were at work in Taiwan in the 1970s and 1980s was equally challenging. Yet sources snowballed as research went on. Most frequently, it was through the personal connections of already-known missionaries that I was informed of and connected with more sources. A few times, I tracked down informants through the help of mission organizations and the internet. Since most of these missionaries and missionaries’ children are now all over the world, most of our communications took place via phone, skype, and e-mail. Occasionally, conversations with missionaries and missionaries’ children led to the uncovering of more written sources that have not seen the light of day. Allen J. Swanson, Malcolm Foster, and Rey Bianchi, in particular, have dug out and generously shared with me articles, newsletters, and personal documents from the 1970s and 1980s. Further, my dialogue with Marion Shay (née Woodward) led to my reviewing the Jean Stone Willans Collection from the Fuller Archives,70 in which I discovered Jean’s rarely mentioned four-month stay in Taiwan in 1968.

Oral History Unique to this historical project is the incorporation of oral history, which “collects memories and personal commentaries of historical significance through recorded interviews.”71 In a project where written sources are scanty and not readily identifiable, it is hard to deny the value of oral

70  Through the suggestion of Marion’s friend, Nancy Gower, former archivist of Fuller library. 71  Donald A. Ritchie, Doing Oral History: A Practical Guide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 20.

1 INTRODUCTION 

23

sources. Scholars have sufficiently explored the strengths and weaknesses of oral history, hence I will not repeat what has been discussed.72 As with written sources, the primary consideration for including a piece of an oral source is that it is significant and contributes directly to the current research. What I deem significant, conditioned by the aforementioned preexisting historical framework, necessarily rules out other information that appears extraneous to the topic under discussion.73 While I, together with other oral history practitioners, value oral sources based on memory, as they often reveal contents that written narratives do not,74 I am also aware of the limitations of human memory, as well as the particularities of the lenses through which informants interpret past events. As my informants recall and retell certain past events, memories of details are ­sometimes blurred or faulty. In light of the limitations, I cross-examine oral sources—as I do with written sources—when other sources are available,75 and report any discrepancies as well as explain their possible causes. I also juxtapose oral sources with written sources as I see fit to thicken the narratives. Largely speaking, this research is chiefly concerned with eliciting data from oral sources to answer research questions prepared beforehand.76 There are a handful of instances, however, where I privilege narrators and their stories over my interpretation. These stories, I suggest, furnish us with accounts that are unavailable otherwise, and enhance the value of the current study. Contributions of oral history notwithstanding, historians have pointed out the inequalities of power embedded in the interviewer-interviewee relationship, and that arises at the point of interpretation and publication.77 Even with attempts to equalize the relationship between the academic and the informants, scholars have concluded that certain power imbalances— especially when it comes to transcription and publication—can never be 72  For example, Lynn Abrams, Oral History Theory (London: Routledge, 2016); David Henige, Oral Historiography (London: Longman, 1982). 73  See Abrams, Oral History Theory, 29. 74  See Abrams, Oral History Theory, 81. 75  See William H. Dray, and W. J. van der Dussen, The Principles of History: And Other Writings in Philosophy of History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 147; R. G. Collingwood, and W. J. van der Dussen, The Idea of History (Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press, 1993), 257–9. 76  In so doing, I am aware that I did not fully exhaust the benefits of oral history. See Abrams, Oral History Theory, 29. 77  Abrams, Oral History Theory, 163.

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overcome but can only be minimized.78 One of the approaches that feminists have undertaken to minimize power imbalances in the research process is to share the interview materials with the informants, to offer them the opportunity to correct errors on the transcripts, and to have a final say over whether they permit the researchers to use the material.79 Recognizing the inherent imbalances between me and my informants, I have adopted the spirit of the proposed method for my oral history. For all informants whose contributions are incorporated, I have provided them with the opportunity to review the section of my research that relies on their information—excluding my interpretation—to ensure that I have presented them accurately. They were also informed of their right to disallow me to use the materials that they provide before I finalize my work. The process has indeed been time-consuming but more than worthwhile.

Structure The structure of this book is rather straightforward. After I sketch the contour of Protestant Christianity in the twentieth-century Taiwan in Chap. 2, I will offer a brief historical overview of pentecostal-charismatic groups at work in Taiwan from 1900 to 1970 in Chap. 3. Chapter 4 then traces the different “charismatic” clusters in Taiwan from 1970 to 1979 by investigating their origins, theologies, means of influence, contributions, and reception. In Chap. 5, I will examine the distant and immediate causes that led to the “explosion” of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in 1979, and its subsequent development until 1995. After exploring the broad contours of Taiwan’s previous church history with a gradually increasing focus on the events from 1970 to 1995  in Chaps. 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5, Chapter 6 studies four major journals and newspapers in-depth and investigates the battle between those who were not as sympathetic to and those who embraced charismatic teachings from 1970 to 1995. Factors that led to hostility toward the charismatic teachings will be analyzed. In the light of previous discussions, Chap. 7 discusses the historical, theological, and cultural distinctives of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, which will be followed by a concluding chapter.  Abrams, Oral History Theory, 165–6.  Abrams, Oral History Theory, 165. Similarly, historian Michael H. Frisch in 1990 calls for a “shared authority” between researcher and subject, in an attempt to “redistribute intellectual authority” so as to counter the power imbalances inherent in the research process. See Michael H. Frisch, A Shared Authority: Essays on the Craft and Meaning of Oral and Public History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2011). 78 79

CHAPTER 2

Protestant Christianity in Twentieth-Century Taiwan, with a Focus on the Evangelical Force from 1945 to 1990

This chapter’s purpose is twofold. First, it sketches the Protestant context in Taiwan within which the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement emerged. It should not be a surprise that Protestant Christianity in Taiwan has a strong Evangelical overtone. According to Simon Chan, a broad spectrum of Christians in Asia is Evangelical in orientation, which include Pentecostal church bodies as well as mainline Protestant denominations.1 The phenomenon is due to historical but more so to ethnographical reasons, as Evangelicalism has much in common with the “spiritual instinct of Asians.”2 What is unique about Taiwan is that the political context also played a significant role in contributing to the evangelical leaning of Protestant Christianity in postwar Taiwan. The chapter’s second purpose is to enrich the current project by studying more closely how the China Inland Mission—Overseas Missionary Fellowship and the Church Assembly Hall (also known as Little Flock) have understood the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement. The selection of these two non-pentecostal groups is due to their considerable influence in postwar Taiwan. Moreover, since the China Inland Mission—Overseas Missionary Fellowship modified its view of the subject in the 1  Simon Chan, “Evangelical Theology in Asian Contexts,” in The Cambridge Companion to Evangelical Theology, ed. Timothy Larsen and Daniel J. Treier (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), 225–6. 2  Chan, “Evangelical Theology in Asian Contexts,” 226.

© The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4_2

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mid-twentieth century, and since the Church Assembly Hall has often been misconceived as “pentecostal,” the two groups deserve a closer examination. In addition to these two case studies, I will briefly discuss Stephen Tjong Eng Tong’s thoughts on spiritual gifts and suggest that he may not be considered a cessationist as some have maintained. Tong is a vibrant and renowned Reformed Chinese-Indonesian pastor who has been a frequent guest speaker in Taiwan since 1970. He is also known for his vehement opposition to the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement.

Protestant Christianity in Taiwan, 1900–1945 Before Taiwan was ceded to Japan in 1895, the only two Christian groups on the island were Catholics and Presbyterians, who started work in Taiwan in 1859 and 1865 respectively. The Japanese brought with them an array of religions to Taiwan, including a number of Christian churches.3 3  The list of the Christian churches introduced by the Japanese varies. Fukutarō Masuda ( 增田福太郎) listed six churches that came from Japan during Japanese rule: the Japanese Christian Church (日本基督教會, also known as the Japanese Presbyterian Church), the Japanese Congregational Church (日本組合教會), the Japanese Episcopal Church (日本聖 公會), the Japanese Orthodox Church (日本哈里斯特正教會), the Japanese Holiness Church (日本聖教會), and the Salvation Army. Fukutarō Masuda, “Taiwan de zong jiao” 台 灣的宗教 [Religions in Taiwan], 1939, trans. Huang Yu-hsing 黃有興, collected in Taiwan zongjiao xinyang: Zengtian Futailang mingzhu “Taiwan no shūkyō ” de quanmian jiedu 臺灣 宗教信仰: 増田福太郎名著「臺灣の宗教」的全面解讀 [Religious beliefs in Taiwan: A comprehensive study of Fukutarō Masuda’s masterpiece “Religions in Taiwan”], ed. Chiang Tsan-teng 江燦騰 (Taipei: Dong Da, 2005), 94–95. Masuda studied law at the Graduate School of Tokyo Imperial University in the 1920s. He was invited by the Governor-General of Taiwan in 1929 to research on the religions in Taiwan. In The Japan Christian Year Book of 1938, MacMillan identifies the denominations that came with the Japanese to Taiwan as comprising Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Congregationalists, Roman Catholics, Holiness, Methodists, and the Salvation Army. Hugh MacMillan, “The Christian Church in Formosa in 1937,” in The Japan Christian Year Book, 1938, ed. Charles Wheeler Iglehart (Tokyo: The Christian Literature Society, 1938), 152. Still another list includes the Japanese Christian Church, the Japanese Congregational Church, the Japanese Episcopal Church, the Japanese Holiness Church, the Methodist Church, and the Salvation Army. Ng Bu-tong 黃武東, “Zhanhou jiaohui zhuxianxiang” 戰後教會諸現象 [The development of Christianity in Taiwan after the Second World War], in Taiwan Jidu zhanglaojiaohui bainianshi 台灣基督長 老教會百年史 [A centennial history of the Presbyterian Church of Formosa, 1865–1965], ed. L. M. Cheng 鄭連明 (Tainan: Presbyterian Church of Formosa), 292–5. Although the list varies, it is certain that other than the Holiness Church that worked among Taiwanese, all other Japanese churches merely worked with the Japanese community. Ng, “The Development of Christianity in Taiwan after the Second World War,” 293–5.

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The two most significant Protestant groups at work among Taiwanese in Taiwan from 1900 to 1945 were the Presbyterian Church and the True Jesus Church. Early Presbyterian mission in Taiwan was initiated by English, Scottish, and Canadian Presbyterianism, which, unlike their US counterparts, did not subsequently experience as bitter a division within their churches concerning higher criticism and evolutionary theory. Thus, while conflicts between liberalism-modernism and evangelicalism-fundamentalism in the United States in the early twentieth century extended to China within higher institutions,4 the battle was spared in Taiwan. A distinctive mark of the Presbyterian mission in Taiwan before 1945 is its commonly overlooked enlightened evangelical spirit that can be traced back to the Scottish Enlightenment through Presbyterian missionaries active in Taiwan in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first few decades of the twentieth century. Scotland was Presbyterian in its national religion, and both the Moderates and the Evangelicals within the Church of Scotland acknowledged the authority of the Westminster Confession as the standard of the Church’s doctrine. The two differed in “the aim, manner, and content of their preaching.”5 Whereas the Moderates’ focus was on natural or rational theology and moral virtues, the Evangelicals’ emphasis was on the Christian doctrines of sin, grace, and redemption, as well as awakening a personal religious experience in their hearers.6 Despite dissimilarities, when Scotland’s Enlightenment between the 1740s and early 1800s was led by the Moderates, Evangelicals were also under its influence and hence their orientation can be described as “enlightened evangelicalism.”7 4  See discussion in Kevin Xiyi Yao, The Fundamentalist Movement Among Protestant Missionaries in China, 1920–1937 (Dallas: University Press of America, 2003), and Lian Xi, The Conversion of Missionaries: Liberalism in American Protestant Missions in China, 1907–1932 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997). 5  John H. S. Burleigh, A Church History of Scotland (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), 328. 6  Burleigh, A Church History of Scotland, 328. 7  The term “enlightened evangelicalism” is borrowed from Cheng Yang-en, “Sugelan qimeng yundong dui zaoqi Taiwan Jidujiao de yingxiang: Cong Majie de xiandaihua jiaoyu linian tan qi” 蘇格蘭啟蒙運動對早期臺灣基督教的影響: 從馬偕的現代化教育理念談起 [The influence of the Scottish Enlightenment on early Taiwanese Christianity: Tracing the roots of the modern educational ideas of George Leslie Mackay], Taiwan wen xian 台灣文 獻 [Taiwan Historica] 63:4 (December 2012): 147. For how the Evangelical wing within the Church of Scotland manifested piety and enlightened thinking, see John Roxborogh, Thomas

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The Evangelical wing of the Church of Scotland started the Free Church of Scotland when it declared independence from the Church of Scotland in 1843, chiefly over the issue of patronage and the Veto Act, under the leadership of Thomas Chalmers.8 With the Disruption, the Free Church of Scotland took over most of the foreign mission work of the pre-Disruption Church of Scotland. Because of the financial burden at home and the close links with the Presbyterian Church in England, the Free Church joined hands with the Presbyterian Church in England for its foreign mission rather than starting a new mission of their own.9 As a result, almost all missionaries sent out by the English Presbyterian Mission in the early days came from Scotland, including those who went to Taiwan, such as James Laidlaw Maxwell (1836–1921), William Campbell (1841–1921), Thomas Barclay (1849–1935), Campbell N.  Moody (d. 1940), and David Landsborough (1870 or 1872–1957). According to Taiwanese historian Cheng Yang-en, among a number of Scottish missionaries in Taiwan, many adhered to the Free Church tradition.10 Cheng has explored the enlightened evangelical spirit as observed within the work of such Presbyterian missionaries in Taiwan as Thomas Barclay and William Campbell from Scotland and George Leslie Mackay (1844–1901) from Canada.11 I will thus not repeat what has been discussed. In addition to the enlightened evangelical spirit of early Presbyterian missionaries in Taiwan, which fuses piety and enlightened thinking, another reason that accounts for the absence of bitter conflicts between liberalism-modernism and evangelicalism-fundamentalism in Taiwan in Chalmers Enthusiast for Mission, the Christian Good of Scotland and the Rise of the Missionary Movement (Edinburgh: Rutherford House, 1999). 8  Insisting that the parishioners rather than the patrons or the civil courts should have the final say regarding the appointment of ministers, over 470 ministers and probationers—over a third of the total number of clerics—and about one-third of the church’s membership left the established Church to form the Free Church of Scotland under the leadership of Thomas Chalmers. Burleigh, A Church History of Scotland, 334–69. 9  George A. Hood, Pilgrims in Mission: Celebrating 150 Years of the English Presbyterian Church (London: United Reformed Church, 1998), 9. 10  Cheng Yang-en, “Lun Jianada jiaohui lianhe yundong ji qi dui Taiwan jiaohui de yingxiang” 論加拿大教會聯合運動及其對台灣教會的影響 [Church union movements in Canada and its impact on the Taiwanese Church], in Dinggen bentu de Taiwan Jidujiao 定根本土的 台灣基督教 [Taiwanese Christianity rooted in the land], by Cheng Yang-en (Tainan: Ren Guang, 2005), 33. 11   Cheng, “The Influence of the Scottish Enlightenment on the Early Taiwan Christianity,” 137–64.

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the first half of the twentieth century was the lack of higher education institutions on the island under the Japanese rule (1895–1945). For the first twenty years of the Japanese rule, other than a few elementary schools, scarcely any secondary schools were established for Formosans. The Japanese authorities were content simply to “civilize” their subjects by providing them with the most basic education and making them loyal to Japan.12 While teaching and medicine were the two fields of study in which Taiwanese people were able to legitimately seek upward mobility, most others returned to agriculture, commerce, or as unskilled laborers after finishing their basic schooling.13 In contrast with the universities in China that were established by Anglo-Saxon missionaries as early as 1900,14 the founding of the first university in Taiwan, the Taihoku (Taipei) Imperial University, did not take place until 1928. Even when the Taiwanese population had more access to higher education in the second half of Japan’s imperial rule, Japanese administrators prevented their Taiwanese subjects from studying subjects that could “encourage unrest and even rebellion”—including law, literature, politics, and philosophy.15 Since the modernism-­fundamentalism debate requires significant exposure to the two traditions’ formal theologies, it does not seem that the Taiwanese Church under Japanese rule possessed either sufficiently skilled thinkers who were interested in the subject matter, or a breeding ground for the dispute to transpire. Protestant Christianity in prewar Taiwan, in short, remained largely evangelistic in nature.

Protestant Christianity in Taiwan, 1945–1990 Mission Societies There were four major churches, which, when combined, consisted of approximately 51,000 Christians in Taiwan in 1945.16 In the next decade from 1945 to 1955, about forty denominations mushroomed in Taiwan— many of which relocated to Taiwan from China as one- to two million 12  Patricia E. Tsurumi, Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan, 1895–1945 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), 11. 13  Tsurumi, Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan, 77. 14  Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of Christian Missions in China (New York: Russell & Russell, 1967), 626–46. 15  Tsurumi, Japanese Colonial Education in Taiwan, 214. 16  Allen J. Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 22–3.

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refugees and missionaries poured into Taiwan during the retreat of Chiang Kai-shek’s government.17 A survey in 1954 showed that thirty-three denominations (including the Catholic Church) were represented in Taiwan in 1954, with over 308 Protestant missionaries in Taiwan.18 In 1960, there were close to six hundred Protestant missionaries on the island.19 According to Swanson’s statistics, total Christian membership in Taiwan expanded from around 51,000 (38,000 excluding Catholics) in 1945 to almost 380,000 (200,000 excluding Catholics) by 1960, and then to around 584,800 (305,200 excluding Catholics) in 1979.20 What were the organizational or theological affiliations of the missions working in Taiwan in 1979? Swanson helpfully classifies the missions into five affiliations: (1) The Interdenominational Foreign Mission Association (IFMA) and the Evangelical Foreign Missions Association (EFMA), both of which are “‘evangelical’ associations that gather together many denominations, trans-denominational, parachurch and other evangelical organizations with a strong ‘evangelical’ world mission emphasis”;21 (2)  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 25.  Hollington K. Tong, Christianity in Taiwan (Taipei: China Post, 1961), 86–7. Some of the denominations merged after relocating to Taiwan, which explains the fluctuation in the number of denominations in different statistics. Two-thirds of the two hundred missionaries present at a missionary conference in Taiwan in 1959 showed that they had worked in mainland China (ibid., 84). 19  Tong, Christianity in Taiwan, 84. The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1960 indicates that 534 Protestant missionaries were listed in the 1959 statistic. The Yearbook Committee, preface to The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1960: A Survey of the Christian Movement in Taiwan during 1959, with Special Attention to the Ten Years from 1949 to 1959, by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 1960), vi. 20  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 25–6, 42, 65, 70. 21  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 52. IFMA was organized in 1917 to help “provide a framework for cooperation among nondenominational missions.” Edwin L.  Frizen Jr., 75  Years of IFMA, 1917–1992: The Nondenominational Missions Movement (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1992), 103. EFMA was birthed in 1945, and is affiliated with the National Association of Evangelicals (NAE), which was established in 1943. EFMA was formed to “provide a medium of voluntary united action among evangelical foreign missionary agencies, without, however, exercising executive or legislative control over the constituent members.” For a brief history of EFMA, see James DeForest Murch, Cooperation without Compromise: A History of the National Association of Evangelicals (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1956), 102–8. Member missions of IFMA at work in Taiwan include China Inland Mission—Overseas Missionary Fellowship, The Evangelical Alliance Mission, Far Eastern Gospel Crusade, Pocket Testament League, and Far East Broadcasting Company. Member missions of EFMA at work in Taiwan include Assemblies of God, Campus Crusade for Christ, Christian and Missionary Alliance, Christian Reformed Mission 17 18

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Conciliar, which usually gathers together the historical church and mission associations; (3) State Church Missions, which refer to missions within the State Churches of central and northern Europe; (4) Free Church Missions, which are churches and associations that emerge within State-church countries and are independent of State control; and (5) Independent, which encompasses missionaries under a variety of sponsorships other than the above categories. Generally, these are “faith missionaries” with limited if any organizational support.22 In addition to offering the five classifications, Swanson conducted a survey in the late 1970s to find out the numbers of missionaries distributed in each of the aforementioned categories. Sixty-three questionnaires were sent to every known mission organization in Taiwan, and with a 95% response rate, Swanson’s 1979 statistics show that among about 400 units of missionaries in Taiwan (a “unit” is one single person or one married couple) calculated in accordance with the aforementioned mission affiliations, nearly half were affiliated with the “Evangelical/EFMA-IFMA,” and about a quarter were “Independent” missionaries. Each of the other three categories made up approximately one-tenth of the 400  units.23 What is most salient in this statistic is the marked growth of missionaries affiliated with the “Evangelical/EFMA-IFMA” in Taiwan—which increased from 75  units in 1958, to around 113  in 1968, and then to nearly 200 in 1979. What is also noteworthy is the drop in missionaries from churches affiliated with the conciliar movement from around 65 units in 1968 to 39 in 1979.24

(headquartered in Grand Rapids), Conservative Baptist Foreign Mission Society, Far East Broadcasting Company, Free Methodist Mission, The Navigators, The Church of the Nazarene, Overseas Crusades, Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, World Vision, and Worldwide Evangelization Crusade. The lists include major member missions of IFMA and EFMA working in Taiwan, but they may not be comprehensive. The lists are derived from Frizen, 75  Years of IFMA, 1917–1992, 438–43, Donald R.  Brown. ed. and National Association of Evangelicals, National Evangelical 1985–86: A Directory Serving the Evangelical Community Compiled by the National Association of Evangelicals (Wheaton, IL: National Association of Evangelicals, 1985), 80–3, and Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, Directory 1972 (Taipei: Dixon, 1972). 22  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 52. 23  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 51, 53, 58–9. Note the total unit numbers in Figure  3.3  in Swanson’s statistics add up to around 383, which is different from the 471 units in Figure 3.2. 24  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 52.

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According to Swanson, churches affiliated with the conciliar movement “generally reflect a different theological or missiological stance than many other churches.” While some profess the end of the missionary movement era and believe that the responsibility for evangelism now lies with the national churches of each country, others have espoused certain theologies that have “vitiated the evangelistic thrust of the Gospel” and thus reduced the imperative of world missions.25 Although Swanson’s explanation could reflect the theological views of the sending churches within the conciliar movement, it may not always reveal the theological orientations of missionaries on the mission field, who, I am inclined to argue, most likely possessed a degree of evangelistic zeal and uphold the evangelical faith. My claim could be corroborated by the evident evangelical color of the Taiwan Missionary Fellowship. Started in 1953, it was the Taiwan Missionary Fellowship’s purpose to offer mutual Christian fellowship, encouragement, and opportunities for common services to its members in Taiwan.26 The organization “represents the major evangelical missions” in Taiwan, and is governed by a constitution that includes “an evangelical statement of faith.”27 According to the constitution, maintaining “an 25  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 58–9. See also Murch, Cooperation without Compromise, 99. 26  “The Taiwan Missionary Fellowship,” in The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1960: A Survey of the Christian Movement in Taiwan during 1959, with Special Attention to the Ten Years from 1949 to 1959, by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 1960), 78. 27  Laura E.  Trachsel, “The Taiwan Missionary Fellowship,” in The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1964: A Survey of The Christian Movement in Taiwan 1961–1964 (Taipei: The Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 1964), 98. The Statement of Faith as adopted by the presentday Taiwan Missionary Fellowship only changed minimally from the 1970s, which reads: (1) The divine inspiration and consequent authority of the whole canonical Scriptures (which is limited to the sixty-six books of the Holy Bible alone). (2) The Trinity, one God, revealing Himself in three Persons, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. (3) The doctrine of the deity of our Lord Jesus Christ, His virgin birth, His sinless life, His miracles, His vicarious and atoning death through His shed blood, His bodily resurrection, His ascension to the right hand of the Father, and His personal return in power and glory. (4) The fall of man, his consequent moral depravity, and his need for regeneration. (5) The atonement through the substitutionary death of Christ. (6) The justification of sinners by faith in Christ alone. (7) The ministry of the Holy Spirit by Whose indwelling, the Christian is enabled to live a holy life. (8) The resurrection of the body, both in the case of the just and the unjust; and (9) The eternal life of the saved, and the eternal punishment of the lost. Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, “Constitution of the Taiwan Missionary Fellowship,” Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, https://www.tmf.org.tw/about-tmf-mainmenu-182/35-constitution-of-tmf.html (accessed November 29, 2018). The text in parenthesis in the first article is the only part that

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evangelical Christian faith” is a prerequisite for becoming a voting member or an associate member of the Fellowship. The only difference between a voting and an associate member is that the former is required to sign the Taiwan Missionary Fellowship Statement of Faith.28 Hence, even though churches affiliated with the conciliar movement consisted of about one-tenth of roughly 400 units, I believe it is safe to suggest that the majority of the missionaries active in Taiwan before 1980 were broadly evangelical, in the sense that they were not theologically liberal.29 Defending Christianity and Opposing Communism Having ruled out the possibility of a larger-scale liberal influence in missions at work in postwar Taiwan, we are left with a slim prospect that theologically liberal force be found among native Christians. From 1950 to the late 1980s, Chiang Kai-shek’s government’s anti-communist stance was firmly wedded with a fundamentalist understanding of Christian “orthodoxy.” More specifically, Chiang’s government’s understanding of Christian “orthodoxy” was most profoundly influenced by Carl McIntire’s version of fundamentalism since the 1960s—a theme that has been explored by Malaysia-born Chin Ken-pa, professor in philosophy at Fu Jen Catholic University in Taiwan.30 For our immediate purpose, it is sufficient to note that McIntire’s version of fundamentalism entails anti-­ communism, anti-Catholicism, anti-pentecostalism, anti-(liberal) ecumenism, and relentless support of the doctrine of inerrancy.31 Due to his anti-communist rhetoric, McIntire found special favor among was added to the Statement of Faith from the 1970s, which was included in most issues of Directories published by the Taiwan Missionary Fellowship. 28  The policy has changed today to one that also requires associate members of the Taiwan Missionary Fellowship to sign the Statement of Faith. 29  Huang Po-ho, professor from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, suggests that the overall theological orientation within the Taiwanese Church could be depicted as theologically conservative as late as 1995. Huang Po-ho 黃伯和, “He wei Fuyinpai?” 何謂「福音 派」? [What is Evangelicalism?], New Messenger, October 1995, 42–5. 30  Chin Ken-pa 曾慶豹, Yuese he tade xiongdimen: Hujiao fangong, dangguo jidutu yu Taiwan jiyaopai de xingcheng 約瑟和他的兄弟們: 護教反共, 黨國基督徒與臺灣基要派的形 成 [Joseph and his brothers: Defending Christianity and opposing communism, KMT Christians, and the formation of fundamentalism in Taiwan], (Tainan: PCT Press, 2017), 18–27, 52–7, 109–20. 31  See Markku Ruotsila, Fighting Fundamentalist: Carl McIntire and the Politicization of American Fundamentalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015).

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influential patriotic officials in Taiwan, or Kuomintang (KMT) Christians, as Chin calls them.32 While a sizeable number of KMT Christians shared McIntire’s views on anti-communism, anti-Catholicism, anti-ecumenism, and the doctrine of inerrancy,33 they did not equally share McIntire’s opposition to pentecostalism. In his work, Chin wonders why Chang Ching-yu, one of the KMT Christians who was actively involved in defending Christianity and opposing communism, would associate himself closely with a tongues-speaking Nicholas Krushnisky, a Canadian pentecostal missionary to Taiwan.34 Due to his pentecostal background (more in Chaps. 3 and 4), Krushnisky probably would not have been considered “orthodox” in many Christians’ eyes. Chang Ching-yu’s association with Krushnisky is well known to public, but what is perhaps surprising is that Chang himself was in fact once the president of the Formosa Chapter of the pentecostal Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International (FGBMFI) during the late 1950s (Chap. 3). As we will see in the next chapter, a number of KMT Christians were also involved in the FGBMFI Formosa Chapter in the late 1950s and the 1960s. Since their version of Christianity was primarily guided by their political narratives rather than their doctrines,35 it is understandable that KMT Christians did not share all of McIntire’s tenets. Thus, I would go one step further than Chin Ken-pa and ask: Was it because of political, theological, cultural, or other reasons that KMT Christians would not only publicly express leniency toward the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement but also participated in it, even when their supposed version of “orthodox faith” (i.e., fundamentalist theology) in the strictest sense does not tolerate Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement? The question merits further research.

 Chin, Joseph and His Brothers, 71, 231, 239.  As demonstrated in Samuel W. S. Cheng 成文秀, Hujiao fangong congtan 護教反共叢談 [Articles on defending Christianity and opposing communism] (Taipei: Zheng Dahe, 1982), and in Chin’s Joseph and His Brothers. In contrast, while Tong’s Christianity in Taiwan (1960) is manifestly anti-communist, the work is ecumenical in spirit and portrays the Catholics’ work in Taiwan in a positive light. 34  Chin, Joseph and His Brothers, 251. Chang Ching-yu was one of the leading figures of the World Christian Anti-Communist Association and the Asian Christians Anti-Communist Association. 35  Chin, Joseph and His Brothers, 246–9. 32 33

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China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei) Neo-evangelicalism, Carl McIntire’s rival, reached Taiwan in the early 1950s through the work of Evangelicals chiefly from the United States.36 Harold J.  Ockenga, the first president of Fuller Theological Seminary, believed that the primary difference between neo-evangelicalism (also called “new evangelicalism”) and fundamentalism was that neo-­ evangelicalism “embraces the full orthodoxy of fundamentalism in doctrine but manifests a social consciousness and responsibility which was strangely absent from fundamentalism. The new evangelicalism concerns itself not only with personal salvation, doctrinal truth and an eternal point of reference, but also with the problems of race, of war, of class struggle, of liquor control, of juvenile delinquency, of immorality, and of national imperialism…. The new evangelicalism believes that orthodox Christians cannot abdicate their responsibility in the social scene.”37 For defenders of the new evangelicalism, the emergence of neo-evangelicalism enabled evangelical Protestantism to return to positions “in theology and in status,” which it had held before the modernism-fundamentalism conflict.38 The idea for the World Evangelical Fellowship (WEF)—now the World Evangelical Alliance—was conceived by British and American Evangelicals in the late 1940s.39 In the early 1950s, J. Elwin Wright from the National Association of Evangelicals (NAE) in the United States visited various countries to discuss the possibility of an international organization of evangelical fellowship.40 A few days after the Constitutional Convention of the WEF in Woudschoten, the Netherlands, on August 4, 1951, President and Madam Chiang Kai-shek from Taiwan sent a message of greetings.41 Wright visited Taiwan during his 1951–1952 tour and again during his

36  For more information on the rivalry between McIntire and neo-evangelical coalition in the United States, see George M.  Marsden, Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the New Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 135–7. 37  Harold John Ockenga, “Theological Education,” Bulletin of Fuller Theological Seminary 4 (October–December 1954): 4. 38  Marsden, Reforming Fundamentalism, 169. 39  Murch, Cooperation without Compromise, 179–81. 40  The NAE was created in 1943 to bring together united action among the several groups of evangelical Christians in the United States. Murch, Cooperation without Compromise, 54. 41  Murch, Cooperation without Compromise, 186. See also J. Elwin Wright, “Word-Wide Evangelical Fellowship is Born,” United Evangelical Action, September 1, 1951, 5.

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1954–1955 tour.42 The Taiwan Evangelical Fellowship was founded in 1953,43 and by the first business session of the WEF held in July 1953, it was received into the WEF’s full membership.44 Despite the Taiwanese Protestant Church’s neo-evangelical affiliation, evangelical groups in postwar Taiwan were often heavily influenced by fundamentalist sentiments. China Evangelical Seminary (CES) in Taipei is a case in point. At the annual conference of the Taiwan Missionary Fellowship in Taiwan in 1965, Clyde W. Taylor, executive secretary of the Evangelical Foreign Missions Association (EFMA) from 1945 to 1974 and General Director of the NAE from 1963 to 1976, put forth the idea of starting an evangelical seminary in Taiwan.45 Clyde Taylor’s call was well received. According to James H.  Taylor III (1929–2009), the first president of China Evangelical Seminary and great-grandson of James Hudson Taylor (founder of the China Inland Mission [CIM]), “No small effort was put forth in 1966 to draw up a doctrinal statement which would serve as the basis for an interdenominational institution holding without reservation to the complete trustworthiness of the Bible and to the historic doctrines of the church.” On May 22, 1970, representatives of fourteen evangelical churches and missionary societies participated in the formal Constituting Assembly of the seminary. These include: Campus Evangelical Fellowship, the Chinese Campus Crusade, Chinese Missions Overseas, the Church of the Nazarene, the Conservative Baptist Church, the Evangelical Covenant Church, the Free Methodist Church, Chinese Christian Local Churches, Ohio Friends, the Oriental Missionary Society, Overseas Crusades,

42  More specifically, Wright was in Taiwan in 1952 and 1955, as indicated by his personal letters to his family in February–March 1952 and February–March 1955, collected in Box 1, Folder 9 and Folder 11, Collection 565: Ephemera of James Elwin Wright, 1897–1986, Billy Graham Center Archives, Wheaton College. 43  Kenneth M. Kepler, “Taiwan Evangelical Fellowship,” in The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1964: A Survey of The Christian Movement in Taiwan 1961–1964, by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 1964), 94–5. 44  Murch, Cooperation without Compromise, 190. 45  James H.  Taylor Jr., “New Seminary Established in Taiwan,” Evangelical Missions Quarterly 8:1 (Fall 1971): 38. Clyde’s visit to Taiwan in July 1965 was briefly mentioned in David M.  Howard, The Dream that Would Not Die: The Birth and Growth of the World Evangelical Fellowship, 1846–1986 (Exeter, UK: Paternoster, 1986), 66. Chin Ken-pa wonders whether the idea of CES’s birth in 1965 had anything to do with the first gathering of Asian Christian Anti-Communist Association in 1965. The answer is probably negative. See Chin, Joseph and His Brothers, 257, note 3.

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Overseas Missionary Fellowship (OMF), the Taiwan Holiness Church, and the World Evangelization Crusade.46 James Taylor did not provide details regarding how the doctrinal statement came about through negotiation, and only indicated that it was “no small effort.” It is certain, however, that the negotiations were tense. Despite its NAE connection and neo-evangelical genesis, the doctrinal statements authored during the foundation of China Evangelical Seminary are curiously aligned with a more fundamentalist theology. That this is the case is demonstrated by the fact that its Statement of Faith regarding Scripture was changed in a very short time to add an emphasis on biblical inerrancy, as Chin Ken-pa points out.47 Regarding Scripture, CES’ original Statement of Faith reads: “We affirm that the entire Bible, consisting of both the Old and the New Testament, is the inspired Word of God, is God’s unique revelation to people, is entirely trustworthy, and is the supreme authority in all matters of faith and conduct” (translation mine; original text in footnote).48 The statement bears a resemblance to that of the World Evangelical Fellowship.49 The original version, however, was revised and signed by the entire board of trustees on October 5, 1970. The updated version reads: “We affirm that the entire Bible, consisting of both the Old and the New Testament, is the inspired Word of God, is inerrant, entirely trustworthy, and is the supreme authority in all matters of faith and life” (translation mine; original text in footnote).50 Clearly, an effort was made to ensure the insertion

46  See Taylor, “New Seminary Established in Taiwan.” See also, James H. Taylor Jr., “The Taiwan Transformation,” Christianity Today, February 13, 1976, 19. (15–19). 47  Chin, Joseph and His Brothers, 276–8. 48  The original text reads as follows: “相信新舊約聖經是神的話, 完全是神所默示的, 亦是 神賜給人的特殊啟示, 是絕對可靠且是信仰與行為最高權威的準則。” See  “Dongshihui yizhi qianzhang tongguo xintiao xiuzhengan” 董事會一致簽章通過信條修正案 [Board of trustees unanimously passed the motion to revise the statement of faith and all signed], Zhonghua fuyin shenxueyuan tongxun 中華福音神學院通訊 [China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin], November 2, 1970, 1. 49  The Statement of Faith of the World Evangelical Fellowship reads: “We believe in the Holy Scriptures as originally given by God, divinely inspired, infallible, entirely trustworthy; and the supreme authority in all matters of faith and conduct.” Howard, The Dream that Would Not Die, 31. 50  The original text reads as follows: “我們相信新舊約聖經是神的道, 完全出於神的默示, 毫無錯誤, 絕對可靠, 是信仰與生活的最高準則。”  See “Board of Trustees Passed the Motion Unanimously to Revise the Statement of Faith and All Signed.”

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of “inerrant” in the updated version to satisfy a certain group’s theological conviction.51 It thus appears that at least two powers with differing theological views on Scripture were at work during the founding of CES. The group that maintains a non-fundamentalist understanding of Scripture was likely comprised by several churches and organizations that do not traditionally affirm biblical inerrancy, and who might have attempted to steer the article on Scripture away from inerrancy during negotiations.52 Their apparent success, however, did not last long. Instead, it was replaced by a more powerful, decisive, and irreversible fundamentalist bent of evangelical force. Since Carl McIntire’s version of “orthodoxy” was most influential during the 1960s until around 1987 when the Martial Law was lifted in Taiwan, and was endorsed by the all-powerful government machinery, it can only be imagined that any understanding of Scripture’s authority other than biblical inerrancy would be considered a compromise.

51  CES’s Statement of Faith in the present day reads: “We affirm that the entire Bible, consisting of both the Old and the New Testament, is the revelation of God, written through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, is inerrant in the original manuscripts of Scripture, and is the highest standard of our faith and conduct” (my translation). The statement in the original Chinese language is “我們相信新舊約聖經全是神的啟示, 完全由聖靈感動作者寫成, 原 本毫無錯誤, 是信仰與生活的最高準則。” See China Evangelical Seminary, 2018–20 Xueyuan Shouce, 2018–20 學院手冊 [2018–20 China Evangelical Seminary student handbook], (Taipei: China Evangelical Seminary), 5. China Evangelical Seminary established an extension center in Los Angeles in 1986, which was the forerunner of the present-day China Evangelical Seminary North America. It is noteworthy that while the Chinese version of the Statement of Faith is identical between the seminaries in Taiwan and in Los Angeles, the English translation of the Article on Scripture in the US institution displayed on their website is not a faithful translation from the original Chinese version. The English version reads: “That the Bible, consisting of both the Old Testament and New Testament, is the infallible Word from God, written through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, and is the highest standard of our faith and conduct.” The absence of the term “inerrancy” appears as an intended departure of the school or some faculty members from the stance of fundamentalist-leaning evangelicalism. See China Evangelical Seminary North America, “Statement of Faith,” China Evangelical Seminary North America,  https://www.cesna.edu/en/home-eng/aboutcesna/statement-of-faith.html (accessed June 1, 2020). 52  The evangelical force within denominational churches in Taiwan is noted by Murray A. Rubinstein’s study of China Evangelical Seminary, which has a consistent body of students coming from denominational churches such as the Presbyterian and Lutheran Church. Rubinstein, The Protestant Community on Modern Taiwan, 102. Rubinstein’s use of the term “neo-evangelical” in the work, however, may not be the most precise when he categorizes the Southern Baptist Convention, the Conservative Baptist Church, and the independent Mandarin-speaking churches in Taiwan as neo-evangelical (ibid., 158, note 9).

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The conservative evangelicalism of CES from the early days continued under the presidency of Timothy Tao-liang Lin 林道亮 (1911–2009) from 1980 to 1990. Lin received his Bachelor of Divinity and Master of Sacred Theology degrees from Faith Theological Seminary, and he earned a Ph.D. in Hebrew and Cognate Language from Dropsie College. While Timothy Lin’s theological orientation could be characterized as conservative evangelical, he was more accepting of pentecostal-charismatic teachings than Carl McIntire—who was also one of the founders of Faith Theological Seminary. Lin did not believe in actively pursuing the gift of tongues,53 but he believed that the gift of tongues continues to exist among other spiritual gifts today. Lin’s understanding of the works of the Holy Spirit is representative of a large number of Evangelicals’ sentiments regarding such matters in Taiwan in his day (Chap. 6). As a seminary that aims to pool the resources of evangelical groups in Taiwan together—native Christians as well as mission societies—CES has maintained a conservative evangelical outlook. Yet, it is also neither a thoroughgoing fundamentalist nor a neo-evangelical institution. From its inception to date, CES has been the single most important nondenominational theological institution to feed into and sustain conservative evangelicalism across denominations in Taiwan. Today, the seminary self-identifies as conservative evangelical, and continues to advocate for the inerrancy of the original manuscripts of the Bible.54

Case Studies China Inland Mission—Overseas Missionary Fellowship The impact of the famed China Inland Mission (CIM), founded in 1865 by James Hudson Taylor (1832–1905), did not fully reach Taiwan until the first CIM missionaries set foot on the island in 1951.55 Rather than 53  Timothy Lin 林道亮, Cong lingxi dao man you Shengling 從靈洗到滿有聖靈 [From Spirit baptism to being filled with the Holy Spirit], (Taipei: China Evangelical Seminary, 1999), 50. 54  See Peter K.  Chow 周功和 et  al., Shengjing zhende meiyou cuo ma? Shengjing diben wuwulun de zaisi 聖經真的沒有錯嗎? 聖經底本無誤論的再思 [Are there really no errors in the Bible? Reconsidering biblical inerrancy of the original manuscripts of the Bible] (Taipei: China Evangelical Seminary, 2013), 18. 55  George C.  Kraft, “China Inland Mission—Overseas Missionary Fellowship,” in The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1964: A Survey of the Christian Movement in Taiwan, 1961–1964,

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establishing yet another denomination, CIM missionaries devoted themselves to working with existing local churches and assisting various organizations, such as the Campus Evangelical Fellowship and the Chinese Christian Local Church started by Elder Wu Yung in Taipei (more discussion on these two groups will be provided in later chapters).56 Since much of their work was done in “bits and pieces,”57 it is difficult to assess their actual impact. The difficulty should not concern us, however, for this section is only concerned with how the CIM Council in pre-1949 China responded to the Pentecostal Movement, and how this international organization modified its view on the subject matter in the 1950s. China Inland Mission changed its name to China Inland Mission—Overseas Missionary Fellowship in 1951, and again to Overseas Missionary Fellowship in 1964. For clarity’s sake, I will refer to the pre-1951 by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 1964), 18. 56  For the variety of OMF missionaries’ works in Taiwan, see D.  B. W. “Formosa Filed Holds Third Conference,” The Overseas Bulletin, September 1954, 91, and C. Virgil Hook, “The Overseas Missionary Fellowship,” in The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1960: A Survey of the Christian Movement in Taiwan during 1959, with Special Attention to the Ten Years from 1949 to 1959, by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 1960), 13. For OMF’s active cooperation with the Campus Evangelical Fellowship, see George C. Kraft, “Overseas Missionary Fellowship,” The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1968: A Survey of the Christian Movement in Taiwan, 1965–1968, by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 1968), 88. The ministry philosophy of the Campus Evangelical Fellowship is heavily shaped and informed by the faith mission of the CIM, and the evangelical theology of the Inter-Varsity Christian Fellowship of Evangelical Unions from England (known today as the Universities and Colleges Christian Fellowship). One of the most important figures who helped to establish the Campus Evangelical Fellowship in Taiwan is David H. Adeney of the CIM. After he was forced out of China in 1950, Adeney continued work in other Asian countries. Adeney became the first Associate General Secretary for the Far East with International Fellowship of Evangelical Students (IFES) based in Hong Kong in 1956, which aimed to establish fellowships for evangelical students in Asia. While there were scattered Bible study groups for college students led by missionaries and others in Taiwan in the 1950s, it was Adeney who brought their resources together to form the Campus Evangelical Fellowship. Kuo, Fifty Years History of Campus Evangelical Fellowship, 97–9. See also Morley Lee, “Campus Evangelical Fellowship,” in The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1968: A survey of the Christian Movement in Taiwan, 1965–1968, by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Missionary Fellowship), 21–4. For more information on how the OMF helped steer the Chinese Christian Local Church clear of a narrow ecclesiology toward a broader ecclesiology, see Kuo Ming-chang 郭明璋, Gengyun qingchun: Xiaoyuan tuanqi wushi nian lai de guiji 耕耘青春: 校園團契五十年來的軌跡 [Nurturing youth: Fifty years of the history of Campus Evangelical Fellowship] (Taipei: Campus Evangelical Fellowship, 2007), 165–7. 57  Arnold J. Lea, “Taiwan,” The Overseas Bulletin, September 1954, 89.

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organization as China Inland Mission (CIM), and the post-1951 organization as Overseas Missionary Fellowship (OMF).  hina Inland Mission C Having severed ties with the Wesleyan Methodists, James Hudson Taylor was (re)baptized by the Plymouth Brethren, and was later ordained by the Baptists.58 As a result of the Brethren’s influence, Taylor maintained a theology characterized by pre-tribulationist and premillennial dispensationalism. Taylor also cautiously avoided the exclusive ecclesiology embraced by some sectors of the Brethren so as to preserve the nondenominational character of the China Inland Mission.59 In China’s Millions, Austin provides an insightful discussion on how nineteenth-century British evangelicalism contributed to twentieth-­ century American fundamentalism. Urged by Dwight L. Moody during his visit to North America in 1888, Hudson Taylor finally formed the North American Branch of the CIM in Toronto.60 In 1889, Henry Frost (1858–1945) was invited by Taylor to take up residence in Toronto as the CIM’s North American Director.61 The strongest of Taylor’s “transatlantic cables,” as identified by Austin, was the Believers’ Conference, held at Niagara-on-the-Lake every year from 1883 to 1898. In Niagara, Keswick Holiness and premillennial dispensationalism were fused together to become what would later be known as fundamentalism.62 Just as the CIM had been associated with many evangelical movements in Britain, it also became associated with such movements in Canada and the United States as well. The CIM helped establish, among others, Toronto Bible College, Vancouver Bible Training School, Moody Bible Institute, the Philadelphia School of the Bible, and the Bible Institute of Los Angeles. After it moved its North American headquarters to

58  Alvyn Austin, China’s Millions: The China Inland Mission and Late Qing Society, 1832–1905 (Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 2007), 47. 59  Austin, China’s Millions, 57–8. The influence of the Brethren on the China Inland Mission remains controversial, yet the involvement of the Brethren in the CIM in the early days was conspicuous. Not only were the Brethrens one of the most generous benefactors of Taylor but also a large number of them were appointed referees by Taylor himself. Austin, China’s Millions, 94–7, 193. 60  Austin, China’s Millions, 291–7. 61  Austin, China’s Millions, 304. 62  Austin, China’s Millions, 299.

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Philadelphia in 1901, the CIM became “the favorite mission of American Fundamentalists” in the United States.63 The clash between liberal and conservative voices within the CIM in China did not become poignant until Henry Frost came to the leading position in 1889. Frost pushed for the formulation of the first creedal statement of CIM around 1893, which was wanting hitherto. Not satisfied by simply establishing the “doctrinal basis” of the CIM in fundamentalist terms,64 Frost made efforts to rid the CIM of those he considered liberals and modernists.65 Austin concludes that the CIM’s international roots did not allow it to “go fundamentalist” entirely because of its British and Canadian roots. However, for several decades, the US section was more “fundamentalist” than the rest of the councils.66 While the CIM’s anti-modernism was more straightforward, its opposition to pentecostal movements was ambiguous until the first decade of the twentieth century. If praying “the prayer of faith,” anointing with oil, and laying on of hands were common in CIM (and probably practiced by every missionary at one time or the other due to the dearth of medical aid),67 the practice of exorcism within the CIM seemed to be much less common. Many missionaries, educated in the post-Enlightenment West, tended to be more rational and to explain away demonic manifestations.68 However, in his study of the CIM in China’s Millions, Austin suggests that by employing code phrases of the gospels as “signifiers for exorcism,” the publication “seems to have been awash with exorcisms, performed by natives and missionaries alike.”69 In other words, CIM missionaries may have participated in exorcism more often than their official publication was willing to acknowledge. Stanley Smith of the Cambridge Seven, for instance, learned how to exorcise devils from Hsi Liao-chih (Hsi Sheng-mo), or Pastor Hsi in Pingyang, Shanxi,70 who was known for having been cured from opium addiction and for helping other opium addicts. Upon learning about the global revivals—and especially the events of the Azusa Street in Los Angeles in 1906—several CIM missionaries came to  Austin, China’s Millions, 298.  Austin, China’s Millions, 313. 65  Austin, China’s Millions, 386. 66  Austin, China’s Millions, 448. 67  Austin, China’s Millions, 241. 68  Austin, China’s Millions, 260–1. 69  Austin, China’s Millions, 261. 70  Austin, China’s Millions, 283. 63 64

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embrace the pentecostal message, such as Cecil Polhill Turner of the Cambridge Seven.71 However, others in the CIM were troubled by the influence of pentecostalism. As a result, in 1909—led by Henry Frost and Dixon E. Hoste— they decided to remove pentecostal converts from among their ranks.72 In 1914–1915, the CIM’s China council debated the issue, and decided that Pentecostalism contained manifold doctrinal errors, and that the disorder that characterizes Pentecostalism’s practices regarding worship is unfitting. This final policy stood until the 1970s.73  verseas Missionary Fellowship O The CIM withdrew their missionaries from China in the early 1950s as the Communist party took over the mainland. In 1951, new headquarters were set up in Singapore, and the organization was renamed the China Inland Mission—Overseas Missionary Fellowship (hereafter OMF). In the 1960s when the Charismatic Movement spread and prompted historical denominations to reevaluate their understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit, nondenominational missions such as the OMF did not escape its impact. Two articles written by J. Oswald Sanders—General Director of OMF from 1954 to 1969—in the 1960s, disclose the OMF’s more open attitude toward the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement than it had under Henry Frost’s leadership. Overall, these later OMF leaders paint the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in a rather positive light. In “The Charismatic Movement: The Third Force in Christendom” (1966), Sanders suggests that the OMF maintains a cautiously affirming attitude toward the Charismatic Movement. Despite some erroneous emphases, there are “too many evidences of a working of the Spirit” in the movement that cannot be denied.74 As a result, Sanders suggests that OMF members are to be loving in their attitude and approach, and to remain in fellowship with charismatic churches so far as compromise is not involved. As far as teaching goes: Let us instruct churches and groups for which we have responsibility in the full Biblical doctrine of the Holy Spirit, and put this gift in the place assigned  Austin, China’s Millions, 449–51.  Austin, China’s Millions, 451. 73  Austin, China’s Millions, 452. 74  J.  Oswald Sanders, “The Charismatic Movement: The Third Force in Christendom,” The Overseas Bulletin, April 1966, 79. 71 72

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to it in Scripture. Let us lovingly correct abuses where they may arise, as Paul did. Let us teach a full and adequate doctrine of the Holy Spirit and seek to lead our people into a definite experience of the fulness of the Spirit, in order that they may have so satisfactory a spiritual experience that they will not seek the bizarre. Let us prevail in prayer that excesses and divisions may not arise, and ourselves covet earnestly the higher gifts. Christian love should characterize all our attitudes and actions. If we are uncertain of this new movement, let us be sure that we have something positive and spiritually satisfying to put forward along with our criticism.75

In short, Sanders affirms the work of the Holy Spirit as in accordance with Scripture. However, he advises that the chief evidence of a Spirit-­ filled life lies in a transformed life that consists of the fruits of the Spirit instead of the gifts of the Spirit.76 Moreover, he recognizes that the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement is not heretical, as the vast majority of “Pentecostals” uphold “all the great evangelical doctrines,” and thus there should be no concerns with regard to fellowshipping with those from the movement on theological grounds.77 In “The Attitude of OMF to Speaking in Tongues” (1968), Sanders spells out the OMF’s leadership’s stances on speaking in tongues.78 He first denies that teaching on speaking in tongues “in pentecostal or similar groups” is heresy—which infers that it is not necessary to cease spiritual fellowship with those exercising the gift. Further, the OMF leadership disagreed with the view of cessationism. Not only do they believe that the gifts of the Holy Spirit still exist today, but some OMF members even claim to have been given the gift of tongues.79 Yet, OMF leadership does not agree that the gift of tongues is the only or the necessary evidence of being baptized with the Spirit.80

 Sanders, “The Charismatic Movement,” 79.  Sanders, “The Charismatic Movement,” 77. 77  Sanders, “The Charismatic Movement,” 76. In this article, Sanders points out that “the recommendations of the Overseas Council concerning our attitude to the Charismatic Movement are contained in the Precis of Proceedings” (p. 79). While I have not been able to locate the document, I believe this of Sanders’ article would have captured the most important elements of the document. 78  J.  Oswald Sanders, “The Attitude of OMF to Speaking in Tongues,” The Overseas Bulletin, January 1968, 18–20. 79  Sanders, “The Attitude of OMF to Speaking in Tongues,” 18. 80  Sanders, “The Attitude of OMF to Speaking in Tongues,” 18–9. 75 76

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What was perhaps more controversial was that although the OMF staff were allowed to express personal views on speaking in tongues when the subject was handled in an even-handed manner, they were discouraged from “artificially introduce[ing] or over-emphasiz[ing] or unduly press[ing] upon the hearers” the subject.81 It is likely that some who spoke in tongues felt “oppressed” by OMF leadership’s decree on the subject matter. Sanders also advised that “There is … no reason for those who possess the gift of tongues to feel victimized by the ruling of the Overseas Council.”82 According to OMF’s Overseas Council, the decision was not primarily a doctrinal issue but a practical problem of being a missionary society. Unlike a church where members are more likely to hold a common viewpoint, being involved in an interdenominational and international society like the OMF requires all to surrender some of their individual theological preferences in matters other than the central doctrines of the faith and to offer mutual tolerance and understanding, so that the unity of the Spirit within the fellowship might remain intact. For the OMF’s leadership during this era, maintaining unity far outweighed “the unrestricted exercise of a minor gift.”83 The OMF also discussed the subject of demon possession openly. Apart from publishing accounts of missionaries who had reported casting out demons,84 the Overseas Missionary Bulletin had a short study on demon possession (1966) in response to a request from a missionary.85 The study attempts to answer practical questions such as how one recognizes possession, whether one needs to know the name of the evil spirit before exorcising it, and how to exorcise a person possessed by multiple demons. The most controversial question is no doubt whether a Christian can be possessed. Pointing to Scripture (1 Cor. 5:5; 1 Tim. 1:20 and 2 Tim. 2:26) and his own experience as a twelve-year missionary in Kalimantan, Indonesia, Robert L. Peterson believes that a Christian is liable not only to demon influence and oppression but also to possession. Yet, Peterson also holds that if a Christian was possessed, it is always also a result of willful sin.86 Unlike the articles of J. Oswald Sanders, the General Director of  Sanders, “The Attitude of OMF to Speaking in Tongues,” 18.  Sanders, “The Attitude of OMF to Speaking in Tongues,” 19. 83  Sanders, “The Attitude of OMF to Speaking in Tongues,” 19. 84  Roth L. Nowack, “Demon Possession,” The Overseas Bulletin, September 1957, 119–21. Ellen Giebel, “Demons Flee at the Name of Jesus,” The Millions, September 1956, 122–3. 85  Robert L. Peterson, “Demon Possession,” The Overseas Bulletin, July 1966, 113–5. 86  Peterson, “Demon Possession,” 115. 81 82

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OMF, there was no indication that Peterson’s article represented the viewpoint of OMF leadership. However, since the request induced an “immediate answer” and the article was addressed as “An Open Letter,”87 the publication can be understood as having some support from the organization’s top officers. Two decades later, Michael C. Griffiths, the General Director of the Overseas Missionary Fellowship from 1969 to 1981, poses a somewhat different view by claiming that “a Christian may be demon-­ oppressed and exposed to demonic attack, but to say that a Christian could be demon-possessed would imply that the Lord is powerless. It would suggest that the Holy Spirit can be driven out of His temple by evil spirits. This appears theologically unacceptable.”88 It is not surprising that informed by different theological convictions and practical experiences, staff from an international organization like the OMF would hold views that are at odds with one another. However, gone was the day when the organization had to employ code phrases of the gospels as signifiers for exorcism in their periodical half a century earlier. As the Charismatic Movement gained currency with a wide variety of churches in the 1960s under Sander’s leadership, the OMF could now move a step forward in addressing the issue of demon possession in black and white terms without being surreptitious. The Church Assembly Hall  atchman Nee (1903–1972) W There has been a long-held misconception that the Church Assembly Hall (hereafter Assembly Hall) is pentecostal. Allan Anderson suggests that the Assembly Hall “may be considered Pentecostal” in an article in 2000,89 but revised his view in his book in 2004, in which he suggests that the church “is not a ‘Pentecostal’ church.”90 The misconception is not hard to understand due to the church’s vibrant worship style that involves verbal responses of participating members, which is a feature that can be observed in some pentecostal-charismatic churches. A close study of the works of Watchman Nee and Witness Lee (Lee Chang-shou) 李常受, however,  Peterson, “Demon Possession,” 113.  Michael Griffiths, Grace-Gifts (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1978), 51. 89  Allen Anderson, “Pentecostalism in East Asia: Indigenous Oriental Christianity?” PNEUMA 22:1 (Spring 2000): 118–9. 90  Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism (2004), 133, 136. 87 88

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suggests that despite the two leaders’ brief association with Pentecostalism, they have in fact steered the church away from pentecostal-charismatic theologies. The Assembly Hall was first known as the Little Flock in China in the 1920s under the leadership of Watchman Nee before Witness Lee came to the helm in the second half of the twentieth century. Watchman Nee’s negative appraisal of pentecostal teaching can be found as early as in 1927. In his response to an answer concerning the True Jesus Church’s vision, Nee states that the True Jesus Church errs on several different levels—including its name, structure, theology, and practice. In particular, Nee points out that the True Jesus Church has misconstrued the work of the Holy Spirit. Referencing Ephesians 1:13–14, Nee suggests that believers are sealed with the Holy Spirit once they believe the Gospel, and that the Holy Spirit will never leave them but will be with them until the day of redemption (Eph. 4:30). Thus, believers do not need to further receive the Holy Spirit as something that they do not yet possess as was taught by the True Jesus Church.91 In his study on Watchman Nee’s The Spiritual Man, Hong Kong scholar Leung Ka-lun points out that Nee shares Jessie Penn-Lewis’s view in the negative appraisal of the Pentecostal Movement.92 Not only does Nee hold that the Pentecostal Movement’s teachings on Spirit baptism were without biblical basis, he also finds the structure of pentecostal meetings questionable. Nee suggests that when people empty their mind in pursuit of supernatural manifestations, oftentimes they welcome evil spirits instead of the Holy Spirit in their midst.93 Leung’s study of Nee’s

91  Watchman Nee, “Question and Answer Box (8) (April 1927),” in The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 1) Vol. 7: The Christian (5), 182. 92  Leung Ka-lun 梁家麟, “‘Shulingren’ yu Nituosheng de sanyuan renlun: Jianlun Binluyi shimu dui ta de yingxiang” 《屬靈人》與倪柝聲的三元人論—兼論賓路易師母對他的影響 [The Spiritual Man and Watchman Nee’s trichotomistic anthropology: The influence of Jessie Penn-Lewis on Nee], Jian Dao: A Journal of Bible and Theology 建道學刊, no. 13 (1999): 188, 224–6. 93  Watchman Nee, “Juan ba: Hun de fenxi: (Yi) xinsi” 卷八: 魂的分析—(乙) 心思 [Section eight: The analysis of the soul (2) The mind] (1926–1927), in Ni Tuosheng wen ji di yi ji di shisi ce: Shu ling ren (xia) 倪柝聲文集第一集第14冊: 屬靈人(下) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 1) Vol. 14: The Spiritual Man (3)], 4th ed. (Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004), 27–8. For Nee’s discussion on the emptying of the mind in English, see Watchman Nee, “The Spiritual Man (3): Section Eight; The Analysis of the Soul (2) The Mind,” Living Stream Ministry, https://www.ministrybooks.org/index.cfm (accessed January 15, 2019).

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thought on the movement, however, is confined to Nee’s The Spiritual Man, which was fully published for the first time in 1929. Nee continues to expound his view on the work of the Holy Spirt in the 1930s. In “The Latent Power of the Soul” published in The Present Testimony in 1932, Nee professes that he does not object to the baptism of the Holy Spirit, speaking in tongues, miraculous healing, having unusual dreams, or seeing visions. What Nee disagrees with is employing inappropriate means to attempt to experience the works of wonders or to receive Spirit baptism.94 In fact, Nee claims to have witnessed miraculous healing, to have seen great lights,95 and to have experienced visions and dreams.96 Nee is not so concerned about spiritual phenomena per se—which he thinks could be genuine—but with mistaking manifestations that arise from one’s soul, that is, human beings, as arising from the human spirit and from God.97 Watchman Nee revised his view of the Pentecostal Movement briefly in the mid-1930s, when he experienced a spiritual revival in his own life after attending a revival meeting led by Elizabeth Fischbacher of the CIM in Shandong in 1935. It was a fresh experience for Nee to witness Fischbacher as she spoke in tongues and sang spiritual songs while led by the Holy Spirit.98 Influenced by Fischbacher, Nee’s preaching for the next two years centered around living a victorious life as a Christian and participating in the outpouring of the Holy Spirit.99 Such outward manifestations as jumping, clapping, laughter, unknown tongues, and dramatic healings (genuine or otherwise) were also observed in some of Nee’s southern churches 94  Watchman Nee, “Hun de qianshili (er): Di ershiqi qi” 魂的潛勢力 (二): 第27期 [The latent power of the soul (2) (Issue No. 27)] (September–October 1932), in Ni Tuosheng wen ji di yi ji di shi ce: Fu Xing Bao (juan san) 倪柝聲文集第一集第10冊: 復興報 (卷三) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 1) Vol. 10: The Present Testimony (3)], 4th ed. (Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004), 84–5. Nee’s “The Latent Power of the Soul” was first published in the July–August 1932 (no. 26), September–October 1932 (no. 27), and November–December 1932 (no. 28) issues of The Present Testimony. 95  Watchman Nee, “The Latent Power of the Soul (2),” 84. 96  Watchman Nee, “Hun de qianshili (san): Di ershiba qi” 魂的潛勢力 (三): 第28期 [The latent power of the soul (3) (Issue No. 28)] (November–December 1932), in The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 1) Vol. 10: The Present Testimony (3), 103. 97  Nee, “The Latent Power of the Soul (2),” 85. 98  Angus I. Kinnear, Against the Tide: The Story of Watchman Nee (Fort Washington, PA: Christian Literature Crusade, 1973), 103–5. 99  Chen Fu-zhong 陳福中, Ni Tuosheng zhuan 倪柝聲傳 [The biography of Watchman Nee] (Hong Kong: Jidutu chubanshe, 2004), 182–3.

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in China.100 The church’s practice of simultaneous prayer may have also started during this period of time.101 Nee’s enthusiasm for the work of the Holy Spirit, however, came to a halt when he detected excesses and aberrations of emotions and practices within the church.102  itness Lee (1905–1997) W Witness Lee’s view on the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement is perhaps best summed up in his own words: “There is much falsehood in the Pentecostal-charismatic movement. The real and the false are mixed together, but the false outweighs the true.”103 While he has positive things to say about the movement, and believes that God used the movement to revive what were previously “dead rituals and dead teachings,”104 Lee generally distrusts the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement and its teachings. Far from being an outsider, Witness Lee had pentecostal experiences while in China. Not only did he attend pentecostal meetings where he witnessed such dramatic manifestations as jumping, rolling, and shouting as early as 1932,105 he also knew someone miraculously healed from forty years of opium addiction through the Pentecostal Movement.106 Further,  Kinnear, Against the Tide, 104.  See Kinnear, Against the Tide, 104. 102  Chen Fu-zhong, Biography of Watchman Nee, 183. See also Lian Xi, Redeemed by Fire: The Rise of Popular Christianity in Modern China (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), 172–3. 103  Witness Lee, “The Spirit and the Body: The Mutual Care of the Members and the Spiritual Gifts (Chapter 16, Section 7),” in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1977), Vol. 2, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2014). Messages given in Cleveland, OH, in August–September 1977. 104  Witness Lee, “The Speciality, Generality, and Practicality of the Church Life: The Speciality of the Church Life (2), (Chapter 2, Section 2),” in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1971), Vol. 3, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2011?). Messages given in Los Angeles in the summer of 1971. 105  Witness Lee, “The Living Needed for Building Up the Small Group Meetings: A Living of Meeting in the Spirit and by Christ (Chapter 4, Section 4),” in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 3, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016). Messages given in Anaheim, CA, in July–September 1985. See Witness Lee, “Crucial Words of Leading in the Lord’s Recovery, Book 2: Leading the Saints to Practice the New Way Ordained by the Lord: The Elders Needing to Lead the Saints to Practice the Way Ordained by the Lord (2), (Chapter 4, Section 2),” in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1988), Vol. 2, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2017). Messages given in Taipei in April–May 1988. 106  Witness Lee, “The Speciality, Generality, and Practicality of the Church Life: The Speciality of the Church Life (2).” 100 101

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Lee claims that he spoke in tongues in 1935 or 1936, and led two hundred others to do likewise. Lee’s tongues experience, however, was subsequently brought into question by Watchman Nee’s one-liner telegram that asked, “Do all speak with tongues?”107 According to Witness Lee, Assembly Hall leaders attempted to incorporate pentecostal teachings into the church three times while the congregation was still in China, but each time they “suffered a loss.”108 A negative experience in 1943—which involved a false prophecy claiming that a dead person would be raised to life—even led one of their churches to denounce the practice of speaking in tongues entirely.109 However, Witness Lee also disagrees with cessationists who believe that the gift of tongues ceased with the apostles and the finishing of the canon of Scripture,110 and supports Pentecostalism’s claim that genuine tongues exist today.111 Nonetheless, Lee does not have a high view of the gift. Not only does he oppose an overemphasis on the gift of tongues,112 he also suggests on multiple occasions that the practice of tongues within the Pentecostal Movement “is often a fraud,” and “is often not genuine and 107  Witness Lee, “The Spirit and the Body: The Mutual Care of the Members and the Spiritual Gifts” (Chapter 16, Section 5). See also Witness Lee, “The Work of the Holy Spirit: Many Aspects of the Manifestation of the Holy Spirit (Chapter 4, Section 3),” in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1963), Vol. 3, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2004). Messages given in Los Angeles in the summer of 1963. 108  Witness Lee, “The Spirit and the Body: The Mutual Care of the Members and the Spiritual Gifts (Chapter 16, Section 5).” 109  Witness Lee, “The Living Needed for Building Up the Small Group Meetings: A Living of Meeting in the Spirit and by Christ (Chapter 4, Section 4).” Lee only attributes the aberration to ingenuine tongues and not false prophecy, yet there was clearly a misuse of prophecy. His interpretation of the incident may have to do with his understanding that the gift of prophecy concerns not foretelling but forthtelling. 110  Witness Lee, “The Work of the Holy Spirit: The Mingling of the Outward and Inward Work of the Spirit (Chapter 6, Section 3).” 111  Witness Lee, “Enjoying the Riches of Christ for the Building Up of the Church as the Body of Christ: Ministering Christ by Prophesying” (Chapter 11, Section 3), in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1971), Vol. 4, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2011?). Messages given in Chicago in August–September 1971. 112  Witness Lee, “Elders’ Training, Book 05: Fellowship Concerning the Lord’s Up-to-Date Move: The One Thing, the Unique Thing, in the Lord’s Recovery (Chapter 2, Section 3),” in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 3, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016). Messages given in Anaheim, CA, in September 1985; “Growth in Life Needed (1)” (Chapter 24, Section 3), Life-Study of First Corinthians (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 1984).

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not according to the truth.”113 At one point, Lee asserts that “most of” the speaking in tongues today, “if not all, is false.”114 Lee claims to have studied the Pentecostal Movement, including the gift of tongues since 1932.115 His study of Scripture, particularly the book of Acts and 1 Corinthians, led him to believe that the tongues spoken as recorded in Scripture were real languages that can be interpreted. Since the tongues that many people speak today consist of merely a few sounds, which Lee believes can hardly constitute a language, he concludes that those tongues cannot be genuine.116 At least once, Lee explains the tongues-speaking phenomenon from a psychological viewpoint, suggesting that some “spoke in tongues” so as to experience emotional release, which thus can be substituted by shouting.117 Although he discourages believers from speaking in tongues,118 Witness Lee maintains that their church has the manifestation of the gifts in their meetings, evidenced by the use of the gifts of the word of wisdom and the word of knowledge. For Lee, the spiritual gifts in 1 Corinthians 12:7–10 are listed in order of importance, and hence those in the Pentecostal-­ Charismatic Movement have made the tail the head and the head the tail when they overemphasize the gift of tongues, which is the last spiritual gift listed.119 In contrast, since the first two listed gifts, the word of wisdom 113  Witness Lee, “Vessels Useful to the Lord: The Inward and Outward Filling of the Spirit (Chapter 7, Section 2),” in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 5, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016). Messages given in Taipei in October–December 1985. See also Witness Lee “Growth in Life Needed (2)” (Chapter 25, Section 1), Life-Study of First Corinthians. 114  Witness Lee, “The Living Needed for Building Up the Small Group Meetings: Practicing to Speak the Word of the Lord (Chapter 7, Section 4).” 115  Witness Lee, “The Work of the Holy Spirit: Many Aspects of the Manifestation of the Holy Spirit” (Chapter 4, Section 3). 116  Witness Lee, “The Living Needed for Building Up the Small Group Meetings: A Living of Meeting in the Spirit and by Christ” (Chapter 4, Section 4); Witness Lee, “The Living Needed for Building Up the Small Group Meetings: Practicing to Speak the Word of the Lord” (Chapter 7, Section 4). 117  Lee, “The Living Needed for Building Up the Small Group Meetings: Practicing to Speak the Word of the Lord” (Chapter 7, Section 4). 118  “You must reject what is taught in the Pentecostal movement. Do not speak in tongues, because once you speak in tongues, your spiritual life will be slain.” Witness Lee, “Vessels Useful to the Lord: Three Matters Requiring the Attention of the Lord’s Serving Ones (Chapter 10, Section 4).” 119  Witness Lee, “The Spirit and the Body: The Practicality of the Body (Chapter 13, Section 4).”

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and the word of knowledge, were operating fully during their meetings through the preaching of inspired words, the Assembly Hall, according to Lee, has “the best gifts.”120 Witness Lee shares the convictions of many non-pentecostal Protestants regarding the gift of prophecy. For Lee, prophesying is not concerned with foretelling, but forthtelling that uses “normal human language to speak of God, speak for God, speak forth God, and speak God into man to supply man.”121 Nonetheless, Lee finds pentecostal teachings on healing and casting out demons valuable. He teaches that since one cannot avoid encountering the work of demons in villages, all workers need to be ready to cast out demons and pray for healing for people should the occasion arise—although he disapproves of holding healing meetings like those in the Pentecostal Movement.122 According to Lee, the Assembly Hall’s way of casting out demons “is to ask people to read the Lord’s Word and to call on the Lord’s name continuously. Once a person is saved, the demon will leave him.”123 Although the Assembly Hall does not self-identify as Pentecostal, there was at least one known occasion where there were pentecostal-like manifestations. According to Witness Lee, before T.  Austin-Sparks’ visit to Taiwan in 1955, some from the church held additional meetings outside of the regular church meetings. In one of those meetings, a brother claimed to have received the baptism of the Holy Spirit, and began speaking in tongues as he walked around the assembly hall nonstop for three hours. The incident excited a small number of people within the church who spoke in tongues. When Austin-Sparks learned of the episode during his visit, he admonished those involved to cease the activity, which they did, according to Lee.124 While Lee’s personal opinion of this incident was 120  Witness Lee, “Enjoying the Riches of Christ for the Building Up of the Church as the Body of Christ: Ministering Christ by Prophesying (Chapter 11, Section 3).” 121  Witness Lee, “Crucial Words of Leading in the Lord’s Recovery, Book 2: Leading the Saints to Practice the New Way Ordained by the Lord: The Elders Needing to Lead the Saints to Practice the Way Ordained by the Lord (4)” (Chapter 6, Section 1), in The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1988), Vol. 2, ed. Living Stream Ministry (Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2017). Messages given in Taipei in April–May 1988. 122  Lee, “Vessels Useful to the Lord: Three Matters Requiring the Attention of the Lord’s Serving Ones (Chapter 10, Section 4).” 123  Lee, “Vessels Useful to the Lord: Three Matters Requiring the Attention of the Lord’s Serving Ones (Chapter 10, Section 4).” 124  Witness Lee, “Elders’ Training, Book 05: Becoming Skillful in Using the Word through the Governing Principles of Interpreting the Bible (Chapter 7, Section 1).”

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curiously absent in his own narration, we are informed that “a small number” within the Assembly Hall spoke in tongues as early as 1955, and that in one of their early meetings in Taiwan, there were supernatural occurrences. In conclusion, while the Assembly Hall has often been misconstrued as pentecostal due to their vibrant worship and their brief past association with the Pentecostal Movement, the church did not go on to identify themselves as such. Not only does Witness Lee openly declare that “I cannot go along with Pentecostalism,”125 but also the church’s lack of enthusiasm for spiritual gifts in the pentecostal-charismatic sense clearly distinguishes them from their pentecostal-charismatic counterparts. Even though their teachings on healing and casting out demons appear to bear certain pentecostal-charismatic characteristics, I suggest that their understanding of the spiritual realm is not unlike other non-Pentecostal-­ Charismatic Protestants in Taiwan, which has been shaped more by the local “many-spirits” cosmology than any Western theology. Stephen Tong While only as a guest speaker in Taiwan, Stephen Tjong Eng Tong 唐崇榮 (1940–), a Reformed Chinese-Indonesian pastor and evangelist, is perhaps the most vehement and outspoken voice in opposition to the global and local Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement. Tong has a strong tie with Westminster Theological Seminary, from which he received an honorary degree in 2008.126 Instead of examining Tong’s pneumatology in a comprehensive manner, this section is only concerned about pointing out that as hostile as Tong is toward the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement, it would not be accurate to classify Tong as a cessationist as some believe or suggest.127 For this purpose, I will only attempt to tease out whether he believes spiritual gifts still exist today.

125  Witness Lee, “Elders’ Training, Book 05: Becoming Skillful in Using the Word through the Governing Principles of Interpreting the Bible (Chapter 7, Section 1).” 126  Westminster Theological Seminary, “Honorary Degree to Rev. Dr. Stephen Tong,” Westminster Theological Seminary, https://students.wts.edu/stayinformed/view. html?id=161 (accessed November 26, 2018). 127  A missionary to Hong Kong and China, Dennis Balcombe states that Tong’s teaching is “often viewed as cessationist.” Dennis Balcombe, China’s Opening Door (Lake Mary, FL: Charisma House, 2014), 189.

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Stephen Tong’s view of the work of the Holy Spirit is easy to trace, thanks to the collecting and publishing of his teaching manuscripts by parties concerned with such matters. Referencing 1 Cor. 12:4–6, Stephen Tong differentiates between the gifts of service (for a certain position) 職 分的恩賜 and the gifts of ministries 事奉的恩賜. For him, the gifts of service denote people who are involved in important services, who are God’s gifts to the church, whereas the gifts of ministries refer to “the strength and ability one needs for ministries.”128 Tong bases his understanding of the gifts of services on Eph. 4:11. He believes that the service (i.e., position) of apostleship and prophecy ceased after the closing of the Canon. While the services are no longer needed, the functionality of apostleship and prophecy still exists today, as people continue to be sent by God to be the mouthpiece of God’s Word for the Kingdom’s purpose.129 Tong states that since God’s revelation has already been revealed to humans through Scripture, Charismatics err when they believe that they can receive new revelations directly from God.130 According to him, “radical Charismatics” who identify themselves as prophets or apostles blaspheme against God, and their words should be ignored.131 However, the gifts to serve as evangelists, pastors, and teachers continue to exist today, so that the gospel can be carried on from generation to generation. In fact, Tong believes that he himself possesses all these three gifts.132 While Tong argues that the gifts of service have ceased, he does not teach that any of the ministry gifts listed in 1 Cor. 12:4–11 no longer exist. However, he believes that the gifts numerated in both Eph. 4:11 and 1 Cor. 12:4–11 are listed in accordance with their importance.133 Specifically, Tong points out that the gifts of the word of wisdom and knowledge are the two most important gifts among all, because they relate to the preached Word of God. He suggests that people associated with the Toronto Blessing and the Vineyard Church from the United States misconceive the Scripture when they understand these two gifts as having the ability to 128  Stephen Tong, “Jiaomu jiangzuo: Shengling de enci (shang)” 教牧講座: 聖靈的恩賜 ( 上) [Seminars for pastors: The gift of the Holy Spirit, part 1], in Shengling de xi yu enci 聖靈 的洗與恩賜 [Baptism and gifts of the Holy Spirit] (Taipei: Zhong Fu, 2002), 176. 129  Tong, “Seminars for Pastors: The Gift of the Holy Spirit,” 177. 130  Tong, “Seminars for Pastors: The Gift of the Holy Spirit,” 178–9. 131  Tong, “Seminars for Pastors: The Gift of the Holy Spirit,” 182. 132  Tong, “Seminars for Pastors: The Gift of the Holy Spirit,” 182. 133  Tong, “Seminars for Pastors: The Gift of the Holy Spirit,” 193–205.

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foretell the future.134 Tong also holds that the gift of tongues is the least significant of the gifts of ministry, and takes issue with the claim that speaking in tongues is the evidence of one having been baptized in the Holy Spirit.135 Whether Tong is a cessationist can be settled most conclusively by his own words when he openly states: “I dare not conclude that the gift of tongues does not exist today, but I dare to say that there may be quite some tongues that are ingenuine.”136 He acknowledges that while sharing her testimony, the daughter of John Sung (Sung Shang-chieh), the renowned Chinese evangelist, points out that her father had documented several occurrences of speaking in tongues in his journal.137 Yet so as not to exalt the gift of tongues, Tong stresses that throughout generations, very few records reveal great church leaders’ experiences of speaking in tongues, and that even though he knows a few important church leaders who have the gift, he refuses to name names.138

Conclusion I have attempted to sketch the contour of Protestant Christianity in Taiwan in the twentieth century in this chapter, focusing on how the sociopolitical and ecclesiastical milieu in postwar Taiwan shaped the theological outlook of the Church in Taiwan from 1950 until around 1990. As illustrated, Protestant Christianity in Taiwan has a strong evangelical overtone, and at some turns, with unmistakably fundamentalist bent. Yet as I have also hinted, non-pentecostal-charismatic Christians in Taiwan— including those who espouse fundamental evangelical theology—did not completely reject pentecostal-charismatic distinctives. This theme will become increasingly apparent as the book unfolds.

 Tong, “Seminars for Pastors: The Gift of the Holy Spirit,” 188–9.  Tong, “Seminars for Pastors: The Gift of the Holy Spirit,” 191–2. 136  Stephen Tong, “Shengling yu daogao” 聖靈與禱告 [Holy Spirit and prayer], in Shengling, daogao, fuxing 聖靈、禱告、復興 [Holy Spirit, prayer, revival] (Taipei: Zhong Fu, 2002), 103. 137  Tong, “Holy Spirit and Prayer,” 104. 138  Tong, “Holy Spirit and Prayer,” 104. 134 135

CHAPTER 3

A Brief Historical Overview of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Activities in Taiwan, 1900–1970

Even though it was not until the 1970s that the charismatic message started to trickle into Taiwan at a faster rate, several pentecostal-­charismatic churches found their way to the island beginning in the 1920s. I will give unequal attention to the various groups in this chapter, focusing specifically on those for which little information is currently available. These include the Japan Apostolic Mission, the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International Formosa Chapter (1958–1968?), Oral Roberts in Taiwan (1960), and Jean Stone and Richard J.  Willans’ short stay in Taiwan in 1968. While the many and varied groups introduced in this chapter may be a little overwhelming for readers exposed to the subject matter for the first time, they testify to the fertile mission field in postwar Taiwan. Since some of the pentecostal-charismatic groups introduced in this chapter made significant contributions to the development of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan over the span of the next few decades, more discussion of their activities will also appear in later chapters.

True Jesus Church The first organized Pentecostal church that appeared in Taiwan during Japanese rule (1895–1945) was the True Jesus Church (TJC) that originated in China in the 1910s. The True Jesus Church (TJC) expanded

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widely in the 1920s and became the largest indigenous church in China by the 1930s.1 One of the early leaders of the TJC, Barnabas Chang (Zhang Dianju, 張殿舉), together with a few workers, visited Taiwan for forty days in 1926. During this time, he started three churches, ordained elders and deacons, and baptized more than one hundred people.2 The success of the productive first visit was attributed to their “strategy” to target and “convert” the Presbyterian believers—a tactic that was specifically effective due

1  Daniel H.  Bays, “Indigenous Protestant Churches in China, 1900–1937,” 127, 136. Research on the True Jesus Church abounds. Additional significant works include Melissa Wei-Tsing Inouye, China and the True Jesus: Charisma and Organization in a Chinese Christian Church (Kettering: Oxford University Press 2019); Huang Ke-hsien, “Taming the Spirit by Appropriating Indigenous Culture: An Ethnographic Study of the True Jesus Church as Confucian-Style Pentecostalism,” in Global Chinese Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity, ed. Yang Fenggang, Joy K.C.  Tong, and Allan H.  Anderson (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 118–36; Iap Sian-Chin, “Bernt Berntsen: A Prominent Oneness Pentecostal Pioneer to North China,” in Global Renewal Christianity: Asia and Oceania, 91–106; David Reed, “Autochthonous and Multicultural: Beliefs and Boundary-Keeping in the True Jesus Church,” AJPS 14:1 (2011): 93–107; Deng Zhaoming, “Indigenous Chinese Pentecostal Denominations,” in Asian and Pentecostal: The Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia, ed. Allan Anderson and Edmond Tang, 2nd ed. (Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2011), 354–78; Lian Xi, Redeemed by Fire, 42–63. Tsai Lee-chen 蔡麗貞, “Zhenyesu jiaohui de shenglinglun” 真耶穌教會的聖靈論 [Pneumatology of the True Jesus Church], in Shengling gujinlun: Cong shengjing, lishi, shenxue kan Shen de tongzai 聖靈古今論: 從聖經, 歷史, 神學看神 的同在 [The Holy Spirit then and now: Discussing God’s presence from biblical, historical, and theological perspectives], ed. Archie Wang-do Hui 許宏度 (Taipei: China Evangelical Seminary, 1999), 297–316; Daniel H.  Bays, “Indigenous Protestant Churches in China, 1900–1937: A Pentecostal Case Study,” in Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity, ed. Steven Kaplan (New York: New  York University Press, 1995), 124–141; Murray A.  Rubinstein, “Evangelical Spring: The Origin of the True Jesus Church on Taiwan, 1925–1926.” Society for Pentecostal Studies Sixteenth Annual Meeting, November 13–15, 1986, Costa Mesa, CA; and Swanson, Taiwan: Mainline versus Independent Church Growth, 171–87. 2  True Jesus Church, “Benhuilishi” 本會歷史 [History of the True Jesus Church], Zhenysujiaohui Taiwan chuanjiao sanshi zhounian jiniankan 真耶穌教會台灣傳教三十週年 紀念刊 [Thirtieth anniversary volume of True Jesus Church’s mission work in Taiwan] (Taichung: True Jesus Church, 1956), 5–6.

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to interpersonal conflicts within the Presbyterian Church.3 A general assembly was eventually formed in Taichung in central Taiwan in 1956.4 The doctrines and practices of the TJC have not changed much since they were first documented in the first issue of their publication, Wanguo gengzhengjiao bao, in 1919.5 The most significant doctrines and practices of the present-day TJC include their Oneness theology—invoking only the name of Jesus during water baptism, seeking the baptism of the Holy Spirit with tongues as evidence, regarding Saturday as the Sabbath for worship, and implementing the sacrament of foot washing.6 In addition, their narrow ecclesiology is marked by branding the term “true” in the name of the church, implying that other churches may have missed the mark one way or another. For them, a true church is characterized by an attempt to restore Christianity to its pristine apostolic state.7 3  For an account and analysis of the conflict between the Presbyterian Church and the True Jesus Church upon the latter’s arrival, see Wu Hsueh-ming 吳學明, Cong yilai dao zili: Zhongzhanqian Taiwan nanbu Jidu zhanglaojiaohui yanjiu 從依賴到自立: 終戰前台灣南部 基督長老教會研究 [From dependence to independence: The study of the Presbyterian Church in Southern Taiwan before the end of the Second World War] (Tainan: Ren Guang, 2003), 112–119; Rubinstein, “Evangelical Spring: The Origin of the True Jesus Church on Taiwan, 1925–1926.” Record shows that a few believers from the Holiness Church also “converted” to the True Jesus Church. True Jesus Church, “History of the True Jesus Church in Taiwan,” Thirtieth Anniversary Volume, 7. 4  True Jesus Church, “History of the True Jesus Church in Taiwan,” 7–8. 5  Some of the most important doctrines and practices adopted in the early years were as follows. Believers must (1) receive full immersion face-down baptism; (2) seek the baptism of the Holy Spirit, with speaking in tongues as evidence; (3) keep Saturday as the Sabbath for worship; (4) seek the power of healing and of exorcising demons; (5) in communion break the bread, not cut it; (6) implement the sacrament of foot washing among church members; (7) have ordination by laying of hands; (8) have no time limit for Sabbath worship; (9) all have the right to speak during services; (10) all be permitted to pray aloud during services; (11) seek revelation of the Holy Spirit in choosing overseers (bishops), elders, and deacons; (12) if evangelists, not receive a set salary; and (13) devote their heart, spirit, and livelihood to the Lord, and give at least 10% of their income. Wanguo gengzhengjiao bao 萬國更正教報 [Universal Correction Church Times] 1:1 (1919), quoted in Bays, “Indigenous Protestant Churches in China, 1900–1937,” 134–5. 6  True Jesus Church General Assembly in Taiwan, “Jiben xinyang” 基本信仰 [Basic beliefs], True Jesus Church General Assembly in Taiwan, http://www.tjc.org.tw/ MultiCategor y/MultiCategor yFileContent?gpid=4&mid=38&cid=50&_ query=TJCPortal_ProjectWeb.Models.CommonQueryModel (accessed January 15, 2019). 7  For a comprehensive study of their basic beliefs, see True Jesus Church, “Renshi zhenjiaohui” 認識真教會 [An introduction to the True Church], Zhenyesu jiaohui Taiwan chuanjiao wushi zhounian jiniankan 真耶穌教會台灣傳教五十週年紀念刊 [Fiftieth anniversary

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As a Pentecostal church, the True Jesus Church stresses not only tongues speech as the evidence of Spirit baptism but also different kinds of miracles—including miraculous healings and exorcisms. Taking account of such miracles in Scripture literally (Mark 16:17–20; Hebrews 2:1–4; Acts 14:3), the True Jesus Church believes that one of the criteria of being a “true” church is the presence of signs and wonders.8 Thus, testimonies such as miraculous healing, deliverance from demons, seeing visions, and recovery from addictions are not only abundant within the church, but indispensable to each of their publications.9 Despite their narrow ecclesiology, the True Jesus Church in Taiwan took part in the emerging Ecumenical Movement in Taiwan for a short period of time from 1962 to 1964.10 With the exception of this transitory period, however, they have remained rather isolated from the rest of the ecclesial scene in Taiwan.11 In fact, there were hardly any attempts among non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians to look into the TJC when they were searching for a deeper understanding of the Holy Spirit in the 1960s and the 1970s—a phenomenon which may be attributed to the extent to which the TJC’s theology differs widely from non-charismatic Protestant theologies.

volume of True Jesus Church’s mission work in Taiwan] (Taichung: True Jesus Church, 1976), 281–312. 8   True Jesus Church, “An introduction to the true church,” Fiftieth Anniversary Volume, 287. 9  One may have the impression from a quick glance of their Anniversary Volumes and Shengling yuekan 聖靈月刊 [Holy Spirit Monthly]. 10  Ng Bu-tong, “Zonghui yu shijie jiaohui heyiyundong” 總會與世界教會合一運動 [The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan and the global Ecumenical Movement], in A Centennial History of the Presbyterian Church of Formosa, 337–8. 11  The True Jesus Church was described by scholars as more exclusive in their ecclesial view. See, for example, Cha Shih-chieh 查時傑, “Sishi nianlai de Taiwan jidu jiaohui” 四十年 來的台灣基督教會 [Christian Churches in Taiwan in the past forty years], in Jidujiao yu Taiwan 基督教與台灣 [Christianity and Taiwan], ed. Lin Chi-ping 林治平 (Taipei: Cosmic Light, 1996), 167; Hence, the fact that they were once part of the ecumenical dialogue is all the more remarkable. More research is needed to answer why the TJC turned away from their once open attitude to ecumenism. Although the TJC in Taiwan rarely interacts with other churches, they are not ignorant of other traditions. From time to time, works or views of other traditions are discussed in their Holy Spirit Monthly as a way to introduce their “most correct” position. For instance, a series of articles in Holy Spirit Monthly by Hsieh Shun-tao 謝順道 from May 2016 to January 2018 compares doctrines among traditions concerning baptism, the sacrament of foot washing, Eucharist, and the sabbath.

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Japan Apostolic Mission According to Paul Tsuchido Shew, the first pentecostal missionaries arrived in Yokohama, Japan, in late September 1907. However, these missionaries made little impact, as they suffered from poor funding, planning, and a lack of language and cultural skills.12 Dramatic change for pentecostal work in Japan came with the 1919 revival and outpouring of the Holy Spirit started under Leonard W.  Coote in Yokohama.13 To provide for Japanese pastors, Coote founded Ikoma Bible School in 1929 in Ikoma, Nara, where they equipped students from Japan, Korea, Formosa (Taiwan), and Manchuria to participate in the pentecostal mission.14 Coote began publishing Japan and Pentecost in 1922—a publication on which this section heavily relies.15 From the 1930s to 1942, there was constant invitation and call to work in Formosa in Japan and Pentecost.16 While Coote expressed the desire to start a Pentecostal church and a Bible Training School in Formosa in 1936 so that more Formosan Christians could receive training,17 it was never realized. Due to long distance and high expenses, only a few Formosans had the opportunity to receive education at Ikoma Bible School in Japan. Brother 12  Paul Tsuchido Shew, “Pentecostals in Japan,” in Asian and Pentecostal: The Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia, ed. Allan Anderson and Edmond Tang (Eugene: Wipf & Stock, 2011), 396–7. 13  Shew, “Pentecostals in Japan,” 399–400. 14  Shew, “Pentecostals in Japan,” 402. 15  Paul Tsuchido Shew, “History of the Early Pentecostal Movement in Japan: The Roots and Development of the Pre-War Pentecostal Movement in Japan (1907–1945)” (PhD diss., Fuller Theological Seminary, 2003), 28. I am indebted to Dr. Cecil M. Robeck for sharing his collection of Japan and Pentecost with me, which was obtained originally from Paul Tsuchido Shew. 16  For example, “Do You Know?” no. 101, April, 1935, 8–9; “God is Calling Yet,” no. 117, July 1936, 10; “The Spirit of ‘Daring’ in Foreign Missionary Work,” no. 120, November 1936, 2–3; “1,000 Spirit Filled Trained Navies to Preach Gospel in Japan, Korea and Formosa,” no. 122, January 1937, 6–7; “Do You Find Your Question Listed Below,” March 1940, 12. 17  “Would it not be a wonderful thing if I could go with them, purchase the ground for the headquarters of the Formosa Pentecostal Church, build a Bible Training School for more of these fine Formosan young men, and then thrust them out into every town, every village of that nation that used to be a head-hunting people?” Leonard W.  Coote, “God is Calling Yet,” Japan and Pentecost, no. 116, July, 1936, 10–11. See also “What is the Greatest Need in Foreign Missionary Work?” Japan and Pentecost, no. 121, December, 1936, 11; “Bible Training Schools,” Japan and Pentecost, no. 115, June, 1936, 10.

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Bak was the first Formosan to graduate from the school in 1939.18 Thus, the question remains: How much work was the Japan Apostolic Mission involved in in Taiwan other than receiving Formosans in the Ikoma Bible School? Tiedemann mentions the Japan Apostolic Mission’s work in Taiwan in his work—but with little detail.19 In the April 1935 issue of Japan and Pentecost, concerning Formosa, Coote writes, “That as far as we know no Full Gospel work i---- ----ne amongst them, and that conditions are very favourable for evangelistic work to be carried on from the Ikoma Bible School.”20 It is known that Jun Murai, the superintendent of the Japan Bible Church, visited the True Jesus Church in Taiwan in 1941 and was influenced by its Oneness doctrines. However, whether or not Coote had the True Jesus Church in mind when he stated that no Full Gospel work was found on the island remains unclear.21 In August 1935 in an article titled “Our Activities: Activities Under Consideration— Formosan Evangelistic Efforts,” it reads, Here again is another class of people, with a different language, under the government of the Japanese. Strange enough to say, without our making any effort whatsoever one of the new students in the lkoma Bible School in April is a Formosan. Is this not again a challenge to increase our faith, until we fulfil our God-given call “Japan and Pentecost?” (Japan must of necessity include every section and district of the Japanese Empire)22

18  Leonard W. Coote, “First Formosan Graduate from Ikoma Bible School,” Japan and Pentecost, July 1939, 12. Record shows that one Formosan (name unknown) enrolled in the Bible School in April, 1935, and another two, Mr. Hanseito and Mr. Bakyugen, in 1936. See  Leonard W.  Coote, “Our Activities: Activities Under Consideration—Formosan Evangelistic Efforts,” Japan and Pentecost, no. 105, August, 1935, 14, and “Three Nationalities Amongst New Students,” Japan and Pentecost, no. 115, June, 1936, 10. Mr. Bakyugen, who enrolled in 1936, could be the Brother Bak that graduated in 1939, but what about the other two students who started their training in 1935 and 1936? It is possible that they never finished their study due to various reasons or hardship—although this speculation cannot be verified. 19  R. G. Tiedemann, Handbook of Christianity in China, Vol. 2, 1800 to the Present (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 947. 20  “Do You Know?” Japan and Pentecost, April 1935. Original text mutilated. 21  Murai thereafter changed the name of the church to the Spirit of Jesus Church (Iesu no mitama Kyokai), and began teaching Oneness doctrines. Shew, “History of the Early Pentecostal Movement in Japan,” 285–286, 293–294. Murai’s visit to Taiwan in 1941 is also documented in True Jesus Church, “Church History,” Thirtieth Anniversary Volume (1956), 4–5. 22   Coote, “Our Activities: Activities Under Consideration—Formosan Evangelistic Efforts,” Japan and Pentecost, August 1935, 14.

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It is unclear what type of “effort” Coote was referring to in the article. It could indicate the work of the Japan Apostolic Mission in general, or the effort to recruit Formosans to the Bible school in particular. It is likely that the Japan Apostolic Mission had not started any large-scale work in Formosa as of August 1935, since the subtitle suggests that the activities were merely being considered. In another article in April 1937, Coote expresses that he was torn when invited to go to Formosa to share the full gospel. Apart from his regular work in Japan, he had just started the Korea Bible School, which left him with no extra time or energy for work in Formosa. He begged for understanding from his readers: “Perhaps you are interested in the fact that there is no Full Gospel work in Formosa. May I suggest that you hasten its beginning by helping us push forward the effects for Korea first?”23 Two years later in 1939 when the first Formosan, Brother Bak, graduated from the Ikoma Bible School, Bak approached Coote and asked if he would go to Formosa to establish an Apostolic Church. Still swamped with work in Japan and Korea, Coote showed reservation, although he made it clear that the conviction to go to Formosa and establish a Pentecostal work there “is growing on me more and more.” Coote in turn asked Bak to help with ministry in Japan for a year, “[A]nd if you will agree to help me in the Japan work a year or so, so that you can become more experienced, I will certainly seek the Lord and endeavour to make it possible to go with you and found the Full Gospel work in a year or so, and even should I not be able to go I will certainly trust God to be able to send you.”24 While the Japan Apostolic Mission had not initiated any large-scale work in Formosa as of July 1939, there might have been some scattered efforts found on the island before 1939. In an article in March 1937, Ikoma Bible School is characterized by its endeavor to “return to the state of the ancient apostles (Acts of Apostles) and to proceed on the definite lines followed by the saints of old time.” Their students were encouraged to take part in evangelical work actively and courageously. “For the purpose of preaching the gospel,” it says, “sometime[s] the student will go to Karafuto, Korea or Formosa, and sometimes—co-operating with

23  Leonard W. Coote, “How Shall I Answer Them?” Japan and Pentecost, no. 125, April 1937, 5. 24  Coote, “First Formosan Graduate from Ikoma Bible School,” 12.

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teachers—they will march bravely to fight as one body in a large tent.”25 In other words, students from the Ikoma Bible School were sent to different places, including Formosa, to share the gospel as part of their training. Given this information, the proposition that students from the Bible school might have been sent to Formosa—some 1344  miles away—for practical training at a regular basis seems unlikely. Instead, it may be more reasonable to believe that Formosan students were engaged in ministry while returning home from the Bible school for visits. Pioneering the pentecostal mission in Japan and Korea demanded a great deal from Coote, and he never mentioned any concrete work in Formosa in the Japan and Pentecost up until the end of 1942. At this time, the Second World War escalated in Asia, and control over all religious practices tightened in Taiwan.26 In light of these events, it seems reasonable to conclude that the Japan Apostolic Mission never initiated any large-scale or official work in Formosa—although some students or staff from the Ikoma Bible School might have visited Formosa at different occasions. This would explain why no details of the Japan Apostolic Mission’s work in Taiwan are found in Tiedemann’s work—because they hardly initiated any activities on the island. It would also explain why the Japan Apostolic Mission is never found in any list of the Japanese churches that were at work in Taiwan (see the third footnote of Chap. 2). The fact that the Japan Apostolic Mission did not appear on the list can only mean that the group was never organized or large enough to receive any attention. Furthermore, with the Second World War escalating in 1942 and the subsequent tightening of control over all religious practices in Taiwan, it would be difficult to imagine that the Japanese government would allow any new faith communities to enter Taiwan under such exigent circumstances. In sum, although the 25  “Our Job and Your Job is to Train 1,000 Native Pastors and Evangelists,” Japan and Pentecost, no. 124, March 1937, 6. 26  For the increased censorship of religious practices in Taiwan during the Second World War, see Tsai Hui-pin 蔡蕙頻, “Rizhishiqi Taiwan de zongjiao fazhan yu zunhuang sixiang chutan” 日治時期臺灣的宗教發展與尊皇思想初探 [For the control of the religious development and the respect of Japanese royalty in Taiwan during the period of Japanese rule], Taipeishili Jiaoyudaxue xuebao 臺北市立教育大學學報 [Journal of University of Taipei], 40, no. 1 (2009): 119–142; A. Hamish Ion, “The Cross Under an Imperial Sun: Imperialism, Nationalism, and Japanese Christianity, 1895–1945,” in Handbook of Christianity in Japan ed. Mark R. Mullins (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 82; Hollington K. Tong, Christianity in Taiwan (Taipei: China Post, 1961), 69–83.

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name Formosa appeared from time to time in Japan and Pentecost from 1933 to 1942, the Japan Apostolic Mission appears to have had a limited impact on the island. At most, its message was brought back to Formosa by a small group of natives who had had the privilege to study at, if not graduate from Ikoma Bible School. In other words, with the exception of the True Jesus Church, it is likely that no other Pentecostal groups operated in Taiwan before 1945.27

Different Pentecostal Groups in Postwar Taiwan A few other Pentecostal churches appeared in postwar Taiwan. Unlike previous Pentecostal churches that grew at a rapid speed in other parts of the world, those in Taiwan were not only small in size, some even struggled to survive.28 Joshua Iap and Maurie Sween identify five Assemblies of God churches that are currently present in Taiwan.29 They are first, the China Assemblies of God Taiwan District Council 中國神召會台灣區議會 with the China Assemblies of God General Council being its predecessor30; second, the Taiwan Assemblies of God 台灣神召會 that was established by the Finnish Free Foreign Mission, which first worked in Taiwan 27  The assertion that the Japan Apostolic Mission was established during the rule of Japan by Iap Sian-Chin and Maurie Sween, therefore, necessitates substantiation. Iap Sian-Chin and Maurie Sween, “Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Protestant Taiwan,” 127. 28  Swanson, Taiwan: Mainline versus Independent Church Growth, 121. 29  Iap and Sween, “Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Protestant Taiwan,” 128–129, 132. 30  For a historical overview of the China Assemblies of God Taiwan District Council, see Cheng Shih-chun 鄭詩君 ed., Yibianyixie 1949–1999: Zhongguo Shenzhaohui Taiwanqu yihui laitai xuanjiao wushi zhounian ji quhui zhengshi sheli sishi zhounian jinian tekan 以便 以謝 1949-1999: 中國神召會台灣區議會來台宣教五十週年暨區會正式設立四十週年紀念 特刊 [Ebenezer, 1949–1999: Commemorative volume on the fiftieth anniversary of the mission to Taiwan of the China Assemblies of God Taiwan District Council] (Taipei: China Assemblies of God Taiwan District Council, 1999). The China Assemblies of God Taiwan General Council was founded by the Assemblies of God (USA), headquartered in Springfield, Missouri. Several early AG missionaries to Taiwan in the 1950s and 1960s, such as Robert J.  Bolton, James and Marjorie Baker, Garland Benintendi, and James Andrews, reported their work in Taiwan in The Pentecostal Evangel, a weekly magazine of the Assemblies of God (USA). The magazine can be accessed through the Flower Pentecostal Heritage Center’s website. For a study of the Assemblies of God School of Theology, one of the oldest Pentecostal training institutes in Taiwan, see Michael Chase, “The Origins and Development of Assemblies of God School of Theology in Taiwan,” in Asia Pacific Pentecostalism, ed. Denise A. Austin, Jacqueline Grey, and Paul W. Lewis (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 107–26.

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in 194931; third, the Pentecostal Assembles of China 中華聖召會, which was founded by the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada in 195432; fourth, the Assemblies of God Mountain District Council 神召會山地區議會 formed in the 1960s by the China Assemblies of God Taiwan District Council33; and, fifth, the Taiwan Full Gospel Church 台灣純福音教會 planted by the Yoido Full Gospel Church of Korea in 1991.34 From a quick review of the anniversary volumes of these churches, I am left with the impression that evangelism has always been at the forefront of these churches’ activities, whereas speaking in tongues or healing was not greatly stressed. This may be a result of the fact that Christianity continues to be a minority religion in Taiwan today. In addition to the Assemblies of God family, other Pentecostal groups have also left their footprints in Taiwan in the second half of the twentieth century. These other Pentecostal groups include, for example, the Foursquare Church, the United Pentecostal Church, the Church of God (Cleveland, Tennessee), the Apostolic Church of Pentecost Canada, the Full Gospel Church (Holland), and the Swedish Free Mission. 31  For a detailed historical development of the Taiwan Assemblies of God, see Wu Te-chang 吳德章 and Chen Sheng-hsuan 陳盛宣 ed., Aiwuguojie: Cong beiou dao Taiwan, Jidujiao Taiwan Shenzhaohui lianhui jianshi 1953–2002 愛無國界: 從北歐到台灣, 基督教台灣神召 會聯會簡史 1953–2002 [Finnish Free Foreign Mission in Taiwan: 50th Anniversary Commemorative Volume] (Taipei: Tian En, 2002). Taiwan Assemblies of God do an exceptional job in documenting the lives and works of more than thirty Finnish missionaries in Taiwan in the volume. The two-page description on Taiwan in Eeva Hilpinen ed., Lähetystyön monet kasvot: Suomen Vapaa Ulkolähetys 70 vuotta [Manifold Missions: Finnish Free Foreign Mission, 70 years] (Vantaa, Finland: Suomen vapaa ulkolähetys, 1997) only briefly outlines FFFM’s work in Taiwan. 32  Some accounts of the church’s works in Taiwan can be found in the following issues of The Pentecost Testimony, the official organ of the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada: J. Kenneth McGillivray, “The Man Near the Bridge,” October 1978, 21; Wyn McGillivray, “Village Visiting in Taiwan,” November 1967, 23; Roy E. Upton, “Around the World in Ten Minutes: Formosa,” July 1966, 22; Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, “Help for Hong Kong,” November 1964, 18–9. For a biography of J. Kenneth McGillivray (1917–83), see Calvin C. Ratz, They Call Him Pastor Wheat: The Story of Ken McGillivray in China (Toronto: Overseas Missions Department, the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, 1970). 33  For a brief history of the Assemblies of God Mountain District Council, see Ebenezer, 1949–1999, 18–19. 34  For a brief history of the Taiwan Full Gospel Church, see Ebenezer, 1949–1999, 50–52. The Taiwan Full Gospel Church was affiliated with the China Assemblies of God Taiwan District Council at their founding, but the tie was severed in the late 2000s. Iap and Sween, “Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Protestant Taiwan,” 129.

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Pearl G. Young (1904–1986) and Zion Church (1957) Pearl G.  Young (1904–1986) and Elisabeth Lindau (1911–2003) from Ridgewood Pentecostal Church in Brooklyn, New York, arrived in Taiwan in 1954. They started the Zion Church in Taiwan in 1957. Young embraced the Pentecostal message after her visit to Ridgewood in June 1946, after years of missionary work in China with the China Inland Mission beginning in 1929.35 Hans R. Waldvogel (1893–1969), a German who immigrated to the United States in 1907, was the pastor of Ridgewood from 1925 until his death. According to historian Edith L. Blumhofer (also known as Edith Waldvogel Blumhofer—the granddaughter of Hans’ older brother, Gottfried Waldvogel), the Ridgewood Pentecostal Church and Hans Waldvogel’s ministry were “inextricably linked.”36 Since the spirituality of the Zion Church in Taiwan can be directly traced to that of Ridgewood, a brief account of Hans Waldvogel is in order. Hans was born into a Baptist pastor’s family in Herisau, Switzerland. The family “drew on the richly textured pietism that, in its English forms, had produced Methodism and the Great Awakenings.” Among several sources of influence were the writings and ministry of Otto Stockmayer (1838–1917), who was closely associated with the Keswick movement. The man’s commitment to holiness and spiritual power influenced the Waldvogels’ perspective on contemporary evangelical teachings.37 The family subsequently moved to the United States. Influenced by George Finnern while in Kenosha, Wisconsin, Hans Waldvogel eventually left the Baptist Church, and joined the Pentecostal Movement by entering full-time ministry with the Finnerns in 1920. His time with the Finnerns further shaped his ministry convictions, especially 35  Pearl G. Young, “The Purpose of the Baptism of the Holy Spirit: The Personal Testimony of Miss Pearl Young,” Bread of Life 2, no. 8, August 1953, 5, 10. Bread of Life is the monthly publication of the Ridgewood Pentecostal Church. Pearl G. Young, Wo zai zheli qing chaiqian wo: Rong Yaoxiu jiaoshi zizhuan 我在這裡請差遣我: 榮耀秀教士自傳 [“Here am I, send me!”: The autobiography of Pearl G. Young, Missionary in Taiwan], trans. Fanny L. Tsao 劉 秀慧 (Taichung: Zion Church, 2007), 34, 48–53. 36  Edith L. Blumhofer, “Biography of Hans Waldvogel,” Ridgewood Pentecostal Church, http://hanswaldvogel.com/biography.html (accessed December 3, 2016). Entitled “History Matters,” the article was originally published in a booklet issued in 2000 on the occasion of the seventy-fifth anniversary of Ridgewood Pentecostal Church. 37  Blumhofer, “Biography of Hans Waldvogel.”

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in regard to the importance of altar service, daily morning worship, and the protracted time of “waiting on God.”38 The Finnerns also took Waldvogel to the Zion Faith Homes in Zion, Illinois—an independent pentecostal fellowship that was associated with Alexander Dowie. Waldvogel spent a few months in the Zion Faith Homes in 1923.39 Waldvogel took up the position at Ridgewood Pentecostal Church in 1925. At the time, the church was deeply divided by the Pentecostal movement. However, rather than being partisan, Waldvogel was able to find common ground that was acceptable to the congregation. He introduced to the church the concept of “waiting on God.” He further conveyed to people that pentecostalism is not synonymous with fanaticism or noise, but that the operation of the Holy Spirit can be manifested in both praise and silence.40 Rather than a typical Classical Pentecostal church where speaking in tongue is the distinctive mark, Ridgewood is marked by the mingling of Pentecostalism and pietism.41 Despite the conspicuous pentecostal spirituality and practices, pentecostal phenomena are never the end goal for Waldvogel. Unlike Classical Pentecostalism that sees speaking in tongues as the sole evidence of Spirit baptism, Hans Waldvogel understands the baptism of the Holy Spirit as “the coming of the Kingdom of God in the life of an individual,” which enables one to follow Jesus fully as one comes more and more “under the control of the Holy Ghost.”42 Waldvogel does not regard speaking in tongues as a “climax.” While he affirms the experience, it is but a beginning. The climax, says Waldvogel, is when one is “filled with all the fullness of God” on earth. For him, baptism according to John 7:38 is superior to that according to Acts 2:4.43 Waldvogel’s approach to the Holy Spirit was later exported to the Zion Church in Taiwan through Pearl Young and Elisabeth Lindau.44 To this day, a sector 38  Blumhofer, “Biography of Hans Waldvogel.” “Waiting on God” in the Ridgewood tradition is a practice and posture where people worship God in silence, and respond with spoken or unspoken prayers or songs as moved by the Holy Spirit. 39  Blumhofer, “Biography of Hans Waldvogel.” 40  Blumhofer, “Biography of Hans Waldvogel.” 41  Iap Sian-Chin and Maurie Sween, “Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Protestant Taiwan,” 130. 42  Hans Waldvogel, “The Baptism of the Holy Spirit,” Bread of Life 17:5 (May 1968): 3–4. 43  Hans Waldvogel, “The Baptism of the Holy Spirit,” 3–4. 44   Young and Lindau often contributed to Bread of Life, the monthly publication (December 1951–December 1986) of the Ridgewood Pentecostal Church to account for their mission work in Taiwan. See, for example, Pearl Young and Elisabeth Lindau, “Real

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of the Zion Church in Taiwan continues to be known for their emphasis on “waiting on God” and “inner life.” Even more, the Zion Church’s approach to the Holy Spirit was also widely accepted by prominent evangelical preacher like Kou Shih-yuan in Taiwan as early as the 1950s. Having spent some years praying with Young when he first started ministry, Kou writes in his memoir that Young emphasized God’s presence more than speaking in tongues as God’s presence.45 In the 1960s and the 1970s when Evangelicals in Taiwan expressed their desire to learn more about the Holy Spirit, Zion Church and Pearl Young were the go-to place and person for many.

Nicholas G. Krushnisky (1932–2016) The Latter Rain Movement in 1948 that originated in Saskatchewan, Canada, took place within a context in which Pentecostal churches were believed to have institutionalized and to have neglected the operation of the gifts of the Holy Spirit. The Latter Rain Movement, thus, sought a new outpouring of the Holy Spirit and was known for its strong emphasis on the operation of charismatic gifts.46 Leaders of the movement such as George Hawtin also adopted a theology that included the restoration of Victories in Formosa,” Bread of Life 6, no. 10 (October 1957): 8–9; Elisabeth Lindau and Pearl Young, “On the Island of Formosa,” Bread of Life 5, no. 4 (April 1956): 8–9. See also their articles in A Vine Grows in Brooklyn: Commemorating the 75th Anniversary of the Ridgewood Pentecostal Fellowship: 1925–2000 (Brooklyn: Ridgewood Pentecostal Church, 2002), 337–353. 45  Kou Shih-yuan 寇世遠, Beiendai yu beilianminde: Kou Shih-yuan jiandu huiyilu 被恩待 與被憐憫的: 寇世遠監督回憶錄 [The one who is shown mercy and compassion: The memoir of Bishop Kou Shih-yuan], (Taipei: Cosmic Light, 2006), 97–99. 46  Richard Riss, Latter Rain: The Latter Rain Movement of 1948 and the Mid-Twentieth Century Evangelical Awakening (Mississauga, ON: Honeycomb Visual Productions, 1987), 11–2. The Latter Rain Movement of the late 1940s and 1950s has received considerably less attention than other periods of Pentecostal and Charismatic renewal in scholarship. A few works produced on the subject include William D. Faupel, “The New Order of the Latter Rain: Restoration or Renewal?” in Winds from the North: Canadian Contributions to the Pentecostal Movement, ed. Michael Wilkinson and Peter Althouse (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2010), 239–263; Edith L.  Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith: The Assemblies of God, Pentecostalism and American Culture (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 203–221; Richard Riss, Latter Rain: The Latter Rain Movement of 1948 and the MidTwentieth Century Evangelical Awakening (1987), “The Latter Rain Movement of 1948,” PNEUMA: The Journal of the Society for Pentecostal Studies (Spring 1982): 32–45; Holdcroft, L. Thomas, “The New Order of the Latter Rain,” Paraclete 14:2 (Spring 1980): 18–22.

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the fivefold ministry of apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors, and teachers47; such theology, in due time, made its way to Taiwan and left an imprint upon Taiwanese churches. Glad Tidings in Vancouver, Canada, under the leadership of Reginald Layzell (1904–1984), who was a central figure of the Latter Rain Movement in 1948,48 sent their first missionary couple, Raymond and Florence Erickson, to Taiwan in April 1952.49 Included in the list of missionaries sent by the church in subsequent years was Nicholas G. Krushnisky (1932–2016), who first set foot on Taiwan in November 1958. As a Ukrainian-Canadian, Krushnisky was reared Greek Orthodox. He was baptized in a Baptist church and “became a true Christian” in 1954.50 It was not until December 1954 that Krushnisky began to associate with Pentecostalism and was subsequently baptized with the Holy Spirit in 1955.51 After intense training at the Glad Tidings, Krushnisky was sent to Taiwan in 1958.52 Krushnisky spent his first twelve years in Taiwan sharing the Gospel with the Aborigines in the mountains, before becoming the chaplain of De-sheng Chapel 德生堂 at Chinese Culture University (hereafter Culture University) in 1973 and lecturing in the university’s Department of English. A number of Krushnisky’s students became staunch promoters of the pentecostal-charismatic message in Taiwan beginning in the early 1980s. Krushnisky also started a church, the Elim Christian Center 以琳 基督徒中心, in Taipei in 1981.53

 Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, 206–9.  For writings of Layzell, see Reginald Layzell, The Pastor’s Pen: Early Revival Writings of Pastor Reg. Layzell (Vancouver, BC: Glad Tidings Temple, 1965). 49  Hugh Layzell and Audrey Layzell, Sons of His Purpose: The Interweaving of the Ministry of Reg Layzell, and His Son, Hugh, during a Season of Revival (San Bernardino, CA: 2018), 207–8. 50  Nicholas Krushnisky and Deborah Krushnisky (Kuo Chuen-hua 郭春花), “Huangjinxin xuanjiaoqing: Huishou laishilu yi” 黃金心宣教情—回首來時路 (一) [A faithful servant, a missionary heart: Reminiscing the past, part 1], in Huangjinxin xuanjiaoqing: Kexineng mushi zhuisi jinianji 黃金心宣教情—柯希能牧師追思紀念集 [A faithful servant, a missionary heart: Rev. Nicholas G. Krushnisky in memoriam], ed. Elim Christian Center (Taipei: Elim Christian Center, 2016), 7. The author is indebted to Preacher Chang Ming-chi 張明 琪from the Elim Christian Center for providing relevant materials on Krushnisky. 51  “Reminiscing about the Past,” 13–4. 52  “Reminiscing about the Past,” 16–7. 53  “Reminiscing about the Past,” 30–1. 47 48

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Krushnisky’s ministry before 1970 was heavily evangelistic in nature (as was the case with many other pentecostal missionaries in Taiwan during this time). That this is the case is demonstrated by the fact that he spent his first twelve years in Taiwan sharing the Gospel with the Aborigines in mountainous areas that were difficult to reach.54 Charismatic experiences were not altogether absent, however. For example, Krushnisky writes that once while hosting an evangelistic service in Pingtung, Taiwan’s southernmost county, an elderly man who had been afflicted by mouth disease (患 喉疾) was healed the first night of the meeting. The next day, a seventyseven-­year-old man who had been paralyzed for seven years was able to walk.55 Despite his extensive ministry around the island before 1970, it does not appear that Krushnisky’s pentecostal message spread beyond his immediate circle before he arrived at Culture University in 1973.

New Testament Church (1965) Murray A.  Rubinstein (1989) and Peng Fei (1997) have each written important scholarly works on the New Testament Church in Taiwan. Their works are authored from theological and sociological perspectives, respectively.56 New Testament Church was founded in Hong Kong in 1963 by movie star and popular singer, Kong Duen-yee (江端儀, Mei Yi being her stage name, 1923–1966). Kong’s mother had become a Protestant and had Kong baptized when she was seven years old without explaining to her the meaning of salvation. According to Kong, she lived a worldly, sinful, and  “Reminiscing about the Past,” 20–3.  “Reminiscing about the Past,” 18. 56  Peng Fei 彭菲, “Shenshi yu xianzhi: Yige zongjiao tuanti de yanjiu” 神示與先知: 一個宗 教團體的研究 [Divine revelation and prophecy: A study of a religious group], in Taiwan zongjiao bianqian de shehui zhengzhi fenxi 台灣宗教變遷的社會政治分析 [A socio-political analysis of religious development in Taiwan], ed. Chiu Hei-yuan 瞿海源 (Taipei: Kuei Kuan, 1997), 631–701. Murray A. Rubinstein, “Challenge of an Indigenized, Radical Charismatic Sectarianism: The New Testament Church and the Taiwanese Protestant Community, 1960–1988,” in the Society for Pentecostal Studies, 1989, Fresno, CA, reprinted as “The New Testament Church and the Taiwanese Protestant Community,” in Christianity in China: From the Eighteenth Century to the Present, ed. Daniel Bays (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 445–73. 54 55

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miserable life for much of her adulthood. It was not until 1957, when Kong was forced into a moment of crisis by a torturous stomach ulcer that she turned to Jesus.57 Subsequently, Kong started to attend church. She also enrolled in a Bible school in the evening while she continued her work in the movie industry.58 In 1959, Kong gave up her career in the entertainment industry and went into full-time ministry. Before she died from tongue cancer in 1966, Kong had planted several churches in Singapore, Malaysia, and Taiwan. Kong’s theology can be found in A Living Testimony to the Truth—a work that introduces the basic doctrines of the New Testament Church and her own testimony. Kong’s theology can be generally described as (conservative) evangelical with a mixture of charismatic color. In the work, she also spends considerable space discussing God’s healing power. Kong’s message in her early work was Christ-centered and primarily revolved around the blood, cross and resurrection of Jesus, salvation, being born again, the grace of the Holy Spirit, sanctification, a life of faith, the coming of Christ, and judgment on the Last Day.59 It was not until she received Spirit baptism and started to speak in tongues on July 10, 1961, that Kong started to include charisms to preach what she would later call the “Full Gospel of Christ.” For Kong, the “Full Gospel” entails that believers receive not only blood and water baptism but also Spirit baptism.60 Kong also emphasized the importance of separating oneself from other denominations or heresies that are tainted by false beliefs, so as to worship in the one true church, namely, the New Testament Church.61 Her theology became the framework of the New Testament Church in Taiwan in the years to come.

57  Kong Duen-yee 江端儀, Shengming zhengdaoji 生命證道集 [A living testimony to the truth] (Hong Kong: Grace of Jesus Christ Crusade, 1963), 230–8. 58  Kong, A Living Testimony to the Truth, 244–5. The theology that Kong learned from the Bible school may have laid some foundation for Kong’s ensuing theological development, but I was unable to identify the school that Kong attended. 59  Kong, A Living Testimony to the Truth, 273. 60  Kong, A Living Testimony to the Truth, 383. 61  Kong, A Living Testimony to the Truth, 64–119. Kong’s works can all be retrieved from the New Testament Church’s website.

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Kong planted several churches in Taiwan during her visit in 1965.62 During the visit, Kong met Elijah Hong and laid hands on him.63 After Kong passed away in 1966, Kong’s daughter, Ruth Cheung 張路得 (also known as Ruth C. Chen), served as a leader of the New Testament Church for a few years.64 In 1969, however, Ruth Cheung made a “spiritual U-turn” after her marriage: she put an end to her mother’s separatist tendency by being more appreciative of other denominations’ traditions.65 She also allowed believers to watch television and movies and discouraged them from speaking ill of historical denominations.66 Elijah Hong and a group of workers in Taiwan opposed Ruth Cheung, as they believed she had committed “spiritual adultery.”67 Given that Hong was an advocate of Kong’s theology in its purest form, and because of his already-established authority from previous years, Hong was able to assume the position of head pastor at the New Testament Church in Taiwan in 1976 without much conflict.68 Kong’s laying hands on Elijah Hong during her first visit in 1965 provided further “justification” for Hong’s supposed leadership. Over time, Hong would come to be known as “the Prophet Hong,” and highly respected by followers within the church.

62  New Testament churches in Taiwan in the early days were composed of believers from different denominations, especially those from the Church Assembly Hall after several major schisms took place from 1962 to 1965 due to leadership conflicts. A few workers from the Assembly Hall, including Elijah Hong, embraced Kong’s theology and became the staunch advocates of the New Testament Church. Peng, “Divine Revelation and Prophecy,” 339. See also Morris Aaron Fred, “Ritual as Ideology in an Indigenous Chinese Christian Church” (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1975), 212–3. Fred’s dissertation explores the historical development of the Church Assembly Hall. 63  Elijah Hong 洪以利亞, Shen suo jianxuan de yigeren yizuoshan 神所揀選的一個人一座山 [A man and a mountain] (Taipei: Grace of Jesus Christ Crusade, 1982), 27–8. 64  Peng, “Divine Revelation and Prophecy,” 353. 65  Ruth Cheung’s “spiritual U-turn” is observed in her thirteen-page letter to Elijah Hong dated April 20, 1976. The letter can be found in Grace of Jesus Christ Crusade, Buweibei na cong tianshang laide yixiang 不違背那從天上來的異象 [Never disobey the vision from heaven] (Kaohsiung: Grace of Jesus Christ Crusade, 2000), 25–37. 66  Peng, “Divine Revelation and Prophecy,” 331. 67  Peng, “Divine Revelation and Prophecy,” 332–4. Since a considerable number of followers in Taiwan’s New Testament Church originally came from the Christian Assembly Hall, Kong Duen-yee’s narrower ecclesiology may have appeared to be more fitting to Hong and others with the Assembly Hall background, as Ruth Cheung’s openness required qualifications they would have been unlikely to support. 68  Peng, “Divine Revelation and Prophecy,” 341, 354–5.

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Kong’s approach to faith was otherworldly, as she emphasized embodying the “Full Gospel” involves separating oneself from the world for God. In contrast, Elijah Hong, for a period of time, appeared to be this-worldly and even political, as Hong and his followers believed that they were mistreated by the Nationalist government in Taiwan in the 1970s and the 1980s.69 Hong uses Kong’s work as the basis for his thought, but carries it further, as he pastored a church in a hostile political climate.70 Both Kong and Hong saw the New Testament church as the one true church— but whereas Kong’s vision was to build a new church that would restore Christianity to its pristine Apostolic state, Hong’s mission was to build a New Testament Church in Taiwan on Mount Zion, a “holy mountain” that Hong believed was chosen by God and dedicated for the use of God and their community.71 Rubinstein opines that Hong stressed Kong’s doctrines because they would enable the church to survive under his pastorship and would secure his own power base as a charismatic leader.72 Rubinstein introduces the doctrines of the New Testament Church in Taiwan against the sociopolitical backdrop of Taiwan in the 1970s. While he provides a careful study of their writings and considers the church “an interesting, and even important, attempt to create an indigenous Pentecostalism,” Rubinstein concludes that the church was a threat to the Taiwanese Christian community at large, and could potentially do “much harm” to the ongoing effort to create a Protestant Taiwan. Rubinstein argues that the New Testament Church is a threat because “it sees itself as at war with all other churches,” and because it attacks the government, which was, by and large, tolerant of many diverse religious bodies and has opened doors to Christian missionaries. Additionally, Rubinstein suggests that the New Testament Church’s visible and public presence in Taiwan ended up casting all Christian organizations in a bad light.73

 Peng, “Divine Revelation and Prophecy,” 335.  Rubinstein, “The New Testament Church,” 463. 71  Kong, A Living Testimony to the Truth, 386. Hong, A Man and A Mountain, 57–8, 122–40. Mount Zion is a mountain reservation located in Kaohsiung County. Today, the community of Mount Zion is constituted of about two hundred people and it is self-sufficient. They grow their own food and provide education for children in the community since 1997. Elijah Hong distrusts the humanistic education of the public school, and thus advocates for a God-centered Christian education. 72  Rubinstein, “The New Testament Church,” 463. 73  Rubinstein, “The New Testament Church,” 445, 469, 470. 69 70

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Rubinstein’s work was first presented three decades ago, and his conclusion that the New Testament Church could be an ongoing “threat” to Taiwanese Protestantism has proved to be untrue. What is curious about Rubinstein’s assessment about the conflicts between the New Testament Church and Taiwan’s Nationalist government is that as he examines Elijah Hong’s fierce language that demonizes the government, he downplays the injustices of the government’s dealings with the church. It is true that the New Testament Church opposed denominational churches, as well as the Catholic Church, Mormonism, the Jehovah’s Witness, the Seventh-Day Adventist Church, the True Jesus Church, the Social Gospel, and so on. Yet, the church’s militant attitude was actually not that unusual in Taiwan during this time (as the context provided by our earlier discussion in Chap. 2 reminds us).74 In the non-Christian Taiwan that predated Rubinstein’s writings, indigenous churches had a tendency to take on a sectarian form, or even declare their legitimacy as truth-holders for self-preservation’s sake.75 Publications from the New Testament Church beginning in the 1970s are filled with charismatic color. Whereas Kong stresses various charisms while tending to read Scripture allegorically, Elijah Hong freely reads his own interpretation into the Scripture and employs different signs of nature to attest the validity of his work. For Hong, signs of unusual matters, or miracles, are often the results of prayer or blessing from God.76 By contrast, natural calamities and disorder in the societies of his time were seen as manifestations of the Last Day, which were understood as signs of God’s punishment. Adverse experiences, such as a fire on the mountain, or the forced expelling of Hong and his followers from Mount Zion by the

74  Rubinstein points out that Kong’s attacks on Catholicism are not unique to pentecostal or evangelical circles in Taiwan, as the books he found in the Taiwan Baptist Convention’s reading room in Taipei in 1983 expressed similar views. Rubinstein, “The New Testament Church,” 464. 75  From Rubinstein’s study of Kong’s works, A Living Testimony to the Truth, and Ti fang yi duan 提防異端 [Beware of Heresies], Rubinstein notes that in Kong’s discussion, the points that divide the New Testament Church and the True Jesus Church are rather minor. He suggests that the fact that Kong devotes quite some attention to True Jesus Church’s theology and practices indicates that she sees them as a major competitor, as well as potential followers of the New Testament Church. Rubinstein, “The New Testament Church and the Taiwanese Protestant Community,” 465. 76  Hong, A Man and A Mountain, 61, 78, 127.

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authorities were interpreted as the work of Satan.77 Additionally, Hong was also preoccupied with the spiritual significance of certain numbers.78 Not only did Taiwanese Evangelicals find fault with many aspects of the New Testament Church’s teaching, they also criticized the church’s practices. The renowned preacher Kou Shih-yuan from Taiwan, for example, had a negative encounter with the New Testament Church when he was invited to speak in Hong Kong in 1964. According to Kou, New Testament Church members stood at the door of the meeting hall to hand out flyers, while claiming that all churches would close down by 1965 except the New Testament Church.79 In Taiwan, it was reported that one day in December 1977, a van with New Testament Church members stopped at the door of a Methodist church in Kaohsiung, and, through a loudspeaker, urged people to leave the Methodist church and join the New Testament Church. According to the man using the loudspeaker, Methodists could not be saved—but they could be saved if they came to the New Testament Church, which has life and the Holy Spirit.80 Given that the theology and practices of the New Testament Church were considered radical and “aggressive” for the conservative Christians in Taiwan from the mid-1960s to around 1990, many Christians were afraid of the church and consciously stayed away from it. As we will see in Chap. 5, when non-charismatic Taiwanese leaders started to open up to and teach the charismatic message in the 1980s, their ill-impression of the New Testament Church, to an extent, informed their approaches.

Charismatic Phenomena Among Non-Charismatic Christians in Taiwan So far, we have identified several pentecostal groups at work in Taiwan before 1970. Charismatic experiences, however, were not confined to these communities alone. One of the most well-known non-charismatic groups in Taiwan that experienced manifestations of the Holy Spirit was  Hong, A Man and A Mountain, 14, 168–78.  Hong, A Man and A Mountain, 23, 83, 108, 149. 79  Kou Shih-yuan, “Zhengshi fangyan wenti” 正視方言問題 [A serious discussion about speaking in tongues] in Renshi Shengling 認識聖靈 [Knowing the Holy Spirit], by Kou Shihyuan (Taipei: Heavenly Voice Foundation, 1987), 176. 80  Stephen Wu 吳鯤生, “Qianlun Xinyue Jiaohui” 淺論「新約教會」 [A brief look at the New Testament Church], Xiaoyuan zazhi 校園雜誌 [Campus Magazine], August 1978, 29–30. 77 78

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the Chinese Christian Local Church 中華基督徒地方教會 in Taipei, under the leadership of Elder Wu Yung. The church was established as an offshoot of the Hsu Chang Street Young Adult Christian Fellowship that first started meeting in 1945 in Taipei. I have explored Wu Yung’s charismatic experiences and his understanding of the Holy Spirit elsewhere.81 Not only was Wu miraculously healed from the last stage of stomach cancer in 1951, he also started speaking in tongues in 1956 or 1957, engaged in deliverance ministry, and witnessed dramatic charismatic manifestations several times in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. What I did not mention in the article is that in 1956, fervor over the gift of tongues at Wu Yung’s Nanking Road Church in Taipei in 1956 led to conflicts within the church, which incident was recorded in the Overseas Bulletin published by the Overseas Missionary Fellowship of the China Inland Mission: Superficial Conviction. Concurrently with real spiritual blessing at the Nanking Road Church, Taipei, where Miss Ammonds gives help, there are problems created by division on the “Tongues” issue. She feels that the need is for such a real outpouring of the Holy Spirit in conviction that the people will realise how relatively unimportant “tongues” are. Souls are still professing faith but the work does not appear to be sufficiently deep in many cases.82

Nanking Road Church (known today as Nanking East Road Christian Church 南京東路禮拜堂) was started by Wu Yung and his associates in 1953. It is probable that the “tongues” issue at the church in 1956 was a result of Wu Yung sharing his own experiences of speaking in tongues with the congregation, although more research is needed. During my research, I have come across several other written and oral sources that suggest sporadic revivals with charismatic manifestations among non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan before 1970. Nonetheless, these sources are often too porous to make complete the story.83 81  Judith C.  P. Lin, “A Newfound Friend or a Good Old Companion? Charismatic Sensitivities in Protestant Churches in Taiwan,” PNEUMA 40:3 (2018): 306–25. 82  J. Oswald Sanders, “Taiwan,” The Overseas Bulletin, July 1956, 92. Miss Ammonds is Jessie Ammonds, who cooperates with Wu Yung’s church in women’s work, Bible teaching, and spiritual counseling. Henry Owen, “All-Out Evangelism: The Only Answer to Taiwan’s Spiritual Need,” The Millions, November 1956, 148. 83  The June 1975 issue of Campus Magazine of the Campus Evangelical Fellowship briefly states that “tongues issues have increased in churches,” which is why they excerpted and published two pages of David M. Howard’s By the Power of the Holy Spirit (1973), as a way

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Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International Formosa Chapter (1958–1968?) and Oral Roberts in Taiwan (1960) Even though Oral Roberts’ trip to Taiwan in 1960 was independent of the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International (FGBMFI), it is fitting to discuss the two under the same heading because of the close association of Roberts with the FGBMFI, the proximity in time of their activities in Taiwan, and also because the same influential and powerful people in Taiwan were instrumental in organizing both ministries. FGBMFI Formosa Chapter (1958–1968?) While the present-day well-known Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International (FGBMFI) Chapter in Taiwan was started by Tony Kuo-­ sheng Tseng and Andrew Chi-ming Chang in 1986, what is not known to most is that the first FGBMFI Chapter in Taiwan was in fact started as early as January 1958. In a report in the February 1958 issue of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice, Harold Herman, the Assemblies of God missionary evangelist, reports on the United Salvation and Healing Campaign that he and his team had just completed in Taipei. It is believed that the campaign took place in January 1958.84 The twenty-four-day crusade resulted in hundreds being led to Christ, many receiving the baptism of the Holy Spirit, numerous healing accounts, the opening of an Assemblies of God Evangelistic Center in Taipei to care for the new converts, and the formation of the Formosa Chapter of the FGBMFI.85 According to Vinson of recommending a newly translated work on the issue that their readers might consult. David M. Howard, “Wanren han tianshi de fangyan” 萬人和天使的方言 [Tongues of men and of angels], trans. Liu Liang-shwu 劉良淑, Campus Magazine, June 1975, 28–9, excerpted from David M.  Howard, By the Power of the Holy Spirit (Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 1973). 84  Voice was not always careful in documenting the dates of events in the 1950s and the 1960s. Herman’s trip to Taiwan in January 1958 is established from a note by Herman in the January 1958 issue of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice. Writing from Taiwan, Herman says he would be flying to Hong Kong soon, and would be sending news of their “great victory in Taiwan.” Hal Herman, “Speaker at Sung’s Anniversary,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 5, no. 12, January 1958, 33. 85  Harold Herman, “Christ Gives Great Victory in Formosa,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 6, no. 1, February 1958, 13–7.

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Synan, it was common for healing evangelists to open new FGBMFI ­chapters after major crusades.86 Curiously, however, as Synan documents the growth of FGBMFI chapters worldwide in the second half of the 1950s—including several chapters in Asia such as those in India, Hong Kong, Singapore, Korea, and Japan—the opening of Formosa Chapter was neglected.87 Herman indicates that three of the top sponsors of the United Evangelistic Campaign in Taipei were “Madame Ho, wife of the famed four-star General Ho,” “Dr. Chen, who served as personal Pastor to the Generalissimo and who was campaign manager,” and “Madame Wang, wife of Dr. Wang, veteran Chief Justice of Free China” (Fig. 3.1).88 Dr. Chen and Matthew Lee 李廣業, an Assemblies of God pastor, interpreted for Herman.89 The Pentecostal Evangel published by the Assemblies of God (USA) listed the Assemblies of God (in Taiwan presumably) as the additional organization that invited Herman to Taiwan.90 The launching of the Formosa Chapter of FGBMFI received a separate report in the February 1958 issue of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice. Towards the end of the campaign, Herman called for all who were interested in the formation of the Formosa Chapter to meet him for lunch. More than one hundred people attended, including many high-ranking Chinese ladies. All present “unanimously agreed” that “the Formosa Chapter should be opened then and there.”91 At the end, “two mature and consecrated Christian men” were selected as co-chairmen of the Formosa Chapter: Major General Wu (Samuel S.  C. Wu 吳嵩慶) and Chang Ching-yu 張靜愚. S.  S. Hwa, Managing Director of the Taiwan Navigation Company, and Colonel Thomas C. Kung together filled the position of Secretary-Treasurer (Fig. 3.2).92  Vinson Synan, Under His Banner (Costa Mesa, CA: Gift, 1992), 73.  Synan, Under His Banner, 72–3. 88  Herman, “Christ Gives Great Victory in Formosa,” 14. 89  Herman, “Christ Gives Great Victory in Formosa,” 17. Dr. Chen was likely to be Pastor Chen Wei-ping 陳維屏 (1876–1972), whereas Madame Wang was likely to be Wang Chu Hsueh-chin 王朱學勤, wife of Wang Chung-hui 王寵惠 (1881–1958), a prominent jurist, diplomat, and politician. Wang Chu Hsueh-chin was actively involved during Oral Roberts’ visit to Taiwan in 1960 (see discussion below). 90  James Baker, “God’s Power in Formosa,” The Pentecostal Evangel, no. 2289, March 23, 1958, 12–3. 91  Harold Herman, “Formosa Launches FGBMFI Chapter,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 6, no. 1, February 1958, 27. 92  Herman, “Formosa Launches FGBMFI Chapter,” 27. 86 87

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Fig. 3.1  This photograph was published on page 14 of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 6, no. 1, February 1958. Left to right: Harold Herman, Madame Ho, Dr. and Pastor Chen, and Madame Wang. I am thankful to FGBMFI for granting me permission to reprint the image in this book. Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International

In the July–August 1960 issue of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice, an article reports Harold Herman’s recent Formosa Evangelistic Crusade in Taipei, which was his third salvation and healing campaign on the island. The meeting was sponsored by Pentecostal churches and the FGBMFI Formosa Chapter. The campaign again resulted in numerous conversions and brought healing to many, as reported in Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice.93 Herman professes that he spoke as often as three times daily in different places, including the private prayer group of Madam Chiang Kai-shek.94 What is perhaps most unusual is that Herman was invited to speak to the staff officers of the country’s Combined Service Forces, many of whom 93  “God Performed Miracles in Free China,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 8, no. 6–7, July-August 1960, 37–42. 94  “God Performed Miracles in Free China,” 40–1. By Madame Chiang’s private prayer group, Herman might be referring to the Chinese Christian Women’s Prayer Group 中華基 督教婦女祈禱會, which was started by Madame Chiang Kai-shek in Taipei in 1950. For significance of the prayer group, see Tong, Christianity in Taiwan, 124–30.

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Fig. 3.2  This photograph was published on page 28 of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 6, no. 1, February 1958. Left to right: Major General Wu, Chang Ching-yu, S. S. Hwa, and Thomas C. Kung. I am thankful to FGBMFI for granting me permission to reprint the image in this book. Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International

were Buddhists. An estimated 400 officers were included in this elite military group. According to Herman, the invitation came after God had healed the wife of the Commanding General through his prayer.95 In November? 1964, Miner Arganbright, one of FGBMFI’s international directors, visited Taiwan with his team during their trip around the world.96 The fact that Chang Ching-yu and General Samuel Wu were the President and Vice-President of the Formosa Chapter of FGBMFI, respectively, from 1958 to as late as 1968 is evidenced by different sources. While the July–August 1960 issue of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice reveals that Chang Ching-yu was the President of the Formosa Chapter of FGBMFI, the November 1964 issue indicates that General Samuel Wu

 “God Performed Miracles in Free China,” 41.  “Our FGBMFI Team Around the World,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 12, no. 11, November 1964, 20–1. 95 96

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was an officer in the Formosa Chapter.97 A piece of news in Taiwan’s Chinese Christian Tribune (hereafter Christian Tribune) in 1968 asserts that Chang is the President whereas Wu was the Vice-President of the Formosa Chapter.98 Since 1960, the FGBMFI employed “airlift” as a primary mode of world evangelization, in which “American members chartered airplanes so that hundreds could travel to the far reaches of the world spreading the Full Gospel message.”99 The first FGBMFI airlift visited Taiwan for three days in August 1967.100 A second three-day airlift to Taiwan took place a year later in July 1968.101 There was hardly any news on the FGBMFI Formosa Chapter in Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice after the 1968 airlift, although General Samuel Wu’s testimony of being saved from death from a bad car accident was printed in the February 1976 issue of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice.102 Neither is there information on the FGBMFI Formosa Chapter after 1968 according to my search of the Christian Tribune database. While a news article in 1969 briefly reports Harold Herman’s visit to Taiwan and mentions in passing that he prayed for the sick, it does not specify that the visit was related to the FGBMFI in any way.103 And while the Christian Business Men’s Connection is on the list of the 1974 church directory published by the China Evangelical Fellowship (founded as Taiwan Evangelical Fellowship in 1953) in Taiwan, the FGBMFI is nowhere to be seen.104 97  “God Performed Miracles in Free China,” 40; “Our FGBMFI Team Around the World,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 12, no. 11, November 1964, 20–1. 98  “Meiguo Wanquan Fuyin Tuanqi ding ershiliu ri lai Tai budao” 美國完全福音團契定廿 六日來臺佈道 [The US FGBMFI will visit Taiwan on the 26th], Jidujiao luntanbao 基督教 論壇報 [Christian Tribune], July 21, 1968. 99  Synan, Under His Banner, 74–5. 100  “Far East Airlift,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 15, no. 10, November 1967, 11–2. Also, “Meiguo Guoji Fuyin Jidutu Tuanqi fangwentuan di Tai budao” 美國國際福音基督徒 團契訪問團抵臺佈道 [The US team of FGBMGI visits Taiwan for evangelism], Christian Tribune, August 27, 1967. 101  DeVore Walterman and Anthony Calvanico, “1968 Airlifts: Sweden and the Far East,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 16, no. 9, November 1968, 11–2. “The U.S. FGBMFI will visit Taiwan on the 26th.” 102  Lt. General Samuel S. C. Wu, “Protective Power,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 24, no. 2, February 1976, 17–9. 103  “Gaoxiong” 高雄 [Kaohsiung], Christian Tribune, December 7, 1969. 104  Yeh Wei-hsin 葉維新, Zhonghua Minguo Jidu jiaohui minglu 中華民國基督教會名錄 [Church directory of the Republic of China], (Taipei: China Evangelical Fellowship, 1974), 155. A news article in December 1965 indicates that there was plan to change the organiza-

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Unlike Bulson Chang and S. K. Sung (presidents of the FGBMFI Hong Kong Chapter),105 no currently existing evidence has yet been found to demonstrate that Chang Ching-yu, president of the Formosa Chapter, was actively involved in the FGBMFI’s activities or promoting its cause. Chang simply played the role of a host when there were foreign visitors. And unlike S. K. Sung who was born into a pentecostal family, there was no indication that Chang was “pentecostal” whatsoever. There are several possible explanations for Chang Ching-yu’s lack of enthusiasm for the FGBMFI’s work. First, it is my opinion that Chang was not elected as Formosa Chapter’s president on account of his pentecostal understanding or experience, but due to his prestige as a KMT Christian. If Chang was not interested in the activity of the Holy Spirit to begin with, it can only be expected that the Formosa Chapter would encounter difficulties maintaining operation. Second, Chang’s emphasis in the 1960s was decidedly on anti-communist activities.106 As the FGBMFI’s theology did not stress anti-communism as Carl McIntire’s version of theology did, the thriving of FGBMFI would probably not have been Chang’s main concern. Third, there is also a possibility that Chang Ching-yu deemphasized his involvement with or even distanced himself from the FGBMFI in response to the suggestion of McIntire, with whom he had closer association. When Chang in 1976 recounted the organizations that he had been a part of, the list includes the Christian Business Men’s Connection, but not the FGBMFI.107 Indeed, while Chang is still known for his association with the Christian Business Men’s Connection Chapter in Taiwan, his association with the FGBMFI has long been forgotten.

tion’s name from Taiwan Evangelical Fellowship to China Evangelical Fellowship. “Fulianhui zhaokai nianhui Lu Qiwo dangxuan zhuxi” 福聯會召開年會盧祺沃當選主席 [Evangelical Fellowship conducts annual meeting; Andrew Loo was elected President], Christian Tribune, December 5, 1965. It is believed that Taiwan Evangelical Fellowship was renamed China Evangelical Fellowship in 1966. 105  S. K. Sung, “My Burden is Hong Kong,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 14, no. 11, November 1966, 4–5; Thomas R. Nickel, “Bulson Chang Arrives for FGBMFI Convention,” Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice 5, no. 6, July 1957, 3–4. 106  See Chin Ken-pa, Joseph and His Brothers, 71, 121–50. 107  Chang Ching-yu, “Hua jian zhi sheng” 華建之聲 [A new building for China Evangelical Seminary], China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin, August 10, 1976, 4. Due to scarcity of sources, I could only speculate as to whether the starting of a Christian Business Men’s Connection chapter in Taiwan in around 1958 might be a reaction to the FGBMFI.

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Oral Roberts’ 1960 Visit to Taiwan About three years after the establishment of the Formosa Chapter of FGBMFI, Oral Roberts (1918–2009), the famed evangelist, visited Taiwan. According to Roberts, God spoke to him in December 1959 and told him to increase his overseas ministry immediately. To answer God’s call (and at the invitation of missionaries from Taiwan), Roberts made a trip to Formosa in October 1960 alongside his colleagues Bob DeWeese and Hart Armstrong.108 Roberts writes that his team was entertained at the home of “Madame Wong” (should spell Madame Wang). She was Wang Chu Hsueh-chin, whom I introduced in the previous section on the FGBMFI Formosa Chapter. Roberts states that her list of guests read like a “Who’s Who,” as most of the guests were government officials. Madame Wang is known to Roberts as a Pentecostal Christian. Samuel S. C. Wu, who was also present, was known as a born-again Christian, whereas Wu’s wife was known to have the baptism of the Holy Ghost.109 After dinner, Roberts was invited to lay hands on the forty guests and pray. All of a sudden, “something happened that I can only describe as an explosion of their faith,” Roberts reports. Colonel Kung, who helped set up Roberts’ visit to Taiwan began speaking in tongues. For several minutes, “his body trembled from head to foot and his face shone.” Then, “it seemed as if everybody in the room was in tears. Madame W[a]ng began bending over and touching the floor. She then told all present her back had been very stiff and painful, but was now healed.” Colonel Kung testified that it was the first time he had ever felt God’s power from head to toe.110 Ho Li-hsuan, wife of the prominent preacher Kou Shih-yuan in Taiwan, provides an account of the same event that differs from Roberts’ in some respects. Ho writes that the couple, with many others, was invited to Wang Chu Hsueh-chin’s residence for dinner. Since several guests were not interested in healing, the hostess stressed that they would not be seeking the gift of tongues or healing that evening. The need for clarification seems to suggest an openly assumed pentecostal association. According to Ho, quite a few guests left after the dinner was over, leaving only seven to eight sisters in the room. Then, Oral Roberts felt led to lay hands on all to 108  Oral Roberts, “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient,” Abundant Life 15, no. 2, February 1961, 2. 109  Roberts, “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient,” 2. Note that Roberts does not indicate that Samuel S. C. Wu received baptism in the Holy Spirit. 110  Roberts, “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient,” 2–3.

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pray. In a tiny room, all started to pray out loud at once, and those who had the gifts of tongues prayed in tongues. All of a sudden, Ho burst out crying. She states that it was the first time she felt this close to the Lord. Ho then reports that she received the laying of hands on her head, so that it felt like a bucket of hot water came down from her head and the warmth flowed down until her kneecaps when she was suddenly awakened.111 Ho Li-hsuan further writes that she had contracted severe asthma when she was in her twenties. Since the winter after Roberts’ visit, she claims that she was healed from asthma, although she was still susceptible to colds. However, she avers that she was completely healed after she moved to the United States years later. In her biography, she professes that she believes the gift of healing and miracles still exist today.112 Ho Li-hsuan’s and Roberts’ reports were consistent on some but not all levels. Since Roberts’ report was documented and published immediately after his trip, his accounts should be generally considered to be more reliable. While Ho did not account that Roberts prayed for the forty guests but only in the presence of a dozen of women, her memory of the event from three decades earlier might have been confined to what happened after Roberts laid hands on many if not all guests and after many departed, since what happened next was what touched her most deeply. The next day after the dinner party was a Sunday. About 4000 people packed into the auditorium to listen to Oral Roberts in that evening, despite the fact that the building was only built to support 2500 people. When Roberts gave an altar call for people to accept Christ, great masses came forward. As he prayed for people, a woman’s stiff neck and shoulder were reported to have been released instantly. A boy with tuberculosis was able to breathe deeply again after prayer. The boy also reported that the pain had gone from his right lung.113 In another meeting, after the instant healing of a goiter on a woman’s neck, several hundred people “rushed toward the healing line.”114 In yet another meeting, more than 500 people went forward to accept Christ, and more than 1500 people stood in the prayer line. Roberts spent time laying hands on each, and some were healed while others were not, says 111  Ho Li-hsuan 何荔璇, Xinsheng pianpian 心聲片片 [The voice of the heart] (Taipei: Cosmic Light, 1991), 336–8. 112  Ho, The Voice of the Heart, 336–8. 113  Roberts, “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient,” 3. 114  Roberts, “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient,” 4.

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Roberts.115 After they finished speaking at conferences, Roberts and his team were invited to address an FGBMFI’s luncheon, during which he passed along Demos Shakarian’s personal greetings.116 The day before Roberts left for Japan, he was invited to visit with President and Madame Chiang Kai-shek. Also present were Andrew Loo, one of President’s two chaplains, Rev. Baker, an Assemblies of God missionary, and Bob DeWeese. In Roberts words, they were “face to face with two of the most important people in the world—President and Madame Chiang Kai-shek.” Roberts had a chance to pray for Madame Chiang’s recent illness.117 Although the account provided above describes Oral Roberts’ only trip to Taiwan, his association with Taiwan continued after 1960. Soon after the founding of Oral Roberts University, an international seminar was organized in November 1963, which brought delegates from fifty-six nations worldwide. Colonel Thomas Kung and his wife Rebecca from Taiwan were among the invited guests.118 The November 1965 issue of Abundant Life reports that a student from Taiwan has enrolled in the Oral Roberts University.119 To this day, Taiwan’s national flag is still represented among the flags around the Praying Hands sculpture at the entrance of Oral Roberts University (Fig. 3.3), which demonstrates the sincere commitments of the school to Taiwan in light of her sorry plight in international politics. Since the Formosa Chapter of FGBMFI only received attention in Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice when there were US-initiated campaigns in Taiwan, it is difficult to tell how active the chapter really was in the late 1950s and the 1960s. As president, Chang Ching-yu did not appear to show interest in the FGBMFI’s cause. As a result, it is only fair to question how organized the Formosa Chapter was, as well as whether they ever met regularly for fellowship. It is, however, safe to conclude from this study  Roberts, “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient,” 11.  Roberts, “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient,” 11. 117  Roberts, “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient,” 5. 118   Doyle Helbling, “International Seminar,” Abundant Life 18, no. 2, February 1964, 11, 19. 119  Oral Roberts, “Quest for the Whole Man,” Abundant Life 19, no. 11, November 1965, 24. Whether or not there was more than one student from Taiwan at Oral Roberts cannot be determined from the page. 115 116

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Fig. 3.3  This photograph was taken by the author on October 4, 2018, at Oral Roberts University. The first flag on the left side of the Praying Hands is Taiwan’s national flag. (Photograph by author)

that there was genuine interest of the FGBMFI’s and Oral Roberts’ works among a large number of people in Taiwan. Further, there was an undisputed openness towards Pentecostalism among some high-ranking KMT Christians, which was manifested most clearly from 1958 to 1961. Nonetheless, the successes of these campaigns should not be overestimated, as the Assemblies of God—the church that worked most closely with these events through their pastors and missionaries—did not show conspicuous growth as a result of these campaigns.120

120  In his work, Robert J. Bolton provides a graph that numerates the numbers of baptisms at Taipei Assembly of God from 1953 to 1972, which was supposed to be affected by these campaigns most directly since most of those were held in Taipei. While there was a sudden increase of the number of baptisms between 1958 and 1959 by about thirty people, growth was rather slow during the period. Treasure Island: Church Growth Among Taiwan’s Urban Minnan Chinese (Pasadena, CA: W. Carey Library, 1976), 215. For growth of Assemblies of God in Taiwan, see also Swanson, Taiwan: Mainline versus Independent Church Growth, 117.

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Jean Stone and Richard Willans in Taiwan (1968) and Charismatic Activities Among Non-Charismatic Missionaries in Taiwan Jean Stone Willans (1924–), the Episcopalian from St Mark’s Episcopal Church in Van Nuys, California, who founded the Blessed Trinity Society in 1960, is well known for her ministry. Yet, the world hardly remembers that Jean was in Taiwan for four brief months in 1968 before she relocated to Hong Kong. Letters from Jean Stone and her husband Richard J. Willans to personal friends in 1968 reveal precious information concerning Donald Dale, a missionary doctor in Taiwan who would go on to play a significant role in the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from the early 1970s (Chap. 4). Jean, Richard, and their daughter Suzy first set foot in Taiwan on February 14, 1968.121 The family later relocated to Hong Kong on June 22, 1968.122 The purpose of their trip to Taiwan was unclear to the Willans. On the eve of their arrival to Taiwan, Jean, referring to their relocation to Taiwan, recognized that “We have no idea why we are going or what we are going to do.”123 The four months the Willans spent in Taiwan were characterized by confusion and disorientation: “We were ready to blow our minds after being here for eight days and getting nothing that worked out as far as guidance was concerned”;124 “It seemed that the more we prayed the more confused we became”; “we still did not know why we were in Taipei.”125 Nonetheless, the couple was able to share their charismatic experiences with several missionaries in Taiwan. One month after they were in Taiwan, the Willans wrote that “every missionary in Taipei has heard of us by now.” Most missionaries did not know that the Willans 121  This is a date that is inferred from a letter dated February 13, 1968, where Jean writes, “We are off to Taipei in the morning.” Jean Stone Willans to Loraine, February 13, 1968. Collection 0002: Papers of Jean Stone and Richard J. Willans, 1943–2010, Box 13, Archives and Special Collections, David Allan Hubbard Library, Fuller Theological Seminary. All of the Willans’ letters cited in this book is from this collection from Fuller Archives. 122  The Willans to Loraine, June 19, 1968. 123  Jean Stone Willans to Loraine, February 13, 1968. A letter issued from Taipei on February 15, talks about feeling like 007 settling in a hotel “waiting for we don’t know what.” The Willans to Gang, February 15, 1968. 124  The Willans to Loraine, February 22, 1968. 125  The Willans, “Fire and Wind in China: Report from the Willans Family: Richard, Jean Stone, and Suzy,” May 1968.

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believed in Spirit baptism, but those who were sympathetic toward it would have discovered it.126 On March 3, the third Sunday after the couple had arrived in Taiwan, the Willans came to know Donald Dale through a series of unexpected incidents. Jean writes that after having attended two services—one at an Episcopal and another at a Southern Baptist Church—the family went home to rest. Jean then accounts that “It came to me very strongly that we were supposed to go to a certain AofG church for Americans and that I was supposed to say something there. The feeling grew and grew until it was a great excitement and I felt sillier and sillier.”127 The family thus went to the church, and the speaker was a medical doctor whose text was about Jesus’ healing of the lepers. At the church, there was no sign that the Willans would be invited to speak. Meanwhile, “My anointing grew until I expected to go up in smoke,” says Jean. According to her, the sermon was dry and lacked power. An altar call was given after the sermon; people were encouraged to go forward if they wanted anything, but no one responded after some time. By this time I had decided if they had needed healing and had Oral Roberts there they still wouldn’t have been Spirit-led enough to ask him to pray for anyone. But it came to me Oral Roberts would have gotten up and suggested it, so just before they gave the closing prayer I interrupted and asked if I might give a brief testimony. There wasn’t much they could say so in about five minutes I told them what had happened in Van Nuys and of some of the miracles we had seen, and pointed out that with the power Jesus had we would still see the same things in this Age.128

After the service, the Willans “were mobbed.”129 They were welcomed back to more services, and Jean was invited to share her testimony with another group. The couple was also invited by the medical doctor and his wife to dinner on the coming Friday. In a letter dated March 8, 1968, the Willans disclosed that the medical doctor whom they met on the previous Sunday night was Donald Dale:

 The Willans to Loraine, March 20, 1968.  The Willans to Gang, March 4, 1968. 128  The Willans to Gang, March 4, 1968. 129  The Willans to Gang, March 4, 1968. 126 127

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Now we discover that Dr. Dale is not baptized with the Holy Spirit. So the Lord obviously sent us to that Pentecostal church last Sunday night primarily for him. Isn’t the whole thing wild? His wife just knows it was for him. . . . He has been in Taiwan 20 years and is very influential here. That’s the first time Dr. Dale has been in that church this year & that was an accident!!130

The Willans kept in touch with the Dales. Penny, Donald’s wife, had already received the baptism of the Holy Spirit in 1959 (Chap. 4), so it seems she would have been more than delighted to meet the Willans. Penny asked the Willans to start a prayer group if they stayed, commenting that they did not have anyone like them, as she considered them “historical church people baptized with the Holy Spirit.”131 On March 17, Donald Dale invited the Willans to travel to Sun Moon Lake (in central Taiwan) with him. On their way to the lake, they discussed the Holy Spirit. According to the Willans, Donald “has accepted everything but the idea you have to make sounds.”132 In a letter dated March 20, the Willans wrote that on the day they went to Sun Moon Lake, “we had all day to work on Dr. Dale. . . . We really got somewhere. He’s not fighting it anymore—only the method. We remained silent on that—didn’t feel led to say anything. There will be a time (emphasis mine).”133 The extent to which the Willans influenced Donald Dale’s views on the work of the Holy Spirit cannot be determined. However, the Willans’ letters show that they kept in touch with the Dales after they relocated to Hong Kong in June 1968. Within three years, Donald would come fully onboard with charismatic teachings (Chap. 4). And, as one of the two most influential [foreign] Christians on the Island, as Jean Stone correctly observed,134 Donald Dale would go on to become one of the most important instruments in promoting the charismatic message among missionaries in Taiwan in the 1970s. It is difficult to determine the numbers of non-charismatic missionaries who were open to the charismatic message in Taiwan from 1950 to 1970, as the conservative climate of the day led many to keep a low profile with  The Willans to Gang, March 8, 1968.  The Willans to Loraine, March 20, 1968. 132  The Willans to Loraine, March 18, 1968. 133  The Willans to Loraine, March 20, 1968. 134  The Willans to Gang, March 22, 1968. The other was Doris Brougham (1926), founder of Overseas Radio and Television. Overseas Radio and TV is an organization that shares the gospel through English-teaching programs and music ministry. 130 131

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regard to their charismatic experiences. While David B. Woodward (1918–2011), an ordained Presbyterian minister and missionary sent by the Evangelical Alliance Mission to Asia, published several works during his lifetime, nothing could be found concerning his charismatic experience. I only learned about his charismatic experience through my correspondence with David’s daughter, Marion (Woodward) Shay (1948–). David Woodward was involved in a prayer group while in Taiwan. Norman Cook (1929–, Overseas Crusades), one of the missionaries in the same prayer group, contracted Japanese encephalitis B in around 1966. The disease rendered Cook unconscious on the hospital bed for ten days,135 and the family was told that due to extensive brain damage, Cook would remain a vegetable for the rest of his life.136 Dick Hillis, the director of Overseas Crusades, even flew to Taiwan from the United States to prepare to conduct Cook’s funeral.137 Woodward’s prayer group that consisted of missionaries James Ziervogel (Overseas Crusades), Norman E.  Dwight (Covenant Missionary Society), Donald Dale, and others prayed fervently for Cook’s healing.138 Everyone, including the doctors, was shocked when Cook “suddenly awakened” after being anointed with oil and prayed for by this group, at the request of his wife, Muriel. While Cook became conscious immediately, it took him a year to fully recover.139 Today, Norman Cook self-identifies as a charismatic Christian without the gift of tongues.140 According to Marion Shay, Norman Cook’s healing was a turning point for her father.141 While Jean Stone Willans does not identify the healing of Norman Cook as a catalyst for Woodward embracing the charismatic message, she documents that David Woodward received the baptism of the Holy Spirit “about three years ago by himself praying, kept it quiet but then asked God’s forgiveness and became quite open about it.”142 As a result, Penny Dale’s aforementioned comment regarding not having

 Norman Cook, phone interview by author, June 2, 2018.  Muriel Cook and Shelly Volkhardt, Kitchen Table Counseling: A Practical and Biblical Guide for Women Helping Others (Colorado Springs, CO: NavPress Publishing Group, 2014), 41. 137  Cook and Volkhardt, Kitchen Table Counseling, 41. 138  Marion Shay, e-mail message to author, May 26, 2018. 139  Cook and Volkhardt, Kitchen Table Counseling, 41. 140  Norman Cook, e-mail message to author, January 22, 2019. 141  Marion Shay, e-mail message to author, April 25, 2018. 142  The Willans to Gang, April 2, 1968. 135 136

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anyone who were historical church people baptized with the Holy Spirit within the missionary circle was not entirely accurate. Marion Shay related to me that David Woodward was discreet in discussing his experiences of the work of the Holy Spirit with others because he wanted to be careful about not offending his colleagues from the Evangelical Alliance Mission—his sending organization.143 Thus, while in Taiwan, David Woodward only talked about his experience with close friends. Nonetheless, Woodward felt at liberty to get involved in charismatic meetings while traveling outside Taiwan in Indonesia, Hong Kong, India, and Chad.144 In sum, even though David Woodward chose not to emphasize the gifts of the Holy Spirit while he was still on the mission field in Taiwan before 1983, except devotionally and for healing prayer after he retired from the mission field in 1983 until he passed away in 2011, Marion Shay states that her father’s charismatic experience in the mid-1960s affected him in a profound way. It transformed his understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit, and the way he engaged in ministry later in life.145

Conclusion The brief historical overview demonstrates that the origins of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in the first two-thirds of the twentieth-­ century Taiwan are many and complex. The influence of the Japan Apostolic Mission was unidentifiable. While a few Pentecostal churches appeared in Taiwan from the 1920s to the 1950s, only the True Jesus Church thrived. The New Testament Church in the 1960s also grew, but its message and practice were considered “radical,” and the church was shunned by most non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan. Although several pentecostal meetings in the 1950s and 1960s drew hundreds or even thousands of people, none resulted in widespread revival; neither did the ministry of Pearl Young, Nicholas Krushnisky, or Jean Stone and Richard Willans who were active in Taiwan in this period of time. A new era will soon ensue, however, as the 1970s approach.  Marion Shay, e-mail message to author, April 29, 2018.  Marion Shay, e-mail message to author, April 29, 2018. 145  Marion Shay, e-mail message to author, May 1, 2018. David Woodward served as a pastor at Lake Avenue Church in Pasadena, California, after returning from the mission field in 1983 until the early 1990s. 143 144

CHAPTER 4

The Surprising Work of God, 1970–1979

The 1970s witnessed several surprising, groundbreaking, and community-­ wide developments with regard to the work of the Holy Spirit in Taiwan. This chapter identifies the seven most significant clusters of pentecostal-­ charismatic activities that were at work in Taiwan in the 1970s. To bring clarity to the narrative, the account centers primarily around five clusters of ministries headed by Pearl G. Young, Donald and Penelope Dale, Ross Paterson, Nicholas G. Krushnisky, and Allen J. Swanson. The charismatic messages brought about by these missionaries were framed by distinctive traditions to which they belonged. From time to time their paths crossed in Taiwan. Revival among the Tayal tribe and the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan will be introduced in separate sections also in this chapter. As discussed in the previous chapter, Taiwan encountered a plethora of charismatic phenomena from 1900 to 1970. Additionally, a significant number of these phenomena were experienced by individuals who had not been influenced by pentecostal-charismatic figures. In this chapter, readers will again read several accounts in which charismatic manifestations took place unexpectedly among non-charismatic communities in Taiwan.

© The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4_4

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Setting the Scene: The Age of Hunger In contrast with the impressive economic growth in Taiwan in the 1970s, church growth since the 1960s had come to a standstill. Some churches were even replete with bickering and dissatisfaction.1 The deplorable plight of churches, however, did not quench, but whetted the appetite of a good number of young adults who were college students or college graduates. These young adults were the baby boomers, who, although had not possessed much while growing up, were the first generation after the Second World War to have lived in a relatively peaceful time in Taiwan if they stayed away from politics. Established missionaries like Pearl Young and Nicholas Krushnisky had begun work in Taiwan in the 1950s. However, they had to wait until the 1970s when a new generation of hungry Christian college students came on the scene, before larger-scale renewals began to take place in Taiwan. Another important source that contributed to the Charismatic Movement in the 1970s was the arrival of a number of charismatic missionaries. Freshly exposed to the Charismatic Movement in the West in the 1960s, these missionaries had embraced the charismatic message at churches, colleges, or conferences, before they set foot in Taiwan. While the full impact of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan would still not be felt until after 1979, the development would not have taken place without several surprising breakthroughs in the 1970s in a more conservative ecclesiastical climate.

Pearl G. Young (1904–1986) and Zion Church (1957) Pearl Young (1904–1986) and Elisabeth Lindau (1911–2003) built the first Zion Church located in Taipei in 1957, three years after they arrived in Taiwan. The two women were missionaries from Ridgewood Pentecostal Church in Brooklyn, New York.2 Gerda Bocker (1938–), who grew up in 1  Allen J. Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980; A Review of the Past, a Projection for the Future (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1981), 26. 2  Pearl Young and Elisabeth Lindau, “Ambassadors to Formosa,” Bread of Life 3, no. 11, November 1954, 10–11. While Young and Lindau worked together in Taiwan from the first day, Young is more well known in Taiwan than Lindau. This may be because Lindau was in charge of children’s ministries from 1954 to 1986, whereas Young led the adult ministry. Lindau only preached occasionally, as her Mandarin was not as fluent. Lindau was born in a

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Ridgewood, joined Young and Lindau in 1967.3 Zion Church is relatively well known among Christian communities in Taiwan today, but its involvement in the Charismatic Movement since the 1980s has not always been as visible or discernible as some other churches. This may be due to their distinctive theology, which stresses waiting on God in the stillness over charismatic gifts (Chap. 3). Even though the Zion Church’s amalgamation of pentecostalism and pietism may appear to be less exciting to young people in the fast-paced twenty-first-century Taiwan, it was one of the few uniquely adaptable approaches for spreading the pentecostal message before 1980  in a climate that showed suspicion and dread toward the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement at large. The worship style at Zion Church also stands out from what is typically seen in today’s pentecostal-charismatic churches. A typical pentecostal-­ charismatic service starts with several worship songs and with short prayers embedded in between songs. At Zion Church, however, a single worship song is typically followed by a time of praise that lasts from three to five minutes. With background music, people are encouraged to praise God in spirit or with mind until “lost in worship.”4 After prayers subside, the leader might lead all to worship in another song, or someone, led by the Spirit, might lead all in prayer. What is most unique about Zion Church is that people sometimes also spend ten minutes or more worshiping in complete silence. This worship style was first introduced to Taiwan by Pearl Young. Following Ridgewood’s tradition (Chap. 3), Young believed that God works in silence, which led her to leave plenty of room and time for God to work in people’s hearts. After the sermon, sometimes Young would invite people to come forward for prayer, as is typically seen in other pentecostal-charismatic churches; yet more often, Young would Catholic family; when she became a Pentecostal, her family and relatives ceased associating with her. People from the church became her family and friends. After Lindau retired to the United States, Tsao and several other coworkers from the church kept in touch with her. In her will, Lindau allocated her savings to all full-time workers at Zion Churches in Taiwan. Daniel Li-chung Tsao, e-mail message to author, December 5, 2016. 3  Daniel Li-chung Tsao, “Xiantang lishi” 錫安堂歷史 [The history of Zion Church], Shih Lin Zion Church, http://www.slzion.org.tw/index.php/about/2017-04-11-09-21-03#ch2 (accessed April 14, 2018). 4  Daniel Li-chung Tsao, interview by author, Taipei, September 7, 2016.

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leave room for individuals to wait on God in the stillness, which entails more quiet time.5 In addition to her collections of sermons,6 Pearl Young’s theology and spirituality can be further gleaned from Grace and Glory 恩光, a periodical she started in 1973, which continues to run to this day.7 Grace and Glory mainly consists of translated articles from Ridgewood’s publication, Bread of Life, as well as other articles that benefited Young personally.8 From the first issue of Grace and Glory until today, the voice of Rev. Hans R.  Waldvogel is constantly heard. The frequent inclusion of articles by Martha W. Robinson also indicates that she is a primary voice alongside Hans Waldvogel in the Zion Church tradition. Teachings on waiting on God and God’s presence,9 and cultivating one’s inner life so that one can die to one’s self to be more like Jesus,10 reveal a strong pietist overtone at Ridgewood. Also evident in Grace and Glory is a pentecostal belief in

 Tsao, interview.  See Pearl Young, Zuodeshengzhe: Rongyaoxiu jiaoshi jiangdaoji (shang)(xia) 作得勝者: 榮 耀秀教士講道集 (上) (下) [A victor in Jesus, vol. 1 & 2], ed. and trans. Lin Wei-hsiao 林為 孝 and Hsu Tsui-lu 徐翠璐 (Taichung: Zion Church, 2001); Shengjing jianshi 聖經簡釋 [Basic Bible commentary], ed. and tran. Daniel Tsao (Taipei: Zion Church, 1982); Yage jisi 雅歌集思 [Songs of Solomon], ed. and tran. Daniel Tsao (Taipei: Zion Church, 1982). 7  All issues (1973–) of Grace and Glory can be accessed online at Shih Lin Zion Church, “Mi yu nai qu: En guang” 蜜與奶區—恩光 [Honey and milk: Grace and Glory], Shih Lin Zion Church, http://www.slzion.org.tw/index.php/honeyandmilk/2017-04-11-09-23-53 (accessed April 14, 2018). Daniel Tsao explains that the name Grace and Glory is derived from Psalms 84:11 (King James Version). 8  Pearl Young had a team to help translate the articles. After Young passed away, the team continued the work. Daniel Tsao, e-mail message to author, April 13, 2018. 9  For example, Martha W. Robinson, “Shen tongzai de ningmichu” 神同在的寧謐處 [The quiet corner where God is present], Enguang zazhi 恩光雜誌 [Grace and Glory], no. 118, September–October 1992, 9–11; Martha W. Robinson, “Denghou Shen” 等候神 [Waiting on God], Grace and Glory, no. 31, January–February, 1978, 10–11; Hans Waldvogel, “Denghou Shen” 等候神 [Waiting on God], Grace and Glory, no. 8, 1974, 1–6. 10  For example, Martha W. Robinson, “Zhuiqiu qianhe” 追求謙和 [Seeking humility], no. 54, November–December 1981, 12–15; Hans Waldvogel, “Neizai shenghuo de huzhao” 內 在生活的呼召 [The inner life], Grace and Glory, no. 30, November–December 1977, 1–8; Hans Waldvogel, “Reng yao gengjia shengjie” 仍要更加聖潔 [More holy still], no. 15, 1975, 1–9; Hans Waldvogel, “Neizai de Shenguo” 內在的神國 [God’s Kingdom within], no. 3, 1973, 1–9. 5 6

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being filled with the Spirit,11 speaking in tongues,12 prophesying,13 and divine healing.14 However, in congruence with Ridgewood’s tradition and unique brand of spirituality, pentecostal phenomena are never the end goal for Pearl Young in Taiwan. An article in Grace and Glory indicates that excessive emotions in worship can be a distraction.15 Engaging in ministry with a spirit of gentleness, Pearl Young’s influence reached far beyond her church’s walls. Zion Church started to organize camps for young people in 1968. However, initially, the camps were small in size. According to Pastor Daniel Li-chung Tsao 曹力中 (1953–) of Shih Lin Zion Church 士林錫安堂, one of Young’s closest coworkers from 1977, Zion Church experienced steady growth from the time of its founding in 1954, but it was not until the 1970s when a great number of young adults were attracted to Young’s message and joined the church, that it started to flourish.16 Tsao’s account is consistent with that of Allen J.  Swanson, a charismatic Lutheran missionary from the United States. Writing in the late 1970s, Swanson documents that sometime around 1972, the Zion Church that had been quietly spreading the charismatic 11  Martha W. Robinson, “Chixu bei Shengling chongman” 持續被聖靈充滿 [Continue to be filled with the Holy Spirit], no. 52, July–August 1981, 18–21; Martha Robinson, “Qiu Shengling de xi” 求聖靈的洗 [Seeking Spirit baptism], no. 19, January–February 1976, 5–6; Hans Waldvogel, “Lingxi mudi” 靈洗目的 [The purpose of the baptism of the Holy Spirit], Grace and Glory, no. 6, 1973, 1–11, first published in the Bread of Life 17, no. 5, May 1968, 3–4, 6. 12  Hans Waldvogel, “Women weiyi de xinxi” 我們惟一的信息 [Our one message], Grace and Glory, no. 29, September–October 1977, 1–6; L. M. Judd, “Ju qiangu zhong you Shen zai” 居謙谷中有神在 [The valley where God is], Grace and Glory, no. 10, 1974, 1–5. 13  Hans Waldvogel, “Jinru wang de neishi” 進入王的內室 [Entering into the King’s chamber], Grace and Glory, no. 25, January–February 1977, 5, “He wang shi tiancheng” 何往是 天程? [How shall I find the way], Grace and Glory, no. 12, 1974, 1–4; Waldvogel, “The purpose of the baptism of the Holy Spirit”; Martha W. Robinson, “Zanmei de zhufu” 讚美 的祝福 [The blessing of praise], no. 49, January–February 1981, 8–9. 14  Gordon P. Gardiner, “Shen de yizhi” 神的醫治 [God’s healing], Grace and Glory, no. 28, July–August 1977, 9–12; Philip Mauro, “Maofeili shenyi lunshuo jinghua” 毛腓利神醫 論說精華 [Extracts from Philip Mauro’s book on healing], Grace and Glory, no. 16, 1975, 1–4; Helen Wannenmacher, “Guanyu shenyi” 關於神醫 [On divine healing], Grace and Glory, no. 16, 1975, 5–6; Gordon P. Gardiner, “Shenyi” 神醫 [Divine healing], Grace and Glory, no. 45–49, May–June 1980~January–February 1981; Hans Waldvogel, “Xinxin yu xingwei” 信心與行為 [Faith and works], Grace and Glory, no. 39, May–June 1979, 1–6; Joseph P. Wannenmacher, “Yesu shi wo yisheng” 耶穌是我醫生 [Jesus is my doctor], Grace and Glory, no. 53, September–October 1981, 7–14. 15  Martha W. Robinson, “Jiaochu ziji” 交出自己 [Handing oneself in], Grace and Glory, no. 76, July–August 1985, 9–10. 16  Tsao, interview.

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message for almost twenty years, “began to hold summer retreats for young people in which the outpouring of the Spirit was strongly taught.”17 The church grew “as an increasing number of people began to seek the experience of the Holy Spirit.” Furthermore, the camps also drew others who had recently experienced the fullness of the Holy Spirit, as they knew of nowhere else to go “to gain understanding and teaching in this new work of the Holy Spirit in their lives.”18 As a result, by 1976, the two existing Zion Church congregations “began filling to overflowing.”19 While some of the earlier members started attending the church after having witnessed miracles or for other reasons, a significant number of young adults in the 1970s joined Zion Church because their desire for a deeper understanding of faith was met by Young’s message. Tsao observes that a greater number of young adults in the 1970s were able to grasp the meaning of “waiting on God.”20 Tsao’s account is consistent with a piece of news in Grace and Glory in 1977. Referring to the summer camp, the report states that the event drew around three hundred young people, and that “many more people now understand the significance of waiting on the Lord.”21 Statistics further show that the attendance of Zion Church’s winter and summer camps grew steadily beginning in 1976, and reached its peak a decade later in 1987.22 Such statistics provide further evidence of the popularity of the camps among young adults.

17  Allen J. Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” (1978 or 1979), 12. This seventeen-page article—possibility a draft—is properly typed, with Swanson’s handwritten revisions throughout. On the top of the first page, it says “1978?9?” in handwriting. This is the first-known attempt to document the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement within a variety of churches in Taiwan. I am most thankful to Swanson for sharing the manuscript. 18  Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” 12. According to Ross Paterson, an English missionary to Taiwan in the 1970s, Zion Church was one of the very few churches in Taiwan in the 1970s that would speak about the work of the Holy Spirit. Ross Paterson, interview by author, Taipei, September 3, 2016. 19  Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” 12. 20  Tsao, interview. 21  “Jiaohui tongxun” 教會通訊 [Church news], Grace and Glory, no. 29, September– October 1977. Those words must have come from church leaders. 22  Grace and Glory started to document the approximate numbers of people who participated in Zion Church’s camps in 1976 and discontinued since 1993. Numbers from 1976 to 1992 from winter/summer camps (when available) are 180/350 (1976), ?/300 (1977), 150/? (1978), 200/400 (1979), ?/400 (1980), 400/400 (1981), 500/? (1982), 480/6–700 (1983), 600/700 (1984), 600/700 (1985), 800/760 (1986), 800/800 (1987), 700/? (1988), ?/? (1989), 560/600 (1990), 600/? (1991), 500/? (1992). The

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While Swanson suggests that the message of the outpouring of the Spirit was “strongly taught” in those Zion Church camps, his account cannot be verified from the Zion Church’s reports on the camps. Words like “the oppressed were delivered” or “many were filled with the Holy Spirit” which appear in the 1976 summer camp report are rarely seen.23 More often, the reports—in line with Pearl Young’s typical emphasis—focus on God’s glory, God’s blessings, and how God meets participants’ hunger with His presence.24 Young and her associates were adamant about exalting God’s presence and glory above charismatic gifts at all times. Some Christians’ hunger for the work of the Holy Spirit drew them to Zion Church regularly, including laypeople and church leaders alike.25 Pastor Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow 周神助 was one example. Despite several visits to the Zion Church in the 1960s as a college student, Nathaniel Chow never had any charismatic experiences.26 According to Grace and Glory, Pearl Young, Elisabeth Lindau, and Gerda Bocker were sought-­ after speakers among college students and among churches in Taiwan.27 What is somewhat unusual is that in the early 1980s, some of these meetings for college students met at China Evangelical Seminary in Taipei28—a seminary that was typically thought to have been more conservative in its theology with respect to the Holy Spirit. Pearl Young’s and Gerda Bocker’s ministries also extended to the Philippines and Hong Kong.29 In the later 1970s and early 1980s, Nathaniel Chow, the leading pastor of the Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei since 1977, started to growth of participants from the late 1970s into the 1980s corresponded with the steady growth of the charismatic message in Taiwan in those years. 23  “Bentang xunxi” 本堂訊息 [Church news], Grace and Glory, no. 23, September– October 1976. 24  See for example, “Bentang xunxi” 本堂訊息 [Church news], Grace and Glory, no. 32, March–April 1978; “Bentang xunxi” 本堂訊息 [Church news], Grace and Glory, no. 26, March–April 1977. 25  Tsao, interview. 26  Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow, interview by author, Taipei, August 24, 2016. 27  See the section on “Jiaohui tongxun” 教會通訊 [Church news] in the following issues of Grace and Glory, no. 57, May–June 1982; no. 54, November–December 1981; no. 48, November–December 1980; no. 47, September–October 1980; no. 45, May–June 1980; no. 35, September–October 1978. In particular, the National Defense Medical Center Fellowship (國防醫學院團契, a military-affiliated medical school) had close ties with the Zion Church. 28  See the section on “Jiaohui tongxun” 教會通訊 [Church news] in the following issue of Grace and Glory, no. 66, November–December 1983; no. 60, November–December 1982; no. 51, May–June 1981. 29  “Jiaohui tongxun” 教會通訊 [Church news], Grace and Glory, no. 33, May–June 1978.

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show an interest in the charismatic message. As a result, Young was invited to speak at his church several times, and vice versa. Daniel Tsao recounts that the first time Young spoke at a prayer meeting at the Bread of Life Church, a participant was stricken onto the floor by the Holy Spirit during prayer. Such an event was highly unusual for many Christians in those days and was thus eye-opening for those present.30 As Pearl Young and her associates worked mostly with local people, Zion Church was not intentional about spreading the charismatic message among non-pentecostal-­ charismatic missionaries in Taiwan. Nonetheless, they did help Donald and Penelope Dale in gaining a deeper understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit as we will see later. Zion Church was thus one of the few most significant resources for introducing the work of the Holy Spirit into Taiwan in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s in a way that was acceptable to non-charismatic natives and missionaries in Taiwan. If their contributions are not manifestly discerned today, it is because Pearl Young and her associates refused to draw attention to charismatic phenomena, which, nevertheless, were present in their ministries. The worship style at Zion Church was novel to many—but in a way that still allowed conservative Christians to feel “safe” and comfortable in an ecclesiastical context that was marked by emotional and spiritual restraint. It was precisely because of the gentleness of Young’s and her associates’ ministry and message, rather than the emotionally charged meetings, that the charismatic message was able to win the hearts of many non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan in the 1970s.

Donald and Penelope Dale and the Renewal Team The Charismatic Movement of the 1970s was a novel concept not only for Taiwanese churches in general, but also for most of the non-charismatic mission societies present in Taiwan. Hence, it was only natural that common interests in renewal would draw charismatic missionaries from various denominations together to engage in common services (more below). In this way, the group that I will refer to as the “Renewal Team” came into being in Taiwan. Since Donald Dale was the leader of the Renewal Team beginning in the early 1970s, the question of how the Dales opened up to the charismatic message while in Taiwan warrants closer inspection.

 Tsao, interview.

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Donald Dale (1923–1998) and Penelope Dale (1924–2016): The Legendary Couple Donald Dale (1923–1998) was born in China to Scottish parents. His father, William Chalmers Dale (d. 1975), was a physician at an English Presbyterian Mission hospital in China.31 Trained in England as a medical doctor and a nurse, respectively, Donald and Penelope (Penny, 1924–2016) married in 1946. Not long after, they attended the Honor Oak Christian Fellowship Centre in London until their departure to China in 1948.32 Due to ongoing war in China, the Dales left for Hong Kong. Subsequently, the Dales landed in Taiwan on June 11, 1949, to help at the Mackay Memorial Hospital in Taipei before opening up the Christian Clinic in Taipei. They spent three decades working on the island until they closed their Christian Clinic on May 31, 1978.33 In addition to healing people’s bodies at the Christian Clinic in Taipei, the Dales were also concerned about people’s souls. As a result, they actively participated in and initiated various ministries while in Taiwan during this time as well.34 Penny Dale opened up to the charismatic message much earlier than Donald. She tells the story of how she came to receive her Spirit baptism in November 1959 in Ten Sacks of Rice. The story was originally published in Bread of Life, the publication put out by Ridgewood Pentecostal Church, in September 1960.35 31  Penelope Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice: Our Way to China (Austin, TX: Karis Publishing, 2002), 23. William Chalmers Dale 丁沾庇 worked for a short time in Taiwan from 1927 to 1928. Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 67. The Chinese edition of the Ten Sacks of Rice suggests that William Dale was in Taiwan from 1925 to 1926. Penelope Dale, Shidaimi: Wang Zhongguo de fuyin zhilu 十袋米: 往中國的福音之路 [Ten sacks of rice], trans. Xu Daben 徐大本, (Taipei: Campus Evangelical Fellowship, 2004), 95, 98–9. 32  Honor Oak church was started by Theodore Austin-Sparks (1888–1971). Watchman Nee had a close affiliation with the church. 33  Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 64–71, 149. 34  For instance, Donald Dale partnered with David Adeney from the British Inter-Varsity Fellowship starting the 1950s and was involved in an advisory capacity with the Campus Evangelical Fellowship, which provided him with opportunities to interact with college students in Taiwan. Beginning in 1960, the Dales, together with other missionaries, started a summer camp called “Christ Can Conquer” for the English-speaking teenagers in Taiwan. Further, Donald teamed up with Clare McGill, a missionary from the Canadian Presbyterian Mission, and went on missions to mountainous areas in Central Taiwan. Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 95, 117–24. 35  Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 125–33. Penelope Dale, “In His Presence is Fullness of Joy,” Bread of Life 9, no. 9, September 1960, 3–4, 11.

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After a series of contributing circumstances in the summer of 1959, Penny was desperate to lead a victorious Christian life. She longed to overcome the sins that she continued to struggle, and to know Jesus Christ in a deeper way. Around this same time, one of Penny’s friends shared her experience of having been filled with the Holy Spirit with Penny, which deepened her desire to receive Spirit baptism.36 Not long after, “the Lord took me away alone,” Penny writes. She spent almost an entire week alone with God, in which she received words from God concerning the future, and saw the Lord in a vision.37 In Penny’s own account, she was baptized in the Holy Spirit on the Sunday of that week, as she experienced an “overwhelming joy of close, intimate fellowship with Christ,” which she had never known before.38 Whether Penny also started to speak in tongues during this time is not specified. According to Penny, life was very different before and after November 1959. In fact, “[T]he two cannot be compared. It is the difference between holding the reins myself and Jesus Christ being in control; between a walk after the flesh and a walk in the spirit; between defeat and victory. Victory is assured, for He is Victor.”39 Penny never mentioned the influence of Pearl Young or Elisabeth Lindau in her writings. However, it is known that the Dales had ongoing interactions with the two missionaries.40 The fact that Penny’s testimony was published in Bread of Life indicates that Young and Lindau knew the Dales well. Although they were likely not the only sources, Tony Dale (1950–), the youngest son of the Dales, affirms that Young and her colleagues from Zion Church had a significant impact on how the Dales understood the work of the Holy Spirit.41 As discussed in Chap. 3, Jean  Dale, “In His Presence,” Bread of Life, 3.  Dale, “In His Presence,” Bread of Life, 4. 38  Dale, “In His Presence,” Bread of Life, 3–4. 39  Dale, “In His Presence,” Bread of Life, 11. 40  “Elisabeth Lindau attending Language Institute in Taipei, Formosa,” Bread of Life 9, no. 11, November 1960, 9; Elisabeth Lindau, “On Land or Sea,” Bread of Life 9, no. 8, August 1960, 8. 41  Tony Dale, phone interview by author, February, 28, 2017. Tony recalls a charismatic experience in 1964 as a teenager when he was struck down by hepatitis (which was confirmed by lab work) for about a week. During this time, he lost so much weight his father began to feed him intravenously. Penny brought Pearl Young and others from the Zion Church home to pray for Tony one evening. Tony was aware of the healing that took place immediately after it happened, when he was completely well by the next morning and felt ravenously hungry. According to Tony, the healing was “one of the defining spiritual moments” that has shaped his life ever since. Tony Dale, e-mail to author, October 9, 2018. Today, Tony is a 36 37

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Stone Willans was likely to be another important source that influenced Donald Dale’s view on the Holy Spirit in the late 1960s. While Donald had not been antagonistic to the charismatic message, his theological convictions had been more in line with the dispensationalism taught at Honor Oak, says Tony Dale. Penny’s experience of Spirit baptism thus brought some tension into the household, but it also helped Donald keep his mind open to the work of the Holy Spirit.42 It is hard to pinpoint the precise moment when Donald changed his attitude toward the charismatic message. Tony Dale relays that Donald responded “very positively” when told of his son’s experience with the Holy Spirit in the fall of 1968 while studying in England.43 A year later, Jean Stone Willans wrote from Hong Kong regarding the Dales’ visit in October 1969 that “Mrs. Dale has received the Baptism of the Holy Spirit but Donald has not and here he is—surrounded again [by those who have had the experience].”44 Beginning in the early 1950s, the Dales hosted a weekly prayer meeting in their home. In the early 1970s, the meeting appears to have adopted a charismatic flavor. Penny recounts that on the first Friday evening of 1970, about twelve people gathered at the Dales’ home for prayer, asking God to teach them more about the gifts of the Holy Spirit as depicted in 1 Corinthians 14:26.45 In October 1970, Donald Dale “asked for more magazines [Trinity]” from Jean Stone Willans from Hong Kong,46 revealing that the Dales’ circle had been reading some charismatic materials. The following two events in 1971 most likely led Donald to come fully onboard with the charismatic message. In February 1971, about thirty to forty missionaries in Taiwan—including Donald Dale—gathered to listen to a teaching given by Herbert Mjorud. Mjorud was a charismatic Lutheran evangelist from Minnesota, and Mjorud’s teaching discussed the theme of Spirit baptism in light of his own personal testimony.47 Prayer medical doctor based in Austin, Texas. He is the founder and chairman of Sedera Health. Tony and his wife, Felicity, are involved in the house church movement in the United States. 42  Tony Dale, interview. 43  Tony Dale, e-mail message to author, July 13, 2017. 44  Jean Stone and Richard J. Willans, Letter to Gang, October 18, 1969. 45  Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 142. 46  Jean Stone and Richard J. Willans, letter to friends, October 2, 1970. 47  For Mjorud’s autobiographical account, see Herbert Mjorud, Dare to Believe (Carol Stream, IL: Creation House, 1975).

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was offered after the message. In prayer, a Catholic sister “began to sing praises to the Lord in a beautiful ‘new tongue,’” whereas several others were filled with the Spirit, and some spoke in tongues for the first time.48 It is believed that the Catholic sister was Sr. Nadine. Referring to the same event in the New Covenant, Bartley F. Schmitz, SVD (1918–2016), a Catholic missionary in Taiwan from 1960 to 1993, documents in 1971 that Dr. Dale’s clinic “received the outpouring of the Spirit when two Lutheran missionaries visited Taiwan in February of this year.” “On Feb. 17, 1971,” writes Schmitz, “Sr. Nadine, a Maryknoll sister, the only Catholic present at the meeting, and many Protestants of several Churches received the gifts of the Spirit.”49 Donald asked for prayer for his voice (which he had lost a few hours prior) and asthma. While he only had his voice back four days later, Donald reports that he was healed from asthma instantly. According to Donald, while people were praying for him, the gift of faith “was dropped from heaven into his heart and he KNEW he was healed (emphasis original).”50 The miraculous healing led the Dales to explore further the theme of healing in the Bible. In the summer of 1971, the Dales went on a long trip to attend two of their sons’ weddings. Donald did not have to take any medication in the three months of their trip, and there were no signs of asthma. After they went back to Taipei, however, Donald caught a bad cold and his asthma returned. From that time on, Donald was never free from it. The Dales believed that if they had understood spiritual warfare at a younger age, the situation could have been different.51 A few weeks after Mjorud’s visit, Donald had a unique “tongues experience.” Donald was invited to speak at a conference held for Christian college students in central Taiwan. An hour before Donald was to give his talk at the first meeting, he was notified that the interpreter had mixed up the dates and was unable to be present. Donald was advised to give his talk in Mandarin instead. However, because Donald had never preached in  Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 142–3.  Bartley F. Schmitz, “Report from Taiwan,” New Covenant 1:5, November 1971, 18–20. “Sr. Nadine” would be Sister Nadine Tierney, MM (1935–2010). Penny Dale did not specify the month of Mjorud’s visit in Ten Sacks of Rice. It is very likely that Herbert Mjorud heard more about Jean Stone Willans from the Dales while he visited Taiwan. Jean received a phone call from Mjorud in February 1971, and the two had some good conversation. Jean Stone and Richard J. Willans, letter to Gail Castle, February 26, 1971. 50  Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 143. 51  Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 145. 48 49

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Mandarin, he felt more secure using an interpreter. Nonetheless, because he did not have any alternatives, Donald prayed, “Lord, if ever I need to speak in tongues it is now! Please give me this gift this evening.”52 It was a prayer of surrender. That night, Donald spoke freely in Mandarin for an hour. The interpreter arrived the next day, so Donald spoke in English. After the talk, many asked him, “Why did you have to use an interpreter? It would have been a lot clearer if you had spoken in Mandarin.” Donald was astounded. He realized that God had been at work in a special way the previous night, despite the fact that he was fluent in Mandarin and that he was a good speaker in general.53 If God gave Donald the language that he understood that evening, God gave him an unknown language—the gift of tongues—later in life.54 Starting in the early 1970s, the prayer meeting at the Dales attracted Protestant and Catholic missionaries in Taiwan. A few Catholic nuns and priests, having encountered the charismatic experience in the United States, “identified with a charismatic prayer group in Taipei in the home of Dr. Donald Dale, one of the first Protestants to introduce the movement to Taiwan.”55 The activities of the Dales cannot be fully enumerated. However, it is worth mentioning that Donald Dale supported the operation of the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International Chapter in Taiwan in the late 1970s. That such is the case was relayed to me by Pastor Daniel Li-chung Tsao, who helped me obtain relevant information from the wife and son of Tom Nian-chun Liu 劉念群, who used to be the Vice-Chairman of the FGBMFI Chapter in Taiwan. Quite a number of people attended the fellowship, which ran for about three years. It was discontinued for unidentifiable reasons (Fig. 4.1).56

 Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 143–4.  Tony Dale, interview. 54  Dale, Ten Sacks of Rice, 144. 55  Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” 11. 56  I am indebted to Pastor Daniel Tsao and Liu Lin Ming-yueh 劉林明月 for the information. In Tsao’s phone conversation with Liu Lin Ming-yueh, she relays that the FGBMFI Chapter in Taiwan started sometime in the 1970s. She does not know why it was discontinued, but she is certain that the team was affiliated with Demos Shakarian’s ministry. Tsao, e-mail message to author, July 11, 2017. The Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship that is running in Taiwan today was started by Tony Kuo-sheng Tseng 曾國生 and Andrew Chiming Chang 章啟明 in 1986. 52 53

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Fig. 4.1  This photograph was taken in May 1979. Left: Tom Nian-chun Liu 劉 念群, Vice-Chairman of the FGBMFI Taiwan Chapter. I am very grateful to Liu Nian-­chun’s wife, Liu Lin Ming-yueh 劉林明月, and their son, David Yu-chu Liu 劉昱初, for sharing the photograph and for granting me permission to include it in this work. Personal Collection of Liu Nian-chun’s Family

While the picture in Fig.  4.1 verifies the existence of the FGBMFI Chapter in Taiwan in the late 1970s, it cannot be determined if it was a brand-new initiative, or an effort carried over from the previous decade. Issues of Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice in the 1970s did not yield any information about the activities of the chapter in Taiwan. Although they did not directly help the spread of the charismatic message among Taiwanese Christians, the Dales were instrumental to the development of charismatic sensitivities among traditionally non-­ charismatic missionary circles in Taiwan in the 1970s. Situated in central Taipei, the Christian Clinic functioned as an entrepot—a place that collects, exchanges, and distributes information, as missionaries gathered for doctor’s appointments, fellowship, short-term or long-term boarding, and regular prayer meetings. Being one of the two most influential (foreign) Christians on the island, as Jean Stone Willan noted perceptively in 1968

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(Chap. 3), it seems that Donald Dale lent immense credibility to the charismatic message in Taiwan in the 1970s. The Renewal Team Around the same time that Donald began developing his own charismatic sensitivities in the early 1970s, the Dales also started to attract charismatic missionaries to the weekly prayer meetings at their residence. From these meetings, the Renewal Team emerged. The eight missionaries that comprised the core of the Renewal Team included Donald 丁曉亮  and Penelope Dale 丁桂貞 (Independent missionaries; active in Taiwan from 1949 to 1978), Fr. John Baptist Palm, SJ 柏世安 (Catholic; active in Taiwan from 1953 to 2003), Ross 巴柝聲 and Christine Paterson 柯慈恩 (Independent missionaries; Ross started work in Taiwan since 1969, and Christine joined Ross in 1975; the couple left in 1979), Doug Plummer 博仁滿 (Worldwide Evangelization Crusade; active in Taiwan from 1971 to 1984), Lynn New 鈕沛霖 (Southern Baptist; active in Taiwan from 1971 to 1979), and Malcolm Foster 馮茂光 (Independent missionary; active in Taiwan from 1972 to 1979).57 While the Dales and Palm started work in Taiwan much earlier, others only arrived in Taiwan in the late 1960s and the early 1970s. Given his position as the senior member, Dale became the leader of the team. The Renewal Team was never a structured ministry group but remained loosely organized. The group’s common interest in renewal thus led to common services. Major works of the Renewal Team included charismatic conferences, Intercessors Conferences and Prayer Retreats, and publications. While all of these activities were initiated by missionaries, natives participated in some of them as well. Charismatic Conferences Several charismatic conferences were held in the 1970s. Herbert Mjorud visited Taiwan in 1971, although it cannot be determined who invited him. Nevertheless, Swanson suggests that the meeting “left a lasting

57  The list of names was provided by Doug Plummer in a skype interview by author, May 2, 2017. The Dales and the Patersons would later return to Taiwan on a number of occasions after they concluded their work in Taiwan in the late 1970s. Worldwide Evangelization Crusade later renamed Worldwide Evangelization for Christ, or WEC International.

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impression” upon those present.58 Testimonies from this meeting have been discussed. Mjorud was invited back to Taiwan at least four other times in 1973, 1974, 1975, and 1979.59 Pingtung Covenant Church invited Mjorud in 1973, and the information available suggests that it was the Tainan Baptist Church and the Catholics in Taipei who invited him in 1975 and 1979, respectively.60 Lynn New further notes that Donald Dale invited Mjorud in 1974. As Dale arranged the meetings in Taipei, Lynn New and Pastor Barnabas Yang 楊毓昂 invited Mjorud to speak at the Tainan Baptist Church 台南浸信會 in Tainan.61 Lynn New was deeply touched by a miraculous healing that took place during Mjorud’s meeting at the Tainan Baptist Church in 1974. A man who came to the meeting had been blinded as a result of an industrial explosion several years prior. When he shared his testimony afterwards, he said he was responsible for the explosion that caused several deaths, and he had suffered from survivor’s guilt since then. When he was prayed for at the meeting, the man said he understood the meaning of forgiveness for the first time. And miraculously, his eyesight recovered eventually.62 Mjorud’s meetings in Taiwan were never large, but his impact on the missionary circle in Taiwan—Protestants and Catholics—was more than significant in the 1970s. As a result, many seasoned missionaries experienced or witnessed God’s power in a way that they had never seen before.  Allen Swanson, e-mail message to author, June 13, 2017.  A keyword search of “馬真理” (Mjorud) and “Mjorud” on the Christian Tribune website renders the results of his visit to Taiwan in 1973, 1974, and 1979. While the Christian Tribune records events taking place within Taiwanese churches, they would not have been comprehensive. See  “Zhuen fuxing juhui jinqi juhang sitian” 主恩復興聚會今起舉行四天 [Four days of charismatic renewal meeting starts from today], Christian Tribune, March 11, 1979; “Huanqiu budaojia Mazhenli litai budao” 環球佈道家馬真理蒞台佈道 [World evangelist Herbert Mjorud visits Taiwan], Christian Tribune, February 24, 1974; “Liangwei huanqiu budaojia yingyao zai Pingtung linghui” 兩位環球佈道家應邀在屏東領會 [Two world evangelists invited to speak in Pingtung], Christian Tribune, February 25, 1973. Mjorud’s 1975 visit was documented in “Tainan Fuqianlu Jinxinhui” 台南府前路浸信會 [Tainan Baptist Church], Zhonghua Jinxinhui lianhui huikan 中華浸聯會會刊 [Chinese Baptist Convention Journal], no. 25, March 1975, 11. 60  The meeting in 1979 was held at Tien Educational Center, a Catholic center in Taipei. 61  Lynn New, e-mail message to author, June 20, 2017. Lynn New is a professor of psychology at East Texas Baptist University. 62  Lynn New, phone interview by author, May 19, 2017. Regarding Mjorud’s 1974 visit, a report goes, “Herbert Mjorud led an evangelistic conference in Taiwan from February 24 to 27. Many gave their lives to Christ, were filled with the Holy Spirit, and received healing.” “Tainan Fuqianlu Jinxinhui” 台南府前路浸信會 [Tainan Baptist Church], Chinese Baptist Convention Journal, no. 19, March 1974, 27. 58 59

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The meeting in 1971, in particular, whetted the appetite of a number of missionaries to experience more of the Holy Spirit. Lynn New thus notes that Mjorud’s ministry was well received in Taiwan and resulted in widespread blessing.63 The Renewal Team’s desire to help Christian communities in Taiwan learn more about the work of the Holy Spirit inspired them to put together Spiritual Renewal Seminars for missionaries and Taiwanese pastors and church leaders in 1974 and 1975. Speakers at the conferences were primarily worldwide leaders involved in the Charismatic Movement. Malcolm Foster was the main organizer of these events.64 The first Spiritual Renewal Seminars took place in September to October 1974. The seminars in Tainan had about fifty participants, and the seminars in Taipei drew about seventy people. Speakers included Rev. Lester Pritchard from Canada, Rev. Robert Birch from Vancouver, and Rev. Akihiro Mizuno from Japan.65 Among the attendees was a young woman, Joy, who had assisted Foster in preparing the conference. She had had advanced symptoms of leprosy and had to be admitted to the leprosarium half way through the conference. Lester Pritchard, Donald Dale, and Malcolm Foster prayed for Joy before she left for the leprosarium. The following month, after examining Joy, the doctor declared that her leprosy was nearly gone, and took her off her medication. Deeply touched by her

 New, e-mail message to author, June 20, 2017.  Malcolm Foster was brought up in a Wesleyan Reform Church in Bansley, England, and later became charismatic. Foster was turned down by a missionary society because he mentioned speaking in tongues and was “too enthusiastic” about the activity of the Holy Spirit. Foster and his wife, Margaret, arrived in Taiwan in 1972 as independent missionaries. They worked in Taipei from 1972 to 1976, then in Taichung from 1977 to 1979. Malcolm Foster, e-mail message to author, May 15 and 31, 2017. 65  The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 10,” December 1974, & “Prayer Letter No. 9,” September 12, 1974. Lester Pritchard started the Team Thrust Ministries in Canada, and the Japan Thrust in Japan in 1970. Pritchard worked with the Assemblies of God and other charismatic Protestant and Catholic groups in Japan to spread charismatic teachings. James M.  Phillips, From the Rising of the Sun: Christians and Society in Contemporary Japan (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1981), 136. Robert Birch (1907–2007) was a pastor of St. Margaret’s Reformed Episcopal Church (later West Coast Christian Fellowship) in Vancouver, Canada, starting in 1951. The church was deeply involved in the charismatic renewal and the Jesus Movement in the 1960s and 1970s. Birch founded the Watchmen For the Nations in 1991. Akihiro Mizuno is the founder pastor of the Christian Life International Church in Nagoya, Japan. Mizuno is heavily involved in the renewal movement in Japan. 63 64

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healing, Joy became even more committed to her faith and assisted Foster in his publishing efforts.66 A second round Spiritual Renewal Seminars took place in Taipei in September to October 1975. Speakers included Rev. Lester Pritchard, Denis G.  Clark from England, and Juan Carlos Ortiz from Argentina. Two hundred and twenty pastors and church leaders attended the meeting.67 The theme of the seminar, “May All Be One, So That The World May Believe,”68 reveals that unity was very much on the heart of charismatic missionaries in Taiwan in the 1970s. I ntercessors Conferences and Prayer Retreats Denis G. Clark founded Intercessors for Britain in 1969. Clark’s message at the Spiritual Renewal Seminar in Taiwan in 1975 challenged Malcolm Foster and others to launch Intercessors for the Republic of China (Taiwan) 中華民國代禱團 on January 1, 1976.69 Intercessors for the Republic of China (Taiwan) sought people to commit themselves to praying for both Taiwanese society and the world. Malcolm Foster produced quarterly newsletters for the Taiwanese chapter of Intercessors beginning in 1975. When the Fosters left Taiwan in 1979, Reynald J. Bianchi 文惠民 (1937–), a Catholic priest who was no longer in active ministry, became the coordinator of the organization and shouldered the responsibility of issuing the newsletters until August 1986.70 By spring 1980, around 110 people had committed themselves to praying for the nation through the organization.71 While Catholics were also involved, a larger number of newsletters were sent to Protestants. Bianchi relates to

 The Fosters, Prayer Letter No. 15, June 1976 & “Prayer Letter No. 10.”  The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 13,” December 1975, and “Prayer Letter No. 12,” August 30, 1975. Denis Clark was born in South Africa. He went to Britain in the 1950s and embraced the Charismatic Movement in the 1960s. Juan Carlos Ortiz is the world-famed evangelist from Argentina. 68  “Lingxing fuxing yanxihui mingqi juxing” 靈性復興研習會明起舉行 [Spiritual renewal seminars start tomorrow], Christian Tribune, September 28, 1975. 69  Malcolm Foster, Intercessors for R.O.C.  Prayer Letter No.1, December 1975. The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 14,” April 1976. The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 13.” 70  Rey Bianchi, Intercessors for R.O.C. Newsletter No.9, Summer 1979. Rey Bianchi is an ordained but laicized priest. He served in Taiwan as a Maryknoll missionary from 1965 to 1974 before he applied for a dispensation from Rome to leave the active ministry and to marry. Rey resides in Taipei, Taiwan. 71  Rey Bianchi, Intercessors for R.O.C. Newsletter No.11, Spring 1980. 66 67

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me that he had to accommodate his vocabulary so that the newsletters would suit his Protestant readers.72 The efforts  of the Intercessors for the Republic of China (Taiwan) were later cemented by the group’s Prayer Retreats, which were held two to four times yearly starting in 1976. The first of a series of letters regarding the prayer retreats came from Ray E. Ramont, who introduces himself as “a businessman with a factory in Hsin Chu” in a letter dated March 8, 1976.73 According to Malcolm Foster, since the missionaries in the circle were quite tied up with their respective responsibilities at that time, Ramont offered to help with organizing the prayer retreats until the Fosters returned from a break from England. Ramont thus issued the first few letters about the prayer retreats in 1976, before Malcolm Foster took over the responsibility in 1977.74 According to Bianchi’s personal record that was given to me, the prayer retreats were attended by around twenty to forty people from 1976 to 1986.75 They often took place at different monasteries in Taiwan. Missionaries were well aware of the charismatic flavor of the retreats, so that they seem to have appealed primarily to those who were open to charismatic experiences.76 A record from the Prayer Retreat held on February 6–9, 1978, in Tanshui indicates that participants freely utilized such spiritual gifts as visions and prophecies during the meeting (Appendix 1). Other gifts such as speaking in tongues with interpretation and prayer for healing were also operated in these meetings.77 While the record of use of charismatic gifts in the meetings is scarce, it is nonetheless observed in another newsletter when Rey Bianchi writes, “The last Prayer Retreat  Bianchi, e-mail message to author, June 23, 2017.  R. E. Ramont, Letter addressed to Friends, March 8, 1976. The letter most likely went to missionaries who showed interest in praying for revival. Donnel McLean was listed as another contact person in Ramont’s letter. McLean was an Assemblies of God missionary to Japan, and he briefly stayed in Taiwan in the mid-1970s. 74  Malcolm Foster, e-mail message to author, October 3, 2018. 75  Bianchi was invited to join the leadership team of the Prayer Retreats in 1981, to work with Fr. John Palm, Milton Lites, Doug Plummer, and Coos de Vink (Full Gospel Church, Holland). Rey Bianchi, 18th Intercessors for R.O.C. Prayer Conference, December 1981. He attended the last prayer retreat in October 1986. As he was the last remaining leader left of the aforementioned members, he turned the leadership over to other members. It is assumed that the prayer retreats continued for a period of time after that, although no known record remains. 76  Rey Bianchi, skype interview with author, June 27, 2017. 77  Bianchi, e-mail message to author, June 23, 2017. 72 73

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taught me that the Lord does not want us to use our spiritual gifts for ourselves or the Prayer Retreats exclusively, but that He expected us to use them when we ‘came down the mountain,’ for the building up of the Body of Christ and the increase in membership of that Body.”78 Ross Paterson recalls that while participants did not necessarily discuss the work of the Holy Spirit in these retreats, they were moving in the Holy Spirit as they prayed for one another, for individual missionaries, and for Taiwan. Once, while a Lutheran missionary was sharing her prayer request, Paterson believed that he received a word from God for her, and shared it with her afterwards. The next time they gathered, the woman thanked Paterson for the word, as she had survived the summer on the word he had given to her.79 According to Bianchi, there were never any attempts for denominational reconciliation between Protestants and Catholics, but they sought the “lowest common denominator upon which all could agree.”80 As Ross Paterson recalls it, the Pope, Mary, and the mass were three topics that both the Protestants and Catholics agreed not to raise or discuss. In order to work together, they instead focus on their common ground regarding the place of Jesus, the cross, and resurrection.81  ther Charismatic Conferences O Even though it was the Keng Yun Hui 耕耘會 (Chap. 5), a Christian organization started by a Taiwanese entrepreneur, not the Renewal Team, that invited Juan Carlos Ortiz to Taiwan in March and April 1979, the Renewal Team assisted in preparation for the event, so it merits attention here. During his visit, Ortiz spoke at the Church Renewal Seminars that were held at a Methodist Church in Taipei for eight consecutive days. Around 1200 Taiwanese Christians attended the seminar on the first day, and, by  Rey Bianchi, 19th Intercessors for R.O.C. Prayer Conference, April 1982.  Paterson, interview. 80  Bianchi, e-mail message to author, June 23, 2017. 81  Paterson, e-mail message to author, January 10, 2017. While Malcolm Foster had extensive collaboration with the Catholics while in Taiwan, it is noteworthy that the prayer letters he sent home in the 1970s never discussed this aspect of his ministry, except the last letter written before he returned to the United Kingdom, in which he points out that “some would oppose this kind of ministry [cooperation with the Catholics].” The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 22,” May/June?, 1979. Upon asking, Foster admits that he hesitated to communicate the sensitive subject through prayer letters, for some of his prayer partners were anti-Catholic. Foster, e-mail message to author, November 27, 2017. 78 79

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the last day, around about 3000 people “packed into the Church, stairways outside, windows, with 4 closed circuit T.V.’s in overflow areas.”82 Malcolm Foster believes that the well-received conference indicates that by this time it was acceptable to be charismatic, and that the Renewal Team’s vision to light the spark of renewal in various churches in Taiwan was now fulfilled.83 Foster’s interpretation notwithstanding, other Taiwanese pastors hold a different interpretation of the significance of Ortiz’s event. For Pastor Jonathan Chih-chien Chiu 邱志健, president of the Chinese Campus Crusade for Christ in Taiwan who translated all sessions for Ortiz but one, people were drawn to Ortiz by his church growth message that focused on small group operation and discipleship, not by his charismatic background. Pastor James Chung-chein Shia 夏忠堅 (1948–) also states that Ortiz’s message concerned mainly church growth, instead of the work of the Holy Spirit.84 Book Publication Malcolm Foster says in a newsletter that his vision of publishing books was divinely inspired, which involved a dream.85 His vision was well received by several charismatic missionaries, but not by other missionary societies that were not in favor of drawing attention to charismatic experiences. As a result, it was more challenging to distribute these charismatic-themed books within the missionary community than in Taiwanese churches.86 One night after a meeting at the Dales, Foster walked down a badly lit lane. Three black shadows approached him and frightened him. It was Fr. Palm and two other priests in their black robes. Palm had heard about Foster’s idea of publication, and he inquired whether it was true. Foster affirmed that it was. Palm then told Foster that he had prayed for two 82  The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 22,” May/June?, 1979. See also “Oudici nanbei benbo lingjuhui” 歐迪慈南北奔波領聚會 [Ortiz held meetings in southern and northern Taiwan], Christian Tribune, April 15, 1979. 83  Foster, e-mail message to author, June 5, 2017. 84  Jonathan Chiu, interview by author, El Monte, CA, July 20, 2017. James Shia, interview by author, Taipei, January 17, 2018. Chiu recalls that Pastor Ernest Chong-fai Chan 陳仲輝 translated one session for Ortiz, and he translated the rest of more than thirty sessions. More on Ernest Chan’s ministry in Chap. 5. 85  “About 7 or 8  years ago one of Malcolm[’]s friends had a number of dreams about Malcolm being used in literature work, these had been completely forgotten until we had launched out on our present mission.” The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 8,” June 1974. 86  Foster, e-mail message to author, May 31, 2017.

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years that God would send someone to print books on renewal; otherwise, he would do it. He then took out 20,000 New Taiwan dollars (which is worth around 667  US dollars today) and gave them to Foster to help finance the first five thousand copies of printing. According to Foster, if he was the answer to Palm’s prayer, Palm was also the answer to Foster’s prayer, as Foster lived by faith, and needed finances if his vision was to be fulfilled.87 Foster selected books by authors from different denominations. Eleven of the twelve books published from 1974 to around 1980 included Michael Darwood’s Receiving Power (June 1974), Stanley Jebb’s The Baptism in the Spirit (February 1975), David Watson’s One in the Spirit (September 1975), Don Double’s Life in a New Dimension (1976), Larry Christenson’s Speaking in Tongues (1976), Alvar Blomgren’s Ministry Gifts (February 1977), Jack T. Chick’s The Last Call (March 1979), Juan Carlos Ortiz’s Cry of the Human Heart (1977), Bob Mumford’s 15 Steps Out (March 1979), Selwyn Hughes’ How to live the Christian Life (1980), and a songbook entitled Songs of Celebration (心靈之慶, March 1979).88 The August 1977 issue of Campus Magazine lists a number of books that discuss the person and the work of the Holy Spirit available in Mandarin Chinese, and the first five items from the aforementioned list were included (Appendix 2).89 The magazine’s modest list of works on the subject explains why Foster’s idea of publishing was well received by charismatic missionaries in Taiwan. It also alludes to the significance of Foster’s contribution, as through these works, the writings of a wide range of contemporary charismatic authors were introduced to Chinese-speaking readers.

 Foster, e-mail message to author, May 15, 2017.  The Fosters, “Prayer Letters No. 9–23,” September 12, 1974–April/May 1980. I could not identify the twelfth title. The Chinese title of Ortiz’s Cry of the Human Heart was rendered Fushen de yingxu: Dui renlei xinling huqiu de jieda 父神的應許—對人類心靈呼求的解 答 [The promise of the Father: The cry of the human heart]. Foster worked on the songbook with Robin Dale (1948–), the middle son of Donald and Penny Dale. The impression one gets from Fosters’ newsletters is that the books in general sold well in Taiwan. The Fosters did not provide us with all statistics, but they record that Darwood’s Receiving Power sold over 600 copies within three months, and around 1600 copies by March 1975. Jebb’s The Baptism in the Spirit was sold over 1100 copies in the first two weeks of its release. 89  Stephen Wu 吳鯤生, “Cankao shumu, yi: Guanyu ‘Shengling zhi weige,’ ‘Sengling zhi gongzuo’ de shuji” 參考書目: 壹、關於「聖靈之位格」、「聖靈之工作」的書籍 [Bibliography, part I: Books on the person and the work of the Holy Spirit], Campus Magazine, August 1977, 42–3. 87 88

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Other Missionaries’ Involvement in Charismatic Ministry Several other missionaries were also involved in the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in the 1970s. However, the scope of this research only allows me to discuss two. My choice to include these two missionaries in particular is due to the uniqueness of their background and the nature of their work.  ynn New (1944– , Southern Baptist) L In addition to participating in joint gatherings, the member of the Renewal Team also operated at an individual level in sharing the renewal message. When Lynn New 鈕沛霖 (1944– , active in Taiwan from 1971 to 1979) came to know Doug Plummer (1943–) at language school in Taipei in the early 1970s, Plummer invited New to the prayer meeting at the Dales. Lynn New found kinship in this network, which was not found in his own Southern Baptist association. While Southern Baptist missionaries in Taiwan also held prayer meetings, Lynn New felt that they were nothing like what he experienced at the Dales. He states that he learned many lessons about prayer through his association with the group. He remembers that missionaries would spend hours praying at prayer retreats in monasteries. He also professes that God talked to him on numerous occasions during this time.90 Once during prayer, Lynn New believed that the Lord told him to stand at a street corner in Kun Shan, Tainan. God would direct people to him there. New did what he believed he had been told. A truck stopped and the driver asked what he was doing. New said he was there to tell people about Jesus. The driver said that he also had a “Jesus” at home, and took New back and showed him the ancestral altar. Lynn New then had a chance to introduce Jesus Christ to the man. As Lynn New worked in a village, he came to know a young man. One night, he found that the village was mourning because somebody had died. It turned out that the young man’s father-in-law, a fisherman, had drowned at sea. The village was greatly concerned because they had searched the body for days without success. Villagers were afraid that if the body was not well taken care of, the man’s spirit would return and haunt the village—as is commonly believed in Taiwanese folk religion. They had 90  The narration of this section is based on the author’s phone interview with Lynn New on May 19, 2017.

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even gone to various gods for help, including making significant financial offerings, but nothing worked. The young man asked Lynn New if his Jesus would know where the body was. New suggested that they could pray. The young man asked all mourners to quiet down for prayer. Before a big crowd, Lynn New’s coworker, Paul Peng, prayed and asked the Lord to find the body so that all of the people would know that God loved them and know that there were no gods in Taiwan like the Lord Jesus Christ. The next day before daylight, Lynn New received a phone call that said that the body was found. Everyone wanted New to tell Jesus how thankful they were. They even suggested that they would want to do something in return. It was then that some opened their homes to learn more about Jesus. New attributes these miraculous events to his new experience of the Holy Spirit, which began due to his association with the Renewal Team.91 According to Lynn New, several Taiwanese Baptist pastors were very open to the charismatic message after having received their own experiences of Spirit baptism. He states that Taiwanese Baptists in the 1970s in general were not as concerned about doctrines as they were about evangelism. While Lynn  New knew one Baptist missionary from the United States in Taiwan who was opposed to the Charismatic Movement, the missionary’s attitude relaxed as he saw growth in people’s lives. Even during the times when Southern Baptist missionaries gathered once a year in Taiwan for meetings, Lynn New does not recall that they were ever concerned about the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan.  ouise Ho (née van den Berg) (1944–, World Evangelization Crusade) L Louise Ho (née van den Berg) 畢路安 (1944–, active in Taiwan from 1972 to 1980), known as Louise van den Berg when she first arrived Taiwan in 1972 as a single woman, grew up in a Reformed church in the Netherlands that opposed the charismatic message.92 While attending an Evangelical gathering in Belgium at the age of nineteen, Ho heard a charismatic teaching for the first time, and received baptism in the Holy Spirit after a Dutch minister and another church leader prayed for her. When she was studying nursing at the Free University of Amsterdam, Ho and a number of students were impacted by the Student Movement. Around  Lynn New, phone interview.  This section’s narrative is based on Louise Ho’s skype interview with the author on January 17, 2017. Louise married Melvin Ho, a Chinese-Malaysian pastor and professor. The Ho’s are now faculty at Global University in Springfield, USA. 91 92

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fifty ­contemporaries of Ho dedicated themselves to service in mission fields in the following years. After completing her university studies, Louise Ho studied at the Worldwide Evangelization Crusade (WEC) missionary training college in Glasgow, Scotland. She was sent as a WEC missionary to Taiwan in 1972. In 1974, she founded the Chinese Hospital Christian Fellowship (CHCF) 中華基督教醫務團契, an organization with a vision to reach out to people in the medical field, and to encourage Christians to integrate faith with their medical profession.93 The Chinese Hospital Christian Fellowship partnered with several clinics and hospitals in Taiwan. In particular, Louise Ho had a close relationship with Donald Dale’s clinic as Dale had invited her to work alongside his staff. Ho was thus one of the regular participants of the prayer meeting at the Dales in the 1970s. In addition to the Christian Clinic, Ho and her team from the Chinese Hospital Christian Fellowship would visit different hospitals and clinics in Taiwan, sharing the Gospel with the staff and encouraging the staff to reach out to patients.94 Deeply involved with the CHCF were Joseph Hsieh 謝宏忠, a medical doctor, and his wife, Maria, a pharmacist who was also a full-time CHCF team member.95 Joseph later became a pastor at Bread of Life Christian Church, and, starting in 1996, the president of Bread of Life (Ling Leung) Pastoral and Missionary Theological Seminary. Because of the nature of her work, Louise Ho touched people’s lives mainly on a personal level. Introducing the Gospel to people was always her primary objective. When she sensed that people needed to learn more, she would then share about the work of the Holy Spirit. Because Ho was aware of the potential opposition or hostility that the charismatic message could generate in light of her past experience, she was discreet in how she communicated the message. “Moderate Charismatics,” as she calls herself and those gathered at the Dales, reflects the preferred pneumatological perspective among non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan, natives and missionaries alike. 93  In 1983, the Chinese Hospital Christian Fellowship merged with the Chinese Christian Medical Mission 中華醫藥傳道會 (founded in 1977). The organization adopted the Chinese Christian Medical Mission as its English name, but with a new Chinese title: 中華基督教路 加傳道會 (Zhonghua Jidujiao Lujia chuandaohui). 94  Louise Ho, interview. 95  Louise Ho, e-mail message to author, November 12, 2018.

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Renewal Among Missionary Children in Taiwan Morrison Academy Children within the missionary circle also experienced renewal on various occasions. Marlene (Baker) Winell is the daughter of James and Marjorie Baker, Assemblies of God (USA) missionaries to China, and then to Taiwan. Marlene was introduced to a charismatic style of worship in Assemblies of God church services during the family’s furlough in the United States when she was in elementary school. Although she was not baptized in the Spirit during that trip, the memory left a deep impression upon her, and she became more involved in her faith.96 One weekend when she was in the eighth grade, Marlene experienced what she later recognized as baptism in the Holy Spirit. It involved an “ecstatic forty-five minutes of speaking in tongues, which felt like ten minutes.” She also had an “overwhelming feelings of total love and acceptance.”97 After returning to Morrison Academy, Marlene shared her experience with two of her dormmates.98 Both decided to receive God’s Spirit right then and there in the dorm room. One of them, Jennifer McQuade née McGillivray) (1951– ), experienced Spirit baptism and started to speak in tongues when praying with Marlene. As McQuade remembers it, this experience took place in late 1966 or early 1967. Jennifer professes that it was her “first real experience in seeking the Holy Spirit and feeling His power.”99 The prayer got a little loud, and it aroused the attention of other girls in the dorm. The news also reached Tony Dale in the boys’ dorm. When Tony expressed that he did not believe in speaking in tongues, he was told by the housemother that his own mother (Penny Dale), in fact, spoke in tongues.100  Marlene Winell, Leaving the Fold (Oakland, CA: New Harbinger, 1993), 29.  Winell, Leaving the Fold, 30. 98  Morrison Academy is an international Christian school in Taiwan that was established in 1952. Robert MacKinnon, “Morrison Academy,” in The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1960: A Survey of the Christian Movement in Taiwan during 1959, with Special Attention to the Ten Years from 1949 to 1959, by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Mission Fellowship, 1960), 46–7. 99  Jennifer McQuade, e-mail message to author, April 29, 2017. Jennifer’s mother, Winnie McGillivray, underwent a Spirit-filled experience with the assistance of Penny Dale. Jennifer is the daughter of Ken and Winnie McGillivray. While Ken was of Pentecostal background (Elim Missionary Society, UK), Winnie was from a Christian & Missionary Alliance background that did not promote the gifts of the Holy Spirit. The couple joined the Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada in 1963. 100  Tony Dale, interview. 96 97

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The furor lasted for a few days before it subsided. Jennifer believes that there was quite a stir among everyone in the dorm, since it was a phenomenon that most had never heard of. The incident left a deep impression upon many, including Tony Dale, who received the gift of tongues in 1968 while studying in England.  riple “C” Camps T Other than Morrison Academy, another opportunity that missionary parents convened was the Triple “C” (Christ Can Conquer) Camps. Initiated by the Dales alongside Richard (1920–2010) and Lucille (d. 1963) Webster in 1960, the camps aimed to provide a camp experience for English-speaking junior high school and senior high school students in Taiwan.101 A number of missionaries were recruited to help at the camps, which facilitated a process of renewal in the lives of quite a few children. In one of the camps in June 1973, a girl, who was in a “backslidden” state, had just returned from the United States. Donald Dale invited her to join the camp, in which she was touched deeply by God. She then was asked to give a testimony for five minutes at the Saturday evening meeting, which would be followed by teaching. The meeting was scheduled to close at nine for ice cream and jelly. However, the girl ended up testifying for sixty minutes.102 Just before the evening meeting finished, a nineteen-year-old young man cried out to God for being a hypocrite. All of a sudden, “God’s Spirit moved through the meeting hall,” and around sixty young people were crying out to God “as He touched areas of their lives which didn’t belong to Him.” Some were said to wrestle with God for up to three hours “until God had finished dealing with them.”103 A young man who sat next to Doug Plummer, convicted by his sins, grabbed Doug’s leg for thirty minutes.104 The presence of God was so strong that the meeting 101  Dale, Ten Stacks of Rice, 152–3. Richard and Lucille were missionaries of the China Inland Mission in China starting in 1947 before they relocated to Taiwan in 1952. After Lucille’s death, Richard married Florence Shires, and the two joined the Evangelical Alliance Mission. Richard, Lucille, and Florence were all heavily involved in student work in Taiwan. For more on the Triple “C” Camps, see Maureen Baird, “Triple ‘C’ Camps,” in The Taiwan Christian Yearbook 1968: A Survey of the Christian Movement in Taiwan, 1965–1968, by Taiwan Missionary Fellowship (Taipei: Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 1968), 141–2. 102  Foster, e-mail message to author, May 31, 2017. 103  The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 6,” August 1973. 104  Doug Plummer, skype interview, May 2, 2017.

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continued until after midnight—long after the ice cream and jelly had melted. Documenting the camp, the Fosters wrote that God’s love “seemed to flood the place and some of the gifts of the Holy Spirit were manifest.” The next day, nine students—half from missionary families and half from business or military families—were baptized in the sea nearby.105 The Triple “C” Camps were highly instrumental in the spiritual development of numerous missionary children. However, the occasional charismatic flavor of the camps also went on to become an issue with other non-charismatic missionaries in the field. Once, in 1961, a worship leader at a Triple “C” Camp asked those present to raise their hands in alignment with the lyrics “I will raise my hands to the Lord.” After the meeting, several counselors made it known to Donald Dale, the Director of the camp, that they opposed such “Pentecostalism.”106 Dale called a meeting. After prayer, Dale, who had not come on board to the charismatic message by then, expressed that he could not forbid something that is written in the Scripture (Ps. 63:4, 119:48, 141:2; 2 Tim. 2:8, etc.). He further explained that he had never raised his hands during worship, but he felt that the Holy Spirit was leading them in worship in that particular moment. The issue was then settled.107 On another occasion, Doug Plummer was one of the speakers. Near the end of a session, he gave an altar call and invited all who would give their lives to Christ to come forward. Later, a non-charismatic missionary doctor questioned the propriety of the altar call, believing it to be “charismatic,” to which he was not sympathetic.108 Thus, as charismatic sensitivities occasionally became manifest in the camps, they also created controversies. But these controversies never turned into irreconcilable rift within the missionary circle in Taiwan.

Ross Paterson (1943–) Operating in a church setting, Pearl Young drew people who were interested in the work of the Holy Spirit, and her message was relatively well received. In contrast, the mission of Ross Paterson (1943–) in the 1970s was met by much hardship and opposition, as he was more exposed to believers who were actively resistant to the Charismatic Movement.  The Fosters, “Prayer Letter No. 6,” August 1973.  Dale, Ten Stacks of Rice, 122. 107  Dale, Ten Stacks of Rice, 122–3. 108  Plummer, interview. 105 106

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Paterson experienced Spirit-baptism when David Watson prayed for him while he was a student at Cambridge University. Sent by St. Cuthbert’s church—a charismatic congregation in York, England, led by David Watson—Paterson arrived in Taiwan in April 1969. While teaching English at the National Taiwan University, Paterson also partnered with Campus Evangelical Fellowship and served as an advisor to the National Taiwan University Christian Fellowship. Pastor Daniel Tsao was one of Paterson’s closest coworkers when he was studying at National Taiwan University in the early 1970s. Because teachings on the Holy Spirit were scarce in Taiwan in the 1970s, Paterson spoke about the Holy Spirit when the opportunity arose.109 According to Tsao, Paterson was one of the very few preachers in Taiwan in the 1970s who was comfortable with preaching the message of being filled with the Holy Spirit, and of the gifts and power of the Holy Spirit. Although he was not the only source, Tsao believes that Paterson was one of the main avenues through which a great number of young adults learned about the work of the Holy Spirit in the 1970s.110 The Tongues, the “Chaos”: Leadership Training Camp, Taichung, 1973 In the summer of 1973, an unusual incident took place at a Leadership Training Camp for college students, which was organized by the Campus Evangelical Fellowship. The camp took place in Dajia, Taichung.111 109  Daniel Tsao, “Batuosheng mushi zaitai shinian yishi” 巴柝聲牧師在台灣十年軼事 [Anecdotes of Rev. Ross Paterson: Ten years in Taiwan] (2005), 7. Nathaniel Chow expressed the same view in interview. 110  Tsao, “Anecdotes of Rev. Ross Paterson,” 7. Through Campus Evangelical Fellowship, Paterson had plenty of opportunities to work with college students of various background from all over Taiwan on campuses, in camps, on retreats, or through conferences. Tsao’s account is consistent with that of Malcolm Foster, who relays that he was told by Taiwanese church workers in 1973 that they learned plenty about the Father and the Son, but little about the Holy Spirit. Foster, e-mail message to author, May 15, 2017. 111  Five people contributed to the accounts of this section: Pastor Peter Ning-ya Yang (senior pastor of Taipei Truth Lutheran Church since 1991), Pastor Daniel Li-chung Tsao, Pastor Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow, Pastor Lewis Yi-che Sung, and Ross Paterson. Yang, Tsao, and Sung attended the camp as college students, whereas Nathaniel Chow was a staff member at the Campus Evangelical Fellowship at the time. Special thanks go to Pastor Lin Hsueh-ling 林雪玲, wife of Lewis Sung, who helped grant permission to use the interview material after Sung’s passing.

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One evening, Lewis Yi-che Sung (1951–2018), a sophomore who later became a pastor, had an unusual encounter with the Holy Spirit. Sung had longed for an intimate relationship with God for quite some time. During the camp, he was reading A.  W. Tozer’s The Divine Conquest, and that evening, while praying alone in the prayer room, he decided to follow Tozer’s instruction in the book regarding how he might grow nearer to God. On his knees, Sung started to confess all his sins. All of a sudden, his body started to shake uncontrollably, while praising God in a language that he had never known. The prayer got so loud that it drew others’ attention. After prayer, Sung felt paralyzed, and a counselor helped him to a room next door to lie down. One or two days later, trying to discern the spirits, a speaker conversed with Sung and asked him whether he believed that Jesus is Lord. Sung answered positively. According to Sung, he did not understand what happened, as the experience was so novel to him that it did not fit into his conceptual framework. He only knew that what he was praying was called “tongues” after Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow explained it to him.112 A few days later, Ross Paterson spoke on the Holy Spirit in one of the sessions. Afterward, when Sung prayed with a few other brothers and laid hands on them, two of them also started to speak in tongues. After the incident, a counselor talked to Sung to ask him about his background. Sung said he was originally from a Presbyterian church. The counselor did not discourage or forbid Sung from speaking in tongues.113 However, the incident created other “trouble” and the news reached Ross Paterson and Nathaniel Chow, who had left for a pre-arranged evangelistic engagement. They were informed that one of the young men who spoke in tongues had been asked whether Jesus was Lord and whether Jesus had come in the flesh, but he was not answering. Upon hearing the news, Paterson traveled back to the campsite at once. Paterson sat down with the young man and asked him whether he believed Jesus was Lord and whether Jesus had come in the flesh. He answered positively. When asked why he did not say anything previously, the young man said that he thought the Holy Spirit was supposed to speak for him. Paterson explained to him how the Holy 112  Lewis Yi-che Sung, skype interview by author, October 2, 2017. A truncated version of Sung’s story is found in the Campus Magazine. Lu Yi-che 盧義哲 “Wo dui Shengling de renshi: Nayici jingli” 我對聖靈的認識—那一次經歷 [My understanding of the Holy Spirit: That encounter], Campus Magazine (August 1977), 33–4. Lu later changed his name to Sung Yi-che 宋義哲. 113  Sung, interview.

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Spirit works. Paterson also suggested to the Campus Evangelical Fellowship leaders that they needed to teach people how to walk in the Holy Spirit.114 Nathaniel Chow recalls that a few people blamed Paterson for the “chaos” that arose.115 Peter Ning-ya Yang remembers that it was the first time that he had witnessed people speaking in tongues, so that the events were unforgettable for him.116 Daniel Li-chung Tsao remembers that college students in that particular camp showed unusual interest in the work of the Holy Spirit.117 People had vivid memories of this camp because what happened was out of the ordinary in a day and age where speaking in tongues was not a common practice. Unlike many others who started to have charismatic experiences under the influence of other charismatic figures, Lewis Sung had not had any charismatic influences prior to this experience.118 Equally unusual was that the incident took place within the Campus Evangelical Fellowship—an organization that was traditionally suspicious of charismatic teachings regarding spiritual gifts, and which thus attempted to keep charismatic teachings at a “safe” distance. Even though the organization’s leaders did not deny the authenticity of the spiritual experiences of those who spoke in tongues in the camp, they were probably limited in their ability to provide more constructive teachings on the subject. Déjà vu: The Tongues, the “Chaos”: Leadership Training Camp, Taichung, 1976 Yet, the events at this leadership training camp in 1973 were not the only charismatic phenomena that the Campus Evangelical Fellowship encountered in the 1970s. Three years later at the same campsite, different students had similar experiences. In the Training Camp in Dajia, Taichung in 1976, Pastor Daniel Chih-yung Ho 何志勇 (1956–), the then college student, walked out of a service toward the end of a meeting to pray for those who had just dedicated themselves to the Lord. On his knees, Daniel Ho praised God for the election. After a while, he felt that a force welled up  Paterson, e-mail message to author, July 12, 2017.  Chow, interview. 116  Peter Yang, interview by author, Taipei, August 21, 2016. 117  Tsao, interview. 118  Sung, interview. Sung states that when the news spread back to campus, some students from other Pentecostal churches invited him to participate in some events in their churches. Knowing where the Campus Evangelical Fellowship stood on this issue, Sung declined their invitation. 114 115

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from his belly. He stopped praying as he swallowed the saliva as an attempt to suppress the force. Yet the minute he resumed prayer, the force welled up again, and tongues burst out like living waters. Since he had never had the experience, or witnessed anything as such, Daniel Ho was worried yet elated, and his instinct told him that he was speaking in tongues. Daniel Ho prayed that God would remove the experience if it was not from Him, but tongues would not stop, and so he continued to pray for all things that came to mind.119 He did not know how long before the force from his stomach subsided. But when he finally got up, Ho noticed that several people had been watching him. Not long after he went back to his dorm, Lewis Sung, who had had a similar experience three years prior and who was now the counselor of the camp, came to ask Daniel Ho about his church background, and whether Ho had attended any charismatic meetings. Sung did not find anything unusual about Ho, so he left.120 Afterward, Ross Paterson, who was also on the campsite, went to Daniel Ho in private and explained to him that he had been filled with the Holy Spirit. He gave Daniel two books and said to him that God would use him. For the next few days, Daniel Ho felt light and blissful. The coming Sunday, a service was held in the mountains. After lunch, Daniel was told that someone would come and help him, and was assigned to a classroom. When Daniel Ho went into the assigned classroom, he saw three people in the room. In addition to two other students was Chen Lu 陳璐, the person who came to pray for them. Chen Lu introduced himself, and told them that while he was driving earlier, God told him to go up to the mountain to help three young people who had just been filled with the Holy Spirit. Following God’s lead, Chen found the campsite. When he made himself known to the camp leaders in charge, Chen Lu was granted admission.121 This is yet another incident in which the Holy Spirit was poured out on individuals who had had no previous experience or understanding of the Holy Spirit’s work in Taiwan before 1980.

119  Daniel Chih-yung Ho 何志勇, “Cong shuofangyan dao yu Shen tongxing” 從說方言到 與神同行 [From speaking in tongues to walking with God], Lingen de zaisi: Huifu Shen ci gei jiaohui de wuqi 靈恩的再思—恢復神賜給教會的武器 [Charismatic reconsidered: Restoring God’s weapons to the church], ed. Ernest Chan (Taipei: Tian En, 2010), 121–2. 120  Daniel Ho, Skype interview by author, April 11, 2018. 121  Daniel Ho, Skype interview.

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Small-Scale Revival at the National Taiwan University Fellowship, 1975 Ross Paterson was in England on a three-month furlough in the spring of 1975, during which he married Christine. Fanny Liu 劉秀慧, who would later marry Daniel Tsao, was led to God by Paterson and was heavily influenced by Paterson’s message on the Holy Spirit. During her senior year at National Taiwan University in April 1975, Fanny experienced Spirit baptism and received the gift of tongues at a special meeting at Chengyi Baptist Church 正義浸信會 in Taipei. The meeting featured two charismatic preachers, Sam Fife and C.  E. “Buddy” Cobb, from the United States.122 When Fanny shared about the gift she had received with others at the National Taiwan University Fellowship, a genuine hunger for spiritual renewal swept through the Fellowship.123 With Fanny’s assistance, a few others also experienced renewal and received the gift of tongues.124 Daniel Tsao thus believes that the National Taiwan University Fellowship experienced a small-scale revival in 1975. While Paterson was not present, the students attributed the revival to his labor in previous years.125 Although Paterson preached frequently on the work of the Holy Spirit, he never personally led people to seek Spirit baptism. In this way, Paterson sought to avoid unnecessary conflicts with other staff at the Campus Evangelical Fellowship whose pneumatological perspectives were rather different from his own.126 Still, a variety of significant clashes occurred between Paterson and other workers at the Campus Evangelical Fellowship concerning their understandings of the Holy Spirit. As a result, Paterson’s parting from Taiwan in 1979 was both unpleasant and yet something of a relief.127 Before he returned to England, however, Paterson had an unusual experience. He took his family to a beach at the southern tip of Taiwan. They did some barbequing at the beach, and after having put out the fire, the Patersons were ready to head toward home. When Paterson turned around from the top of a nearby hill to look at the barbeque fire on the beach, he found that the fire was burning again. Paterson claims that at  Daniel Tsao, e-mail message to author, June 21, 2017.  Tsao, “Anecdotes of Rev. Ross Paterson.” 124  Tsao, interview. 125  Tsao, “Anecdotes of Rev. Ross Paterson.” 126  Tsao, “Anecdotes of Rev. Ross Paterson.” Nathaniel Chow shared a similar view in an interview with the author. 127  Paterson, interview. 122 123

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that moment he heard God say, “After you leave, churches in Taiwan will be on fire.”128 When Paterson visited Taiwan in the second half of the 1980s, he witnessed that the Charismatic Movement had indeed made significant inroads into a considerable number of Taiwanese churches.129

Interim Summary The term “Moderate Charismatic” could be used to describe most missionaries who were involved with the Renewal Team. According to Malcolm Foster, established missionaries sometimes frowned upon the charismatic missionaries who went to Taiwan at the beginning of the 1970s, and they tended to be suspicious of charismatic phenomena. Younger missionaries were also familiar with such opposition. Louise Ho, for example, had grown up in a church that was unfriendly to the Charismatic Movement, and Malcolm Foster had had an unpleasant encounter with a missionary society over the issue of the Holy Spirit. As a result, some of the younger missionaries became “secret charismatics,” and kept their charismatic experiences to themselves, since their support or authority came from people and mission boards that looked unfavorably on the Charismatic Movement.130 These “secret charismatics” were only able to share freely when they were with like-minded people, which most often occurred in ecumenical settings. It is Foster’s impression that it became easier to share the charismatic message in the second half of the 1970s, as several older missionaries also experienced and embraced Spiritual revival either in the mission field or during their furloughs.131 However, more research is needed to corroborate Foster’s statement. For Foster, the fact that three thousand people gathered in Taipei during the last day of Juan Ortiz’s conference in April 1979 was a sign that the Renewal Team’s vision to light the spark of renewal in various Taiwanese churches had been fulfilled. The Dales left Taiwan in 1978, whereas the Patersons, the News, and the Fosters left in 1979. If the departure of these charismatic figures marked the end of the first decade of the Renewal Team’s work, Taiwanese churches’ visits to churches in  Paterson, interview.  After Paterson left Taiwan, he started a church in York, England in 1981, and founded the Chinese Church Support Ministries in 1986. 130  Foster, e-mail message to author, June 2, 2017. 131  Foster, e-mail message to author, June 2, 2017. 128 129

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South Korea in June 1979 inaugurated a new era of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. The work of the Renewal Team would continue through other charismatic missionaries in Taiwan. However, after their visits to South Korea in 1979 and 1980, the onus to spread the charismatic message would now fall on Taiwanese pastors and church leaders. Before we discuss how these visits to Korean churches impacted various Taiwanese church leaders, it is pertinent that we consider still other clusters of charismatic activities at work in Taiwan in the 1970s.

Nicholas G. Krushnisky (1932–2016) Nicholas G. Krushnisky started work in Taiwan in 1958. He was sent by Glad Tidings in Vancouver, Canada, which was associated with the Latter Rain Movement in 1948 (Chap. 3). Krushnisky spent the first twelve years in Taiwan sharing the gospel with the Aborigines before he came to Culture University in 1973.132 It was after 1973 that Krushnisky became an influential charismatic figure in Taiwan. A number of students at Culture University experienced renewal for the first time around the time of Krushnisky’s arrival. In 1974, with the encouragement of Krushnisky, students from Culture University formed the Hwa-Kang Mission Team 華岡福音隊, which has been noted for their fervent evangelistic efforts.133 Andrew Chi-ming Chang 章啟明, a graduate of Culture University, recalls that in 1974, Hwa-Kang Mission Trip visited the aboriginal tribes in Hsinchu, where Tienpu Church 田埔教會 had just experienced renewal (discussed later in this chapter). After the visit, a number of students were filled with the Holy Spirit.134 Students followed Krushnisky, not for his pentecostal message, says James Huang 黃聖志, another graduate of Culture University, but for his love for the souls of the people of Taiwan.135 Traversing grounds that were most difficult to reach, students traveled with Krushnisky to visit the tribal villages up in the mountains during their summer vacation in the 1970s. Before roads to such villages were built in 1980, the team would not only travel by foot, they often also carried cement and bricks with them during their 132   Nicholas Krushnisky and Deborah Krushnisky, “A faithful servant, a missionary heart,” 13–21. 133  “Reminiscing about the Past,” 27–8. 134  Andrew Chi-ming Chang, interview by author, Taipei, September 7, 2016. 135  James Sheng-chih Huang, interview by author, Taipei, August 26, 2016. James Huang is the President of Elim Christian Bookstore.

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eight- to nine-hour walks up the mountain to help the Aborigines build houses.136 Another significant ministry that Krushnisky started was the Wan-Li Camp Meeting 萬里聚會 that met during winter and summer breaks. The first meeting took place in February 1975. These meetings primarily (but not exclusively) comprised students from Culture University. Before the first Winter Camp in 1975, students from Culture University held an overnight prayer meeting, during which they experienced the outpouring of the Holy Spirit. Many, including Andrew Chang, were filled with the Holy Spirit.137 Wan-Li camps opened the students’ eyes, as the majority of people had never heard of such charismatic teachings in their churches.138 Andrew Chang points out that even though Krushnisky did not spend much time discussing the nuances of Latter Rain theology,139 or Pentecostal-Charismatic theologies, he invited different people to teach. Hence, students at Wan-Li camps often had the privilege of listening to speakers who had been involved in the Latter Rain Movement or the Charismatic Movement in Canada and the United States.140 Andrew  James Huang, interview.  Andrew Chang, interview (2016). See also Daweihuimu Daogaozhongxin 大衛會幕禱 告中心 [Tabernacle of David], “Guanyu: Zhongyaojishi yu tehui huodong” 關於: 重要記事 與特會活動 [About: Significant dates and activities], Tabernacle of David, http://www. hosanna-tod.com/about_us/?parent_id=112 (accessed November 9, 2018). 138  According to Andrew Chang, Donald Dale was present at the first Wan-Li Winter Camp in 1975, and Pearl Young was invited to speak at Culture University in the 1970s. Andrew Chang, interview. 139  Readers are to be reminded that in this research, the Latter Rain Movement or Latter Rain theology strictly refers to that originated in Saskatchewan, Canada, in 1948 (Chap. 3). It is to be differentiated from the Pentecostalism in the early twentieth century, which also understood itself as a “Latter Rain” movement. 140  Andrew Chi-ming Chang, interview by author, Taipei, January 19, 2018. While there is not much information on Wan-Li camps before 1980, Chunyu zazhi 春雨雜誌 (Latter Rain Magazine) started by Andrew Chang in 1983 reveals that speakers invited to Wan-Li camps in the 1980s included, for instance, Rev. Kirk Duncan from the Glad Tidings Temple (Vancouver); Rev. George Evans from the Bible Missionary Temple (San Diego); Mel Davis from the Bible Fellowship (Vancouver); Emanuele Cannistraci from Evangelical Christian Fellowship (San Jose); Reginald Layzell from the Glad Tidings Temple (Vancouver); Esther Mallett of the Esther Mallett International Bible University (California); Willard & Ione Glaeser and David E. & Elaine Fischer from the Living Water Church (California); Ernie W. Robinson of the British Columbia Bible Institute (British Columbia); and Ralph Mahoney of the World MAP. 136 137

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Chang also points out that Krushnisky was able to invite foreign speakers more easily than others because of his involvement in a Christian  anti-­ communist organization.141 Unfortunately, records of Krushnisky’s circle’s teachings from the 1970s were so scarce that any reconstruction of their message is impossible, and Krushnisky’s Almighty Power of the Holy Spirit hardly expounds on his understanding of Latter Rain theology.142 A great number of Krushnisky’s students from Culture University later dedicated themselves to different ministries. Included among them was Andrew Chang, who would go on to play a significant role in disseminating Latter Rain and pentecostal-charismatic messages in Taiwan by founding the Elim Bookstore in 1982 and Hosanna Ministry in 1987 (Chap. 5). In due time, Andrew Chang would surpass his teacher in influence and prestige.

The 1972 Tayal Revival While this research is chiefly concerned with the charismatic activities among missionaries and Han Protestant Christians in Taiwan, I include a section on charismatic activities among the Aborigines from the Tayal tribe in the 1970s due to its significance within the Taiwanese Church, which has not been sufficiently explored. Shih Su-ying points out that there were sporadic charismatic phenomena among the Paiwan tribe in Pingtung in Southern Taiwan in 1952, and among the Paiwan tribe on the east coast of Taiwan in the early 1960s.143 Oral sources further show that Tayal Christians from Nalo Church in Hsinchu had experienced charismatic phenomena in 1967, and intermittently from 1967 to 1972.144 Yet, a larger scale renewal among the Aborigines was not seen until 1972. At this time, a period of charismatic revival began among the Tayal tribe in Hsinchu before it spread elsewhere. 141  Andrew Chang and Miriam Chang 郭淑玲, “Chuihao: Xiang yongyuan de Kejiangjun zhijing” 吹號: 向永遠的柯將軍致敬 [Blowing the trumpet: Saluting to General Krushnisky, whose spirit lives on], in A Faithful Servant, a Missionary Heart, 120–1. 142  Nicholas G. Krushnisky, Shengling quanneng de gongzuo 聖靈全能的工作 [The almighty power of the Holy Spirit], 3rd ed. (Taipei: Elim Christian Bookstore, 2016). The book’s only reference to Latter Rain theology is when Krushnisky briefly discusses the laying on of hands with prophecy in pages 144–5. 143  Shih, An Intense Divine Encounter Beyond Tradition, 4. 144  Taiwan Graduate School of Theology’s Center for the Study of Christian Thought, The Tayal Revival, 106–7.

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Most of the churches involved belonged to the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT). More evidence is needed to corroborate the inference, but it is likely that the charismatic phenomena among Tayal Christians in Nalo Church in 1967 can be traced back to the efforts of Garland Benintendi, an Assemblies of God (USA) missionary from the United States. An article published in Pentecostal Evangel in February 1967 documents that “Recently Assemblies of God missionaries have been challenged to take the full-gospel message” to the Aborigines in Taiwan. Among them was Garland Benintendi who had just begun to work among the Tayals.145 Benintendi reports that two months after entering Chin Shan village (金 山里) in Hsinchu, “over 60 percent of the population has been baptized in the Holy Spirit.”146 Even though it is impossible to assess the veracity of Benintendi’s statement due to paucity of information, it is not implausible for the Pentecostal message to travel from Chin Shan village in Guanxi Township, to Nalo Church in Jianshi Township which is about five-and-a-­ half-hour walk away, through people on the move. Benintendi’s robust report should not be understood to have had a lasting effect, however, as existing oral sources indicate that believers in Nalo Church were ignorant of, or showed disinterest in, the work of the Holy Spirit among them from 1967 to 1972.147 The 1972 Revival in Hsinchu among the Tayal tribe received wide attention among tribal churches as it brought a mixture of reverence and uneasiness into the tribe while also creating controversy within the order of the PCT.  Nonetheless, due perhaps to the PCT’s uneasiness toward the issue in the 1970s, related records are hardly found in PCT documents during the decade, except for two occurrences that was published in the annual reports of the General Assembly of the PCT (discussed below). One of the better sources on the subject to date is An Intense Divine Encounter Beyond Tradition (2012) edited by Shih Shuying. The work contains interviews with figures who were a part of the 1972 Tayal Revival. Another valuable source is Understanding the 145  Maynard L. Ketcham, “From Every Tribe,” The Pentecostal Evangel, no. 2753, February 12, 1967, 6. Another two Assemblies of God missionaries are David Plymire, who worked among the Taroko tribe in central Taiwan, and Robert Bolton, who worked among the Paiwans in Southern Taiwan. Ketcham, “From Every Tribe,” 6–7. 146  Ketcham, “From Every Tribe,” 6. 147  Taiwan Graduate School of Theology’s Center for the Study of Christian Thought, The Tayal Revival, 106–7.

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Charismatic Renewal Movement in Tayal Churches (2012) authored by Pastor Hetay Watan.148 When the 1972 Tayal Revival first took place in Tienpu Church, Watan was serving at another church in a neighboring village. While he did not become a pastor at Tienpu Church until September 1973, Watan was involved in the revival soon after it started in 1972.149 An unusual event took place in the residence of a Taiwanese Christian woman in Tienpu, Hsinchu on the morning of July 7, 1972. At this time, four sisters from the local Presbyterian church gathered to fellowship and pray: Sister Chou 1, Sister Liu, Sister Chou 2, and Sister Kan. Among them, Sister Liu had just attended a meeting at the Presbyterian Bible College in Hsinchu, and was deeply touched by a testimony when a participant shared that she “had seen Jesus’ image.”150 The testimony left a 148  Hetay Watan 黑代.瓦旦 (also known as Huang Tien-sheng 黃田勝 by his Chinese name), Renshi Shengling gengxin yundong zai Taiyaer jiaohui 認識聖靈更新運動在泰雅爾教 會 [Understanding the Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in Tayal Church], (Taipei: Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 2012). In addition, Shanjian Lingfeng chui qi: Taiyaer de suxing 山間靈風吹起:泰雅爾的甦醒 [The Tayal Revival], published by Taiwan Graduate School of Theology’s Center for the Study of Christian Thought, also contains invaluable oral sources that were collected among Tayal Christians over the last twenty years. 149  Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 71–3. 150  Watan interviewed the four women in October 2008. Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 96. Sister Liu writes that four women were present on July 7, 1972, in her interview with Watan, but she mentions only three women in her interview with Shih. Shih, An Intense Divine Encounter, 94–5. The discrepancy could be because Sister Kan only joined the other three in prayer a while later, as accounted in Kan’s interview with Watan. Since the interviews with these four sisters were conducted more than two decades after the occurrence, and their accounts rely mostly on memory rather than written sources, one may question the accuracy of the date of July 7, 1972 (Friday). Historical record, however, suggests that the date could be veracious, although the actual date could have also been July 8 (Saturday). The 1973 annual report of the Presbyterian Bible College in Hsinchu lists out the meetings held at the college in 1972. Further training seminars for Tayal pastors were provided in January, February, and March of 1972, whereas those for Tayal elders and deacons were held in April and June of 1972. On July 3–6, a retreat was organized for Tayal people (泰雅爾靈修會). “Taiwan Jidu Zhanglaojiaohui Shengjing shuyuan” 台灣基督長老 教會聖經書院 [Presbyterian Bible College], in Taiwan Jidu Zhanglaojiaohui di ershijie zonghui baogao 台灣基督長老教會第二十屆總會報告 (1973) [The twentieth annual report of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1973], (Taipei: Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1973), 248. Since Sister Liu was not a pastor, an elder, or a deacon, she could not have attended the other meetings, but it is likely that the retreat on July 3–6 was the one Sister Liu attended and referred to in her interview. It would be reasonable to infer that Sister Liu shared with her friends about the retreat the next day on July 7. The actual date of the event could also have been Saturday, July 8, because Sister Liu writes that they

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deep impression on Sister Liu, and, moved by the Spirit, she realized that her faith had not been rooted in Jesus. On July 7, she visited her friends, and eagerly she shared with them what she had learned at the meeting. As they began to pray at around ten in the morning, Sister Chou 1 reports that, all of a sudden, she was overcome by a force resembling electricity. Sister Liu accounts that in prayer, she was convicted of and wept for her sins. Then, she felt that all her sins were forgiven, and that the bondage of her sins was being lifted up and released. At the same time, she believed that she heard the Holy Spirit tell her to be cautious and to persevere, as many people would oppose and critique these phenomena.151 Sister Kan recalls that in prayer, she was grasped by a power, and she could do nothing but weep for her sins and filthiness. When the Lord made it known to her that her sins were forgiven and that she was a beloved child of God, she experienced indescribable joy and peace. In a vision, she saw six angels dressed in white who appeared to be amiable and pleasing to people. “Since then,” Kan said, “I have received a gift that could lead children to Christ. Moreover, sometimes God uses me to disclose people’s sins.”152 Word spread rapidly. Having heard what had happened, people in the tribe rushed to the site with curiosity and angst that very day. Those who came were all at awe when the Holy Spirit used the sisters to bring to light what was hidden in darkness and expose the motives of people’s hearts. Many were deeply convicted of their sins and wept for their misdeeds.153 According to Sister Chou 2, some of the local Christians were suspicious of what had happened at first, but when children were also filled with the Holy Spirit as a result of Sister Kan’s ministry, people started to believe that the incident was God’s work.154 Having believed that they were instructed by God, Christians from Tienpu Church formed a team and traveled to nearby churches to share their testimonies and to minister to others. They made four trips from July to September of 1972, and signs and wonders accompanied them. When the team came to Nalo Church 那羅教會 on September 26 and 27 of 1972, it was reported that on one occasion, while struck down on the went to a church service the next day, which would have been on a Sunday. Shih, An Intense Divine Encounter, 95. 151  Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 16. 152  Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 19. 153  Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 24. 154  Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 17.

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floor by the Holy Spirit, a woman called out people by their names and uncovered their deeds in the past with impeccable detail. It was astonishing as the woman had not known these people. Pastor Chen Kuang-sung of Nalo Church was acutely surprised by what he witnessed. “It was only then that I knew what kind of lifestyle the members of the church were leading,” states Chen.155 The Renewal was at its peak for three years starting in July 1972. People were hungry for God’s word, they spent long hours praying, and they constantly witnessed their faith to friends and family. Tayal churches hosted various charismatic meetings and conferences in subsequent years. Nalo Church became the busiest among all churches in the area, as it hosted an average of 500 people daily for a period of around three years. Aborigines from other tribes received the primary impact, but Christians from all over Taiwan were among the visitors as well.156 Among Western missionaries, Nicholas Krushnisky is known to have had close contact with the Aborigines who were involved in renewal. However, the account of Krushnisky’s activities during the renewal is scattered and incomplete. According to James Sheng-chih Huang, Krushnisky helped bail three women out of jail after they had been brought to the police station for their unusual behavior when filled with the Holy Spirit. These women in turn invited Krushnisky to their church to teach about the Holy Spirit.157 Hetay Watan records that some aboriginal women involved in the renewal were sent to the police station a number of times, but Krushnisky’s name is never mentioned.158 In contrast, the account of Clare Elliot McGill 穆克禮 (1919–1996) is more thorough and detailed. Clare McGill and his wife Mary Grace McGill were sent by the Presbyterian Church in Canada to Taiwan, where they served from 1953 to 1984. They worked among the Tayal tribe and completed the translation of the New Testament into the Tayal language in 1974. They also produced literacy materials, hymnbooks, and audio recordings in Tayal.159 155  Chen Kuang-sung 陳光松, “Taiyaer zu de lingen yundong” 泰雅爾族的靈恩運動 [The Charismatic Movement of the Tayal tribe: Rev. Chen Kuang-sung], in An Intense Divine Encounter Beyond Tradition, 83. The story of Nalo Church is also found in Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 26–8. 156  Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 33–5. 157  James Huang, interview. 158  Watan, Holy Spirit Renewal Movement in the Tayal Church, 28. 159  Grace McGill, The Path of Life: Memoirs of Clare and Grace McGill (Belleville, ON: Guardian Books, 2001).

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The McGills had first-hand experience soon after the 1972 Tayal Revival took place. As one of the very few who observed the revival closely and recorded some events at length, Clare McGill’s accounts are invaluable. Since records on the revival from the early 1970s are rare, and since what happened has direct bearings on this research, it is worthwhile to quote McGill at length regarding how the couple first got involved in the revival through some surprising turns of events: During the first few days of October 1972, I received a letter from a Christian Tayal woman in Taoshan whom we know quite well. She said that the Lord had spoken through a girl in their church and told them to come to my home on October 9. I had been hearing about these strange happenings in the mountains but had not seen anything. I was a doubting Thomas with respect to people receiving this type of direct communication from the Lord. I sent a brief reply that I would not be home, because our mission was meeting near Taipei that day. I also reminded her that travel on October 9 would be difficult because of the usual movement of crowds of people in preparation for the National Day celebrations of October 10, the Double Tenth. I suggested they come another day. When we arrived home from the Canadian Presbyterian Mission meeting at 9:45 p.m. on October 9, those five Tayal people (one elder and four women, including Haru) from Taoshan in the southern end of Hsinchu county were sitting in our living room; they had been waiting since 11 a.m. I inquired about the letter I sent. They had not received any letter, though there was ample time for it to have reached them. Not only these five, but four other Tayals (two men and two women) from Shihlieh in the northern end of the county had arrived in the late afternoon and were waiting there too. These two groups were total strangers until they met at our home that day, and both groups said they had been definitely directed by the Lord to come to our home on that particular day. I began to mellow a bit. Was this not more than mere coincidence? Why had they come? To study about the Holy Spirit. The hour was late, so I suggested that we read from the Word, have prayer, retire for the night, and study the next morning. When I asked what passage of Scripture they would like to have read, their immediate choice was Peter’s sermon on the day of Pentecost, which includes the prophecy written by Joel … .

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I read aloud Acts 2:14-42 in the Tayal language; then three of them prayed, as I had suggested, and I proceeded to close. Before I had finished, Taro, a 21-year old youth from Shihlieh stood up with his arms upraised and his hands clenched together. He started calling on the name of Jesus and praising him. When he began with a subdued shout, my Presbyterian adrenaline shot through my body, but I kept on and finished my prayer. Taro seemed to be in a trance, and in a few minutes he fell like a stick (his friends caught him and eased him gently and lovingly) to the floor. He lay there rigid as a board with his hands clenched tightly above his head, and his eyes turned upward so that his pupils were scarcely visible. What was his message? “Look up Rev. 22:20. Jesus is coming soon. We should be ready.” He twitched back and forth and grit his teeth together, thus indicating how terrible it would be for those who are not ready to meet him when he comes. Then he mentioned that certain personnel on the Bible School campus where we were living did not believe that the Holy Spirit was speaking through these Tayal people. Also, he grieved that the students at the school had lots of Bible knowledge in their heads, but didn’t have real life down in their hearts. Also, we should get up at 4 a.m. to pray. Meanwhile Haru, the teenage girl mentioned earlier, stood up, called on the name of Jesus a few times, and then suddenly fell over, but she held her arms out so that her body formed a cross. The elder’s wife and another 23-year old woman also came under the influence but they did not fall to the floor. Thus there were four of them in trance: Taro and Haru lying on the floor, and two others sitting down. They all had messages similar to that of Taro, though he and Haru did most of the speaking. One would speak and then another, but never two simultaneously. After about half an hour Taro asked us all to put our hands on his and pray. When we did that, his clenched hands gradually relaxed, and he “came out of it,” or became normal again. The others in his group showed obvious love, appreciation, and approval toward him. Haru said the Lord was giving her a song to sing for me and my wife. Afterwards she told us that at that point she had objected to the Lord, telling him that she could not sing, and didn’t know any song anyway. But he had told her just to open her mouth and start, and he would give her the song. He did and none of us who were present had ever heard it before, neither the tune nor the words.

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It was a simple testimony, something like this: I was once living in sin, wandering over the mountains. But now Jesus has saved me from that sin; and he is coming soon to take me to live with him. The next day we asked her if she could sing it again. She was able to do so, but with a considerably poorer quality of voice. At one point, I was on a window seat near her head, and she asked me to move because I was obstructing her view of the Lord. I couldn’t see anything. (Many of them say they see the Lord dressed in white, but not His face.) Eventually she asked for my wife and me to place our hands on hers and pray for her. When we two followed her instructions, she returned to normal. All of these unusual actions extended over a considerable period of time. When all was normal again, a 26-year old man from Shihlieh spoke up: “Watan, (that’s my Tayal name), when this thing first happened in our village, we were scared stiff. We didn’t know what was happening. And now we have come to ask you what it all means. You can see that these who have spoken are just ignorant people.” That was true. If I were selecting prospective leaders, I would have put Taro and Haru at the bottom of the totem pole. He has a speech defect and both ears are malformed, making him partially deaf. She is very plain and has a most meager education. It was 2 a.m. before we all got settled down for the night. The next day we read the Word, and talked, visited, and prayed with them till noon. My seminary notes do not include anything on the strange phenomenon of trance, but I believe the Lord gave me that learning experience as a “short course” to prepare me for what I was soon to hear.160

160  Clare Elliot McGill, “The Spirit Movement among Tayal Churches in Taiwan (between 1972 and 1974),” in Grace McGill, The Path of Life, 226–30. The report was originally published under the title “A Brief Report on Some Acts of the Holy Spirit in the Tayal Mountain Churches in Taiwan” in Hsinchu on January 6, 1973. After some editing, it was later presented to the Executive Committee of the Board of World Mission of the Presbyterian Church in Canada on April 25, 1975, under the title “The Spirit Movement Among Tayal Churches in Taiwan (between 1972 and 1974),” the abridged version of which is reproduced in The Path of Life. Clare McGill did not trace the start of the 1972 Revival to the four women as Hetay Watan did, but to a revival that began in 1971 in the Sakura Church of the Taroko tribe. Clare McGill, “The Spirit Movement among Tayal Churches in Taiwan,” 225–6. The two narratives do not show contradiction, although how they complement one another needs further investigation.

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Swanson reveals that soon after the incident, Clare McGill visited Swanson, his neighbor, in Taichung in the fall of 1972 to describe the unusual encounters. Swanson recorded it and sent the tape to J. Edwin Orr, an expert on worldwide revivals at Fuller Theological Seminary.161 A few days later, Swanson invited a group of missionaries—at least twenty-­ five to thirty, as Swanson recalls—over to listen to McGill’s story. While all were amazed and inspired by what McGill shared, some were puzzled. To most in the charismatic community in Taiwan, what happened in the Tayal churches was the work of the Holy Spirit, but many in the non-charismatic community were convinced that it could have been the work of the enemy.162 McGill had another personal encounter with the Spirit when the family attended the Christmas celebration at the Meihua Church 梅花教會 on December 24, 1972. Again, I will quote McGill at length. On Sunday, December 24, 1972, our family and three guests attended the Christmas celebrations at the Meihua church. There was a morning worship service, an afternoon program of contests, and an evening program of skits depicting the story of the birth of Christ, from the prophecy of Isaiah to the flight into Egypt. The afternoon program consisted of three lengthy contests: 1) All who could recite ten verses of Scripture of their own selection in any language were given awards, 2) a sword drill (which is a test of who can be the first to locate, stand, and read a given Scripture reference) in which both Chinese and Japanese Bibles were used, 3) extemporary exposition of various texts selected by a pastor. There was no lack of contestants. People stood in line so they could have a chance to compete, and the two pastors were the judges. I felt encouraged to see a church literally jammed with people, giving a couple of hours to this type of contest centered around the Scriptures. Apparently the Spirit felt differently. 1) At the end of the program, suddenly a one-year old child who had not yet learned to talk, spoke briefly in clear adult language, reproving the people for the light way in which the Word had been handled. (This was in a different part of the church. I did not hear it personally, but have no particular reason to doubt what I was told for many heard it.)

 Swanson, phone interview by author, July 26, 2016.  Swanson, e-mail message to author, July 14, 2017.

161 162

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2) The prophetess, Amuy from Nalo, went into trance, was brought to the front of the church, and held up her arms out like a cross. They held a mike to her mouth as she brought a similar message, and sang a couple of new spiritual songs. No one seemed alarmed by these strange proceedings; they are not unusual in the Nalo and Meihua churches. Rather, they seemed attentive and eager to hear the message. Finally Amuy said, “The Lord is going to speak through… now.” 3) I’ve forgotten the young man’s name, but with that, he fell to the floor at the back of the church. (He was a visitor from a church many miles away.) So they put Amuy down on the floor, and brought the young man, and held him up before the mike. He gave some Bible references, which included Psalm 139:23, 24 and Rev. 22:20. Someone looked up the verses and they were interpreted into Tayal. 4) Then the prophetess Masa from Nalo, was overcome by the Spirit, and said there were two people who needed to repent. With that, a man and a woman came next to her, trembling uncontrollably. At that point our host came and called us away for supper. These events were not very dignified by Presbyterian standards, but they were “in order.”163

Apart from these two positive encounters, McGill observes questionable teachings and practices in the 1972 Tayal Revival. For instance, a man who had previously fallen on the floor at McGill’s home in October 1972 later taught the necessity of falling to the floor for it to be a message from the Holy Spirit; otherwise, it was from an evil spirit.164 Further, some of the “prophets” made erroneous claims that the Lord would return in a certain month, whereas others focused on sins a certain person should confess or else ill fortune would befall.165 Several churches even experienced severe divisions due to different understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit.166 Positive results from the renewal, as McGill reports, include renewed enthusiasm in attending early morning prayer meetings and church services, apparent increases in church giving, hunger for God’s word, and a drop in  local liquor sales.167 McGill also states that missionaries who  Clare McGill, “The Spirit Movement among Tayal Churches in Taiwan,” 238–9.  Clare McGill, “The Spirit Movement among Tayal Churches in Taiwan,” 255. 165  Clare McGill, “The Spirit Movement among Tayal Churches in Taiwan,” 255. 166  Clare McGill, “The Spirit Movement among Tayal Churches in Taiwan,” 255–6. 167  Clare McGill, “The Spirit Movement among Tayal Churches in Taiwan,” 257. 163 164

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visited Tayal villages found that the sale of books and Bibles in a “Spirit village” was always “dramatic” compared to sales in other villages.168 While he never doubted the authenticity of the work of the Holy Spirit, McGill expressed concerns when Jamie Buckingham, the editor of Logos Journal, requested permission to print the edited version of his 1973 report. McGill suggested that if the publication would bring to Taiwan “a mixture of curious seekers after signs and wonders on the one hand, and skeptics on the other (similar to the crowd of ‘authorities’ who went to investigate the Indonesian revival a few years ago),” it would be better that there was no report for the sake of the churches in Taiwan.169 Another concern for McGill was that any publication of these matters might “draw Satan’s attention to the people involved, and bring more trouble upon them.” Nonetheless, McGill states that after reading his 1973 paper, J.  Edwin Orr commented that this type of activity of the Spirit is not unique to the Tayal churches, but was happening in various tribal areas around the world.170 Hence, McGill thought that people may benefit from the Tayal story. McGill thus granted Buckingham permission to print an edited version of the paper. So two conditions needed to be met: (1) McGill had to read the paper before publication and (2) the editor had to mention that the movement had occurred in a rather restricted area in Taiwan and that it was not a unique phenomenon.171 McGill was trying to “guard against a flood of curious investigators, driven on by a variety of motives and convictions.” He also stated that the phenomena “are less 168  Clare McGill, “The Spirit Movement among Tayal Churches in Taiwan,” 257. In “A Brief Report on Some Acts of the Holy Spirit in the Tayal Mountain Churches in Taiwan” (January 6, 1973), which is an earlier draft of Clare McGill’s paper included in The Path of Life, Clare records that Rev. and Mrs. William F. Junkin “report that wherever a church has experienced a visitation of the Holy Spirit, the sales of Bibles, Christian literature and S. S. [Sunday School] materials skyrocketed.” 169  Clare McGill to Jamie Buckingham, April 14, 1976. The author gratefully acknowledges the permission to use Clare McGill’s personal correspondence by Tim McGill, the son of Clare and Grace McGill. Tim McGill, e-mail message to author, June 23, 2017. 170  Donald McGavran also read Clare McGill’s report, and commented that McGill had written “discriminatingly.” Grace McGill and Clare McGill, The Path of Life, 151. However, it is unclear which part of McGill’s report McGavran read. Orr accounts very briefly on revival among Aborigines in Taiwan in his work. “In the local revivals among the mountain folk, there were phenomena both helpful and distressing. There were dreams, visions and trances reported, bodily prostration and exuberant activity.” J.  Edwin Orr, Evangelical Awakenings in Eastern Asia (Minneapolis: Bethany Fellowship, 1975), 138. 171  McGill to Buckingham, April 14, 1976.

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frequent these days,” although he continued to hear occasional stories.172 A survey of issues of Logos Journal from 1976 to 1981 indicates that McGill’s article was never published. In contrast with McGill’s elaborate reports, the Taiwan Church News— the most important publication of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan— remained utterly silent concerning the 1972 Renewal. However, in 1973, several articles in the Taiwan Church News discussed the conditions of aboriginal  churches, focusing on the challenges that they faced.173 Incidentally, an article in 1974 suggests that Tayal people carried with them a heart of stone, and that they had been slow in accepting the Gospel. Further, the article says, “It seems that two-thirds of the Tayal people had come to Christ about ten years ago, but they are leaving churches now. If we do not take it seriously today, there may be no churches among Tayal people twenty years from now.”174 The opinion shows that the author was either unaware of the 1972 Tayal Revival, or that the revival did not mean much to him. While the annual reports of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan from 1972 to 1979 recognized twice that something out of the ordinary had happened among aboriginal  churches, the portrayal was evasive. In the “Indigenous Ministry Committee” section of the 1973 Annual Report, the committee secretary reports that they have “offered guidance for local churches to help solve the problems (as a result of the work of the [s]pirit)” (協助地方教會解決並指導 (靈的工作) 所引 起的問題).175 This is probably the earliest reference concerning the 1972 Revival among all documents within the PCT, although this single  McGill to Buckingham April 14, 1976.  An article identifies three problems that plagued aboriginal churches: irregular administration, heresies (no details of what those were), and immorality. “Shandi jiaohui wenti chongchong” 山地教會問題重重 [Numerous problems that face aboriginal churches], Taiwan jiaohui gongbao 台灣教會公報 [Taiwan Church News], August 12, 1973, 5. Another article discusses the challenges that the Aborigines faced when they moved to the cities for jobs. “Shandi tongbao xiangwang doushi shenghuo ran doushi bingfei taojindi” 山地同胞嚮 往都市生活然都市並非淘金地 [Aborigines aspire after city life yet cities are not places to pan for gold], Taiwan Church News, September 9, 1973, 5. See also, Lin Chien-erh 林建二 “Shandi jiaohui zhuwenti” 山地教會諸問題 [Various problems of aboriginal churches], Taiwan Church News, November 3, 1974, 10. 174  Chang Chi-lin張棋麟, “Shisheng shixin: Taiyaer” 石生石心—泰雅爾 [A heart of stone born out of a stone: Tayal], Taiwan Church News, July 7, 1974, 5. 175  “Shandi xuandao weiyuanhui” 山地宣道委員會 [Indigenous Ministry Committee], The Twentieth Annual Report of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1973, 45. 172 173

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sentence does not specify the names of the churches, the nature of the problems, or the guidance provided. If it indeed refers to the recent charismatic phenomena among the Tayals, the account is by no means positive. First, in the original language, readers in fact are unable to determine whether the “[s]pirit” in the sentence denotes the Holy Spirit or other spirits. While both shengling 聖靈 and the shortened form ling 靈 can refer to the Holy Spirit in Mandarin Chinese, ling (spirit) without the modifier sheng (Holy) can also mean other kinds spirits, including evil ones. The reluctance of adopting the modifier sheng (Holy), but using a more general ling, reflects the church officers’ uneasiness regarding whether the unusual events among the Tayal people were the work of the Holy Spirit. Moreover, since it is not the custom of the PCT to simply use ling to signify the Holy Spirit, it is likely that the Indigenous Ministry Committee did not have the Holy Spirit in mind. Further, by pointing out that some “problems” occurred as a result of the work of the [s]pirit, the Committee could not be affirming the experience. If the PCT’s 1973 Indigenous Ministry Committee seems to demonstrate an evasive and relatively negative attitude toward charismatic activities, that of the Tayal Presbytery could perhaps be described as vague but positive. In the section on “Tayal Presbytery” in the 1975 Annual Report, the author suggests that one of their plans is to “provide guidelines for the charismatic movement so as to revive churches” (輔導靈運以後興教會).176 While the single sentence recognizes the movement needs guidance, it also notes that the movement can potentially bring revival to churches. Nonetheless, its use of the term “charismatic movement” in the original language, namely, lingyun 靈運, is very odd and unusual. A charismatic Christian who is fluent in Mandarin Chinese could tell that lingyun is the shortened form of lingen yundong靈恩運動, yet the term lingyun is hardly ever used in spoken or written languages among Chinese-speaking Christians in Taiwan.177 One cannot help but speculate that the ambiguous use of language was an attempt to stay outside of the church’s radar as much as possible, as the charismatic activities among the Tayals might have been negatively received by the PCT in the 1970s in general. 176  “Taiyaer zhonghui” 泰雅爾中會 [Tayal Presbytery], Taiwan Jidu Zhanglaojiaohui di ershierjie zonghui baogao 台灣基督長老教會第二十二屆總會報告 (1975) [The twenty-second annual report of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1975], (Taipei: Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1975), 273. 177  Mandarin-speaking Christians without the knowledge of Charismatic Movement may not even understand lingyun, although they might have heard of lingen yundong.

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The term “Charismatic Movement” never appeared again in the annual written reports of the Tayal Presbytery or the Indigenous Ministry Committee throughout the rest of the 1970s. However, the ongoing charismatic activities could be detected from terms as “renewal” and “revival” in the annual reports of the Tayal Presbytery from 1976 to 1978.178 Nevertheless, it cannot be concluded that the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan was hostile to the work of the Holy Spirit in the 1970s. My other study, which reviews the publications of the Taiwan Church News from 1969 to 1979, suggests that other than two contributors who rationalized or demythologized supernatural healing in the day of Jesus, other contributors generally believed in the supernatural aspect of faith in both the past and the present.179 In an article in May 1972, Rev. Kao Chun-ming, General Secretary of the PCT, writes that around Christmas day the previous year (1971), a local church in central Taiwan was filled with the Holy Spirit. Christians gathered to confess their sins, and their faith was strengthened as a result. Kao concludes that instead of looking to the supernatural work of the Holy Spirit, leading a godly life is an even better yardstick that one is filled with the Holy Spirit.180 Kao’s position could well represent that of the General Assembly in the 1970s. Although the supernatural aspect of faith was not denied by the church, it was never the focus of PCT ecclesiastical officers. The attitude could perhaps account for the reason why the 1972 Tayal Revival did not receive any attention in the Taiwan Church News in the 1970s. The omission appears to be intentional rather than an innocent oversight. Whether McGill ever discussed the 1972 Tayal Revival with the PCT General Assembly is unknown; however, the McGills received high praise when they finished translating the New Testament into the Tayal language in 1974.181 Despite the omission of information about the 1972 Tayal Revival in the Taiwan Church News and other PCT documents, the movement 178  See the section on Tayal Presbytery in the twenty-third (1976), twenty-fourth (1977), and twenty-fifth (1978) annual reports of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, on pages 177, 171, and 142, respectively. 179  Judith Lin, “A Newfound Friend or a Good Old Companion? Charismatic Sensitivities in Protestant Churches in Taiwan,” 317–21. 180  Kao Chun-ming 高俊明, “Bei Shengling chongman” 被聖靈充滿 [Being filled with the Holy Spirit], Taiwan Church News, May 1972, 5–6. 181  “Mukeli mushi kangli juegong zhiwei” 穆克禮牧師伉儷厥功志偉 [Rev. and Mrs. McGill have made great contributions], Taiwan Church News, December 15, 1974, 11.

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stirred churches and seminaries on the plains in subsequent years. Upon invitation, George C. “Brick” Bradford (1923–2013), a charismatic Presbyterian, visited Taiwan (as well as Korea and Japan) in October 1972.182 Their newsletter describes Bradford’s visit to Taiwan in 1972 in two paragraphs: While Brick was on the campus of the Presbyterian Bible School in Hsinchu, Taiwan, on Oct. 18, to interpret the charismatic renewal to Principal Ying-­ Shih Wang, he had an opportunity to address between 40 and 50 native pastors who were attending a Conference on the Holy Spirit and to share with missionaries Dr. Bill Junkin (PC-US), Dr. McGill, Miss Riddock, Miss Georgine Caldwell (Canadian Presbyterian), and others. Brick also addressed the student bodies of both the Presbyterian Bible School in Hsinchu and the Taiwan Theological College (UP-USA) in Taipei, Taiwan. Dr. Sam Noordhoff, Reformed Church of America medical missionary and Superintendent of the Mackay Memorial Hospital in Taipei, had Brick share with his administrative medical staff, most of whom were national surgeons and physicians, the ramifications of the charismatic renewal upon the recovery and healing of Christians by the power of Lord Jesus. Virtually every one of these men were ruling elders in their respective Presbyterian churches throughout the city.183

While it was not documented, it is highly likely that invitation was sent to Brick Bradford by Clare McGill, who had witnessed the Tayal Revival first-hand in 1972.184 Bradford’s visit would have been significant to 182  George C. “Brick” Bradford, a lawyer-turned Presbyterian pastor, was baptized in the Holy Spirit in 1966, and removed from his pastorate in December 1967. In May 1966, Bradford and five other Presbyterian charismatic ministers organized the Charismatic Communion, with Bradford being the general secretary. It was the first Charismatic organization to be formed in a mainline denomination. Vinson Synan, The Century of the Holy Spirit: 100  Years of Pentecostal and Charismatic Renewal, 1901–2001 (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2001), 170. The organization later renamed the Presbyterian Charismatic Communion, and then the Presbyterian Reformed Ministries International (PRMI). 183  “Far East Missionary Journey in October Produced Further Breakthroughs,” CCP Newsletter, November 1972, 7. I am indebted to Brad Long for pointing me to this source. Dr. McGill from the list belonged to the Canadian Presbyterian Missions, whereas Miss Riddock was from the English Presbyterian Mission, and a correct spelling should be Miss Alvinza Riddoch. 184  While the Presbyterian Bible School in Hsinchu lists all foreign visitors to the school on the list of “Important Events” each year in the annual report, Bradford’s visit in 1972 did not

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missionaries who would have been wrestling with the charismatic phenomena in light of their Western theological training, which was often devoid of supernatural happenings. In a letter to the McGills in September 1976, Rev. Ted Ellis 伊天賜 (1935–1996), Chaplain of Tainan Theological College and Seminary, wrote that a few of his students had had unusual encounters during their visits to Tayal churches. One student with a team of Daily Vacation Bible School teachers from a local church had planned to go to the mountain area to have some fun, although they announced that they were going on a retreat in the bulletin. Shortly after they arrived, one of the Tayal women, under the influence of the Holy Spirit spoke to them: “You didn’t come up here for a retreat at all. You just came up for a Wan yi wan [to have some fun]. This is not pleasing to God. Furthermore, it will be impossible for you to go out tomorrow as you had planned.”185 It was pouring the next morning. Since the group was unable to have outdoors activities, they decided to stay in the church to have a real retreat. The rain almost stopped immediately, and the group ended up having a good retreat. After returning to the church, they were “bold in the Lord, and [had] already made a big impact on their own church.” In the same letter, Ellis also mentions that students from Taiwan Theological College and Seminary had also spent two months visiting mountain churches, and they had also experienced unusual encounters. A prominent seminary in Taiwan, the newly founded China Evangelical Seminary, was also stirred. Under the leadership of Allen Swanson, Dean of the Mission’s Office, and Pastor Chen Shu-jung 陳述榮, seminarians went up to the Tayal tribe in the mountain for outreach in March and April 1977 in two groups.186 While some students reported life-changing experiences and transformation, some others were left puzzled and fearful after having witnessed “strange manifestations.”187 Documenting the make the list in the Twentieth Annual Report of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (1973), 246–7. I wonder if the omission could be explained by Bradford’s invitation coming from missionaries instead of from an official Presbyterian Bible School. 185  Letter from Ted Ellis to Clare and Grace McGill, September 1976, given to me by Allen J. Swanson. Howard Theodore (Ted) Ellis was a Canadian Presbyterian missionary to Taiwan from 1963 to 1991. 186  Names of students who participated in the outreach can be seen in “Zhanji pijing Huashen lan lubilu shinian” 斬棘披荊華神 藍縷篳路十年 [Ten arduous years of China Evangelical Seminary], China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin, April 5, 1980, 8. 187  Swanson, phone interview (2016).

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outreach after the trip, students state that the “charismatic manifestations” of two women from Nalo Church greatly impacted them, although no details are provided.188 The same report also mentions that there were intense outpouring of the Holy Spirit five years prior in Tienpu Church of Tayal tribe, which brought revival to the church. It is thus likely that students learned of such facts from the two pastors who provided them with an orientation before the trip.189 This is not the first time that CES seminarians experienced charismatic manifestations during their outreach in the mountains in the 1970s. Joseph Yuan-hsiung Chen writes that during an outreach in 1973, he encountered a man who was suffering from hearing loss in his right ear due to neck cancer. According to Chen, the man’s hearing was restored immediately after he and his team prayed for him. In still another report in 1976, Chang te-chuan writes that pastors Chen Shu-jung and Allen Swanson prayed for the sick during their outreach, and at one point they exorcised demons from a man.190 While these two experiences may have left an indelible mark on the individuals involved, experiences encountered by CES students in the spring of 1977 impacted the larger CES community. According to Allen Swanson, China Evangelical Seminary was “turned upside down” after the trip.191 President James Taylor III was pleased to see the positive change among students as many had shown a new hunger and desire for biblical study as never before. However, Taylor, alongside others in the seminary, were also apprehensive that the event could create division. About a month after the trip, Clare McGill was invited to speak at the seminary about discerning spirits. A number of students became more sympathetic to the charismatic teaching, as their doubts and fear were addressed. Some also went to Swanson and asked about how one could speak in tongues or be 188  “主日早晚兩婦人的「靈恩表現」, 帶給我們不小的衝激。” “Shandixing” 山地行 [Trip to the mountains], China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin, May 5, 1977, 5. 189  “Trip to the Mountains,” 5. The report only provides the last name of the two Western pastors who gave them an orientation in Chinese: Pastor Ren 任 and Pastor Mu穆. The names accord with the Chinese names of William Junkin (任賜瑞) and Clare McGill (穆克 禮), who worked among the Tayals. 190  Joseph Yuan-hsiung Chen 陳源雄, “Shandi budao xinde jianzheng” 山地佈道心得見證 [Testimony of outreach in the mountains], China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin, May 1, 1973, 6. Chang Te-chuan 張德泉, “Shandi budao man ji” 山地佈道漫記 [A report from outreach in the mountains], China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin, April 10, 1976, 5. 191  Swanson, phone interview (2016).

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anointed by the Holy Spirit. Swanson was discreet in his sharing, as he was aware that his view differed from his authority’s stance on this matter.192 Swanson’s sensibility echoes that of Ross Paterson vis-à-vis Campus Evangelical Fellowship (earlier in this chapter). The Charismatic Movement among Aborigines did not always result in church growth, but, in each case, it brought renewal to believers.193 Believing that they were moved by the Holy Spirit, laypeople traveled around to testify to God’s works, and thus revival spread. The impact of the 1972 Tayal Revival went beyond the mountain tribes and reached Christians on the plains as well. It not only challenged the unlearned but also influenced missionaries like Clare McGill. The revival impacted some individuals more than others, but, with the exception of Aborigines, it did not lead to an outpouring of the Holy Spirit on a grand scale among Christians on the plains. Referring to the 1972 Tayal Revival, missionary David Woodward writes from Taiwan in 1975 that “this mountain church revival has not been widespread through the island.”194 The majority of the aboriginal churches that were impacted by the 1972 Tayal Revival were Presbyterians; however, it appears that the PCT remained largely unaffected by charismatic events throughout the 1970s overall. In a similar manner to other revivals recounted thus far, the 1972 Tayal Revival also took place without any pentecostal-charismatic influences. Yet, it also stood out from all other revivals discussed in this chapter, in that the work of the Holy Spirit appeared to be more dramatic and intense, and that a larger group of Christians in Taiwan came under its direct and indirect influence.

Allen J. Swanson (1934–) Allen J.  Swanson (1934–) was another key figure of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in the 1970s. He was a missionary under the Lutheran Church in America to Taiwan from 1962 to 1990. While he is known for his contribution to the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, Swanson did not come to embrace the charismatic message until he was back in the United States in 1967. Before this time, Swanson had spent five years in Taiwan and had grown frustrated with a powerless Church  Swanson, phone interview (2016). Clare McGill’s visit to CES was not recorded in China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin. 193  Shih, An Intense Divine Encounter Beyond Tradition, 4. 194  David Woodward, “Taiwan,” The Church in Asia, ed. Donald E.  Hoke (Chicago: Moody Press, 1975), 609–23. 192

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that was rife with problems and conflicts. Disheartened, Swanson declared that he would not return to the mission field unless he could find answers to the problems. He had lost love for people and churches in Taiwan.195 From 1967 to 1968, Swanson enrolled in the School of World Mission and Institute of Church Growth at Fuller Theological Seminary, where he received a Master of Arts in Missions. His research project on the power and growth of the “Independent” Churches in Taiwan (and pre-1949 China) revealed a theology of the Holy Spirit that was quite different from his Lutheran Church and other mainline denominations.196 At the same time, the Charismatic Movement was also affecting almost every historic denomination in the United States in the 1960s, and Swanson began to note some of the parallels between the pneumatologies of these Independent Churches and charismatic churches. Under the direction of Larry Christenson, a large group of Lutheran men gathered at Arrowhead Springs for a men’s prayer retreat in the winter of 1968. By this time, Swanson was already being influenced by some new, enthusiastic Spirit-filled Lutherans, who urged Swanson to attend the retreat. Yet, he also remained cynical enough to question whether many Lutheran men were really that interested in a prayer retreat. Swanson was desperate to find his answers, and so he went.197 The speaker was Dennis Bennett. The powerful testimony he shared about having been evicted from his large church in Van Nuys, California, and being sent to Seattle to pastor a dying church which then rapidly came back to life proved convincing to Swanson. He opened up to the power and the work of the Holy Spirit.198 With renewed faith, Swanson was ready to return to the mission field. Allen Swanson’s wife, Jean (1936–), was still not convinced by the charismatic message. She had witnessed questionable conduct of people who had converted to Pentecostalism, and it had turned her away from the pentecostal-charismatic tradition. Moreover, due to her discouraging experiences with other missionaries, she was not ready to return. Allen, in desperation, called her aunt, a dynamic woman who attended and worked in the charismatic Melodyland Christian Center in Anaheim,  Swanson, phone interview.  Swanson’s work was subsequently published as Taiwan: Mainline versus Independent Church Growth (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1970). 197  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018. 198  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018. 195 196

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California—one of the largest churches in the Southwest at the time. After receiving an invitation from her aunt, a group of women gathered together in a home in Van Nuys to pray for Jean. As they were praying, Jean felt something like the fluttering of wings hovering over her. As she opened her eyes, she saw a large painting on the wall she did not recall seeing earlier. It was of a Chinese man with folded hands in prayer. At that moment she felt that God said to her, “I am calling you back to Taiwan.” With this call and renewed faith, the couple returned to Taiwan in August 1969. They served until 1990, when they left Taiwan for a new assignment in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.199 Swanson taught at China Evangelical Seminary in Taipei from 1975 to 1990. Given that the leadership at China Evangelical Seminary was not as sympathetic to the Charismatic Movement, and was fearful it could divide their base of approximately twenty different churches and denominations, Swanson’s involvement in charismatic activities was limited within the institution.200 However, having now embraced the charismatic message, Swanson introduced such teachings in Taiwan whenever opportunities arose outside of China Evangelical Seminary. As discussed in the previous section, after the visit to the Tayal churches in 1977, a number of students from China Evangelical Seminary became more sympathetic to the charismatic message. Some went to Swanson in private, with a desire to experience baptism in the Holy Spirit. The following year, Swanson was able to bring some students from the seminary to a seminar that featured Francis MacNutt as the keynote speaker.201 In McGill’s words, although Swanson did not work in tribal areas, “through a strange circumstance his work on the plains received ‘a shot in the arm’ from the Spirit movement among the Tayals.”202 Outside of China Evangelical Seminary, Swanson played a critical role in helping to shape the course of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. Curiously, it was through his association with the non-charismatic Chinese Campus Crusade for Christ in Taiwan (hereafter Campus Crusade) that the Charismatic Movement started to receive intense attention from Christians in Taiwan in 1979 and 1980.  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018.  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018. 201  Francis MacNutt is a former Catholic priest, and one of the earliest leaders in the Catholic Charismatic Renewal since the 1960s. 202  McGill to Buckingham. 199 200

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In the non-Christian Taiwan of the twentieth century, one vision that all Christian groups shared in common involved unity in evangelistic work—which, in the 1970s, was tied closely to an emphasis on church growth. Campus Crusade was no exception.203 Jonathan Chih-chien Chiu 邱志健 (1942–) became the president of Campus Crusade in 1976. With a desire to learn more about church growth, Chiu invited Allen Swanson to teach on the principles and history of church revival at Campus Crusade in 1977.204 In summer 1978, Swanson was invited back to give seminars on church growth to Campus Crusade workers, which became a momentous occasion. It was during this second set of seminars that Swanson introduced David Yonggi Cho’s Yoido Full Gospel Church in South Korea and their principles for church growth and renewal.205 Chiu professes that the Campus Crusade “had the courage” to invite Swanson, only because he was known to be a “Moderate Charismatic,” as opposed to a radical one.206 Even if few churches in Taiwan had heard of Cho or the Yoido Church, it was only through Swanson, a “credible” source, that Chiu and other Taiwanese Evangelicals felt safe and comfortable enough to research the growth patterns of this Pentecostal church with an open mind. Impressed by Swanson’s teaching, Jonathan and others present at the seminar—including a leader from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan— proposed that they should organize a group and to go to South Korea to witness first-hand what they had heard.207 Swanson was assigned to be the point of contact for the trip. Since this was the first time an interdenominational, non-pentecostal group had sought to visit his church, Yonggi Cho saw the need to send his colleague, Dr. John Hurston (1922–2007), to Taiwan to “check them out” first.208 During Hurston’s visit in Taiwan 203  James Chung-chien Shia 夏忠堅 and Shia Chang Chien-kuo 夏張建國, “Yizhi du zai jiaohui shigongbu” 一直都在「教會事工部」 [Having been in the “Church Ministry Department”], in Banshiji de jianchi 半世紀的堅持 [Steadfastness for half a century long], ed. Chang I-ling 張藝齡 et al. (Taipei: Chinese Campus Crusade for Christ, 2014), 45. 204  Swanson, e-mail message to author, November 28, 2018. 205  Swanson’s seminar at Campus Crusade in 1978 is documented in “Ganen yu daiqiu: Jiaohui zengzhang yanxi” 感恩與代求—教會增長研習 [Thanksgiving and intercession: Church growth seminar], Xin Shangming 新生命 [New Life], July 1978, 19. A part of Swanson’s teaching is published in Allen Swanson, “Fuyin guangchuan jiaohui zengzhang” 福音廣傳教會增長 [Evangelism and church growth], New Life, October 1978, 6–7. New Life is the publication of Campus Crusade in Taiwan. 206  Jonathan Chiu, interview. 207  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018. 208  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018.

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on December 27 and 28, 1978, he shared with participants the factors that led to Yoido’s growth and also their strategies for home group operation.209 Hurston’s message was well received, which stirred up more interest in this mega-church among churches in Taiwan.210 Subsequently, a group of 250 pastors and church leaders from Taiwan, including several missionaries, visited the Yoido Church in June 1979.211 To “temper” the reluctance of those not excited about studying under an Assemblies of God leader, Swanson arranged for them to spend part of the week also visiting and studying with the Asian Center for Theological Studies (ACTS) as well.212 The impact of the 1979 trip to Korea on Taiwanese churches was immense. It inaugurated a new decade and era, as from this time onwards, Taiwanese pastors and church leaders would be the principal proponents of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan—creating a bigger fire than the one first lit by dozens of missionaries. The impact of the trip will be unfolded further in the next chapter.

Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan The Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan is closely linked to the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in the United States. In 1968 and 1969, several American Catholic nuns and priests traveling from Taiwan came across the charismatic message while in the United States.213 One of the priests was Bartley F. Schmitz 施予仁, SVD (1918–2016), a Divine Word missionary in Taiwan starting in 1960, and a secretary to Cardinal Thomas Ken-sin Tien 田耕莘 (1890–1967). Schmitz first heard about the movement in May 1969 while in the United States. Although it does not appear that he had any charismatic experiences while traveling in the United States, Schmitz was convinced of the message through personal contacts with such figures as Fr. Kilian McDonnell, OSB. He started sharing the

209  “Han Heyuehan yingyao lai Tai zhuchi jiaohui zengzhang yantao” 韓何約翰應邀來台 主持教會增長研討 [John Hurston from Korea invited to Taiwan to discuss church growth], Christian Tribune, December 24, 1978. 210  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 29, 2018. 211  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan, 33. New Life dedicated several 1979 issues discussing growth of Korean churches. 212  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018. 213  Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” 11.

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charismatic message soon after.214 Having returned to Taiwan, Schmitz started a charismatic prayer group at Tien Medical Center in Taipei in April 1970. However, the group remained small for its first year, with only two to eight people in attendance. Often, they would join the prayer group at Dr. Dale’s Clinic, which, in 1971, was “half Catholic.” Attendance at Dr. Dale’s prayer group varied from twenty to fifty participants each Friday evening.215 Fr. Richard Ching-hung Wang 王敬弘, SJ (1934–1999) started participating in the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan in 1972. He first heard of the charismatic message in March 1967 from a charismatic Lutheran pastor who was invited to speak at Grace Baptist Church in Taipei.216 Wang attended the conference at the behest of an American nun, who had heard the charismatic message while in the United States and had greatly benefited from it.217 Around one hundred clerics and laypeople participated in the first day of the conference—one-fifth of whom were Catholics. Prayer was offered after the message. Wang went forward with the nun’s nudge, but did not receive the gift of tongues despite the direct attention of the speaker. According to Wang, the conference did not change his life.218 Richard Wang writes that he attended an English-speaking charismatic prayer meeting at a Christian doctor’s house with one or two other priests or nuns in the early 1970s. While he did not name names, the only known English-speaking charismatic prayer meeting at a Christian doctor’s house in Taiwan was the Dales. Wang was sincerely impressed by the meeting, as it was the first time that he had attended a charismatic prayer group in which people spoke in tongues and prophesied. Yet, because he was busy and not used to praying in English, Wang stopped attending after two or three attempts.219 Due to the influence of several priests and nuns,

 Schmitz, “Report from Taiwan,” 18–20.  Schmitz, “Report from Taiwan,” 19. 216  Despite extensive efforts, the author has not yet been able to identify who the Lutheran speaker was. 217  Richard Ching-hung Wang, Shenen yu jiaohui 神恩與教會 [Charism and the Church], (Taipei: Kuangchi Cultural Group, 1998), 31. Richard Wang, Xinling de zhiyu 心靈的治癒 [Healing of the soul], (Taipei: Kuangchi Cultural Group, 1980), 28. 218  Wang, Healing of the soul, 29. 219  Wang, Healing of the soul, 30. 214 215

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however, Wang started to show interest in charismatic renewal and the charismatic prayer group.220 Later on, Catholics church leaders began forming their own prayer groups. A weekly Charismatic Prayer Group was formed at Fu Jen Catholic University.221 Fr. John Baptist Palm 柏世安, SJ (1914–2009), together with two other priests, established a Charismatic Renewal Service Center in Hsinchu in December 1973.222 One day each month was set aside as a “Day of Recollection” for those who desired to learn more about Spirit baptism. Appointed by the Society of Jesus, John Palm became the promoter of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan in 1974. The Chinese Bishops Conference appointed him as their liaison for the Renewal.223 In addition, a few Catholic Sister Orders had become ­primarily charismatic, and about ten Catholic prayer groups existed on the island by the late 1970s. From this point on, charismatic renewal among Catholic churches in Taiwan grew slowly in the 1970s.224 Sister Helene Reichl 雷蕙琅 (1934–), a German Catholic missionary who began work in Taiwan since 1960, provides further information concerning the Catholic renewal in Taiwan.225 Reichl started the Fons Vitae  Wang, Healing of the soul, 30.  Wang, Healing of the soul, 30. Fu Jen Catholic University was first founded in Beijing in 1925 by the Benedictines of St. Vincent Archabbey. It was reestablished in Taiwan in 1961 through the joint efforts of the Society of Jesus, the Society of Divine Word, and the Regional Bishops’ Conference. 222  Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” 11. Fr. Palm was ordained in 1941 and served as a Jesuit missionary in China from 1948 to 1953, before he was expelled by communist authorities and relocated in Taiwan. Swanson did not specify the names of the two priests. It is likely that they are Fr. Louis J. Dowd and Fr. Josef Borchard. See the main text below. 223  Jeanne Savard Bonin, A Stigmatist: Marie-Rose Ferron (Sherbrooke: Éditions paulines, cop. 1988), 13–4. Documentation on the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan in the 1970s is scarce and sketchy. Information in this paragraph needs further verification. 224  “The movement is growing slowly. Laity are beginning to participate. Some Chinese priests have begun to accent the movement. A one-day prayer retreat is held every six months island wide to introduce Catholics to the experience of the Spirit. About 200 attended the most recent retreat held in March. About 400 over the island are on the mailing list for the Renewal Center publications.” Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” 11–12. 225  Helene Reichl was born in Czechoslovakia, the Eastern part of Germany. After WWII, the land was given to Russia (in 1993 Czechoslovakia became the Czech Republic and Slovak Republic), and her family was chased away and became refugees in Germany. Reichl recognized her vocation as a missionary at the age of thirteen. After high school, she went to Belgium for missionary training at the center of the International Catholic Auxiliaries. She received further professional training in Paris, and studied Chinese for one year in London. 220 221

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Catechetical Training Center 永泉教義研究中心 in Taipei in 1962.226 The center moved to Hsinchu in 1980 and closed in 2012. Reichl did not know much about the charismatic message during the first decade she was in Taiwan. One day, Fr. Bartley F. Schmitz called Reichl and invited her to attend a meeting at Fu Jen Catholic University that was addressing the topic of charismatic renewal. Only a small group of priests and nuns were invited, and it was Reichl’s first encounter with the renewal.227 The meeting took place in 1969.228 In 1971, Fr. Palm organized a retreat on the theme of “Renewal in the Holy Spirit” for English speakers at the Catholic Social Service Center in Hsinchu. Fr. George W.  Kosicki, C.S.B. (1928–2014) was the main speaker.229 Reichl reports that she received the gift of tongues during the meeting. A year later, another retreat of the same kind was held for the Mandarin-speaking Catholics in Taiwan, in which Reichl’s coworker at Fons Vitae, Bernadette Chu-chuan Chang, participated and also received the gift of tongues.230 According to She then left for Taiwan in 1960. Reichl is now a member of the Consecrated Life: Epiphany Covenant Community, and she resides in Pingtung, Taiwan. Helene Reichl, e-mail message to author, July 6, 2017. 226  The primary vision of the Fons Vitae Catechetical Training Center was to train and prepare future catechists. The training center had students from Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia, and it published more than a dozen catechetical and liturgical books in Chinese. 227  Helene Reichl, interview by author, Pingtung, September 6, 2016. 228  Bernadette Chang 張納德, “Yongquan muling jiaoyi & liyi yanjiu zhongxin yu Taiwan Shenen fuxing yundong” 永泉牧靈教義  &禮儀研究中心與台灣神恩復興運動 [Fons Vitae Catechetical Training Center and Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan], in Tianzhujiao Shenen fuxing zhuankan: Qingzhu guoji Shenen fuxing yundong wushi zhounian xinian jinqing ji Taiwan Shenen fuxing yundong sishiwu zhounian 天主教神恩復興專刊—慶祝國際神 恩復興運動五十週年禧年金慶暨台灣神恩復興運動四十五週年 [Celebrating the Global Catholic Charismatic Renewal Golden Jubilee and the Charismatic Renewal’s forty-fifth anniversary in Taiwan], ed. Tianzhujiao Taiwan qu Shenen Fuxing Yundong Tuixingzu 天主 教台灣區神恩復興運動推行組 [Promotion Committee of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan (Taichung: Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan 天主教台灣神恩復興運動, 2017), 20. I am indebted to Irene Wu 吳愛玲, Chairperson of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan, for sharing this source, and Fr. Joseph Huang’s article (below) with me. 229  Bernadette Chang, “Fons Vitae Catechetical Training Center and Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan,” 21. 230  Bernadette Chang, “The Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan: A Witness from a Young Chinese Woman,” International Review of Mission 75, no. 298 (April 1986): 132–6; Helene Reichl, “Boshian Shenfu yu Taiwan de Shenen fuxing yundong” 柏世安神父與台灣的神恩 復興運動 [Fr. John Palm and the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan], Tianzhujiao zhoubao 天主教周報 [Catholic Weekly], September 20, 2009, 19. Reichl’s article also tells of

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record, Fr. Palm along with two other Jesuit priests, Fr. Louis J. Dowd 杜 華 (1911–1990) and Fr. Josef Borchard 卜天義 (d. 1986), were the keynote speakers for the 1972 retreat.231 After much prayer and deliberation, Reichl and her coworkers at Fons Vitae decided that they would incorporate charismatic teachings into their training. In addition, the center organized meetings to teach on renewal on a regular basis, which was the start of the Life in the Spirit Seminar.232 Through these efforts, Fons Vitae played a significant role in introducing the charismatic message to the Catholic Church in Taiwan in the 1970s. In the 1970s, Fr. Palm, together with Fr. Dowd and Fr. Borchard, would sometimes travel from Hsinchu to Taipei to help with the seminars held at Fons Vitae. The two parties worked even more closely after Fons Vitae moved to Hsinchu in 1980. Every two or three years, Palm would invite speakers from around the world to speak on the theme of renewal. Fluent in German, French, English, and Mandarin, Reichl was always the translator. Occasionally, when people requested Fr. Palm to help cast out evil spirits from them, Palm would form a team of three to five to pray for people. Palm often enlisted Reichl and her coworkers for assistance.233 Catholics from other orders were also involved in spiritual renewal in the 1970s. Malcolm Foster was asked to advise the Maryknolls in Taichung concerning spiritual decisions regarding the movement.234 Both Helene Reichl and Bernadette Chang recognized that the Catholics in Taiwan were slower in embracing the concept of charismatic renewal in the 1970s than their Protestant counterparts, which explains why they often attended events organized by charismatic Protestants.235 In 1990, Fr. Richard Wang reported that the growth of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan has slowed down due to misunderstandings how Palm received the gift of tongues after resisting for some time. Fr. Kosicki was a Basilian priest and a leader during the earliest days of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal. Reichl dates Kosicki’s visit to Taiwan in 1971 in her article, and so does Bernadette Chang in “Fons Vitae Catechetical Training Center and Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan” (p.  21); yet Bernadette Chang has it as 1972 in “The Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan: A Witness from a Young Chinese Woman.” Chang Na-te 張納德 is Chang Chu-chuan 張珠娟’s saint’s name. 231  Bernadette Chang, “Fons Vitae Catechetical Training Center and Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan,” 21. 232  Reichl, interview. See also Chang, “The Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan,” 134–5. 233  Reichl, interview. 234  Foster, e-mail message to author, May 18, 2017. 235  Reichl, interview. Chang, “The Charismatic Renewal in Taiwan,” 134–5.

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and lack of experience among clerics.236 Reichl believes that the disinterest was due to negative testimonies, and, occasionally, misinformation among the priests.237 Still, the Catholic Charismatic Renewal National Service Team of Taiwan was set up in September 1993 to promote charismatic renewal,238 and the organization joined the International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Services Sub-committee for Asia-Oceania in 2014.239 Even though not all Catholics in Taiwan would identify with the movement, there are Catholic Charismatic Renewal prayer groups in every diocese today.240

Conclusion While pentecostal-charismatic activities had been present in Taiwan before 1970, the 1970s witnessed an unprecedented proliferation of Spirit-based phenomena among non-pentecostal-charismatic missionaries in Taiwan. It was also the decade in which a large number of Taiwanese young adults started to show interest in the charismatic message due to the direct or indirect influence of pentecostal-charismatic missionaries. Through the arrival of a few charismatic missionaries in the early 1970s and the impact of the loosely organized Renewal Team, teachings on the work of the Holy Spirit appeared more frequently in Taiwan among non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians through individual contacts, conferences, and newly translated publications. Although there were occasional tensions with other leaders who were not as sympathetic to the charismatic message, most charismatic missionaries were able to successfully introduce the charismatic message to Taiwan without creating irreparable division. Some even profess that they never encountered any difficulties sharing the work of the Holy Spirit with 236  The Union of Catholic Asian News, “Growth of Charismatic Renewal Slow Despite Successful Meeting,” The Union of Catholic Asian News, http://www.ucanews.com/storyarchive/?post_name=/1990/07/20/growth-of-charismatic-renewal-slow-despite-successful-meeting&post_id=30871 (accessed July 14, 2017). 237  Reichl, interview. 238  Fr. Joseph Huang 黃清富, “Tianzhujiao shenen fuxing yundong: Taiwan de xiankuang yu fazhan” 天主教神恩復興運動—台灣的現況與發展 [Catholic Charismatic Renewal Movement in Taiwan and its development], Taiwan shenen fuxing jikan 台灣神恩復興季刊 [Catholic Charismatic Renewal Newsletter of Taiwan], no. 1, 2013, 3–5. 239  “Zonghui xiaoxi” 總會消息 [News from the Catholic Charismatic Renewal National Service Team of Taiwan], Catholic Charismatic Renewal Newsletter of Taiwan, no. 5, July 2014, 5. 240  Reichl, e-mail message to author, September 25, 2017.

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Taiwanese Christians.241 Even Ross Paterson and Allen Swanson, whose charismatic message was often met with resistance, were able to make a significant impact on the Taiwanese Christians within their circle of influence. Given that the Taiwanese Church at large expressed suspicion and dread toward the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement up until 1980, these charismatic missionaries’ works in the 1970s were groundbreaking, and their successes represent remarkable achievements. Writing in the late 1970s, Swanson estimated that around 10% of Western Protestant missionaries had embraced the charismatic message— which is not a small number. By contrast, perhaps no more than 1% of Catholic and 2–3% of Taiwanese Protestants had done the same.242 If various clusters of missionaries lit the spark of renewal in various churches in the 1970s, Taiwanese pastors and church leaders would go on to begin fanning the flames of these movements at the turn of the decade. As these subsequent events fell into place, the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan would soon take off—changing Christianity in Taiwan forever.

 Missionaries who express the view include Lynn New and Louise Ho.  Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” 14.

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CHAPTER 5

The Loosing of the Holy Spirit: The Charismatic Movement Takes Off, 1979–1995

While the chief aspiration of the 1979 trip to South Korea was to learn how Korean churches had experienced phenomenal growth, the trip also became an immediate catalyst for the rapid proliferation of the charismatic message in Taiwan in the early 1980s. Two distant causes that prepared the way for the rapid spread of the charismatic message in the 1980s were (1) the desperate search the Taiwanese churches undertook for new tools to help churches to grow, which had begun in the late 1960s, and (2) the contributions made by pentecostal-charismatic missionaries during the 1970s (Chap. 4). I will first discuss two of the more prominent church growth initiatives among Taiwanese churches that began in the late 1960s, before exploring the 1979 trip to South Korea and its impacts. I will then discuss several other significant developments that contributed to the gradual and widespread recognition of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1980 to 1995. In most cases, instead of a the blatant, or “naked,” charismatic message, charismatic sensitivities made their way into Christian communities as part of a larger initiative for promoting church growth and renewal.

© The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4_5

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Church Growth Initiatives in the Late 1960s and the 1970s Two particularly important attempts to facilitate church growth in the late 1960s and the 1970s were the ministry of Chen Chuan-huang 陳傳黃 and the Taiwan Church Growth Society (TCGS). While the success of both endeavors was limited, the initiatives demonstrate the extent to which the Taiwanese Church was critically aware of its need for renewal. The desperation which thus ensued spurred natives and missionaries alike to explore new methods for promoting church growth. I will argue that the search process, in the long term, had indirect bearings on the development of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in the 1980s. Ministry of Chen Chuan-huang Chen Chuan-huang 陳傳黃 is a well-known lay entrepreneur in Taiwan. According to Chen, a dream in the late 1960s led him to become deeply concerned about lost souls. He believed that as the largest church in Taiwan, the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT) played a significant role in the evangelization of Taiwan. In September 1968, Chen was invited to share his testimony at a meeting in which PCT pastors from all over Taiwan were present.1 Around the same time, Chen Chuan-huang visited Korea and witnessed how Korean Christians gathered early in the morning for fervent prayer. Moved by what he saw, Chen generously supported different Presbyteries to organize various meetings, with the hopes that such practices might inspire revivals within the PCT. One of Chen’s efforts included the formation of the Church Revival Committee in December 1968, which 1  Chen’s testimony at this meeting was reproduced in Chen Chuan-huang 陳傳黃 and Tu Ying-chu 杜英助, “Xinzhu yihou Shangdi de dialing: Daogao jingyan tan” 信主以後上帝的 帶領—禱告經驗談 [God’s leading after conversion: The experience of prayer], Taiwan Church News, January 1969, 24–5. Chen’s participation at PCT’s meeting is also documented in “‘Shidai gongren de zhuwenti’ Zhanglaohui zhu zong lie wei zhuanshu” 「時代 工人的諸問題」長老會主總列為專書 [The PCT has put ‘Issues of Today’s Workers’ on the recommended reading list], Christian Tribune, December 29, 1968. Chen’s other testimony at a PCT church in Tainan in January 1969 was reproduced in Chen Chuan-huang and Tu Ying-chu, “Wo de jianzheng” 我的見證 [My testimony], Taiwan Church News, February 1969, 7. For reasons unknown, both articles have mistaken Chen Chuan-huang’s name to be Chen Ta-huang 陳達黃.

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comprised PCT pastors and elders, with Chen as the moderator.2 While the committee started several prayer meetings, its effect on PCT’s renewal is not immediately clear. Further, although he was one of the earliest Taiwanese church leaders to notice the revivals taking place in South Korea, the pentecostal emphases in some of the revivals did not catch Chen Chuan-huang’s attention. However, the believers’ zealous prayer did. Chen Chuan-huang’s other ministries were more fruitful. In the 1970s, Chen started Keng Yun Hui 耕耘會 (The Society of Cultivation), an organization with the vision to help deepen Christians’ faith through meetings and publications, with a focus on evangelism, discipleship, and further training for pastors. Additionally, several music ministries were born under the aegis of Keng Yun Hui. Finally, the organization also supported a number of churches, parachurches, and pastors financially on a regular basis until 1990, when it altered its direction to focus on the message of the last days.3 Reviewing the conferences that Keng Yun Hui put together from 1970 to 1990,4 it can be concluded that the organization was never “charismaticized”—although its emphasis on church growth and renewal is apparent. Keng Yun Hui invited several pentecostal-charismatic speakers to Taiwan, including Juan Carlos Ortiz, in 1979.5 Referring to Keng Yun Hui in the late 1970s, Allen Swanson notes that “Although spiritual gifts were not stressed, a strong emphasis was placed upon the ‘experience of the Holy Spirit’ with its evidence of new power for living the victorious, witnessing Christian life. The first retreat to openly stress the baptism in the Holy Spirit was held in Taipei in April 1978. About 180 Christian leaders attended.”6 Unfortunately, I have not been able to find more records on the 1978 meeting referred to by Swanson.

2  “Fuxing peilinghui zhouyi you zaodao” 復興培靈會週一有早禱 [Revival Committee organizes Monday morning prayer meeting], Christian Tribune, December 8, 1968. 3  Chang Chen-chia 張臻家 “Gengyunhui dafu tiaozheng shigong fangxiang duo suo jiaohui jigou shou liandai yingxiang” 耕耘會大幅調整事工方向多所教會機構受連帶影響 [Keng Yun Hui’s change of ministry direction causes ripple effect on many churches and parachurches], Christian Tribune, September 30, 1990. 4  The author made the search with the keyword 耕耘會 (Keng Yun Hui) on Christian Tribune’s website. 5  “Oudici nanbei benpo lingjuhui” 歐迪慈南北奔波領聚會 [Ortiz held meetings in southern and northern Taiwan], Christian Tribune, April 15, 1979. 6  Swanson, “The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan,” 12.

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Taiwan Church Growth Society (1972) Among different attempts to produce church growth, the Taiwan Church Growth Society 臺灣教會增長促進會 (TCGS) launched on February 7, 1972, was the largest scaled church growth initiative in Taiwan. The group not only involved a wide range of churches and mission communities in Taiwan, but also gained firm and trans-Pacific support from Fuller Theological Seminary.7 The TCGS’ aim was “to introduce to Taiwan’s church leaders specific tools and techniques important for the understanding of why churches grow or do not grow. This will include insights as to how modern sociological, anthropological, and biblical studies can be brought to bear on these problems.”8 The three founding leaders were all graduates of Fuller Seminary’s School of World Mission and Institute of Church Growth: Alan Frederick Gate (Conservative Baptist), Allen J. Swanson (American Lutheran), and David Jia-en Liao 廖加恩 (Overseas Crusades).9 Unlike Keng Yun Hui, which was started by a Taiwanese layperson, there was a heavy presence of missionaries at the inception of the TCGS—which is an issue that was duly noted at the time.10 However, Taiwanese leaders’ involvement increased in subsequent years.11 7  The minutes of the Church Growth Society Executive Meeting in May 1972 documents that the letter of Arthur Glasser from Fuller Seminary was read during the meeting, and that “Dr. Glasser expressed his enthusiastic support of our organization and enclosed a contribution.” Sheldon Sawatzky, Minutes of the Church Growth Society Executive Meeting, May 17, 1972. Arthur Frederick Glasser Collection, 1932–1997, Box 3, Folder 14, Archives and Special Collections, David Allan Hubbard Library, Fuller Theological Seminary. Glasser was Dean of Fuller’s School of World Mission from 1970 to 1980. Swanson in The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980 (p. 27) states that the TCGS started in 1971. 8  Introducing the Church Growth Society, June 16, 1972. Arthur Frederick Glasser Collection, 1932–1997, Box 3, Folder 14. See also Allen J. Swanson ed., I Will Build My Church: Ten Case Studies of Church Growth in Taiwan (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1977), back cover. 9  “Jiaohui zengzhang yanjiu huiyi” 教會增長研究會議 [Church growth conference], Christian Tribune, December 17, 1972. 10  In the TCGS’s Meeting Minutes in February 1972, an analytical report of the evaluation sheets collected at the November 1971 Church Growth Seminary is appended. Among several opinions are that future seminars could be “less foreign,” and could have “more case studies from Taiwan,” and “better Taiwanese, Hakka, and tribal representation.” Sheldon Sawatzky, Church Growth Society Meeting Minutes, February 7, 1972, Arthur Frederick Glasser Collection, 1932–1997, Box 3, Folder 14. 11  The “News” section in the May 1977 (5:2) issue of the Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin (page 13) states that approximately thirty people attended some or all of the sessions of the annual meeting of the Taiwan Church Growth Society in Taichung on March 21, 1977.

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In November 1971, the to-be-launched TCGS invited Donald McGavran (1897–1990) from Fuller to conduct the first church growth workshop in Taiwan.12 McGavran was the founding dean of Fuller’s School of World Mission and Institute of Church Growth (School of World Mission),13 who later opened up to Pentecostalism.14 The new “church growth thinking” appealed to a considerable number of Christian leaders in Taiwan since the birth of TCGS—including natives and missionaries alike. Those involved came from a variety of backgrounds, including, for example, the General Conference Mennonite Church (Sheldon Sawatzky), the Free Methodist Mission (Dorothy A.  Raber), the Southern Baptist Mission (Louis Langley), the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (Wang Nan-­ chieh), the Evangelical Alliance Mission (Albert Klein), the Taiwan Episcopal Church (Peyton G.  Craighill), the Taiwan Holiness Church (Bill T.  C. Yang), and the Presbyterian Church in the United States (Donnell McCall).15 In the 1970s, several missionaries who studied at Fuller’s School of World Mission published books on church growth in Taiwan.16 These publications also attempted to analyze factors that might be contributing to the stagnation of church growth in Taiwan. As a result, throughout the 1970s, teaching and training on new methods to facilitate church growth took place “at a brisk pace” in Taiwan, with numerous workshops and seminars conducted island-wide.17 Modeling after the Church Growth Bulletin published by Fuller Seminary, the Taiwan Church Growth Society published the Taiwan Among participants, missionaries were the minority, which indicates that “national church leaders are developing an increasing interest in the field of church growth.” 12  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 27. 13  For the launching of Fuller’s School of World Mission, see Marsden, Reforming Fundamentalism, 237–8. 14  Thom S. Rainer, The Book of Church Growth: History, Theology, and Principles (Nashville, TN: Broadman, 1993), 62. 15  “News: Annual Meeting of Taiwan Church Growth Society,” Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin 4:2, May 1976, 13; “1974 Annual Meeting of the Church Growth Society,” Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin 2:2, May 1974, 9. 16  Swanson, The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980, 27. Books published were, for example, Dorothy Raber, Protestantism in Changing Taiwan: A Call to Creative Response (Pasadena, CA: W.  Carey Library, 1978), Robert Bolton, Treasure Island: Church Growth among Taiwan’s Urban Minnan Chinese (Pasadena, CA: W. Carey Library, 1976), David Liao’s The Unresponsive: Resistant or Neglected? (Chicago: Moody Press, 1972), Allen Swanson, Taiwan: Mainline versus Independent Church Growth (Pasadena, CA: W. Carey Library, 1970). 17  Allen J. Swanson, “Tools for Growth: Taiwan Case Study,” Global Church Growth 27, no. 2, April-May-June 1989, 6.

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Church Growth Bulletin, which ran from November 1972 to 1986. Editions of the Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin ranged from ten to sixteen pages. Contributors included church leaders within and beyond Taiwan. The publication repeatedly promoted books on church growth by authors worldwide. However, due to limited resources, Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin was never published in Mandarin Chinese—a concern which would later be addressed.18 In 1989, Swanson writes that, as far as he knew, Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin was the longest running church growth bulletin in Asia.19 News of church growth in Taiwan appeared from time to time in Fuller’s Church Growth Bulletin from 1964 to 1979.20 However, Taiwan was hardly ever mentioned after 1980, when the Church Growth Bulletin changed its title to Global Church Growth Bulletin (1980–1982) and then later to Global Church Growth (1982–1994). According to Swanson, by the mid-1980s, interests were changing and waning, which led to the eventual closure of the Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin.21 It is believed that the Taiwan Church Growth Society’s influence also dwindled around the same time.22 Membership of the TCGS was never large, but the society endeavored to send out the Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin to both Taiwanese and missionary individuals and communities.23 According to Pastor James Chung-chien Shia 夏忠堅 (1948–), the TCGS’s contribution to the actual church growth in Taiwan was limited—but its introduction of global church growth thinking into Taiwan was groundbreaking.24 Not only so, I believe the TCGS contributed indirectly to the development of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in the 1970s and the 1980s through at least three mechanisms—publications, Allen Swanson, and Fuller Theological Seminary—which were all interrelated.  “News,” Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin 5:3 (September 1977): 10.  Swanson, “Tools for Growth: Taiwan Case Study,” 5. 20  The launching of Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin received attention in the September 1973 issue of the Church Growth Bulletin. See Donald A.  McGavran ed., Church Growth Bulletin: Second Consolidated Volume (September 1969 to July 1975), (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1977), 352, 357. 21  Swanson, e-mail message to author, July 3, 2018. 22  The annual meeting of the TCGS in 1983 discussed whether the society should disband or consolidate with the Center for Church Renewal and Development 教會更新發展研究中 心 at Campus Crusade. “Nanlai beiwang” 南來北往 [News], Christian Tribune, February 27, 1983. 23  “News,” Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin 5:3 (September 1977): 9. 24  Shia, interview. 18 19

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First, while the Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin was never published in Chinese, a few important works written or edited by Allen Swanson on church growth published by TCGS were.25 In particular, Swanson’s The Church in Taiwan: Profile 1980 (1981) received much attention—which spurred further activities.26 Swanson believed that the Taiwan Church Growth Society was “‘successful’ in popularizing church growth thinking and making it a household word.”27 Second, due to his own quest for church growth, Allen Swanson became a key figure in Taiwan in the late 1970s by pointing Taiwanese leaders toward the pentecostal-charismatic elements within churches that had experienced exponential growth worldwide. In this way, Swanson was an important influence in encouraging Taiwanese churches to visit South Korea in 1979. After this time, the Swansons also played a significant advisory role in the development of the Charismatic Movement in the 1980s, which will be discussed below. Third, while the TCGS was not charismatic in nature, a significant number of missionaries who were active in the organization had studied at Fuller—a seminary that was more sympathetic to the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in the 1970s than most other evangelical seminaries. It is my opinion that Taiwanese churches’ steady progression toward accepting the Charismatic Movement was partially due to their direct and indirect positive interactions with Fuller faculty and graduates. As C.  Peter Wagner from Fuller Seminary succeeded McGavran and became the leading spokesperson for the Church Growth Movement, he made Pentecostalism a central theme of the global Church Growth Movement in the second half of the 1980s.28 Wagner’s influence soon 25  They include I Will Build My Church: Ten Case Studies of Church Growth in Taiwan (1977), The Church in Taiwan, Profile 1980 (1981), and Mending the Nets: Taiwan Church Growth and Loss in the 1980s (Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1986). Swanson’s works were so well-researched and comprehensive that they stand unsurpassed to this day. They are indispensable for all students studying the church history of postwar Taiwan. Swanson’s master’s thesis at Fuller’s School of World Mission and Institute of Church Growth was later edited and published under the title Taiwan: Mainline versus Independent Church Growth: A Study in Contrasts (1970). This work was never translated into Chinese in its entirety, but a part of it was excerpted, translated, and published as Allen J. Swanson, “Duli jiaohui” 獨立 教會 [Independent churches], trans. Josephine Chuen-juei Ho 何春藸, Tonggong yuekan 同 工月刊 [Co-worker’s monthly], May 1973, 91–128. 26  Swanson, “Tools for Growth: Taiwan Case Study,” 6. 27  Swanson, “Tools for Growth: Taiwan Case Study,” 6. 28  For an in-depth discussion of Wagner’s views and his influence within and beyond Fuller, see Jon Bialecki, “The Third Wave and the Third World: C. Peter Wagner, John Wimber, and

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reached Taiwan. Correspondingly, the concepts of church growth, renewal, and the Charismatic Movement would at times be lumped together by a sector of Taiwanese churches without careful differentiation. Like the pragmatic McGavran and Wagner, Taiwanese churches were simply looking for tools that “work.”

Chinese Campus Crusade for Christ (Taiwan) and Visits to Churches in South Korea (1979–1980) Allen J. Swanson was instrumental in pointing out the phenomenal growth of South Korean churches to Taiwanese pastors and church leaders, which stirred the interest of many. As discussed in Chap. 4, Chinese Campus Crusade for Christ in Taiwan 中國學園傳道會 (hereafter Campus Crusade) invited Swanson in the summer of 1978 to discuss church growth, in which he introduced the Yoido Full Gospel Church, and the principles that David Yonggi Cho adopted for church growth and renewal. Swanson’s endorsement of Cho’s strategies resulted in a group of 250 pastors and church leaders from Taiwan, including several missionaries, visiting the Yoido Church in June 1979.29 The trip was organized by Campus Crusade, yet the ensuing development went far beyond the organizer’s expectation. According to Jonathan Chiu, “We only dared to connect with Yonggi Cho because of Swanson’s recommendation”30; otherwise, they would have preferred to distance themselves from pentecostal-charismatic churches out of fear. This is one clear example of Taiwanese leaders becoming less afraid of pentecostalism through positive interactions with a Fuller graduate whom they considered to be reliable. Nonetheless, Chiu was the Pedagogy of Global Renewal in the Late Twentieth Century,” PNEUMA 37 (2015): 177–200, and A Diagram for Fire: Miracles and Variation in an American Charismatic Movement (Oakland: University of California Press, 2017), especially pages 16, 27, and 173. See also Rainer, The Book of Church Growth, 51–63 and Vinson Synan, “Pentecostalism: Varieties and Contributions,” PNEUMA (Fall 1986): 42–3. 29  Of the 250 participants, at least seven came from China Evangelical Seminary, and thirty-five people came from the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan. “Ren shi jianxun” 人事時 簡訊 [News], China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin, June 5, 1979, 3; “1979 nian zonghui zhongyao xingshi jiyao” 1979 年總會重要行事記要 [Important events of the PCT in 1979], Taiwan Jidu Zhanglaojiaohui di ershiqi jie zonghui baogao 台灣基督長老教會第二十 七屆總會報告 (1980) [The twenty-seventh annual report of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1980], (Taipei: Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1980), 183. Campus Crusade’s New Life dedicated the July 1979 issue to Korean church growth. 30  Jonathan Chiu, interview by author, Los Angeles, July 20, 2017.

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clear that it was the church growth elements, not the pentecostal teachings, that they were looking for from the Yoido Church. Little did they expect that the 1979 trip would open the floodgates for intense interest in the work of the Holy Spirit in Taiwan in subsequent years. Taiwanese participants were thoroughly impressed and inspired by the vibrancy and enthusiasm present in South Korean churches. In the last session of the meeting in South Korea, Allen Swanson’s wife, Jean, uttered a prophetic message, warning of impending strong divisions in the Taiwanese Church unless unity in the Spirit is sought.31 As I will discuss in the next chapter, the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan was under severe pressure from the Nationalist government over political issues in the 1970s and the 1980s, and many Mandarin-speaking churches disagreed with the Taiwanese-speaking PCT’s political stance. Since prophetic utterance was foreign to most at the time, many were astonished, including Tai Yang Shu-chu (d. 2017), wife of Pastor Daniel I-shun Tai.32 Daniel Tai was one of the then leaders of Campus Crusade in Taiwan. After the group returned to Taiwan, four women, led by Tai Yang Shu-chu, claimed that as they were praying, the Holy Spirit impressed Jean’s name upon their heart.33 As a result, the group went to Jean Swanson in September 1979 to ask if she would teach them how to pray for renewal. Even though Jean felt inadequate for the task, she felt God has called her for the job, and so she obeyed. The Taiwan Church Renewal Women Prayer Meeting 台灣教會復興婦女聯禱會 was then started on October 11, 1979.34 In 1987, the women who consistently attended the prayer group numbered between seventy and one hundred.35 The group reportedly grew in depth of prayer, learned how to minister and pray for one another, and experienced God’s power through many answered

 Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018.  Swanson, interview. 33  Jean M.  Swanson, Give me Your Heart: Principles for Personal Renewal (Selangor, Malaysia: Pustaka Scripture Union Press, 1992), 1. 34  Jean was the leader of the prayer group until sometime in 1983 when her assistant married and moved to another city. Swanson, e-mail message to author, September 20, 2017. 35  Tai Yang Shu-chu 戴楊淑珠 and Editorial Committee, “Daogaowang de jianli” 禱告網 的建立 [The establishment of the prayer network], Chunyu zazhi 春雨雜誌 [Latter Rain Magazine], December 1987, 11–13. The prayer group is still running today. 31 32

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prayers concerning both personal lives and larger situations in the society and the nation. Miraculous healings were also reported.36 The impact of the first trip to South Korean churches was so positive37 that Campus Crusade invited Pastor Yonggi Cho to Taiwan to conduct a revival meeting in January 1980.38 Campus Crusade then organized a second visit to Korean churches in March 1980. Among the 204 participants, 104 were pastors.39 The third visit to South Korea took place in August 1980.40 This is the beginning of Taiwanese churches’ intense association with South Korean churches in general—and Yoido Full Gospel Church in particular—to this day.

Chinese Christian Prayer Mountain (Miaoli Prayer Mountain, 1981) One of the most significant impacts of the 1979–1980 trips to South Korea by Taiwanese churches was the founding of the Chinese Christian Prayer Mountain 中華祈禱院, which is commonly known as Miaoli Prayer Mountain 苗栗禱告山. Miaoli Prayer Mountain was started on September 28, 1981, by Daniel I-shun Tai 戴義勳 (1930–), who claims to have received the vision of the Prayer Mountain while in prayer during his visit to South Korea in 1980.41 36  Swanson, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018. See also Tai Yang Shu-chu, “The Establishment of the Prayer Network,” 13. 37  The impact of the Korean Prayer Mountain upon Taiwanese Christians in the early days can be seen in the New Life. After the second visit from Korean Churches in 1980, New Life published several testimonies of how Taiwanese Christians experienced breakthrough after their visits to the Prayer Mountain. “Daogao shanshang de jianzheng” 禱告山上的見證 [Testimonies from the Prayer Mountain], New Life, April 1980, 4–5. 38  “Quanguo jiaohui zengzhang tebie jiangzuo” 全國教會增長特別講座 [Special seminars on national church growth], New Life, February 1980, 14–6. A total of 30,000 people attended the meeting in five days. It is unusual that the event is not mentioned in an article entitled “Taiwan daxing budao, tehui” 台灣大型佈道、特會 [Mega rallies and conferences in Taiwan], in the February 1993 issue of the Campus Magazine, 9–11, which provides a list of mega rallies and conferences in Taiwan from 1975 to 1992. 39  “Testimonies from the Prayer Mountain,” 4–5. 40  “Zhongguo xueyuan chuandaohui Zhonghuaminguo liushijiu nian dashiji” 中國學園傳 道會中華民國69年大事記 [Highlights of the Chinese Campus Crusade for Christ in 1980], New Life, December 1980, 3. 41  Lillian Hsu and Daniel Tai, e-mail message to author, October 23, 2018. Lilian is secretary to the president of Miaoli Prayer Mountain. In my conversation with Jonathan Chih-

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Daniel Tai became a Christian at a Baptist church sometime around 1950. He reports that his desire for the Holy Spirit’s visitation deepened as he took classes from Charles L.  Culpepper, who had been a part of Shantung Revival at Taiwan Baptist Seminary. Tai states that he eventually received the gift of tongues sometime around 1960.42 When the Tai’s felt called to pray for church revival in Taiwan in March 1978, they started a weekly all-night prayer meeting in their home.43 The meeting was described by Jonathan Chiu as “fairly charismatic” (相當靈恩).44 As a staff member with Campus Crusade, Tai’s charismatic involvement drew the attention of the Campus Crusade headquarters—which, in the 1960s, adopted a policy that permitted no staff member “to speak in tongues in public or in private or to promote tongues either to groups or to individuals.”45 After the 1980 visit to South Korea, Daniel Tai left Campus Crusade to start the Miaoli Prayer Mountain. The primary themes of visions experienced at the Miaoli Prayer Mountain involve helping Christians to deepen their prayer life and experience renewal, so that revival within families and churches might take place. Because participants were able to seek and use the gifts of the Holy Spirit freely, the organization is unmistakably charismatic. Five-day fasting and prayer retreats were held regularly at Miaoli Prayer Mountain, with teaching and prayer offered in between as well. Daniel Tai, the regular speaker, would often invite guest speakers from pentecostal-charismatic chien Chiu on November 21, 2018, he also states that it was while in Korea in 1980 (not in 1979) that the two discussed Tai’s vision of starting the Miaoli Prayer Mountain. 42  Daniel Tai, “Miaoli Daogaoshan lingen shifeng: Tai I-shun mushi” 苗栗禱告山靈恩事 奉—戴義勳牧師 [The charismatic ministry at the Miaoli Prayer Mountain: Rev. Daniel Tai I-shun], in An Intense Divine Encounter Beyond Tradition, 121–124. For Shantung Revival, see Charles L.  Culpepper, Sr., The Shantung Revival (Dallas: Distributed by Evangelism Division, General Baptist Convention of Texas). 43  “Tianshang cangku weisheikai: Daogaoshan zhilu” 天上倉庫為誰開—禱告山之旅 [For whom is the storehouse of heaven open: A trip to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain], Campus Magazine, August-September 1983, 2. 44  Jonathan Chiu, interview (2017). 45  Jonathan Chiu, interview, November 21, 2018. For Campus Crusade’s policy on glossolalia in the 1960s, see Ted Martin, “Policy Relating to Doctrine and the Church” (n.d.), quoted in John G.  Turner, Bill Bright & Campus Crusade for Christ: The Renewal of Evangelicalism in Postwar America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008), 90–1. Today, the organization allows the private use of tongues among its workers, but they are not free to promote the public or private use of the gift. See Scott Crocker, “Speaking in Tongues,” Cru, https://www.cru.org/us/en/train-and-grow/spiritual-growth/core-christian-beliefs/theological-perspective-on-the-holy-spirit.4.html (December 4, 2018).

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background to teach at the retreats. Yonggi Cho’s mother-in-law, Pastor Choi Ja-shil 崔子實, visited the Miaoli Prayer Mountain several times.46 From September 1982 to June 1983, thirty-nine retreats were held. Each retreat drew a minimum of two hundred to three hundred people, and one in February 1983 drew more than one thousand people. While participants were from different denominations, aboriginal churches showed particular enthusiasm.47 Miaoli Prayer Mountain newsletters published testimonies of people who had been healed after their visits to the mountain. Many who struggled with diseases visited the prayer mountain, believing that they would be healed. As a result, Daniel Tai repeatedly had to contextualize the common misconception that people would get healed by visiting the Miaoli Prayer Mountain. Yet, while he discouraged the sick from visiting the prayer mountain in place of a doctor, Daniel Tai believed that receiving bodily healing could also lead to one’s spiritual growth.48 If the Miaoli Prayer Mountain helped stir an awakening among some churches—and specifically among aboriginal  churches—it also brought disturbance to others.49 Even though teachings at the Miaoli Prayer Mountain included topics like praying for churches and pastors and showing respect to church order, some participants failed to heed the advice. As a result, such members sometimes created tension as they challenged more traditional forms of worship after returning to their church. Other points of contention included spiritual pride due to charismatic experiences, lopsided or deficient teaching on being filled with the Holy Spirit, and misconceiving the Miaoli Prayer Mountain as “holier” than other places.50 With such critiques notwithstanding, the Miaoli Prayer Mountain was the first relatively well-received charismatic organization in Taiwan started by a Taiwanese Christian. While they discussed the work of the Holy Spirit unabashedly, charisms were also still not pursued as ends unto themselves. Instead, spiritual gifts were promoted in tandem with a strong emphasis  “A Trip to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain,” 4.  “A Trip to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain,” 4. The Fataan Presbyterian Church (Amis tribe) in Taiwan was deeply influenced by their pastor’s visit to Korea and the church’s involvement in the Prayer Mountain. McCall, “History of Fataan Presbyterian Church in Kwangfu, Taiwan, 1934–1994.” 48  “A trip to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain,” 6. 49  Zeb Bradford Long, “Charismatic Renewal in the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan” (Hsinchu: 1987), 5. I am indebted to Brad Long for sharing this personal paper. 50  “A trip to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain,” 7. 46 47

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on prayer, fasting, and renewal—foci which, I believe, helped increase the organization’s credibility. Because its founding coincided with the time when Taiwanese churches started to show interest in the charismatic message—thanks to the relatively positive experiences of visits to churches in South Korea—hundreds and hundreds of Christians paid visits to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain in the 1980s. In contrast to the 1970s, when Taiwanese Christians could hardly hear any sermons on the Holy Spirit, events surrounding the turn of the decade ushered in the teaching of the person and the work of the Holy Spirit. As the 1980s unfold, the loosing of the Holy Spirit became increasingly apparent.

Elim Christian Bookstore (1982)—Hosanna Ministry (1987): From a “Soft Revolution” to a “Merciless Revolt” Elim Christian Bookstore (Elim Bookstore) was founded one year after the Miaoli Prayer Mountain in 1982. The vision to start a bookstore was imprinted upon Andrew Chi-ming Chang 章啟明 (1955–)—a businessman who was a student of Nicholas Krushnisky (of the Latter Rain Movement, Chaps. 3 and 4)—and a few others in the 1970s. According to Chang, “When a few prophets visited us in 1982, we took one of them to where the now Elim Bookstore is, and he instructed us to purchase the place.”51 Elim Bookstore was started on November 25, 1982. Andrew Chang professes that he was taught by the Holy Spirit to introduce the charismatic message via literature and music.52 However, this quiet and “soft” approach of information dissemination would become quite intense just five years later with the starting of Hosanna Ministry in 1987. With a vision to introduce the charismatic message into Taiwan, the Elim team translated a large number of books by foreign pentecostal-­ charismatic figures, and a copious supply of charismatic writings appeared for the first time in Taiwan. If the Miaoli Prayer Mountain spread the charismatic message mainly through the spoken words in the early 1980s, the Elim bookstore contributed to this movement primarily through printed words and songs. Nonetheless, business was slow in Elim’s first few years, as the store was labeled “charismatic”53—a term that was only  Andrew Chang, interview (2016).  Andrew Chang, interview (2016). 53  James Huang, interview. 51 52

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just beginning the process of redeeming its ill-fated reputation among Taiwanese Christians. Even so, Elim eventually became a well-known name among Christians in Taiwan, thanks to its location in the middle of one of the busiest commercial zones in Taipei city. According to Andrew Chang, even though certain churches would never invite him or his colleagues to speak, their members would wander into Elim by chance and be impacted by the message of the books and music in the store.54 Latter Rain Magazine In 1983, Elim Bookstore began publishing the Latter Rain Magazine 春 雨雜誌 (hereafter Latter Rain), which was first released bimonthly and then later quarterly. The magazine ran until 1994 before it was consolidated with the monthly Hosanna Newsletter 和撒那簡訊, which was then renamed Hosanna 和撒那月刊.55 Since the charismatic message was still foreign to Taiwanese churches, rather than producing their own works, Latter Rain published a large amount of translated works of foreign leaders from the global renewal movements, with occasional contributions from local leaders and missionaries in Taiwan. As a result, the magazine diligently documents the charismatic meetings taking place in Taiwan. If one expects to see some “radical” message from Latter Rain, one would be disappointed, as the magazine strove to provide an even-handed charismatic message. Since the gift of prophecy attracted much attention in Taiwanese churches in the 1980s, a few issues of Latter Rain discuss the proper understanding and use of the gift of prophecy.56 An affirmative attitude and discerning heart are encouraged, whereas a radical and indiscreet approach is discouraged. In 1988, the Elim Bookstore put together a symposium to address the scandal of Jimmy Swaggart, to learn from the unfortunate events and how the US Assemblies of God handled the issue. Intercessory prayer for pastors, dealing with one’s pride, and  Andrew Chang, interview (2016).  Andrew Chang, “Zouguo ganen de suiyue” 走過感恩的歲月 [Appreciating the past], Hesana Yuekan 和撒那月刊 [Hosanna], January 1995, 1–2. Hosanna Newsletter started publishing in January 1988. 56  See the following articles in the Latter Rain: Ross Paterson, “Wokan yuyan” 我看預言 [My view on prophecy], December 1989, 19–24; Allen Swanson, “Ruhe bimian chengwei jiaxianzhi” 如何避免成為假先知 [How to not become a false prophet?], December 1989, 25–28; and “Shensi mingbian: Tan shuo yuyan de enci” 慎思明辨—談說預言的恩賜 [Discernment: On the gift of prophecy], August 1988, 8–13. 54 55

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accountability teams were also emphasized at the symposium.57 Deliverance prayer is a reoccurring theme in the magazine. Personal testimonies, the significance of the ministry, and know-how were discussed. Controversial as it could be, Latter Rain perceived the importance of deliverance ministry in the Taiwanese context and openly addressed the subject matter.58 Even though Nicholas Krushnisky did not spend much time discussing Latter Rain theology, his student, Andrew Chang, worked to introduce the distinctives of both Latter Rain theology and the New Apostolic Reformation through publications. The distinctives of Latter Rain theology, mentioned by Krushnisky in passing, are characterized by the sacrifice of praise, the laying on of hands, the restoration of the fivefold ministry (Eph. 4:11), and the restoration of the gifts of the Holy Spirit.59 While the nature, scope, and beliefs of the loosely knit New Apostolic Reformation remain somewhat fluid,60 many articles that appeared in Latter Rain were penned by figures who would identify with the new apostolic emphasis and values.61 These figures include, for instance, Emanuele Cannistraci, 57  “Ta, chengle yitaixi!?” 他, 成了一台戲!? [He has been made a spectacle!?], Latter Rain, April 1988, 18–21. 58  For example, Zeb Bradford Long, “Shendeguo yu shifang shigong” 神的國與釋放事工 [The Kingdom of God and deliverance ministry], June 1989, 7–8; Chu Gien 朱柬, “Tuoli xieling kunbang de jingli: Beilu yu shifang” 脫離邪靈綑綁的經歷—被擄與釋放 [Being released from demon bondage: Captivity and deliverance], August 1987, 29–37. The October–December 1993 issue of Latter Rain was dedicated to the theme of deliverance ministry. 59  Nicholas Krushnisky, “Manliao zhijiang: Ji yiwei zhongxin de muzhe Leiqier” 滿了汁 漿—記一位忠心的牧者雷齊爾 [Full of sap: Remembering a faithful Pastor, Reg Layzell], Latter Rain, February 1984, 7–8. Krushnisky identified Layzell as his mentor and pastor. For Latter Rain theology in Latter Rain, see Reg Layzell, “Jindao wanquan” 進到完全 [Unto perfection], April 1984, 30–37, and “Zanmei de daneng: Fang Kexineng mushi” 讚美的大 能—訪柯希能牧師 [The power of praise: An interview with Pastor Nicholas Krushnisky], February 1988, 12–16. The magazine also publishes articles of authors associated with Latter Rain figures, for example, David Blomgren, “Fuxing shen de rongyao” 復興神的榮耀 [Restoring God’s glory], June 1985, 10–15, and Dick Iverson, “Fuxing: Zheng shi shihou” 復興—正是時候 [Revival: This is the time], August 1984, 1–6. 60  See C. Peter Wagner, Churchquake! How the New Apostolic Reformation is Shaking up the Church as We Know It (Ventura, CA: Regal, 1999) and C.  Peter Wagner, ed., The New Apostolic Churches (Ventura, CA: Regal, 1998). 61  Peter Wagner suggests the three important nuances of the term “apostolic” include an emphasis on New Testament Christianity, the priority outreach to pre-Christian populations, and the gift and office of the apostle. The five new apostolic values that Wagner identifies are (1) Theology has absolute norms; (2) ecclesiology looks outward; (3) eschatology is optimis-

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Pastor of Evangel Christian Fellowship and GateWay City Church (San Jose, CA), and David Blomgren, Pastor of the Tampa Bay Christian Center (Florida). Some, like Dick Iverson, Chairman of Ministers Fellowship International (Portland, OR), could trace William Branham, a central Latter Rain figure in the late 1940s, as a major source of influence.62 Among the twelve distinctives of Ministers Fellowship International that Dick Iverson identifies, at least nine of them can be readily observed in the Latter Rain Magazine and Hosanna from 1982 to 1995. These include Davidic praise and worship, prophecy and the laying on of hands, prayer and intercession, local church, eldership government, restoration of the Church, the kingdom and the Church, fivefold ministry, and the gifts of the Spirit.63 As rich and informative as Latter Rain is, however, it had very limited readership.64 Only people who were interested in the charismatic message would know of its existence. Still, Latter Rain was significant in a number of ways. First, it was the first thoughtfully edited periodical designed to introduce Taiwan to the global pentecostal-charismatic message. Second, it was the first charismatic publication in Taiwan to give careful attention to a wide range of charismatic activities on the island. Third, while Andrew Chang identifies most with the Latter Rain theology and the New Apostolic Reformation, these messages meld with the overall pentecostal-charismatic teaching relatively well in the Latter Rain. An untrained eye can hardly detect the differences. For Andrew Chang, church growth and renewal far outweigh theological nuances. In contrast to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain, which drew several hundred believers each month in the early 1980s, Elim Bookstore was not widely popular during the first few years after its inception. However, Taiwanese churches would go on to become more receptive toward charismatic teachings at the same time that enthusiasm toward the prayer mountain was gradually tapering off. As a result, Elim’s influence, in the long run, may have surpassed that of the Miaoli Prayer Mountain. tic; (4) organization emerges from personal relationships; and (5) leaders can be trusted. Wagner, Churchquake!, 44–46, 64–78. 62  Dick Iverson, “Ministers Fellowship International,” in The New Apostolic Churches, 171. 63  Iverson, “Ministers Fellowship International,” 180–3. Another three distinctive features are “restoration of the family,” “house-to-house ministry,” and “unity and diversity.” While the theme of unity can be observed in some issues of Latter Rain, the magazine does not seem to have given equal attention to the motif of diversity. 64  Andrew Chang, interview (2016).

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Contemporary Worship from South Korea (1989) While contemporary worship is not synonymous with charismatic renewal, the two often go hand in hand in the global Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement. Taiwan is no exception. In addition to literature, Elim Bookstore employed music to further spiritual renewal. As early as July 1982, the Elim team published the first series of New Songs Ringing 新歌 頌揚, which was one of the very first song books in Taiwan to introduce contemporary worship songs. Yet, as most churches preferred traditional hymnbooks in church services,65 Elim’s music initiatives in the 1980s were initially not as successful as Andrew Chang had expected. This slow progression changed dramatically in 1989, however, when Ha Yong-inn, a Korean missionary, visited Taiwan. James Huang, President of Elim Christian Bookstore, came to know Ha Yong-inn (also known as Stephen Ha) 河用仁 during a business trip to South Korea. Ha’s worship style reminded Huang of the worship he had experienced at Wan-Li camps as a college student at Culture University. Yearning to introduce contemporary worship to more Taiwanese churches, James Huang invited Ha Yong-inn to Taiwan in 1989.66 From July 28 to August 7, Ha’s team led worship conferences in Kaohsiung (Southern Taiwan) for three days, then in Taichung (Central Taiwan) for two days, and finally in Taipei (Northern Taiwan) for three days.67 According to James Huang, since Ha Yong-inn had not been well known in Taiwan before this time, the turnout rate for the first meeting in Kaohsiung was pathetic. After the first day, however, the favorable opinion of Ha’s ministry spread, and the church was packed with people on the third day. As the news went out, several hundreds of people gathered for the conferences in Taichung and in Taipei.68 The experience was revolutionary for the Taiwanese Church. Through the 1989 conferences, Taiwanese Christians had a better understanding of praise and worship overnight, says Huang.69 Ha’s visit was so positive that the Hosanna Ministry invited him back two 65  According to James Huang, only the Miaoli Prayer Mountain and very few churches would use New Songs Ringing in the 1980s. James Huang, interview. 66  James Huang, interview. 67  Hsu Su-mei 徐素玫, “Hanguo Tuilanu shigetuan lai Tai budao” 韓國推喇奴詩歌團來台 佈道 [Korean Tyrannus worship team came to Taiwan for evangelism], Christian Tribune, August 13, 1989. James Huang, interview. 68  James Huang, interview. 69  James Huang, interview. The entire issue of October 1990 of Latter Rain was dedicated to the themes of praise and worship.

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months later to offer training, which drew about 250 people.70 This keen interest demonstrates that Taiwanese Christians were hungry and ready to learn about the mechanics of contemporary praise and worship. Ha Yong-inn’s team made regular trips to Taiwan in the following years to teach the mechanics and principles of praise and worship. As a result, contemporary worship was slowly but rather successfully sold to a substantial number of Taiwanese churches in the 1990s. In this way, Andrew Chang and his colleagues decidedly shaped the course of the development of church music among Taiwanese churches through the 1989 event; and again, South Korea played a central role in this historic beginning. Indeed, because the Charismatic Movement often uses contemporary worship songs to facilitate “personal encounter[s] with God,”71 it should not be a surprise that the churches that welcomed the new music coincided with those that embraced the charismatic message. Hosanna Ministry (1987): Enlarge the Place of Thy Tent Andrew Chang states that he received the vision of the renewal of the global Chinese Church during his visit to South Korean churches in 1980. He believes that it was God’s will for his own church as well as all churches in God’s kingdom to experience renewal.72 Chang’s vision drove him to go beyond the publishing business, so he started Hosanna Ministry 和撒 那事奉中心, a charismatic parachurch, in December 1987. Hosanna Ministry’s vision is to promote Holy Spirit renewal, to inspire church renewal, to train people for Kingdom’s purposes, and to engage in mission work.73 Going further than Elim Bookstore, Hosanna Ministry engages actual ministries—often through organizing seminars or conferences— with an eye to promote the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. Not only so, it engages ministries with a global scope of attention. In contrast to Elim Bookstore’s ministry from 1982 to 1987, which was more covert and softer in their approach, Hosanna Ministry has been more forthright and audacious in their appeals to the Taiwanese Church since 1987. 70  Hsu Su-mei, “Han Tuilanu shigetuan lai Tai zhuling diyijie jingbaizanmei peixunban” 韓推喇奴詩歌團來台主領第一屆敬拜讚美培訓班 [Korean Tyrannus worship team led the first praise and worship training class in Taiwan], Christian Tribune, November 5, 1989. 71  Pete Ward, Selling Worship: How What We Sing Has Changed the Church (Bletchley, UK: Paternoster Press, 2005), 198–9. 72  Andrew Chang, interview (2016). 73  Andrew Chang, “Appreciating the Past.”

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From the start, Hosanna Ministry collaborated with other pentecostal-­ charismatic communities to promote charismatic teachings in Taiwan. Together with several leaders, Hosanna Ministry organized two twelve-­ week seminar series on Holy Spirit renewal in the second half of 1988. With the exception of guest speaker Edward Miller, speakers were pastors and church leaders from pentecostal-charismatic backgrounds in Taiwan.74 Another even more impassioned effort came from Andrew Chang’s partnership with Nathaniel Chow, Senior Pastor of the Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei from 1977 to 2011. Due to Andrew Chang and Nathaniel Chow’s common vision and special rapport,75 Hosanna Ministry and Bread of Life Christian Church started working closely together, promoting the charismatic message in Taiwan sometime around 1988. The “Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance,” as I call it, would go on to have a paramount influence in popularizing the charismatic message in Taiwan over the next few years. Both Nathaniel Chow and Andrew Chang, in separate conversations with the author, acknowledged that in the late 1980s and early 1990s, several large-scale conferences were held at the Bread of Life. The primary organizer of these events was Hosanna Ministry.76 The idea was that as the main organizer, Hosanna Ministry would take the rap and be responsible for any attacks directed against the conferences. They decided that a local church would have more to lose than a parachurch organization, and thus tried to use Hosanna Ministry’s name as a protective buffer for Bread of Life. The leaders who introduced the charismatic message into Taiwan in the earlier days were well aware of the “radical” message and ministry of the New Testament Church in Hong Kong and Taiwan, which had not

74  Speakers of these two series were largely the same. They included James Shao 邵遵瀾, Andrew and Marion Chang, Peter Chu 朱植森, James Chung-hu Chang 張仲湖, Nathan Mao-sung Chang 張茂松, James Chung-chien Shia, Aaron Zhuang 莊飛, Chen Kung-liang 陳公亮, Allen Swanson, Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow, and Edward Miller. “Shengling gengxin xilie jiangzuo: Dierbo” 聖靈更新系列講座—第二波 [Seminar series on Holy Spirit Renewal: Part two], Latter Rain, October 1988, 32; “Shengling gengxin xilie jiangzuo” 聖靈更新系 列講座 [Seminar series on Holy Spirit Renewal], Latter Rain, August 1988, 21. See also James Shao, “Shengling gengxin yundong fangxingweiai” 聖靈更新運動方興未艾 [Holy Spirit Renewal Movement is still growing strong], Christian Tribune, December 4, 1988. 75  Andrew Chang helped finance the new building of the Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei, which was dedicated in June 1986. 76  Andrew Chang, interview (2016). Nathaniel Chow, interview.

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been well received among Taiwanese churches (Chap. 3).77 Hence they were vigilant in their decision making as they slowly but boldly ushered in the Charismatic Movement. In this way, the spirit of unity was emphasized and observed.78

Non-Charismatic Churches Turned Charismatic, 1980s In the 1980s, several non-charismatic churches in Taiwan experienced rapid growth due mainly or partially to their embracing of the charismatic message. This section discusses two of the most well-known churches that benefited from this explosion of church growth: Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei and Hsintien Covenant Church (which is also located in Taipei). Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei 台北靈糧堂 (also known as Ling Leung Tang or Ling Liang Tang; hereafter Bread of Life) is known today for their evangelistic zeal, mission-driven ventures, and distinct charismatic color. The church was founded as an independent evangelical church in 1954 with the help of Timothy Dzao 趙世光 (1908–1973), a Chinese evangelist.79 Kou Shih-yuan 寇世遠 (1920–1993) was the first full-time pastor of Bread of Life from 1957 to 1969. Cheng Chang-kuo 鄭昌國 succeeded Kou as a pastor from 1970, before the baton was passed to Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow 周神助 (1941–) in July 1977.80 77  It is evident that the Latter Rain’s editor tries to differentiate the “negative” influence of the New Testament Church, and the “positive” charismatic development initiated by several charismatic missionaries starting in the 1970s. “Taiwan lingen yundong de huigu yu qianzhan” 台灣靈恩運動的回顧與前瞻 [Charismatic Movement in Taiwan: Looking backward and forward], Latter Rain, June 1988, 7. The six-page article is probably the earliest attempt of a native to document concisely the history of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. 78  The entire October 1988 issue of Latter Rain Magazine was dedicated to the theme of unity among churches. 79  For a brief history of the founding years of Ling Liang Tang, see Lian Xi, Redeemed by Fire, 194. 80  Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow 周神助 and Liu Hui-chuan 劉慧娟, “Yibu yijiaoyin: Taibei Lingliangtang fazhanshi” 一步一腳印—台北靈糧堂發展史 [History of the Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei], in Xilefengshou: Taibei Lingliangtang wushi zhounian Tekan 禧 樂豐收──台北靈糧堂五十週年特刊 [A harvest jubilee: The fiftieth anniversary of the

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Nathaniel Chow grew up in the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan. After college, he spent the next twelve years working at the Campus Evangelical Fellowship before becoming the leading pastor of Bread of Life. While Chow had not been charismatic prior to his work at Bread of Life, his article in the 1974 issue of Campus Magazine, which discusses the power of the Holy Spirit in a Christian’s life, indicates that he was open to, and searching for, God’s Spirit long before his charismatic experience.81 In his first few years as a pastor at Bread of Life, Nathaniel Chow believed that his insufficient knowledge and experience did not qualify him to teach on the Holy Spirit.82 Some years later, Chow received the gift of tongues after two church members prayed for him.83 In an article written in 1994, Mei Hsu I-chin (1933–2014), a long-­ term member of the Bread of Life, states that the church started to open up to the teaching of the Holy Spirit sometime around 1979. According to her, Nathaniel Chow invited Mark Rao—a speaker who had had his own charismatic experiences—to teach on the Holy Spirit early in his tenure as the head pastor. Nathaniel Chow also enlisted help from Pastor Chen Lu and Pearl Young in the early days.84 According to Nathaniel Chow, several church leaders visited churches in South Korea in 1979. Challenged by the fervent prayer of Korean Christians, Bread of Life Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei], ed. Fang Yin-ling 方銀鈴 et al. (Taipei: Bread of Life: Christian Church, 2004), 8–9. 81  Nathaniel Chow, “Nengyuan de zhenhan” 能源的震撼 [The dynamics of power], Campus Magazine, February 1974, 5–9. The observation was confirmed by Nathaniel Chow in the interview. 82  Nathaniel Chow, Zhen you Shen zhu 真有神助 [God really helps] (Taipei: Bread of Life Christian Church), 95–6; Nathaniel Chow and Chou Hui-fang 周慧芳, “Duihua yu huiying: Ping ‘diaozheng jiaoju kan Shengling’” 對話與回應—評「調整焦距看聖靈」 [Dialogue and response: Critiquing “Getting the Spirit in Focus”], Campus Magazine, February 1986, 16. 83  Nathaniel Chow, interview. 84  Mei Hsu I-chin 梅許以謹, “Huigu Shenen Shen ling sanshinian” 回顧神恩神領卅年 [Reflections on thirty years of God’s grace and guidance], in Chengjie dashiming: Taibei Lingliangtang sishi zhounian ganen tekan 承接大使命—台北靈糧堂四十週年感恩特刊 (1954–1994) [Following the Great Commission: The fortieth anniversary of Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei (1954–1994)], ed. Lee Ching-hui 李靖惠 et al. (Taipei: Bread of Life Christian Church, 1994), 21. Mei Hsu I-chin is the mother-in-law of Pastor Liu Tong 劉彤 of the River of Life Christian Church 矽谷生命河靈糧堂 in Santa Clara, California today. For subsequent critical reflection of the Charismatic Movement of Mark Rao 饒孝柏, see his Lingen wenti mianmianguan: Jiaohui zou lingen luxian da wen 靈恩問題面面觀: 教會 走靈恩路線答問 [Spiritual gifts in biblical perspective] (Taipei: Campus Evangelical Fellowship, 1999).

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church leaders became fervent in prayer and became a catalyst for renewal within the church.85 For an evangelical church in Taiwan like Bread of Life, the challenge of opening up to the charismatic message was immense. In the early 1980s, a pastor friend of Nathaniel Chow expressed the opinion that the Charismatic Movement would bring chaos to the church. It would be best, therefore, to close all churches’ doors and windows tightly to the charismatic message, in order to keep out such “bad” influences. Still fresh from the memory of the New Testament Church in Hong Kong and Taiwan, Chow was not without concerns. Instead of capitulating to his friend’s advice, however, Chow decided to “install a screen door” as he engaged charismatic teachings.86 Put differently, he introduced the charismatic message into the church with a sense of discernment. Even before Nathaniel Chow had his charismatic experience, a few other members from Bread of Life had had charismatic experiences and had been praying for the church’s renewal in the 1970s.87 However, while the church was exposed to charismatic sensitivities through individuals during that time, the teachings were not widely received. Malcolm Foster, for example, worked to share the charismatic message with young adults at Bread of Life in 1975. A few years later, when some of these young adults had charismatic experiences, they told Foster that they had initially thought that the way he talked about the Holy Spirit was a little peculiar to them.88 Doug Plummer of the World Evangelization Crusade from New Zealand, by contrast, witnessed the growth of Bread of Life first-­ hand when he worked as a counselor at the church from 1979 to 1984. According to Plummer, his time with the Bread of Life was the most

85  Nathaniel Chow and Liu Hui-chuan, “History of the Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei,” 10. 86  Nathaniel Chow, interview. See also Chow and Liu, “History of the Bread of Life Christian Church,” 17–8. 87  According to Nathaniel Chow in the interview, two of them were Hsu Liu Yu-tang 徐劉 玉棠 (1924–2013) and Mei Hsu I-chin. 88  Malcolm Foster, e-mail message to author, May 31, 2017. For apathy regarding the teachings of the Holy Spirit among Taiwanese Christians before 1979 in the Bread of Life, see also Hsu Liu Yu-tang and Lyu Sih-yu 呂思瑜, Moliang de jian 磨亮的箭 [A polished arrow], (Taipei: Good News Broadcasting Association, 2013), 223–7. The Fosters’ “Prayer Letter No. 12” states that Malcolm was asked to be a counselor at the graduate’s fellowship at the “Spiritual Food Church” (i.e., Bread of Life Christian Church). The work is said to be quite challenging, as students stop showing up after they graduate.

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fruitful ministry he has ever had.89 In addition to evangelizing door to door with a team from the church, Plummer attended their weekly prayer meetings, where he would sometimes speak. While he cannot recall the exact sequence of events, he remembers that from 1981 to 1982, the weekly prayer meetings on Tuesday night only drew a small group of ten to thirteen people. One day, Nathaniel Chow asked Plummer to teach on the work of the Holy Spirit, so he talked about Jesus’ first miracle of turning water into wine. Soon after, on one Tuesday evening, the prayer meeting saw a sudden increase in attendance to around eighty people.90 Bread of Life experienced extraordinary growth in the 1980s when it embraced charismatic renewal. Church attendance grew from around 350 in 1980 to 800 in 1985, and then to over 2500 in 1990.91 Curiously, records of how the Bread of Life first opened up to the charismatic message remains incomplete. However, it is clear that in the first few years of his ministry at Bread of Life, Nathaniel Chow focused on renewing the church’s prayer life, adult Bible studies, worship experiences, and fellowship groups—and all of which, for him, are related to the work of the Holy Spirit.92 In other words, while Chow intentionally pursued charismatic renewal by inviting charismatic figures to provide teachings and ministry, such practices were also part of a larger program for renewing the “spiritual life of the church.”93 For him, while church renewal is related to the

89  Doug Plummer, skype interview with author, May 2, 2017. Plummer was in Taiwan from 1971 to 1984. 90  Plummer, interview. While the numbers of people attending the prayer meetings at Bread of Life were not specified, it is specified that prayer meetings attendance reached 102 people in March 1984. “Dashiji” 大事記 [Important events], in The Fortieth Anniversary of Bread of Life Christian Church (1954–1994), 200. 91  Numbers of people receiving baptism from 1975 to 1983 are as follows: 51 (1975), 66 (1976), 47 (1977), 59 (1978), 58 (1979), 56 (1980), 76 (1981), 46 (1982), 89 (1983). “Important events,” in The Fortieth Anniversary of Bread of Life Christian Church (1954–1994), 198–203. Numbers of people receiving baptism/Sunday service attendance from 1985 to 1995 are: 65/804 (1985), 136/1087 (1986), 196/1516 (1987), 194/1773 (1988), 179/2153 (1989), 281/2392 (1990), 324/2529 (1991), 310/2697 (1992), 294/2848 (1993), 273/3100 (1994), 410/3319 (1995). The Fiftieth Anniversary of the Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei, 28. Records for 1984 are missing from both sources. There are slight discrepancies between the numbers of people receiving baptism from 1987 to 1993 in the two sources. 92  Andy Wilson and Nathaniel Chow, “Inner Renewal Leads to Organizational Renewal and Growth,” Taiwan Mission 2, no. 1, July 1992, 4–12. 93  Wilson and Chow, “Inner Renewal,” 5.

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Holy Spirit’s work, it does not necessarily involve charismatic e­ xperiences.94 It is far from true, however, that charismatic experiences were absent from the Bread of Life as it experienced renewal during the late 1970s and the early 1980s. As discussed, some church members had charismatic experiences in those years, and dramatic charismatic manifestations transpired when Pearl Young was invited to lead a prayer meeting at the church (Chap. 4). Regardless, it is safe to suggest that while he was aware of the Holy Spirit’s renewing power, charismatic experiences were hardly Chow’s focus during his early years at Bread of Life. It was when the church eventually became more open to charismatic teachings that greater attention fell on charismatic experiences. Among the several churches that saw rapid growth as they embraced the charismatic message in the 1980s, the rise to fame of Nathaniel Chow and Bread of Life sets them apart as an iconic pastor and church of all. The fact that Chow is older than many other charismatic pastors also helps his words carry more weight. Since the second half of the late 1980s, as we will see in this chapter, Bread of Life will become one of the most important resources for advancing the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. Hsintien Covenant Church Hsintien Covenant Church 新店行道會 is known today for their earnest evangelistic efforts, discipleship training programs, and conspicuous charismatic color. The church was first started in May 1976 by brother Luo Po-sun 羅柏森, a member of the Covenant Church in Pingtung who moved from Pingtung to Hsintien in northern Taiwan.95 Luo claims that he heard from the Holy Spirit very clearly that there had to be a church in Hsintien while he attended a Billy Graham evangelistic rally in Lausanne in 1974.96 Hsintien Covenant Church is affiliated with the Evangelical

 Wilson and Chow, “Inner Renewal,” 5.  “Jiaohui zengzhang xilie baodao Xindian Xingdaohui (yi)” 教會增長系列報導 新店行道 會(一) [Church Growth Series: Hsintien Covenant Church I], Christian Tribune, March 9, 1986. The formation of the church is documented in Evangelical Covenant Church, Covenant Yearbook (1976–1977) (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1977), 105. 96  “Yu Shen tongxing sanshinian” 與神同行三十年 [Thirty years of walking with God], Fengshou: Xindian Xingdaohui Sanshi Zhounian Jinianji 豐收—新店行道會三十週年紀念 集 [Reaping the harvest: The thirtieth anniversary volume of Hsintien Covenant Church], ed. Yu Chun-yu 游鈞毓 (Taipei: Hsintien Covenant Church, 2006), 20. 94 95

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Covenant Church of America, which started work in Taiwan in 1952.97 The mission organization eventually formed the Fellowship of Covenant Churches of Taiwan in 1971.98 In August 1976, Nathan Mao-sung Chang 張茂松 (1948–), who was in his second year at China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei), was invited to pastor at Hsintien Covenant Church. Upon graduating, Chang became the pastor of the church in July 1977 until his retirement in 2016, when he passed the baton of the senior pastor to his son, Wayne Chang. Membership at Hsintien Covenant Church grew from around thirty to fifty people during the first six months of 1977. However, after this initial period of growth, the congregation’s numbers remained stagnant. In 1979, as Nathan Chang acknowledged that the church’s growth had come to a standstill, he learned about Yonggi Cho’s ministry in South Korea, and became interested in the power and the work of the Holy Spirit. After being filled with the Holy Spirit,99 Chang started to introduce charismatic teachings in his church. Many lives were renewed,100 and membership grew from 25 to 350 people from 1976 to 1986.101 Hsintien Covenant Church’s fast growth caught the attention of other churches in Taiwan. In 1986, the Christian Tribune featured Hsintien Covenant Church in their Church Growth Series. The articles analyzed  Evangelical Covenant Church’s Covenant Yearbooks date 1952, which is the year when the mission field to Taiwan was opened. See Covenant Yearbooks 1979 (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1979), 117. 98  I am grateful to Andy Meyer, Director of Archives and Special Collections at the Brandel Library in North Park University, for consulting the “Kenneth P. Lundell Records” (Box 7, Folder 5) from the Archives and helping to confirm the start year of the Fellowship of Covenant Churches in Taiwan was 1971, which was not specified in Evangelical Covenant Church, Covenant Yearbook 1972 (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1972), 149. According to the yearbook’s report, the plan was that the organization would eventually take over responsibility for the ordination of pastors as well as general work, so that the Covenant Churches in Taiwan would become less dependent upon the mission organization. The Fellowship of Covenant Churches of Taiwan is a fellowship of churches rather than a structured organization. 99  It would have been sometime in the early 1980s. See Nathan Mao-sung Chang 張茂松, Pojianerchu 破繭而出 [Breaking free from the cacoon] (Taipei: Hsintien Covenant Church, 2004), 149. 100  “Jiaohui zengzhang xilie baodao Xindian Xingdaohui (san)” 教會增長系列報導 新店行 道會(三) [Church Growth Series: Hsintien Covenant Church III], Christian Tribune, March 23, 1986. 101  “Jiaohui zengzhang xilie baodao Xindian Xingdaohui (er)” 教會增長系列報導 新店行 道會 (二) [Church Growth Series: Hsintien Covenant Church II], Christian Tribune, March 16, 1986. 97

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the church’s growth and concluded that seven factors contributed to their growth, including the work of the Holy Spirit, teamwork and unity, small group organization that enabled mutual support, attainable goals that drive the church forward, the pastor having an active faith, God-given authority, love for church members, the priesthood of all believers, and the church’s location.102 The articles also point out that the church frequently prays for healing and deliverance during Sunday services.103 The rapid growth of Hsintien Covenant Church also caught the attention of Covenant Yearbook of the Evangelical Covenant Church, as the church’s growing numbers in the early 1980s made it the largest congregation of all Covenant churches in Taiwan by 1984.104 The reports in the Covenant Yearbooks from 1976 to 1995, however, remained curiously silent concerning whether the remarkable growth of Hsintien Covenant Church since 1979 can, to a great degree, be attributed to the Charismatic Movement. The only exception that vaguely alludes to the work of the Holy Spirit is found in Covenant Yearbook 1984, where it states that “Well-­ trained pastoral leadership committed to church growth and evangelism together with the empowerment of God’s Spirit is the key to the continued church growth on this beautiful island.”105 While it does not seem that the contributors of the Taiwan reports recognize the role that the Charismatic Movement played in this process, these contributors were more than pleased about the church’s growth. The work of the Evangelical Covenant Church’s mission had been slow in Taiwan since 1952, but after a course of development in the 1980s, the Covenant Yearbook in 1989 wrote that the mission organization was “optimistic” about church growth in Taiwan, and that the work in Taiwan is “exciting.”106 Covenant Yearbook in 1991 asserted that the Covenant 102  “Jiaohui zengzhang xilie baodao Xindian Xingdaohui (si)” 教會增長系列報導 新店行 道會(四) [Church Growth Series: Hsintien Covenant Church IV], Christian Tribune, March 30, 1986. 103  “Church Growth Series: Hsintien Covenant Church III.” 104  Evangelical Covenant Church, “Reports of Administrative Boards: World Mission: Taiwan,” Covenant Yearbook 1984 (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1984), 186; Evangelical Covenant Church, “Reports of Administrative Boards: World Mission: Taiwan,” Covenant Yearbook 1983 (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1983), 163. 105  “Reports of Administrative Boards: World Mission: Taiwan,” Covenant Yearbook 1984, 186. 106  Evangelical Covenant Church, “Reports of Administrative Boards: Board of World Mission: Taiwan,” Covenant Yearbook 1989, (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1989), 169.

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Church was “one of the fastest growing groups” in Taiwan.107 In 1993, the Covenant Yearbook confessed that the meager fruit in Taiwan in the early days led the mission organization “to contemplate the abandonment of this effort”; however, “in the last few years, a dramatic change has occurred. The explosive growth of our daughter church in Taiwan has made it the nation’s fastest growing denomination. Their sending of missionaries to other lands is accompanied by reports that they currently have sixty native evangelists at work on the mainland of China.”108 In 1994, referring to the Taiwan Covenant Church under the leadership of native church leaders, covenant missionaries recognized that “their present church planting efforts are far more effective than ours,” and wondered about their role on the mission field.109 Although it bears the name of the Covenant Church, just how “Covenant” Hsintien Covenant Church is in a historical and theological sense is up for debate. Given that the congregation was not started by Covenant missionaries,110 it would be fair to infer that the exciting growth of Hsintien Covenant Church starting in the 1980s had more to do with the endeavors of Nathan Chang and his team than with official Covenant Church missionary efforts. According to Vernon Wen-lang Wu 吳文朗 (1952–), Senior Pastor of Sunnyvale Covenant Church, while Covenant missionaries like Norman E. Dwight 榮篤愛 (1925–2011) and David Dolan 杜大衛 may not have experienced baptism in the Holy Spirit in the pentecostal-charismatic 107  Evangelical Covenant Church, “Reports of Administrative Boards: Board of World Mission: Taiwan,” Covenant Yearbook 1991 (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1991), 141. 108  Evangelical Covenant Church, “Reports of the President,” Covenant Yearbook 1993: Volume One (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1993), 3. 109  Evangelical Covenant Church, “Reports of Administrative Boards: Board of World Mission: Taiwan,” Covenant Yearbook 1994: Volume One (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1994), 137. 110  Nathan Chang lists dozens of names who had helped build the church in the early days and no missionaries were on the list. Nathan Chang, “Huigu yu zhanwang” 回顧與展望 [Looking back and looking forward], Qichang kaige: Xindian Xingdaohui ershi zhounianqing tekan 齊唱凱歌: 新店行道會20週年慶特刊 [Victory song in one accord: The twentieth anniversary volume of Hsintien Covenant Church], ed. Lao Hsien-chih 勞顯芝 (Taipei: Hsintien Covenant Church, 1996), 14–5. However, Nathan Chang acknowledged the help of a missionary named Jen Chen-lin 任珍琳 at Hsintien Covenant Church in “Fushi zagan” 服事雜感 [Some thoughts on ministries], China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin, February 5, 1978, 4. It is believed that Jen Chen-lin is Janet Remington from the United States, who worked briefly as a Covenant missionary in Taiwan in the 1970s.

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sense, they were sympathetic to Nathan Chang’s renewal experience— which helped fend off some attacks against Chang by other local pastors concerning Chang’s enthusiasm regarding the Holy Spirit in the early 1980s. Conflicts over the Holy Spirit within the church had faded by the time Vernon Wu joined the Covenant Church in 1986. Wu states that he has never witnessed disputes in meetings over the work of the Holy Spirit as Nathan Chang had had.111 Vernon Wu also notes that Hsintien Covenant Church differs from some other charismatic churches in Taiwan. For example, he states that Nathan Chang puts far more emphasis on the messages of healing and deliverance than on prophecy or visions, as Chang believes that that was how Jesus engaged in ministry. The example of Yonggi Cho also reinforced this belief. As a result, Wu describes Hsintien Covenant Church as “not as charismatic,” and argues that Nathan Chang enjoyed wider popularity among Taiwanese Evangelicals than other charismatic pastors who stress prophecy or visions.112 Since 1979, hundreds and hundreds of Taiwanese Christians participated in pilgrimages to churches in South Korea. Starting in 1988, Yoido Full Gospel Church put together their annual Asia Christian Conference in Korea, which focuses on renewal, fasting, and prayer. The conference often draws several thousand participants from various Asian countries. Beginning in the late 1990s, Hsintien Covenant Church became the organizer of the trip from Taiwan to the annual conference, with several hundred Christians coming from Hsintien Covenant Church alone each year.113 Vernon Wu disclosed that 2018 would be the last year Hsintien Covenant Church organizes the trip.114 Norman Dwight’s sympathy toward Nathan Chang’s charismatic experience is hardly surprising. The Evangelical Covenant Church of America has roots “in historical Christianity, the Protestant Reformation, the biblical instruction of the Lutheran Church of Sweden, and the great spiritual awakenings of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.” Additionally, more recent North American renewal movements have also shaped its  Vernon Wen-Lang Wu, interview by author, Taipei, January 16, 2018.  Vernon Wu, interview. 113  Chen Chien-yueh 陳見岳, “Hanguofeng! Taiwanfeng! Muzhe kan Yaxiya shengtu fanghan shenghui” 韓國風! 台灣瘋!—牧者看亞細亞聖徒訪韓聖會 [Korean brand creates Taiwanese infatuation: A pastor’s view on the Asia Christian Conference in Korea], Xin Shizhe 新使者 [The New Messenger], August 2009, 53–55. 114  Vernon Wu, interview. 111 112

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development and distinctive spirit.115 Since as early as 1963, the denomination has adopted a resolution concerning “Spiritual Gifts,” which affirms the energizing work of the Holy Spirit, but cautions against gifts as a criterion for individual spiritual attainment or as the basis for division in the church.116 It is also possible that Norman Dwight’s understanding of the Holy Spirit was influenced at an earlier time by Donald Dale and David Woodward, with whom he associated more closely on the mission field— although this speculation requires further investigation. Other Churches Several other Taiwanese churches were also known for experiencing noticeable growth in the 1980s as a result of having embraced the charismatic message. They included the Chinese Christian Local Church’s Wugu Church 五股禮拜堂 in Taipei, Hsinchuang Worship Center 新莊敬 拜中心 in Taipei, Tainan Tianchyau Presbyterian Church 台南天橋長老 教會, Pingtung Hoping Presbyterian Church 屏東和平長老教會 (also known as Pingtung Peace Church), and Good News Church 佳音教會 in Taipei.117 Space only allows for a brief description of Hsinchuang Worship Center, which was started by a Baptist pastor, Chen Kung-liang 陳公亮, in 1986.118 According to Chen, the church was characterized by discipleship training, team ministry, practical evangelistic experience, and an emphasis on the

115   The Evangelical Covenant Church, Covenant Affirmation (Chicago: Covenant Publication, 2005), 2. For history and theology of the Evangelical Covenant Church, see Karl A. Olsson, Into One Body—By the Cross, Volume One and Two (Chicago: Covenant Press, 1985–1986). 116  “Minutes of the Seventy-Eighth Annual Meeting of The Evangelical Covenant Church of America held at North Park College and Theological Seminary, Chicago, IL, June 18–23, 1963,” in Covenant Yearbook 1963 (Chicago: Evangelical Covenant Church, 1963), 242. For a history of dialogue on topics related to the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement within the Evangelical Covenant Church, see Philip J.  Anderson, “Comment,” Narthex 2:2 (September 1982): 53–4. 117  Chu Gien, “Lun Taiwan jiaohui de qinian xunhuan” 論台灣教會的七年循環 [The seven-year cycles of the Taiwanese Church], Guodu fuxingbao 國度復興報 [Kingdom Revival Times], December 18, 2012. 118   “Xinzhuang Jingbai zhongxin chengli” 新莊敬拜中心成立 [Hsinchuang Worship Center established], Christian Tribune, February 9, 1986.

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charismatic message.119 Hsinchuang Worship Center had planted twenty-­ five churches by July 1991,120 and, by August 1993, it had 150 paid full-­ time workers.121 The rapid growth was attributed to their two-year training program, David Camp, which was started in 1987—although the church would ultimately disintegrate as a result of the scandalous “1995 Prophecy” (Chap. 6) within a decade. Unfortunately, the paucity of this short-lived church’s records prevented me from providing an in-depth analysis.

Zeb Bradford Long (1950–) and the Charismatic Movement within the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan Zeb Bradford Long (hereafter Brad Long) was a Presbyterian missionary from the United States to Taiwan from 1980 to 1989. Reared in the Reformed tradition in North Carolina, Brad Long’s family moved to South Korea in 1966 to follow his father’s work. While in South Korea, the Longs befriended Reuben Archer Torrey III’s household.122 R.  A. Torrey III (1918–2002), an Episcopalian priest, was the son of R. A. Torrey Jr., a missionary to China and Korea, and grandson of Reuben Archer Torrey, the renowned American evangelist. In 1965, Archer Torrey III and his wife, Jane Grey (1921–2012), founded Jesus Abbey, a Christian community in the Taebaek Mountains of South Korea committed to “prayer, labor, and life together, as well as [serving as] a platform to proclaim justice, under the guidance and empowerment of the Holy Spirit.”123 Brad Long left for Davidson College in North Carolina in 1970 before entering Union Theological Seminary (Richmond, VA). In the second half of the 1970s, Long spent a year teaching Reformed theology at the Presbyterian Theological Seminary in Seoul as part of his Doctor of Ministry requirements at Union Seminary. Laura, Long’s wife, taught English at the same school. Faced with hardships, the couple hungered for the power of the Holy Spirit. During their visit to Jesus Abbey over the 119  “Xinzhuang jingbai zhongxin tuozhi huisuo buyiyuli” 新莊敬拜中心拓植會所不遺餘 力 [Hsinchuang Worship Center went all-out in church planting], Christian Tribune, July 14, 1991. 120  “Hsinchuang Worship Center went all out in church planting.” 121  Chen Kung-liang and Lo Min-chen 羅敏珍, “Xinzhuang Jingbaizhongxin sumiao” 新 莊敬拜中心素描 [A sketch of Hsinchuang Worship Center], The New Messenger, August 1993, 38–39. 122   Zeb Bradford Long, Growing in Friendship with Jesus (Black Mountain, NC: Presbyterian-Reformed Ministries International, 2003), 14–20. 123  Joon-Sik Park, “The Legacy of Reuben Archer Torrey III,” International Bulletin of Mission Research 41:3 (2017): 262–3.

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winter, Brad Long was baptized in the Holy Spirit when Archer Torrey laid hands on him. Shortly after, Laura received her own experience of Spirit baptism at a prayer meeting in the home of David and Ellen Ross, who were Presbyterian missionaries living in Seoul at the time.124 In 1980, Brad and Laura Long were sent to Taiwan as evangelistic and educational missionaries by the Presbyterian Church in the United States.125 They were assigned to the Presbyterian Bible College in Hsinchu in 1982. Brad Long recalls that it was while praying at Jesus Abbey in 1981 that he received the vision of starting the Lay Training Center at the Presbyterian Bible College in Taiwan.126 The Lay Training Center was founded in 1984, with a vision to better equip lay Christians in Taiwan so that they might faithfully fulfil their callings in church and society. According to Long, renewed lives through the Holy Spirit’s power and proper training are imperative in reaching such a goal.127 PCT’s theology of the Holy Spirit, informed as it is by the Reformed tradition, tends to be more nuanced than what is normally taught by charismatic churches in Taiwan.128 However, as discussed in Chap. 4, even though the majority of the aboriginal churches that were impacted by the 1972 Tayal Revival were Presbyterians, it appears that the PCT remained largely unaffected by charismatic events throughout the 1970s overall. Nonetheless, the Han (non-aboriginal) sector of the PCT’s interest in the work of the Holy Spirit paralleled with the larger Taiwanese Church, tracing the visit to churches in South Korea in 1979 as a defining starting point. Hence, it was not until the latter half of the 1980s that PCT scholars worked out their positions on the Charismatic Movement, which I will discuss further in Chap. 6. While the Charismatic Movement within the PCT mainly developed under the leadership of Brad Long, charismatic 124  Long, Growing in Friendship with Jesus, 57–8. Brad and Laura Long, “The Spirit’s Refractions,” PRRMI Renewal News, Fall 1992, 5. There are discrepancies regarding the years the Longs were in South Korea in the 1970s. Some records show it was 1975–1976, while others suggest 1976–1977. 125  The Presbyterian Church in the United States merged with the United Presbyterian Church in the United States of America in 1983 and became the Presbyterian Church (USA). 126  Long, Growing in Friendship with Jesus, 31. 127  Huang Hui-chueh and Brad Long, “Fang Shengjing xueyuan xintu xunlian zhongxin zhuren Luoxuechuan boshi” 訪聖經學院信徒訓練中心主任羅學川博士 [An interview with Dr. Bradford Long, director of the Presbyterian Bible College Training Center], Taiwan Church News, September 15, 1985, 7. 128  See for example,  Lin Hong-hsin, Sheng Shen lun 聖神論 [Pneumatology], 2nd ed. (Taipei: Campus Evangelical Fellowship, 2007), 223.

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activities within the PCT and in other churches at times crossed path and were mutually informative. Instead of lumping church growth with the Charismatic Movement together, the PCT distinguished the two concepts, while nonetheless recognizing the power of the Holy Spirit as an indispensable element in church growth and renewal. Since the PCT’s quest for renewal through the Holy Spirit does not preclude the work of the Holy Spirit in a pentecostal-­ charismatic sense, an evident openness to the Charismatic Movement is observed within a sector of the PCT starting in the 1980s. However, the PCT did not view the Charismatic Movement as the only means through which renewal might be attained. William Jung-kuang Lo 羅榮光, former Secretary of the PCT General Assembly Evangelism Committee, acknowledges in an article in 1982  that church revival and growth is contingent upon the renewed lives of individuals, which can be achieved through prayers.129 According to Peng Teh-kui 彭德貴 (1938–), head pastor of the well-­ known Suang-Lien Presbyterian Church in Taipei from 1984 to 2003, the PCT General Assembly’s attitude toward the Charismatic Movement in the 1980s can be described as “neither encouraging nor discouraging” (不鼓 勵也不反對)—as long as aberrations did not arise.130 In other words, while the PCT General Assembly did not actively urge their members to participate in the movement, they did not deter them from doing so either. In my skype conversation on November 10, 2018, with Pastor Chen Yi-ming 陳 義明 (1973–), Associate General Secretary of the PCT, he concurs with Peng’s observation. Chen further points out that when the Charismatic Movement first made significant inroads into Taiwan in the 1980s, the PCT General Assembly did in fact show some support for the novel concept—although the enthusiasm was soon tempered when challenges surrounding the movement were detected. It was within this larger framework that Brad Long’s charismatic ministries were carried out in Taiwan. Under Brad Long’s leadership as the Vice-President of the Presbyterian Bible College and the Director of the Presbyterian Lay Training Center, the concept of spiritual renewal within the PCT carried with it a distinctly charismatic hue. Moreover, Brad Long and his 129  William Jung-kuang Lo and Chi Hsiu 紀秀, “Fang Luo Rongguang mushi: Tan qi dao shan’ shi jian” 訪羅榮光牧師—談「祈禱山」事件 [An interview with Pastor William J. K. Lo: On the Prayer Mountain], Shizhe xin kan 使者新刊 [The Messenger (New)] 4:3, March 1982, 31. 130  Peng Teh-kui, interview by author, Taipei, January 16, 2018.

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coworkers became central figures in facilitating charismatic sensitivities within the PCT throughout the 1980s through retreats that provided teachings and ministries.131 Teachings often surrounded such themes as the person and the work of the Holy Spirit, fasting and prayer, and ways in which Christians might experience spiritual renewal. In October 1983, Taiwan’s Presbyterian Bible College organized a trip to Jesus Abbey in South Korea. At this time, ten pastors and leaders attended Archer Torrey’s teachings on the person and the work of the Holy Spirit.132 In March 1984, Presbyterian Bible College hosted a Spiritual Renewal Retreat for pastors and church leaders, with Torrey speaking on the same subject. One hundred fifty people, including nineteen missionaries, attended the retreat. Participants came predominantly from PCT churches.133 The last morning, Torrey asked all who wished to be baptized by the Holy Spirit to come forward. As people “began to stream forward God mightily poured out his Holy Spirit upon the entire group. Many wept bitterly as they confessed sin and expressed deep hurts; some shared tears of joy; others received the gift of tongues and saw visions.”134 While the account of Huang Hui-chueh, the Associate Director of the Lay Training Center, differed slightly from that of Brad Long,135 it is evident that what happened was beyond the typical Presbyterian experience or expectation. Some, after the retreat, expressed that it was the first time in all their years of ministry that they received any teaching on the Holy Spirit, whereas others claim that the retreat marked the beginning of “a deeper relationship with Jesus Christ and a new sense of the Spirit’s power.”136 For Brad  Huang and Long, “An interview with Dr. Bradford Long,” 7.  “Xinzhu Shengjing xueyuan juban hanguo lingxiu” 新竹聖經學院舉辦韓國靈修 [The Presbyterian Bible College organizes a retreat to Korea], Taiwan Church News, February 12, 1984, 2. More accounts of this trip can be found in Long, Growing in Friendship with Jesus, 63–5. 133  Huang Hui-chueh 黃輝爵, “Canyu muzhe lingming gengxin zaojiuying ganyan” 參與 牧者靈命更新造就營感言 [Reflections on the Spiritual Renewal Retreat for Pastors and Leaders], Taiwan Church News, May 27, 1984, 14. 134  Zeb Bradford Long, “Renewal Among Presbyterians in Taiwan,” PRR Renewal News, November-December 1984, 1, 3. See also Long, Growing in Friendship with Jesus, 72. 135  Huang writes, “While some participants never went forward, the Holy Spirit filled their heart as He determined; for some who went forward, they were filled with the Holy Spirit even before hands were laid on them.” Huang, “Reflections on the Spiritual Renewal Retreat for Pastors and Leaders,” 14. 136  Long, “Renewal Among Presbyterians in Taiwan,” 3. 131 132

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Long, the event in 1984 was “the major outpouring of the Holy Spirit” within the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.137 Thus, although the PCT also took strides towards keeping a “safe” distance from the Charismatic Movement, this practice was easier said than done. The desire for renewal within the PCT was already too closely aligned with the prevailing charismatic sensibility of the larger Taiwanese Church. The visit of American evangelist Joe Poppell and Korean Pastor Choi Bok Kyou 崔復圭 to Taiwan in 1984 drew thousands of Taiwanese people to their meetings, with hopes of witnessing or experiencing healing as a result of Poppell’s prayers. Lee Sheng-hsiung, a lawyer from the PCT, documents the healing that he had witnessed. According to Lee, some who came with a cane or on a wheelchair were able to walk without help after prayer; a few deaf-mutes were able to hear (and they had yet to learn how to speak); and a pastor’s poor eyesight became considerably better (which was verified by examination). Quite a few people who had one leg shorter than the other went for prayer, and their shorter leg grew to be the same length as the other.138 Lee asserts that the teachings provided were biblical, and that several supernatural healings genuinely took place. He relates that having been able to witness miraculous healings first-hand satisfied his investigative mind as a lawyer. As one of the leading spokespeople for spiritual renewal within the PCT, Brad Long is well aware of the strengths and weaknesses of the Charismatic Movement.139 However, the weaknesses he recognized within the Charismatic Movement did not stop him from learning and incorporating teachings from charismatic figures. In October 1986, Presbyterian Bible College hosted seminars on Holistic Healing and Church Renewal, featuring Dr. Robert Wise from the Our Lord’s Community Church (Reformed Church of America) in Oklahoma.140 In May 1987, Presbyterian  Bradford Long, e-mail message to author, April 29, 2017.  Lee Sheng-hsiung 李勝雄, “Yong shenji sui zhe, zhengshi suo chuandedao” 用神蹟隨 著、證實所傳的道 [The Lord confirmed the Word by the signs that accompanied it], Taiwan Church News, November 25, 1984, 14. 139  “Lingen yundong yingxiang jiaohui zhengfu juzai: Luoxuechuan mushi fenxi lingen yundong” 靈恩運動影響教會正負俱在—羅學川牧師分析靈恩運動 [The positive and negative impacts of the Charismatic Movement: Rev. Brad Long’s analysis of the Charismatic Movement], Taiwan Church News, October 11, 1987, 3. 140  Cheri Heath Fuller, “Healing Mission Brings New Day to Taiwan Church,” PRRM Renewal News, January-February, 1987, 13; “Shengjing xueyuan shouyaoqing, zhaoji xueyuan fu meiguo shou quanren yizhi xunlian” 聖經學院受邀請, 召集學院赴美國受全人醫治訓練 [Presbyterian Bible College invited to the United States for holistic healing training], Taiwan 137 138

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Bible College, upon invitation, arranged for twenty-two church leaders from Taiwan to attend a three-week intensive training on healing and prayer ministry at Fuller Theological Seminary and the Our Lord’s Community Church.141 Pastor Peng Teh-kui of Suang-Lien Presbyterian Church was among the group that journeyed to the United States in 1987. In an article titled “My Involvement in Holy Spirit Renewal,” Peng documents his encounters with the Holy Spirit during his trip.142 In a session on May 11, Charles Kraft, Brad Long, and Rev. Mike Flynn, an Episcopal priest, prayed for one of the participants, who started crying and laughing as he received his Spirit baptism. Peng was uncomfortable with what he saw. Soon after, however, those three people walked toward Peng and put their hands on his head. His heart was racing, Peng’s legs weakened, and he could hardly stand still. Brad Long told him that it would be all right if he had to lie down. Peng did. As he laid down, Peng felt that an electric current ran through his arms and legs. On the floor for over two hours, Peng was led to confess all the sins that came to his mind. He also remembers that while on the floor, he heard someone express unbelief that a Presbyterian pastor could be so “hysterical.”143 Both Peng and his wife received the gift of tongues over the course of this trip. During the trip, the Pengs together with Howard Dzou, an elder of Suang-Lien Presbyterian Church, also visited and prayed for a scientist, Mr. Lin, who had hurt his back and was unable to sit up even in bed. Mr. Lin did not receive instant healing, but the next morning, to the surprise of the Pengs and Dzou, Mr. Lin showed up at church and witnessed in public that he had been

Church News, May 10, 1987, 2. “Dongbu Jidutu jinshi daogaohui” 東部基督徒禁食禱告會 [Fasting and prayer meeting on the east coast], Taiwan Church News, October 26, 1986, 5. 141  “Presbyterian Bible College invited to the United States for holistic healing training,” 2. Zeb Bradford Long, “Charismatic Renewal in the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan,” 6. 142  Pastor Peng kindly shared the short article with me during our interview on January 16, 2018, at Suang-Lien Presbyterian Church in Taipei. A portion of the article was published in Peng Teh-kui, “Shengling dailai muhui de zhuanbian” 聖靈帶來牧會的轉變 [Holy Spirit brings changes to pastoral ministry], in An Intense Divine Encounter Beyond Tradition, 222–30. In both pieces, Peng states that it was in 1986 that he made the trip to Fuller. The trip in fact took place in 1987. See records in  “Taiwan Jidu zhanglaojiaohui shengjing xueyuan” 台灣基督長老教會聖經學院 [Presbyterian Bible College], Taiwan Jidu Zhanglaojiaohui di sanshiwujie zonghui tongchang nianhui baogaoshu 台灣基督長老教會第 35屆總會通常年會報告書 (1988) [The thirty-fifth annual report of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1988] (Taipei: Presbyterian Church in Taiwan, 1988), 236. 143  Peng Teh-kui, “Holy Spirit Brings Changes to Pastoral Ministry,” 224–5.

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completely healed.144 In the issue of Renewal News following these events, Brad Long states briefly that since returning to Taiwan, “we have continued to meet for fellowship,” and “discovered that the same Holy Spirit who met us so deeply in America is also here!”145 The activities of the Spirit experienced and witnessed by this group of Taiwanese Christians during their 1987 trip were eye-opening to many. However, reports of these events in Taiwan Church News or the Christian Tribune immediately afterward are curiously absent. The only published account was Howard Dzou’s testimony, which appeared several months later in the Renewal News of the Presbyterian and Reformed Renewal Ministries International. Yet, this publication was hardly circulated in Taiwan. Whether this silence was the result of the participants’ indifferent attitude towards journaling, or an intentional downplaying of charismatic phenomena that the PCT might not find welcoming cannot be determined. Perhaps it was a bit of both. In the summer of 1988, Presbyterian Bible College invited Charles Kraft and his team to Taiwan. To prepare for the seminars, Taiwan Church News published a piece of Kraft’s testimony regarding how his worldview had been altered by the “Signs, Wonders, and Church Growth” course at Fuller Seminary taught by C. Peter Wagner and John Wimber.146 In addition to several healing services, three major workshops were put together. The workshop that took place at Presbyterian Bible College on August 1–4 received attention in Taiwan Church News. One hundred twenty pastors, church leaders, and laypeople gathered for the Church Renewal and Power Ministry Seminar. Teachings offered by Charles Kraft included “A Balanced Faith,” “The Kingdom of God,” “Worldviews,” “How to Work with the Holy Spirit,” and “Inner Healing.” Pastor Thomas White, founder and president of Frontline Ministries, spoke on “Deliverance Ministry” and “Discerning the Holy Spirit and the Evil Spirits.” Vineyard 144  Peng, “Holy Spirit Brings Changes to Pastoral Ministry,” 226. See also Howard Dzou 周和志, “I am Healed. Praise Jesus Christ,” PRRM Renewal News, January-February 1988, 6. Dzou incorrectly identified “Mr. Lin” as “Mr. Li” in his article. 145  Zeb Bradford Long, “Taiwanese Encouraged by Healing Workshops in U.S.,” PRRM Renewal News, January-February 1988, 12. 146  Charles Kraft, “Shijieguan de gaibian, shifeng taidu de zhuanbian” 世界觀的改變, 事奉 態度的轉變 [Shifting worldviews, shifting attitudes], trans. Huang Hui-chueh, Taiwan Church News, June 26, 1988, 10. “‘Chaowenhua lingming gengxin fushituan’ jinxia lai Tai xunhui juban yantaohui” 「超文化靈命更新服事團」今夏來台巡迴舉辦研討會 [Crosscultural spiritual renewal ministries will conduct seminars in Taiwan this summer], Taiwan Church News, May 22, 1988, 5.

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Pastor Arlan Askew spoke on healing ministry.147 There were also sessions that provided opportunities for prayers for healing and deliverance, and for being filled with the Spirit. Some reported having experienced inner healing, physical healing, and deliverance from evil spirits, whereas others prayed in tongues, sang, laughed, and prophesied while filled with the Spirit.148 “The temperament of the PCT pastors is more sober, and thus the outworking of people being filled with the Spirit appeared to be more gentle,” the Taiwan Church News professed.149 In this way, even as the attempt to keep dramatic charismatic manifestations at bay failed, the PCT continued to make a distinction between their own “temperaments” and the temperaments of charismatic churches while under the influence of the Holy Spirit. The PCT was adamant to proclaim that their understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit was different from the understandings of charismatic churches on a fundamental level. The ministry of Kenneth D.  Shay 謝仁道 (1948–), an Overseas Crusades missionary in the mid-1980s, contributed to the integration of the charismatic message and Third Wave teachings within the PCT.150 Ken Shay first arrived in Taiwan with his wife, Marion, in 1979 as missionaries from The Evangelical Alliance Mission (TEAM). Ken struggled on the mission field during his first year. One night, while he was crying out to God, he found himself praying in tongues for the first time. After returning to the United States in 1983, the Shays left TEAM and joined the Overseas Crusades. Ken’s assignment with Overseas Crusades on church 147  “Jiaohui gengxin yu lingli shifeng zaojiu yuhuizhe” 教會更新與靈力事奉造就與會者 [Church renewal and power ministry built the participants up], Taiwan Church News, August 14, 1988, 5. 148  “Church Renewal and Power Ministry Built the Participants Up,” 5. Brad Long recounts one of the deliverance incident during the conference in “The Reality of Spiritual Warfare,” PRRM Renewal News, January-February 1989, 11–12. 149  “長老會牧師的氣質較穩重, 聖靈充滿時也比較斯文.” “Church Renewal and Power Ministry Built the Participants Up,” 5. According to Brad Long, Charles Kraft’s and his team’s teaching and ministry in Taiwan were marked by gentleness. On the last morning as all were breaking bread, the Holy Spirit was poured out upon all gently at first, and then “like a mighty wind.” Overwhelmed, “we were filled with a wild joy. We started singing in the spirit and soon singing gave way to dancing. Never have I seen nor experienced anything like this! Chinese Presbyterians (who are often just as frozen as God’s chosen in America) dancing, leaping, shouting, ‘Hallelujah,’ joyously moving together in the overwhelming power of the Holy Spirit who filled the sanctuary with His awesome majestic presence.” The jubilation went on for over an hour. Brad Long, “Power Conferences in Taiwan Bring Healing & Deliverance,” PRRM Renewal News, November-December 1988, 11–12. 150  Overseas Crusades was later renamed One Challenge International. I am indebted to the organization for helping me get connected with Kenneth and Marion Shay.

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growth research led him to seek training at John Wimber’s power ministry at Vineyard Church in Anaheim, California, from 1983 to 1985.151 Having returned to Taiwan, Ken Shay started Power Encounter groups in 1986 in Taichung, Hsinchu, Taipei, and some other smaller towns. The groups held in Taichung, Hsinchu, and Taipei eventually coalesced in Hsinchu in 1989 and continued to meet until the Shays left Taiwan in 1990.152 Composed of Christians from different church and mission backgrounds, the groups explored themes on healing and spiritual warfare in the Scripture. Participants also shared about personal experiences that would help inform one another’s perspectives on the subject matter. The groups also learned from charismatic figures like Charles Kraft, Tom White, and Archer Torrey. The goal was to identify strategies that would help Christians share the Gospel more effectively in the Taiwanese context.153 While Shay is unable to account for the degree to which these power encounter groups had a lasting influence on participants’ respective churches or communities, the group that met at the Presbyterian Bible College was at least moderately successful. Through the study group, Brad Long incorporated power encounter teachings—introduced more systematically by Ken Shay—into his renewal ministry at the Presbyterian Lay Training Center.154 By 1988, the Center had a power ministry team that consisted of five formal members. In addition, there was also a larger circle of around twenty people who offered support through intercessory prayer or actual participation in ministry sessions. According to Long, the team dealt with the demonic on a regular basis.155 George Chien-cheng Hsu, one of Brad Long’s close coworkers, points out in passing that Long’s ministries at the Presbyterian Bible College had generated some  Kenneth D. Shay, e-mail message to author, April 27, 2018.  The Shays would later return to Taiwan temporarily as an associate of Presbyterian and Reformed Renewal Ministries International. Ken Shay, e-mail message to author, May 5, 2018. 153  Ken Shay, e-mail message to author, April 27, 2018. See also Ken Shay, “Enlisting a Warfare Warrior,” PRRMI Renewal News, Summer 1994, 5. A part of Ken’s teachings can be seen in Ken Shay, Jikui Taiwan heian quanshi: Yiwei xuanjiaoshi zai Taiwan de shuling zhengzhan jingli 擊潰臺灣黑暗權勢: 一位宣教士在臺灣的屬靈爭戰經歷 [War in the heavenlies], trans. Chao Shih-yu 趙士瑜 (Taipei: Elim Christian Bookstore, 2000). 154  Ken Shay, e-mail message to author, April 27, 2018. Brad Long briefly accounts for the study group led by Ken Shay in Zeb Bradford Long, Jesus Christ Defeating Demons and Setting Captives Free: Reports from the Frontlines of an Outpouring of the Holy Spirit (NC: PRMI Exousia Press, 2017), 16. 155  Bradford Long, Jesus Christ Defeating Demons, 15–6. 151 152

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controversies within the PCT before he joined Long’s team in 1988— although the nature of the conflicts is not specified.156 One local Presbyterian church that was significantly influenced by Brad Long’s teachings regarding power ministry in the 1980s was Suang-Lien Presbyterian Church, which was pastored by Peng Teh-kui. After Charles Kraft’s visit to Taiwan in 1988, Peng invited Brad Long to Suang-Lien Church regularly to conduct power ministry.157 As Peng remembers it, prayers would sometimes run until midnight.158 Opposing views notwithstanding, many within the PCT not only spoke positively of the Charismatic Movement, they also took part in it. In an article in 1987, Brad Long professed that “there is no widespread well-­ defined Charismatic Movement” within the PCT. Many pastors and laypeople, however, had had different charismatic experiences through their visits to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain, Korea, or at the Presbyterian Lay Training Center. Having experienced renewal, they returned to their churches “with renewed vision and greater openness to the work of the Holy Spirit,” and became the leaven in their churches.159 Ted Ellis, a missionary to Taiwan from the Presbyterian Church in Canada, reported in 1991 that renewal within the PCT had brought pastors of local PCT churches together for prayer and mutual support. In Kaohsiung, thirty to forty pastors with their spouses gathered every Tuesday from nine to noon for prayer, Bible study, and discussion. In Tainan, twelve to fifteen ministers gathered once a month for an hour and a half, followed by supper together. On the East Coast, seven or eight gathered every two weeks. In Taipei, twelve to fifteen gathered twice a month.160 Brad Long returned to the United States in 1989 and became the Executive Director of the Presbyterian and Reformed Renewal Ministries International (PRRMI) on January 1, 1990.161 He continued to visit 156  George Chien-cheng Hsu 徐建正, Caita pingheng de bufa 踩踏平衡的步伐 [Walking in balance] (Taipei: Gan Lan, 1992), 67. Several more large-scale charismatic events organized by the Lay Training Center can be found in Hsu’s work in pages 6–7. 157  Peng, “Holy Spirit Brings Changes to Pastoral Ministry,” 227. 158  Peng, interview. 159  Long, “Charismatic Renewal in the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan,” 7. 160  Ted Ellis, “Signs of Hope,” Taiwan Mission 1, no. 1, July 1991, 25. Taiwan Mission is a quarterly journal that serves the missionary communities in Taiwan. Started in 1991, the journal renamed Taiwan Mission Quarterly in 1997. 161  Presbyterian and Reformed Renewal Ministries International (PRRMI) was formerly known as the Presbyterian Charismatic Communion (PCC), which was founded in 1966. Presbyterian Charismatic Communion changed its name to Presbyterian and Reformed

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Taiwan in the 1990s to share his teachings on Holy Spirit renewal. As news on charismatic activities in Taiwan Church News abated noticeably after Long’s departure, critical appraisals of the Charismatic Movement increased.162 With Long’s encouragement, the Church Renewal Ministry Team 教會 更新服事團 was launched in March 1992. The team’s vision was to help Christians better understand the teachings on the Holy Spirit found in Scripture, experience renewal, and know how to engage in power ministry by utilizing their spiritual gifts. Although the name “PRRM-Taiwan” appears at least twice in PRRMI Renewal News and sounds as if the Church Renewal Ministry Team was a chapter of the Presbyterian and Reformed Renewal Ministries International in Taiwan, the organization was in fact independent in all aspects of their operations, including their finances.163 The team’s Executive Director, George Hsu, was invited to various PCT churches and churches from other denominations to share his understanding of the principles of church renewal and power ministry,164 which suggests that his influence was increasing. Hsu also strongly emphasized maintaining balance as one engages in the power encounter ministries.165 Christian Tribune shows that George Hsu was still active as Executive Director in early 1995, but no information concerning his involvement in the organization is registered beyond the point. However, it is known that he was later divorced. He also spurred conflict due to his unwillingness to submit to authorities as he began to describe himself as the Holy Spirit’s Renewal Ministries International in 1984. The organization is known as the PresbyterianReformed Ministries International (PRMI) today. The omission of “renewal” in its adopted name—as observed on their website—is curious. 162  For example, Wong Chong-gyiau 王崇堯, “Lingen yundong zhi wo jian” 靈恩運動之 我見 [My perspective on the Charismatic Movement], Taiwan Church News, March 20, 1994, 9; Chiu Chien-hua 邱見花, “Shenyi lunli zai nali” 神醫倫理在那裡 [What is the ethics of healing?], Taiwan Church News, September 29, 1991, 11. 163  Brad Long, “Reaching Out to Taiwan: Excerpts from a Prayer Journal,” PRRMI Renewal News, Winter 1993, 10, and “News: PRRM-Taiwan,” PRRMI Renewal News, Summer 1992, 15. For independent operation, see “Jiaohui gengxin fushituan sanyue shiqiri chengli” 教會更新服事團三月十七日成立 [The Church Renewal Ministry Team launched on March 17], Christian Tribune, March 29, 1992. 164  “Taibeishi qu: ‘Xiaozu lingli shifeng’ Yanxihui zai bei zhong nan sandi juxing” 台北 市區: 「小組靈力事奉」研習會在北、中、南三地舉行 [Taipei city: “Power Ministry in Small Groups” Seminars will take place in northern, central, and southern Taiwan], Christian Tribune, November 12, 2018. 165  George Hsu, Walking in Balance.

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representative, and was removed from ministry as a result.166 Pastor Chen Yi-ming relays that the scandal was no small setback to the PCT, as it occurred at a time when more PCT churches were starting to accept teachings on renewal through the Holy Spirit. Hsu’s example also gave some Christians enough reasons to discredit the movement. After being reorganized following Hsu’s departure, the Taiwan Church Renewal Ministry 台灣教會更新協會 was launched in 1999 with Long’s encouragement.167 Even though the ministry, to this day, remains independent from the PCT, the ministry is chiefly run by PCT pastors and church leaders. The Charismatic Movement is not the only way that leads to renewal. However, given that charismatic sensitivities were deeply compelling to Christians in Taiwan in the 1980s and the 1990s, the PCT could hardly reach the goal of renewal without incorporating charismatic elements into this “bulky” organization. And behold, it worked.

Charismatic Conferences from 1980 to 1995 The Taiwanese Church was inundated with charismatic conferences after Martial Law was lifted in July 1987. These charismatic conferences often drew several hundreds of people. While the focus of Yonggi Cho (1980 and 1981) and Juan Ortiz (1980) was church growth, R. Archer Torrey’s visit in March 1984 seems to be the first in a series of meetings in the 1980s to openly discuss the person and the work of the Holy Spirit. Furthermore, Joe Poppell and Choi Bok Kyou’s meetings in November 1984 may have been the first of all conferences in the 1980s to openly practice healing ministry.168 Poppell’s visit in 1984, in particular, opened the eyes of a large number of non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan.

166  “Mushi fanzui zhengyi” 牧師犯罪爭議 [A pastor commits a crime], Christian Tribune, August 2, 2007. 167  Taiwan Church Renewal Ministry, “Xiehui yuanqi” 協會緣起 [History], Taiwan jiaohui gengxin xiehui 台灣教會更新協會 [Taiwan Church Renewal Ministry], https://tcrmtw.org /%e9%97%9c%e6%96%bc%e5%8d%94%e6%9c%83/ (accessed June 1, 2020). 168   “Fenxing budao dahui xingcheng changdi paiding” 奮興佈道大會行程場地排定 [Venues chosen for revival and evangelistic meetings], Christian Tribune, September 16, 1984. The news states that the meetings would comprise forty-five minutes of preaching, forty-five minutes of healing prayer, and twenty minutes of Christian musical drama.

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Following Poppell, several other meetings that focused on healing through the Spirit were organized. Robert Wise conducted Holistic Healing and Church Revival Seminars in October 1986; Charles and Frances Hunter led Healing Conferences in January 1988; Morris Cerullo spoke at an Evangelistic Conference entitled “Salvation, Healing, and Miracles” in April 1988; and Charles Kraft conducted meetings on Church Renewal and Power Ministry in July–August 1988. Other pentecostal-­ charismatic speakers who visited Taiwan in 1988 alone included Edward Miller from Argentina (July–August), Donald Lee from the United States (September), Ralph Mahoney, Robert Frost, and William A.  Gildehaus from the United States (October).169 In addition to the visits to churches in South Korea (1979–1980), the founding of the Miaoli Prayer Mountain (1981) and the Elim Bookstore (1982), Brad Long’s ministry (1980s), the formation of the Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance (1987/8), and the lifting of Martial Law (1987), two other factors directly spurred the enthusiasm for the Charismatic Movement to reach its peak years from 1988 to 1994. They are the Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan, which started organizing its efforts in 1987, and the launching of the Agape Renewal Center in California in 1987. The Year 2000 Gospel Movement (1990–2000): A Godsend The Year 2000 Gospel Movement was an indigenous evangelistic movement initiated by the Taiwanese Church. The idea for the movement began at a workshop in 1987, wherein representatives from fifty churches and parachurches agreed that all churches in Taiwan must unite in promoting an evangelistic movement would span until at least the year 2000.170 Simply stated, the goals of the Movement are: By AD 2000, there will be two million believers in ten thousand churches in Taiwan, which will send out 200 cross-cultural missionaries.171 In addition, the movement greatly stressed church renewal and visible unity among churches.172  Shao, “Holy Spirit Renewal Movement is still growing strong.”  The Committee of the Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan, Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan Handbook (Taipei: Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan, 1990?), 5. 171  The goal was partially reached at the end. Two hundred four missionaries were sent out from Taiwan. Christian membership grew from 557,483 to 780,529 from 1990 to 1999, and church numbers from 3127 to 3961. 172  Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan Handbook, 8. 169 170

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Church growth and renewal were so central to the Year 2000 Gospel Movement that a distinct Church Growth and Renewal Network was established to carry out the goal. Fittingly, one of the core strategies of the network was to facilitate church renewal through conducting revival meetings.173 Even though the Year 2000 Gospel Movement did not explicitly incorporate the Charismatic Movement to play a part in their vision for church growth and renewal,174 it could well be expected, as James Chung-­ chien Shia 夏忠堅 (1948–), Executive Director of the Year 2000 Gospel Movement starting in June 1990, had also served as a pastor at the evangelical-­turned-charismatic Bread of Life Christian Church in Taipei since 1984. It is not an overstatement to say that the Year 2000 Gospel Movement prepared a favorable climate for the charismatic message to reach the larger Taiwanese Church from 1988 to 1994. Christians who paid some attention to church news could not have missed the conferences organized throughout Taiwan in those years, even if they did not necessarily understand what the Charismatic Movement entails. Although several conferences discussed below were not organized by the Year 2000 Gospel Movement, organizers often invoked its name, as they all worked toward the same end goal: namely, evangelism, church planting, and mission. These conferences, therefore, were affiliated with the Year 2000 Gospel Movement “in spirit.” And it was only natural that the recently formed Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance, with its fervent desire for revival, would ride the tide of the Year 2000 Gospel Movement to further the cause of church growth and renewal. In 1989, the Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance initiated the first Church Renewal Conference 教會復興特會 that featured Kriengsak Chareonwongsak, the Chinese-Thai pastor and founder of Hope of Bangkok Church, to Taiwan.175 While committee members of the conference came from different churches, including churches from non-­ charismatic backgrounds, both the Chairperson, Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow, and the Executive Director, Tony Kuo-sheng Tseng, came from  Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan Handbook, 18, 50.  The charismatic color cannot be detected in the Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan Handbook. 175  Chareonwongsak was invited to speak at the Wan-Li Summer Camp in August 1985, which was started by Krushnisky in 1975 (Chap. 4). It was probably Chareonwongsak’s first trip to Taiwan. “1985 nian di ershier jie xialing Wanli juhui” 1985 年第 22 屆夏令萬里聚會 [The twenty-second session of Wan-Li Summer Camp, 1985], Latter Rain, August 1985, 6–7. 173 174

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Bread of Life. Tony Tseng, a businessman, was also a volunteer at Hosanna Ministry at the time.176 Taking the goal of the Year 2000 Gospel Movement seriously, the flyer of the Church Renewal Conference printed in Latter Rain asked, “Is it possible that Taiwan’s Christian population might grow to two million by AD 2000?” Both from a Buddhist context, the organizers believed that Taiwanese churches could learn from how Chareonwongsak’s church in Thailand grew from five people to forty-five hundred in less than a decade.177 After four days at Chareonwongsak’s conference, more than one thousand people dedicated their lives to Christ, while fifty people decided to leave their current jobs to get involved in church planting full-time.178 Following Chareonwongsak, the Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance organized a second Church Renewal Conference in October 1989, inviting Jack Hayford from the Church On The Way to speak on “Building a Glorious Church.”179 Although they were both from pentecostal backgrounds, the charismatic message was not the focal point in Chareonwongsak’s or Hayford’s meetings. Instead, participants were enamored by their teachings on church planting and church building. Paul Smith from The People’s Church in Toronto and Bill Boerop, who was involved in world evangelism, together spoke on “Mission and Revival” in May 1990 at the third Church Renewal Conference.180 176  “Jiaohui fuxing tehui: Tiaozhan, xianshen, zengzhang” 教會復興特會—挑戰 獻身 增 長 [Church Renewal Conference: Challenge, Dedication, and Growth], Latter Rain, February 1989, 41. See also “Gongyuan liangqiannian jiaohui dafuxing xumu huayi Saike mushi laihua” 公元二千年教會大復興序幕 [Launching the Year 2000 church revival], Christian Tribune, March 12, 1989. 177  “Launching the Year 2000 Church Revival.” 178  Yang Yu-mei 楊玉梅, “Saike mushi zhuchi ‘tiaozhan xianshen zengzhang’ budaodahui” 賽克牧師主持「挑戰 獻身 增長」佈道大會 [Pastor Chareonwongsak spoke at the evangelistic conference on “Challenge, Dedication, and Growth”], Christian Tribune, April 16, 1989. 179  Hsu Su-mei, “Jieke Haifude zhuling disanci fuxing tehui” 傑克海福德主領第三次復興 特會 [Jack Hayford speaks at the third Church Renewal Conference], Christian Tribune, October 15, 1989. Latter Rain counts Hayford’s meeting in 1989 as the Second Church Renewal Conference, whereas Christian Tribune considers Ha Yong-Inn’s visit in July– August 1989 the second and Hayford’s meeting the third. Campus Magazine follows Christian Tribune in numeration. See “Mega Rallies and Conferences in Taiwan,” Campus Magazine, February 1993, 11. 180  “Disanjie jiaohui fuxing tehui: Xuanjiao yu fuxing” 第三屆教會復興特會—宣教與復興 [The third Church Renewal Conference: Mission and Revival], Latter Rain, April 1990. Hsu Su-mei, “Jiaohui fuxing tehui you xian xianshen gaochao” 教會復興特會又掀獻身高潮 [Church renewal conference results in another climax of commitments to full-time ministry], Christian Tribune, May 27, 1990.

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In June 1991, the Taiwan Church Growth Society and the Year 2000 Gospel Movement invited C. Peter Wagner to speak on Power Ministry and Church Growth.181 In April 1992, John Dawson and his mother Joy Dawson were also invited by the Year 2000 Gospel Movement, Hosanna Ministry, and Youth with a Mission (YWAM), to speak on “Taking Our Cities for God.”182 If Chareonwongsak’s, Hayford’s, and Smith-Boerop’s conference themes were free from charismatic hue, Wagner’s and Dawson’s conference themes suggest a heavy charismatic slant. My interviews with pastors involved in these meetings yield further information that cannot be gleaned from primary sources. First, according to James Shia, it was never the intention of the Year 2000 Gospel Movement to promote the Charismatic Movement. However, since a significant number of churches worldwide had incorporated pentecostal-charismatic teachings into their church had experienced phenomenal growth—a result that Taiwanese churches across denominations coveted—some charismatic teaching were introduced into Taiwan through the Year 2000 Gospel Movement as a means toward achieving such ends.183 In other words, the Year 2000 Gospel Movement embraced certain pentecostal-charismatic elements that it believed would help induce church growth. Thus, in addition to Wagner’s and Dawson’s meetings, the Year 2000 Gospel Movement (together with Hosanna Ministry) also organized meetings in 1995, which featured evangelist Edgardo Silvoso who is known for his teachings on spiritual warfare.184 James Shia 181  “‘Quanneng shifeng yu Jiaohui zengzhang’ yantaohui yu ‘Lingxing gengxin yu quanneng shifeng’ tehui fen zai beigao juxing” 「權能事奉與教會增長」研討會與「靈性更新與 權能事奉」特會分在北高舉行 [“Power Ministry and Church Growth” Seminar and “Renewal and Power Ministry” Conference taking place in Taipei and Kaohsiung respectively], Christian Tribune, April 14, 1991. According to Allen Swanson, the Taiwan Church Growth Society ceased functioning in the second half of the 1980s. Allen Swanson, phone interview by author, October 17, 2018. Thus, it is possible that the TCGS’ name was invoked for promotion’s sake only. 182  “Hesana juban ‘Wei Shen yingde chengshi’ shuling zhengzhan yanxihui” 和撒那舉辦「 為神贏得城市」屬靈爭戰研習會 [Hosanna organizes Spiritual Warfare Seminar on “Take Our Cities for God”], Christian Tribune, April 12, 1992. 183  James Shia, interview. 184  According to the Christian Tribune, Ed Silvoso was invited to Taiwan to lead meetings on racial reconciliation. Thus, the meetings’ foci revolved around forgiveness, unity, and spiritual warfare prayer. “Jinian Ererba, si zuqun gong ling shengcan” 紀念二二八, 四族群共 領聖餐 [Four races gathered together to break bread to commemorate the “228 Incident”], Christian Tribune, March 5, 1995.

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acknowledges the importance of being balanced, and professes that John R.  W. Stott’s Balanced Christianity (1975) had a significant personal impact on him. Citing Stott, Shia states that being balanced is not standing in the middle, but having the ability to acquire both ends.185 He interprets the posture as being holistic (整全). Incorporating teachings like spiritual warfare and prayer or healing ministry, for Shia, was the sign of holistic evangelism.186 Thus, during the occasions in which the Year 2000 Gospel Movement endorsed pentecostal-charismatic teachings, it did so to promote church growth and renewal, and not to help facilitate the proliferation of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement.187 Therefore, pentecostal-­ charismatic teachings found a friendly climate for making their way into Taiwan from 1988 to 1994, when the Taiwanese Church was intensely captivated by its vision for church growth and renewal. Second, although Chareonwongsak’s meeting in 1989 was not devoid of charismatic teachings, two of my informants do not recall whether Chareonwongsak discussed specifically the work of the Holy Spirit in his meeting. Chareonwongsak’s message in the 1989 conference, which was collected and published, reveals that the charismatic message was embedded in his overall message on church growth. He taught that “every Christian has the authority to cast out demons”; and he shared the miracles that he had witnessed while preaching that “I believe miracles and the gifts of the Holy Spirit are still present in the Church today.”188 Further, Chareonwongsak affirmed that the Holy Spirit can speak to people unmediated, and declared the necessity of engaging in spiritual warfare.189 The charismatic color of Chareonwongsak’s message notwithstanding, Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow in an interview relates that Chareonwongsak in the 1989 conference did not discuss specifically about the Holy Spirit. 185  In John Stott’s own words: “By our ‘imbalance’ I mean that we seem to enjoy inhabiting one or other of the polar regions of truth. If we could straddle both poles simultaneously, we would exhibit a healthy biblical balance.” John R. W. Stott, Balanced Christianity, 3rd ed. (Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 2014), 10. 186  James Shia, interview. Shia’s view could represent a large number of, but not all, Christian communities that participated in the Year 2000 Gospel Movement. 187  Shia, interview. 188  Kriengsak Chareonwongsak and Elim Bookstore, Tiaozhan, xianshen, zengzhang 挑戰 獻身 增長 [Challenge, Dedication and Growth] (Taipei: Elim Christian Bookstore, 1990), 43–4, 80–1. 189  Chareonwongsak, Challenge, Dedication & Growth, 99–103, 101.

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Peter Ning-ya Yang, who was also present in the interview, recalls that the Taiwanese Church in general was not mindful whether Chareonwongsak was charismatic or not, but was much aware that he was an experienced church planter.190 Chow’s and Yang’s recollections reflect the sensibilities of the Taiwanese Church in the late 1980s, which, on the whole, suggest that the Church was far more cognizant and intentional in pressing for church growth and renewal than furthering the charismatic message. In the first half of the 1990s, individual churches and organizations conducted still other charismatic conferences. For example, Mahesh Chavda’s healing services in 1992 and 1993 attracted several hundred people each night.191 John Wimber’s Power Ministry Conference, which was organized by Hosanna Ministry, drew 6000 people in three days in 1993.192 Participants came from a wide variety of denominations, and thousands upon thousands of non-charismatic Christians were exposed to the charismatic message through the influx of such conferences in Taiwan. Some leaders intentionally underscored the vast number of Evangelicals that took part in these events. James Shia, the pastor of Bread of Life Christian Church at the time, was a committee member for Charles and Frances Hunter’s Healing conference in 1988. He stressed that “all committee members of this conference are Evangelicals.”193 Another news article concerning John Wimber’s upcoming visit (1993) states that around four hundred Christians would be serving with Wimber at his conference on Power Ministry. These Christians had just finished a training series on “Power Ministry” led by Jackie Pullinger from Hong Kong, and most of them were Evangelicals. “It is apparent,” says the news, “that

190  Nathaniel Chow, interview (August 24, 2016). The interview was arranged by Pastor Peter Ning-ya Yang, who joined in our conversation. 191  “Xinzhu Maihaishi yizhi budaohui xiyin renchao yuhui” 新竹麥海士醫治佈道會吸引人 潮與會 [Mahesh Chavda’s healing and evangelism conference in Hsinchu drew crowded audiences], Christian Tribune, November 21, 1993; “Maihaishi shenyi budaohui quanchang baoman duoren bingdeyizhi” 麥海士神醫佈道會全場爆滿多人病得醫治 [Mahesh Chavda’s healing conference drew a myriad of people with many healed], Christian Tribune, April 12, 1992. Chavda visited Taiwan at least two other times in 1994 and 1996. Chavda was first introduced to Taiwan by Ernest Chan of the Agape Renewal Center (more below). 192  “Quanneng shifeng tehui” 權能事奉特會 [Power Ministry Conference], Christian Tribune, November 14, 1993. 193  “Fuyinpai tonggong heban bing de yizhi yantaohui” 福音派同工合辦病得醫治研討會 [Evangelicals together organize healing seminars], Christian Tribune, January 3, 1988.

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church growth and renewal concern all churches across denominations.”194 The news was most likely put out by Hosanna Ministry, the organizer of Wimber’s event. It was against this backdrop that the spirit of unity among churches in Taiwan in general and charismatic churches in particular started to bud. One pastor believed that the scar between Taiwanese Evangelicals and Charismatics was being healed as conferences drew them together, which brought a sense of unity.195 Since Christians from denominational churches were also present in these conferences, the use of “Evangelical” here needs to be understood as a loose one—although it also alludes to the fact that the line between denominational churches and evangelical churches is not as clear-cut in Taiwan as elsewhere. Looking back in 2011, James Shia believes that the Year 2000 Gospel Movement was the “most popular Ecumenical Movement” in Taiwan at the time.196 At the same time, however, the activities and teachings of these large-­ scale conferences were also not without criticism. For example, an article in the Christian Tribune in 1994 indicates that the prevalence of large-­ scale conferences in Taiwan in the previous two years was not only draining to the Church and coworkers, but had also led to a decline in participants.197 Despite these different opinions, though, it is clear that enthusiasm for the Charismatic Movement reached its peak years from 1988 to 1994. During this time, thousands of non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians were exposed to charismatic teachings, with a substantial number of them embracing the message. Indeed, it is not far-fetched to suggest that such phenomena might not have taken place had it not been for the non-charismatic Year 2000 Gospel Movement.

194  “Quanneng shifeng tehui jiang yu shiyiyue chu juxing” 權能事奉特會將於 11 月初舉行 [Power Ministry will be taking place in November], Christian Tribune, October 24, 1993. 195  Hu I-nan 胡貽難 “Tehui dailai heyi” 特會帶來合一 [Conferences bring unity], Christian Tribune, February 16, 1992. 196  Li Jung-chen 李容珍, “Jiaohui heyi bei jidu chaiqian yantaohui” 教會合一被基督差遣 研討會 [The Church United in One to be Sent by Christ Symposium], Christian Tribune, September 21, 2011. 197  Li Hung-ying 李鴻影, “Qiansannian dongyuan qiang, caili renli shi nanti” 前三年動員 強, 財力人力是難題 [Strong mobilization in the first three years; lack of financial and human resources is a challenge], Christian Tribune, February 27, 1994. “Daxing budaohui jieerliansan jiaohui dongyuan shou yingxiang” 大型佈道會接二連三教會動員受影響 [High frequency of large-scale conferences impacts churches’ mobilization], Christian Tribune, October 31, 1993.

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Agape Renewal Center, California (1987) Another force that contributed significantly to the furthering of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in the 1980s and throughout the 1990s was the Agape Renewal Center 北美愛修更新會. The Agape Renewal Center was first founded by Pastor Ernest Chong-fai Chan 陳仲輝 (1938–) in Belmont near San Francisco in 1987 before it relocated to Walnut in Southern California in the 2000s. An immigrant from Hong Kong, Ernest Chan graduated with a Master of Divinity degree from Fuller Theological Seminary in 1965. He was the leading pastor of the Cumberland Presbyterian Chinese Church in San Francisco from 1965 to 1987.198 In an interview with the author, Ernest Chan relays that a member from his church named, Sarah Loo Chan, who was studying dentistry in Berkley at the time, introduced him to David du Plessis (also known as “Mr. Pentecost”) shortly after he started his pastoral ministry at Cumberland. Sarah Loo Chan had come from an Assemblies of God background, and is the daughter of Pastor Andrew Loo.199 Given this information, I was able to find the one (and only) letter from Sarah Loo Chan addressed to David du Plessis and his wife in the Fuller Seminary Archives. The two-page letter is without an issuing date, but I believe it would have been written sometime in the early 1980s. In the letter, Sarah Loo Chan first thanks du Plessis for his most recent newsletter and indicates that they (which I assume means Sarah and her husband) have read his work for years. Sarah then goes on to ask whether du Plessis remembers speaking to a group at the Cumberland Chinese Presbyterian Church about twelve or fifteen years ago. At the time, Ernest Chan was the young new minister. Sarah recalls that the reception to du Plessis’ teaching was “lukewarm”; one person from the audience even walked out on him. Ten years ago, Sarah’s family moved to another city. Sarah continues to write that Ernest 198  Ernest Chong-fai Chan 陳仲輝, Di shiyi ge shenji: Aixiuyuan de gushi, 1987–2007 第十 一個神蹟: 愛修園的故事, 1987–2007 [The eleventh miracle: The story of Agape Renewal Ministries, 1987–2007], enlarged edition (Taipei: Tian En, 2007), 38. Ernest Chan also holds a D. Min degree from Fuller (1985). 199  Ernest Chan, interview by author, December 20, 2017, Walnut, CA. See also Ernest Chan, Carol Fan 羅啟華, and Lily Zhang 張心潔, Di shibapi junma, ni zai nali? Chan Chong-fai mushi shi zhu wushinian chuanchenglu, 1965–2015 第十八匹駿馬, 你在哪裡?陳仲 輝牧師事主五十年傳承路 1965–2015 [Where are you, the eighteenth handsome horse? Pastor Ernest Chan’s fifty years of ministry legacy, 1965–2015], (Taipei: Tian En, 2015), 41. Whether Andrew Loo 盧祺沃 also had Pentecostal background is worth investigating.

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Chan called her a few days ago to inform them that “there is an amazing move of the Holy Spirit among some of the people, and they are hungry for teaching.” According to Sarah, she had mailed du Plessis’ newsletter to Ernest, so that Ernest might contact du Plessis if he needed to do so.200 In 1983, at a Full Gospel Business Men Fellowship’s meeting in Berkley, Ernest Chan was baptized with the Holy Spirit and started to speak in tongues. Chan also invited du Plessis several times to speak at the meetings he put together for the church.201 In the summer of 1984, Ernest Chan invited Joe Poppell to conduct a healing conference at the Cumberland Chinese Presbyterian Church. At the same time, the Good News Worship Team 佳音詩歌團 from Taiwan was on tour to the United States for mission work, and were invited to serve at a church where Poppell was presenting. In one of the healing sessions, Tao Shu 陶述 (also known as Tao Gu Ma 陶姑媽), a team member from the Good News Worship Team who was also a renowned actor in Taiwan, was healed from thirty years of hearing loss in her right ear.202 Many were stunned. Having witnessed the miraculous healing, Pastor Ko Ming-pao 葛銘寶 from the Good News Church, after returning to Taiwan, contacted Ernest Chan to ask if he would help him invite Poppell to visit Taiwan. Chan did, and Poppell visited Taiwan in November 1984. The testimony of the events that occurred when Poppell visited Taiwan were presented earlier in this chapter. In 1987, Chan started the Agape Renewal Center, with a vision for promoting charismatic renewal among Chinese Christians worldwide. In the first year of its foundation, Chan organized monthly evangelistic meetings, and invited a number of speakers from the Full Gospel Business Men Fellowship to teach.203 Chan also gained critical support from John Wimber during the first three years after the birth of Agape Renewal Center, as he invited speakers from the Vineyard Church to speak at his

200  Sarah Loo Chan to Rev. and Mrs. du Plessis. Papers of David Du Plessis, 1900–1987, Box 10, Folder 92, Archives and Special Collections, David Allan Hubbard Library, Fuller Theological Seminary. 201  Ernest Chan, interview. 202  Liao Ming-fa 廖明發 and Chu Chin-hua 祝錦華, “Jiayin fang mei han ri zhi xing” 佳音 訪美、韓、日之行 [Good News visited the United States, Korea, and Japan], Christian Tribune, August 26, 1984. 203  Ernest Chan, The Eleventh Miracle, 46.

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conferences.204 The first Chinese Vineyard congregation in the world, the South Bay Agape Christian Church, was established in 1990 under Chan’s supervision.205 In the early days, the influence of Agape Renewal Center reached Taiwan most prominently through the intensive courses it offered during the summer. Beginning in the early 1990s, hundreds of Christians traveled from Taiwan to California for training in the summer.206 Of all of them, Pastor Abraham Ku 顧其芸 from Taipei was most consistent in bringing several dozen church members to attend conferences at the Agape Renewal Center over a course of several years.207 Wu Chang Conservative Baptist Church 浸信宣道會武昌教會 in Kaohsiung also experienced its own renewal sometime around 1993 as a direct result of Agape Renewal Center’s influence.208 While Ernest Chan often initiated the process of inviting a number of worldwide charismatic speakers to present at the Agape Renewal Center, other speakers also initiated their own cooperation.209 Those with whom Chan associated include, for example, John Arnott, Randy Clark, Mahesh Chavda, Jack Deere, Dudley Hall, Richard Gazowsky, Claudio Freidzon, Larry Lea, Mike Bickle, Ed Silvoso, Ralph Mahoney,210 Rick Joyner, Paul Cain, and Peter Wagner,211 among others. Through Chan, some of these speakers would then also be invited to Taiwan. In Ernest Chan’s own words, a number of worldwide charismatic speakers considered him the “gateway” to the Chinese-speaking population.212 204  Ernest Chan, The Eleventh Miracle, 94. John Wimber invited Ernest Chan to become the representative of the International Chinese Vineyard Church, but Chan declined the position as he believed it was not his calling. Bill Bright, the founder of the Campus Crusade, and Chan’s senior at Fuller, also invited Chan to consider the position of the Director of the International Chinese Campus Crusade. Chan also turned Bright down for the same reason. Chan, interview. 205  Ernest Chan, The Eleventh Miracle, 96. 206  Lin Tsung Hsiu-fen 林曾秀芬 from Tainan, Taiwan, is the key person who introduced the Agape Center to a number of churches in Taiwan in the early days. A large number of pastors and leaders from the Presbyterian churches in Tainan, in particular, visited the Agape Center for conferences at different occasions. Ernest Chan, interview. 207  Ernest Chan, interview. 208   Wu Chang Church, “Jiaohui lishi” 教會歷史 [Church History], Wu Chang Church, https://wuchang.org.tw/about-us/introduction (accessed June 1, 2020). 209  Ernest Chan, interview. 210  Chan, The Eleventh Miracle, 97–114. 211  Chan, The Eleventh Miracle, 141–2. 212  Ernest Chan, interview.

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Other Developments in the 1990s Taipei Truth Lutheran Church While Taipei Truth Lutheran Church 台北真理堂 (hereafter Truth Church) only became more influential in shaping the course of the development of Taiwan’s Charismatic Movement after 1995, I include the discussion in this chapter because it offers an interesting case study of how a historic denomination have become thoroughly “charismaticized” in the Taiwanese context. Furthermore, Truth Church is also included in this chapter because it played a significant role in the Cell Group Movement in Taiwan in the latter half of the 1990s—which gained critical support from charismatic churches (below). Truth Church, founded in 1952, was included among a number of Taiwanese churches that were “charismaticized” between 1980 and 1995.213 The church belongs to the Taiwan Lutheran Church denomination. Truth Church opened up to the charismatic message in the early 1990s under the leadership of Peter Ning-ya Yang, who became the church’s senior pastor in 1991. Yang had witnessed and experienced the work of the Holy Spirit several times since the 1970s. The first time he had witnessed people speaking in tongues was at the 1973 Leadership Training Camp in Taichung when he was still a college student (Chap. 4).214 Anticipating potential issues that might accompany any charismatic message, leaders at Truth Church were gentle and slow in introducing such matters to the church. In this way, Yang and his team strove to help members of their congregation “assimilate their experience and learn Biblical principles to apply it.”215 In 1994, Truth Church invited Larry Christenson and Morris G.  C. Vaagenes from the Evangelical Lutheran Church of America (ELCA) to address charismatic renewal—and the event was met with fairly positive results.216 According to Wendell P. Friest, a Lutheran missionary who was involved in pastoral ministry at Truth 213  For the start of Truth Church, see Victor E. Swenson, Parents of Many: Forty-Five Years as Missionaries in Old, New, and Divided China, a Personal Narrative (Rock Island, IL: Augustana Press, 1959), 326–7. 214  Peter Yang, interview with author, Taipei, August 21, 2016. 215  Wendell P.  Friest, “Cell Groups and Renewal at Truth Lutheran Church,” Taiwan Mission Quarterly 5, no. 2, October 1995, 21. 216  As observed in testimonies in Taiwan Xinyihui huixun 台灣信義會會訊 [The Taiwan Lutheran Church Newsletter], June 1994, 6–7.

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Church from 1966 to 2000, the church did not experience overt opposition as the leadership introduced the charismatic message to the church. “The good news for us,” wrote Friest, “has been that what the Spirit wants to do in our church is not in conflict with Lutheran theology (although sometimes we have a hard time convincing other Lutherans of that!).”217 It is observed that Truth Church leaders have integrated charismatic teachings and Lutheran theology in such a way that Martin Luther’s theology of the cross remains the core of Truth Church’s theology to this day.218 Because the Charismatic Movement was introduced to the congregation at Truth Church by church leaders instead of laypeople, their reception of charismatic sensitivities can be considered “top-down” rather than “bottom-up.”219 Due to its fruitful growth, Truth Church became the most influential congregation within the Taiwan Lutheran Church.220 From July 1984 to now, all bishops at the Taiwan Lutheran Church either had been pastors at Truth Church or had been nurtured or trained at Truth Church.221 As a result, instead of the Taiwan Lutheran Church  Friest, “Cell Groups and Renewal at Truth Lutheran Church,” 21.  At the core of Truth Church is a Christ-centered theology, which maintains that Christians perceive all things through lenses that are based in Jesus Christ and Him crucified, be it daily devotion, interpersonal relationships, decision making in jobs or marriages, suffering, or death. The theology, also known as Evangelical Theology 福音神學, was taught by Wendell Friest during his ministry in Taiwan from 1966 to 2000. Friest’s theology would later be popularized by one of his students, Pastor Peter Ning-ya Yang. For Wendell P. Friest’s theology, see Shangdi de daneng: Fuyin shenxue jichu 上帝的大能─福音神學基礎 [The power of God: The foundation of evangelical theology] (Taipei: Tao Sheng, 2013) and Yiqie dou gengxin: Fuyin shenxue sikao fangfa yu jiaomu yingyong一切都更新─福音神學思考方法 與教牧應用 [All things made new: The methodology and pastoral application of evangelical theology] (Taipei: Tao Sheng, 2013). 219  Cf. Cheng Yang-en suggests that many Charismatic Movements in Taiwan grew “from below” in that they were initiated by lay leaders, as opposed to “top-down” movements started by church leaders. Cheng Yang-en, Lishi yu xinyang 歷史與信仰 [History and faith], (Tainan: PCT Press, 1999), 142. 220  By 1992, Truth Church had grown to become the largest congregation within the Taiwan Lutheran Church. Su Wei 蘇緯 and Hsieh Hai-lan 謝海蘭, “Zhenlitang de zuori, jinri, mingri” 真理堂的昨日、今日、明日 [Truth Lutheran Church’s yesterday, today, and tomorrow], Zhenli jikan 真理季刊 [The truth], no. 9, April 2012, 10. Sunday worship attendance grew from an average of 309 people in 1990 to 684 people in 1995. Friest, “Cell Groups and Renewal at Truth Lutheran Church,” 18. 221  These bishops are, for example, Peter Chou 周景福 (1984.7–1986.6), Stanley Tung 董 尚勇 (1986.7–1990.6), Thomas Chi-ping Yu 俞繼斌 (1990.7–1993.6), Chuang Tung-chieh 莊東傑 (1993.7–1999.6), Peter Ning-ya Yang 楊寧亞 (1999.7–2005.6), Chen Chun-kuang 217 218

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providing leadership and setting the direction of the Taiwan Lutheran churches, Truth Church, to a large degree, has been the actual guiding force behind the Taiwan Lutheran Church.222 In this way, the charismaticization of Truth Church also led to the eventual charismaticization of the Taiwan Lutheran Church as a denomination,223 which pattern is also observed in the Hsintien Covenant Church vis-à-vis the Taiwan Covenant Church denomination. In due time, Taiwan Lutheran Church would go on not only to become one of the very few historic denominations in Taiwan to have become thoroughly “charismaticized,” it also played a leading role in various interdenominational ministries in Taiwan starting sometime around 2010. The Christian Pastoral Training Association (1996) and the Cell Group Movement Taipei Truth Lutheran Church was one of the first churches in Taiwan to visit the Faith Community Baptist Church (FCBC) in Singapore in March 1993 to learn about the operation of cell churches.224 Three hundred fifty Taiwanese pastors, missionaries, church leaders, and laypeople attended the Third International Cell Group Conference at FCBC in March 1994, which opened the floodgates of their churches’ interest in the Cell Group Movement.225 In August 1994, Lawrence Kin-hoong Khong 鄺健雄, senior pastor of Faith Community Baptist Church in Singapore, and Ralph 陳俊光 (2005.7–2008.6), Chen Chih-hung 陳志宏 (2008.7–2014.6), and Wu Ying-bin 吳英賓 (2014.7–). A list of pastors who began their ministry at Truth Church is found in “Zhenlitang peiyu chu de quanzhi chuandaoren” 真理堂培育出的全職傳道人 [Full-time pastors that the Truth Church has nurtured and trained], The Truth, no. 9, April 2012, 12. 222  This observation is corroborated by the author’s interview with Peter Yang in Taipei, August 21, 2016. 223  Numbers of articles on Charismatic Renewal in The Taiwan Lutheran Church Newsletter (台灣信義會會訊) increased noticeably starting in 1993. 224  Chen Chih-hung 陳志宏, “Canjia Xinjiapo Jianxin jiaohui xiaozuxing jiaohui yantaohui zhi fenxiang” 參加新加坡堅信教會小組型教會研討會之分享 [Some thoughts after the cell group conference at the Faith Community Baptist Church in Singapore], The Taiwan Lutheran Church Newsletter, March 1993, 7–8. A cell church is a church structure that centers on the regular gathering of cell groups, with emphases on evangelism, community, and discipleship. A central goal of cell groups is also to multiply their numbers. 225  Wu Shan-shan 吳珊珊, “Sanbai wushi wei muzhe fuxing guanmo jiaohui xiaozu” 350 位牧者赴星觀摩教會小組 [Three hundred fifty pastors visited Singapore to learn about cell groups], Christian Tribune, March 13, 1994; Nan Sugg, “Focus on this Issue,” Taiwan Mission 5:2 (October 1995): 3. Sugg’s article indicates that the group sent to Singapore numbered around three hundred people.

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W.  Neighbor, a strong promoter of the idea of cell churches, visited Taiwan to speak on the operation of cell churches. With Khong’s encouragement and mentoring, the Christian Pastoral Training Association 基督 教牧者訓練協會 was founded in 1996 to assist Taiwanese churches in transforming traditional churches into cell churches.226 Pastor Peter Ning-ya Yang from Truth Church shouldered the responsibility of running the association. As pastors and church leaders gathered for regular training, long-term relationships were built, which laid the foundation for cooperative ministries in later years. The Christian Pastoral Training Association also published the Pastoral Newsletter 牧訊 to discuss various aspects of cell churches and to present on both successful and unsuccessful experiences in cell church operation.227 The heyday of the Cell Group Movement in Taiwan ran from around 1994 to 2000. A number of non-charismatic Taiwanese churches experienced rapid growth in the 1980s as they embraced charismatic teachings, whereas others witnessed remarkable growth in the 1990s through the Cell Group Movement. Within a period of around five years in the 1990s, Panchiao Gospel Church 板橋福音堂 of the Taiwan Lutheran Church grew from around 200 to 400 people, Wu Chang Conservative Baptist Church in Kaohsiung grew from 360 to around 500 people, and Taichung Grace Church 台中思恩堂 grew from 400 to around 700 people.228 The (charismatic) Bread of Life Christian Church in Shihlin 士林靈糧堂 grew from 150 to nearly 600 people. Even though the Cell Group Movement was not necessarily charismatic, it gained critical support from charismatic churches. Further, since the Cell Group Movement stresses the concept of the priesthood of all believers, it did not take long for participants in the movement to begin exploring such themes as charismatic gifts in small group settings. Moreover, as people poured into charismatic churches through conferences in previous years, the promotion of cell group operations enabled 226  Peter Ning-ya Yang et al., Xiaozujiaohui jianzao mianmianguan: Taiwanjiaohui xiaozuhua jingyan fenxiang I 小組教會建造面面觀: 台灣教會小組化經驗分享 I [Various dimensions of building cell churches: Cell church experiences from Taiwan, I] (Taipei: Tao Sheng, 1999), 6. 227  Twelve issues of Pastoral Newsletter are reproduced in Yang Ning-ya et al., Xiaozujiaohui jianzao mianmianguan: Taiwanjiaohui xiaozuhua jingyan fenxiang II 小組教會建造面面 觀: 台灣教會小組化經驗分享 II [Various dimensions of building cell churches: Cell church experiences from Taiwan, II] (Taipei: Tao Sheng, 2000), vii. 228  Yang, Cell Church Experiences from Taiwan I, 8.

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churches to solidify their organization from within—which, in turn, ensured their continuous growth.

Conclusion Taiwanese churches were so aroused by what they witnessed in churches in South Korea (1979–1980) they could not help but recognize the pentecostal-­charismatic elements that contributed to phenomenal church growth. The first half of the 1980s thus was a time of transition, percolation, and reorientation. Whereas the visits to South Korea resulted in the founding of the Miaoli Prayer Mountain and Elim Bookstore in the first half of the 1980s, Brad Long’s influence stood second to none within the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan. The testimonies of several churches’ growth as they embraced charismatic teachings in the 1980s further boosted the Charismatic Movement’s reputation. The second half of the 1980s saw even more drastic changes in the Taiwanese Church’s perception and reception of the Charismatic Movement. The formation of the Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance became one of the most important forces in the popularization of the Charismatic Movement from 1988 to 1994 by seizing the favorable climate toward charismatic sensitivities brought about by the Year 2000 Gospel Movement. Hsinchuang Worship Center is also known to have played a significant role during this period, although the paucity of sources prevented me from providing deeper analysis of its influence. The timely formation of Ernest Chan’s Agape Renewal Center in California helped attract several worldwide pentecostal-charismatic speakers that proved to be a positive boon to Taiwan’s Charismatic Movement. In the name of church growth and renewal, the charismatic message was given a golden opportunity to showcase its potential within the Taiwanese Church from 1988 to 1994. In the article on “Taiwan” in the 2002 edition of The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, Murray A.  Rubinstein cites Allen J.  Swanson’s works (The Church in Taiwan: Profile and Mending the Nets) and writes that “Of the 300,000 citizens of Taiwan who are Protestant, almost a third define themselves as charismatics or pentecostals (Swanson, 1981, 1986).”229 However, I was unable to  Murray A.  Rubinstein, “Taiwan,” in The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 259. Rubinstein’s article includes the following numbers: 229

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verify that Swanson indeed made the claim through studying both of Swanson’s works. In my further e-mail exchange with Swanson, he states that he could not have made the statement that one-third of Taiwanese Protestants were Charismatics or Pentecostals, since he would have had no legitimate way to claim or prove it.230 Curiously, David Martin, in his well-known Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish, also suggests that of all the Protestant Christians in Taiwan, “one in three (some 100,000) are involved in inter-denominational charismatic activity.”231 Yet, it is not known on what basis Martin made such a suggestion. While the suggestion that one-third of Protestant Christians in Taiwan self-identified as Charismatics or Pentecostals in the 1980s is less compelling in light of my research, whether the statistics might reflect the current Christian population in Taiwan requires a more rigorous survey method. If the Charismatic Movement was still cautious or bashful making its claim to legitimacy in the 1980s, it was, oddly, under the aegis of an evangelical coalition—the Year 2000 Gospel Movement—that the Charismatic Movement was implicitly validated in Taiwan. Through the safeguard provided by the Year 2000 Gospel Movement, countless non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians were allured to the charismatic message. By 1995, for a large proportion of Taiwanese believers, the term “Pentecostal-­ Charismatic Movement” no longer generated suspicion or fear, but became synonymous with growth, vibrancy, and hope.

Pentecostals: 26,554 (7%); Charismatics: 66,246 (18%); Neocharismatics: 266,200 (74%); Total Renewal: 359,000. 230  Allen J. Swanson, e-mail message to author, December 18, 2018. 231  David Martin, Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 2002), 163.

CHAPTER 6

Candid Discussion Regarding the Charismatic Movement from 1970 to 1995: More Than a Battle of Words

Although the charismatic message quite successfully won the heart of a large proportion of non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians from 1980 to 1995, another force within the Taiwanese Church questioned persistently the “orthodoxy” of charismatic teachings. Within such a climate, skirmishes between charismatic and non-charismatic Christians over the Charismatic Movement were inevitable. However, what is intriguing about these clashes was that the majority of non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan did not deny the supernatural expressions of faith that are typically associated with the pentecostal-charismatic Christian identity. Even more, many of them maintained an affirming attitude toward the supernatural work of the Holy Spirit. The aspects of the Charismatic Movement that caused tensions between charismatic and non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan from 1970 to 1995 will thus be the focus of this chapter. In order to render the discussion more comprehensive, I will explore the views of the Mandarin- and Taiwanese-speaking churches separately. For the former’s view, I will depend mostly on the Campus Magazine 校 園雜誌 of the Campus Evangelical Fellowship—a publication that primarily included contributors from Mandarin-speaking churches (though the magazine was popular among Christians from non-Mandarin-speaking churches as well). For the latter’s view, I will rely primarily on Taiwan Church News 台灣教會公報 and the magazine The Messenger (New) 使者

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新刊, both of which circulated primarily within the Taiwanese-speaking Presbyterian Church in Taiwan.1 Both Campus Magazine and Messenger (New) chiefly, but not exclusively, identify college students as their target audience, while taking seriously the challenge of modern thoughts. They have kept abreast with the pulse of Taiwan’s church life, and they offer scholarly and pastoral discussions and reflections regarding both Taiwanese Christianity and Christianity at large—including the Charismatic Movement.

Campus Magazine Campus Magazine was started in 1957 by Campus Evangelical Fellowship, the most influential organization that worked among students on campuses throughout Taiwan in the 1960s and 1970s.2 In Chap. 4, we witnessed the extraordinary events that occurred at the Campus Evangelical Fellowship’s leadership camps in the 1970s, despite the organization’s conservative views with respect to the Charismatic Movement. A book that documents Campus Evangelical Fellowship’s history also spells out the organization’s anti-charismatic position.3 A close study of their publication, Campus Magazine, however, tells a more nuanced story. Basic Framework A survey of the Campus Magazine published between 1970 and 1995 reveals that it was not until 1977 that the magazine started to publish articles related to the Charismatic Movement.4 Often, the magazine used feature articles from Western evangelical scholars as a starting point for reflecting upon church life in Taiwan. In general, the feature articles 1  The Messenger (New) 使者新刊 (Shizhe xin kan) was published by the Higher Education Ministry Committee of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan. It was preceded by The Messenger 使者, which first started publishing in 1963. The Messenger (New) renamed The New Messenger 新使者 in December 1990. Taiwan Church News was the weekly newspaper published by the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan that was first started by William Barclay in 1885. 2  Kuo Ming-chang, Fifty Years History of Campus Evangelical Fellowship, 74, 100, 162. 3  Kuo, Fifty Years History of Campus Evangelical Fellowship, 202–3, 300–7. 4  The first few years of charismatic-related discussions are as follows: August 1977 the person and the work of the Holy Spirit (August 1977), spiritual gifts (May 1978), the New Testament Church in Hong Kong and Taiwan (August 1978), Paul Yonggi Cho’s The Fourth Dimension (1979) (November 1980), demonology and occults (August 1981), and the New Testament Church in Taiwan (November 1981).

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r­epresent the position of Campus Magazine (and thus of the Campus Evangelical Fellowship). Discussion on, for instance, the Holy Spirit (February 1986), prosperity theology (June 1987), power (April 1988), praise and worship (December 1989), supernatural healing and suffering (April 1990), Holy Spirit’s power (August 1991), and supernatural healing (February 1995) all followed the pattern.5 Because the vision of the Campus Evangelical Fellowship is to serve the Church at large, Campus Magazine’s editor invited contributions from scholars as well as leaders engaged in pastoral ministry. For most of the discussions related to charismatic matters, the magazine included voices that were more sympathetic and less sympathetic to charismatic teachings. From the outset, therefore, the magazine curbed the fundamentalist-­ evangelical sensitivities of its organization and ensured a more even-­ handed treatment of the charismatic message. This explains why, while some Campus Evangelical Fellowship staff members opposed the Charismatic Movement, the potentially harsher tone of the organization was tempered by contrasting views in their most popular publication. From 1977 onward—and especially between 1986 and 1995— charismatic-­related themes received ample attention. The following is a list of subjects that were discussed at length in a single issue: 1977.8 Holy Spirit 1983.8-9 Miaoli Prayer Mountain 1986.2 Holy Spirit 1987.6 Prosperity Gospel 1987.8 Prosperity Gospel 1988.4 Power 5  Feature articles in these issues: February 1986: James I. Packer’s Keep in Step with the Spirit (1984); June 1987: Antonio Barbosa da Silva’s “The Theology of Success Movement,” Themelios: An International Journal for Pastors and Students of Theological and Religious Studies 11:3 (April 1986); April 1988: Dave Hunt and T. A. McMahon’s “The Temptation to Power” in The Seduction of Christianity: Spiritual Discernment in the Last Days (1985); December 1989: Donald P. Hustad’s, “Let’s Not Just Praise the Lord,” Christianity Today, November 6, 1987, 28–31; April 1990: Lewis B. Smedes’ “What’s Wrong with Celebrating a Miracle?” The Reformed Journal 39:2 (Feb. 1989): 14–21; August 1991: John White’s When the Spirit Comes with Power (1988); February 1995: Ramona Cass’ “Does God Still Heal Miraculously?”; Paul Brand and Philip Yancey’s “The Miracle of Everyday Healing: Expecting the Extraordinary can be Dangerous,” and Barbara Leahy Shlemon’s “Uncommon Miracles: Expecting the Extraordinary can be Healing,” Journal of Christian Nursing (Spring 1985): 3–11.

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1989.12 Praise and Worship 1990.4 Supernatural Healing and Suffering 1990.8 Inner Healing 1991.8 Holy Spirit 1992.12 “Over-Spiritualization” (泛靈命主義) 1993.2 Mega-Rally 1994.2 Prophecy 1994.8 The End Time 1994.10 Power Encounter 1994.12 Inner Healing 1995.2 Supernatural Healing 1995.2 Prophecy 1995.2 Inner Healing With the exception of the gift of tongues, almost all facets of the Charismatic Movement were explored to some degree. Although discussion of tongues was fused in other topics,6 it is peculiar that the magazine never dedicated an issue to the subject. While various denominations’ teachings on the gift of tongues vary, my research shows that the fundamental consensus within non-charismatic Protestant churches in Taiwan is that the gift still exists today, which is given to believers at the will of the Holy Spirit, and that the gift is not the sole evidence of one being filled with the Holy Spirit. Reception A close read of the Campus Magazine tells that it has never denied the existence of the gift of tongues, supernatural healing, or the spiritual and demonic world. Even when some contributors showed little sympathy toward the Charismatic Movement or when some raised questions concerning the ways in which spiritual gifts were used, the question of whether spiritual and demonic realms exist was never entertained. As for the gift of

6  See, for example, issues of August 1977, August–September 1983, October 1983, February 1986, and April 1988.

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prophecy, some believed that the gift can still be applied in present days,7 whereas others were skeptical of it.8 What is perhaps astonishing to Western readers is that several staunch evangelical voices in Taiwan who voiced reservation about the Charismatic Movement professed to have witnessed supernatural events, or to have engaged the realm of spiritual and demonic beings. Timothy Lin of China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei), for example, states that when he attempted to cast out demons from a person for the first time, it took him three sittings of fervent prayer before he succeeded. In the same article, Lin offers guidelines on how to discern the spirits. He suggests that demons are “legalistic,” in that they would not enter into people’s lives without “permission.” He believes that casting out demons is not the privilege of pastors, but of all Christians who act by faith in the name of Jesus and through the Word of God.9 Daniel Rao, another hard-core Evangelical who expressed keen apprehension toward charismatic phenomena in Taiwan, avowed that he had been involved in miraculous healings and had witnessed the supernatural power of God on multiple occasions in his ministry work. However, Rao’s writings render it unclear as to whether Rao experienced miraculous healings himself, or if others experienced healing through Rao’s prayers.10 With what aspects of the charismatic message did the non-charismatic Christians within the Mandarin-speaking churches in Taiwan take issue? The three points I will suggest are, first, inadequate theology; second, deviation from traditional practices; third, and most importantly, overemphasis on certain aspects of God’s activity and Christian life at the expense of others. 7  Tan Che-bin 陳濟民, “Dengdai chenxing chuxian: Cong shengjing jiaodu kan yuyan ji yuyan jieshi” 等待晨星出現—從聖經角度看預言及預言解釋 [Waiting for the morning star: Discussing prophecy and its interpretation from a biblical perspective], Campus Magazine, October 1995, 9. Samuel Chiow 周學信, “Ping yijiujiuwu da yuyan” 評一九九五大預言 [Critiquing the “1995 Prophecy”], trans. Chen Pei-yuan 陳培元 & Liang Ching 亮晴, Campus Magazine, February 1994, 11. 8  Hui Chuan 惠娟, “Gongpo yinglei: Fang Rao Xiaobo tan zhengzhan daogao” 攻破營 壘—訪饒孝柏談爭戰禱告 [Tearing down stronghold: Mark Rao on spiritual warfare prayer], Campus Magazine, August–September 1983, 10–1. 9   Timothy Lin, “Moguixue” 魔鬼學 [Demonology], Campus Magazine, August 1981, 24–6. 10  “我自己也有幾次禱告醫病, 看見主超自然能力的經驗。” Daniel Rao饒孝楫, “Jiejing yu wudao de weiji” 捷徑與誤導的危機 [The danger of shortcut and unsound teaching], Campus Magazine, August 1987, 17–9.

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Inadequate Theology One of the teachings that non-charismatic Christians most harshly critiqued was the so-called prosperity theology that often came hand-in-hand with the Charismatic Movement. Jason K. S. Shen, professor at Taiwan Baptist Theological Seminary, berated prosperity theology in an article he contributed to Campus Magazine. Shen’s argument against prosperity theology can be summarized in four points: First, the belief that God would answer whatever believers ask in faith misconstrues the biblical representation of faith; second, believers who strictly understand sickness as punishment from God, and who equate God’s blessings with prosperity alone misunderstand the theology of the cross; third, believers falling into the trap of asking for more from God deviates from the biblical teachings of sharing their blessing with others and making sacrifices for God; and, finally, churches measuring their success by quantities (the number of communicants or the amount of offering received) is unbiblical.11 Shen’s critique accurately represented the view of a sizeable number of non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan during his day. Charismatic teachings on inner healing were also challenged—but in a more moderate manner than prosperity theology. Tsai Lee-chen, professor at China Evangelical Seminary, used the work Inner Healing by Pastor Chang Hui-kuan (1989) as a starting point for critiquing the increasingly popular practice of inner healing within churches.12 In his book, Chang asserts that humans are composed of body, soul, and spirit. Spirit is where believers enjoy the presence of God; soul consists of one’s reason, will, and emotion; and one’s body refers to one’s physical constitution. The three parts of the human person have their distinctive functions, yet they also work undivided. In the book, Chang expounds how each part may be healed separately. Tsai’s critique of Chang begins by pointing out that the greatest defect of Inner Healing is its adoption of a trichotomistic anthropology as its basic framework. Pointing to Scripture, Tsai argues that the Bible teaches 11  Jason K. S. Shen 沈介山, “‘Chenggong shenxue’ zongjiao jingshen pipan (shang) (xia)” 「成功神學」宗教精神批判 (上) (下) [A critique of the religious mentality of the “Prosperity Gospel,” parts I & II], Campus Magazine, June 1987, 7–8 and August 1987, 19–20. 12  Tsai Lee-chen 蔡麗貞, “‘Xinling Yizhi’ shifeng de zhenduan: Jian ping cuowu de sanyuanlun daozhi jiaohui budang de jiaodao” 《心靈醫治》事奉的診斷—兼評錯誤的三元論導 致教會不當的教導 [A diagnosis of Inner Healing: A critique of the false teaching of a trichotomistic anthropology in the church], Campus Magazine, December 1994, 4–9. See Chang Hui-kuan 張惠寬, Xinling yizhi 心靈醫治 [Inner healing] (Taipei: Tian En, 1989).

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a holistic anthropology and thus churches need to teach and practice inner healing ministry in a holistic manner.13 Another point of contention is the practice of healing past memories. Although she does not deny the effectiveness of prayer for healing past memories, Tsai suggests that Christians ought to use it with discretion because in some cases, it had produced undesirable effects.14  eviation from Traditional Practice D Another concern among non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians with respect to charismatic teachings was the charismatic tendency to promote innovative ideas that some saw as a direct “threat” to traditions. The adoption of new forms of praise and worship, which went hand-in-hand with the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, was a case in point. While the Tyrannus Praise and Worship Rally led by the South Korean missionary Ha Yong-inn (Stephen Ha) in summer 1989 in Taiwan received much acclaim (Chap. 5), not all Taiwanese shared in the enthusiasm. It is likely that the summer event prompted discussion on the topics of praise and worship in the December 1989 issue of Campus Magazine. Donald P.  Hustad’s paper “Let’s Not Just Praise the Lord,” published in Christianity Today on November 6, 1987, was used as the feature article.15 While he saw some potential in the new music that accompanied the renewal movement, Hustad was rather concerned about the reductionist worship experience it could lead to in comparison to the rich traditional hymnody.16 Hustad did not hold the new music in high regard. In the same issue, seminary professors, pastors, church leaders, and laypeople were invited to respond to Hustad’s article in light of recent developments in Taiwan. While some did not hold the new music in high esteem, they did not reject it entirely. A few contributors affirmed the strengths of new music, but they also expressed concerns about employing

 Tsai, “A Diagnosis of Inner Healing,” 5.  Tsai, “A Diagnosis of Inner Healing,” 8–9. 15  Donald P. Hustad, “Buyao dandan zanmei Zhu” 不要單單讚美主 [Let’s not just praise the Lord], trans. Wu Pi-shuang 吳碧霜 & Huang Tsung-chen 黃從真, Campus Magazine, December 1989, 4–8. 16  Donald P. Hustad, “Let’s Not Just Praise the Lord,” Christianity Today, November 6, 1987, 28–31. 13 14

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the new music in place of traditional hymnody during Sunday services.17 Most of these views were thus generally supportive of Hustad’s position. The discussion continued in the following issue of Campus Magazine, which includes a section with affirmative opinions of the new music, and practical suggestions as to how churches may best utilize it.18 Nonetheless, the overall verdict for the new music that accompanied the Charismatic Movement when it first made inroads into Taiwan and challenged the worship practices of existing church traditions was one of distrust, caution, and conditional reception. Lopsided Message I suggest that the primary reason why non-charismatic Protestants within the Mandarin-speaking churches showed antipathy toward charismatic teaching from 1970 to 1995 was due to an overemphasis on certain aspects of God’s activity and Christian life. While some of them agreed with the charismatic message to a large extent, they found charismatic church practices disputable. In other words, discord had less to do with theology than praxis. A few examples illustrate this point. Reflecting on the topic of miraculous healings from the issue of Campus Magazine in August 1987, Daniel Rao found it problematic when promoters highlighted the few people who were healed while overlooking the many who were not healed.19 He was concerned that those who put too great a stress on miraculous healing would undermine their faculty of reason, which is also a gift of God.20 According to Jason Shen, the charismatic claim that miraculous healing is an indispensable part of the “Full Gospel” is too simplistic, as the subject of healing is more complex. Shen thus argues that the church ought to approach the subject of miraculous healing with more sensitivity.21 Thus, while both Rao and Shen believe that

17  Timothy Lin et al., “Huiying yu duihua” 回應與對話 [Response and dialogue], Campus Magazine, December 1989, 9–17. 18  Peter Chu 朱植森 et  al., “Butong jiaodu de chengxian: Women dui “buyao dandan zanmei Zhu” yi wen de huiying” 不同角度的呈現—我們對「不要單單讚美主」一文的回應 [Presenting a different viewpoint: Our response to “Let’s Not Just Praise the Lord”], Campus Magazine, February 1990, 22–5. 19  Rao, “The Danger of Shortcut and Unsound Teaching,” 17–9. 20  Rao, “The Danger of Shortcut and Unsound Teaching,” 19. 21  Jason K. S. Shen, “Shen fang gua yi lou wan” 慎防掛一漏萬 [Beware that the list is far from complete], Campus Magazine, April 1990, 11–2.

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God continues to heal in the present age, both also warn against a lack of balance in dealing with the matter. Morley Lee, another ardent Evangelical who was an important leader of Campus Evangelical Fellowship from 1963 to 1977, also expressed concerns over the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. When he returned to Taiwan in 1987 after having pastored a church in Boston for ten years, Lee was astounded by the work of the Holy Spirit on the island. According to Lee, the picture was drastically different between 1977 and 1988. While he was pleased with the revival, Lee was also very concerned about the teaching of some churches, which he regarded as imbalanced. To him, when churches taught on the Holy Spirit, the focus was more often on spiritual gifts than on the person of the Holy Spirit. Thus, for Lee, “Churches that stress the teaching of being filled with the Holy Spirit and signs and wonders, need also to bolster their members’ understanding of the Word of God, as the work of the Holy Spirit is more than visible phenomena.”22 Lee affirms experiences like being filled with the Holy Spirit, speaking in tongues, supernatural healing, and casting out demons— but to him, possessing a solid understanding of God’s truth and living it out is equally important. This brief survey of Campus Magazine from 1970 to 1995 thus demonstrates that the greatest fear among non-charismatic Christians in the Mandarin-speaking churches with respect to the Charismatic Movement was less concerned with theology than it was with praxis—an overemphasis on certain aspects of God’s activity and the Christian life.23 Strikingly, several hard-core evangelical leaders who did not appear to be as sympathetic to the charismatic message professed to have had charismatic experiences. This finding forces us to reexamine the line drawn between charismatic and non-charismatic Christians in the Taiwanese context, which does not seem to be clear-cut. I will explore the question further in the next chapter.

22  Morley Lee 李秀全, “Weiji yu yinyou: Wo kan ‘shengling de gongzuo’” 危機與隱憂—我 看「聖靈的工作」 [Crisis and underlying concerns: The work of the Holy Spirit], Campus Magazine, April 1988, 40. 23  As charismatic theology became more “structured” and “systematic” in the late 1990s and the 2000s, however, its teaching also became the subject of criticism. For instance, teachings on spiritual warfare were often challenged.

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The PCT’s Taiwan Church News, Messenger (New), and Other Works Whereas Campus Magazine compiled views concerning the Charismatic Movement principally from Mandarin-speaking churches, opinions of the Taiwanese-speaking Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT) from 1970 to 1995 can be gleaned primarily from Taiwan Church News and Messenger (New). In addition, Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives From the Tribal Churches in Taiwan and the Global Church (1987) merits special attention,24 as it spells out PCT’s theology of the Holy Spirit, and it was likely the PCT’s earliest collaborative work that considers the ongoing Charismatic Movement in Taiwan at an academic level. Basic Framework of Taiwan Church News The 1970s and the 1980s were an age of turmoil and unrest in Taiwan. The wave of upheaval first came to the shore of Taiwan when the country was forced out of the United Nations in 1971, and it reached its peak when the United States cut its diplomatic ties with Taiwan in 1978. Shock could not begin to describe the collective sentiment of people in Taiwan. Pervasive on the island is the feeling of having been betrayed by the world. The PCT, after having been rooted in Taiwan for more than one hundred years, was more concerned with Taiwan’s political situation than any other denominations. Their dissatisfaction with how the Nationalist government (KMT) handled national and international politics also surpassed that of other Christian groups. This deep concern thus led the PCT to publish three public statements in the 1970s, which upset the authoritarian government of Chiang Kai-shek and his son and successor Chiang Ching-kuo.25 Minor skirmishes between the PCT and the government in the 1970s grew into head-on clashes in 1979-80 when Pastor Kao Chun-ming, the then General Secretary of the PCT, was arrested for assisting participants 24  Chen Nan-jou 陳南州 ed., Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives from the Tribal Churches in Taiwan and the Global Church 靈恩運動之研究: 台灣山地教會和普世 教會的一些觀點. 25  The three statements are the “Public Statement on Our National Fate” (1971), “Our Appeal Concerning the Bible, the Church, and the Nation” (1975), and “Declaration on Human Rights” (1977). See C. S. Song, Testimonies of Faith: Letters and Poems from Prison in Taiwan (Geneva: World Alliance of Reformed Churches, 1985), 17–25.

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in the Kaohsiung Incident (1979).26 He was sentenced to seven years in prison, and he served his sentence from 1980 to 1984. News related to Kao’s status appeared regularly in the Taiwan Church News during those years. As the PCT’s political position did not always align with the government, Taiwan Church News became the church’s opposition mouthpiece for expressing what they believed to be right and just. However, in addition to their heavy focus on politics, the motif of church growth and renewal was also present in the Taiwan Church News from 1970 to 1995— an emphasis that was in tandem with that of the larger Taiwanese Church. From 1970 to 1979, only a handful of contributors employed charismatic phrases like “being filled with the Holy Spirit,”27 “miraculous healing,”28 “laying on of hands,”29 “demonic bondage,”30 and “speaking in tongues.”31 Among these articles, only one article on speaking in tongues addresses charismatic phenomena specifically. In that article, the author who is also a physician suggests that one of his patients suffers from motor and vocal tics as a result of religious fanaticism after joining a pentecostal group.32 While a few articles in Taiwan Church News in the 1970s explored the significance and means of revival, none made mention of the Azusa Street

26  The Kaohsiung Incident refers to the incident that took place in Kaohsiung on December 10, 1979, and its aftermath. Human rights advocates in Taiwan organized a rally in Kaohsiung on December 10, 1979, to commemorate International Human Rights Day. The peaceful event turned into a violent riot when the police interfered. Following the incident, the police arrested all of those whom they believed were connected with the rally—including members of the PCT.  See  Christine Louise Lin, “The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan and The Advocacy of Local Autonomy,” Sino-Platonic Papers, no. 92 (January 1999): 77–85; Cohen, Taiwan at the Crossroads, 38–44; and Song, Testimonies of Faith: Letters and Poems from Prison in Taiwan, 10–7. 27  Kao Chun-ming 高俊明, “Being filled with the Holy Spirit,” Taiwan Church News, May 1972, 5–6. 28  Chiu Tsung-kai 邱宗凱, “Qimiao de yizhi” 奇妙的醫治 [Miraculous healing], Taiwan Church News, July 1972, 27–9. 29  Tai Chi-hsiung 戴吉雄, “Anshou daogao yu zhibing” 按手禱告與治病 [Laying on of hands and healing], Taiwan Church News, June 2, 1974, 6. 30  Ying Chiu-ying 尹秋影, “Qimiao de shifang: Huang Shang dixiong quanjia mengen gui Zhu ji” 奇妙的釋放: 黃賞弟兄全家蒙恩歸主記 [Miraculous deliverance: The conversion story of brother Huang Shang’s household], Taiwan Church News, May 16, 1976, 6 31  Tai Chi-hsiung, “Zongjiao kuangre yu jingshenbing” 宗教狂熱與精神病 [Religious fanaticism and mental illness], Taiwan Church News, June 10, 1973, 7. 32  Tai, “Religious Fanaticism and Mental Illness,” 7.

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Revival or the Charismatic Movement in the twentieth century.33 An article that surveys the involvement of laypeople in various movements and awakenings in church history stops at the end of the nineteenth century.34 It is thus likely that, in a similar manner to many other denominations, the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in the twentieth century was not a suitable subject for discussion for the PCT before 1980, due to fear, disinterest, or insufficient understanding. The “Ten Plus One” Movement Taking the vision of church growth seriously, the PCT started the “Ten Plus One” Movement in May 1978, which strove to increase the membership of the church by 10% annually over the course of a decade. As a lay movement,35 the PCT believed that growth first and foremost took place in small groups—however challenging such a concept may be for an organization that was more than one hundred years old. Yet, just as the Ten Plus One Movement was slowly gaining momentum, Pastor Kao Chun-ming was arrested on April 24, 1980. In shock, Presbyterian churches throughout Taiwan held prayer meetings.36 A weekly fasting and prayer meeting was formed in Taipei, which ultimately ran for four years until Kao was released. In 1982, the PCT Evangelism Committee encouraged the church to pray and fast every Friday to intercede for those in need.37 Whereas other churches started to practice ­fasting 33  For instance, Andrew Hsieh 謝禧明, “Jiaohui fuxing zhi dao” 教會復興之道 [The way to church revival], February 27, 1977, 2; Andrew Hsieh, “Jiaohui fuxing zhi dao (shang) (xia)” 教會復興之道 (上) (下) [The way to church revival, parts I & II], Taiwan Church News, April 14, 1974, 2 and April 21, 1974, 2, and “Jiaohui fuxing ying cong daogao kaishi” 教會復興應從禱告開始 [Church revival starts from prayer], Taiwan Church News, February 25, 1973, 2. 34  William Jung-kuang Lo and Huang Hui-chueh, “Cong jiaohui lishi kan pingxintu de juexing” 從教會歷史看平信徒的覺醒 [The awakening of laypeople in church history], Taiwan Church News, July 3, 1977, 4. 35  Chen Sheng-cheng 陳勝政, “Kaichuang xuanjiao de xinjiyun: Xiang ‘Zhanglaojiaohui xintu shiyi zengzhang yundong’ jianyan” 開創宣教的新機運: 向「長老教會信徒什一增長運 動」建言 [Create new mission opportunity: Some suggestions for the “Ten Plus One Lay Movement of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan”], Taiwan Church News, July 26, 1981, 5–6. 36  See Taiwan Church News, May 4, 1980, 1–5. 37  William Jung-kuang Lo, “Weishime zai libaiwu?!” 為什麼在禮拜五?! [Why Friday?!], Taiwan Church News, May 29, 1983, 6. William Jung-kuang Lo, “Tuizhan meizhouwu zhongwu quanti xintu jinshi daogao zhi gousi” 推展每週五中午全體信徒禁食禱告之構思

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prayer in the early 1980s due to the influence of the prayer mountains in South Korea, Brad Long believes that the PCT’s impetus for employing this practice was a political one.38 Despite the blow of Kao’s arrest, the Ten Plus One effort continued. Taiwan Church News demonstrates that some churches reported having experienced successes and growth in small group trials in 1980 and 1981.39 While several other additional articles discuss the concept of church growth in 1982,40 by the end of 1982, they were without charismatic hue. In my interview with Pastor William Jung-kuang Lo, the then Secretary of the PCT General Assembly Evangelism Committee who was one of the lead promoters of the Ten Plus One Movement, he confirms that the Ten Plus One Movement did not concern itself with the Charismatic Movement, but with renewal through the Holy Spirit.41 At a local level, however, the concept of church growth did mix with charismatic color. That such is the case can be observed in an article published in 1983. Addressing the Charismatic Movement within tribal churches, Pastor Chang Tsong-liong affirms that charismatic experiences in some tribal churches have led to church growth and renewal in some

[A proposal to encourage all Church members to fast and pray on Friday during the lunch hour], Taiwan Church News, November 28, 1982, 5. 38  “The positive and negative impacts of the Charismatic Movement: Rev. Brad Long’s analysis of the Charismatic Movement,” 3. 39  For example, Lin Yuan-hsiang 林雲祥, “Shandi jiaohui zengzhang fanli: Mayuan jiaohui tuihang jiejiu zengzhang xiaozu zhi guoxiao” 山地教會增長範例—馬遠教會推行戒酒 增長 小組之果效 [A model of growth in an aboriginal church: The outcome of Mayuan church’s promotions of abstinence from alcohol and growth groups], Taiwan Church News, May 24, 1981, 5. Tang Meng-tsung 湯孟宗, “Yanshui jiaohui tuixing jiating xiaozu yundong suo chansheng de liansuo fanying” 鹽水教會推行家庭小組運動所產生的連鎖反應 [Chain reactions of small group movement in Yanshui Church], Taiwan Church News, January 18, 1981, 5; Tang Meng-tsung, “Yanshui jiaohui zengzhang xiaozu jingyantan” 鹽水教會增長 小組經驗談 [Sharing experiences of growth groups in Yanshui Church], Taiwan Church News, September 21, 1980, 6; Kao Lee Li-chen 高李麗珍, “Canjia chajing xiaozu jingyantan” 參加查經小組經驗談 [Sharing experiences of small group studies], Taiwan Church News, May 11, 1980, 6. 40  For example, Chang Tsong-liong 張宗隆, “Zhanglao yu jiaohui zengzhang” 長老與教 會增長 [Elders and church growth], Taiwan Church News, June 6 & 13, 1982, 7; Chen Nan-jou 陳南州, “Jiaohui zengzhang de fanchou cengci” 教會增長的範疇層次 [Different aspects of church growth], Taiwan Church News, March 7, 1982, 7. 41  William Jung-kuang Lo, interview by author, Taipei, January 15, 2018.

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cases, while causing confusion and divisions in others.42 Likewise, I have discussed in Chap. 5 that, as Brad Long’s charismatic ministry gained stronger steam throughout the 1980s, church growth within the PCT was often not without charismatic tint. Initial Discussion on the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan Church News and Messenger (New) The term “Prayer Mountain” was mentioned in passing in the Taiwan Church News in 1982;43 but it was not until January 1983 that the publication finally broke its silence regarding the Charismatic Movement. On the first Sunday of 1983, the Taiwan Church News published an article promoting a gathering for fasting and prayer that was organized by Kwangfu Presbyterian Church (renamed Fataan Presbyterian Church in 2004) of the Ami Tribe, which is located in Hualien on the east coast of Taiwan. Pastor Daniel I-shun Tai and his staff from the Miaoli Prayer Mountain, together with Shigeyoshi Nishiumi  西海榮悅, an Assemblies of God pastor from Japan, were invited to lead a four-day meeting in December 1982. Among the 1645 people who registered, around 1500 were from the Ami tribe. The majority of the participants were PCT members. The author of the article understood the meeting in light of the contemporary global Charismatic Movement, of which he spoke positively. If the fact that the aboriginal PCT churches forming close ties with Pastor Daniel Tai of the Prayer Mountain is surprising, what is perhaps even more astonishing is that the contributor who broached the subject is not a Taiwanese PCT pastor, but Robert Donnell McCall, a missionary from the Presbyterian Church in the United States to Taiwan.44 McCall acknowledged that some within the PCT believed that their theology and worship differed from those found in charismatic meetings. He argued that it is wise to assess new forms of worship and ministries with discretion, but he also suggested that 42  Chang Tsong-liong, “Dui shandi jiaohui lingen yundong zhi jianyan” 對山地教會靈恩 運動之建言 [Advice for tribal churches concerning the Charismatic Movement], Taiwan Church News, March 20, 1983, 7. 43  For example, Lo, “The Power of Prayer of One Hundred Thousand People,” 5; Tsaihung 彩虹, “Tan jinshi daogao” 談禁食禱告 [On fasting and prayer], Taiwan Church News, October 24, 1982, 7. 44  Robert Donnell McCall (1927–1997) was a missionary to Japan from 1952 to 1963, and then to Taiwan from 1963 to 1993. He spent most of his years in Taiwan working with aboriginal churches.

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all evaluations should be carried out in a loving spirit. From a global perspective, McCall suggested that although some churches did not welcome the Charismatic Movement, the majority of historical denominations have opened doors to charismatic Christians.45 He specifically pointed to the affirming attitude of Cardinal Leo Jozef Suenens of Belgium and Dr. John A. Mackay from Princeton Theological Seminary as examples. It can be inferred from McCall’s article that some within the PCT were not sympathetic toward the Charismatic Movement. Given such a backdrop, it seems likely that the Taiwan Church News had first to borrow the voice of a highly respected Western missionary to break the silence regarding the “unspeakable” to lend some credibility to the Charismatic Movement before the paper could openly discuss the matter. Candid discussion with respect to the Charismatic Movement ensued in the Taiwan Church News following McCall’s article. An article that spoke highly of the Miaoli Prayer Mountain appeared two Sundays after McCall. What is significant about this article is that the author, Pastor Su Su-chen, related that she visited about thirty Tayal churches during the 1972 Revival.46 During her two-month visit, she witnessed both genuine and false supernatural phenomena.47 Since the 1972 Tayal Revival did not receive proper attention in the Taiwan Church News in the 1970s, Su’s article was momentous. On January 23, 1983, Pastor C.  S. Yang addressed the Charismatic Movement within tribal churches.48 Without denying the supernatural element of faith, the main focus of the article was to encourage a balanced understanding of the work of the Holy Spirit and proper order. It also warned against exalting certain gifts such as speaking in tongues or supernatural healing above others.49 What is noteworthy is that Yang argued against seeing the Charismatic Movement as heresy—which provides 45  Robert Donnell McCall, “Canjia Ameizu Kwangfu jiaohui jinshi daogao juhui you gan” 參加阿美族光復教會禁食禱告聚會有感 [Some reflections after attending the fasting and prayer gathering at Kwangfu Church of the Ami tribe], trans. Chang Hung-che 張弘哲, Taiwan Church News, January 2, 1983, 2. 46  Su Su-chen 蘇素貞, “Ye tan Qidaoshan” 也談祈禱山 [Also on Miaoli Prayer Mountain], Taiwan Church News, January 16, 1983, 5. 47  Su, “Also on Miaoli Prayer Mountain,” 5. 48  C.  S. Yang 楊啟壽, “Cong shandi lingen yundong tantao shengjing zhong you guan Shengling yu xieling de jiaoxun” 從山地靈恩運動探討聖經中有關聖靈與邪靈的教訓 [The Charismatic Movement in the mountains: Exploring the Bible’s teaching on the Holy Spirit and evil spirits], Taiwan Church News, January 23, 1983, 5. 49  Yang, “The Charismatic Movement in the Mountains,” 5.

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additional evidence for the existence of negative hearsays within the PCT regarding the Charismatic Movement.50 Further, Yang associated the Charismatic Movement specifically with the tribal churches, specifying that “It is often heard in recent years that some mountain churches have embraced the Charismatic Movement, which has created various controversies.”51 However, while the impact of the Charismatic Movement upon PCT churches on the plains was not as conspicuous as what was found among tribal churches in the early 1980s, this does not mean that the message was kept from the former. Instead, following the founding of the Miaoli Prayer Mountain, a significant number of visitors were known to have come from PCT churches on the plains.52 Moreover, in order to help Christians reevaluate the significance of the Holy Spirit in relation to the church and prayer, the Taipei Presbytery specifically hosted a revival meeting to tackle the confusion that the Prayer Mountain had generated.53 The Messenger (New) addressed the Prayer Mountain as early as March 1982  in an issue that discussed the topic extensively. In “Are Prayers Offered at the Prayer Mountain More Effective?” Pastor Andrew Hsieh affirmed that the Prayer Mountain furnishes believers with an ideal venue to spend time in prayer. However, Hsieh (who embraced the charismatic message about a decade later) was also rather critical about the Prayer Mountain’s defects, including its imbalanced teaching, its excessive emphasis on supernatural healing, the disorder in the church caused by members who had visited the Miaoli Prayer Mountain, and the commercialization of the ministry.54 Pastor William Jung-kuang Lo, in the same

50  The suggestion that the Charismatic Movement was heresy was not found in my study of the Taiwan Church News from 1970 to 1995. The article “Numerous problems that face aboriginal churches” on August 12, 1973, notes that one of the challenges facing tribal churches was the heresies in their midst. It is possible that the unspecified heresies referred to in this article included the charismatic teaching, although more investigation is needed. 51  Yang, “The Charismatic Movement in the Mountains,” 5. 52  Zeb Bradford Long, “Charismatic Renewal in the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan,” 7. “For Whom is the Storehouse of Heaven Open,” 6. Mark 馬可, “Fang Chen Tsung-hsin mushi: Tan Qidaoshan, lingdao, fangyan” 訪陳宗心牧師—談祈禱山、靈禱、方言 [An interview with Pastor Chen Tsung-hsin: On the Prayer Mountain, spiritual prayer, and speaking in tongues], Messenger (New) 4:4, April 1982, 56–7. 53  Andrew Hsieh 謝禧明, “Daogaoshan qidao bijiao ling ma?” 禱告山祈禱比較靈嗎? [Are prayers offered at the Prayer Mountain more effective?], Messenger (New) 4:3, March 1982, 25. 54  Hsieh, “Are Prayers Offered at the Prayer Mountain More Effective,” 23–6.

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issue, also discussed the problems that the Prayer Mountain might cause. However, Lo’s critique was mild in comparison to Hsieh.55 Drawing the Line In most cases from 1980 to 1995, the PCT was critical toward charismatic teachings but did not reject the charismatic message outright. In a few cases, however, the PCT also made definite cut with what they discerned to be aberrant messages and practices in charismatic contexts. Most of these cases took place within tribal churches. The most controversial case was probably “The Ark Incident” from Kaoyi Church of the Tayal tribe. In 1983 and 1984, some believers who were identified as prophetesses instructed the church to build an ark, Aaron’s staff, and a tablet with the Ten Commandments carved on it. They believed that the ark assured God’s presence in their midst. They placed the ark in a room in the church. People could not enter the room at will, neither could they come close to the ark, let alone touch it, for they believed that those who touched the ark would die (although some had touched it but did not die).56 In September 1985, the pastor of Kaoyi Church died in a construction accident while working on a new church building. The tragedy opened the eyes of the “prophetesses” and the church’s members to understand that the ark could not guarantee physical safety or spiritual blessing to the church. Subsequently, the church became open to the guidance of Scripture and the presbytery’s counsel. They also ceased using the ark.57 According to Chen Nan-jou, professor of PCT seminaries, the reason that some believers regarded one of the prophetesses from Kaoyi Church highly, despite her limited knowledge of the Old Testament, is because of her ability to reveal the past, including the sins of others, accurately.58 The unique individual experiences was a main reason why the Charismatic Movement became rather influential within tribal churches. In 1989, a man from Nalo Church of Tayal tribe who claimed to have had the gifts of healing and prophecy sent out leaflets to nearby churches  Lo and Chi, “An Interview with Pastor William J. K. Lo,” 31.  Chen Nan-jou 陳南州, “Shen de ling? Ren de ling?” 神的靈?人的靈? [God’s Spirit or human spirit?], Messenger (New) 8:6, June 1987, 32. 57  McCall, “History of Fataan Presbyterian Church in Kwangfu, Taiwan 1934–1994,” 171. McCall erroneously states that the pastor died in 1982. 58  Chen, “God’s Spirit or human spirit?” 36. 55 56

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to promote his ministry. The act created confusion among churches. After investigation and deliberation by the Tayal Presbytery, Nalo Church issued a statement indicating that the ministry was solely being promoted by the man and not the church, and that the church would not take any responsibility for the man’s actions unless he was accountable to the church session for his itinerary.59 Reception Whereas Christians within the Mandarin-speaking churches were more concerned about imbalanced teachings related to the Charismatic Movement, inadequate theology was a more severe issue for the PCT. In response, two of the three main  PCT seminaries, Tainan Theological College and Seminary and Yu-Shan Theological College and Seminary, addressed the theological and pastoral questions raised by the Charismatic Movement in the second half of the 1980s. While Tainan Theological Seminary put together a series of seminars in 1986–1987 to assess the movement from theological, historical, missional, social, anthropological, and religious perspectives,60 Yu-Shan Theological Seminary published Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives from the Tribal Churches in Taiwan and the Global Churches in 1987. Yu-Shan’s quasi-scholarly work collects nine articles from both the PCT and Western authors, and it seems to be the PCT’s first academic and collaborative work for considering the ongoing Charismatic Movement in Taiwan.61

59  “Taiyaer zhonghui Naluo jiaohui shengming chengqing” 泰雅爾中會那羅教會聲明澄 清 [A statement from the Nalo Church of the Tayal Presbytery], Taiwan Church News, May 14, 1989, 7. 60  Long, “Charismatic Renewal in the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan,” 6. “Lingen yundong zhiduoshao yushen chushu bangzhuni” 靈恩運動知多少 玉神出書幫助你 [How much do we know about the Charismatic Movement? Yu-Shan has published a book to help], Taiwan Church News, October 25, 1987, 7; “Tainan shenxueyuan chengli ‘yanjiu zhongxin’ jiang tantao ‘qidaoshan he lingen yundong’” 台南神學院成立「研究中心」將探討 「祈禱 山和靈恩運動」 [The research center at Tainan Theological College and Seminary will be discussing “The Prayer Mountain and the Charismatic Movement”], Taiwan Church News, December 7, 1986, 8. 61  The only other known work that discusses the person and the work of the Holy Spirit published by the PCT before 1987 is Leonard I. Sweet’s Zai Shengling li de xinshengming 在 聖靈裏的新生命 [New life in the Spirit], trans. Cheng Hui-cheng 鄭慧姃 (Tainan: Ren Guang, 1985).

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As suggested in Chap. 5, the PCT General Assembly’s attitude toward the Charismatic Movement at large in the 1980s is characterized as “neither encouraging nor discouraging” unless aberrations arise. Yet this small book discloses that the PCT maintains a more affirmative attitude toward the work of the Holy Spirit as observed within the Charismatic Movement than the General Assembly seemed to let on. While the work was occasioned by activities associated with the Charismatic Movement within tribal churches in Taiwan, it proffered the PCT an opportunity to formulate the church’s pneumatology, which falls squarely within this research’s scope and thus deserves our attention. Among the nine articles in Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives, five were contributed by Taiwanese authors. Most of these authors’ works had also been published in the Taiwan Church News or Messenger (New) in previous years. The other four translated articles are David Lochhead’s “The Charismatic Movement: Problem or Promise?”62 the United Presbyterian Church (USA)’s “The Work of the Holy Spirit,”63 Eugene L. Stockwell’s “Editorial,”64 and Walter J. Hollenweger’s “After Twenty Years’ Research on Pentecostalism.”65 My focus will be on the natives’ contributions. In this volume, Taiwanese authors express grave concerns over certain charismatic manifestations among tribal churches which they considered radical or excessive. Their aim, therefore, was to provide corrections to the aberrations from various perspectives. What these Taiwanese authors found most troubling were problematic theological claims concerning the person and the work of the Holy Spirit. Errors observed include, for instance, understanding the possession of certain spiritual gifts as a sign that one is filled with the Holy Spirit, making exclusive claims to the Holy

62  First published in David Lochhead and United Church of Canada, The Charismatic Movement: Problem or Promise? (Toronto: Division of Mission in Canada, 1975). 63  First published in The United Presbyterian Church, USA, 1970, “The Work of the Holy Spirit,” in Presence, Power, Praise: Documents on the Charismatic Renewal, ed. Kilian McDonnell (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1980), 225–30, 245–52. 64  First published in Eugene L. Stockwell’s “editorial,” International Review of Mission 75, no. 298 (April 1986): 113–6. 65   First published in Walter J.  Hollenweger’s “After Twenty Years’ Research on Pentecostalism,” International Review of Mission 75, no. 297 (January 1986): 3–12.

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Spirit,66 problematic prophetic assertions, and believing that prayers of certain forms, at certain places, or by certain people, are more effective.67 Despite their negative appraisal of certain aspects of the Charismatic Movement, all of these Taiwanese authors affirm the work of the Holy Spirit—including the existence and use of various spiritual gifts mentioned in Scripture. For example, Tung Chun-fa of the Paiwan tribe, who was the then professor at Yu-Shan Seminary, draws from the New Testament and confirms the validity of the gift of speaking in tongues. However, for Tung, while there is no need to deny the gift or forbid the use of tongues, neither should we overemphasize it, for it concerns one’s own devotion and renewal.68 The most pressing message that the Taiwanese scholars and pastors felt compelled to convey in this publication was warning against believers who box in the work of the Holy Spirit according to their own limited understanding of charismatic phenomena. Put differently, while some charismatic Christians saw themselves as higher than others for having experienced the “loosing” of the Holy Spirit, that is, charismatic manifestations, they were to be reminded that by standardizing or subjectivizing the work of the Spirit of God on the basis of their own experiences, they run the risk of “taming” a Holy Spirit that can never be confined—which is precisely the criticism they raise against their own opponents in the first place. In the preface to the United Presbyterian Church (USA)’s “The Work of the Holy Spirit,” which was published under the title “A Recommendation for the Work of the Holy Spirit,” the Taiwanese author (whose name was not specified) suggests that the term “Holy Spirit Renewal Movement” is preferred over “Charismatic Movement” to describe the work of the Holy Spirit in Taiwan.69 This was potentially the first time that any PCT scholar 66  C.  S. Yang 楊啟壽, “Cong shandi lingen yundong tantao shengjing zhong you guan Shengling yu xieling de jiaoxun” 從山地靈恩運動探討聖經中有關聖靈與邪靈的教訓 [The Charismatic Movement in the mountains: Exploring the Bible’s teaching on the Holy Spirit and evil spirits], in Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives, 6–7. The article was first published in Taiwan Church News, January 23, 1983, 5. 67  Tung Chun-fa 童春發, “Cong shenxue guannian kan lingen yundong ji Qidaoshan” 從 神學觀念看靈恩運動及祈禱山 [Considering the Charismatic Movement and the Prayer Mountain from a theological perspective], in Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives, 21–3, 30–1. 68  Tung Chun-fa, “Considering the Charismatic Movement and the Prayer Mountain from a Theological Perspective,” in Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives, 15. 69  Preface to “Dui youguan ‘Shengling gongzuo’ de jianyi” 對有關 「聖靈工作」的建議 [A Recommendation for the work of the Holy Spirit], in Charismatic Movement: Some

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openly expressed preference for the term “Holy Spirit Renewal Movement” over “Charismatic Movement.” Thus, to attempt to break free of the stereotypical images often associated with the “Charismatic Movement” and to “return” full freedom to the Holy Spirit, “Holy Spirit Renewal Movement” became the choice phrase of the PCT. The significance of the term “Holy Spirit Renewal Movement,” however, may lie more in theory than in practice; for unless one’s discourse remains at a theoretical level, any discussion of the lived experience of the power of the Holy Spirit among humans will be fallible and in need of critique. From this perspective, the “Charismatic Movement” may have reserved the needed room for missteps that are bound to occur. PCT’s “Recommendation for the Holy Spirit Renewal Movement” In Chap. 5, I investigated how the Charismatic Movement made forceful inroads into the PCT in the 1980s under Brad Long’s leadership. I also addressed the unfortunate scandal of a leading PCT charismatic pastor in the mid-1990s. In January 1995, the PCT Faith and Order Committee put together a symposium to discuss various issues that arose from the Charismatic Movement. The scandal within the church and the disturbing “1995 Prophecy” (below) might have served as incentives for the effort. The meeting’s purpose was to discuss the Charismatic Movement in light of the Reformed theology and to offer guidelines to parties concerned. A recommendation was issued, which was subsequently printed in the March 1995 issue of the Taiwan Church News. The 1995 Recommendation is a modified version of “A Recommendation for the Work of the Holy Spirit” collected in Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives from the Tribal Churches in Taiwan and the Global Church (1987). Following the 1987 version, the 1995 Recommendation suggests that the term “Holy Spirit Renewal Movement” is preferred over “Charismatic Movement” because the latter term is associated with an unfavorable reputation. The publication was thus likely the first time that the PCT openly expressed such view in the Taiwan Church News.70

Perspectives, 82. 70   “Dui Shengling gengxin yundong de jianyiwen” 對聖靈更新運動的建議文 [A Recommendation for the Holy Spirit Renewal Movement], Taiwan Church News, March 19, 1995, 9.

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The 1995 Recommendation lays out positive and negative aspects of the Charismatic Movement. The positive aspects surround the fruits of renewed Christian lives but hardly any on spiritual gifts, whereas the negative aspects include idolatry by exalting people instead of Jesus, standardizing charismatic experiences, unbiblical prophecy, excessive use of emotions, over-emphasis on the demonic, and church splits, and so on. The recommendation then offers guidelines for churches, pastors, laypeople, the General Assembly, presbyteries, church sessions, and seminaries regarding how they might address the Charismatic Movement. Even though the 1995 Recommendation was most likely occasioned by the recent havoc that arose from the Charismatic Movement within the larger Taiwanese Church in general and the PCT in particular, it also suggested that there is no need to overreact against the disturbances observed within the Charismatic Movement. Specifically, churches without charismatic experiences were advised to neither “have fear of,” nor “hold presuppositions to,” the Charismatic Movement, but “to remain open to the charismatic gifts while maintaining balance.” And while all pastors were to take renewal seriously, church sessions were encouraged to deliberate whether it would be proper for their church to engage in the Charismatic Movement.71 Compared to Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives from the Tribal Churches in Taiwan and the Global Church (1987), the 1995 Recommendation appears to represent a more conservative assessment of the Charismatic Movement by the PCT, as its affirmation of the movement revolves around the fruits of the Holy Spirit and hardly any on spiritual gifts. Yet, if we take into consideration the recent disruptions that accompanied the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan around 1995, a recommendation that urges the church not to shun the movement but to continue on the path of Holy Spirit renewal is a bold declaration. Historic churches in the United States prepared different reports and guidelines soon after the start of the Charismatic Movement in the 1960s.72 In contrast, the official issuing of the 1995 Recommendation by the PCT—a quarter century after the 1972 Tayal Revival—was decidedly late. The year 1995 also represented the end of the peak years of Taiwanese Christians’ acute enthusiasm over the Charismatic Movement. As late as it  “A Recommendation for the Holy Spirit Renewal Movements,” 9.  Kilian McDonnell, Presence, Power, Praise: Documents on the Charismatic Renewal, 3 vol. (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1980). 71 72

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was, the PCT’s recommendation contains the only known guidelines for addressing the Charismatic Movement ever produced by any Protestant churches in Taiwan. Summary While some charismatic Taiwanese Christians believe that the PCT maintained a more conservative view with respect to the work of the Holy Spirit, our sources suggest otherwise. Once the PCT worked out their theology of the Holy Spirit in the 1980s, they no longer showed the same reservation they displayed in the 1970s because they knew how to respond to the extraordinary phenomena associated with the Charismatic Movement. Thus, in contrast to the opinions of some, the PCT has in fact retained a rather affirming and open attitude toward the Charismatic Movement since the early 1980s, or to be more precise, toward the fraught possibilities within the Charismatic Movement. Deviations at a theological or practical level did not turn the church away from the movement. Instead, for the PCT, the Charismatic Movement was accepted as one of many avenues that the Holy Spirit employs to channel God’s power unto church growth and renewal.

The “1995 Prophecy” From around 1993 to 1995, charismatic teachings took a toll on churches in Taiwan as a result of the “1995 Prophecy.” The subject of prophecy brought much interest as well as confusion and unease to Taiwanese churches as early as the 1970s. The gains and complications of prophecies that accompanied the 1972 Tayal Revival have been discussed. The occurrence left a deep impression on some Christians on the plains—natives and missionaries alike—who witnessed the curious phenomena. As churches explored the gift of prophecy further in the 1980s, several cases of misuse and abuse of the gift were reported. In dire need of proper understanding of the gift of prophecy, Allen Swanson was invited to teach on the subject in 1982 and 1983 in training sessions for pastors and leaders at the Miaoli Prayer Mountain. Swanson’s teaching material was later published as Discerning Prophets and Prophecy

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(1987).73 In addition, several issues of Latter Rain as well as Charismatic Movement: Some Perspectives from the Tribal Churches in Taiwan and the Global Church (1987) discussed the gift of prophecy at some length. Unfortunately, these endeavors could not stop “The 1995 Prophecy” from creating havoc and divisions within the Taiwanese Church, as the politically charged prophecy touched a nerve of Taiwan’s decades-long collective anxiety about the threat from Communist China. From 1990 to 1995, rumors abounded in Taiwan from secular and religious sources claiming that calamities would befall Taiwan.74 Within charismatic circles, several people claimed to have seen “visions” of God pouring judgment on Taiwan. Having compared notes, several of these “visions” converged to form the prophecy that mainland China would invade Taiwan in 1995. The “prophets” thus urged Taiwanese Christians to fast, weep, confess their sins, and obey rather than try to change God’s will. Visions also indicated that people could move to Belize, the land of milk and honey.75 Among those who professed what was known as the “1995 Prophecy,” Yu Yi-rung, a Taiwanese immigrant to the United States, was the most well-known, as he traveled around Taiwan to share the message from 1992 to 1994. Taiwan Church News addressed the “1995 Prophecy” in 1994 and 1995. Different authors, through theological arguments, cautioned readers not to receive the prophecy.76 One article claims that the prophecy is the scheme of the devil.77 These and other attempts, however, could not counter the effects of the “1995 Prophecy” upon churches in Taiwan. 73  Allen J. Swanson, Xianzhi yu yuyan de chayan 先知與預言的察驗 [Discerning prophets and prophecy], trans. Joy Wu 吳亞青 (Taipei: Elim Christian Bookstore, 1987). 74  The most known secular work was Cheng Lang-ping 鄭浪平, “Yijiujiuwu runbayue: Zhonggong wuli fan tai baipishu” 一九九五閏八月—中共武力犯台白皮書 [A warning of Taiwan Strait war] (Taipei: Shang zhou, 1994). 75  For a list of “prophecies” that appeared from 1990 to 1995, see “You guan zainan de caimi youxi” 有關災難的猜謎遊戲 [Riddles concerning calamities], Campus Magazine, October 1995, 10. 76  Cheng Hung-hui 鄭宏輝, “Yijiujiuwu runbayue: Lujia fuyin 16:19–31” 一九九五閏八 月—路加福音 16:19–31 [The leap month of August 1995: Luke 16:19–31], Taiwan Church News, November 13, 1994, 18; Tai Chi Lao Jen 台基老人, “Miandui yijiujiuwu nian Shangdi jie Zhongguo zhi shou shenpan Taiwan yuyan de shengsi (shang) (xia)” 面對1995年上帝借 中國之手審判台灣預言的省思 (上) (下) [Reflections on the prophecy of God using China to judge Taiwan in 1995, parts I & II], Taiwan Church News, May 15, 1994, 15 and May 22, 1994, 15. 77  Tsai Tu-chen 蔡篤真, “Yijiujiuwu runbayue: Jinfang mogui de yinmou” 一九九五閏八 月—謹防魔鬼的陰謀 [The leap month of August 1995: Be wary of the scheme of the devil], Taiwan Church News, October 15, 1995, 11.

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One pastor, together with a dozen Christians in Pingtung, was planning to move to Belize in July 1994.78 Around forty people from the (charismatic) Hsinchuang Worship Center in Taipei (discussed briefly in Chap. 5) had already moved to and started a church in Belize by October 1994.79 A few churches and families were broken up because some had decided to leave Taiwan whereas others wanted to stay behind.80 Since churches in Taiwan did not know much about Yu Yi-rung’s background, several church leaders in Taiwan contacted Yu’s former pastor, Peter Chung 鍾世豪, from a Baptist church in Los Angeles to inquire about Yu’s faith and church life. The report from Peter Chung and his team was unfavorable, as they revealed that Yu had had a history of “seeing visions” and “prophesying” about issues that had nothing to do with biblical truth or salvation.81 The church even suggested that rather than “visions,” “hallucination” (幻象) might be a more appropriate term to depict what Yu claimed to have received.82 The church had not allowed Yu to share his “visions” publicly, including the “1995 Prophecy.” Yu had left his Baptist church in the United States one year prior at the time of this exchange. With this information, six Taiwanese church leaders (including 78  Chao Ting-hui 趙庭輝, “Taiwan qiantu yuyan zhenghouqun” 臺灣前途預言症侯群 [Taiwan future prophecy syndrome], Christian Tribune, May 29, 1994. 79  Wu Shan-shan 吳珊珊, “Muzhe xintu ‘tao’ xiang Beilisi: Shuominghui zhuzhang yimin” 牧者信徒「逃」向貝里斯—說明會助長移民 [Pastors and church members “fleeing” to Belize: Workshops encourage immigration], Christian Tribune, October 23, 1994. 80  Tsai Hui-ching 蔡慧菁 and Wu Shan-shan, “Tao huo bu tao? Jiaohui jiating nao fenlie” 逃或不逃?教會家庭鬧分裂 [To flee or not to flee? Churches and families are breaking up], Christian Tribune, October 23, 1994. 81  Shia Chung-chien et al., “Ji wei muzhe gei zhongjiaohui de gongkaixin” 幾位牧者給眾 教會的公開信 [An open letter to the Taiwanese Church from several church leaders], Christian Tribune, November 13, 1994. Several church leaders had communicated with Yu in private for several hours, hoping that he would cease spreading the word, but to no avail. It was with reluctance that the open letter was finally issued. “Duo wei jiaohui lingxiu gongkai huyu Yu Yi-rung wu xu chuanjiang jiuwu yuyan” 多位教會領袖公開呼籲余奕榮勿續傳 講九五預言 [Several leaders made a public appeal to Yu Yi-rung to stop circulating the “1995 Prophecy”], Christian Tribune, November 13, 1994. The church leaders who signed the open letter were James Shia, Peter Chu 朱植森, Caleb T.  C. Huang 黃子嘉, Andrew Chi-ming Chang, Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow, and Fan Da-ling 范大陵. None of them are from the PCT. 82  The open letter was translated by Walter McConnell into English and printed as “An Open Letter to the Taiwan Church” in Taiwan Mission 4, no. 4, April 1995, 33–6. McConnell translates 幻象 (huan xiang) as “dream” in the open letter; however, I prefer “hallucination.”

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four from charismatic churches) issued an open letter to the Taiwanese Church—along with Pastor Peter Chung’s letter—asking Yu to stop disseminating the “prophecy,” on account that it was incongruent with biblical truth. The open letter asked Taiwanese churches to refrain from inviting Yu as a speaker without proper discernment and deliberation.83 In January 1996, the six leaders issued a second open letter, demanding that Yu and others who had spread the “1995 Prophecy” apologize for their teaching, which never happened. The letter also encouraged the churches to offer help and empathy for those who had left Taiwan, and reminded them to be prudent in discerning false prophecies in the future.84

Summary From 1950 to 1980, non-charismatic Taiwanese Protestants in general were hypervigilant or even fearful when they heard the phrase lingen pai (Pentecostal-Charismatic groups or Christians). This was because the term was often negatively associated with the questionable teachings and practices of some Pentecostal churches, which were deemed “radical” and thus unwelcomed. Many Christians, therefore, consciously stayed away from any lingen pai. Non-charismatic Christians from both Mandarin- and Taiwanese-­ speaking churches were pressed to reevaluate their understanding of the Holy Spirit with the spread of charismatic teachings in Taiwan from 1970 to 1995. A survey of primary sources in this chapter reveals that their attitude toward the movement went from silence and suspicion in the 1970s to candid discussion and critical reflections in the 1980s. While some non-­ charismatic Christian leaders embraced the charismatic message in the 1980s and became forceful advocates of the teaching, others—including those who had had charismatic experiences—remained doubtful of the movement. Whether sympathetic to the charismatic message or not, sources show that a considerable number of Taiwanese Christians across various denominations from 1970 to 1995 affirmed the existence of such spiritual gifts as prophesy and healing in the present day—even if they did not show equal enthusiasm about engaging these gifts. Few questioned  “An Open Letter to the Taiwanese Church from Several Church Leaders.”  Li Jung-chen 李容珍, “Duowei jiaohui lingxiu yaoqiu Yu Yi-rung wei jiuwu yuyan daoqian” 多位教會領袖要求余奕榮為九五預言道歉 [Several church leaders demanding Yu Yi-rung to apologize for the “1995 Prophecy”], Christian Tribune, January 7, 1996. 83 84

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the need for deliverance ministry, although there were points of contention with regard to practice. Taiwanese Christians did not hesitate to affirm the merits of the Charismatic Movement, and even the chaos generated by the “1995 Prophecy” did not drive them to deny the existence of the gift of prophecy.85 In spite of relentless critiques of certain aspects of charismatic teachings among Taiwanese Christians, complete rejection of the Charismatic Movement is not a position found among the sources included in this book. Some scholars may suppose that Taiwanese Christianity was significantly affected by Chinese-speaking, anti-pentecostal-charismatic authors from outside of Taiwan, such as David C.  K. Ng 吳主光 (1940–2017) from Hong Kong.86 However, the assumption cannot be substantiated from my extensive study of primary sources. If Ng’s or others’ works from outside of Taiwan indeed exerted any influence on Taiwanese churches, their influence would not have surpassed the sources already explored in this book which have informed Taiwanese Christians’ unfavorable opinions regarding the Charismatic Movement. As non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians engaged charismatic teachings head-on from 1970 to 1995, what ensued was more than a battle of words: Non-charismatic Christians discovered that the lingen pai of whom they once were so afraid of were not so intimidating after all. Moreover, given that Taiwanese Christians had never maintained an “excluded middle”—borrowing Paul G. Hiebert’s term—a significant number of non-­ charismatic Christians could claim to have engaged in charismatic activities at some point in their lives.87 As non-charismatic Christians found themselves sharing more in common with charismatic Christians than they ever dared to imagine, the line between the two groups now does not seem to be as clear-cut. Not only so, Taiwanese Christians are also left to reckon with their often-snubbed inherent charismatic sensibilities.  Tan, “Waiting for the Morning Star,” 9; Chiow, “Critiquing the ‘1995 Prophecy,’” 11.  David C.  K. Ng’s anti-charismatic view is most clearly spelled out in Lingen yundong quanmian yanjiu 靈恩運動全面硏究 [A thorough study of the Charismatic Movement], 3rd ed. (Hong Kong: Jiao Sheng, 2001). 87  Paul Hiebert, a missiologist from the United States, argued that traditionally, the Western world embraces a two-tier worldview, which gives attention to the visible things of this world, and the invisible things of the other world. However, the worldview excludes the part in between, which is the invisible things of this world, such as powers related to spirits and ancestors of this world. Paul G. Hiebert, “The Flaw of the Excluded Middle,” Missiology: An International Review 10, no. 1 (January 1982): 35–47. 85 86

CHAPTER 7

The Distinctive Features of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, 1970–1995

The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan that started in the early 1970s differed from the Charismatic Movement that began in the early 1960s in the United States in a number of aspects. In this chapter, I will compare and contrast the two from historical, theological, and cultural perspectives, so as to demonstrate the distinctive features of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1970 to 1995.

Historical Sources of Influence Scholars commonly identify the start of the Charismatic Movement in the United States, with Dennis Bennett speaking publicly about his experience of speaking in tongues at St. Mark’s Episcopal Church in Van Nuys in 1960. While some trace its root back to the ministry of the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International started by Demos Shakarian and David du Plessis in the 1950s, few scholars argue that the Charismatic Movement “grew out of the healing revival” between the years of 1947 and 1958 in the United States, as David Edwin Harrell does.1 Even fewer 1  David Edwin Harrell, All Things are Possible: The Healing and Charismatic Revivals in Modern America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1975), 150. Harrell’s argument is valid, as the founding of the FGBMFI was closely tied to Oral Roberts who was born out of

© The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4_7

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agree with Richard Riss’ argument that the Latter Rain Movement that originated in Saskatchewan, Canada, in 1948 played a part in influencing the development of the Charismatic Movement of the 1960s and the 1970s, as denominational churches generally did not accept Latter Rain doctrines and practices.2 The Charismatic Movement that began in Taiwan in the early 1970s, can, to some extent, be considered as an extension of the global Charismatic Movement of the 1960s due to the activities of charismatic missionaries like Allen J. Swanson, Ross Paterson, Louise Ho (née van den Berg), and Fr. John Baptist Palm. But it was also more. Two other important pre-1960 Western trajectories that have also informed the development of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan include Pearl Young and Elisabeth Lindau’s pietistic Pentecostalism and the Latter Rain Movement represented by Nicholas Krushnisky from Vancouver’s Glad Tidings Temple. While the Latter Rain Movement’s contribution to the larger Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement is often unrecognized in the United States, the fruit of Krushnisky’s labor— through Andrew Chi-ming Chang’s ministry in particular—unmistakably represents one of the most important forces in disseminating the charismatic message in Taiwan. However, Andrew Chang’s Latter Rain theology has often been mixed with other pentecostal-charismatic teachings, and thus its original form can only be vaguely discerned. While some of the most important sources of charismatic influence that shaped the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1970 to 1995 came from outside of the island—mainly from the United States and from South Korea—I have also pointed out several small- and large-scale indigenous revivals that broke out within various non-charismatic circles in postwar Taiwan before 1980. Except for the 1972 Tayal Revival, no other indigenous revivals within non-charismatic churches are known to have significantly informed the subsequent development of the Charismatic the healing revival in the 1940s. While Kilian McDonnell recognizes that the Charismatic Movement and healing revival were closely related through key people, he does not attribute the Charismatic Movement to healing revival as Harrell does. “The healing revival survived the Montgomery articles and through the efforts of persons such as Gordon Lindsay the healing ministry entered the charismatic renewal in the historic churches.” McDonnell, preface to “American Lutheran Church, USA, 1965,” in Presence, Power, Praise: Documents on the Charismatic Renewal, vol. 1, ed. Kilian McDonnell (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical, 1980), 112. 2  Richard Riss, “The Latter Rain Movement of 1948.”

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Movement in Taiwan. The ceasing of these revivals often was the result of some leaders’ deliberate “quenching” of charismatic phenomena. Reception In the early twentieth century, Pentecostalism was bitterly received by the Western Church in general and by the US Church in particular. It was often the object of abusive attacks from established denominations as well as religious and secular presses. A number of ministers and missionaries, participants and sympathizers alike, were removed from their positions.3 Similarly, the Charismatic Movement within the historic denominations in the early 1960s in the United States received negative appraisal. At one point, glossolalia was known as “a perversion.”4 Because Western pentecostal groups only made their appearances in Taiwan after the Second World War, churches in Taiwan never experienced the same degrees of setbacks and division that plagued the church in the United States before 1945. The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan was challenged by the True Jesus Church starting in  the 1920s, but animosity between the two churches was far less bitter. As Taiwanese scholar Wu Hsueh-ming’s study shows, the PCT took issue with the theology of Barnaba Chang, a True Jesus Church leader, when he claimed that he was the only person who had received special power to heal the sick, to cast out demons, and to perform miracles.5 To strengthen the faith of their believers, and in response to the True Jesus Church’s challenge, the PCT began to publish miraculous stories in the Taiwan Church News with higher frequency—accounts that the church had not seen the need to broadcast forcefully before.6 In other words, instead of adopting an anti-­ pentecostal attitude and distancing themselves from pentecostal groups (as a number of Western denominations did), the PCT faced the challenge 3  Richard Quebedeaux, The New Charismatics II (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1983), 40, 56. 4  Quebedeaux, The New Charismatics II, 194. 5  Tan Su-chhong 陳士藏, “Zhang banaba mihuoren” 張巴拿巴迷惑人 [Barnaba Chang deceives people], Taiwan Church News, no. 513, December 1927, 12–13, quoted in Wu Hsueh-ming 吳學明, Congyilai daozili: Zhongzhanqian Taiwan nanbu Jiduzhanglaojiaohui yanjiu 從依賴到自立: 終戰前台灣南部基督長老教會研究 [From dependence to independence: The study of the Presbyterian Church in southern Taiwan before the Second World War] (Tainen: Ren Guang, 2003), 117–8. 6  Wu, From Dependence to Independence, 190.

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head-on by questioning True Jesus Church’s exclusive claim to the ­supernatural aspects of the faith. The manner in which nearly all Taiwanese Christians assume the existence of a spiritual and demonic realm could perhaps explain the lesser degree of hostility between the two churches, as the clash concerned mainly theological claims, but not cosmology or worldview—as in the West. Nonetheless, in a similar manner to historic denominations in the United States that had generated certain degrees of dislike and distrust toward Pentecostalism before 1960, non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians also expressed fear and deep-seated suspicion of Pentecostal churches in Taiwan before 1980.7 I believe Watchman Nee’s widely read works—and one of the very few on the subject matter—which discuss the Pentecostal Movement in the Chinese language before 1970, could have contributed significantly to such suspicion, as Nee suggested that pursuit of the Holy Spirit often led to the work of the demonic (Chap. 3). Moreover, the negative appraisal of the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement carried over by non-charismatic missionaries would have also directly fed into the sensitivities of Taiwanese Christians—although their influence in this regard was not known to be significant. Evidence shows that evangelism and discipleship were the primary foci for missionaries in Taiwan—charismatic and non-charismatic alike—instead of prolonged theological debates. If any mission societies at work in Taiwan bore any anti-pentecostal-charismatic sentiments, their disapproval of the movement did not lead to anything like the anti-pentecostal measures taken by the China Council of China Inland Mission under Henry Frost’s influence half a century prior (Chap. 3). In addition, favorable opinions of the Charismatic Movement among the missionary community from highly respected figures like Donald Dale would have lent credence to the movement in Taiwan starting in the early 1970s. In a nutshell, then, non-­ charismatic Taiwanese Protestants from 1900 to 1980, were, on the one hand vigilant and watchful toward pentecostal groups on the island; yet, 7  Pastors Chow Shen-chu and Yang Ning-ya revealed in an interview that non-charismatic churches were afraid of, and thus kept a distance from, the pentecostal Taipei Truth Church 台北真道教會. Nathaniel Chow, interview (August 24, 2016). According to Samuel Peng 彭懷冰 in 1986, a staff member at Campus Evangelical Fellowship, most churches maintained a rather conservative view in regard to the Holy Spirit probably because they had been frightened by Pentecostal churches that advocated for unsound theological doctrines. Chou Hui-fang 周慧芳 and Samuel Peng, “Dialogue and Response: Assessing James I. Packer’s Keep in Step with the Spirit,” Campus Magazine, February 1986, 14.

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on the other hand, their feeling of aversion toward the PentecostalCharismatic Movement was assuaged by positive charismatic missionaries’ influences—with Pearl Young being the finest example.

Theological The Ever-Present “Middle” World Although the Anglican Church (Great Britain) argues that there had always been a place for healing and deliverance in church throughout history,8 the reality was that most Western Protestant churches before the late 1950s had taught that the miraculous gifts of the Holy Spirit were withdrawn after the apostolic age.9 In Leonard Sweet’s words, Western theology has “vacuumed up the more mystical, serendipitous experiences from the floor of faith and covered it with the carpet of doctrine.”10 As a result, non-Pentecostal churches in the West before 1960 did not concern themselves with the supernatural aspect of faith. In contrast, due to prevailing influences of the “many-spirits” cosmology, Taiwanese Christians have never forsaken the “middle” world of supernatural beings and activity. Thus, even non-charismatic churches in Taiwan had never been short on miraculous accounts before 1970.11 Unlike churches in the West, those in Taiwan, together with the majority world, have always understood the supernatural aspect of faith as recorded in the Scripture in a literal sense—which can be tasted and seen in the present day. As a result, while attitudes toward the gift of tongues within historic churches in the United States in the 1960s were ones of mistrust (Episcopal Church, USA12), disinterest (Presbyterian Church in 8  Anglican Church, Great Britain, 1977, “Gospel and Spirit: A Joint Statement,” in Presence, Power, Praise: Documents on the Charismatic Renewal, vol. 2, ed. Kilian McDonnell (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical, 1980), 305. 9  Vinson Synan, “Pentecostalism: Varieties and Contributions,” 36. 10  Leonard I. Sweet, New Life in the Spirit (Philadelphia, PA: Westminster Press, 1982), 55. 11  See discussion in Lin, “A Newfound Friend or a Good Old Companion? Charismatic Sensitivities in Protestant Churches in Taiwan.” 12  Bishop Francis Bloy of the Los Angeles diocese of the Episcopal Church, USA, appointed a committee to study glossolalia as it relates to the church in April 1960—shortly after the Dennis Bennett incident. The committee expressed doubts regarding the normality of the phenomena in the present day. Episcopal Church, USA, 1960, “The Speaking in Tongues and the Church,” in Presence, Power, Praise, vol. 1, 8.

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the United States13), and forbidding its promotion and public use (American Lutheran Church, USA14), questions regarding the existence and validity of the charismatic gifts in the present day hardly generated drawn-out debates for non-charismatic Taiwanese Christians. As I have demonstrated in previous chapters, a considerable number of non-­ charismatic Christians in Taiwan not only affirmed, but even professed to have occasionally engaged, the spiritual and demonic realm. Taiwanese Protestants’ maintaining presuppositions regarding this “middle world” and affirming attitude toward the existence and use of spiritual gifts today, therefore, stands out as a distinctive theological mark of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. For, while embracing the charismatic message signaled a “paradigm shift” in reading the Scripture for non-Pentecostal Protestants in the West in the 1960s, the inherent charismatic sensibilities seem to be a good old companion that had long been present in Taiwan’s churches rather than a newfound friend.15 Because charismatic experiences were not exclusive to a small sector of Christians, the theological line between charismatic and non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan does not seem to have been as clear-cut as many have thought. This study reveals that suppression of, and a disapproving attitude toward, charismatic expressions among non-charismatic groups cause the sporadic charismatic manifestations that might have otherwise thrived and spread in postwar Taiwan to cease. Therefore, my argument is that rather than understanding non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan as those who deny charismatic experiences, it may be more fitting to see them as 13  The 1964 General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States appointed a committee to study the matter of glossolalia. The committee decided that it could not declare the experiences of contemporary Christians “to be either valid or invalid reproductions of New Testament glossolalia,” and that the urgent need of the church was not for speaking in tongues but “for a relevant language in church it can communicate with the world.” Presbyterian Church in the United States, 1965, “Glossolalia,” in Presence, Power, Praise, vol. 1, 137. 14  The American Lutheran Church, USA, issued a report in 1964 to state that while the church does not forbid speaking in tongues, the phenomena have caused confusion and division with the church. Thus, it asks its pastors and congregations not to promote or practice speaking in tongues at meetings of the congregation, or to instruct in the technique of speaking in tongues. According to the church, the gift is to be reserved for use in private devotional life. American Lutheran Church, USA, 1964, “A Statement with Regard to Speaking in Tongues,” in Presence, Power, Praise, vol. 1, 111. 15  See Lin, “A Newfound Friend or a Good Old Companion? Charismatic Sensitivities in Protestant Churches in Taiwan,” 325.

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Christians who would prefer not to give much attention to charismatic phenomena in their overall theological construction. As a result, the distinction between the two groups remains obscured at a theoretical level. Thus, conditioned as they are to believe in a “many-spirits” cosmology comprised by gods, ghosts, and ancestors, Taiwanese Christians do not share the same worldview as most Western Christians. This observation brings into question the practice of searching for and appropriating “orthodoxy” or “pure doctrines” from mainly white Protestantism or Evangelicalism to the Taiwanese context. Did the preoccupation of Taiwanese Christians with defining “pure doctrines” within their non-­ Christian cosmology unwittingly lead to the quashing of their inherent charismatic sensibilities? This topic merits further research. Grassroots Ecumenism While the Taiwanese Church’s activities after the year 2000 fall outside of this book’s scope, it is worth mentioning briefly that one of the most distinctive “by-products” of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan is the proliferation of ecumenical activities at a grassroot level. Although this ecumenical style among charismatic churches is more readily observed in the 2000s, its early signs can be observed in the Bread of Life Christian Church—Hosanna Ministry alliance that began in the second half of the 1980s (Chap. 5). The mushrooming of charismatic conferences in the ensuing decade also contributed substantially to the dissemination of grassroots ecumenism. Furthermore, the Cell Group Movement of the latter half of the 1990s solidified relationships among pastors and church leaders involved, many of whom were charismatic. As the Charismatic Movement continued to spread in Taiwan in the 2000s, charismatic churches grew in size and influence as they participated in various nationwide ecumenical activities. Their expanding influence can be most clearly noted from voters’ rejection of same-sex marriage in Taiwan’s 2018 referendum—the initiative for which was spearheaded by leaders from several charismatic churches.16 Their growing reputation in and beyond Taiwan could perhaps qualify them for receiving a proper noun, so that they might become known today as the Charismatic Church in Taiwan.

16  Ralph Jennings, “Taiwan Votes Against Same-Sex Marriage in Referendum,” Time, November 25, 2018. Same-sex marriage was legalized in Taiwan in May 2019.

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Cultural Power Encounter In the United States, the focus of the Charismatic Movement in its initial years was primarily on speaking in tongues, healing, and Spirit-filled experiences. If Western Charismatics from mainline Protestant or Evangelical churches affirmed the existence of the demonic realm, their understanding of it remained more in theory than in practice. In Taiwan, however, Christians across denominational lines readily affirmed the existence of the realm of spiritual and demonic beings. As discussed in Chap. 6, Timothy Lin, one of the leading Evangelical figures in Taiwan, professed to have engaged in casting out demons. Moreover, the non-charismatic Campus Magazine, in its October 1994 issue, recognizes the reality of the spirit world through the feature article “Power Encounter: Toward an SIM Position,” which discusses the Society for International Ministries (SIM)’s position on spiritual warfare, power encounters, and the question of miracules.17 If the demonic was part of reality for non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan, it could only be more so for Charismatics. From the start, prayer for deliverance from demonic powers was embedded in the ministry efforts of the Miaoli Prayer Mountain.18 The charismatic Presbyterian missionary Brad Long also professed to have engaged heavily in deliverance ministries while in Taiwan.19 Since the 1980s, a significant number of charismatic churches have discussed the subject of power encounters at length—including warnings against seeking advice from spirit-mediums, fortune-tellers, or geomancers.20 With a critical awareness of the ever-active “middle” world, charismatic churches in Taiwan, in teaching and practice, stress that God’s power is superior to, and is able to prevail over, the powers of any other 17  Howard Brant, “Shuling de zheng zhan” 屬靈的爭戰 [Power encounter: Toward an SIM position], trans. Campus Magazine, Campus Magazine, October 1994, 6–17. Brant’s paper was published in International Journal of Frontier Missions 10, no. 4 (October 1993): 185–92. Soudan Interior Mission was the predecessor of today’s Society for International Ministries. 18  “A Trip to the Miaoli Chinese Prayer Mountain,” 7. 19  Brad Long, Jesus Christ Defeating Demons. 20  See for example, Taipei Truth Church 台北真理堂 ed., Qi ge shifang daogao 七個釋放禱 告 [Seven deliverance prayers] (Taipei: Zhenli shufang, 1998).

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evil spirits. They also underscore the importance of Christians separating themselves out from the “many-spirits” culture to pursue the one Triune God. As such, in contrast to US Charismatics from mainline Protestant or Evangelical churches, the “war” image that depicts the ongoing battle between God’s and Satan’s powers, as well as the saints’ status of constantly being in the warzone, is not just an analogy, but a lived experience for middle-class Taiwanese Charismatics. Shamanism Pentecostalism in the majority world is sometimes accused of intermingling with shamanistic elements from local cultures.21 The pentecostalism-­ shamanism association in South Korea, for instance, has received ample attention. Even though Asian Pentecostalism “conspicuously distanced itself from the traditional religious forms and concepts” and deny the charges brought against them by the pentecostalism-shamanism association,22 a number of Korean scholars argue otherwise. Yoo Boo-­ Woong asserts that Korean Pentecostal churches have a structure and worldview that are similar to shamanism, and that the role of Pastor Yonggi Cho, for example, in Sunday morning worship “looks exactly like that of a shaman.”23 Jang Nam Hyuck notes that Korean Christians’ perceptions

21  David Martin, Pentecostalism: The World Their Parish (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2002), 160–2. Walter J. Hollenweger, Pentecostalism: Origins and Developments Worldwide (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1997), 99–105; and Harvey Cox, Fire from Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the 21st Century (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1994), 213–41; For opposing views, see Allan Anderson, “The Contextual Pentecostal Theology of David Yonggi Cho,” in David Yonggi Cho: A Close Look at His Theology and Ministry, ed. Wonsuk Ma, William W. Menzies, and Hyeon-sung Bae (Baguio City, Philippines: APTS Press, 2004), 133–159; and Paul Gifford, “The Complex Provenance of Some Elements of African Pentecostal Theology,” in Between Babel and Pentecost: Transnational Pentecostalism in Africa and Latin America, ed. André Corten and Ruth Marshall-Fratani (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001), 62–79. 22  Wonsuk Ma, “Asian (Classical) Pentecostal Theology in Context,” in Asian and Pentecostal: The Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia, ed. Allan Anderson and Edmond Tang (Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2011), 60, 57; Hwa Yung, “The Missiological Challenge of David Yonggi Cho’s Theology,” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 7 (January 2004): 75–6. 23  Yoo Boo-Woong, “Response to Korean Shamanism by the Pentecostal Church,” International Review of Mission 75: 297 (January 1986): 73–4.

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of spiritual power are “heavily influenced” by Korean shamanism.24 Andrew Eungi Kim and Kim Sung-Gun argue that the indigenous shamanism of Korea contributed significantly to the growth of Pentecostal Christianity in Korea.25 The influence of folk religion—including the practice of shamanism— on Taiwan is no less forceful than shamanism on Korea. I have pointed out elsewhere the striking similarities between pentecostal-charismatic practices and practices found in Taiwanese folk religions.26 In Taiwan, however, there seems to be a conspicuous absence of the pentecostalismshamanism association suggestion within scholarly discussion of the Charismatic Movement among Han (non-aboriginal) Christians in Taiwan from 1970 to 1995.27 Having noted that similar forms of shamanism were present in both Taiwan and postwar South Korea, I tentatively suggest that the two basic factors that account for the differing perceptions toward shamanism displayed by Taiwanese and South Korean Christians had to do with different religious mentalities and historictheological contexts. So as to be consistent with the word choice on this subject in scholarly discussion, I will employ the term “pentecostalismshamanism” in this section. As the leading church that has helped popularize Pentecostalism in the postwar Korean church, Yoido Full Gospel Church that was started by David Yonggi Cho bears a strong Pentecostal color. The full gospel message and divine healing are central to the church.28 For Cho, the full gospel, also known as the fivefold gospel, includes five essential messages within the Bible: the gospel of Christ’s redemption, the gospel of the fullness of the 24   Jang Nam Hyuck, Shamanism in Korean Christianity (Edison, NJ: Jimoondang International, 2004), 151. 25  Andrew Eungi Kim, “Pentecostalism in Korea: Shamanism and the Reshaping of Korean Christianity,” in Pentecostalism and Shamanism in Asia, ed. Paul L.  Swanson (Nagoya, Japan: Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture Nanzan University, 2013), 9; Kim Sunggun, “The Resurgence of Neo-Pentecostalism and Shamanism in Contemporary Korea,” in Global Pentecostalism: Encounters with Other Religious Traditions, ed. David Westerlund (London: I.B. Tauris, 2009), 137–56. 26  Lin, “A Newfound Friend or a Good Old Companion? Charismatic Sensitivities in Protestant Churches in Taiwan,” 321–3. 27  The only known suggestion comes from Murray Rubinstein, who likens True Jesus Church Christians to tang-ki (shaman) when they speak in tongues. Rubinstein, The Protestant Community on Taiwan, 137–9. However, the suggestion is questionable. 28  Lee Young-hoon, “The Korean Holy Spirit Movement in Relation to Pentecostalism,” in Asian and Pentecostal, 422.

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Holy Spirit, the gospel of blessing, the gospel of divine healing, and the gospel of Jesus Christ’s second coming.29 Unlike the work of the Holy Spirit, which has been the lifeblood of Pentecostalism in South Korea, non-charismatic churches’ interest in the work of the Holy Spirit in Taiwan only became more noticeable in the early 1980s. This study shows that most of the charismatic churches that emerged in Taiwan from 1980 to 1995 were formed from non-charismatic backgrounds, which often had strong ties with conservative Protestantism or conservative Evangelicalism. As a result, many of these churches appropriated charismatic teachings through the lens of Protestant or Evangelical theologies from 1980 to 1995—which may have, in turn, curbed certain charismatic teachings from coming into full bloom. Put differently, from 1980 to 1995, long-held Protestant and Evangelical sentiments seem to have helped filter out more extreme examples of charismatic phenomena, resulting in a more moderate charismatic outlook and outworking in Taiwan. Even though several conferences that featured healing and deliverance were held in Taiwan from 1980 to 1995, healing ministries—which can often bear a striking resemblance to shamanistic healing rites—never became the “main event” of Sunday worship services in Taiwanese charismatic churches in the same way that it has in many Korean churches.30 Neither has faith-healing become a “drawing card” for Han Taiwanese clergy, as it has for Korean clergy.31 If faith healing is identified as the most important reason for the Yoido Full Gospel Church’s extraordinary growth in its first ten years (1958–1968),32 hardly any charismatic churches with predominantly Han Christians in Taiwan could make the same claim. Therefore, since, unlike South Korea, the practice of faith healing was far from widespread and intense in Taiwan, charismatic Han pastors were seldom looked upon by church members as faith healers. Furthermore, some scholars associate the Korean pentecostalism-shamanism nexus with a robust emphasis on the fulfillment of material wishes. If the theology of prosperity “became extremely popular among Korean Protestants, regardless of their denominational ties,”33 again, the same account cannot be applied to Taiwanese Christians. Because of its close association with 29  Hyeon Sung Bae, “Full Gospel Theology and a Korean Pentecostal Identity,” in Asian and Pentecostal, 432–3. 30  Andrew Eungi Kim, “Pentecostalism in Korea,” 4. 31  Andrew Kim, “Pentecostalism in Korea,” 16. 32  Andrew Kim, “Pentecostalism in Korea,” 15. 33  Andrew Kim, “Pentecostalism in Korea,” 18.

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c­ onservative Protestantism and conservative Evangelicalism, the theology of prosperity, despite enticing, was not forcefully advocated by charismatic Taiwanese churches from 1980 to 1995. The very different religious mentalities toward shamanism between Taiwanese and Koreans is an additional fundamental reason why it is easier to make the pentecostalism-shamanism link in Korea than in Taiwan. According to Andrew Eungi Kim, shamanism “has traditionally exerted the most profound influence upon the attitudes and behaviors as well as cultural practices of Koreans,” as the time-honored beliefs and rituals “have formed the basis of the religious and cultural life of the Korean people.”34 If the significance of shamanism is deeply ingrained in Korean society and the Korean psyche, and if shamanism could readily generate a sense of reverence among Koreans, such is not the case in Taiwan. In Taiwan, the common term used for shaman is tang-ki (童乩), which can be translated as “spirit medium.” Tang-ki’s are more often seen in villages than in cities, and they are most often men. They perform rituals at the request of clients or at feasts to honor gods, often without charging anything.35 According to David Jordan’s research conducted in Taiwan, Chinese culture hardly exalts tang-ki’s—although their role in the ritual sphere in the village is “extremely important, even exalted.”36 Gary Seaman makes a similar observation by stating that when possessed by a god, a tang-ki “can give direct and peremptory commands in a fashion completely beyond his ability to exercise authority while in a normal, unpossessed state.”37 In other words, if tang-ki’s are exalted, it is confined to the time and place where they are under duty, but not outside of such scope.

 Andrew Kim, “Pentecostalism in Korea,” 13.  Li Yih-yuan, “Shamanism in Taiwan: An Anthropological Inquiry,” in Culture-Bound Syndromes, Ethnopsychiatry, and Alternate Therapies, ed. William P.  Lebra (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1976), 180. 36  David K. Jordan, Gods, Ghosts, and Ancestors: The Folk Religion of a Taiwanese Village (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 69, 73. Justus Freytag’s fieldwork in Taiwanese villages shows that if parents do not resort to religious means when harm befalls a child, the neighbors and relatives would often blame the parents for not caring enough. When a household has no direct relationship with a church, they would often resort to tangki for guidance. Justus Freytag, The Church in Villages of Taiwan: The Impact of Modern Society and Folk-Religion on Rural Churches (Tainan: Tainan Theological College, 1969), 69. 37  Gary Seaman, “In the Presence of Authority: Hierarchical Roles in Chinese Spirit Medium Cults,” in Normal and Abnormal Behavior in Chinese Culture, ed. Arthur Kleinman and Lin Tsung-yi (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1981), 73. 34 35

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Because Koreans show a greater degree of deference to shamanism, shamans are rendered with power and authority in Korean culture. That such is the case explains why so many Korean scholars have likened Pentecostal pastors to shamans, as both religious leaders are highly respected for their possession of certain “powers” in their respective circles. In contrast, the authority of a tang-ki in Taiwan is mostly restricted for the specific occasions in which rituals are taking place. Moreover, the profession of tang-ki is rather marginalized in the Taiwanese society. While people show respect for tang-ki’s, the acclaim that they receive in Taiwan is nothing like that in Korea. In fact, to compare a Han charismatic pastor to a shaman in the Taiwanese context is not only problematic, but culturally inappropriate. Indeed, it is likely that charismatic Taiwanese pastors and church members would take offence at such parallel. In a nutshell, the profound influence of shamanism upon Korean society and the Korean psyche, together with the widespread practice of faith healing and an emphasis on material blessings, provided fertile ground for scholars to argue for the association between Pentecostalism and shamanism in South Korea. The absence of such features in Taiwan from 1980 to 1995, alongside Taiwanese culture’s different perception of shamans, could account for the absence of such accusations among Taiwanese scholars concerning the Charismatic Movement within Han Christians.

Summary A reoccurring theme of this chapter, which also contributes to the distinctive features of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan, is the “many-­spirits” cosmology of the Taiwanese cultural context. This “many-spirits” cosmology enables Taiwanese Christians to readily recognize the spiritual and demonic realm as depicted in Scripture in a literal sense, and this preconceived worldview has historically prepared them to receive the charismatic teachings of the late twentieth century with a ready ear. Because Taiwanese Christians have tended to look to Western Protestant or Evangelical circles for “pure doctrines,” which had traditionally failed to take the “middle” world seriously, the imported theologies, at times, may have been employed by the natives to “stamp out” several indigenous charismatic flames. At the same time, with the exception of the politically charged “1995 prophecy,” we may conclude that the influences of conservative Protestantism and Evangelicalism from the West within the Taiwanese Church also regulated the development of charismatic teachings from 1980 to 1995.

CHAPTER 8

Conclusion

The purpose of this research was to trace the contour of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1900 to 2000, while giving special attention to the period from 1970 to 1995—which is when the movement officially commenced, gained currency, and was popularized. Taiwanese scholars have correctly pointed out in their research that non-charismatic churches in Taiwan were heavily influenced by charismatic teachings starting in 1980, but hardly any details related to events leading up to 1980. The bulk of my study, therefore, was devoted to studying charismatic activities in Taiwan from 1958 to 1979, and explaining how the decade of the 1970s prepared the way for the 1980s. The unearthing and compiling of materials related to the proliferation of charismatic events from 1958 to 1979 have been more difficult and laborious than that after 1980, but it has also been most rewarding. In particular, the discovery of the decade-long Formosa Chapter of the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International that started in 1958, and Jean Stone Willans’ four-month presence in Taiwan in 1968, was astounding. While a number of high officials and officers in Taiwan took part in the FGBMFI Formosa Chapter, I have not found the Chapter’s record in the extensive documents that I have examined, save Taiwan’s Christian Tribune, the Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice, and Oral Roberts’ Abundant Life (Chap. 3). In addition, even though the presence of Assemblies of God (USA) missionaries and local Christians can be readily observed in activities surrounding the FGBMFI Formosa Chapter and Oral Roberts’ © The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4_8

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visit, existing records do not show consistent growth of the Assemblies of God in Taiwan as a denomination in postwar Taiwan. Further, although Jean Stone did not acquire followers during her stay in Taiwan, it appears that she was one of the several contributing factors that led to Donald Dale’s eventual embracing of the charismatic message in the early 1970s. In addition to the Charismatic Movement within the Catholic Church in Taiwan, I have identified six other clusters of charismatic activities within the Protestant Christianity in the 1970s which I consider most significant. Excluding the indigenous 1972 Tayal Revival, the other five clusters of ministries were headed by Pearl G. Young, Donald and Penelope Dale, Ross Paterson, Nicholas G.  Krushnisky, and Allen J.  Swanson. Charismatic missionaries’ involvement in these five circles was more than significant, as their message on the person and the work of the Holy Spirit was groundbreaking in a climate that showed suspicion to the Pentecostal-­ Charismatic Movement at large. Also, most missionaries affiliated with these clusters were known to be “Moderate Charismatics,” as opposed to “radical” ones. These missionaries’ more modest teachings and practices with respect to the Holy Spirit lent credibility to, and, to a degree, helped redeem the Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement. Their labor in the 1970s won over a considerable number of Taiwanese college students and college graduates—some of whom went on to become influential charismatic pastors and church leaders in Taiwan in the 1980s. These Taiwanese leaders also set the tone for the course of development of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan for the following decades. As important as they were, we should not overestimate the contributions of the charismatic missionaries active in Taiwan in the 1970s. For it was not them, but Taiwanese charismatic leaders in the 1980s who more effectively popularized charismatic teachings throughout Taiwan through a wide variety of endeavors. Yet, neither should we underestimate the contributions of these charismatic missionaries, because many of them directly influenced and shaped the theological convictions of later Taiwanese charismatic leaders who came to be in the leading position in the 1980s. Put differently, a considerable number of Taiwanese charismatic pastors and church leaders identify these charismatic missionaries in their respective circles as the most important sources of influence with regard to their initial embracing and understanding of the charismatic message in the 1970s. Without these missionaries, their theological formation would have taken a different shape. Further, whereas several charismatic missionaries active in the 1970s left Taiwan before they could witness the proliferation of the

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Charismatic Movement in Taiwanese churches starting in the early 1980s, those who remained on the mission field partnered with Taiwanese charismatic pastors and church leaders to continue advancing the charismatic message. The influence of Pearl G. Young, Nicholas G. Krushnisky, and Allen J. Swanson, for instance, continued in Taiwan well into the 1980s. While Brad Long only started ministry in Taiwan in the early 1980s, his influence within the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan was second to none. In addition to the early Taiwanese “converts” who embraced the charismatic gospel in the 1970s, many more Taiwanese Christians became more sympathetic to the charismatic teachings through the message of church growth and renewal in the 1980s and the 1990s. As Chap. 5 demonstrates, global church growth thinking reached Taiwan in the early 1970s through the Taiwan Church Growth Society and its affiliation with Fuller Theological Seminary’s School of World Mission and Institute of Church Growth. The Society not only popularized church growth thinking within the Taiwanese Church, but, through the efforts of Allen Swanson and his association with Campus Crusade in Taiwan, non-­ charismatic churches across denominations in Taiwan made their first group pilgrimages to churches in South Korea—including the pentecostal Yoido Full Gospel Church—in 1979 and 1980. While trips were primarily concerned with church growth, they ended up opening the floodgates for intense interest in the work of the Holy Spirit in Taiwan. The immediate fruits born from the trips were the renewal of individuals and churches, the acquiring of new visions concerning charismatic ministries, the launching of different prayer groups, and the inauguration of the Miaoli Prayer Mountain. In the grand scheme of things, the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan in the first half of the 1980s has to be understood as a “surprising outgrowth” of church growth initiatives: It was the Taiwanese Church’s desire for church growth that led to its discovering, probing, and the initial reception of the charismatic message on a larger scale in the early 1980s. In addition to Taiwanese church leaders’ visits to churches in South Korea (1979–1980), and the founding of the Miaoli Prayer Mountain (1981) and the Elim Bookstore (1982), several other more significant causes also had direct bearings on propelling Taiwanese Christians’ enthusiasm for the Charismatic Movement to reach zenith from 1988 to 1994. These include Brad Long’s ministry (1980s), the formation of the Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance (1987/8), the lifting of Taiwan’s Martial Law (1987), the launching of the Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan in 1987, and the opening of the Agape Renewal Center in

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California in 1987. While the Miaoli Prayer Mountain in the early 1980s gave Taiwanese Christians a “foretaste” of charismatic Christianity that would eventually be popularized, Andrew Chi-ming Chang’s Elim Bookstore and Hosanna Ministry continue to introduce new developments of the global Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement to Taiwan to this day. Due to Andrew Chang’s unceasing passion to gain a deeper understanding of how people of all nations experience God in a tangible (and often supernatural) manner, he has generally kept his ministry in step with the development of the global Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement in general and the New Apostolic Reformation in particular. As a result, Andrew Chang’s ministry has been one of the most important forward-looking contributions to the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. Since Andrew Chang was a student of Nicholas Krushnisky who was closely associated with figures of the Latter Rain Movement in 1948, the impact of the Latter Rain theology upon the Taiwanese Church has to be duly recognized. Strikingly, it was through the two non-charismatic events—the visits to churches in South Korea and the Year 2000 Gospel Movement in Taiwan— that helped break new grounds within the Taiwanese Church at a national level. While the visits to churches in South Korea prepared a rather favorable climate for the charismatic message to enter into the Taiwanese Church in the late 1970s and the early 1980s, the Year 2000 Gospel Movement created a rather friendly atmosphere for the charismatic message to get across to the Taiwanese Church in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s. In both instances, it was beyond the organizers’ expectation and calculation that the events would indirectly and directly contribute to the furthering of the charismatic message in Taiwan. While a portion of Taiwanese Christians continues to be suspicious of the charismatic message to this day, my study shows that when probed, non-charismatic Christians across churches were in fact rather affirmative of the work of the Holy Spirit from 1980 to 1995. Not only so, some of them even professed to have witnessed supernatural events, or engaged the realm of spiritual and demonic beings. The “anti-Charismatic Movement” sentiment within non-charismatic churches, as unveiled, turns out to be objections to troublesome theological claims, an overemphasis on certain aspects of teaching, and the novel ways of worship. The position of cessationism and complete rejection of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan cannot be established from the extensive sources utilized in this research.

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This surprising finding encourages us to acknowledge the significance of the charismatic sensibilities inherent in Taiwanese Christians, which has become the most important element that frames the distinctive features of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan. It would also be safe to suggest that the distinctions between charismatic and non-charismatic Christians in Taiwan are muddier than those of their Western counterparts. A related question that arose from the discussion, which requires further investigation, is whether Taiwanese Christians’ attempts to appropriate “pure doctrines” from the white Protestant or Evangelical world to the Taiwanese context—which included Western presuppositions with respect to the “excluded middle” due to Enlightenment reasoning—in any way repressed the inherent charismatic sensibilities that may have otherwise flourished in different forms or expressions at an earlier time. While I have identified what I consider to be the most important clusters that have contributed to the development of the Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1970 to 1995, this study is by no means comprehensive. Areas that deserve further research include contributions from such groups in the 1980s as the pentecostal Taipei Truth Church 台北真 道教會, the Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International Taiwan Chapter, Gan Lan Publisher 橄欖出版社 in Taiwan that have published a number of charismatic-­related books, and the transnational influence of Felix Fu-li Liu 劉富理, first president of Logos Evangelical Seminary 正道 福音神學院 in Southern California. The development of the Charismatic Movement from 1970 to 1995 subsequently altered the ecclesial scene in Taiwan. While intense enthusiasm for the charismatic message has gradually dissipated over the course of the last two decades, the Taiwanese Church’s passion for growth and renewal persists to this day. As we approach 2021, it is not an overstatement to say that charismatic teachings have almost become a “given” in the Taiwanese Church, which is often discussed unabashedly. The Pentecostal-Charismatic Movement that has suffered from having a poor reputation for the bulk of the twentieth century has largely been restored in Taiwan by the close of the century. The question of how the evangelical-­ turned-­Charismatic Church evolved and reshaped its self-understanding since 1995, and how has it found its unique voice and place in the larger Taiwanese Church and Taiwan’s society from 1995 to 2020, is another one exciting subject that awaits unfolding.

Appendices

Appendix 1 This six-page document is a record from the (charismatic) Intercessors for R.O.C. Prayer Retreat (Chap. 4) held on February 6–9, 1978 in Tanshui in northern Taiwan. It indicates that participants freely utilized such spiritual gifts as visions and prophecies during the meeting. The document was given to me by Rey Bianchi.

© The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4

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Appendix 2 This document was published in pages 42–43 of Campus Magazine 校園 雜誌 in August 1977. Stephen Wu 吳鯤生 compiled a list of books that discuss the person and the work of the Holy Spirit available in Mandarin. The title translates: “Bibliography, Part I: Books on the Person and the Work of the Holy Spirit.” The short list demonstrates the limited resources on the Holy Spirit available to Taiwanese Christians in 1977. It also alludes to the significance of Malcolm Foster’s publications (Chap. 4). I thank Campus Evangelical Fellowship Press for granting me permission to include the following pages in this work.

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Bibliography

Primary Sources Periodicals, Magazines, and Almanacs Sources in this section are arranged alphabetically by the English name of sources’ titles, including those originally published in Mandarin Chinese. Under each title, sources are arranged by dates of publication.

Abundant Life Roberts, Oral. “The Healing Power of Christ in the Orient.” Abundant Life 15, no. 2, February 1961, 2. Helbling, Doyle. “International Seminar.” Abundant Life 18, no. 2, February 1964, 11, 19. Roberts, Oral. “Quest for the Whole Man.” Abundant Life 19, no. 11, November 1965, 24.

Bread of Life Young, Pearl G. “The Purpose of the Baptism of the Holy Spirit: The Personal Testimony of Miss Pearl Young.” Bread of Life 2, no. 8, August 1953, 5, 10. Young, Pearl, and Elisabeth Lindau. “Ambassadors to Formosa.” Bread of Life 3, no. 11, November 1954, 10–11. Lindau, Elisabeth. “On Land or Sea.” Bread of Life 9, no. 8, August 1960, 8. © The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4

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Bibliography

Dale, Penelope. “In His Presence is Fullness of Joy.” Bread of Life 9, no. 9, September 1960, 3–4, 11. “Elisabeth Lindau attending Language Institute in Taipei, Formosa.” Bread of Life 9, no. 11, November 1960, 9. Waldvogel, Hans. “The Baptism of the Holy Spirit.” Bread of Life 17, no. 5, May 1968, 3–4.

Campus Magazine 校園雜誌 (Xiaoyuan zazhi) Chow, Nathaniel Shen-chu. “Nengyuan de zhenhan” 能源的震撼 [The dynamics of power]. Campus Magazine, February 1974, 5–9. Howard, David M. “Wanren han tianshi de fangyan” 萬人和天使的方言 [Tongues of men and of angels]. Translated by Liu Liang-shwu 劉良淑. Campus Magazine, June 1975, 28–9, excerpted from David M. Howard. By the Power of the Holy Spirit. Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 1973. Lu, Yi-che 盧義哲. “Wo dui Shengling de renshi: Nayici jingli” 我對聖靈的認 識—那一次經歷 [My understanding of the Holy Spirit: That encounter]. Campus Magazine, August 1977, 33–4. Wu, Stephen 吳鯤生. “Cankao shumu: yi: Guanyu ‘Shengling zhi weige,’ ‘Sengling zhi gongzuo’ de shuji” 參考書目: 壹、關於「聖靈之位格」、「聖靈之工 作」的書籍 [Bibliography: part I: Books on the person and the work of the Holy Spirit]. Campus Magazine, August 1977, 42–3. ———. “Qianlun Xinyue Jiaohui” 淺論「新約教會」 [A brief look at the New Testament Church]. Campus Magazine, August 1978, 26–30. Lin, Timothy 林道亮. “Moguixue” 魔鬼學 [Demonology]. Campus Magazine, August 1981, 24–6. “Tianshang cangku weisheikai: Daogaoshan zhilu” 天上倉庫為誰開—禱告山之旅 [For whom is the storehouse of heaven open: A trip to the Miaoli Prayer Mountain]. Campus Magazine, August-September 1983, 2. Hui, Chuan 惠娟. “Gongpo yinglei: Fang Rao Xiaobo tan zhengzhan daogao” 攻 破營壘—訪饒孝柏談爭戰禱告 [Tearing down stronghold: Mark Rao on spiritual warfare prayer]. Campus Magazine, August-September 1983, 10–1. Peng, Samuel 彭懷冰, and Chou Hui-fang 周慧芳. “Duihua yu huiying: ‘Tiaozheng jiaoju kan Shengling’” 對話與回應—「調整焦距看聖靈」 [Dialogue and response: Assessing James I.  Packer’s Keep in Step with the Spirit]. Campus Magazine, February 1986, 13–5. Chow, Nathaniel Shen-chu, and Chou Hui-fang 周慧芳. “Duihua yu huiying: Ping ‘diaozheng jiaoju kan Shengling’” 對話與回應—評「調整焦距看聖靈」 [Dialogue and response: Critiquing “Getting the Spirit in Focus”]. Campus Magazine, February 1986, 16.

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Tang, Meng-tsung 湯孟宗. “Yanshui jiaohui zengzhang xiaozu jingyantan” 鹽水 教會增長小組經驗談 [Sharing experiences of growth groups in Yanshui Church]. Taiwan Church News, September 21, 1980, 6. Tang, Meng-tsung. “Yanshui jiaohui tuixing jiating xiaozu yundong suo chansheng de liansuo fanying” 鹽水教會推行家庭小組運動所產生的連鎖反應 [Chain reactions of small group movement in Yanshui Church]. Taiwan Church News, January 18, 1981, 5. Lin, Yuan-hsiang 林雲祥. “Shandi jiaohui zengzhang fanli: Mayuan jiaohui tuihang jiejiu zengzhang xiaozu zhi guoxiao” 山地教會增長範例—馬遠教會推行 戒酒 增長小組之果效 [A model of growth in an aboriginal church: The outcome of Mayuan church’s promotions of abstinence from alcohol and growth groups]. Taiwan Church News, May 24, 1981, 5. Chen, Sheng-cheng 陳勝政. “Kaichuang xuanjiao de xinjiyun: Xiang ‘Zhanglaojiaohui xintu shiyi zengzhang yundong’ jianyan” 開創宣教的新機運: 向「長老教會信徒什一增長運動」建言 [Create new mission opportunity: Some suggestions for the “Ten Plus One Lay Movement of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan”]. Taiwan Church News, July 26, 1981, 5–6. Chen, Nan-jou 陳南州. “Jiaohui zengzhang de fanchou cengci” 教會增長的範疇 層次 [Different aspects of church growth]. Taiwan Church News, March 7, 1982, 7. Chang, Tsong-liong 張宗隆. “Zhanglao yu jiaohui zengzhang” 長老與教會增長 [Elders and church growth]. Taiwan Church News, June 6 & 13, 1982, 7. Tsai-hung 彩虹. “Tan jinshi daogao” 談禁食禱告 [On fasting and prayer]. Taiwan Church News, October 24, 1982, 7. Lo, William Jung-kuang. “Tuizhan meizhouwu zhongwu quanti xintu jinshi daogao zhi gousi” 推展每週五中午全體信徒禁食禱告之構思 [A proposal to encourage all Church members to fast and pray on Friday during the lunch hour]. Taiwan Church News, November 28, 1982, 5. McCall, Robert Donnell. “Canjia Ameizu Kwangfu jiaohui jinshi daogao juhui you gan” 參加阿美族光復教會禁食禱告聚會有感 [Some reflections after attending the fasting and prayer gathering at Kwangfu Church of the Ami tribe]. Translated by Chang Hung-che 張弘哲. Taiwan Church News, January 2, 1983, 2. Su, Su-chen 蘇素貞. “Ye tan Qidaoshan” 也談祈禱山 [Also on Miaoli Prayer Mountain]. Taiwan Church News, January 16, 1983, 5. Yang, C. S. 楊啟壽. “Cong shandi lingen yundong tantao shengjing zhong you guan Shengling yu xieling de jiaoxun” 從山地靈恩運動探討聖經中有關聖靈與 邪靈的教訓 [The Charismatic Movement in the mountains: Exploring the Bible’s teaching on the Holy Spirit and evil spirits]. Taiwan Church News, January 23, 1983, 5.

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Chang, Tsong-liong. “Dui shandi jiaohui lingen yundong zhi jianyan” 對山地教 會靈恩運動之建言 [Advice for tribal churches concerning the Charismatic Movement]. Taiwan Church News, March 20, 1983, 7. Lo, William Jung-kuang. “Weishime zai libaiwu?!” 為什麼在禮拜五?! [Why Friday?!]. Taiwan Church News, May 29, 1983, 6. “Xinzhu Shengjing xueyuan juban hanguo lingxiu” 新竹聖經學院舉辦韓國靈修 [The Presbyterian Bible College organizes a retreat to Korea]. Taiwan Church News, February 12, 1984, 2. Huang, Hui-chueh 黃輝爵. “Canyu muzhe lingming gengxin zaojiuying ganyan” 參與牧者靈命更新造就營感言 [Reflections on the Spiritual Renewal Retreat for Pastors and Leaders]. Taiwan Church News, May 27, 1984, 14. Lee, Sheng-hsiung 李勝雄. “Yong shenji sui zhe, zhengshi suo chuandedao” 用神 蹟隨著、證實所傳的道 [The Lord confirmed the Word by the signs that accompanied it]. Taiwan Church News, November 25, 1984, 14. Huang, Hui-chueh. “Fang Shengjing xueyuan xintu xunlian zhongxin zhuren Luoxuechuan boshi” 訪聖經學院信徒訓練中心主任羅學川博士 [An interview with Dr. Bradford Long, director of the Presbyterian Bible College Training Center]. Taiwan Church News, September 15, 1985, 7. “Dongbu Jidutu jinshi daogaohui” 東部基督徒禁食禱告會 [Fasting and prayer meeting on the east coast]. Taiwan Church News, October 26, 1986, 5. “Tainan shenxueyuan chengli ‘yanjiu zhongxin’ jiang tantao ‘qidaoshan he lingen yundong’” 台南神學院成立「研究中心」將探討 「祈禱山和靈恩運動」 [The research center at Tainan Theological College and Seminary will be discussing “The Prayer Mountain and the Charismatic Movement”]. Taiwan Church News, December 7, 1986, 8. “Shengjing xueyuan shouyaoqing, zhaoji xueyuan fu meiguo shou quanren yizhi xunlian” 聖經學院受邀請, 召集學院赴美國受全人醫治訓練 [Presbyterian Bible College invited to the United States for holistic healing training]. Taiwan Church News, May 10, 1987, 2. “Lingen yundong yingxiang jiaohui zhengfu juzai: Luoxuechuan mushi fenxi lingen yundong” 靈恩運動影響教會正負俱在—羅學川牧師分析靈恩運動 [The positive and negative impacts of the Charismatic Movement: Rev. Brad Long’s analysis of the Charismatic Movement]. Taiwan Church News, October 11, 1987, 3. “Lingen yundong zhiduoshao yushen chushu bangzhuni” 靈恩運動知多少 玉神 出書幫助你 [How much do we know about the Charismatic Movement? Yu-Shan has published a book to help]. Taiwan Church News, October 25, 1987, 7. “‘Chaowenhua lingming gengxin fushituan’ jinxia lai Tai xunhui juban yantaohui” 「超文化靈命更新服事團」今夏來台巡迴舉辦研討會 [Cross-cultural spiritual renewal ministries will conduct seminars in Taiwan this summer]. Taiwan Church News, May 22, 1988, 5.

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Kraft, Charles. “Shijieguan de gaibian, shifeng taidu de zhuanbian” 世界觀的改變, 事奉態度的轉變 [Shifting worldviews, shifting attitudes]. Translated by Huang Hui-chueh. Taiwan Church News, June 26, 1988, 10. “Jiaohui gengxin yu lingli shifeng zaojiu yuhuizhe” 教會更新與靈力事奉造就與 會者 [Church renewal and power ministry built the participants up]. Taiwan Church News, August 14, 1988, 5. “Taiyaer zhonghui Naluo jiaohui shengming chengqing” 泰雅爾中會那羅教會聲 明澄清 [A statement from the Nalo Church of the Tayal Presbytery]. Taiwan Church News, May 14, 1989, 7. Chiu, Chien-hua 邱見花. “Shenyi lunli zai nali” 神醫倫理在那裡 [What is the ethics of healing?]. Taiwan Church News, September 29, 1991, 11. Wong, Chong-gyiau 王崇堯. “Lingen yundong zhi wo jian” 靈恩運動之我見 [My perspective on the Charismatic Movement]. Taiwan Church News, March 20, 1994, 9. Tai Chi Lao Jen 台基老人. “Miandui yijiujiuwu nian Shangdi jie Zhongguo zhi shou shenpan Taiwan yuyan de shengsi (shang) & (xia)” 面對1995年上帝借中 國之手審判台灣預言的省思 (上) & (下) [Reflections on the prophecy of God using China to judge Taiwan in 1995, parts I & II]. Taiwan Church News, May 15 & 22, 1994, 15. Cheng, Hung-hui 鄭宏輝. “Yijiujiuwu runbayue: Lujia fuyin 16:19–31” 一九九五 閏八月—路加福音 16:19–31 [The leap month of August 1995: Luke 16:19–31]. Taiwan Church News, November 13, 1994, 18. “Dui Shengling gengxin yundong de jianyiwen” 對聖靈更新運動的建議文 [A Recommendation for the Holy Spirit Renewal Movement]. Taiwan Church News, March 19, 1995, 9. Tsai, Tu-chen 蔡篤真. “Yijiujiuwu runbayue: Jinfang mogui de yinmou” 一九九五 閏八月—謹防魔鬼的陰謀 [The leap month of August 1995: Be wary of the scheme of the devil]. Taiwan Church News, October 15, 1995, 11.

Archival Collections Wright, J. Elwin. Letter to Family, February–March 1952 and February–March 1952. Collection 565: Ephemera of James Elwin Wright, 1897–1986, Box 1, Folder 9 and Folder 11. Billy Graham Center Archives, Wheaton College. Willans, Jean Stone. Letter to Loraine, February 13, 1968. Papers of Jean Stone and Richard J. Willans, 1943–2010, Box 13. Archives and Special Collections, David Allan Hubbard Library, Fuller Theological Seminary. Sawatzky, Sheldon. Church Growth Society Meeting Minutes, February 7, 1972, Arthur Frederick Glasser Collection, 1932–1997, Box 3, Folder 14. Archives and Special Collections, David Allan Hubbard Library, Fuller Theological Seminary.

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Sawatzky, Sheldon. Minutes of the Church Growth Society Executive Meeting, May 17, 1972. Arthur Frederick Glasser Collection, 1932–1997, Box 3, Folder 14. Archives and Special Collections, David Allan Hubbard Library, Fuller Theological Seminary. Introducing the Church Growth Society, June 16, 1972. Arthur Frederick Glasser Collection, 1932–1997, Box 3, Folder 14. Archives and Special Collections, David Allan Hubbard Library, Fuller Theological Seminary. Chan Loo, Sarah to Rev. and Mrs. du Plessis. Papers of David Du Plessis, 1900–1987, Box 10, Folder 92. Archives and Special Collections, David Allan Hubbard Library, Fuller Theological Seminary.

Manuscript in the Author’s Possession The documents in this section were given to the author by Malcolm Foster and Rey Bianchi. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 6,” August 1973. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 8,” June 1974. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 9,” September 12, 1974. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 10,” December 1974. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 12,” August 30, 1975. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 13,” December 1975. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 14,” April 1976. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 15,” June 1976. The Fosters. “Prayer Letter No. 22,” May/June?, 1979. Foster, Malcolm. “Intercessors for R.O.C. Prayer Letter No.1,” December 1975. Bianchi, Rey. “Intercessors for R.O.C. Prayer Letter No.9,” Summer 1979. Bianchi, Rey. “Intercessors for R.O.C. Prayer Letter No.11,” Spring 1980. Bianchi, Rey. “18th Intercessors for R.O.C. Prayer Conference,” December 1981. Bianchi, Rey. “19th Intercessors for R.O.C. Prayer Conference,” April 1982.

Individuals Interviewed The following is a list of individuals with whom I conducted interviews in person, through phone, or through skype. Unless specified, interviews were conducted in person. The list does not include individuals who provided information and insight about the history of the Charismatic Movement on Taiwan through e-mail exchanges. Bianchi, Rey. Skype interview. June 27, 2017. Chan, Ernest Chong-fai (Chen Zhonghui) 陳仲輝. Walnut, CA.  December 20, 2017.

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Chang, Andrew Chi-ming (Zhang Qiming) 章啟明. Taipei. September 7, 2016 and January 19, 2018. Chen, Yi-ming 陳義明. Skype interview. November 10, 2018. Chiu, Jonathan Chih-chien (Qiu Zhijian) 邱志健. El Monte, CA. July 20, 2017 and November 21, 2018. Chow, Nathaniel Shen-chu (Zhou Shenzhu) 周神助. Taipei. August 24, 2016. This interview was arranged by Pastor Peter Ning-ya Yang, who joined in our conversation. Cook, Norman. Phone interview. June 2, 2018. Dale, Tony. Phone interview. February, 28, 2017. Ku, Abraham (Gu Qiyun) 顧其芸. Taipei. August 24, 2016. Ho, Louise (née van den berg). Skype interview. January 17, 2017. Ho, Daniel Chih-yung (He Zhiyong) 何志勇. Skype interview. April 11, 2018. Huang, James Sheng-chih (Huang Shengzhi) 黃聖志. Taipei. August 26, 2016. Lo, William Jung-kuang (Luo Rongguang) 羅榮光. Taipei. January 15, 2018. New, Lynn. Phone interview. May 19, 2017. Paterson, Ross. Taipei. September 3, 2016. Peng, Teh-kui (Peng Degui) 彭德貴. Taipei. January 16, 2018. Plummer, Doug. Skype interview. May 2, 2017. Reichl, Helene. Pingtung. September 6, 2016. Shia, James Chung-chien (Xia Zhongjian) 夏忠堅. Taipei. January 17, 2018. Sung, Lewis Yi-che (Song Yizhe) 宋義哲. Skype interview. October 2, 2017. Swanson, Allen. Phone interviews. July 26, 2016 and October 17, 2018. Tsai, David 蔡錦源. Phone interview. May 11, 2018. Tsao, Daniel Li-chung (Cao Lizhong) 曹力中. Taipei. September 7, 2016. Wu, Vernon Wen-lang (Wu Wenlang) 吳文朗. Taipei. January 16, 2018. Yang, Peter Ning-ya (Yang Ningya) 楊寧亞. Taipei. August 21, 2016.

Books and Documents An, Ching-t’ien 安靜天. “Di ba qi: Changchun Zhu Jia Cheng Zi jinxun” 第八期: 長春朱家城子近訊 [Issue No. 8: Recent News from Chu Chia Cheng Tze, Ch’ang-Ch’un, Manchuria] (June 8, 1934). In Ni Tuosheng wen ji di er ji di ershiwu ce: Tong Wen Hui Kan (juan yi) 倪柝聲文集第二集第25冊: 通問彙刊 (卷一) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 2) Vol. 25: Collection of Newsletters (1)], 205–6, 4th ed. Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004. Chang, Wen-wei 張文蔚. “Di liu qi: Dalian laixin” 第六期: 大連來信 [Issue No. 6: A Letter from Dairen, Manchuria] (April 14, 1934). In Ni Tuosheng wen ji di er ji di ershiwu ce: Tong Wen Hui Kan (Juan Yi) 倪柝聲文集第二集第25冊: 通 問彙刊 (卷一) [The Collected Works of Watchman Nee (Set 2) Vol. 25: Collection of Newsletters (1)], 164–6, 4th ed. Taipei: Taiwan fuyin shufang, 2004.

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Hong, Elijah 洪以利亞. Shen suo jianxuan de yigeren yizuoshan 神所揀選的一個人 一座山 [A man and a mountain]. Taipei: Grace of Jesus Christ Crusade 基督靈 恩佈道團, 1982. Kong, Duen-yee 江端儀. Shengming zhengdaoji 生命證道集 [A living testimony to the truth]. Hong Kong: Grace of Jesus Christ Crusade, 1963. Lee, Witness 李常受. “Crucial Words of Leading in the Lord’s Recovery, Book 2: Leading the Saints to Practice the New Way Ordained by the Lord: The Elders Needing to Lead the Saints to Practice the Way Ordained by the Lord (4) (April–May 1988).” In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1988), Vol. 2, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2017. ———. “Vessels Useful to the Lord: Three Matters Requiring the Attention of the Lord’s Serving Ones” (October–December 1985). In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 5, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016. ———. “Vessels Useful to the Lord: The Inward and Outward Filling of the Spirit (October–December 1985).” In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 5, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016. ———. “Elders’ Training, Book 05: Becoming Skillful in Using the Word through the Governing Principles of Interpreting the Bible (September 1985).” In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 3, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016. ———. “Elders’ Training, Book 05: Fellowship Concerning the Lord’s Up-to-Date Move: The One Thing, the Unique Thing, in the Lord’s Recovery (September 1985).” In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 3, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016. ———. “The Living Needed for Building Up the Small Group Meetings: A Living of Meeting in the Spirit and by Christ (July–September 1985).” In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 3, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016. ———. “The Living Needed for Building Up the Small Group Meetings: Practicing to Speak the Word of the Lord (July–September 1985).” In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1985), Vol. 3, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2016. ———. “The Spirit and the Body: The Mutual Care of the Members and the Spiritual Gifts (August–September 1977).” In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1977), Vol. 2, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2014. ———. “The Spirit and the Body: The Practicality of the Body (August–September 1977).” In The Collected Works of Witness Lee (1977), Vol. 2, edited by Living Stream Ministry. Anaheim, CA: Living Stream Ministry, 2014. ———. “Enjoying the Riches of Christ for the Building Up of the Church as the Body of Christ: Ministering Christ by Prophesying (August–September 1971).” In The

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Index1

A Aborigines, aboriginal people, 1, 4, 6, 6n16, 7, 15, 17n58, 20, 20n69, 70, 71, 127–129, 133, 140, 140n173, 146, 168, 187, 228 Abundant Life, 86, 257 Agape Renewal Center (California), 198–207, 212, 259 American Lutheran Church, USA, 248 Anti-Catholicism, 33 Anti-communism, 33, 83 Anti-(liberal) ecumenism, 33 Anti-pentecostalism, 33 Arganbright, Miner, 81 Armstrong, Hart, 84 Arnott, John, 207 Asia Christian Conference in Korea, 184 Asian Center for Theological Studies, 150 Askew, Arlan, 193

Assemblies of God Mountain District Council, 66 Assemblies of God (USA), 65n30, 78, 79, 86, 118, 130, 170, 257 Austin-Sparks, T., 52, 101n32 Azusa Street Revival, 8, 9n24, 10, 42, 225–226 B Baker, James and Marjorie, 65n30, 118 Benintendi, Garland, 65n30, 130 Bennett, Dennis, 147, 243, 247n12 Bianchi, Reynald J., xv, 22, 110–112 Bickle, Mike, 207 Birch, Robert, 109, 109n65 Bocker, Gerda, 94, 99 Boerop, Bill, 200, 201 Bolton, Robert J., 65n30, 87n120, 130n145

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s) 2020 J. C. P. Lin, The Charismatic Movement in Taiwan from 1945 to 1995, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48084-4

319

320 

INDEX

Borchard, Fr. Josef, SJ, 152n222, 154 Bradford, George C. “Brick,” 143, 143n182 Branham, William, 172 Bread of Life Christian Church (Shihlin), 211 Bread of Life Christian Church (Taipei), 117, 175–180, 199, 200, 203 Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance, 198–200, 212, 249, 259 Pearl Young and, 100 rapid growth in the 1980s, 179–180 Bread of Life (Ridgewood Pentecostal Church), 67n35, 68n42, 96, 97n11, 101, 101n35, 102, 102n36, 102n37, 102n38, 102n39, 102n40 Buckingham, Jamie, 139 C Cain, Paul, 207 Cambridge Seven, 42 Campus Evangelical Fellowship, 36, 77n83, 101n31, 177n84, 187n128, 223, 246n7 Campus Magazine, 215–217 CIM-OMF and, 40 Donald Dale and, 101n34 Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow and, 177 1973 tongues event, 121–123 1976 tongues event, 123–124 Ross Paterson and, 121, 125–126 Campus Magazine (Xiaoyuan zazhi), 77–78n83, 114, 114n89, 122n112, 166n38, 167n43, 177, 177n81, 177n82, 200n179, 215, 216, 246n7, 250, 250n17 discussion on Charismatic Movement, 216–223

Canada, 28, 41, 69, 70, 109, 127, 128, 244 Catholic Charismatic Renewal Newsletter of Taiwan (Taiwan shenen fuxing jikan), 155n239 Catholic Charismatic Renewal (Taiwan), 93, 150–155 Cell Group Movement (Taiwan), 208, 210–212, 249 Cerullo, Morris, 198 CES, see China Evangelical Seminary Cessationism, 44, 260 Cessationist, 26, 53, 53n127, 55 Chan, Ernest Chong-fai, xv, 113n84, 124n119, 203n191, 212 Agape Renewal Center, 198–207 Bill Bright and Campus Crusade and, 207n204 connections with worldwide pentecostal-charismatic speakers, 207 Full Gospel Business Men Fellowship and, 206–207 Vineyard Church and, 206–207 Chan, Sarah (née Loo), 205, 206, 206n200 Chang Ching-yu, 34n34, 81, 83, 83n107, 86 association with Krushnisky, 34 Chang, Andrew Chi-ming, xv, 78, 105n56, 239n81, 244, 260 Culture University, 127–129 Elim Bookstore, 169–176 Hosanna Ministry, 174–176 Latter Rain Magazine, 170–172 music ministry, 173–174 partnership with Nathaniel Shen-­ chu Chow, 175 Chang, Nathan Mao-sung, 175n74, 180–185 Chareonwongsak, Kriengsak, 199–203, 199n175, 202n189

 INDEX 

Charismatic Renewal Service Center (Hsinchu), 152 Chavda, Mahesh, 203, 207 Chen Chuan-huang (Keng Yun Hui), 158 Chen Kung-liang, 175n74, 185 Chen Lu, 177 1976 tongues event (Campus Evangelical Fellowship), 123–124 Chen Shu-jung, 144, 145 Chen Yi-ming (PCT), xv, 188, 197 Cheng Chang-kuo (Bread of Life Church), 176 Chiang, Kai-shek, 13, 15, 15n49, 30, 33, 35, 224 Chiang, Madame Kai-shek, 35, 80, 80n94, 86 China Assemblies of God Taiwan District Council, 65, 66 China Evangelical Fellowship, 82, 83n104 China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei), xvi, 4, 4n8, 5n9, 20, 22, 35–39, 39n53, 39n54, 58n1, 83n107, 148, 164n29, 219, 220 Allen Swanson and, 148 China Evangelical Seminary News Bulletin (Zhonghua fuyin shenxueyuan tonxun), 83n107, 144n186 conservative evangelicalism, 39 impacted by the Tayal Revival (1970s), 144–146 Nathan Mao-sung Chang and, 181 neo-evangelical genesis, 36–37 Statement of Faith, 37 Zion Church meetings at, 99 China Inland Mission, 25, 30n21, 36, 39–43, 77, 119n101 fundamentalism connections with, 41–43

321

Pearl Young and, 67 reponse to pentecostalism in early twentieth century, 42–43, 246 Watchman Nee and, 48 Chinese Baptist Convention Journal (Zhonghua Jinxinhui lianhui huikan), 108n62 Chinese Campus Crusade for Christ (Taiwan), 36, 113, 160–167, 162n22, 166n40, 167n45, 259 Allen Swanson and, 148–150 Chinese Christian Local Church, 40, 77, 185 OMF and, 40n56 Chinese Christian Prayer Mountain, see Miaoli Prayer Mountain (Chinese Christian Prayer Mountain) Chinese Culture University, see Culture University (Taipei) Chinese Hospital Christian Fellowship, 117, 117n93 Chiu, Jonathan Chih-chien, xv, 113, 149–150, 164, 167 Cho, David Yonggi, 149, 164, 166, 168, 181, 184, 197, 251, 251n21, 252 Choi Bok Kyou, 190, 197 Choi, Ja-shil, 168 Chow, Nathaniel Shen-chu, xv, 121n109, 125n126, 175n74, 176–180, 199, 202, 203, 203n190, 239n81, 246n7 before involvement in charismatic activities, 177 connections with Zion Church, 99 1973 tongues event (Campus Evangelical Fellowship), 121–123 partnership with Andrew Chi-ming Chang, 175 rapid growth of Bread of Life Christian Church, 179–180

322 

INDEX

Christenson, Larry, 114, 147, 208 Christian Business Men’s Connection, 82, 83, 83n107 Christian Clinic (Taipei), 101, 106, 117, 151 Christian Pastoral Training Association (Taipei), 210–212 Christian Tribune (Chinese Christian Tribune) (Jidujiao luntanbao), 21, 82, 82n100, 82n103, 83n104, 108n59, 110n68, 113n82, 150n209, 158n1, 159n2, 159n3, 159n4, 159n5, 160n9, 162n22, 173n67, 174n70, 175n74, 180n95, 181, 181n100, 181n101, 182n102, 185n118, 186n119, 192, 196, 196n163, 196n164, 197n166, 197n168, 200n176, 200n178, 200n179, 200n180, 201n181, 201n182, 201n184, 203n191, 203n192, 203n193, 204, 204n194, 204n195, 204n196, 204n197, 206n202, 210n225, 239n78, 239n79, 239n80, 239n81, 240n84, 257 Church Assembly Hall (Little Flock), 25, 26, 46–53, 73n62 New Testament Church (Taiwan) and, 73n62, 73n67 Church growth and renewal, 157, 172, 212, 259 Keng Yun Hui, 159 PCT, 188, 225, 227, 237 Year 2000 Gospel Movement, 198–204 Yoido Full Gospel Church, 149, 164 Church Growth Bulletin (Fuller Theological Seminary), 161–164 Church of Scotland, 27, 27n7, 28, 28n8

Church Renewal Ministry Team (Taiwan), 196 CIM, see China Inland Mission Clark, Denis G., 110 Clark, Randy, 207 Cobb, C. E. “Buddy,” 125 Cook, Norman, xv, 91 Coote, Leonard W., 61–65 Covell, Ralph R., 6 Covenant Yearbook, 181n98, 182, 182n104 Culpepper, Charles L., 167 Culture University (Taipei), 70, 71, 127–129, 173 D Dale, Donald, 91, 93, 101–107, 114n88, 185, 246, 258 Camus Evangelical Fellowship and, 101n34 charismatic prayer meeting, 105, 151 connections with FGBMFI Taiwan Chapter (1970s), 105 healing from asthma, 103–105 Jean Stone Willans and, 88–90, 103 partnership with Louise Ho, 117 Renewal Team (1970s-1980s), 118–120 a tongues experience, 104–105 Triple C Camps, 101n34, 119–120 Zion Church and, 100, 102 Dale, Penelope (Penny), 90, 91, 93, 100–107, 114n88, 118, 118n99, 258 receiving Spirit baptism, 101–102 Zion Church and, 102, 102n41 Dale, Tony (son of Donald and Penny Dale), xv, 102, 103, 118, 119 Dawson, John, 201 Dawson, Joy, 201 Deere, Jack, 207

 INDEX 

Defending Christianity and opposing communism, 34 Deliverance ministry, deliverance prayer, 60, 77, 171, 182, 184, 192, 193, 241, 247, 250, 253 Demonic realm, denomic beings, 42, 46, 194, 218, 219, 225, 236, 246, 248, 250, 255, 260 DeWeese, Bob, 84, 86 Dispensationalism, 41, 103 Dolan, David, 183 Dowd, Fr. Louis J., SJ, 152n222, 154 Du Plessis, David, 205, 243 Dwight, Norman E., 91, 183 Dzao, Timothy, 176 E Ecumenical Movement, 60, 204 Ecumenism, 2, 60n11 grassroots ecumenism, 249 Elim Christian Bookstore (Elim Bookstore), 21, 129, 169–176, 198, 212, 259, 260 Ellis, Ted, 144, 195 Enlightened evangelicalism, 27, 27n7, 28 Episcopal Church, USA, 247 Evangelical Covenant Church of America, 180–181, 184 Evangelical Foreign Missions Association (EFMA), 30, 36 Evangelicalism, 25, 249, 253–255 Evangelical Lutheran Church of America (ELCA), 208 Evangelicals in charismatic conferences, 203–204 Evangelism, 32, 66, 116, 159, 182, 199, 200, 202, 246 Evil spirit, 45, 138 Excluded middle, 241, 261 Exorcism, 42, 46

323

F Faith Community Baptist Church (Singapore), 210 Faith Theological Seminary, 39 Fellowship of Covenant Churches of Taiwan, 181, 181n98 Fife, Sam, 125 Finnish Free Foreign Mission, 65 Fivefold ministry, 171 Flower Pentecostal Heritage Center, 65n30 Flynn, Mike, 191 Folk religion, 115, 252 Fons Vitae Catechetical Training Center (Taipei, Hsinchu), 150–155 Formosa, xiii, 61–65, 80 Foster, Malcolm, xv, 22, 121n110, 126, 126n130, 126n131, 154n234 book publication, 113–114 Bread of Life Christian Church and, 178–180 collaboration with Catholics, 112n81, 113, 114, 154 Renewal Team (1970s-1980s), 118–120 Free Church of Scotland, 28, 28n8 Freidzon, Claudio, 207 Friest, Wendell P., 208 Frost, Henry, 41–43, 246 Frost, Robert, 198 Fu Jen Catholic University (Taipei), 33, 152, 153 Fuller Theological Seminary, xvi, 6, 6n15, 22, 35, 35n36, 35n37, 61n15, 88n121, 137, 147, 164, 191, 205, 206n200 Signs, Wonders, and Church Growth, 192–193 Taiwan Church Growth Society's connections with, 160–164, 259

324 

INDEX

Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International, 243 Full Gospel Business Men's Fellowship International Formosa Chapter (1958-1968?), 34, 57, 84–87, 257 Full Gospel Business Men’s Fellowship International Taiwan Chapter (1970s), 105 Full Gospel Business Men’s Voice, 78–82, 78n84, 78n85, 79n91, 80n93, 81n96, 82n97, 82n100, 82n101, 82n102, 83n105, 86, 106, 257 Fundamentalism, 27, 28, 33, 35, 41 G Gate, Alan Frederick, 160 Gazowsky, Richard, 207 Gildehaus, William A., 198 Glad Tidings Temple (Vancouver), 70, 127, 244 Glasser, Arthur, 160n7 Global Church Growth Bulletin (Fuller Theological Seminary), 161–164 Glossolalia, 167n45, 245, 247n12, 248n13 Good News Church, 185, 206 Good News Church (Taipei) Good News Worship Team, 206 Grace and Glory (Enguang zazhi), 21, 94–100 Grace Baptist Church (Taipei), 151 Grace Church (Taichung), 211 Graham, Billy, 180 H Ha, Yong-inn (Stephen Ha), 173–174, 221 Hall, Dudley, 207

Han people (Taiwan), 1, 1n1, 15, 17, 20, 129, 187, 252, 253, 255 Hayford, Jack, 200, 201 Herman, Harold, 78, 80, 82 Hiebert, Paul G., 241, 241n87 Hillis, Dick, 91 Ho, Daniel Chih-yung, xv 1976 tongues event (Campus Evangelical Fellowship), 123–124 Ho, Louise (née van den Berg), 116, 117, 126, 244 Holy Spirit Monthly (Shengling yuekan), 21, 60n11 Holy Spirit Paper (Shenglingbao), 11, 11n31, 11n32, 11n33, 11n34, 13, 13n41, 13n42, 13n43, 13n44, 21 Hong, Elijah, 73–76 Hong Kong, 10, 47, 71, 76, 79, 83, 88, 90, 92, 99, 101, 103, 175, 178, 203, 205, 241 Honor Oak Christian Fellowship Centre (London), 101, 101n32, 103 Hope of Bangkok Church, 199 Hosanna Ministry (Taipei), 129, 169–176, 201, 203, 204 Bread of Life—Hosanna Ministry alliance, 175, 198–200, 212, 249, 259 Hoste, Dixon E., 43 Hsi Sheng-mo (Shanxi), 42 Hsinchu, 5, 127, 129–131, 134, 143, 152–154, 187, 194 Hsinchuang Worship Center (Taipei), 185, 212, 239 Hsintien Covenant Church, 176, 180–185, 210 Hsu, George Chien-cheng, 194, 196, 197

 INDEX 

Hsu Chang Street Young Adult Christian Fellowship, 77 Huang, James Sheng-chih, xv, 133, 173–174 Hunter, Charles and Frances, 198, 203 Hurston, John, 149, 150 I Ikoma Bible School, 61–65 Indonesia, Indonesians, 26, 45, 53, 92, 139 Inerrancy, 33, 37–39, 38n51, 39n54 Inner healing, 192, 218, 220 Intercessors for the Republic of China (Taiwan), 110–112 Interdenominational Foreign Mission Association, The (IFMA), 30 International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Services, 155 J Japan and Pentecost, 61–65 Japan Apostolic Mission, 61–65 Jesus Abbey (South Korea), 186, 187, 189 Joyner, Rick, 207 K Kao Chun-ming, 142, 224, 226, 227 Kaohsiung, 76, 173, 195, 207, 211 Kaohsiung Incident (1979), 225, 225n26 Keng Yun Hui, 112, 159, 160 Keswick, 41, 67 Khong, Lawrence Kin-hoong, 210 KMT (Kuomintang) Christians, 34 Carl McIntire and, 34 involvement in pentecostal activities, 34, 83, 87 Ko Ming-pao, 206

325

Kong Duen-yee, 71–76, 72n58 Kosicki, Fr. George W., CSB, 153, 154n230 Kou Shih-yuan, 76, 76n79, 84, 176 Pearl Young and, 69 Kraft, Charles, 191, 192, 193n149, 194, 195, 198 Krushnisky, Nicholas G., 70, 92–94, 127–129, 169, 171, 171n59, 199n175, 244, 258–260 association with Chang Ching-yu, 34 Culture University, 127 Wan-Li Camp Meeting, 128–129 work among Aborigines, 133 work in Taiwan before 1970, 69–71 Ku, Abraham, xv, 207 Kung, Thomas C. (Colonel), 79, 81, 84, 86 Kuomintang (KMT), 15, 16, 18n60, 18n62, 224 L Latter Rain Magazine (Chunyu zazhi), 21, 170–172, 176n78, 238 Latter Rain Movement (1948), 69, 69n46, 70, 127, 128, 128n139, 169, 244, 260 Latter Rain theology, 128, 128n139, 171, 172, 244, 260 Lay Training Center (Presbyterian Bible College in Hsinchu), 187–189, 194, 195 Layzell, Reginald, 70, 70n48, 70n49 Lea, Larry, 207 Lee, Donald, 198 Lee, Matthew, 79 Lee, Witness (Lee Chang-shou), 46, 47, 49–53, 49n103, 49n104, 49n105, 50n107, 50n111, 50n112, 51n113, 52n121

326 

INDEX

Liao, David Jia-en, 160 Lin, Timothy Tao-liang, 39, 219, 222n17, 250 Lindau, Elisabeth, 67, 68, 68n44, 94, 94n2, 95, 99, 102, 244 Lingen pai, 240, 241 Lingen, lingen yundong, 5n9, 5n12, 6n13, 141, 141n177, 177n84, 240 word usage, 9–14 Ling Leung Tang, see Bread of Life Christian Church (Taipei) Ling Liang Tang, see Bread of Life Christian Church (Taipei) Little Flock, see Church Assembly Hall (Little Flock) Liu, Fanny, 125 Liu, Tom Nian-chun, 105 Lo, William Jung-kuang, xv, 188, 227, 230 Long, Brad, see Long, Zeb Bradford Long, Zeb Bradford, xv, 143n183, 168n49, 171n58, 198, 212, 227, 227n38, 228, 230n52, 235, 250, 250n19, 259 charismatic ministries in PCT, 186–197 charismatic renewal in PCT, 186–197 Church Renewal Ministry Team (Taiwan), 196–197 living in South Korea, 186–187 Presbyterian and Reformed Renewal Ministries International, 195 Loo, Andrew, 86, 205, 205n199 M Mackay, John A., 229 MacNutt, Francis, 148 Mahoney, Ralph, 198, 207 Mainlander, 15, 16, 17n58, 18n60 Malaysia, 33, 72, 148

Martial Law, 2n1, 18, 38, 197, 198, 259 McCall, Robert Donnell, 6, 161, 228, 229, 231n57 McDonnell, Fr. Kilian, OSB, 150, 244n1 McGavran, Donald, 160–164 McGill, Clare Elliot, 148, 148n202 1972 Tayal Revival, 133–146 as speaker at China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei), 145 McGill, Mary Grace, 133, 133n159, 139n169 McIntire, Carl, 33, 33n31, 35, 38, 39, 83 McQuade, Jennifer (née McGillivray), xv, 118 Melodyland Christian Center, 147 Messenger (New) (Shizhe xin kan), 215, 216, 216n1, 224–237 Miaoli Prayer Mountain (Chinese Christian Prayer Mountain), 164–169, 172, 195, 198, 212, 217, 228–230, 237, 250, 259, 260 Miller, Edward, 175, 175n74, 198 Mizuno, Akihiro, 109, 109n65 Mjorud, Herbert, 103, 103n47, 104, 104n49, 107–109, 108n59, 108n62 Moderate Charismatic, 117, 126, 149, 253, 258 Mok Lai Chi, 10 Moody, Dwight L., 41 Morrison Academy, 118–119, 118n98 N Nanking Road Church (Nanking East Road Christian Church), 77 National Association of Evangelicals (NAE), 30–31n21, 35 National Defense Medical Center Fellowship, 99n27

 INDEX 

Nationalist government, see Kuomintang (KMT) National Taiwan University (formerly) Taihoku Imperial University, 29 National Taiwan University Christian Fellowship, 121, 125–126 Native (bendi ren), 16, 17, 20, 65, 100, 107, 117, 158, 161, 233, 237, 255 Nee, Watchman (Nee To-sheng), 12, 12n35, 12n38, 12n39, 12n40, 46–50, 47n91, 48n96, 48n98, 49n102, 246 Neighbor, Ralph W., 210–211 Neo-evangelicalism, 35 New, Lynn, xv, 107–109, 115–116 New Apostolic Reformation, 171, 172, 260 New Covenant, 104 New evangelicalism, see Neo-evangelicalism New Life (Xin shengming zazhi), 149n205, 150n211, 164n29, 166n37, 166n38, 166n40 New Messenger, The (Xin shizhe), 33n29, 186n121, 216n1 New Testament Church (Hong Kong) Kong Duen-yee's theology, 72–73 under Ruth Cheung, 73 New Testament Church (Taiwan), 6, 71–76, 92, 175, 176n77, 178 New Zealand, 178 Ng, David C. K., 241, 241n86 1995 Prophecy, 186, 235, 237–241 Nishiumi, Shigeyoshi, 228 O Ockenga, Harold J., 35 OMF, see Overseas Missionary Fellowship Oral history, 2, 5, 22, 23

327

Oral Roberts University, xvi, 86, 87 Orr, J. Edwin, 137, 139 Orthodoxy fundamentalist understanding of, 33–34 neo-evangelical understanding of, 35 Ortiz, Juan Carlos, 110, 112–114, 113n82, 126, 159, 159n5, 197 Our Lord's Community Church (Oklahoma), 190, 191 Overseas Bulletin, 77 Overseas Crusades, 31n21, 36, 91, 160, 193 Overseas Missionary Bulletin, 45 Overseas Missionary Fellowship, 25, 30n21, 37, 39–46, 77 discussion on the Pentecostal-­ Charismatic Movement, 43–46 P Paiwan (tribe), 129, 130n145, 234 Palm, Fr. John Baptist, SJ, 107, 111n75, 113, 114, 244 Panchiao Gospel Church (Taipei), 211 Paterson, Christine, 107 Paterson, Ross, xv, 93, 98n18, 107, 112n81, 121, 121n109, 121n110, 125, 125n127, 126, 126n128, 126n129, 156, 170n56, 244, 258 Campus Evangelical Fellowship and, 125–126 David Watson and, 121 Intercessors Prayer Retreats, 112 National Taiwan University Christian Fellowship and, 121, 125 1976 tongues event (Campus Evangelical Fellowship), 123–124 1973 tongues event (Campus Evangelical Fellowship), 121–123

328 

INDEX

PCT, see Presbyterian Church in Taiwan Peng Teh-kui, xv, 188, 191, 195 Pentecostal Assembles of China, 66 Pentecostal Assemblies of Canada, 31n21, 66, 66n32, 118n99 Pentecostal Evangel, 65n30, 79, 130 Pentecostal Truths (Wuxunjie zhenlibao), 10 Pietism, 67, 68, 95 Pingtung, 71, 108, 129, 180, 185, 239 Pingtung Hoping Presbyterian Church, 185 Plummer, Doug, xv, 107, 107n57, 111n75, 115, 119, 119n104, 120, 120n108 Bread of Life Christian Church and, 178–180 Plymire, David, 130n145 Pneumatology, 53, 233 Poppell, Joe, 190, 197, 198, 206 Power encounter, 194, 218, 250–251 Presbyterian and Reformed Renewal Ministries International, 192, 195, 196 Presbyterian Bible College (Hsinchu), 131, 187–192, 187n127, 194 Presbyterian Church in Canada, 133, 195 Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT), xvi, 6n13, 14, 33n29, 60n10, 131n148, 161, 164n29, 165, 168n49, 212, 216, 216n1, 224, 225n26, 226n35, 230n52, 232n60, 245, 259 Charismatic Movement--Some Perspectives from the Tribal Churches in Taiwan and the Global Churches (1987), 232–235 charismatic renewal under Brad Long, 186–197

Chen Chuan-huang and, 158 General Assembly, 140, 140n175, 142, 144n184, 188, 227, 233 Nathaniel Shen-chu Chow and, 177 1995 Recommendation (of the Work of the Holy Spirit), 235, 236 1979 South Korea visit, 149 1970s official records of Tayal Revival, 140–142 1972 Tayal Revival, 129–146 pneumatology, 232–235 Ten Plus One Movement, 226–228 Presbyterian Church in the United States, 228, 247–248 Prophecy, the gift of, 50n109, 52, 170, 218–219, 237, 238, 241 Prosperity gospel, 217, 253, 254 Protestantism, 35, 75, 249, 253, 255 Pullinger, Jackie, 203 R Rao, Mark, 177 Reichl, Sister Helene, xv, 150–155 Renewal News (of the Presbyterian and Reformed Renewal Ministries International), 187n124, 189n134, 190n140, 192, 192n144, 192n145, 193n148, 193n149, 194n153, 196, 196n163 Renewal Team (1970s-1980s, Taiwan), 100–120, 126, 155 Ridgewood Pentecostal Church, 67–69, 94–97, 101 Roberts, Oral, 57, 84–87, 89 Robinson, Martha W., 96 Rubinstein, Murray A., 6, 38n52, 71, 74, 74n70, 74n72, 74n73, 75, 75n74, 212

 INDEX 

S Sanders, J. Oswald, 43–45, 44n75, 44n76, 44n77, 44n79, 44n80, 45n81, 45n82, 45n83 Schmitz, Bartley F., SVD, 104, 150–155 School of World Mission and Institute of Church Growth (Fuller Theological Seminary), 147, 160, 161, 163n25, 259 Scottish Enlightenment, 27 Shakarian, Demos, 86, 105n56, 243 Shamanism, 251–255 Shantung Revival, 167 Shay, Kenneth D., xv, 193, 194 Shay, Marion (née Woodward), xv, 22, 91, 92, 193n150 Shia, Chung-chien James, xv, 113, 162, 162n24, 175n74, 199, 201–204, 202n187, 239n81 Silvoso, Edgardo, 201, 207 Singapore, 43, 72, 79, 210 Smith, Paul, 200, 201 Smith, Stanley, 42 Society for International Ministries (SIM), 250, 250n17 South Korea, 79, 143, 158, 159, 168n47, 195, 206n202, 244 Asia Christian Conference in Korea, 184 Brad Long living in, 186–187 contemporary worship influence of, 173–174 Jesus Abbey, 189 Nathan Mao-sung Chang's connections with Yonggi Cho of, 181 1979-1980 visits to, 127, 166, 167, 169, 198, 212, 259, 260 1979 visit to, 149, 150, 157, 163, 165, 177, 187

329

observed pentecostalism-shamanism association in, 251–255 prayer mountain, 227 Yoido Full Gospel Church, 66, 149 Stott, John R. W., 202 Suang-Lien Presbyterian Church, 188, 191, 195 Suenens, Cardinal Leo Jozef, 229 Sung, John (Sung Shang-chieh), 55 Sung, Lewis Yi-che, xv, 122–124 Swaggart, Jimmy, 170 Swanson, Allen J., xv, 9n26, 17n58, 22, 58n1, 65n28, 87n120, 93, 94n1, 97, 98n17, 98n18, 98n19, 99, 105n55, 107, 108n58, 137n161, 137n162, 144n185, 156, 159, 162, 163, 163n25, 170n56, 175n74, 201n181, 212, 213, 213n230, 238n73, 244, 258, 259 Campus Crusade (Taiwan) and, 148–150, 259 China Evangelical Seminary (Taipei) and, 148 Church in Taiwan; Profile 1980, 32–33 embracing charismatic message, 146–148 on gift of prophecy, 237 1979 South Korea visit, 149–150, 164–166 1972 Tayal Revival, 127–146 Taiwan Church Growth Society, 160–164 Swanson, Jean M., 165 T Tai, Daniel I-shun, xv, 164–169, 228 Taichung, 59, 121–124, 137, 154, 173, 194, 208, 211

330 

INDEX

Tainan Theological College and Seminary, 144, 232 Tainan Tianchyau Presbyterian Church, 185 Taipei Truth Lutheran Church, 121n111, 208–210, 210n221, 250n20 Christian Pastoral Training Association (Taipei), 210–212 Taiwan Assemblies of God, 65 Taiwan Baptist Seminary, 167 Taiwan Baptist Theological Seminary, xvi, 220 Taiwan Christian Yearbook, 30n19 Taiwan Church Growth Bulletin, 161–164 Taiwan Church Growth Society (TCGS), 158, 160–164, 201, 259 Taiwan Church News (Taiwan jiaohui gongbao), 140, 140n174, 142, 142n180, 142n181, 158n1, 187n127, 189n132, 189n133, 190n138, 190n139, 191n140, 192, 192n146, 193n147, 196, 196n162, 215, 216n1, 224–238, 234n66, 235n70, 238n76, 238n77, 245, 245n5 church growth emphasis without charismatic hue before 1983, 226–227 discussion on Charismatic Movement from 1983, 228–237 Taiwan Church Renewal Ministry, 197 Taiwan Church Renewal Women Prayer Meeting, 165 Taiwanese identity, 14–20 Taiwanese consciousness, 4, 18 word usage, 20 Taiwan Evangelical Fellowship, see China Evangelical Fellowship

Taiwan Full Gospel Church, 66 Taiwan Lutheran Church, 208, 209, 209n220, 211 Taiwan Lutheran Church Newsletter (Taiwan Xinyihui huixun), 210n223, 210n224 Taiwan Missionary Fellowship, 21, 29–33, 36, 36n43, 40n55, 40n56, 118n98, 119n101 evangelical color of, 32–33 Taiwan ren (Taiwanese), 19 Taiwan Theological College and Seminary, xvi, 5, 144 Tang-ki, 252n27, 254, 255 Tao Shu (Tao Gu Ma), 206 Tayal (tribe), 4, 5, 148 Clare Elliot McGill and 1972 Tayal Revival, 133–146 Garland Benintendi’s work among, 130 Kaoyi, 231 Meihua, 137, 138 Nalo, 129, 130, 132, 133, 138, 145, 231, 232 1972 Tayal Revival, 5, 20, 93, 129–146, 187, 229, 236, 237, 244, 258 Tayal Presbytery, 141, 142, 232 Tienpu, 127, 131, 132, 145 Taylor, Clyde W., 36 Taylor, James H., III, 36, 145 Taylor, James Hudson, 36, 39, 41 TCGS, see Taiwan Church Growth Society (TCGS) Thailand, 200 The Evangelical Alliance Mission (TEAM), 30n21, 91, 92, 119n101, 161, 193 Third Wave, 8, 193 TJC, see True Jesus Church Tong, Stephen (Stephen Tjong Eng Tong), 26, 53–55

 INDEX 

Tongues, the gift of, xiii, 34, 39, 44, 45, 48, 50–53, 50n109, 55, 59, 60, 66, 68, 69, 72, 77, 77n83, 84, 85, 91, 97, 102, 104, 105, 111, 118, 119, 122–125, 145, 151, 153, 167, 167n45, 177, 189, 191, 193, 206, 208, 218, 223, 225, 229, 234, 243, 247, 248n14, 250, 252n27 Torrey, Reuben Archer, III, 186, 186n123, 189, 194, 197 Triple “C” Camps, 119–120 True Jesus Church (Taiwan), 6, 6n14, 13, 21, 27, 57–59, 62, 62n21, 65, 75, 75n75, 92, 245, 252n27 Watchman Nee on church in China, 47 Tsai, David (Hosanna Ministry), xv Tsao, Daniel Li-chung, xv, 96n5, 97, 97n16, 98, 98n20, 99n25, 100, 100n30, 105, 121, 121n110, 123, 123n117, 125, 125n123, 125n124, 125n125, 125n126 Tseng, Tony Kuo-sheng, 78, 105n56, 199, 200 Turner, Cecil Polhill, 43 228 Incident (Er-er-ba shijian), 16 U United States of America (USA), 6, 9, 27, 35, 35n36, 41, 42, 54, 67, 85, 91, 97, 105, 116, 118, 119, 125, 128, 146, 147, 150, 151, 161, 186, 187, 191, 193, 195, 198, 206, 224, 236, 238, 239, 243–247, 250 V Vaagenes, Morris G. C., 208 Vineyard Church, 54, 192, 194, 206, 207, 207n204

331

W Wagner, C. Peter, 8n22, 171n61, 192, 201, 207 Waldvogel, Hans R., 67–69, 96 Wang, Fr. Richard Ching-­ hung, SJ, 151 Wan-Li Camp Meeting, 128–129, 173, 199n175 Watan, Hetay, 129–146 Watson, David, 114, 121 Webster, Richard and Lucille, 119 WEF, see World Evangelical Fellowship White, Thomas, 192, 194 Willans, Jean Stone, 22, 57, 88–92, 103, 104n49, 106, 257, 258 Wimber, John, 192, 194, 203, 204, 206, 207n204 Wise, Robert, 190, 198 Woodward, David, 91, 92, 92n145, 146, 185 World Evangelical Fellowship (WEF), 35, 36n45, 37 Worldwide Evangelization Crusade (WEC), 31n21, 37, 107, 116–117, 178 Wu, Samuel S. C. (Major General Wu), 79, 81, 82, 84, 84n109 Wu, Vernon Wen-lang, xv, 183, 184 Wu Chang Conservative Baptist Church (Kaohsiung), 207, 211 Wugu Church (Taipei), 185 Wuxunjie word usage, 9–14 Wu Yung, 40, 77, 77n82 Y Yang, Peter Ning-ya, xv, 123, 203, 208, 209n218, 211 Year 2000 Gospel Movement (Taiwan), 198–204, 212, 213, 259, 260

332 

INDEX

Yoido Full Gospel Church, 66, 149, 150, 164–166, 184, 252, 253, 259 Young, Pearl G., 69, 92–100, 102, 120, 244, 247, 252n28, 258, 259 association with Donald and Penny Dale, 102, 102n41 Bread of Life Christian Church and, 100, 177, 180 Kou Shih-yuan and, 69 Ridgewood Pentecostal Church and, 67–69, 94, 95 summer and winter camps at Zion Church, 97–99 theology and spirituality, 96–98

Yu Yi-rung, 238–240 Yu-Shan Theological College and Seminary, 4, 232 Z Zhongguo ren, 1n1, 17, 19 Ziervogel, James, 91 Zion Church (Taiwan), xvi, 21, 69, 94–100, 102, 102n41 founding of, 67–69, 94 Nathaniel Chow and, 99 National Defense Medical Center Fellowship and, 99n27 pentecostalism and pietism, 94–96 summer and winter camps, 97–99 theology and spirituality, 96–98 worship style, 95–97, 100