The Catholic Roots of the Protestant Gospel: Encounter Between the Middle Ages and the Reformation 9004102035, 9789004102033

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THE CATHOUC ROOTS OF THE PROTESTANT GOSPEL

STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF

CHRISTIAN THOUGHT EDITED BY

HEIKO A. OBERMAN, Tucson, Arizona IN COOPERATION

wrrn

HENRY CHADWICK, Cambridge JAROSIAV PEIlKAN, New Haven, Connecticut BRIAN TIERNEY, Ithaka, New York ARJO VANDERJAGT, Groningen

VOLUME LX

STEPHEN STREHLE

THE CATHOUC ROOTS OF THE PROTESTANT GOSPEL

THE CATHOLIC ROOTS OF THE PROTESTANT GOSPEL ENCOUNTER BE1WEEN THE MIDDLE AGES AND THE REFORMATION BY

STEPHEN STREHLE

EJ.BRILL

LEIDEN . NEW YORK· KOLN 1995

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Strehle, Stephen, 1952The Catholic roots of the Protestant Gospel : encounter between the Middle Ages and the Reformation / by Stephen Strehle. p. em. - (Studies in the history of Christian thought, ISSN 0081-8607 ; v , 60) Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 9004102035 1. Theology, Doctrinal-History-16th century. 2. Reformation . 3. Theology, Doctrinal-History-Middle Ages, 600-1500. 4. Protestant churches-Doxtrines-History-16th century. 5. Catholic Church-Doctrines-History. I. Title. II. Series. BT27.S77 1995 94-39059 230'.09'031-dc20 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnalune Strehle, Stephen: The Catholic roots of the Protestant gospel : encounter between the Middle Ages and the Reformation / by Stephen Strehle - Leiden ; New York ; Koln : Brill, 1995 (Studies in the history of Christian thought ; Vol. 60) ISBN 90-04-10203-5 NE:GT

ISSN 0081-8607 ISBN 90 04 10203 5

© CoJ!Yright 1995 by EJ. Brill, Leidm, Th Netherlands All rights resemed. No partof this publication ~ be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form orby Il1!Y means, electronic, mechanical, photoc~ recording orotherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authori.9). 10 T. Beze, Tractationes Theologicae (Genevae, 1582) 1.182-83; 3.403; Polanus, Syntagma , 2.26 (577-58). The earlier Calvinists, as for example Vennigli and Calvin himself, while accepting the basic Augustinian interpretation of 1 Tim. 2:4, do not limit the atonement to the elect. P. Vennigli, Loci Communes (Landini, 1583) 1.14,27; 3.I.44f. See Calvin's commentaries on Isa. 53:12 and Mk. 14:24; R. T. Kendall, Calvin and English Calvinism to 1649 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979) 13-15. Calvin argues against Georgius that it is not so much the atonement that produces limitation but the God who works faith in the elect and applies its fruit to them alone. CO 8.334ff. There is even talk of God being desirous of the salvation of all men, not withstanding his special elective purposes. See his commentaries on Ezek. 18:23 and 2 Pet. 3:9. The distinction of John of Damascus and the later Amyraldian School between the antecedent and consequent (or absolute and conditional) will of God, where God is seen to seriously desire the salvation of all men, even the reprobate, if they would believe, is acceptable to a number of Calvinists in this century. Vemigli, Loci, 3.1.45-46. Polan Syntagma, 1.19 (510-11). 11 Zanchius, Opera (Genevae, 1605) 2.547ff.; Polan Kurtzen Inhalt tier Gantzen Lehr ... (as reproduced in E. Staehelin 's Amandus Polanus von Polansdorf-Basel: Helbing Lichtenhahn, 1955) 3.7.5.23. 12 Polan. Syntagma, 4.10 (808); Syntagma , 6.7 (1140). Often the differences between

iu«.

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This limitation of the will of God to a certain elected few in Calvinism, we must say, did attempt to address in a positive way the intensity of God's special activity in revelation and among his redemptive community. No monolithic view of even-handed causality could explain the intensity of his special activity among them. The presence and power of God in Christian faith certainly could not be merged with the simple ubiquity of heathendom, where God is everywhere the same. God was specially at work among his people. His presence was felt to be more intense in the church than outside the church, more intense among his people than in a world darkened with sin. Oftentimes his presence among the elect meant his absence in the world, especially among the reprobate. If Calvinism is to be faulted at this point, it is perhaps for going too far and employing such a concept as "permission" (praeterire) to describe God's activity in reprobation. Such a term would appear to be rather passive in speaking of the omnipotent "no" and more fitting for a deist who would withdraw God from the devises of his creatures. Calvin himself, of course, crit icized the use of this term, I 3 and many Calvinists would quickly add that such permission is not "bare" or "inoperative."14 A more serious problem, however, developed when this limitation of God's will unto the elect became a pretext for dividing his work in redemption from his work in creation. The general activity of God in the world and his special activity among his people were actually viewed as two different, if not separate, works . Creation was said to manifest divine wrath and justice, while it was only in special revelation and redemption that his mercy and grace were made known. IS It was as if there were two different gods at work, as Marcion of old would say, or as if God's special revelation in Christ was only an afterthought to creation and not its true fulfillment or destiny, as modern theology would prefer . human and divine involvement are interpreted in terms of motivation as man wills in an evil manner, while God has a good end in view. Vermigli, Loci, 1.14.10, 15; Calvin, Instiuaio [in Opera quae supersunt omnia (Brunsvigae: C.A. Schwetschke et Filium, 1864)] 2.42 . 13 Inst., 1.18.1-2. Calvin uses much stronger language when speaking of God's lefthanded work, even speaking of God directing, compelling, and hardening the reprobate. Calvin rejects any talk of God transferring his governance to the stars above or man below, discrediting such phrases as "natural law" and "free will." He even uses the term predestination unequivocally of both the elect and the reprobate. Inst., 1.16.1-5; 2.2.8, 9; 3.21.5. 14 Vermigli, Loci, 1.14.4; 17.16; Zanchius, Opera, 7.318; W. Perkins, Workes (Cambridge, 1608) 2.15, 16; Polan, Syntagma, 4.6 (763): "Quapropter quum efficax esse decretum respectu peccatorum dicitur, tantum otiosae & a gubernatione vacuae permissioni, quam quidam imprudenter statuunt, opponitur; quum certum sit peccantibus diabolis aut hominibus Deum nequaquam tanquam otiosum spectatorem in theatro aliquo sedere, sed divina sua sapientia ac potentia omnia gubernare.' IS The Amyraldians were condemned in the seventeenth century for suggesting that the knowledge of divine mercy might be found, however dim, outside of Christ in creation. J. Aymon, Tout les Synodes Nationaux (The Hague, 1710) 2.576-77; M. Amyraut, Six Sermones de la nature (Saumur, 1636) 82ff., 90ff.

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The will of the Creator and the Redeemer appeared to be at odds. Such a dichotomy will lead the Calvinists to develop a twofold covenant of works and grace in the middle of the sixteenth century, testifying to two ways of salvation, one by nature through works and one by Christ through faith .l" The covenant of works is borne witness in creation where the mercy of God is said to be absent and where the demands of God's law and the condemnation of the wicked can only be heard . The covenant of grace is made known in special revelation and proclaims what was unheard of before, that God is gracious to sinners and is willing to pardon them. This in turn will lead to a further doctrinal development in the seventeenth century, the doctrine of infralapsarianism. This doctrine treats creation as a mere "given" (i.e., without any reason or rationale) before God launches his true and proper program in Christ. In infralapsarianism God created the world and allowed Adam to fall without having any goal in mind and without considering his relationship to Christ , the true and only image of God, and his future redemption. Christ is the image unto which man is renewed but not created, and redemption has no relation to his original creation in the Garden. The Freedom of His Will Another aspect of the Augustinian-Calvinistic concept of the will of God concerns its relation to the divine essence-the question being how bound or free is the will in regard to its essence. Does God always do what he is in accordance with a determined nature or does he have latitude in his decisions to do whatever? Is his activity an expression of his righteousness or is it an arbitrary decision of a free will (liberum arbitrium)? In some parts of their theology the will of God was conceived to be so closely bound or related to its own essential being as to be immersed in that glory and intent on the glorification of that self. The divine essence was said to be the true object of the divine will. This essence, particularly since the late medieval ages, was considered to be the exemplar of all possible objects , presenting to the will of God all sorts of creative options, and all the objects were said to find the truth of their being in conformity to that image in God. Thus all things created by God were said to move from God and unto God, from cosmology to eschatology, manifesting the glory of his essence. In the supralapsarian schemes of Duns Scotus and the later Calvinists, all of creation and its history was ordered in accordance with Aristotelian logic as a means to enhance God's glory, manifesting his wrath in some and mercy in

16 Z. Ursin. Summa Theologicae, 14. As early Calvinism emphasized that divine mercy was only known through special revelation in Christ, so it was only logical for them to develop in nature a way to eternal life. This way was based on the knowledge of divine righteousness and the laws that were revealed to all men in creation.

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others."? The reprobate became in such schemes vessels specially created for wrath in order for God to glory in their destruction. The elect became vessels fitted for mercy not for their own benefit but chiefly for the glory of divine mercy.'! And so, election and reprobation became means through which God could glory in himself. Nevertheless, for the most part it is really the freedom of the divine will that marks the fundamental penchant of the Augustinian-Calvinistic tradition in this regard. We shall illustrate this penchant in four ways and then provide some general comment. First, God is conceived in both traditions as was just seen to possess in himself innumerable creative options in potency, some of which he chooses and others of which he does not. Being split between what he can do (potentia absoluta) and what he did do (potentia ordinatau'? it is only the interjection of a will, free from the dictates of the essence and its innumerable options, that can determine what he will eventually enact. This is particularly true in 17 Duns, Ordinatio (Ed. Vat) I.d.41.q.1.n.11; Beze, Tract., 1.173, 179; 3.403; Zanchius, Religione Christ iana Fides (in Opera, 8.486) 3.3; Opera , 2.481; Polan, Partitiones Theologiae (Genevae, 1611) 57; Syntagma , 1.19 (509, 798). 18 Zanchius, Opera. 7.314: " Quos elegit Deus, eos non in hunc finem solum elegisse, vt ipsi seruentur, sed in primis, vt suam in eis ostendat misericordiam: ac proinde, vt ipse Deus in eis, & per eos glorificetur: credo atque doceo." Polan, Syntagma , 4.10 (801-02): "Nee finis reprobationis est interitus reproborum per se, id est, quatenus est interitus & malum quid, sed quatenus est medium serviens iIlustrandae gloriae Dei & adjuvandae saluti eleetorum. Ergo finis reprobationis per se est tum gloria Dei, tum salus eleetorum. Gloria Dei finis est primarius quia reprobatione voluit Deus declarare Iiberrimam voluntatem, jus & potentiam suam in omnes creaturas: & misericordiam erga eleetos, justitiam vero & iram in reprobatos, Roman. 9, 17, 21. Salus electorum finis est seeundarius: quia ideo Deus tam multos reprobavit, ut in electis excitaret reverentiam potentiae suae, & deelararet magnitudinem gratiae suae erga eleetos eo quod & eos non reprobavit, eosque ad gratitudinem sempiternam sibi obligaret & impelleret ad operandam salutem suam cum timore & tremore." Such a narcissitic concept of God must be viewed in contrast with Luther's emphasis upon the theologia crucis. Far from being enhanced and perfected by creation, God's ways according to the theologia crucis find no higher justification than his unconditional love. On the cross he dies for others, not himself. In fact, when he chooses us, he chooses Judas for his disciple and Israel for his people. He chooses the flesh for his tabernacle, a manger for his bed, and the cross for his throne. He derives no benefit from his work, except grief and sorrow. 19 This distinction, which was so emphasized in later medieval theology, was acknowledged by most Calvinists of the sixteenth century, even though speculation over what God could do de potentia absoluta was greatly reduced. R. Muller, Christ and the Decree (Grand Rapids : Baker Book House, 1988) 49; Polan , Syntagma, 2.19 (592). Zanchius, Opera. 7.295: "Non male igitur omnipotentia Dei duplex est in Scholis definitur. vna absoluta, qua multa potest , etiam quae non vult: altera actualis, qua, quaeeunque vult, non solum potest facere, sed etiam potenter facit. Iuxta primum, hoc est, absolutam omnipotentiam, Deus potuisset omnes ad aeternam vitam praedestinare, potuisset homines impedire, ne vllo modo peccarent, posset etiam omnium misereri, & omnes servare: sed quia neque vcluit, neque vult, ideo non omnes sunt praedestinati ad vitam neque omnes servantur, sed quorum vult, miseretur, & quos vult, indurat. Rom 9. Iuxta alteram scilicet actualem omnipotentiam , Deus non solum onmia creauit, & quaecumque voluit semel, feeit in coelo & in terra, sed etiam perpetuo omnia regit & agit, & operatur omnia in omnibus." Most of these speculations are rather civil compared to the Nominalists.

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the case of unconditional election where there is said to be no motivation "outside" of himself (extra se), i.e., beyond his mere good pleasure, to elect one vessel over another.i? While the work of God "within" the Godhead (ad intra) might be necessary, his work "outside" (ad extra) certainly is not. Here the will of God is the rule .P' Second, the work of Christ is also said to be subject to the secret intent of the divine will and derives its worth and merit from the purpose for which God designs it. In the Fransican doctrine of the middle ages, merit in general is said to be rewarded by God, not in accordance with strict justice or absolute standards, as if truly worthy of its reward, but in accordance with his "acceptation" (acceptatio) or "most free will" (liberissima vol untasi . It is not a matter of "cause and effect" justice to bestow upon our work, finite and depraved as it is, a reward that is clearly above and beyond its just due. 22 And the same can be said of Christ's work. In the later Franciscan theory of atonement it is the will of God and its most free acceptation that assign to the work of Christ its meaning , above and beyond whatever value it might possess in its own right. As all submits to divine acceptation, this work could even have been eliminated, or, in accordance with Duns Scotus, an angel, a pure man, or even Adam himself could have been used as a substitute.P All, even Christ's work, is assigned its place and value from above. It brings salvation to the elect, not in what was merited in its own right as if laying a claim on

20 While Anselm and his rationalism set an exact number for the elect, many Augustinians and Calvinists felt that God couid elect "whom and how many he pleased." Zanchius, Opera. 7.324; Gregorius, Lectura , 3.351-54. Other times the choice was considered not so capricious and had some secret rationality within the recesses of God. Vermigli, Loci. 3.1.19, 29. 21 Muller, Christ and the Decree. 153-54,209. Polan. Syntagma, 1.19 (511). 22 For the Franciscan tradition, see Cardinal Laborans, Laborantis Cardinalis, Opuscula (Bonn, 1932) 30-36; Ockham, Quod., 6.q.2.a.2; Sent ; I.d .17.q.1. E, T; A. M. Landgraf, Dogmengeschichte der Frah Scholastik. (Regensburg: F. Pustet, 1952) 1/1.276-78; B. Hamm, Promissio, Pactio . Ordinatio (TUbingen: Mohr, 1977) 33ff., 109ff., 147ff.; W. Dettloff, Die Entwicklung der Akzeptations- und Verdienstlehre . . . (MUnster: Aschendorfische Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1963) 274ff. 23 Duns, Opus Ox. (Ed. Paris) 3.d.18.q.1.nA; d.19.q.1.nA, 6, 14; d.20.q.1.n.8, 9. In Nominalism not only was Christ's work on the cross considered unnecessary de potentia dei absoluia, but his entire advent could have been spent in another nature-an ass, a stone, or even some irrational object. E. Iserloh, Gnade and Eucharistie (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1956) 113; Duns, Opus Ox., 3.d.2.q.1.n.13; Ockham, Sent : 3.d.1.U; Gregorius, Lectura, 3.368-69. The Calvinist's in general rejected these speculations, making Christ's work a necessity. Vermigli, Loci, 2.17.15; Polan, Syntagma , 2.29 (591). Arminius did query over the absolute necessity of Christ's work, and many of the Remonstrants showed voluntaristic propensities in their theories of atonement, denying the legal exactitude of Penal Substitution, relaxing the divine law. and submitting the atonement to divine acceptatio , See chapter 4, footnote 40. William Twisse, the prolocutor of the Westminister Assembly, represented some of the more extreme Nominalistic speculations within Calvinism, maintaining that de potentia dei absoluta Christ's work was unnecessary and God could damn the innocent, even the holiest of creatures, as he did with Christ. The Riches of Gods Love (Oxford. 1653) 1.65·66; 2.32-37.

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God, but in the ultimate, supralapsarian intent for which the Father has designed it. In Calvinism this is translated to mean that Christ's work, regardless of its true and sufficient value, is subject to the intendment and acceptance of the divine will; in particular, its more abundant worth-being sufficient to cleanse the sins of the whole world-is said to be devalued by the intent of the divine will and becomes limited in its scope to the salvation of an elected few. While the work of Christ in itself might be sufficient to cleanse the sins of the whole world, the will of God through its secret intent and in accordance with its purpose assigns the scope and meaning of the work. The work of Christ is thus seen to be actually emended by the Father's will and subject to higher elective purposes . Third, as merit is not compensated through strict justice but subsidized through an act of divine liberty and free acceptation, so the basic relationship between God and his people becomes a matter of an order that the divine will has established . The talk here is not of absolute justice-ways that would be dictated by the righteousness of the divine essence-but "the sole, most free will" (sola liberissima voluntas) establishing the rules for God's relationship to man from its ordained power (de potentia ordinata) and by covenant (ex pacto). There is said to be no equality of justice between heaven and earth, eternal life and our merit, as there is no proportion . God simply promises to the ones who fulfill certain predetermined conditions his blessings. While to be sure there is no longer in such an arrangement the God of "absolute power"(potentia absoluta) who could do whatever, even damn the righteous according to Wilhelm Ockham, still the promises that he has ordained through his covenant do not result from any sense of righteousness but solely from his most free will. 24 While 24 Bonaventura, Sent ; 2.d.27.a.2.q.3; d.29.a.l.q.2; Duns, Report. Paris. (Ed. Paris) 4.d. l.q.2.n .2; qA.n.8, 10; W. J. Courtenay, "Covenant and Causality in Pierre d'AilIy" Speculum 46 (1971) 99-102, 116-17; M. Greschat, "Der Bundesgedanke in der Theologie des spaten Mittelalters" ZKG 81 (1970) 46-47. Biel, Sent., 2.d.27.q.l.C, G: "Uel ex ordinatione pacto aut conuentione aut promissione premiantis: exemplum primi. Ut quando merces commensuratur vtilitati quam premians consequitur ex actu et operatione merentis . Exemplum secundi quando ex conuentione pacto vel liberalitate promittitur tantum pro tali. Sic dicitur in euangelica parabolo. Nonne ex denario conuenisti mecum. Non facio tibi iniuriam silicet dando tibi secundum commentionem: toile quod tuum est et vade. Math. X. . . . Sic ergo patet quod debitum iustic ie in premiando actum ex gratia procedentem tali premio eterno: non innititur bonitati actus quem habet ex natura sua intrinseca: et a principus suis naturalibus sed diuine ordinationi: que est quedam promissio siue conuentio et pactum. Debitum, est vt pacta ac promissa seruentur. . . . Ad rationem conceditur: quod premium redditur merito condigni secundum debitum iusticie: et negetur quod deus nullius potest esse debitor, Nam licet deus nullius debitor esse possit ex natura rei: potest tamen se facere debitorem nostrem ex sua libera voluntate: nobis promittendo pro talibus actibus tantum premium. Sicut hoc gratis promittens alieui ex sua libertate donum se debitorern illi constituit: tenetur enim secundum iusticiam seruare promissum apostolus enim dicens." The same phrases and line of argumentation is found among the Calvinists, particularly in the seventeenth century. F. Burmann, Synopseos Theologiae, 2.2.20, 21: "Omnis enim operi nostri remuneratio & dignitas, sola Dei liberalitate, & gratiosa prornissione, ac pacto nititur; nee aliter Deus nobis obligatus est . . . non vero

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God might have tempered his freedom here, indebting himself to the creature through covenant and acting through ordination in a faithworthy manner, the covenant still bestows its reward on those who are not strictly worthy. The covenant is after all proposed as a contrivance of the divine will to offset the demand for absolute righteousness. Fourth, justification becomes more and more related to the divine will and its extrinsic pronouncements than to any righteousness subsisting in the essence of God or soul of the believer. This is all in accordance with the great Franciscan norms that "God is a debtor to no one" and "no created form must be accepted by God." For this school of thought no inherent form in the creature, including the created habitus of late medieval theology, makes one righteous or acceptable to God, but is subject, as is true of merit in general, to the gracious and unconstrained verdict of the divine wil1.25 In other words, justification becomes subject to divine acceptation and imputation. In Calvinism this concept of justification is developed further, as righteousness is expressly said to no longer subsist in us, the object of the divine decree, but outside of us in the humanity of Christ. The obedience of Christ in the flesh is imputed to us by the Father "just as if' (ac si or quasi) we had done it ourselves." Of course, we had not done it, nor were we really righteous through such imputation, but such is not the concern of the divine will that can declare the black white and the white black without any substantial change in the object of its decree. In fact the Calvinists will proceed to assign the sin of Adam to his posterity, not because they participated in it seminally as interno operis nostri valore & dignitate. . . . Atque in hoc solo hominis statu meriturn obtinisset, sed non aliud quam ex pacta. ac liberali Dei repromissione; juxta quam jus pastulandi praemii homo habuisset, ad quod Deus sese ultro obligaverat, pro amore suo, quo tanti nostra aestimare, & tali praemio remunerari dignabatur. Non vera erat meritum de condigno; not cadit in meram creaturam, quia Deus hominis debitor fieri non potest, nee quicquam ei largitur, nisi ex sola liberalitate; quae quidem ipso non indigna est, non tamen ex dignitate hominis , vel intrinseco valore operis eius proficiscitur." cr. J. Cocceius, Summa Doctrinae (Lugduni Batavorurn , 1665) 30-42; J. Cloppenburg, Disputationes Theologiae Xl (Amstelodami, 1684) 1.11-14, 17; 2.2-3; 5.24; J. Heidegger, Corpus Theologiae Christianae (Tiguri, 17(0) 1.9.57,67,68. F. Turrettini,Inst., VIII.q.3.1, 2, 16-17. See Hamm, Promissio, Pactum. Ordinatio, passim; S. Strehle, Calvinism. Federalism. and Scholasticism (Bern: Peter Lang, 1988) passim. This scholastic justification of covenant is not found, however, in its initial expressions in Zurich nor in its early evolution in the sixteenth century. Ibid., 113ff. 2S Duns, Ordinatio (Ed. Vat.) I.d.17.q.l.n.3, 5, 9, 12; Ockham, Sent., 3.q.5.E, F; Biel, Sent., I.d.17.q.1. C-E; P. Vignaux, Justification et Predestination (paris, 1934) 123ff.; C. Feckes, Die Rechifertigungslehre des Gabriel Biels (MUnster: Aschendorf, 1925) 10-13,4546. 26 Heidelberg Cat., F.60; J. Wolleb, Compendium Theologiae Christianae (Amstelodami, 1633) 162-65; Polan. Partitiones, 114. Ibid., 126: "Porro iustitia haec, per quam coram Deo iustificamur, non est vel haeret in nobis ipsis, sed extra nos est, haeret & subsistit in Christi humana natura, in qua illam Christus praestitit & comparauit." Syntagma, 6.36 (1475): "Christus est is, ad quem Lex respicit & ducit; ut qui solus earn impleverit perfeetissime, ut omnis, qui credit in Christum, qui Legem implevit, perinde a Deo justus censeatur, ac si ipsemet Legem implevisset."

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with Augustine, but because the divine imputation can "postfix the same conclusion about one who did not do something as one who did."27 It becomes "true" through the divine will, "just as if" they had committed it themselves. The freedom of God in limiting the work of Christ, assigning merit through covenant, imputing righteousness to sinners and guilt to the innocent all bespeak of a divine will dissevered from that which is true and just and exacting. The Father who according to scripture could not spare his own Son actually works here above and beyond what has been revealed and wrought in Christ in three important ways. First, the work that Christ offered to the Father, while allegedly sufficient in value to cleanse the sins of the whole world, does not really suffice to propitiate the Father in this regard but is immediately limited in value to the purposes for which the Father accepts and intends it, i.e., the salvation of the elect . In the end it is the Father who actually imposes his will upon the cross and is in no wise affected by it. Second, the work that Christ offered to the Father, which is said by the Calvinists to be performed in such an exacting manner, perfect and absolutely righteous-the victim being a spotless lamb, his death an exact payment for sin-is made superfluous when it comes to applying the work in justification, the very purpose for which it was offered, as the divine fiat makes its application an utter fiction . If the Father, as was true in the extreme voluntarism of Thomas of Buckingham, can make the past not to have been and assign his "just as if" through the magic of imputation, one wonders why the Father would deem it so necessary to send his innocent Son to death in the first place. Third, the work that Christ offered to the Father, which allegedly bridges the gap between a holy God and a sinful humanity , is also made superfluous if heaven and earth can be reconciled and justice dispensed with through the contrivance of a covenant. Where God and man, justice and mercy, are united together and stand eternally reconciled, as they are said to be in Christ, a covenant in which man would make his way to heaven need not be posited to circumvent justice and so replace Christ. The Hiddenness of His Will This discrepancy between the work of the Father and the work of the Son leads quite naturally to our final matter of interest in the divine will, the antithesis between the revealed (voluntas signi) and the hidden will (voluntas beneplaciti) of God. While Christ in the excellent words of 27 Heidegger, Corpus, 1.10.31. Federal Headship is basically a seventeenth century development of the Reformed doctrine of covenant. There are, however, seeds of it in some sixteenth century Calvinists, who speak of the imputatio of Adam's sin to us but retain the language of Augustine and refer to us sinning in Adam's loins. Polan, Syntagma, 6.3,36 (1074-75, 1077, 1473); Perkins, Workes. 1.567-68.

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Calvin is purported to be the "mirror of predestination.t'-" too often, as has been seen in the supralapsarian and later infralapsarian schemes , he becomes a subordinate means, subjected to the Father's higher elective purposes. Perhaps the most fundamental presupposition from which such a subordinate, if not secondary, position of the Son could be developed, from which Duns Scotus himself also developed his lapsarian ideas, is the belief that some unknown God of absolute power actually lurks behind the work that he has ordered in creation and redemption. This god, it is believed, could do almost anything according to the Scotistic and Nominalistic doctrine, even the opposite of that which he eventually enacted, as long as he did not, of course, contradict Aristotle and his inviolable law of contradiction.i? The real god is thus the great unmoved mover, enraptured above the world that he created, hidden in potency behind the paucity of his activity in revelation. Wilhelm Qckham, the most important exponent of this god, produced an exhaustive "what if" theology, speculating over what is indeed possible for this unknown god. After all the real god is not so much the God of revelation but the god of all these possibilities, and theology must explore the why and the wherefore behind his decision to act in Christ. The Calvinists continue this tradition of searching out the God of absolute power and his many possibilities, although to be sure in a less scholastic manner. They certainly do not participate in the ultraisms of Nominalism as they limit speculation over divine possibilities, interject more righteousness into his options, and make the work of Christ absolutely necessary for the expiation of sin. And yet, the real god is still for them the hidden god (deus absconditus), the one who decided to act in Christ and not the revealed God (deus revelatusy himself. This is seen from the very outset of their theology in the doctrine of an eternal covenant between the Father and the Son, where the role that the Son will assume in time is already depicted as subsumed under the Father's wishes . In this covenant the Father asks the Son to provide redemption for those lost in sin and promises to reward him if he chooses to do so. The Son is conceived 28 Inst.• 3.24.5; Helv, Conf., 10.9. In the context this phrase is made to refer to the doctrines of eternal security and assurance. These doctrines in Calvinism as we shall see make some attempt to align the revelation of Christ and the election of the Father. However, Christ too often in other contexts is said to be an effect of predestination or a means to some higher end. Vermigli, Loci. 3.1.37. Christ is said to be given for our redemption from sin, and so the incarnation and work of Christ are only conceived within the presupposition of creation, the fall, and election. This is quite in contrast with the original supralapsarian position of Duns Scotus where union between God and man was the beginning of the divine decree and the incarnation had no necessary relation to sin. Opus Ox . (Ed. Paris) 3.d.19 .q.I.n.6; L. Veuthey, Jean Duns Scot : Pensee Theologique (paris : Editiones Franciscaines, 1967) 79-80, 92. In the words of Barth, reconciliation ("God with us") is not God's reaction to sin but the original telos of creation, and God's grace only says "nevertheless" to his original covenant partner when he falls-Le., "nevertheless" I, your God, will still fulfill this reconciliation in spite of my unfaithful partner. CD IV/1.11-12, 44-48. This emphasis we saw earlier in Osiander. See chapter 3, footnote 48. 29 Ockham, Quodl., 6.q.2.a.I; Duns, Ordinatio (Ed. Vat) l.d.44.q.I.n.7.

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here not so much as the, one and only answer to man's plight, antecedently in himself, but as elected by the Father to assume a role in time from simple ordination or covenant. This role does not so much unveil his true self. It could in fact be otherwise. It becomes such only through the decision of the most free and arbitrary will of God to act thusly." If this is true we must say that the secret will of God again stands separated from the God of revelation in Christ. In fact one must wonder whether anything at all can be known of a god who acts here outside of his nature. His revelation after all is only treated in such a covenant as a role that has been assumed for the sake of dispensation and not an unveiling of his antecedent and eternal self. If this is true then his crucifixion in time could never be made to speak, as was too often the case, of the passion and compassion of the God of eternity; 31 his incarnation and resurrection, when the Father gives to the Son his life in time, could never be made to speak of his generation in eternity . The relationship that the Father has in begetting his Son in time would not be his essential and eternal relationship at all. One must wonder with such a doctrine how the Calvinists could continue to even speak of God as Father and Son in the first place. The God who through his eternal activity is said to exercise the entirety of his omnipotence in generating God the Son could not leave himself in potency when he does the same in time. Otherwise, the Son would not be the Son but a mere contrivance of the divine will. Our teaching in this chapter has been for the most part consistent with the monumental trinitarian analysis of Karl Barth except at this point. Barth places the doctrine of the trinity at the head of theology in his Church Dogmatics (1/1) as most essential to the Christian knowledge of God and revelation. God is said to be revealed to us as he is related to himself. Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, the names of God in revelation, speak of his antecedent nature. Creation, revelation, and redemption are said to be ours in advance, finding their basis and prototype in the divine essence .P Nevertheless, by the time his dogmatics proceeds to the doctrine of reconciliation CIVil) the second person of the trinity, the naked Word (logos asarkos), is no longer the Reconciler in himself but must be given concrete form through divine election in an eternal covenant. The basic rationale for Barth is to keep salvation free and 30 Heideggerus, Corpus, 1.11; H. Witsius, De Oeconomia Foederum Dei (Leovardiae, 1685) 2.1, 2. This doctrine is basically a seventeenth century phenomenon, although it does embody the sixteenth century concept that Christ was elected to his office, the first effect of predestination, from all eternity. Zanchius, Opera, 2.496, 535-36. Ritsehl traces the origin of this doctrine to Arminius and his use of pactum in regard to Christ's priesthood. O. Ritschl , Die reformierte Theologie des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1926) 3.427-28; 1. Arminius, Opera Theolog ica (Prostant Francofurti, 1635) 15. 31 The church in general rejected any talk of deipassionism at this time, and any talk of mercy in God was relegated to a subordinate option of the divine will. 32 CD I/1.300-01, 364, 383, 389.

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gracious, and God unindebted to his creature. God is said to be free from any inner or outer necessity in becoming a man and saving a people. 33 This emphasis of Barth, while it certainly might express some truth (i.e., that God does not owe us anything, nor is he compelled to save us), even Barth himself admits, is not the object of theology , and in a subsequent section he inconsistently rejects the possibility of something "quite different" than what was enacted by God transpiring in the "game of chance" of a "sovereign liberum arbitrium.P" We for our part would prefer to suspend entirely with all talk of what could have been in some unknown God of absolute power and learn of his ways from what he has ordained in the one way, Jesus Christ. Jiirgen Moltmann has also expressed similar concerns as ours in his recent work The Trinity and the Kingdom. He rejects Barth's concept of divine freedom as inappropriate, as well as all talk of divine free will in creation. What decisions are made within the depths of the divine counsels, Moltmann believes, must involve as well a disclosure of what God is in himself. In regard to the revelation and work of Christ, this means for him that the communication of the divine being to others in Christ is a disclosure of what God is in himself as LogoS.3S God is love and if he is love, he could not just as well refuse to display that love and become a god without grace. What love God displays in eternity he must do again, anew in time. He communicates his life to another in eternity, so he communicates himself to others in time. He begets a Son in eternity, so he begets sons in time. This is God and this is his work. While the Reformers never stated themselves so strongly, they certainly rejected the Scholastics for their explorations into "divine secrets" and preferred to be controlled by the parameters that God had set in his Word. In the name of Christ and his revelation in scripture, Luther maintained that we should not attempt to delve into the secrets of God and his "hidden will," or even ask questions about his "why" for acting as he did in the first place . The true theologian should much rather fix his gaze upon the "visible" and "manifest" things of God than attempt to unveil his "clothing" and seek some "invisible" God who is yet to be revealed. The mind which deigns to inquire beyond what has been revealed and unveil his clothing will only receive as its answer a word of condemnation. To those who would inquire as in Augustine's day about the doings and whereabouts of God before he created the world, Luther can only pronounce judgement-"He was making hell for those who are curious!" Calvin also repeated these same charges against the Schoolmen and their explorations into divine mysteries . Throughout his works he

CD IV/1.52 , 192. Trinity and the Kingdom of God. trans!. by M. Kohl (San Francisco : Harper & Row , 1981) 52ff., 105ff. 3S WA 1.361·62; WA, TR 4.611 (nr, 5010); 4.643 (nr. 5071). 33

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continually and vociferously opposes those who would presume to unveil naked majesty and probe the depths of divine secrets . The pious man is said to have no use for such an occult knowledge of God. He finds God as he works among us and reveals his will to us, not as some mystery enclosed within itself. 36 Even Calvin's doctrine of predestination displays none of the speculative elements or dark mysteries as his retractors have so often contended. While all things to be sure are placed by Calvin under the sway of God and must possess their necessary reasons in him, one never finds a grand justification for it all as in Duns' supralapsarian scheme. Even if the hand of God is involved antecedently in the fall of Adam and the condemnation of the wicked, there is presented no theodicy for evil, which could explain evil as a good thing-a felix culpa-in God's ultimate intentions. Much rather, Christ is viewed as the "mirror of predestination" and his word its object. Far from being some dark secret, God's elective purposes are said to be revealed in the Gospel, and those who believe and receive his salvation here on earth rest secure that they have found the will of the Father concerning them. Unlike the older Augustinian doctrine of predestination and perseverance that in essence separated believers from the elect and made the knowledge of one's election a mystery, Calvin became the first to clearly equate these two groups in his doctrine of eternal security and thus brought together God's secret decree of election and the good news that he announces to believers. Believers can be equated with the elect as they are destined to persevere in their most holy faith until the end. Election in eternity and salvation in time, the decree of the Father and the faith of the regenerate, are all one and the same. God's will concerning his people is clearly, even "once for all" manifested here on earth. They stand eternally secure.'? This spirit of Calvin's theology unfortunately did not continue with the same fervor among the heirs of the great Reformer, the so-called Calvinists. The Calvinists through scholastic influences brought a certain voluntaristic tendency into Reformed theology that was foreign to its original nature. This tendency is borne witness in doctrines such as limited atonement, forensic justification, covenant theology, and federal headship-none of which are found within Calvin's thought, and produced an antithetical character to their concept of the divine will, caught as it was between Scholasticism and the Reformation. This antithetical character of the will of God in Calvinism is seen throughout our chapter. First, the will of God is seen to be absolutely sovereign, embracing creation and redemption, election and reprobation, and yet its proper activity is limited to the manifestation of mercy in a certain elected few . Second, it is seen to be bound to the truth and

36

lnst. , 1.4.9; 13.21; 14.1,4.

37

lnst.; 3.3.1-8.

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righteousness of the divine essence, even unto the manifestation of its glory, and yet the freedom of its activity in assigning merit, imputing righteousness, and limiting the atonement would speak little of such exacting standards. Third, it is seen to send the Son to offer the neces sary acts of redemption and yet emend that work in light of some higher purpose, overriding what was done of necessity. Fourth, it is seen to determine that the Son should act in a certain way in time unto the redemption of his people, and yet such acts do not grow out of his antecedent nature and are in fact attributed in general to his newlyadded humanity. The will of God in Calvinism is thus extended to all but limited to a few, united to its essence but free from its demands, revealed in Christ but hidden within the Father's most free will (liberum arbitrium). His freedom allows him to act one way in creation and another way in redemption, one way in righteousness and another way in mercy, one way in Christ and another way in the Father. His ways are not one and narrow, simple and smooth, but even at odds with himself. He wills from necessity and freedom but not always from both.

CONCLUSION While our comments might appear in this last chapter to be much too negative, it should be remembered that the basic purpose of the work is not to extol the virtues of the Reformation, which are considerable, but to confess its faults and admit its excesses. In the estimation of the study there is already a plethora of hagiography and apologetics in the area, and much of it has become a stumbling block to conciliatory efforts in the church. There can certainly be no ecumenicity until the tone of Reformation studies is changed. There can be no reconciliation with God or man until each faction confesses its sins and admits weakness into its own confession. For Anabaptist scholars this means that their work, instead of recounting the heroics of their martyrs (e.g., Martyrs' Mirror), should highlight the rancor and sedition that the Swiss brethren brought to the city of Zurich and its council , and for Reformed scholars the wrongful slaying of those brothers by their forebears. For the Lutherans this means that Luther must be viewed as a cause of schism in the church, and for Catholics their corrupt church as the occasion for that schism. In our own work we have tried to expose the "hasty judgments, mistaken ideas, and ridiculous legends" that Protestants have concocted against their Catholic brothers.' We started by exposing the cause of much of these misconceptions, the most celebrated legend of all the Reformation , the so-called "tower experience" of Luther. Luther is typically depicted in this legend as enslaved during his days as a monk to the incessant performance of rituals and a sacramental system that brought him nothing but despair. And then, one day, like a flash from heaven, his eyes were opened to the words of scripture and he discovered that one truth that delivered him at last from his despair . This portrait was seen to be false in a couple of ways. First , it did not correspond to the testimony of his early works in which no radical break is to be seen but only a slow development in his understanding toward the Gospel. Second, it did not give enough credit to the role that the sacrament of penance played in his conversion nor to the influence that the Scotistic tradition exerted upon him in regard to that sacrament. Even if Luther found inspiration for his ideas in the writings of Paul and the work of the Spirit, he certainly did not discover the sum and substance of his Gospel in one ecstatic moment, apart from his background in Catholicism. The influence of Catholic theologians upon Luther and the early Protestants was enormous. Besides the influence upon Luther's concept

!

G. Tavard, The Catholic Approach to Protestantism (New York: Harper & Brothers.

1955) 57.

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of faith and assurance, one can find their mark upon other important elements of the Protestant Gospel. Erasmian influence can be seen in Zwingli's focus upon the cross as the sole means of salvation, Bullinger's accent upon conditions in the covenant of grace, and Melanchthon's use of forensic terminology to describe our justification. Augustinian influence can be seen in the emphasis that the Reformers placed upon the sovereignty of God and the manner in which the Calvinists sought to limit divine activity to the salvation of the elect. Doctrines that correspond to this conception such as limited atonement and supralapsarianism- will be developed out of the voluntarism of the middle ages and make their way into Calvinism through Beza. In fact it is from this matrix that the Calvinists will develop other voluntaristic doctrines-acceptation theory of atonement, covenant theology, federal headship, and forensic justification-as they submit all-Christ's work on the cross , our work in the covenant, Christ's obedience to the law, and Adam's sin in the Garden-to the free "acceptation" and "imputation" of God. They, of course, were not alone in applying these concepts . Melanchthon was the first to apply them to justification, and his fellow Lutherans followed his usage . Sometimes the influence of Catholicism was more negative than positive as the Protestants sought to negate their opponents and developed anti-Catholic positions. The best example of this negative influence is to be seen in Luther's demand for absolute certitude. Luther, speaking from his experience as a monk, accused the Catholic Church of riddling their people with doubts through ascetic practices and fearfilled doctrines. Luther, of course, reacted to the antithesis of his monastic experience and sought to rid his conscience of all doubt. He

sought to free his conscience from all ascetic demands; eating, drinking, and marrying with great gusto in order to spite his former life style.' He sought to free his conscience of all doubt concerning salvation, proclaiming that he was absolutely certain of his standing before God and demanded that others be also. However, such an excessive position did not prove to be so simple as to relieve Luther or his followers from further bouts with anxiety and doubt . Luther himself continued to suffer throughout his life from great bouts of mental anguish and dread, even if he found occasional solace in the sacrament of penance. The Lutherans who renounced that sacrament suffered the loss of a specific word from God and had difficulty in certifying their faith and claiming a more general promise concerning their salvation. The Calvinists produced numerous treatises to help calculate one's salvation and remove all doubt but admitted that few had actually obtained this certainty in the 2 Supralapsarianism does not necessarily entail the doctrine of double predestination. Duns Scotus in his Sentences and Theodore Beza in his famous chart place the reprobate under divine foreknowledge. 3 H. Oberman, Luther: Man between God and the Devil, trans!. by E. WalliserSchwarzbart (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1989) 280.

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end. Perhaps , it would have proved less onerous for all Protestants if they had not found it so necessary to negate their Catholic opponents and had incorporated more of this other side into their teaching as a genuine aspect of the Christian life. Above all the factions of the Reformation, the Calvinists came the closest to doing this. They, at least, recognized that the real life of the believer was rankled with doubt and refused to equate one's salvation with one's assurance, even if they still believed that such assurance was possible. Another good example of Catholicism 's negative influence can be seen in Melanchthon's insistence upon a righteousness that is totally outside the believer-a purely forensic justification. Melanchthon's position was forged as a reaction to the orthodox, Thomistic tradition that had infused grace into the soul of the believer and made him worthy of eternal life. The orthodox position itself had been posed as an extreme solution, even within the Catholic tradition, to the problem of our acceptance before God and invited much criticism. However, rather than seeking some balance as with Luther's "Christ in us," Melanchthon proceeded to the antithesis and produced an aberration on the other side. He proceeded to divide justification from anything that God does in us and made it a simple declaration of the Father in heaven. He turned our personal salvation into "mere shadow boxing" (Luther) and "pure nothingness" (Osiander). Protestantism would have been better served if it had not found it so necessary to negate their opponents but listened to their concerns and honored their criticisms . After all evil does not appear so unalloyed in this life that we can dismiss our opponents as utterly wrong. In this life there is always the bitter with the sweet, the laughter with the tears, the night with the day, and the wheat with the tares. Simul iustus et peccator. Truth is not found in one location or certain bytes of information but is fragmented throughout life in all its parts and cannot be found outside of its diversity and dialogue. It is found in communion with our fellow man and is sought by those who would recognize the errors of their ways and the truth of those who would disagree. It is sought by those who would empathize with their opponents and convert to their ideas; by those Protestants who would be Catholic and Catholics who would be Protestant. Its paradigm is found within the very life of God. The Father himself does not live in self-sufficient isolation or solitary unity but in vital communion and dynamic relationship with the other members of the Godhead. He is not God by himself, as if he could be a father without a son, but exists as Father through the Son and the Son through the Father. Man as the bearer of the divine image was ever made to live in dependence and relationship one with another. When he was created in the divine image, the "us" who created him considered man alone and incomplete without "an help meet for him" (Gen. 1:27; 2:18). When he is renewed unto that image in salvation, he becomes a member of the body of Christ in which each of its members has a unique gift from God

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and is vital to the completion of all others (l Cor. 12). This diversity, far from dividing him from his fellow man, serves as the most radical basis for all talk of unity in the church. It becomes the basis for all ecumenic ity as it calls for inter-dependence and communion, and the basis for all maturity as it calls us to grow together into one man (Eph. 4:7-16).

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NAMEINDEX Abelard, P., 86 Albrecht, 73, 79 Alexander of Hales, 6 Althaus , P., 9, 12, 14, 101-103 Ames, W., 44 , 45 Amyraut, M., 93, 94, 115 Anselm, 72, 86, 89, 90, 92, 94-96, 102, 106, 118 Aristotle, 97, 122 Arminius, J., 118, 123 Armstrong, B., 93 Aulen, G., 86, 102 Aymon, J., 115 Badura, H., 102, 103 Baier, J., 27, 90 Baker, J. W., 7, 36,46,50,51,53, 55, 57, 58,84,96, 117 Barnes , R., 12 Barth , K., 36, 38, 101, 106, 122-124 Baudry, L ., 69 Baur, F. C., 79 Bayer, 0 ., 9, 10,26 Beeke, J., 38, 39,43 Bell, C., 47 Bellarmine, R., 7, 23-25 Berkouwer, G. C., 36 Bernard of Clairvaux, 21 Beza, T., 37, 39-41, 43, 55, 93, 94 , 110, 114,117 Biel, G., 22, 23, 61, 69, 89, 119, 120 Bindseil, H., 79 Bizer , E. , 15, 17 Bogdahn , M., 80 Bonaventure, 119 Bonhoeffer, D., 64 Bosshard, 5., 87, 88 Brandt, G., 40 Braun, J., 59, 60 Bray, 1., 93 Brecht , M., 30, 31, 76 Bucan, G., 37, 43, 94 Bucer, M., 34-37,43 Bullinger, H., 35,43, 51·58 Bultmann, R., 99 Buren, P. Van, 99, 106, 109 Burmann, F., 59-61, 119 Burrows, M., 51, 53, 56 Cajetan, T., 10, 87, 88 Calvin , J., 11,34-43,46,48-50,53-55,57, 66, 74, 100, 105-107, 109, 110, 114, 115, 122, 124, 125 Carlson, E., 102

Catharinus, A., 23, 24 Cave ,S., 11, 89, 90, 96, 102, 106 Chalker, W., 38, 45 Chemnitz, M., 27, 28, 90 Cloppenburg, J., 60, 119 Cocceius, J., 39, 43, 59, 60, 93, 119 Cohen, C., 38,41,49 Cooper , T., 67, 68 Cotton, J., 43, 47·50, 60 Courtenay , W. J., 119 Crisp, T., 43, 46 Culpepper, R., 89-91, 97,102,106 Curcellaeus, 5., 97 Davenant, J., 90, 95 Davis, K., 53 De Jong, P., 40 Delphinus, J., 24 Dettloff, W., 69, 118 Du Moulin, P., 93

Dudden,F. H., 5

Duns Scotus , J., 22, 24, 26, 64, 69, 92 95, 97, 100, 110, 113, 114, 116-120, 122 Eaton, J., 45-48,50 Ebeling, G., 11, 13, 16 Erasmus , D., 30-32, 51-54 , 64, 65, 66-68, 87 Estienne, R., 67, 68 Fast , W., 47,48,58 Feckes, C., 120 Fiddes , P., 89, 99, 106 Fligge , J., 75, 77, 78, 82 Fock, 0 ., 95 F~,R . ,90,91, 94,95,97,102 Fuhrer, W., 11 Gl1b1er, Ulrich, 31, 34 Gerhard, J., 18,21,26-28, 90, 100 Gesner , J., 67, 68 Gogarten, F., 11, 14, 16, 101 Gomar, F., 39, 41, 43, 59,93 Goodwin, T., 62 Gottschalk, 36, 113, 114 Graebner, N., 38, 42, 46-48 , 50 Green , L. C., 67, 68, 90 Gregory the Great , 5, 7, 63 Gregory of Rimini , 70, 113, 118 Grensted , L., 90 , 91, 95, 97, 100, 101, 106 Greschat, M., 67, 119 Grotius, H., 71, 96-99, 110 Hacker, P., 10, 12, 13 Hafenreffer, M., 27 !Wes, J., 6, 93, 97 !WI, J., 43, 47-50 , 93

142

NAME INDEX

Hamm, B., 33, 34, 51, 66, 103, 118, 119 FUunack,)L, 6, 89, 92 Harrison.AvS? Hausammann, S., 51, 52 Hawkes, R. M., 41 Heidegger, I., 37-41, 43, 59-61, 90, 93, 119, 121 Hildebrandt, F., 88 Hirsch , E., 79 Hof, 0., 102, 103 HolI, K., 13, 14, 33, 79, 90, 102, 103 Hollaz, D., 27, 28, 90 Hutchinson , A., 47-49 Iserloh, E. , 69, 118 Jinkins, M. , 47, 49 Joest, W., 103 Iohannes de Ripa, 69 Jungel, E., 64 Karlstadt, A., 81, 102, 104 Keddie , G., 41, 42, 44 Kendall , R. T., 39, 41, 46, 48-50, 114 Kessler, H., 89 Kickel , W., 93 Kierkegaard, S., 64 KOhler, W., 87 KOstlin, I., 9, 11,21, 101 Kurz, A., 10, 12, 18, 20, 25 Lambot, C., 36, 113 Lampe, F., 58 Landgraf, A. M. , 118 Laplanche, F., 40 Letham, R., 38, 43 Lewis, C. S., 99 Limborch, P., 97 Ljunggen, G., 6 Locher, G., 30, 31, 35, 55, 89 Lombard, P., 94 Loafs, F., 90 Luther , M., 6, 8·22,24-28,30-34,41,46-48, 51, 52, 54, 57, 60-63, 66, 67, 69-71 , 73, 77, 79 -83, 87-90, 100-106, 109, 110,124 Marbach, I., 37 Maresius, S., 38, 40, 43, 59 Martini, M., 60, 79 Mastricht, P., 28, 38, 40, 43, 60 McCoy, C. S., 57 McDonald, H., 96 McDonnell, K., 107, 109 McGiffert , A., 5 McGrath, A., 16-18, 31, 33, 51, 54, 66, 70 Melanchthon, P., 18, 21, 33, 34, 51, 55, 66-69, 71-77, 79 , 81-84, 87·90, 99, 102, 103, 110 Miller, P., 50 Moltmann, I ., 22, 36, 37, 64, Ill, 124 Morlin , J., 73·77 , 79

Muller , R., 117, 118 Neuser, W., 30, 31, 35, 87, 88 Niesel , W ., 36, 38 Oberman, H., 13, 70, 89 Ott, H., 90 Owen, I., 95 Payne, I. B., 31, 87 Perkins, W., 21, 38, 40-45,50, 115, 121 Pesch , 0., 90 , 101-103 Peterson, R., 106 Pettit, N., 50, 56 Pfurtner, S., 6, 11 Polan, A., 38, 90,114,115,117,118,120, 121 Pollet, I . Y., 30, 31, 35 Quenstedt, I. A., 27, 28, 90 Recla, H., 22 Rich, A., 30, 31 Ridder, I., 67 Ritschl, A., 79, 90-92, 95-97 , 100 Ritschl, 0., 103, 123 Rogge , I ., 16, 17,30,31 Rolston , H., 107 Rorty, R., 62, 63 RUckert, H., 6, 7, 12,22,23,25 Rupp, G., 8, 13, 14 Saarnivaara, U., IS, 19, 20 Santmire, H. P., 106, 107 Schaff, P., 7, 43, 84 Scheel , 0., 15, 18, 19, 22, 26 Schirmer, A., 67 Schleiermacher, F., 96 Schluter, I., 97 Schm id, H., 32, 89 Schutzeichel, H., 37, 43 Schwarz, R., 76 Schweizer, A., 111 Seeberg, R., 79 Selneccerus, N., 18 Siggins, I ., 102, 103 Snecan, G., 59 Socinus, F. , 71, 91, 92, 96-101 , 110 Sohnius, G., 59 Staedtke, I. , 51-53, 55 Stakemeier, A., 13,22-25 Staupitz, I., 19, 20, 23, 26 Steinmetz, D., 19, 20 Stephens, W. P., 31, 35, 87,88 Stoever, W., 49, 50 Strehle, S., 41 , 57, 58,92, 119 Stupperich, M., 66, 73, 75, 76, 78, 79 Tedeschi, I., 100 Tertullian, 5, 7, 101 Thomas Aquinas , 6, 26, 30, 43 , 62, 68, 84, 90,97,98,101 ,121 Thomas of Buckingham, 121 Til, S. van, 37

NAME INDEX Turrettini, r., 7, 8, 23, 38,40,41 , 43, 5961,90,93-95,97,100,119 Twisse, Wo, 118 Ursin, z., 38, 43, 60, 90, 116 Vajta, 66, 89 Verrnigli , Po, 114, 115, 118, 122 Veuthey , t., 122 Vignaux , P., 69, 92, 93, 120 Vogelsang, Eo, 101 Wallace, R. , 107, 109 Walser, Po, 53-55 Wendel , F., 100 Wendelin, Mor., 37, 38 Wenz , Go, 89-91, 95, 97 Wheelwright, t.. 47, 48, 60 Wilhelm Ockham, 69-72, 118-120, 122 Williams, a., 89 Willis, Do, 100 Wilson-Kastner, Po, 82 Winthrop, r., 48-50 Witsius, a, 123 Wittgenstein, L. , 62, 63 Wolf,E.,20 Wyttenbach, T., 30, 31 Zachman , n., 11, 14,38 Zanchi, Go, 37,39-41,43,95 Zehr, Mo, 109 Zimmerman, G., 75 Zwingli, u., 16, 30-35, 43, 50-53, 55, 57, 66, 81, 87-89, 99, 100, 102, 109, 110

v..

143

SUBJECf INDEX absolution , 7, 9-11,18,20,22,23,28 acceptation. 67. 69, 72, 92-94, 97, 100,

118-120 antinomianism, 43, 45, 47-50 assurance. 5, 9-12, 14. 18, 20-22, 25, 26. 28, 29, 34, 37-43, 46-48, 50, 61-64. 100, 122 atonement, 36. 41, 72, 85-102, 106, 109, 110, Ill, 113, 114, 118, 125, 126 Augustinianism, 19,54,111-114 Calvinism, 29. 34. 35, 39, 41, 46, 48-50, 57, 58, 62, 92.93, 95, 111, 112, 114120, 122, 125, 126 Catholicism . 6-9, 11. 12. 14,25-28,30, 37. 42,63.64,66,67,69.75,76, 80, 84. 86,87, 101. 109, 112 certitude, 5-8, 10, 13, 14. 18, 22-25, 28, 40. 41.45,46,62-64 Christus in nobis, 33, 36, 38, 39, 67, 88, 103. 105, 108, 109, 120 Christus pro nobis, 33. 88, 91 Christus Victor, 83, 86, 102, 103, 105 conscience, 11, 18, 20, 24, 38, 41, 42. 44, 45,49.63,104,105 consolation. 13, 14, 20, 38, 43 contrition, 6-9, 11,20,21,23-25 Council of Trent, 6, 23, 27 covenant, 37,43,47-51,57-61, 1l0, Ill, 116, 119-123. 125 created grace, 65, 69, 70, 72, 109 depravity, 7, 32, 36,41.52,61 double predestination, 32. 36, 53 elect, 84, 93-95, 106, 113-115, ll7, us , 121, 125 election, 35-38,42.43,45,48, 50, 54-57, 60,61 ,93,94 eternal security, 14, 35-37, 57, 58, lll, 122, 125 eucharist, n. 31-34, 53. 55, 81, 87-89, 107. 109, 110 faith. 6, 8-19. 21-29, 34-36. 38-43. 46, 47, 49, 54-56, 58, 60-64. 66, 71. 73, 76, 91, 96, 100, 105-107, Ill . ll4-116, 125 federal headship, Ill . 121 forensic justification, 33, 65, 66-68. 70, 72, 80,87,88.98, 107, 110, 125 free will, 32, 52, 53, 56, 69, 92, 96, 116, 119, 124, 126 gerecht~chung , 74,82 gerechtsprechung, 74, 82

Gospel, 9, 13-15, 17-20,25-27. 29,30,32-

35,37,46,47, 50, 53.60,64, 65, 73, 88.99, 104, 105, 111, 125 grace. 5-7. 10, 12, 13, 15, 16,20,22-25, 36-39. 41, 43, 46-50, 53-57. 60. 61, 63-66,68-72,76,82,84,98, 100, 105, 109,114-116,122,124 imputation, 66-68, 71-73, 79, 81, 83, 84, 89, 91, 99. 100, 103, 107, Ill, 120, 121 infralapsarianism, 93, 111. 116, 122 justification, 7. 12. 15-18, 25, 33, 34, 43, 46, 47, 51, 53, 60-62, 65, 73-75, 77, 78, 80-84. 87-93. 96. 98-103, 107. 109,110, Ill, 117, 119-121, 125 law, 14, 15. 17, 18,20,27,47, 52, 53, 58, 61, 68, 70, 78. 89, 91, 97, 98, 100102, 105, 106, 110, 116, 118, 122 limited atonement. 36, 41, 93, 112-115, 125 Lutheranism, 28, 30, 43, 47, 51. 73, 80, 86,88,103 memorial eucharist . 53, 87-89. 110 merit, 16, 18, 20. 22, 24. 43, 52, 54, 55. 70, 77, 84, 89, 90, 93, 94, 100, 104. 113, 118-121, 126 Nominalism , 66, 69-71, 84, 113. 118, 122 penal substitution, 89, 96, 101, 102, 106, 110,118 penance, 5, 7, 9-11, 14, 19-26,28,31 ,32, 59, 62, 90, 101 potentia absoluta, 70, 92, 117, ll9 potentia ordinata , 69, 70, 72. 92, ll7, ll9 practical syllogism, 14, 37-39, 41, 42, 45, 49,61 .62 predestination, 22. 32, 35. 36, 53-55, 94. 111,113 -115,122,123,125 Puritanism, 38, 41, 43, 48-50, 58, 60, 63 redemption , 11, 36. 76-78, 84. 88, 89, 92, 94, 101, 102, 105. 107, 109, 113-116, 122, 123, 125. 126 reprobation , 32, 36, 38,42,43,48, 54, 55, 94, 112-115, 117, 125 resurrection, 48, 83, 86, 91, 101, 102, 105. 106, 110, 123 righteousness , 8, 9, 13-18, 30, 33, 46, 51, 61, 64, 66-70, 72-78, 80-85, 96, 98, 99, 101, 103, 105, 107-109, 111-113, 116, 119-122. 126 satisfaction, 5, 9, 71. 78, 86. 89-92, 94, 96,98,99,102,110

146

SUBJECf INDEX

Scotism, 26, 96, 110, 122 Socinianism, 92, 96-98, 100, 101, 110 sovereignty, 32, 52, 60, 96, III supraiapsarianism, 41, 93, 94, 116, 119, 122, 125 synergism, 53, 55, 57 Thomistism, 11,20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 65, 69, 70,84 ttansubsumtiation, 109 unlimited atonement, 94, 95 voluntarism, 70, 72, 99, 110, 121 works, 8-11, 13, 15-17,20,21, 25, 31-34, 37-42, 45-54, 58, 61, 62, 68, 74, 75, 80, 82, 89, 95, 102, 105, Ill , 114116, 121, 124, 125

Studies in the History of Christian Thought EDITED BY HEIKO A. OBERMAN I. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 36. 37. 39. 40.

41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

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50. HOENEN, M. J. F. M. Marsilius ofInghm. Divine Knowledge in Late Medieval Thought. 1993 51. O'MAlLEY,J. W. , IZBICKI, T . M. and CHRISTIANSON, G. (eds.) Humanity and Divinity in Renaissance and RejOTTTUJtion. Essays in Honor of Charles Trinkaus. 1993 52. REEVE, A. (ed.) and SCREECH, M. A. (introd.) Erasmus' Annotations on the Neto Testament. Galatians to the Apocalypse. 1993 53. STUMP, Ph. H . The Reforms ofthe Council ofConstance (1414-1418). 199454-. GIAKALIS, A. 17TII1gts ofthe Divine. The Theology of Icons at the Seventh Ecumenical Council. With a Foreword by Henry Chadwick. 199455. NELLEN, H . J. M. and RABBlE, E. Hugo Grotius - Theologian. Essays in Honour of G. H . M. Posthumus Meyies. 199456. TRIGG, J. D. Baptism in the Theology ofMartin Luther. 199457. JANSE, W. Alhert Hardmberg als Theologe. Profil eines Bucer-Schulers. 199458. ASSELT, W.J. VAN. The Covenant Theology of]olzannM Cocceius (1603-1669). An Examination of its Structure. Inpreparation 59. SCHOOR, RJ-M. VAN DE. The Irenical Theology of Thiophile Bracket de La Milletiere (1588-1665). 1995 60. STREHLE, S. The CaJ/wlic Roots ofthe Protestant Gospel. Encounter between the Middle Ages and the Reformation. 1995

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