The camel and the wheel 9780231072342, 9780231072359

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The Camel and the Wheel

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Columbi Uni ity I

Columbia University Press Morningside Edition 1990

Columbia University Press

New York Oxford

Morningside Edition with New Preface Copyright © 1990 by Columbia University Press The Camel and the Wheel was originally published in 1975. All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bulliet, Richard W. The camel and the wheel / Richard W. Bulliet.—Morningside ed.

p- cm.

Reprint, with new pref. Originally published: Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1975. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-231-07234-1 (alk. paper).—ISBN 0-231-07235-X (pbk.)

1. Camels—History. 2. Camels—Middle East—History. 3. Dromedary— Africa, North—History. 4. Wheels— Middle East—History. 5. Wheels—Africa, North—History. 6. Transportation— Middle East—History. 7. Transportation— Africa, North—History. 8. Animals and history— Middle East. 9. Animals and history—Africa, North. I. Title. SF401.C2B84 1989 636.2'95'09—dc20 89-25121

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Casebound editions of Columbia University Press books are Smyth-sewn and printed on permanent and durable acid-free paper

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Contents

Preface to the Morningside Edition Vii Acknowledgments XV Figures XvVil

Apologia 1

1 The Camel and the Wheel 7

2 The Origin of Camel Domestication 28

Incense Trade 57

3 The Spread of Camel Domestication and the

4 The North Arabian Saddle and the Rise of the Arabs 87

5 The Camel in North Africa 111

67 The Iran:Camel One Hump or Two? 141 as a Draft Animal 176 89 IfACamels Society Without Wheels 216 Are Such a Good Idea... 237

the Camel 259 Bibliographical Essay 271

Notes 279 Index 323 10 The Return of the Wheel and the Future of

Preface to the Morningside Edition When I first determined to write this book, D. W. Lockard, then near retirement as the Associate Director of Harvard’s Center for Middle East Studies, advised me in avuncular fashion that writing a book on camels would ruin my career. Fortunately, his prediction proved untrue. But it did reflect an outlook on Middle East Studies that was then dominant and is still quite prevalent. It is not that the field is anti-camel, but that it is extremely wary of unusual or innovative scholarship. In the fifteen years since it appeared, The Camel and the Wheel has found a favorable reception among scholars from a number of different fields, but it has had little impact on the field of Middle Eastern history where subjects like technology and economics remain peripheral to the traditional concerns of religion, philosophy, and literature. Though a few encouraging forays are being made into uncharted waters, the field of Middle Eastern technological history in the Islamic period remains largely unexplored.

The various ideas and arguments put forward in the book Vil

Preface to the Morningside Edition _

Vill have proved stimulating to many scholars in other fields, however, ranging from the biologist Stephen Jay Gould, to the world historian William H. McNeill,” to the computer columnist Erik Sandberg-Diment.? George A. Theodorson reprinted pp. 224—28, dealing with the relationship between urban design and transportation systems, in the revised edition of his Urban Patterns: Studies in Human Ecology (Univer-

sity Park, Penn.: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1982), pp. 394-97. The most gratifying sign of appreciation of all, however, was my receipt of the Dexter Prize from the Society for the History of Technology. My own research has traveled down largely different roads during the intervening years, but I have pursued inquiries into a few of the topics I raise in the book. The only published fruit of this new research is an article entitled “Botr et Beranés: Hypotheses sur I’Histoire des Berbéres” that appeared in Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations

(January—February 1981), pp. 104-16. There I expand upon my discussion in chapter 5 of plow and draft harnesses in Roman North Africa. I argue that the evidence relating to camel use and harnessing techniques may be crucial to understanding the well-attested but poorly understood division of medieval Berber tribes into two groups, Butr and Baranis. According to my hypothesis, the Butr Berbers originated in association with Roman agriculture and were accustomed to using camels for plowing. By contrast, the Baranis tribes were from mountainous areas that were more isolated from Roman agriculture and patterns of camel use. These identifications, in turn, have implications for the broader history of early Islamic North Africa that are spelled out in the article. My other area of further inquiry takes off from chapter 7 and concerns the relationship between wheeled transport and camel use in Central Asia, India, and the Greco-Roman world. The central question is when and why draft harness designs were rationalized and made competitive with pack camels in the different zones. The Greco-Roman world, despite its high level of material culture, retained primitive harness designs that ultimately contributed to the disappear-

Preface to the Morningside Edition

ance of wheeled vehicles in camel-using areas because they 1X obstructed the development of efficient horse-drawn wagons. India, by contrast, adopted more advanced harness designs from Central Asia in the medieval period and adapted them for camels, but a mixed transport economy of camelcarts, ox-carts, and pack camels remained viable. The reason for this was presumably a comparative scarcity of horses that ruled out broad conversion to efficient horse-powered vehicle use, but the history of Indian transport technology needs further study. As for Central Asia, it was the original home both of the war chariot and of the mounted warrior that rendered the war chariot obsolete. Peoples there also made the switch to efficient single-animal harnessing and continue to use camel carts to the present day. Rulers in derivative areas of chariot use in the Middle East, Europe, and Africa eventually followed the Central Asian lead and converted their armies from chariotry and cavalry, but this conversion contributed to the demise of wheeled transport because efficient horse harnessing remained unknown. It is curious, indeed, that so important an invention as the stirrup, which made heavy cavalry possible, found its way to Europe from its earliest attested appearance in northern Afghanistan while the equally important idea of single-animal draft using a breaststrap, attested in the same region, did not. I believe that the reason for this selective adoption of new technology was a religiously based mindset among the western Indo-European peoples, and other peoples affected by Indo-European attitudes toward warfare. I believe they saw paired draft for chariots and elite vehicles as a terrestrial mirror of the chariots of the gods. Whatever its real battlefield utility, which is questionable, the war chariot drawn by two or four horses was a status indicator of the Indo-European warrior class. So mounted, they were imitating the celestial gods, and the idea of shifting to single-animal draft for efficiency’s sake was virtually sacrilegious. In Central Asia, I would suggest that the easier conversion to cavalry and to efficient single-animal harnessing was due to the de-

Preface to the Morningside Edition

Xx cline of an original Indo-European worldview brought about by the gradual ascendance of the Turko-Mongolian peoples, history’s pre-eminent horse riders. I expect in the future to write at length on this subject, but I feel the central core of my thinking is worth this brief outline here because it may help to make more understandable the mechanical obtuseness of the Romans and other sophisticated peoples in not thinking of and generally adopting efficient horse harnessing. It may also help to explain why the modern harnesses invented in Roman Tunisia and Libya, as described in chapter 7, did not have greater economic and technological impact. As for the book’s other major theses, some have been elaborated upon, conditioned, or questioned in reviews and articles by other scholars. I have also come across further material to buttress one or another of the book’s ideas. In sum, however, the weight of changes that might be made in response to this accumulated criticism and corroboration has not been great enough to require a revision of the text. Instead, a few comments can be made here with reference to specific parts of the text, leaving it to the industrious reader to integrate them. The most significant challenge to a major hypothesis is in an article by my colleague Roger 5S. Bagnall, ‘““The Camel, the

Wagon, and the Donkey in Later Roman Egypt,” Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists, 22 (1985), 1-6. Bagnall

supports my contention that the camel was established in Egypt in pre-Roman times, but he proves from papyrological evidence that wagons were still in use as late as the seventh century A.D., contrary to my surmise from much more limited evidence that they disappeared between the fourth and sixth centuries as they did further to the east. Bagnall also documents substantial camel use in Egypt and argues, with justification, that donkeys must be considered in any survey of Egypt’s total land transportation system. Bagnall’s data are incontrovertible, and his argument that head-to-head rivalry between camels and ox-carts may not have been important in Egypt, at least before the Arab conquest, is persuasive. However, he also makes the crucial point that in Egypt land transportation is never very impor-

Preface to the Morningside Edition

tant because almost all habitable parts of the country lie xi within a mile or so of the Nile River. The true transport system of Egypt is riverine and therefore intrinsically cheaper than any form of land transportation. Therefore, the prolonged coexistence of camels and wagons may be more a consequence of their peripheral economic importance than anything else. Bagnall concurs that wagons did eventually disappear in Egypt. Perhaps the resolution of the anomaly, then, is to argue that Egypt became integrated into the wheelless society of Western Asia as a consequence of being incorporated into the wheelless Arab caliphate from the seventh century onward rather than for more more localized economic and technological reasons. The most notable new contribution to the transporation history of the Islamic Middle East is Suraiya Faroghi’s article “Camels, Wagons, and the Ottoman State in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 14 (1982), 523-39. The data she has found in

Ottoman documents greatly improves, but does not fundamentally change, the understanding of the Anatolian transport system I outline on pp. 231-35. The question of the origin of camel domestication has been resurveyed by Ilse Kohler in her dissertation ‘““Zur Domestikation des Kamels’’* with results that are largely consonant with my own but focusing more on the southeastern extremity of the Arabian peninsula as the hearth of onehumped camel domestication. Paula Wapnish has reported on camel bones, possibly of domesticated animals, from a site near Gaza in the Sinai that date to the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.c.° This tends to support my suggestion (pp. 235-36, 58ff) that camels were at least occasionally used in the Fertile Crescent before the twelfth century B.c. Christopher J. Brunner kindly brought to my attention the two-humped camel images surmounting the crowns of certain Central Asian Khwarazmian rulers in the third—fourth centuries A.D.° This information relates to my discussion of camels on the Silk Route (pp. 168ff). Other points have found support in pictorial evidence that

Preface to the Morningside Edition

xi has come to hand from various sources. These items include a rock engraving with accompanying Safaitic inscription from southern Jordan depicting a rider on a North Arabian saddle dating from the first to third century a.p.,” which reinforces my dating of the earliest North Arabian camel saddles (pp. 90ff); a rock engraving from northern Jordan of a two-humped camel,® which substantiates the occasional use of two-humped camels around the Syrian desert in Parthian times (pp. 164-67); and a Tang Dynasty figurine of a cross between a one-humped and a two-humped camel,’ which shows that hybrid camels were known on both ends of the Silk Route (pp. 164ff). Finally, important additions have been made to the bibliography of camel literature since 1975. Some that specifically add to the documentation of this book are Bruno Campagnoni and Maurizio Tosi, ‘““The Camel,” in Richard H. Meadow and Melinda A. Zeder, Approaches to Faunal Analysis in the Middle East (Cambridge: Peabody Museum Bulletin no. 2, Harvard University), pp. 91-103, which gives the published version of material cited in chapter 7, footnote 13; and Ye. Ye. Kuz’mina, “Stages in the Evolution of Wheeled Transportation in Central Asia” (in Russian), Vestnik drevnei istorii, 154 (1980), pp. 11—35,'° which discusses early camel cart use in Central Asia. Some useful earlier works that have come to light are V. N. Kolpakov, Matériaux de biologie et culture des chameaux and S. N. Bogolubsky, Essai sur la provenance des chameaux,

both published (in Russian) in Alma Alta in 1929 by the Society for the Study of Kazakhstan." The former is an authoritative and well-illustrated treatise on camel breeding and use in Kazakhstan that can be used to flesh out the picture of Central Asian camel use presented in chapters 6 and 7. The latter is largely concerned with camel dentition and is worth adding to the literature on the origins of camel domestication. More generally, camel scholarship in the fields of biology and animal husbandry has been booming. Three important books have appeared: Hilde Gauthier-Pilters and Anne Innis Dagg, The Camel: Its Evolution, Ecology, Behavior, and Relation-

Preface to the Morningside Edition

ship to Man (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981); xiii R. T. Wilson, The Camel (Harlaw, Essex: Longman Group, 1984); and Reuven Yagil, The Desert Camel: Comparative Physiological Adaptation (New York: S. Karger, 1985). Finally, the

Arab Center for the Studies of Arid Zones and Dry Lands (ASCAD) in Damascus began publication in 1984 of the Camel Newsletter (in Arabic, Al-Ibil), which contains book re-

views of important new works on camels, short articles, announcements of camel symposia and congresses, and an excellent updating of camel bibliography. English is the primary language of the Newsletter, with some articles translated into Arabic and French.

Notes 1. See Stephen Jay Gould, “Kingdom Without Wheels,” Natural History, 90/3 (March 1984), 42-48. 2. See William H. McNeill, “The Eccentricity of Wheels, or Eurasian Transportation in Historical Perspective,” The American Historical Review (December 1987), 1111-1126.

3. See Erik Sandberg-Diment, “Of Camels and Caliphates, Mindsets and Computer Technology,” Infoworld, January 5, 1987, p- 39. 4. Ilse Kéhler, “Zur Domestikation des Kamels,” Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangen des Grades eines Doctor Medicinae Veterinariae durch die Tierartzliche Hochschule Hannover, 1981. 5. Paula Wapnish, ““Camel Caravans and Camel Patoralists at Tell Jemmeh,” paper presented at the annual conference of the American Anthropological Association, 1980. 6. See B. I. Vainberg, Monety dreunogo Khorezma (Moscow, 1977), pp. 23-28. 7. See “‘Nuqush jadida min junub al-Urdunn,” Newsletter of the Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, Yarmouk University, no. 5

(Irbid, Jordan, 1988), p. 7 (Arabic section). Analysis of the probable date of the inscription, by George Mendenhall, Zaidun Muhaisin, and Rifat Haziem, was kindly made available to me by Professor Martha Mundy. 8. See F. Winnet and L. Harding, Inscriptions from Fifty Safaitic Cairns, Near and Middle East Series (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1978), p. 670, #476-77. 9. The figurine is apparently in a museum in Urumadi, China,

Preface to the Morningside Edition

XIV but I have been unable to confirm this. The picture I have is on a postcard sent to me by my colleague Klaus Herdeg. 10. I wish to thank my former student Uli Schamiloglu for bringing this to my attention. 11. [am most grateful to David Bauer for making a partial translation of Kolpakov’s essay.

Acknowledgments It is a bit difficult to know where to begin or where to end

in acknowledging assistance received in writing this book. It has been, on the one hand, a somewhat lonely task that has occasionally approached, so I have been told, becoming an obsession. Those who have borne with it in this guise, the ones who with suppressed yawns and sinking eyelids have listened to me expatiate on the subject for hours on end over the last several years, deserve my profoundest thanks. Chief among these I must number my wife Lucy, Mrs. Leila Fawaz, my parents, and the ten Harvard freshmen who endured my freshman seminar on the subject in 1970. On the other

hand, I have received valuable assistance on specific matters from literally dozens of individuals, some of whom were doubtless unaware of the help they were giving. I have thanked many of these people in the pertinent notes, but I should like to acknowledge here the particularly valuable consultation of Sir Richard Turnbull of Henley, England; Mr. George Kendle of Kewanee, Illinois; and a young man in Tozeur, TuXV

Acknowledgments

Xv1 nisia, who answered or found people who could answer all of my questions regarding carts and camels. On the scholarly side, I particularly benefited from the advice of Professor A. Leo Oppenheim, Professor Richard N. Frye, Professor John Emerson, Dr. Prem Singh, Dr. Thomas Stauffer, Mr. A. Bernard Knapp, and again my wife Lucy. Credits for illustrations are recorded elsewhere, but I was gratified by unusually heipful responses from Mr. Wilfred Thesiger, Professor Johannes Nicolaisen, Professor Michael Bonine, and Mr. Ben Ahmed Abdel Hadi, Director of the museum in Sousse, Tunisia. Finally, my boundless thanks to Mrs. Barbara Henson, who typed the manuscript.

Figures

Shahnameh. 11

1 Irrational harness shown in legendary scene from Persian epic Courtesy of Fogg Art Museum, Harvard University, purchased: Alpheus Hyatt Fund. 2 Realistic collar harness used with imaginary vehicle in Persian

miniature. 12 Courtesy of Bibliotheque Nationale.

3 Imaginary draft harness in Persian miniature. 13 Arthur U. Pope, A Survey of Persian Art (London: Oxford University Press, 1938-39), fig. 832-d. Courtesy of Jay Gluck.

4 Ancient chariot in Assyrian relief. 15 Courtesy of British Museum.

5 Rock-painting of chariot from central Sahara. 17 After Henri Lhote, The Search for the Tassili Frescoes (London: Hutchinson, 1959), fig. 62.

6 Cart in Roman mosaic from Algeria. 18 Catalogue des Musées et Collections Archéologique de I’ Algerie et de la Tunisie (Paris: Leroux, 1907), vol. XV, pl. IX.

7 Chinese illustration of practical advantage of camel transport

over road-bound transport. 24 Asia, 22 (1922), 442.

8 Two-humped stud camel from northwestern Iran. 32 Courtesy of Michael Bonine.

9 Tuareg riding camels in the Sahara. 33 Courtesy of Johannes Nicolaisen.

10 Fragmentary clay plaque from Ur alleged to depict camel rider. 46 Courtesy of Oriental Institute, University of Chicago.

11 Four-stick Somali camel saddles in northern Kenya. 52, Courtesy of Wilfred Thesiger.

12 Two-stick Somali camel saddle from southern Ethiopia. 53 Courtesy of Wilfred Thesiger.

13 Schematic drawing of four-stick Somali saddle. 54 After Théodore Monod, “Notes sur l’‘harnachement chamelier,” Bulletin de l'Institut Fondamental d’Afrique Noire, 29, series B (1967), fig. 41.

14 Schematic drawing of two-stick Somali saddle. 54 Drawing by author. 15 Schematic drawing of Socotran camel saddle. 54 After D. Brian Doe, Socotra, An Archaeological Reconnaissance in 1967 (Miami: Field Research Projects, 1970), pl. 71.

16 Votive figurine in the form of a camel from temple at Byblos. 61 P. Montet, Byblos et l'Egypte (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1928-29), pl. Lil, #179.

17 Camel’s head from Uruk showing evidence of halter. 61 Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Vorderasiatisches

Museum.

18 Mycenaean pot from Late Helladic period. 63 After F. E. Zeuner, A History of Domesticated Animals (New

Harper & Row, 1963), fig. 13:14. 19York:Minoan seal showing camel. 63

After B. Brentjes, “Das Kamel,” Klio, 38 (1960), 35, #3. -

20 Mesopotamian cylinder seal showing two human figures facing XVI11

Figures

XVIll each other on the humps of a two-humped camel. 63 Courtesy of Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore. 21 Arab riding camel bareback behind hump. 69 Asia, 27 (1927), 404. Photo credit, American Colony, Jerusalem. 22 Figurines from Yemen showing traces of South Arabian saddles. 70

C. Rathjens, “Sabaeica,” Mitteilungen aus dem Museum fiir Vélkerkunde in Hamburg, 24 (1953-55), pt. II, figs. 401-404, 407-410. Courtesy of Hamburgisches Museum fiir Vélker-

saddle. 71 kunde.

23 Camel figurine from Uruk showing trace of South Arabian

After Charlotte Ziegler, Die Terrakotten von Warka (Berlin: Gebriider Mann, 1962), pl. 21, #308a.

24 South Arabian riding saddle in southern Arabia. 72 Courtesy of Wilfred Thesiger.

25 South Arabian baggage saddle in Tunisia. 72. Photograph by author. 26 South Arabian baggage saddle in Turkey. 73 Courtesy of Benjamin Braude.

27 Schematic drawing of South Arabian riding saddle. 74 After Monod, “Notes sur l’harnachement chamelier,” fig. 9.

28 Assyrian bronze gates of Balawat. 75 Courtesy of British Museum.

29 Cushion saddle in Sahara made of two skin bags. 76

sign. 79 Arabian saddle. 80 Courtesy of Johannes Nicolaisen.

30 (A) Drawing from Assyrian relief showing camel being loaded. 79 Burchard Brentjes, ““Das Kamel im alten Orient,” Klio, 38 (1960), 47, #3. (B) Corrected drawing showing probable details of saddle deDrawing by author. 31 Schematic drawing of Indian palan saddle, a modified South

After A. S. Leese, A Treatise on the One Humped Camel in

Health and Disease (Stamford, Eng.: Haynes and Son, [1927]), pl. 5. 32 Cushion saddle used for baggage on Assyrian relief of refugees

Halaf. 82

fleeing city of Lachish. 81

Courtesy of British Museum. 33 Earliest known depiction of camel rider on orthostat from Tell Courtesy of Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore.

34 Arabs fleeing Assyrians on Assyrian relief. 83 Courtesy of British Museum.

35 Assyrians plundering Arab encampment. 85 Courtesy of Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Vatican

City.

Rhodes. 86

36 Assyrian theme on Achaemenid cylinder seal. 85 Courtesy of British Museum.

37 Cushion saddle on bronze figure of camel rider from island of Courtesy of British Museum.

Figures

38 North Arabian saddle in Sahara. 88 x1xX Courtesy of Johannes Nicolaisen.

39 North Arabian saddle in Darfur, Sudan. 88 Courtesy of Theodore Cookson. 40 North Arabian saddle in southern Iran. 89 Courtesy of Michael Bonine.

41 Roman coins showing Arab chieftain surrendering. 92

of British Museum. 42Courtesy Tombstone from Yemen. 97 Courtesy of British Museum.

43 Tombstones from Yemen testifying to adoption of warhorse,

long lance, and North Arabian saddle. 98

After M. Rostovtseff, Caravan Cities (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932), pl. III, 1-2.

44 Roman coin from caravan city of Bosra. 101

corps. , 103 Courtesy of American Numismatic Society.

45 Relief from Palmyra showing equipment of Palmyrene camel

Courtesy of Polska Akademia Nauk, Zaktad Archeologii Srdédziemnomorskiej.

46Dows Camel figurine from Meroe. 118 Dunham, Royal Tombs at Meroé and Barkal (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1957), pl. 49f. Courtesy of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

47AfterRock carvings from Jordan. 120 Zeuner, A History of Domesticated Animals, fig. 13:4. 48After Rock carvings from Sahara. 120 Monod, “Notes sur l’harmachement chamelier,” figs. 47-48, 52.

49 Typical posture of rider on South Arabian saddle. 121 Courtesy of Wilfred Thesiger.

50 Typical posture of rider on North Arabian saddle. 121 M. A. Vitale, If Cammello ed I Reparti Cammellati (Rome:

Sindicato Italiano Arti Grafiche [1928]), between pp. 248-249.

51 Typical posture of rider on Saharan shoulder saddle. 122 Courtesy of Johannes Nicolaisen.

52 Tuareg terik saddle. 123

Photograph by author. 53Photograph Tuareg tahyast saddle. 123 by author.

54 Schematic drawing of Mauretanian rahla saddle. 124 After Monod, “Notes sur l’harnachement chamelier,” fig. 36. 55 Altar from Yemen apparently depicting man riding bareback in

front of hump. 125 Courtesy of British Museum.

56 Schematic drawings of Saharan women’s saddles. 126 After Monod, “Notes sur l’harnachement chamelier,” figs. 16:5, 17, 19.

57Courtesy Tuareg kantarki saddles. 128 of Johannes Nicolaisen.

58 South Arabian pack saddle in Sahara. 129 Photograph by author.

Figures

XX 59 Schematic drawing of Teda terke saddle. 130 After Monod, “Notes sur l’harnachement chamelier,” figs. 11, 16:4.

60 Riding postures on Saharan rock carvings. 131 After Monod, “Notes sur I’harnachement chamelier,” figs. 47—50.

61 Riding postures on rock carvings from upper Egypt. 133 Hans Winkler, Rock-Drawings of Southern Upper Egypt (London: Oxford University Press, 1938-39), vol. I, pl. III-A, I-B. Courtesy of Egypt Exploration Society, London.

62 Riding postures on rock paintings from Tibesti region. 135 After Francois D’Alverny, “Vestiges d’art rupestre au Tibesti oriental,” Journal de la Société des Africanistes, 20 (1950), figs.

63 Sudanese saddle. 135 17, 19.

hump. 136

Courtesy of Theodore Cookson. 64 Figurines from Roman Tunisia showing riders mounted above

E. Demougeot, “Le Chameau et l’Afrique du nord romaine,” Annales: Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations, 15 (1960), pl. IL. Courtesy of Annales: ESC.

65 Basketry saddle used in Tunisia. 137 by author. 66Photograph Harness of Tunisian camel cart. 140

istan. 148

Photograph by author.

67 Hybrid camel breeding in northwestern Iran. 146 Courtesy of Michael Bonine. 68 Model wagon with camel’s head from excavation in Turkmen-

Iran. 151

. V. M. Masson and V. I. Sarianidi, Central Asia: Turkmenia

Before the Achaemenids (London: Thames and Hudson, 1972), pl. 36. Courtesy of Novosti Press Agency.

69 Two-humped camel on pick-ax found at Khurab in southern Courtesy of C. C. Lamberg-Karlovsky.

70 Two-humped camels on black stele of Shalmaneser. 158 Courtesy of British Museum.

71 Two-humped camels on bronze gates of Balawat. 159 Courtesy of British Museum.

72 Two-humped camel on bronze belt buckle from Luristan. 160 7000 Jahre Kunst in Iran (Essen: Gemeinniitzer Verein Villa

western Iran. 160

Hiigel, 1962), fig. 198. Courtesy of Villa Hiigel, Essen.

73 Achaemenid period gold appliqué camel found at Hamadan in L. Van den Berghe, Archéologie de l’Iran ancien (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1959), pl. 135-c. Courtesy of E. J. Brill, Publishers.

ers at Persepolis. 162

74 Arabs leading one-humped camel in procession of tribute bearPhotograph by author.

Tigris. 165

75 Tribute bearers with two-humped camel from Persepolis. 163 Photograph by author.

76 Parthian period two-humped camel found at Seleucia on the Courtesy of Kelsey Museum of Ancient and Mediaeval Archae-

Figures

ology, University of Michigan. XX1

77 Parthian period two-humped camel from Uruk in southern Iraq. 165

Courtesy of Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Vorderasiatisches

Museum. 78 Sui dynasty camel figurine from China with characteristic hemi-

spherical load. 166

camels. 167

Courtesy of Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Hoyt Collection. 79 Graffito from Dura-Europus showing caravan of two-humped After Rostovtseff, Caravan Cities, fig. 5.

80 Parthian period camel figurine from Seleucia on the Tigris. 168 Courtesy of Kelsey Museum of Ancient and Mediaeval Archaeology, University of Michigan.

81 Two-humped camel on Kushan coin of the ruler Kadphises. 169 Courtesy of American Numismatic Society.

82 Sasanian silver plate showing emperor Bahram Gur hunting

from back of one-humped camel. 173

Pope, Survey of Persian Art, pl. 229A. Courtesy of Jay Gluck. 83 One-humped camels carrying game from royal hunt on Sasanian

relief at Taq-i Bustan. 173

Pope, Survey of Persian Art, pl. 163B. Courtesy of Jay Gluck.

84 Impression of Sasanian seal with camel design. 174 Mohsen Foroughi Collection. Courtesy of Richard N. Frye.

85 Basic types of equine harnessing. 178 After J. Needham and Wang Ling, Science and Civilisation in China (Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, 1965), vol. IV, pt. II, figs. 536, 570.

86 Ancient throat-and-girth harness in use in eastern Arabia. 179 Courtesy of D. W. Lockard.

87 Two-humped camel cart in Central Asia. 182 Asia, 19 (1919), 1255.

88 Camel wagon in northern India. 183 Asia, 23 (1923), 740. Photo credit, Johnston and Hoffman.

89 Rock drawing of camel cart from Minusinsk. 185 After Lazl6 Tarr, The History of the Carriage (Budapest: Corvina Press, 1969), fig. 136.

90 Camel cart in Chinese cave painting. 186 Needham and Wang, Science and Civilisation, fig. 569. Courtesy of Cambridge University Press. 91 Earliest recognized representation of modern harness technique

in Europe, circa 800. 187

Courtesy of Stadtverwaltung Trier, Stadtbibliothek-Stadtarchiv. 92 Indian pakra saddle, a two-man saddle derived from the North

Arabian saddle. 189

race. 191 After Leese, Treatise on the One Humped Camel, pl. 6.

93 Roman clay plaque from North Africa showing camel chariot

94AmeenCamel carts in Aden. 193 Rihani, Around the Coasts of Arabia (London: ConDemougeot, “Le Chameau,” pl. II-d. Courtesy of Annales: ESC. stable, 1930), pl. 24. Courtesy of Constable Publishers.

95 Primitive oxcarts in use in Yemen. 193 Ahmed Fakhry, An Archaeological Journey to Yemen (Cairo:

Figures

XXIl Government Press, 1951), pt. III, pl. XXXIX-b. Courtesy of Ministry of Culture, Department of Antiquities, Cairo. 96Photograph Tunisian plow harness. 195 by author.

97 Roman relief from Libya showing single camel and team of

oxen plowing in same field. 196

Demougeot, “Le Chameau,” pl. [II-a. Courtesy of Annales: ESC. 98 Roman lamp from museum in Sousse, Tunisia, with image of

horse cart utilizing modern harnessing. 198 Courtesy of Ben Ahmed Abdel Hadi, Director, Sousse Museum.

99 Apparent modern harness on Roman relief from Trier. 199 Courtesy of Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Trier.

100 Roman relief from Libya showing single camel plowing with

another animal also harnessed singly. 200

P. Romanelli, “La Vita Agricola Tripolitana Attraversole Rappresentazioni Figurate,” Africa Italiana, 3 (1930), fig. 4. 101 Roman relief from Libya showing single horse pulling plow

with what appears to be a breast-strap harness. 201

Romanelli, “La Vita Agricola,” fig. 5. 102 Harness of Tunisian kKirrita. 203

ing. 208 Photograph by author.

103 Sicilian cart with same type harness as figure 102. 203 Cecilia Waern, Mediaeval Sicily (London: Duckworth, 1910), p. 313.

104 André Haudricourt’s hypothesized evolution of modern harness-

After André Haudricourt, “Contribution a la géographie et a l’ethnologie de la voiture,” La Revue de Géographie Humaine et d’Ethnologie, 1 (1948), 61.

105 Northern wei dynasty two-humped camel figurine from China. 210 Courtesy of Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, The Avery Brundage Collection. 106 T’ang dynasty or Sui dynasty two-humped camel figurine from

China. 211

Courtesy of Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, The Avery Brundage Collection.

107 T’ang dynasty two-humped camel figurine from China. 211 Courtesy of Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, The Avery Brundage Collection.

108 Kirghiz camel equipped with bound reed saddle. 212 Aziatska’ia Rossiia (St. Petersburg, 1914), I, 158.

109 Mongol saddle using two horizontal poles. 212 Asia, 22 (1922), 561. Photo credit, Roy C. Andrews.

110 Camel operating irrigation device in Egyptian delta. 214

Isfahan, Iran. 215

Courtesy of D. W. Lockard.

111 Camel harnessed by withers-strap operating linseed oil mill in Photograph by author.

112 Camel-borne palanquin in Cairo in 1923. 222

Anatolia. 232

Asia, 23 (1923), 830. Photo credit, Publishers’ Photo Service. 113 Two-humped camel on coin of the emperor Trajan from central Courtesy of American Numismatic Society.

Figures

114 The emperor Bahram Gur riding a two-humped camel on XX111

thirteenth-century Persian bowl. 233 115 Solid-wheeled Anatolian oxcart. 234 Pope, Survey of Persian Art, pl. 664. Courtesy of Jay Gluck. Courtesy of Michael Bonine.

116 Camels used for draft in nineteenth-century Egypt. 238-239 Giulio Cervani, Il “voyage en Egypt” di Pasquale Revoltella (Trieste: ALUT, 1962), figs. 48, 55. Courtesy of Associazione

of Salem. 245

fra i Laureati dell’Universita di Trieste. 117 Poster advertising camels imported by Captain Crowninshield Asia, 26 (1926), 39.

118 Australian camel harnessed to buggy by horse-collar. 248 Courtesy of State Library of South Australia and Tom Mc-

Knight.

119 Australian buggy with two-camel team. 248

Courtesy of Max Homes. 120 Australian six-camel team. 249 Courtesy of Max Homes and Tom McKnight.

121 Australian riding camel with two-man Indian pakra saddle. 250 Courtesy of State Library of South Australia and Tom McKnight.

Supply in 1856. 251

122 Loading camel bound for the United States aboard Porter's Lewis B. Lesley, ed., Uncle Sam’s Camels: The Journal of May

Humphreys Stacey Supplemented by the Report of Edward Fitzgerald Beale (1857-1858) (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1929).

123 Italian camel corps machine gun borne by camel. 256 Vitale, I! Cammello, between pp. 256-257. 124 Turkish araba in Central Asia. 261

Aziatska’ia Rossiia, I, 166. 125 Solid-wheeled oxcart of Circassian (Anatolian) settler in Jordan. 262 Asia, 23 (1923), 106. Photo credit, Ellsworth Huntington.

Maps

South Arabia and the Horn of Africa 39

North Africa 112 Iran and Central Asia 147

The Ancient Middle East 59 Charts

Camel Hybridization Terminology 144-145 Harnessing Terminology in Arabic and Romance Languages 206~207

Apologia Whoever reads this book will find out a very great deal about camels; of that I am sure. He will also be introduced to some new and different ideas on many historical problems ranging from 3000 B.c. to the present day. Some of these will be purely speculative, others well supported with facts. Yet altogether they should provide a reasonable description of the role of the camel in human history and explain why camel utilization had a profound impact on the course of Middle Eastern and North African history in particular, an impact that indelibly marked the culture of those areas from the third or fourth century A.p. until modern times. On these matters, I trust, the reader will not be disappointed even if he is not fully satisfied. But the writing of this book does not stem merely from a desire to chronicle the relationship between man and camel. My attitude toward the subject is more involved, and

I believe its involutions are worth detailing since they may 1

The Camel and the Wheel

2 afford the reader added perspective from which to consider the information and theories presented herein. For the first time in human history whole societies numbering millions of people are living outside of close, conscious daily contact with other animal species. Over 70 percent of the U.S. population lives in cities where animal contact is restricted, by and large, to household pets, prepackaged meat, and vermin. Only a half century ago dwellers in those same cities were constantly aware of work horses pulling vehicles and took for granted the important role of animal energy in human life. Equally important, a much greater proportion of the population lived in the country in daily contact with farm animals. The magnitude of the change that has taken place in the relationship between human beings and other animals over the last half century or so, not just in the United States but in other industrialized countries as well, cannot be overstated; but because it is only a part of the vast complex of changes associated with the term modernization, it is seldom singled out for specific recognition. However, once this particular change is recognized, its effects on the attitudes of people toward animals can readily be observed. In particular, it can be observed in such phenomena as the intensification of relationships with pets, aversion toward hunting, and revival of interest in vegetarianism. In short, a humanistic view of animals is gradually coming to replace the animalistic view which predominated only a short time ago. Yet as emotional attitudes toward animals have changed, so have intellectual attitudes. Animal behavior has emerged as a subject of intense interest at both the scientific and the popular levels. But even though the attenuation of close contacts with domestic animals has played a crucial role in the emergence of new attitudes, domestic species themselves have not yet been subjected to the type of noninvolved study which for the first time in history has become possible. Meat animals, naturally, we are still in touch with, albeit through an intervening film of plastic; but work animals are now a part of history. The fact that a horse butcher in Connecticut was interviewed on television in 1973 because of the phenomenal demand for his meat shows how greatly the old sentimental

Apologia

attachment to the horse has dwindled. Similar publicity for a 3 rush on horsemeat would have been almost unimaginable twenty years ago when most of the meat buying population still had personal recollections of work horses known or seen. My approach to camels is thus, in part, a product of the distance between man and animal characteristic of our society at the present time. I do not love camels; I was not reared among them. I’ve never even become intimately acquainted with one. One forty-five minute ride in Tunisia was sufficient to show me how long it takes a nonrider to get sore that way. In short, I am interested in the camel as a historical phenomenon, an animal that was domesticated, exploited in many ways by many different peoples, and is now on the way out as a significant factor in the world’s economy. The use of the camel as a source of labor, which is the aspect of camel history that will be stressed throughout, is already a relic of bygone times in many camel countries, and it will eventually become so in most of them. Thus the history of the animal from this aspect is essentially a completed one that can be approached as a closed episode. As such it may hopefully be more clearly seen in its totality. The two primary themes that will be followed throughout the camel’s history are, first, the relationship between the pack camel and wheeled transport as rival, or occasionally compatible, means of carrying loads; and second, the relationship between people specializing in the breeding of camels, normally nomadic tribes, and the non-camel-breeding societies they interact with through their animals’ being used for labor in those societies. These two themes might be labeled respectively economic history and historical anthropology, but no special effort has been made to adopt the focus of interest of either the economist or the anthropologist. The actual style of discussion fits more closely the rubric technological history since the primary indicator of varying patterns of camel usage in different ages and different areas is the type of equipment used to harness the animal’s energy. Yet my intention has not been to write technological history any more than economic history or historical anthropology. My true intention has been to show as completely and as concisely as possible how this one particular domestic animal

The Camel and the Wheel

4 has fitted into the total context of human society throughout history. This intention has at its root a thought and an experience. In 1967 the thought occurred to me (and it has occurred to others before me) that there seemed to be no mention of wheeled vehicles in medieval Islamic source materials. Since I knew from the Bible, if from nowhere else, that chariots, and presumably carts and wagons, had existed in the Middle East in ancient times, I wondered what had caused the wheel to disappear. My investigations into this question led me to believe that the camel was at the heart of the problem, and I wrote two articles setting forth my conclusions.’ I had no intention at that time of going further into the history of the camel, however. For one thing, I knew next to nothing about animals, being a medieval Islamic historian by training, and I also realized that seeking answers to the questions opened up by my research would involve me in lands, languages, and disciplines with which I had no familiarity. The experience which in retrospect I believe helped push me into making a serious commitment to studying the relationship between man and the camel took place in Iran in 1966. On that, my first visit to the Middle East, I had frequently been struck by the ubiquity: of domestic animals in everyday life. Sheep grazed in the courtyard of the great mosque of Mehmet the Conqueror in the heart of Istanbul, and horsedrawn carriages were more common than taxis in small towns in Turkey and Iran. A sheep was skinned in the driveway in front of the restaurant I had just eaten in, and a chicken was decapitated for a buyer in the middle of a busy sidewalk. On the whole, being largely unfamiliar with animals in American life, I looked upon this animal presence as picturesque, a touch of local quaintness. This viewpoint underwent a change one day outside Nishapur in northeastern Iran when the country path that I was riding my bicycle on was obstructed by a small flock of sheep being driven toward town by a shepherd. I waited for the man to clear a way, but he was preoccupied: he was beating a sheep to death with his staff. Since I had no choice but to watch what to me was a horrifying scene, I began to think about it. The sheep were obviously being taken to market, and the one being beaten was just as obviously extremely weak,

Apologia

probably ill. It would walk a step or two, fall, and then be 5 beaten by the shepherd. It became clear to me that the man was beating it to make it walk since he couldn’t sell it if it died there on the path. I noticed that the man was close to tears as his blows evoked less and less movement on the sheep’s part. I think he knew that the sheep would never reach Nishapur, but he couldn’t bring himself to stop trying to get it to walk. If it didn’t reach the city, it might as well not exist. As I thought the incident over later, I concluded that that one sheep was probably the difference between a profit and a loss, a day of gainful industry and a day of wasted effort. If he was a hired shepherd, its loss may possibly have affected his reputation and hence his entire economic and social position. In short, I became aware for the first time of the interrelationship between men and domestic animals. Had I been born fifty years earlier I would surely have taken this interrelationship for granted, if I had given thought to the incident at all. As it was, it made a deep impression upon me and led me in my subsequent studies of the camel to keep foremost in my mind the human context that is the defining characteristic of domestic animals. I wanted to find out not just how camel herders regarded their livestock but how the animal affected the nonherding society it came into contact with as well. Perhaps it is superfluous to remark at this point that this is not the definitive work on camels. This is a book about camels only as they have related to and affected human society.

This means, unfortunately, that the kind of question that comes most readily to mind when camels are mentioned—how long can they go without water? does riding one make you seasick? do they spit a lot?—will be dealt with, if at all, only in passing. This book will propose instead new questions, some of which it will answer satisfactorily and all of which it will attempt to answer. Yet even within its own scope this is not a definitive book on camels and society. The subject is vast; the talents required to plumb it thoroughly are many and, for the most part, not at my command. My research has been limited almost entirely to published sources with only a limited amount of field observation. And even within the area of published literature I

have come up against limitations of language, availability of

The Camel and the Wheel

6 material, and volume of reading required. The vast library of travel literature from camel countries, for example, has only been sampled. My main reason for publishing a work that has not been developed to its fullest potential is that further work in this direction should properly be done by those with the appropriate training in the many fields it touches upon. My hope is that even if some of the specifics of the analysis put forward are disproven, the broad sweep of the theory overall will be persuasive enough to establish the history of the development of camel breeding and utilization as a serious subject for detailed investigation and to put on a less narrowly zoological or anthropological footing the study of relationships between man and domestic animals in general. Throughout this book, incidentally, camelus dromedarius will be referred to as the one-humped camel and camelus bactrianus as the two-humped camel. This is to avoid the great confusion in most people’s minds on the subject of proper camel nomenclature.

1 The Camel and the Wheel

Traditional wisdom holds the wheel to be one of mankind’s cleverest inventions and the camel to be one of God’s clumsiest. By and large the history of the wheel has been well studied.’

From its first invention to the development of the motor car every advance has been examined and speculated upon. Whippletree, leaf spring, cambered spoke, each has come in for its

share of attention. There has even been speculation as to why relatively advanced societies such as those of pre-Columbian America never made use of this marvellous transportation device. Yet never has there been a general investigation of why a vast area of the globe encompassing some of its most advanced societies at a certain time in history abandoned its

use. In fact, this apparently anomalous historical event has barely even been recognized. As for the camel, a very great deal has been written on one

aspect or another of this unwieldy looking beast, but most 7

The Camel and the Wheel

8 speculation on the history of the domestic camel has centered upon two questions: Where and when were camels first domesticated? And when and by whom were they first introduced into North Africa? While each of these questions has its own elusive fascination and will be discussed in due course in this book, the most important question in camel history, important because of its social and economic ramifications for the world outside the restricted orbit of the camel-breeding tribesman, has been routinely overlooked. That question is why did the camel (one-humped) replace the wheeled vehicle as a standard means of transportation throughout virtually its entire range from Morocco to Afghanistan? Before getting fully involved with the complex question of why the camel replaced the wheel, the fact that this wheelless situation so freely alleged in the last two paragraphs ever in fact existed should first be established. Surely proof that the camel was used as a beast of burden in traditional Middle Eastern and North African society is not called for since the camel caravan is almost an inevitable part of every stereotypical view of the area. The absence of wheeled vehicles, on the other hand, must be demonstrated. Proving that something did not exist at some time and place in the past is every historian’s nightmare because there is always a nagging fear that evidence of its existence may at some future date be found. Luckily, the evidence for the nonexistence of wheeled vehicles is so widespread and so mutually reinforcing that the fear is in this case an insubstantial one. Three types of evidence are particularly persuasive: direct statements by travelers and other observers, pictorial representations, and Arabic and Persian vocabulary. The limitation of direct statements is that they do not extend back very far in time. But they are plentiful from recent centuries. In the eighteenth century C. F. Volney wrote “‘it is noteworthy that in the whole of Syria no wagon or cart is seen,” and Alexander Russell in Aleppo echoed him in remarking that the camel “is of infinite use in a country... where, except a clumsy kind of cart, sometimes employed for transporting large stones, wheel carriages are in a manner unknown.” In the mid-nineteenth century Xavier Raymond wrote that in Afghanistan “the use of wagons (voitures) is

The Camel and the Wheel

unknown,” and from the northern Algerian Sahara around 9 the same time comes the report of Henry Tristam that “the wonder of Zouia, the curiosity most triumphantly pointed out to us, is a two-wheeled cart, also a gift of the Bey of Tunis, the first ever seen here and very probably the last, transported piecemeal on the backs of camels for 700 miles, and now housed in all but a glass-case.’” In more recent times scholars have remarked upon the absence of wheeled vehicles in Muslim lands. E. Lévi-Provengal, a specialist on Muslim Spain, has written that “there seems to

have existed in the Muslim West, at least throughout the Middle Ages, a kind of interdiction on the use of wheeled vehicles for which it would be interesting to find a plausible explanation” ;° and in a study of Moroccan agriculture Jean Le Coz writes “it is known that traditional Morocco did not know roads, in the sense of a laid out and constructed route of circulation, or even practically the use of the wheel.””” For medieval Egypt S. D. Goitein has observed that “carriages, so common in the Roman period, had completely disappeared and are nowhere referred to in the Geniza papers.”® Similarly, it has been noted that records of the Crusader states in the Middle East never mention carts and wagons.° Further testimony of this sort could be sought out, but the general picture of a dearth of vehicular traffic from Morocco to Afghanistan is already clear. The question, of course, is how far back in time this wheelless society extends. A type of evidence that dates back further than most travel accounts is

pictorial representation. In studying Islamic art one is confronted, on the one hand, by the extreme rarity of representations of wheeled vehicles of any kind except in Indian and Ottoman miniature paintings which reflect milieux that never lost the use of the wheel;?° but, on the other hand, one finds that those vehicles which are depicted appear more often than not in legendary scenes inspired by pre-Islamic sources and show utterly irrational modes of harnessing. One scene from

the Shahnameh, the Iranian national epic, for example, shows two horses harnessed to a two-wheeled cart by chains extending from a loose, lassolike collar around the horse’s neck to the hub of the wheel. There are no shafts, no yoke, no tongue, no reins, no bridle, nothing that would indicate how the horses

The Camel and the Wheel

10 were to be guided or how they were actually to pull the cart without strangling themselves. As for the wagon itself, it seems to be a box or casket, complete with little legs, set upon two spokeless wheels of unguessable construction." In short, the picture is pure invention, and the artist had never laid eyes upon a wheeled vehicle. The same deduction can be made from other pictures, as well. One shows a mule rationally harnessed with a rather interesting horse collar, but the vehicle it is drawing rolls on tiny nonrevolving wheels and is attached to the mule in such a way that it could not turn very easily.*” Another artist shows some comprehension of a horse collar but none at all of how it is used to hitch an animal to a cart.” Still another shows no definite attachment between horse and cart at all.** Once again the conclusion is clearly that most medieval Muslim artists did not know what a cart looked like from their normal, everyday experience." Finally, there is the linguistic evidence. Prior to the fourteenth century there is but one word in Arabic for all wheeled vehicles. That word is °ajala and derives from a root connoting swiftness.*® This word appears on rare occasion in medieval Arabic works to describe either the vehicles of foreign peoples or certain extraordinary vehicles that appear from time to time in Islamic history. It is also used occasionally for a kind of water wheel, irrigation being, along with pottery, a field in which the technology of the wheel never suffered a recession. What is significant about the use of the word ‘ajala is not simply the rarity of its occurrence, although this alone goes very far toward confirming the absence of wheels in the medieval transport economy, but the fact that it was the only word in common use. Although carts and wagons were known from ancient times in Iraq, Egypt, and Syria, no word denoting such a thing passed into Arabic from the languages of these conquered areas. One word, in fact, markavtha, from a root meaning “to mount,” means, among other things, a wheeled vehicle in Syriac, while the related word in Arabic, markab, means a riding animal, a saddle or other animal-borne vehicle, or a ship, but not a wheeled vehicle. Clearly the addi1 Irrational harness shown in legendary scene from Persian epic Shahnameh. (facing page)

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