The Cambridge Grammar of Medieval and Early Modern Greek 4 Volume Hardback Set [Bilingual ed.] 0521195292, 9780521195294
The Greek language has a written history of more than 3,000 years. While the classical, Hellenistic and modern periods o
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English, Greek Pages 2321 Year 2019
Volume 1. General Introduction and Phonology
Contents
Contents (Volume 1)
General Introduction
Acknowledgements
Bibliography
1. Literary Works
2. Non-literary Texts
3. Secondary Works
Correspondence Table of Graphemes and Phonemes
Abbreviations
Part I. Phonology
1. Introduction
1.1 Theoretical preliminaries
1.2 Presentation
2. Vowels
2.1 Overall Description of the Vowel System
2.1.1 Simple Vowels
2.1.2 Diphthongs
2.2 Allophonic and Regional Variation
2.3. Quality of the Vowels
2.4 Phoneme Inventory
2.4.1 /a/
2.4.2 /e/
2.4.3 /o/
2.4.4 /u/
2.4.5 /i/
2.4.6 /y/
2.4.6.1 Merger of /y/ and /i/
2.4.6.2 Regression of /y/ to /u/
2.4.7 /j/
2.4.7.1 Phonemic Status
2.4.7.2 Realization and Attestations
2.4.7.3 Post-consonantal /j/ Deletion
2.4.7.4 Deletion of /j/ after /r/
2.4.8 Diphthongs
2.4.8.1 Historical Overview
2.4.8.2 Phonetic Description and Graphematic Realization
2.4.8.3 Phenomena Affecting Diphthongs
2.5 Dialectal Differentiation in Vowels
2.5.1 Retention of "Doric" /a/
2.5.2 Retention of "Ionic" /e/
2.5.3 Pontic Half-Central Vowels /ae/ and /oe/
2.5.4 "Raising Vocalism"
2.5.4.1 Definition
2.5.4.2 Dating and Literature Overview
2.5.4.3 The Data
2.6 Vowel Addition
2.6.1 Prothesis
2.6.1.1 Non-lexicalized Phonetic Prothesis
2.6.1.2 Lexicalized Phonetic Prothesis
2.6.1.3 Non-phonetic Prothesis
2.6.2 Anaptyxis
2.6.3 Addition of Word-final Vowel
2.6.3.1 Nouns and Adjectives
2.6.3.2 Pronouns
2.6.3.3 Verbs
2.6.3.4 Uninflected Words
2.7 Vowel Deletion
2.7.1 Aphaeresis
2.7.2 Syncope
2.7.3 Deletion of Final Vowel (Apocope)
2.8 Vowel Changes
2.8.1 Change to /e/ in the Adjacency of Liquids and Nasals
2.8.2 Labialization
2.8.3 Raising of /o/ to /u/
2.8.4 Backing of /i/ > /u/
2.8.5 Assimilation and Dissimilation
2.9 Vowels in Contact
2.9.1 Introduction: Types of Hiatus and Hiatus Resolution
2.9.2 Vowel Deletion: The Vowel Hierarchy
2.9.2.1 Lexical Vowel Deletion
2.9.2.2 Post-lexical Hiatus
2.9.3 Vowel Change at Word Boundaries
2.9.4 Synizesis
2.9.4.1 Introduction and Definition
2.9.4.2 Historical Overview: Evidence
2.9.4.3 Alternative Evolutions
2.9.5 Crasis
3. Consonants
3.1 Description of the Consonant System
3.2 Phoneme Inventory
3.2.1 Stops
3.2.1.1 Voiceless Stops
3.2.1.2 Voiced Stops
3.2.2 Fricatives
3.2.2.1 Voiceless Fricatives
3.2.2.2 Voiced Fricatives
3.2.3 Nasals
3.2.4 Liquids
3.2.5 Sibilants
3.2.6 Affricates
3.2.6.1 Status and History
3.2.6.2 Phenomena Affecting Affricates
3.3 Phonotactics
3.3.1 Position of Consonants Within the Word
3.3.2 Permissible Consonant Clusters
3.3.2.1 Biconsonantal Clusters
3.3.2.2 Triconsonantal Clusters
3.4 Geminate Consonants
3.4.1 Definition
3.4.2 Origin of Geminates
3.4.2.1 Introduction
3.4.2.2 Original/Etymological AG Geminates
3.4.2.3 Borrowing
3.4.2.4 Assimilation
3.4.2.5 "Spontaneous Gemination"
3.4.3 Consonants Affected
3.5 Consonant Addition
3.5.1 Prothesis and Aphaeresis
3.5.2 Anaptyxis
3.5.2.1 Anaptyxis of /y/ Between Vowels
3.5.2.2 Anaptyxis of /y/ in the Verbal Suffix -ενω
3.5.2.3 Anaptyxis of /y/ before /n/
3.5.2.4 Anaptyxis of Nasals
3.5.2.5 Anaptyxis of /r/
3.6 Consonant Deletion
3.6.1 Fricative Deletion
3.6.1.1 Intervocalic Deletion
3.6.1.2 Deletion Before Synizesis
3.6.1.3 Deletion Before Nasals
3.6.2 Deletion of Nasals
3.6.2.1 Deletion Before Stops
3.6.2.2 Deletion Before Fricatives
3.7 Final Consonants
3.7.1 Final /s/
3.7.1.1 Deletion of Final /s/
3.7.1.2 Addition of Final /s/
3.7.2 Final /n/
3.7.2.1 Addition of Final /n/
3.7.2.1.1 Historical Overview
3.7.2.1.2 Morphological Addition
3.7.2.1.3 Phonetic Addition
3.7.2.2 Deletion of Final /n/
3.7.2.2.1 Morphological Distribution
3.7.2.2.2 Geographical Distribution
3.8 Consonant Changes
3.8.1 Manner Dissimilation
3.8.1.1 Definition
3.8.1.2 Historical Overview
3.8.1.3 Detailed Description of the Phenomenon
3.8.1.4 Hypercorrection of Manner Dissimilation
3.8.1.5 Morphophonological Manner Dissimilation
3.8.2 Palatalization
3.8.2.1 Velar Palatalization
3.8.2.2 Strong Velar Palatalization
3.8.2.3 Dental Palatalization
3.8.2.3.1 [n] > [jn] and [l] > [λ] before/j, i/
3.8.2.3.2 /s/ > /sh/ before /j/
3.8.3 Voicing and Devoicing
3.8.3.1 Definition and Historical Overview
3.8.3.2 Post-nasal Voicing
3.8.3.3 Intervocalic Voicing
3.8.3.4 Devoicing
3.8.4 Fricativization and Occlusion
3.8.4.1 Sporadic Fricativization
3.8.4.2 Fricativization due to Palatalization
3.8.4.3 Fricativization due to Language Contact
3.8.4.4 Fricativization due to Voicing Assimilation
3.8.4.5 Orthographic Fricativization after Rough Breathing
3.8.4.6 Occlusion
3.8.4.7 Change to Nasals
3.8.5 Fricative Interchange
3.8.5.1 Voiceless Fricative Interchange
3.8.5.2 Voiced Fricative Interchange
3.8.6 Liquid Interchange
3.8.6.1 Introduction and Historical Overview
3.8.6.2 Delateralization
3.8.6.3 Liquid Dissimilation
3.9 Word-level Phenomena
3.9.1 Metathesis
3.9.2 Assimilation
3.9.3 Dissimilation
3.9.3.1 Consonant Dissimilation
3.9.3.2 Dissimilatory Consonant Deletion
3.9.3.3 Dissimilatory Syllable Deletion
4. Stress
4.1 Definition and Historical Overview
4.2 Properties of the MedG and EMG Stress Accent
4.2.1 Overview
4.2.2 Proclisis and Enclisis
4.2.3 Exceptions to the Law of Limitation
4.2.4 Stress Shift and Variation: Morphological Functions
4.2.4.1 Stress in Nominal Morphology
4.2.4.2 Stress in Verbal Morphology
4.2.4.3 Stress in Derivation and Composition
Volume 2. Nominal Morphology
Contents
Contents (Volume 2)
Correspondence Table of Graphemes and Phonemes
Abbreviations
Part II. Nominal Morphology
1. Introduction
1.1 Overview of Developments in the Nominal System
1.2 Cypriot Genitive Plural of Masculine Nouns
1.3 Accusative Plural of Masculine Nouns in Cycladic Texts
1.4 Pontic Nominative Singular of Masculine Nouns
1.5 Synizesis, Stress Shift and Accent Notation
2. Nouns
2.1 Masculine and Feminine Nouns in /os/
2.1.1 Oxytone Nouns
2.1.2 Paroxytone Nouns
2.1.3 Proparoxytone Nouns
2.1.4 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.2 Masculine Nouns in /as/
2.2.1. Oxytone and Paroxytone Nouns with Imparisyllabic Plural
2.2.2 Paroxytone Nouns with Parisyllabic Plural
2.2.3 Paroxytone Disyllabic Nouns with lmparisyllabic Plural
2.2.4 Paroxytone Nouns with Parisyllabic Plural
2.2.5 Proparoxytone Nouns with Parisyllabic Plural
2.3 Masculine Nouns in /is/
2.3.1 Oxytone and Paroxytone Nouns with an Alternative Plural in -αδες
2.3.2 Paroxytone Nouns with Parisyllabic Plural
2.3.3 Oxytone Nouns with Imparisyllabic Plural in -ηδες
2.3.4 Paroxytone and Proparoxytone Nouns with Imparisyllabic Plural in -ηδες
2.3.5 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.4 Masculine Nouns in -ιυς, -ιας, -ιας
2.4.1 The Paradigm
2.4.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.5 Masculine Nouns in /us/
2.6 Masculine Nouns in /es/
2.6.1 Oxytone Nouns
2.6.2 Paroxytone and Proparoxytone Nouns
2.6.3 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.7 Masculine Nouns in -ιoς
2.7.1 The Paradigm
2.7.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.8 Masculine Nouns in -ιoς
2.9 Irregular and Indeclinable Masculine Nouns
2.9.1 Irregular Nouns
2.9.1.1 δρυς
2.9.1.2 ιχθυς
2.9.1.3 πηχυς
2.9.2 Indeclinable Nouns
2.9.2.1 αγαπω
2.9.2.2 λας
2.10 Alternative Plural Formations of Masculine Nouns
2.10.1 -αιoι
2.10.2 -αδες
2.10.3 -ηδες
2.10.4 -αντoι
2.10.5 -oυδεζ
2.10.6 -ατoι
2.10.7 -oι
2.11 Feminine Nouns in /a/
2.11.1 Oxytone Nouns
2.11.1.1 Nouns with a Parisyllabic Plural
2.11.1.2 Nouns with an Imparisyllabic Plural
2.11.2 Paroxytone Nouns
2.11.2.1 Nouns with a Shift of Stress to the Ultimate in the Genitive Plural
2.11.2.2 Nouns without a Shift of Stress in the Genitive Plural
2.11.3 Proparoxytone Nouns
2.11.3.1 Nouns with a Shift of Stress to the Ultimate in the Genitive Plural
2.11.3.2 Nouns with a Shift of Stress to the Penultimate in the Genitive Plural
2.11.4 Paroxytone Nouns in /ea/
2.11.5 Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in /ia/
2.11.6 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.12 Feminine Nouns in /i/
2.12.1 Oxytone Nouns in -η
2.12.2 Paroxytone Nouns in -η
2.12.3 Paroxytone Nouns in -ιζ/-η
2.12.4 Proparoxytone Nouns in -ιζ/-η
2.12.5 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.13 Feminine Nouns in /u/
2.13.1 The Paradigm
2.13.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.14 Feminine Nouns in /o/
2.14.1 The Paradigm
2.14.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.15 Feminine Nouns in -ιo(ν)
2.15.1 The Paradigm
2.15.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.16 Feminine Nouns in /e/
2.16.1 Oxytone Nouns in -ε
2.16.2 Paroxytone Nouns in -ε
2.16.3 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.17 Irregular and Indeclinable Feminine Nouns
2.17.1 Irregular Nouns
2.17.1.1 δρῦς
2.17.1.2 ισχῦς
2.17.2 Indeclinable Nouns
2.17.2.1 ἀγαπῶ
2.17.2.2 γῆς
2.18 Invariable Masculine and Feminine Proclitic Forms
2.19 Neuter Nouns in /o(n)/
2.19.1 Oxytone Nouns
2.19.2 Paroxytone and Proparoxytone Nouns
2.19.3 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.20 Neuter Nouns in /io(n)/ and /i(n)/
2.20.1 Paroxytone Nouns in /'io(n)/
2.20.1.1 Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in -ιo(ν)/-ειo(ν) > -(ε)ιo(ν)
2.20.1.2 Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in -ιo(ν) > -ι(ν)
2.20.2 Proparoxytone Nouns in /io(n)/
2.20.2.1 Proparoxytone Nouns in -(ε)ιo(ν)
2.20.2.2 Proparoxytone/Paroxytone Nouns in -ιo(ν)/-ι(ν)
2.20.3 Proparoxytone Nouns in -ι(ν)
2.20.4 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.21 Neuter Nouns in -μα(ν)
2.21.1 Paroxytone and Proparoxytone Neuter Nouns in -μα(ν)
2.21.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.22 Neuter Nouns in -ιμo(ν)
2.23 Neuter Nouns in -oζ
2.23.1 Paroxytone Nouns
2.23.2 Proparoxytone Nouns
2.23.3 Transfers to Other Paradigms
2.24 Irregular and lndeclinable Neuter Nouns
2.24.1 Nouns with Dental Stem
2.24.1.1 ἅλας, κἐρας, πἐρας and τἐρας
2.24.1.2 γἀλα
2.24.1.3 γἤρας
2.24.1.4 γὀνυ
2.24.1.5 κρἑας
2.24.1.6 μἐλι
2.24.1.7 φἀβα
2.24.1.8 φῶς
2.24.2 The Invariable Noun σἑβας
2.24.3 Indeclinable Nouns
2.24.4 Substantivized Verbal Forms
3. Adjectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Adjectives in -oς
3.2.1 Adjectives in -oς with Feminine -η
3.2.2 Adjectives in -oς with Feminine -α
3.2.3 Adjectives in -oς with Feminine -α or -η
3.2.3.1 Nominative in -η
3.2.3.2 . Nominative in -α
3.2.3.3 Genitive in -ης
3.2.3.4 Genitive in -ας
3.2.3.5 Accusative in -η(ν)
3.2.3.6 Accusative in -α(ν)
3.2.3.7 Vocative
3.2.4 Two-Termination Adjectives in -oς, -o(ν)
3.2.5 Contracted Adjectives in -oῦς with Alternative -ὀς
3.2.6 Adjectives in -ἀριoς/-ἀpης
3.2.7 Adjectives in -ἐνιoς
3.3 Adjectives with Originally 3rd-Declension Endings
3.3.1 Oxytone Adjectives in -ὐς
3.3.2 The Irregular Adjectives ἦμισυς and θῆλυς
3.3.2.1 ἣμισυς
3.3.2.2 θἣλυς
3.3.3 Adjectives in -ης (Oxytone or Paroxytone)
3.3.4 Adjectives in -ων, -ων, -oν
3.4 New Adjectives in /is/
3.4.1 New Paroxytone Adjectives in -ης (Feminine -σ/-ισσα)
3.4.2 Diminutives in -oὐλης
3.4.3 New Oxytone Adjectives in -ἠς
3.5 Adjectives Borrowed from Romance Languages
3.5.1 Adjectives Partly Assimilated to Greek Morphology
3.5.2 Unassimilated Adjectives
3.6 Irregular Adjectives
3.6.1 μἐλας
3.6.2 πoλὐς
3.6.3 Diminutive Adjectives in -ἀκι(ν)
3.7 Participles in Restricted Use
3.7.1 Participles that Conform to AG Morphology
3.7.2 Innovations in the Morphology of Participles
3.7.3 Participles with Irregular Morphology
3.7.4 Indeclinable Forms
3.7.5 New Adjectives Formed from Participles
3.8 Comparative Forms
3.8.1 Historical Overview
3.8.2 General Observations
3.8.3 Synthetic Comparative and Superlative
3.8.4 Analytic Comparative and Superlative
3.8.5 Double Forms
3.8.6 Irregular Formations
3.8.6.1 πλεἰων etc.
3.8.6.2 καλλἰων, καλλιὠτερoς etc.
3.8.6.3 Other Irregular Forms
3.8.7 Absolute Superlative
3.8.7.1 Regular Forms
3.8.7.2 Irregular Fonns from Comparatives in -ων
3.8.7.3 Other Irregular Forms
4. Adverbs
4.1 Historical Overview
4.2 Endings
4.2.1 Adverbs in -ως
4.2.2 Adverbs in -α
4.2.3 Addition of Final Consonant (/n/ or /s/)
4.2.4 Neuter Singular Forms
4.2.4.1 Degree or Quantity
4.2.4.2 Ordinal Numerals
4.2.4.3 Expressions of Time and Speed
4.2.4.4 Other Neuter Singular Forms
4.2.5 Adverbs in -ι(ς), -ἰ(ς)
4.2.6 Adverbs in -oυ
4.3 Comparative Forms
4.3.1 Synthetic Comparative and Superlative
4.3.2 Analytic Comparative and Superlative
4.3.3 Double Forms
4.3.4 Absolute Superlative
5. Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Articles
5.2.1 The Definite Article
5.2.2 The Indefinite Article
5.3 Personal Pronouns
5.3.1 Strong Fonns
5.3.1.1 1st Person Singular
5.3.1.2 2nd Person Singular
5.3.1.3 1st Person Plural
5.3.1.4 2nd Person Plural
5.3.1.5 3rd Person
5.3.2 Weak Forms
5.3.2.1 1st Person Singular
5.3.2.2 2nd Person Singular
5.3.2.3 3rd Person Singular
5.3.2.3.1 Invariable /tis/
5.3.2.3.2 Masculine
5.3.2.3.3 Feminine
5.3.2.3.4 Neuter
5.3.2.4 1st Person Plural
5.3.2.5 2nd Person Plural
5.3.2.6 3rd Person Plural
5.3.2.6.1 Genitive Plural (All Genders)
5.3.2.6.2 Masculine Accusative Plural
5.3.2.6.3 Feminine Accusative Plural
5.3.2.6.4 Neuter Accusative Plural
5.3.3 The Periphrastic Personal Pronoun (τoῦ) λόγoυ μoυ
5.3.4 The Periphrastic Personal Pronoun aὐτόν μoυ etc.
5.4 Possessive Pronouns and Determiners
5.4.1 Weak (Clitic) Forms
5.4.1.1 1st and 2nd Persons Singular
5.4.1.2 3rd Person Singular
5.4.1.3 1st and 2nd Persons Plural
5.4.1.4 3rd Person Plural
5.4.2 Emphatic Forms
5.4.3 Residual Forms
5.5 Demonstrative Pronouns and Determiners
5.5.1 Spatio-temporal Demonstratives
5.5.1.1 Introduction and Historical Overview
5.5.1.2 αὐτός
5.5.1.3 ἀτός
5.5.1.4 αὖτoς
5.5.1.5 έδαῦτoς/δαῦτoς
5.5.1.6 αὐτεῖνoς/αὐτόῦνoς/αῦτόνoς
5.5.1.7 εὐτός/εὐτoῦνoς/εὐτεῖνoς/εῦτόνoς
5.5.1.8 έκεῖνoς
5.5.1.9 έκειός
5.5.1.10 έδεκεῖνoς
5.5.1.11 oὖτoς/τoῦτoς
5.5.2 Qualitative Demonstratives
5.5.2.1 Introduction and Historical Overview
5.5.2.2 τoιoῦτoς
5.5.2.3 τἰτoιoς/τέτoιoς/ἐτέτoιoς/ἔτoιoς
5.5.2.4 τoιόσδε
5.5.3 Quantitative Demonstratives
5.5.3.1 Introduction and Historical Overview
5.5.3.2 τoσoς
5.5.3.3 τoσoῦτoς
5.5.3.4 τηλικoῦτoς
5.6 Intensive Pronouns
5.6.1 ἀτός μoυ
5.6.2 ἀπατός μoυ
5.6.3 ὁ ἴδιoς
5.6.4 μόνoς μoυ and μoναχός μoυ
5.7 Interrogative Pronouns
5.7.1 Simple Interrogatives
5.7.1.1 πoῖoς/πoιὁς
5.7.1.2 ὁπoῖoς
5.7.1.3 τἰς, τἰ
5.7.1.4 τἰντα/ἴντα
5.7.2 Quantitative/qualitative Interrogatives
5.7.2.1 πὁσoς
5.7.2.2 πoταπὁς
5.7.2.3 πoταπoῖoς
5.8 Indefinite Pronouns
5.8.1 τἰς
5.8.2 τἰπoτε
5.8.3 oὐδετινἀς
5.8.4 oὐδετἰπoτε
5.8.5 eἷς
5.8.6 oὐδεἰς
5.8.7 μηδεἰς
5.8.8 μηδετἰπoτε
5.8.9 κανεἰς
5.8.10 oὐδεκανεἰς
5.8.11 μηδεκανεἰς
5.8.12 κἀτἰς/ὁκἀτἰς
5.8.13 ὁκἀπoιoς/κἀπoιoς
5.8.14 καμπὁσoς/κἀμπoσoς
5.8.15 δεἲνα/ὁδεἲνα
5.8.16 ἐδεπoιὁς
5.8.17 ὁτωπoῖoς
5.8.18 ταδεπoιὁς
5.9 Relative Pronouns
5.9.1 Definite Relatives
5.9.1.1 ὁπoὐ/πoὐ
5.9.1.2 τὁν, τἠν, τὁ
5.9.1.3 ὁπoῖoς, ὁ πoῖoς, ὁ ὁπoῖoς, ὁ ὃπoῖoς
5.9.1.3.1 ὁπoῖoς
5.9.1.3.2 ὁ πoῖoς/ὁ πoιὁς
5.9.1.3.3 ὁ ὁπoῖoς/ὁ ὁπoιὁς
5.9.1.4 ὃς, ἥ, ὃ
5.9.1.4.1 Aspects of Usage
5.9.1.5 ὃσπερ, ἥπερ, ὃπερ
5.9.1.5.2 Usage
5.9.1.5.3 τὁν, τἠν, τὁ + ὃσπερ
5.9.1.6 τἰς
5.9.2 Indefinite Relatives
5.9.2.1 ὁπoῖoς/ὃπoιoς
5.9.2.2 ὃσoς
5.9.2.3 oἶoς/ὃγoιoς
5.9.2.4 oἶoςδἠπoτε, ὁπoιoςδἠπoτε
5.9.2.5 ὃστις
5.9.2.6 εἲτις, εἲτι
5.10 Contrastive Pronouns and Determiners
5.10.1 ἄλλoς
5.10.1.1 Singular Forms
5.10.1.2 Plural Forms
5.10.2 ἕτερoς
5.10.2.1 Masculine and Neuter Forms
5.10.2.2 Feminine Forms
5.11 Reflexive Pronominal Phrases
5.11.1 τὁν ἑαυτὁ(ν) μoυ
5.11.2 τὁν ἑμαυτὁ(ν) μoυ
5.12 Reciprocal Pronouns
5.12.1 ἀλλἠλων
5.12.2 ἀλλἠλως
5.12.3 Other Reciprocal Expressions
5.13 Universal and Other Quantifiers
5.13.1 Universal Quantifiers
5.13.1.1 ὃλoς
5.13.1.2. πᾶς, πᾶσα, πᾶν
5.13.1.3 ἃπας, ἃπασα, ἃπαν
5.13.1.4 Indeclinable πἀσα(ν) and ἃπἀσα(ν)
5.13.1.5 πασαεἰς
5.13.1.6 πασακ(ι)ανεἰς
5.13.1.7 παντoῖoς
5.13.1.8 ἀμφὁτερoι
5.13.2 Distributive Pronouns and Determiners
5.13.2.1 ἓκαστoς
5.13.2.2 καθἐκαστoς
5.13.2.3 καθεἰς
5.13.2.4 κἀθε/κἀθα
6. Numerals
6.1 Cardinals
6.1.1 εἶς/ἔνας
6.1.2 Two
6.1.3 Three
6.1.4 Four
6.1.5 Five to Nine
6.1.5.1 Five
6.1.5.2 Six
6.1.5.3 Seven
6.1.5.4 Eight
6.1.5.5 Nine
6.1.6 The Tens (10-90)
6.1.6.1 Ten to Nineteen
6.1.6.2 Twenty and its Compounds
6.1.6.3 Thirty to Ninety
6.1.7 The Hundreds
6.1.8 Large Numbers
6.2 Ordinals
6.2.1 πρῶτoς, -η, -o(ν)
6.2.2 δεὐτερoς, ευτἐρα/δεὐτερη, δεὐτερo(ν)
6.2.3 τρἰτoς, -η, -o(ν)
6.2.4 τἐταρτoς, -η, -o(ν)
6.2.5 πἐμπτoς, -η, -o(ν)/πἐντατoς, -η, -o(ν)
6.2.6 ἔκτoς, -η, -o(ν)/ἔξατoς, -η, -o(ν)
6.2.7 ἔβδoμoς, -η, -o(ν)/ἔπτατoς/ἔφτατoς, -η, -o(ν)
6.2.8 ὅγδooς, -η, -o(ν)/ὅκτατoς/ὅχτατoς, -η, -o(ν)
6.2.9 ἔνατoς, -η, -o(ν)
6.2.10 The Tens
6.2.11 Large Numbers
6.2.12 Ordinals in Fractions
6.3 Collective Numerals
6.4 Multiplicative Numerals
6.5 Relative Numerals
Volume 3. Verb Morphology
Contents
Contents (Volume 3)
Correspondence Table of Graphemes and Phonemes
Abbreviations
Part III. Verb Morphology
1. Introduction
1.1 Overview of Developments in the Verbal System
1.1.1 Stems
1.1.2 Participles
1.1.3 The Augment
1.1.4 Conjugation
1.1.5 Morphosyntax
1.2 Paradigms and Tables
2. Stem Formation
2.1 Imperfective Stem
2.1.1 Barytone Verbs
2.1.1.1 Consonant Stems
2.1.1.1.1 Labial Stems
2.1.1.1.2 Dental Stems
2.1.1.1.3 Sibilant Stems
2.1.1.1.4 Velar Stems
2.1.1.1.5 Liquid Stems
2.1.1.1.6 Nasal Stems
2.1.1.2 Vowel Stems
2.1.1.3 Affixation and Modification of the Imperfective Stem
2.1.1.3.1 Affix -αιν-
2.1.1.3.2 Affix -σϰ-
2.1.2 Oxytone Verbs
2.1.2.1. A-stems and E-stems
2.1.2.2 Affixation and Modification of the Imperfective Stem
2.1.2.2.1 Addition of /n/
2.1.2.2.2 Anaptyxis of /y/
2.1.2.2.3 Developments in the Imperfect: Affixes -oυσ-, -αγ-, -ειγ-/-ηγ- and -oυν-
2.1.2.2.4 Analogical Levelling in the E-stem Paradigm and the Appearance of /j/ after Stem Consonants
2.1.3 Transfers between Verb Classes
2.1.3.1 Barytone to Oxytone
2.1.3.2 Oxytone to Barytone
2.2 Perfective Stem
2.2.1 Sigmatic
2.2.1.1 Vowel Stems
2.2.1.1.1 Active Voice
2.2.1.1.2 Passive Voice
2.2.1.2 Labial Stems
2.2.1.2.1 Active Voice
2.2.1.2.2 Passive Voice
2.2.1.3 Velar Stems
2.2.1.3.1 Active Voice
2.2.1.3.2 Passive Voice
2.2.1.4 Dental Stems (without underlying velar)
2.2.1.4.1 Active Voice
2.2.1.4.2 Passive Voice
2.2.1.5 Nasal Stems
2.2.1.5.1 Active Voice
2.2.1.5.2 Passive Voice
2.2.1.6 Voiced Sibilant Stems (without underlying velar)
2.2.1.6.1 Active Voice
2.2.1.6.2 Passive Voice
2.2.1.7 Barytone Verbs with a Vocalic Extension /i/
2.2.1.7.1 Active Voice
2.2.1.7.2 Passive Voice
2.2.1.8 Barytone Verbs with a Change of Stem Vowel in the Passive Voice
2.2.1.9 Oxytone Verbs
2.2.1.9.1 -ησ- and -ηθ-
2.2.1.9.2 -ηξ- and -ηχθ-/-ηϰτ-
2.2.1.9.3 -ασ- and -ασθ-/-αστ-
2.2.1.9.4 -αξ- and -αχθ-/-αχτ-, -αϰτ-
2.2.1.9.5 -εσ- and -εθ-, -εσθ-/-εστ-
2.2.1.10 Verbs with an Alternative Stem Formation in -κ-
2.2.1.10.1 Indicative
2.2.1.10.2 Other Moods
2.2.2 Non-sigmatic
2.2.2.1 Nasal/liquid stems
2.2.2.1.1 Nasal Stems
2.2.2.1.2 Liquid Stems
2.2.2.2 Thematic Aorist
2.2.2.3 Vowel Stems
2.2.3 Addition of /s/ and /n/
2.2.4 Adaptation of Loanwords
2.2.4.1 -άρω/-ἰρω/-έρω
2.2.4.1.1 Imperfective Stem
2.2.4.1.2 Perfective Stem
2.2.4.1.3 Passive Voice
2.2.4.2 -ιάζω
2.2.4.3 -ἰζω
2.2.4.4 Other
2.3 Participles
2.3.1 The Present Passive Participle
2.3.1.1 Barytone Verbs
2.3.1.2 Oxytone Verbs
2.3.2 The "Perfect" Passive Participle
2.4 Peculiarities in Single Verbs
α
β
γ
δ
ε
θ
ϰ
λ
o
π
τ・υ
φ
3. The Augment
3.1 Simple Verbs
3.1.1 Consonant-initial Verbs: Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.1.2 Consonant-initial Verbs: Syllabic /i/ Augment
3.1.2.1 Stressed and Unstressed - Broad Geographical Spread
3.1.2.2 Stressed /i/ Augment - Geographically Restricted
3.1.2.3 Unstressed /i/ Augment - Geographically Restricted
3.1.3 Absence of the Syllabic Augment
3.1.4 Vowel-initial Verbs
3.1.4.1 Temporal /i/ Augment
3.1.4.2 Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.1.4.3 Syllabic /i/ Augment
3.1.4.4 Absence of the Augment
3.2 Compound Verbs
3.2.1 Consonant-initial Verbs
3.2.2 Vowel-initial Verbs
3.2.2.1 External Temporal /i/ Augment
3.2.2.2 External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.2.2.3 External Syllabic /i/ Augment
3.2.2.4 Internal Augment
3.2.2.5 Absence of the Augment
3.3 Prefixed Verbs
3.3.1 Intemal Augment
3.3.1.1 Consonant-initial Verbs
3.3.1.1.1 Internal Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.1.1.2. Internal Syllabic /i/ Augment
3.3.1.2 Vowel-initial Verbs
3.3.1.2.1 Internal Temporal /i/ Augment
3.3.1.2.2 Internal Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.1.2.3 Double Internal Augment
3.3.2 External Augment
3.3.2.1 Consonant-initial Prefixes
3.3.2.1.1 External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.2.1.2 External Syllabic /i/ Augment
3.3.2.2 Vowel-initial Prefixes
3.3.2.2.1 External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.2.2.2 External Temporal/Syllabic /i/ Augment
3.3.3 Double Augment
3.3.3.1. Consonant-initial Verb with Consonant-initial Prefix
3.3.3.1.1 Internal and External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.3.1.2 Internal Syllabic /i/ Augment and External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.3.2 Consonant-initial Verb with Vowel-initial Prefix
3.3.3.2.1 Internal Syllabic /e/ Augment and External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.3.2.2 Internal Syllabic /e/ Augment and External Temporal /i/ Augment
3.3.3.3 Vowel-initial Verb with Consonant-initial Prefix
3.3.3.3.1 Internal Temporal /i/ and External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.3.3.2 Internal and External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.3.3.3 Internal Temporal /i/ and External Syllabic /i/ Augment
3.3.3.4 Vowel-initial Verb with Vowel-initial Prefix
3.3.3.4.1 Internal Temporal /i/ and External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.3.4.2 Internal and External /i/ Augment
3.3.3.4.3 Internal and External Syllabic /e/ Augment
3.3.3.5 Double External Augment
3.3.4 Absence of the Augment
3.3.4.1 Vowel-initial Prefix
3.3.4.2 Consonant-initial Prefix
4. Conjugation
4.1 The Present Indicative and Subjunctive
4.1.1 Barytone Verbs
4.1.1.1 Active Voice
4.1.1.2 Passive Voice
4.1.2 Oxytone Verbs
4.1.2.1 Active Voice
4.1.2.2 Passive Voice
4.2 The Aorist Subjunctive
4.2.1 Active Voice
4.2.2 Passive Voice
4.2.3 Verbs with Barytone and Oxytone Forms
4.3 The Imperfect
4.3.1 Barytone Verbs
4.3.1.1 Active Voice
4.3.1.2 Passive Voice
4.3.2 Oxytone Verbs
4.3.2.1 Active Voice
4.3.2.2 Passive Voice
4.4 The Aorist Indicative
4.4.1 Active Voice
4.4.1.1 Barytone and Oxytone Verbs
4.4.1.2 Residual Thematic Aorist
4.4.2 Passive Voice
4.5 The Imperative
4.5.1 The Present Imperative
4.5.1.1 Barytone Verbs
4.5.1.1.1 Active Voice
4.5.1.1.2 Passive Voice
4.5.1.2 Oxytone Verbs
4.5.1.2.1 Active Voice
4.5.1.2.2 Passive Voice
4.5.2 The Aorist Imperative
4.5.2.1 Active Voice
4.5.2.2 Passive Voice
4.5.2.3 /a/ Imperatives
4.5.2.3.1 Active Voice
4.5.2.3.2 Passive Voice
4.5.2.4 Verbs with Barytone and Oxytone Forms
4.6 The Infinitive
4.6.1 The Present Infinitive
4.6.1.1 Active Voice
4.6.1.1.1 Barytone Verbs
4.6.1.1.2 Oxytone Verbs
4.6.1.2 Passive Voice
4.6.1.2.1 Barytone Verbs
4.6.1.2.2 Oxytone Verbs
4.6.2 The Aorist Infinitive
4.6.2.1 Active Voice
4.6.2.2 Passive Voice
4.6.2.3 Infinitives with Barytone and Oxytone Forms
4.7 The Gerund
4.7.1 Present
4.7.2 Aorist
4.8 The Verb εἶμαι
4.8.1 Present Indicative and Subjunctive
4.8.2 Imperfect
4.8.3 Imperative
4.8.4 Infinitive
4.8.5 Participle and Gerund
4.9 Residual Forms and Innovations
4.9.1 Residual Forms
4.9.1.1 The Middle Aorist Indicative
4.9.1.2 The Middle Aorist Infinitive
4.9.1.3 The Middle Aorist Imperative
4.9.1.4 The Future Indicative
4.9.1.5 The Perfect and Pluperfect
4.9.1.6 The Imperative of Root Aorists
4.9.1.7 3rd Person Imperatives
4.9.1.8 The Optative
4.9.2 The Middle Voice
4.9.2.1 The Aorist Indicative
4.9.2.2 The Aorist Subjunctive
4.9.2.3 The Aorist Infinitive
4.9.2.4 The Future
4.9.3 The Perfect and Pluperfect
4.9.3.1 Reduplication
4.9.3.2 The Perfect
4.9.3.3 The Pluperfect
5. Morphosyntax
5.1 The Future
5.1.1 νἀ + Subjunctive
5.1.2 μἑλλω
5.1.2.1 μἑλλω + Infinitive
5.1.2.2 μἑλλω νά + Subjunctive
5.1.2.3 μἑλλει νά + Subjunctive
5.1.2.4 μἑλλεται νά + Subjunctive
5.1.2.5 μἑλλoμαι νά + Aorist Subjunctive
5.1.2.6 μἑλλoμαι + Infinitive
5.1.3 ἔχω
5.1.3.1 ἔχω + Infinitive
5.1.3.2 ἔχω νά + Subjunctive
5.1.3.3 ἔχει νά + Subjunctive
5.1.3.4 ἔχω + Subjunctive
5.1.4 θέλω
5.1.4.1 θέλω + Infinitive
5.1.4.2 θέλω + Subjunctive
5.1.4.3 θέλει + Subjunctive
5.1.4.4 θέλω νά + Subjunctive
5.1.4.5 θέλει νά + Subjunctive
5.1.4.6 θελά + Subjunctive
5.1.4.7 θὲ(ν) νά + Subjunctive
5.1.5 θά
5.1.6 εἶμαι
5.1.6.1 εἶμαι νά + Aorist Subjunctive
5.1.6.2 εἶμαι/εἶν/ἔ(ν) νά + Subjunctive
5.1.7 πά
5.2 The Conditional
5.2.1 ἔμελλoν/ἔμελλα
5.2.1.1 ἔμελλoν + Infinitive
5.2.1.2 ἔμελλα νά + Subjunctive
5.2.1.3 ἔμελλε(ν)/ἤμελλε(ν) νά + Subjunctive
5.2.1.4 ἔμελλε(ν) νά + Aorist Indicative/Imperfect
5.2.1.5 ἔμέλλετo(ν) νά + Subjunctive
5.2.2 εἶχα
5.2.2.1 εἶχα + Infinitive
5.2.2.2 εἶχα νά + Subjunctive
5.2.2.3 εἶχα + Subjunctive
5.2.2.4 εἶχε(v) + Subjunctive
5.2.2.5 εἶχα/εἶχε(v) with Past Tense Complementation·
5.2.3 ἤθελα
5.2.3.1 ἤθελα + Infinitive
5.2.3.2 ἤθελα + Subjunctive
5.2.3.3 ἤθελε(v) + Subjunctive
5.2.3.4 ἤθελα νά + Subjunctive
5.2.3.5 ἤθελα (νά) with Past Tense Complementation
5.2.3.6 ἤθε(v) with Various Complementations
5.2.4 ἤτov/ἤμoυν
5.2.4.1 ἤμoυν/ἤτov νά + Subjunctive
5.2.4.2 ἤτov νά with Past Tense Complementation
5.2.5 ἤρτα + Various Complementations
5.3 The Pluperfect
5.3.1 εἷχα
5.3.1.1 εἷχα + Infinitive
5.3.1.2 εἷχα/ἤμoυν + Participle
5.3.1.3 εἷχα/ἤμoυν + Verbal Adjective
5.3.1.4 εἷχα + Noun
5.3.1.5 εἷχα + Present Gerund
5.3.1.6 εἷχα + Subjunctive
5.3.1.7 εἷχε(v) + Subjunctive
5.3.2 ἤθελα
5.3.2.1 ἤθελα + Infinitive
5.3.2.2 ἤθελα + Subjunctive
5.3.2.3 ἤθελε ἤμoυν + Perfect Passive Participle
5.3.3 ἤμην/ἤμoυν
5.3.3.1 ἤμην/ἤμoυν + Aorist Gerund
5.3.3.2 ἤτov νά + Subjunctive
5.4 The Perfect
5.4.1 Indicative and Subjunctive
5.4.1.1 ἔχω/εἶμαι + Passive Participle
5.4.1.2 εἶμαι + Perfect Passive Participle with Active Meaning
5.4.1.3 ἔχω + Verbal Adjective
5.4.1.4 ἔχω + Noun
5.4.1.5 ἔχω + Gerund
5.4.1.6 ἔχω + Infinitive
5.4.2 Imperative
5.4.3 Infinitive
5.4.4 Gerund
5.5 The Future Perfect
5.5.1 θέλω + Perfect Infinitive
5.5.2 ἤθελα + Perfect Infinitive
5.5.3 ἤθελα/ἤθελε + Pluperfect
5.5.4 μἑλλω/μἑλλει νά + Perfect Subjunctive
5.6 The Aorist and the Imperfect
5.6.1 εἷχα/ἤθελα + Aorist Infinitive
5.6.2 εἷχα/ἤθελα + Present Infinitive
5.6.3 εἷχα/ἤμoυν + Perfect Passive Participle
5.6.4 εἷχα + Aorist Subjunctive
5.6.5 εἷχα + Present Subjunctive
5.6.6 ἤμην + Present Participle
5.7 The Subjunctive
5.7.1 ἔχω
5.7.1.1 ἔχω + Infinitive
5.7.1.2 ἔχω + Perfect Passive Participle
5.7.1.3 εἷχα + Infinitive
5.7.2 θέλω
5.7.2.1 θέλω + Infinitive
5.7.2.2 θέλω νά + Subjunctive
5.7.2.3 ἤθελα + Infinitive
5.7.2.4 θέ νά + Subjunctive
5.7.2.5 θά
5.7.3 μἑλλω + Infinitive
5.7.4 πά (νά)+ Subjunctive
5.7.5 θέλω ἔρθει νά + Subjunctive
Volume 4. Syntax
Contents
Contents (Volume 4)
Correspondence Table of Graphemes and Phonemes
Abbreviations
Part IV. Syntax
Introduction
1. Main Clauses
1.1 Subject and Predicate
1.1.1 Subjects
1.1.2 Nominal and Adjectival Predicative Complements
1.2 Statements
1.2.1 Statements about the Present and the Past
1.2.2.1 Verb Forms Denoting Future/Possible Events
1.2.2.2 Verb Forms Denoting Hypothetical/Conditional Events
1.3 Commands and Prohibitions
1.4 Questions and Exclamations
1.4.1 Questions
1.4.2 Exclamations
1.5 Wishes
2. Complement Clauses
2.1 Verbs of ''Reporting'' and ''Declaring''
2.2 Control Predicates
2.3 Verbs of ''Fearing'' and ''Precaution"
2.4 Verbs Taking Indirect Questions
3. Adverbial Clauses
3.1 Final (Purpose) Clauses
3.2 Consecutive (Result) Clauses
3.3 Conditional Clauses
3.3.1 Future/Generic Trme Reference
3.3.1.1 Subjunctive in Protasis
3.3.1.2 Past Indicative/Conditional in Protasis
3.3.2 Present Time Reference
3.3.2.1 Present Indicative in Protasis
3.3.2.2 Imperfect/Conditional in Protasis
3.3.3 Past Time Reference
3.3.3.1 Past Indicative in Protasis
3.3.3.2 Conditional in Protasis
3.4 Temporal Clauses
3.4.1 Past-time Temporal Clauses Denoting Preceding/Overlapping Events
3.4.1.1 Preceding the Event Described in the Main Clause
3.4.1.2 Overlapping with the Event Described in the Main Clause
3.4.2 Non-past Temporal Clauses Denoting Preceding/Overlapping Events
3.4.2.1 Preceding the Event Described in the Main Clause
3.4.2.2 Overlapping with the Event Described in the Main Clause
3.4.3 Past/Non-past Temporal Clauses Denoting Following Events
3.4.3.1 Containing Subjunctives
3.4.3.2 Containing Past Indicatives (in Past Time Only)
3.4.4 Other Types of Temporal Clause
3.4.4.1 Nominalized Verb Forms
3.4.4.2 Gerunds
3.5 Causal Clauses
3.6 Concessive Clauses
3.7 Comparative Clauses
3.8 Other Adverbial Clauses
4. Verbs and Verb Phrases
4.1 Person and Number
4.2 Voice
4.3 Mood
4.4 Time Reference and Aspect
4.4.1 Present Indicative (Present Imperfective Indicative)
4.4.2 Imperfect Indicative (Past Imperfective Indicative)
4.4.3 Aorist Indicative (Past Perfective Indicative)
4.4.4 Perfect, Pluperfect and Future Perfect Indicatives
4.4.5 Future/Conditionals, Subjunctives and Imperatives
4.4.6 Gerunds and Participles
4.4.7 Infinitives
5. Nouns and Noun Phrases
5.1 Uses of the Cases
5.1.1 Nominative
5.1.2 Vocative
5.1.3 Accusative
5.1.3.1 Complements of Verbs
5.1.3.2 Accusative Adjuncts
5.1.4 Genitive
5.1.4.1 Complements of Verbs
5.1.4.2 Genitive Adjuncts
5.1.5 Dative
5.2 Complements of Nouns
5.2.1 Subjective and Objective Genitives
5.2.2 Partitive Genitives
5.2.3 Clausal Complements
5.3 Adjuncts of Nouns
5.3.1 Genitive Adjuncts
5.3.2 Articles and Other Determiners
5.3.2.1 Definite NPs and the Definite Article
5.3.2.2 Indefinite NPs and Indefinite Determiners
5.3.2.3 Demonstratives
5.3.3 Relative Clauses
6. Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases
6.1 Simple Prepositional Phrases
6.1.1 Frequently Occurring Prepositions+Accusative
6.1.2 Prepositions of More Limited Frequency
6.2 Phrases with a Governing Adverb
6.2.1 Adverb Governing a PP (Headed by ἀπό/ἐκ, εἰς/ἐπί, μἐ)
6.2.2 Adverb + Genitive NP
7. Coordination and Apposition
7.1 Coordination
7.1.1 Sentences and Clauses
7.1.2 Contrastive and Disjunctive Clausal Coordination
7.1.3 Other Constituents
7.2 Apposition
7.2.1 Appositive Clauses
7.2.2 Appositive NPs
8. Constituent Order
8.1 General Principles
8.1.1 Topicalization
8.1.2 Focalization
8.2 Clitic Pronouns and the Verbal Complex
8.2.1 V Initial in VC
8.2.2 V Non-Initial in VC: cl+V
8.3 Clitic Pronouns and Periphrastic Verb Forms
Index of Linguistic Terms and Concepts
A
B・C
D・E・F・G
H・I
K・L・M
N
O・P
Q・R
S
T・U・V
W
Index of Greek Words and Phrases
α
β
γ・δ
ε
ζ・η
θ・ι・κ
λ・μ
ν
ξ・o
π
ρ・σ
τ
υ・φ・χ
ψ・ω
Index of Innovative Greek Endings and Suffixes
-α
-ε
-η・-ι
-μ・-ν
-o
-σ・-υ・-ω・-∅
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- David Holton
- Geoffrey Horrocks
- Marjolijne Janssen
- Tina Lendari
- Io Manolessou
- Notis Toufexis
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TINA LENDARI is Assistant Professor in Medieval Vernacular and Early Modem Greek Language and Literature- at the National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. She studied at the Universities of Crete and Cambridge and bas taught at the Universities of Crete, Patras, loannina, Thessaloniki and Cambridge. From 2004 to 2007 she was a Research Associate on the 'Grammar of Medieval and Early Modem Greek' Project. She bas published many articles on textual criticism, linguistic analysis and literary theory as applied to medieval and early modem Greek literature and produced the editio princeps of the romance Livistros and Rodamne, version V. Her current project is a new edition of the romance Velthandros and Chrysantza.
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MANO LES SOU studied Greek literature and linguistics at the Universities of Athens and Cambridge. She has worked as a Research Associate at theUniv~ity of Cambridge and as a Lecturer in Historical Linguistics at the University of Patras. She now holds. the post of Senior Researcher at the Academy of Athens, working on the compilation of the Historical Dictionary of Modem Greek. She has participated in a number_of international research projects.on.Greek dialectology and linguistics, and has published more than fifty papers on various topics focusing on Greek language history, dialectology and lexicography. .
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NOTIS TOUFEXIS is a Digital Humanities specialist with a background in Classics and a PhD on Early Modem Greek from the University of Hamburg. He was a Research Associate on the 'Grammar of Medieval and Early Modem Greek' Project from 2004 to 2009 and bas published a number of articles aris. ing from it
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-·. ,'f.he Cambridge Grammar of Medieval and Early Modern Greek DAVID HOLTON GEOFFREY HORROCKS MARJOLIJNE JANSSEN TINA LENDARI IO MANOLESSOU NOTIS TOUFEXIS
0
yye1ucxpu1cxs / Aoyy1!3cxpl3{cxs (1133, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 113, 150.6); KE TOUVUS / Kcxi TOuvfjs (1625, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 6, 80.60). In the discussion of phonology it is, of course, especially important to cite the actual reading of the source in cases of uncertainty, and this applies to both literary and non-literary texts. In the following examples the original spelling indicates the presence of a voiceless palatal fricative [~]: Kcmytc.> crrap1 / Kairoto crrapt (1630, Crete, XANTHOUDIDIS 1912: 51, 137.11); TOO Xc.>pcxq,x1ou / TOV Xc.>pcxcptou (1695, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 33, 81.17). Similarly, in the case of texts in non-Greek scripts (mainly Latin, but also Cyrillic and Arabic) the original is given whenever a linguistic phenomenon is subject to interpretation, e.g. arana.J Me/ aycmas µe (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 872); to stomandu / TO crr6µcxv TOU (1626, Crete, MALTEZOU 1995: [1], 198.151); na mi pleroni bglio / vex µT} ir7iepoovTJ µirAto (1661, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 10, 105.103). It should be noted that the orthography of the extant manuscripts of LMedG and EMG texts in the Greek alphabet, both literary and non-literary, is largely historical and conventional, i.e. it aims to follow the model of AG classical orthography, but less well-educated scribes make frequent "errors". The majority of texts, both literary and non-literary, are full of such spelling errors, which constitute a useful indication for the investigation of MedG phonology, but which are normally tacitly "corrected" by modem editors. Of course, since the vernacular language is not subject to standardization, a certain degree of spelling variation and freedom, greater than that for MG, is observable. The accentuation system followed by LMedG and EMG is similarly conventional: it follows the AG ''rules" of accentuation as set down by Alexandrian grammarians, but has no connection to phonetic reality apart from noting the syllable on which the stress accent falls. All types of sources display a large amount of accentuation "errors", both in the placement of accentuation marks and in the choice of the correct accentuation mark. Further information and additional bibliography on the writing system of the period may be found in standard manuals of epigraphy, palaeography and orthography such as MIONI 1979, CANART 1991, LITSAS 2001, WILSON 2008, PAPANASTASIOU 2008.
XXX
General Introduction
Modern Greek dialectal situation and classification principles, which are in fact rather different; (c) given the fragmentary information available for most local varieties, it would be impossible to define them, i.e. to compile a list of identifying features for each of them; and (d) in most cases these identifying features would not all have appeared at the same time, so it would be very difficult to decide on a "cut-off' point after which sufficient differentiation would have accumulated in a given area to justify the postulation of a separate "dialect". For example, the degemination of double consonants in most Greek-speaking regions, as opposed to their retention in certain peripheral areas, must have taken place already in the late Koine; but one cannot speak of a Cypriot, Dodecanesian or Southern Italian dialect at such an early date. Instead, the Grammar opts for the description of geographical variation, and assigns features, changes and isoglosses - insofar as the surviving evidence permits - to geographical areas and not to dialects.
4
Presentation
1broughout the Grammar we give lists of examples for each phenomenon under discussion. The examples are taken from our source texts, which, given that some were published in the 19th century, while others have never appeared in a modem edition, inevitably follow different principles as regards orthography and spelling. In the case of edited texts, we have not made any intervention in the orthographic system of the editor, except for the following "modernizations": omission of the iota subscript in subjunctive forms; and replacement of the old spellings of the feminine nominative plural of the definite article ti with ol, the corresponding accusative wis with Tis, and likewise the nominal ending -ms with -es. A variety of different systems will therefore be encountered by the reader: from conservative "classicizing" orthography, via the simplified spelling and orthography recommended by Manolis Triandafyllidis (TRIANDAFYLLIDIS 1941) and implemented in, for example, the series Bu(avr1viJ xai NEOEAA1JVIXTJ B1{3i\JoefJX1J (1974-), to more recent monotonic editions. We resisted the temptation to "standardize" the spelling and orthography of editions, partly out of respect to the editors and partly because it is not at all obvious which system should be preferred in a work of this kind, given the lengthy time-span and the wide range of registers that the texts represent We considered it better to represent the variety of systems that are encountered in the editions themselves. 14 The reader will therefore regularly observe differences in spelling, accentuation, and breathings, according to the edition which is cited. However, it should be clear that such differences do not affect the underlying linguistic form: the orthographic divergences are purely a matter of editorial preference or fashion. We will give a few examples. In noun endings,. we find variation between the acute and the circumflex, e.g. iro:rras/ iro:rras, &AoVTrou/&AouiroO; parts of the verb "to be" can have different spellings, such as elve/elvat, T}Tcxv/ehcxv; certain comparative forms may also have alternative spellings, e.g. 14
I
We have departed from this principle in the case of non-literary texts published in the monot~nic system, e.g. ANDONIADIS 1990, KATSANIS 2012. Excerpts from such texts are given in "nonnalized" polytonic Greek, as is also the case with diplomatic editions (see below).
General Introduction
xxxi
KCXAuTepos/KcxMhepos; double consonants in loanwords may be preserved or simplified, e.g. cpouaaaTov/cpouaaTOV, acxTTTes/acxtTes, ocpcp!Ktov/ocplK10V; words of uncertain etymology have various spellings, e.g. KotTa,c.>/KuTTa,c.>, ypo1K&/yp1K&, o:q,lvc.>/aq,,;vc.>; older editions generally give v Kcxi 6ou7ie1&v, 8:s iroMaKtS ••• &-rreO.T]q,cx. What interests us here is the relative pronoun form as. To give the editor's diplomatic text would be disorienting to the reader and rather pointless. On the other hand, when the interpretation of the text leaves room for doubt, we give both the diplomatic transcription and a normalized version, separated by an oblique stroke ("forward slash"), e.g. Ac.>yye1ucxpu1cxs / Aoyy1!3cxpl3{cxs (1133, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 113, 150.6); KE TOUVUS / Kcxi TOuvfjs (1625, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 6, 80.60). In the discussion of phonology it is, of course, especially important to cite the actual reading of the source in cases of uncertainty, and this applies to both literary and non-literary texts. In the following examples the original spelling indicates the presence of a voiceless palatal fricative [~]: Kcmytc.> crrap1 / Kairoto crrapt (1630, Crete, XANTHOUDIDIS 1912: 51, 137.11); TOO Xc.>pcxq,x1ou / TOV Xc.>pcxcptou (1695, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 33, 81.17). Similarly, in the case of texts in non-Greek scripts (mainly Latin, but also Cyrillic and Arabic) the original is given whenever a linguistic phenomenon is subject to interpretation, e.g. arana.J Me/ aycmas µe (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 872); to stomandu / TO crr6µcxv TOU (1626, Crete, MALTEZOU 1995: [1], 198.151); na mi pleroni bglio / vex µT} ir7iepoovTJ µirAto (1661, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 10, 105.103). It should be noted that the orthography of the extant manuscripts of LMedG and EMG texts in the Greek alphabet, both literary and non-literary, is largely historical and conventional, i.e. it aims to follow the model of AG classical orthography, but less well-educated scribes make frequent "errors". The majority of texts, both literary and non-literary, are full of such spelling errors, which constitute a useful indication for the investigation of MedG phonology, but which are normally tacitly "corrected" by modem editors. Of course, since the vernacular language is not subject to standardization, a certain degree of spelling variation and freedom, greater than that for MG, is observable. The accentuation system followed by LMedG and EMG is similarly conventional: it follows the AG ''rules" of accentuation as set down by Alexandrian grammarians, but has no connection to phonetic reality apart from noting the syllable on which the stress accent falls. All types of sources display a large amount of accentuation "errors", both in the placement of accentuation marks and in the choice of the correct accentuation mark. Further information and additional bibliography on the writing system of the period may be found in standard manuals of epigraphy, palaeography and orthography such as MIONI 1979, CANART 1991, LITSAS 2001, WILSON 2008, PAPANASTASIOU 2008.
xx.xii
General Introduction
For each phenomenon or form a number of examples is given, in order to illustrate its geographical and chronological distribution, and the registers or types of text in which it occurs. The list does not normally exceed twenty extracts for each form, although in many instances much more material has been collected for analysis, in order to establish the overall pattern. When a form is standard throughout the period, with only limited variation, a smaller number of examples is given. For rare forms only a handful of examples may have been located. In the Morphology chapters (Parts II and III) examples are listed in order of approximate date. (Slightly different arrangements are adopted for Phonology and Syntax; details are provided in the introductions to Parts I and IV.) Sometimes the lists are separated by a linespace into two or more sets, to distinguish variant forms. Forms are usually accompanied by enough of their context to show how they function in their verb or noun phrase, though sometimes a single word is sufficient. Non-literary examples are always cited with the date and geographical provenance, when this information is known (a question mark indicating uncertainty), followed by a reference to the publication, e.g.
General Introduction
TOO TTJV iJ,ri'jpev Chron. Toe. 859 ToO TO tirmii\11aev Assizes A 41.21 . Kai !q,a!vm~ Tou Spanos D 403 Kai e6wKav Tou MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 280.24 61aTI fi~eupe OTI oi\01 TOO ii8ei\av KaKov KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 337.9 · elira aou lTWS TaµtlvT} eTxe TTJV KOKop!(tKT} ETOUTT} vex TOO 6 ~ CHORTATSIS, Katz. IIl.364-5
I
Quite often it is necessary to cite words that are not found in the edited text but either in the apparatus criticus or in a manuscript available to us. Variant readings when a text survives in more than one witness, original readings that the editor has rejected or amended (for linguistic, stylistic, metrical or other reasons), and repetitive or "irrelevant" material may come into this category, as well as misreadings of the manuscript by the editor. However, for the historical linguist all such matter is valid linguistic data and should not be ignored: it may constitute crucial evidence for the existence of a particular form. We give a few (unrelated) examples: K - 'Avaxo1vwo-e1> Ei> SIEfJvfj crvviSp1a, 7 Kp1]Toi\oyixa, TO /IT' Bu(aVT1v&:,v I rrouS&:,v xai TO B' Kurrpzoi\oyix6v. Rethymno 1995, 13-34. [16th c.] Alex. Fyll. Bei\ou6iJs r., 'H 'Ai\efavSpou Toif MaxeS6vo>. Athens 1989. [17th cJ18th c.] Alex. Rim. Holton D., L1zfiY170l> Toif 'Ai\efavSpou. The Tale ofAlexander. The rhymed version. Critical edition with an introduction and commentary. Athens 1974, 2nd edition 2002 [Bu{avnviJ Kal NeoeMT}VlKT) 81j?>i\106iJKTJ, 1]. [16th c.] Alf. Xen. A, B Mavpoµ ZEVZTElap 1TOl7JµaTa. KplTIXT/ . EHOOO'FJ µi Eio-ayc..>yrj, ax6.i\za xai i\Efzi\6yio. Heraklion 1995, 193-234. [15th c.] · Alfav. 10, 11, 14, 15 KaKoui\{611 'E. .l!.., NEOEAA1JVIXCX fJp1]0'HEUTIXCI ai\q,a/31]Tapza. .f!.tcrrptj?>T) bl 616aKTopfu{aVTivol &Aqiaj?>T}Tot», 'ErrET1]pi> 'ETazpela> Bu(avnv&:,v IrrouS&:,v 25 (1955) 284-305. [15th c.] [17th-18th c.] *Alosis Legrand E., '"EµµavouiJi\ rec.:,pyiMa, "Mc.:,cr1s Kc.:,CTTaTT,tvou-rr6i\ec.:,s". In Bibliotheque grecque vulgaire, vol. 1. Paris 1880, 169-202. [15th cJ16th c.] Alosis Lendari T., Normalized transcription of Paris. gr. 2909. ANAGN., Stich. pol. Banescu N., Deux poetes byzantins inedits du XI/le siecle. Bucharest 1913. [13th c.] Ag. Nik. Strat.
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. Kp1apas 'E., 'Avaxai\11µa Tfj> K(A)v0Tavnv6rroi\71>. To xefµevo µJ Elo-ayc..>yrj, ax6iua xal yi\c..>o-o-ap10. 2nd edition, Thessaloniki 1965; New edition, Thessaloniki 2012. [15th c.] Analos. Ath. AeCTTovvi,s r., fTepl Tff> avai\wo-ec..>> xal Tff> atxµai\c..>o-la> fj yiyovev wo T&:,v flepo-i:Jv Ei> 'Arrzxrjv 'Af)fiva. St Petersburg 1881. [15th c./16th c.] ANDONIOS, Vios Sym. Styl. Kexay16yi\ov r., fTE(oypaq>1xfi AvfJoi\oy{a. Aq,71Y7JJJanx6> yparrT6s veoei\A71v1x6> i\6yo>. B1/3i\lo fTpwro: Arr6 To Ti.i\o> Tou Bu(aVTlou c..>> T1J I'ai\i\zxfi ErravaOTaO'rJ. Thessaloniki 2001, 243-5. [16th c.] *[ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. Pichard M., Le roman de Callimaque et de Chrysorrhoe. Texte etabli et traduit par-. Paris 1956. [14th cJ16th c.] [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. Cupane C., Romanzi cavallereschi bizantini: Callimaco . . e Crisorroe, Beltandro e Crisanza, Storia di Achille, Florio e Plaziajlore, Storia di Apollonio di Tiro, Favola consolatoria sulla Cattiva e la Buona Sorte. Turin 1995, 215-305. [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. Kp1apas 'E., Bu(avnva 1TT7TOTIXCl µufJ10TopfJµaTa. Athens 1955 [BmnKTJ 81j?>i\106iJKTJ, 2]. Anon. Naupl. . XC.:,pas ,\. 0., «A1hoj?>1oypaqi1Ko o-Tixovpnµa cx-rro &vC.:,vuµo NaUTrAlc.:,Tfl ytcx TCX 6etvo-rra&fiµcrra TOV O"TO Nav-rri\10 Kal O"TO "Apyos (1451)», Naurriuaxa 'Avai\exrn 3 (1998) 348-63. [15th c.] Anthos Ch. A, G, I Koi\1a61'Jµou I., 'AvfJo> Tc.JV Xapfrc..,v: TO rraiux6 rrp6TUTro xai oz xup,e> ei\i\1]vixi> rrapai\Aayi>. Unpublished PhD thesis, Aristotle University ofThessaloniki, 2002. [15th-16th cJ16th c.] [15th c.] [17th c.] Apamimeni TToi\{Tfls A., «TTapOTflpiicre1s ere KpT)TlKCX Kefµeva. 1. 'H cx-rrapvT}µEVT) T&v Xavi&v», Kp7JT1xa Xpov1xa 12 (1958) 300-5. [16th c.] Apok. Theot. Dawkins R. M., «KpT}TlKTJ &noK6:Av4'tS Tf\S TTavay{as», KprJTzxa · Xpovzxa 2 (1948) 487-500. [ca. 1650117th c.] Apoll. Rim. A, E, N, V Kexay16yi\ou r., Arro,i\i\c::,vzos T1J> Tupou. YOTEpoµeo-aic..>VlXE> xa, ve6TEPES ei\i\1]vzxis µopq,i>. Kpmxfi ixS00'1], µe ezo-ayc..,yis, ax6.i\za, rrlvaxe> i\ifec..,v- yi\c..>o-o-apza, vols. 1, 2.1, 2.2. Thessaloniki 2004. [16th c.] 1'.Ae~{ov IT., Bacni\Ezo> LlzyEV1J> 'AxpirrJ> (XaTO: TO xe1p6yparpo *Ann. TOU 'Eo-xopzai\) xai TO 'Ao-µa TOV 'Apµoup71. KptTlKT) eK600'T). Athens 1985. [12th c. ?/15th c.] Ann. Eideneier H., «To "Acrµa ToO J\ptO'Tfl ,\pµovpTJ», fTaMµtpTJOTov 33 (2016) 81-116. ARSENIOS, Vasil Ros. (= Bami\ela xa1 aUToxpaTopla Tc.JV Pc.JO'wv ... ) Kexcxyi6yi\ou r., fTe(oypaq,1X71 AvfJoi\oyla. Aq,11Y7Jµar1x6r yparrr6> veoEAA1JVIX0S . Myos. B1/3i\lo fTpc{,To: Arr6 TO Ti.i\os Tou Bu(aVTlou c..>S T1J faAAIX1] ErravaOTaO'rJ. Thessaloniki 2001, 297-8. [17th c.]
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Kc.:,va.avnvl6T}S K. N., «'0 "Aytos NtKoi\aos oa.pcmC.:,TflS», ~c..iowv1122 (1993) 35-54. [14th-15th c./16th c.?] AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka .l!.eTopo:Kf!S 0., «M1xarii\ ToO J\y Nou,ao>. f ewpyio> Arrc..>.i\6>. Azo-wrrou µuOoz. 01 rrpc{,TE> VEOEAA1JVlHE> µrraq,paO-EI>· Athens 1993. [16th c.] AITOLOS, Rim. Andron., Rim. Mich. Ao:µ-rrpos I-rr., «M10 aveK6oTa a.1xovpy,iµcrra Eis MtXCXTJA Kai ,\v6p6v1Kov Tovs KavTaKov{T)vovs», Nio> 'Ei\A11voµvfiµc..,v 9 (1912) 252-64. [16th c.] Banescu N., Un poeme grec vulgaire relatif a Pierre le Boiteux AITOLOS, Voev. de Valachie. Bucharest 1912. [16th c./16th c.] T{e66:KT}S 0. 8., «'H KpiiTfl lv aveK6oT~ l-rr1K4'> -rro1,;µcrr1 AL Kypr. -rrepl Tfis cv.C.:,crec.:,s Tfis Kv-rrpou (EK KC.:,61Kos Tf\s cnva"inKfiS ~1~i\106riKT1S)». In fTmpayµiva Toif A '&fJvoiir KprJToi\oyixoif IuveSplou [= Kp11nxa Xpov1Xa 15-16 (1961-2)], vol. 2, 15674. Reprinted in idem, Ei0'1]yfJcTEz> - 'Avaxo1vwo-e1> Ei> SIEfJvfj crvviSp1a, 7 Kp1]Toi\oyixa, TO /IT' Bu(aVT1v&:,v I rrouS&:,v xai TO B' Kurrpzoi\oyix6v. Rethymno 1995, 13-34. [16th c.] Alex. Fyll. Bei\ou6iJs r., 'H 'Ai\efavSpou Toif MaxeS6vo>. Athens 1989. [17th cJ18th c.] Alex. Rim. Holton D., L1zfiY170l> Toif 'Ai\efavSpou. The Tale ofAlexander. The rhymed version. Critical edition with an introduction and commentary. Athens 1974, 2nd edition 2002 [Bu{avnviJ Kal NeoeMT}VlKT) 81j?>i\106iJKTJ, 1]. [16th c.] Alf. Xen. A, B Mavpoµ ZEVZTElap 1TOl7JµaTa. KplTIXT/ . EHOOO'FJ µi Eio-ayc..>yrj, ax6.i\za xai i\Efzi\6yio. Heraklion 1995, 193-234. [15th c.] · Alfav. 10, 11, 14, 15 KaKoui\{611 'E. .l!.., NEOEAA1JVIXCX fJp1]0'HEUTIXCI ai\q,a/31]Tapza. .f!.tcrrptj?>T) bl 616aKTopfu{aVTivol &Aqiaj?>T}Tot», 'ErrET1]pi> 'ETazpela> Bu(avnv&:,v IrrouS&:,v 25 (1955) 284-305. [15th c.] [17th-18th c.] *Alosis Legrand E., '"EµµavouiJi\ rec.:,pyiMa, "Mc.:,cr1s Kc.:,CTTaTT,tvou-rr6i\ec.:,s". In Bibliotheque grecque vulgaire, vol. 1. Paris 1880, 169-202. [15th cJ16th c.] Alosis Lendari T., Normalized transcription of Paris. gr. 2909. ANAGN., Stich. pol. Banescu N., Deux poetes byzantins inedits du XI/le siecle. Bucharest 1913. [13th c.] Ag. Nik. Strat.
1. Literary Works
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LEFORT et al. 2006
LEGRAND 1903
LEHFELDT 1989
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Lefort J. -Oikonomides N. -Papachryssanthou D. -Kravari V., Actes d'Iviron, vol. 4: De 1328 au debut du XV/e siecle. Paris 1995 [Archives de l'Athos, 19]. Lefort J. - Kravari V. - Giros Chr. - Smyrlis K., Actes de Vatopedi, vol. 2: De 1330 a1376. Paris 2006 [Archives de 1' Athos, 22]. Legrand E., Recueil de documents grecs concemant les relations du Patriarchal de Jerusalem avec la Roumanie (1569-1728). Seconde edition revue et corrigee, Paris 1903 [Bibliotheque grecque vulgaire, 7]. Lehfeldt W., Eine Sprachlehre von der Hohen Pforte. Ein
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LEMERLE et al. 1977
LEMERLE et al. 1979
LEMERLE et al. 1982
LIATA 1975 LIATA 1976 LIATA 1986
[Slavistische Forschungen, 57]. Lemerle P., "Le testament d'Eustathios Boilas (avril 1059)". In idem, Cinq etudes sur le Xie siecle byzantin. Paris 1977, 13-63. Lemerle P., Actes de Kutlumus. Nouvelle edition remaniee et augmentee. Paris 1988 [Archives de I' Athos, 22]. Lemerle P. - Guillou A. - Svoronos N. - Papachryssanthou D., • Actes de Lavra, vol. 1: Des origines a 1204. Paris 1970 [Archives de 1' Athos, 5]. Lemerle P. - Guillou A. - Svoronos N. - Papachryssanthou D., Actes de Lavra, vol. 2: De 1204 a 1328. Edition diplomatique. Paris 1977 [Archives de l' Athos, 8]. Lemerle P. - Guillou A. - Svoronos N. - Papachryssanthou D., Actes de Lavra, vol. 3: De 1329 a 1500. Edition diplomatique. Paris 1979 [Archives de l'Athos, 10]. · Lemerle P. - Dagron G. -Cirkovic S., Actes de SaintPanteleemon. Edition diplomatique. Paris 1982 [Archives de I' Athos, 12]. J\tciTa E. Li., «MapTvp{es y10: TT)V 1TTWO"T) T' Avo:n?i.1ou O"Tovs ToupKOVS (9 louAT) 1715)», Mvfiµc,;v 5 (1975) 101-56. J\taTa E. Li., «'lepeis TWV 'EMiJvc.:>v Tf\S BevET{o:s crno 1412-1558 . (Ko:TCXAoyos Ko:l eyypo:q,a)», $7JO"auplc,µaTa 13 (1976) 85-110. J\taTa E. Li., H Itpupor xa-ra T1J" Toupxoxpa-rla (17or-19or a1t::J11af). Iuµf3oi'ifi C7T1J µe/lETT] T(,)11 xo111vos», Ntof 'EM77110µ11fiµc,;11 LAMBROS 1908b 5 (1908) 339-40. /\ciµ,rpos I,r. TT., «Liuo EAAT)VIKCX eyypo:qxx EK TWV apxelc.:>v Tf\S LAMBROS 1908c BeveTio:s», Ntof '£M7711oµvr',µc,;11 5 (1908) 479-81. /\ciµ1rpos I,r. TT., «No:1J1TAtaKOV eyypo:q,ov TOO oiKOIJ TTovAoµciTT) LAMBROS 1909a b hei 1509 Ko:i 6 !31!3A1oypaq,os MtXCXTJA Iou?i.1ap6os», Ntof '£M77110µ11fiµc,;11 6 (1909) 273-83. /\ciµ1rpos I1r. TT., «Tpto: eyypo:q,o: Tf\s iv "Av6p~ µovf\s ToO LAMBROS 1909b J\ytov N1K0Aciov», Ntof '£M77110µ11fiµc,;11 6 (1909) 243-6. /\ciµ1rpos I1r. TT., «'Ev8vµiJo-ec.:>v t\Tot xpovtKC:>v O"T)µe1c.:>µUTOV ,rpos TOUS 'lc,,ravous (1612-1613) 61a TT)V aireAEv8epc.uo-1v Tf\s TTEAoTrOVVTJO"OV», 'EM71111xa 15 (1957) 293-310. LATYSHEV 1896 Latyshev V., Sbomik grecheskikh nadpisei khristianskikh vremen iz iuzhnoi Rossii. St. Petersburg 1896. LEFORT 1973 Lefort J., Actes d'Esphigmenou. Edition diplomatique, Paris 1973 [Archives de 1' Athos, 6]. LEFORT 1981 LefortJ., Documents grecs dans /es archives de Topkap1 Sarayi. Contribution a l'histoire de Cem Sultan. Ankara 1981. LEFORT et al. 1985 Lefort J. - Oikonomides N. - Papachryssanthou D. -Metreveli H.,Actes d'Iviron, vol. 1: Des origines au milieu du Xie siecle. Paris 1985 [Archives de l'Athos, 14]. LEFORT et al. 1990 Lefort J. - Oikonomides N. - Papachryssanthou D. - Kravari V. - Metreveli H., Actes d'Iviron, vol. 2: Du milieu du Xie siecle a 1204. Paris 1990 [Archives de l'Athos, 16]. LEFORT et al. 1994 Lefort J. -Oikonomides N. - Papachryssanthou D. - Kravari V. Metreveli H.,Actes d'Iviron, vol. 3: De 1204 a /328. Paris 1994 [Archives de 1' Athos, 18]. LAMBROS 1907
2. Non-literary Texts
LEFORT et al. 1995
LEFORT et al. 2006
LEGRAND 1903
LEHFELDT 1989
)xx.xix
Lefort J. -Oikonomides N. -Papachryssanthou D. -Kravari V., Actes d'Iviron, vol. 4: De 1328 au debut du XV/e siecle. Paris 1995 [Archives de l'Athos, 19]. Lefort J. - Kravari V. - Giros Chr. - Smyrlis K., Actes de Vatopedi, vol. 2: De 1330 a1376. Paris 2006 [Archives de 1' Athos, 22]. Legrand E., Recueil de documents grecs concemant les relations du Patriarchal de Jerusalem avec la Roumanie (1569-1728). Seconde edition revue et corrigee, Paris 1903 [Bibliotheque grecque vulgaire, 7]. Lehfeldt W., Eine Sprachlehre von der Hohen Pforte. Ein
arabisch-persisch-griechisch-serbisches Gespriichslehrbuch vom Hofe des Sultans aus dem 15. Jahrhundert als Quelle fiir die Geschichte der serbischen Sprache. Mit Beitragen von T. Berger, C. Correll, G. S. Henrich, W. Lehfeldt. Cologne and Vienna 1989 LEMERLE 1977 LEMERLE 1988 LEMERLE et al. 1970
LEMERLE et al. 1977
LEMERLE et al. 1979
LEMERLE et al. 1982
LIATA 1975 LIATA 1976 LIATA 1986
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KEqio:i\atov A'. tita8,;KT) Aav8ou Mov66:vov EK TptKKCXAc..)V», Hrmpc,mxa Xpovixa 11 (1936) 17-20. MERTZIOS 1936b MepT,tos K. ti., «Tb Ev Bevenc;x "Hmtpc..)TtKbv i\pxeiov. Keqio:i\atov B'. 16ic:,,)TtKbV ':A.pxeiov r. xcrl E. 'HyovµEVc..)V», 'H1TElfXJJTIXCX Xpovixa 11 (1936) 41-64. MERTZIOS 1936c MepT,lOS' K. ti., «Tb EV Bevenc;x 'HnEtpc..)TtKbV i\pxeiov. Keqio:i\atOV ti'. 'H O')(OAT\ TWV i\611v&v», 'H1TElfXJJTIXa Xpov,xa 11 ( 1936) 84-91. MERTZIOS 1936d MepT,lOS K. ti., «Tb EV Bevenc;x 'Hrretpc..)TtKbV i\pxeiov. Keqio:i\mov IT'. 'H axoi\ri "Eµµavov+ti\ ryi6vµa ev 1wavv{vois», 'Hm,pc,mxa Xpovixa 11 (1936) 100-10. MERTZIOS 1936e MepT,tOS' K. ti., «Tb ev Bevenc;x 'Hnetpc..)TlKOV i\pxeiov. Keqi6:i\atoV Z'. TTo:vos 1epoµVT)µc..>v», 'Hm,po.mxa Xpov,xa 11 (1936) 111-39. MERTZIOS 1936f MepT,tOS K. ti., «Tb ev Bevenc;x "Hmtpc..>TtKOV i\pxeiov. Keqi6:i\a1ov KA'. TTapcxpTT)µa eis TTJV µovoypaqilav '"H oiKoyeveta T&v fAu1v ii fAuK116c.)V"», 'H1TElfXJJnxa Xpovixa 11 (1936) 295-327. 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Mirambel A., 'H via EAA'7VIJ{'7 y'Mxlcm: 1TEprypaq,ri xal avaAVCTIJ. Translation by S. Caratzas. Thessaloniki 1978. Mitford T. B., "Inscriptiones Ponticae-Sebastopolis", Zeitschrift MITFORD 1991 fiir Papyrologie und Epigraphik 87 (1991) 181-243. Mitsakis K., The Language of Romanos the Melodist. Munich MITSAKIS 1967 1967 [Byzantinisches Archiv, 11]. See Diig. Alex. Kin Bibliography of literary works. MITSAKIS 1983 Moennig U., «An6 To xe1p6ypaq,o a-ro e1lKTJ ,rpocreyyicrT) O"Ta TepµOTa TOOV µecrona6T)TIKWV EVEO"TWTa KOO napaTOTlKou Toov "J3apuTovoov" pfJµcrcra Tc.,v AnoµvT)µoveuµcxw>v Tov 0e66c.,pou KoAoKoTpwVT)». In KATSIMALI et al. 2004. PANDELIDIS 2005 TTo:VTeAi6TJs N., «- 6VTouo-cxv», Studies in Greek Linguistics 25 (2005) 473-83. PANDELIDIS 2008 TTavTeAl6TJs N., «H 'evonoiT)O'TJ TOV ,ro:pc.,xTJµevou': lO"TOplKTJ npocrtyyicrTJ µe J3cxo-T) T1'1 µapTUp{o: Toov VEOEAATJVlKWV 6iaAEKTC.,V». In A. Moser et al. (eds.), rMJo-011> xapzv. Toµo> aq,tEpruµtvor amS Tov T oµta rA(A)(JaoJioyfar OTOV xa07JY7JT11 frclJpyzo Mrraµ·mv1clJT7J. Athens 2008, 289-302. PANDELIDIS 2010 TTavnA{6TJs N., «MapTUpies yicx T1'1 61o:xpovlo: TWV veoei\AT)v1Koov 6iaAEKTc.,v: TJ mpl1TT(,.)CJTJ TTlS TlEAonovvricrou», Studies in Greek Linguistics 30 (2010) 464-76. PANDELIDIS 2011 TTo:vTeAi6TJs N., «PT)µaTtKTJ M1TlKTJ µopq,oAoyio: Tou µeyo:p1Kou 16100µ0Tos», Patras Working Papers in Linguistics 2 (2011) 1-15. PANDELIDIS 2016a TlaVTEAi6TJs N., «To pT)µCXTIK6 mi6T)µa -(l)O"K- CJTTlV Ko:,r,ro:6oKlKTJ». In A. Ralli et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the 6th Modem Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory Meeting (MGDLT6) Patras, 25-28 September 2014. Patras 2016, 133-42. PANDELIDIS 2016b TTavTeAl6TJs N., «To naAo:1oa8TJva·iK6 16!00µ0:: 1TTJYES, µo:pTupies. xapO:KTTlP1CJTIKcx», rJiruaaoJioy{a 24 (2016) 103-46. PANDELIDIS 2016c TTo:VTEAi6T)S N., «Mia VOTlOEAA0:6lKTJ 6iaAEKTIKTJ {wvT);», Studies in Greek Linguistics 36 (2016) 303-13. PANDELIDIS forthcoming TTo:VTeAl6TJs N., «Ta mAonovvT)o-to:Kcx 16looµOTa». In Ch. Tzitzilis (ed.), NE0Eil?i71vzxtr LlzaiuXToz. Thessaloniki (forthcoming). PANGALOS 1955 TTayKOAOS r .• TTEpi TOV YA(A)(JO'IJ{OV iSzclJµcrror TT/) Kp1]T1Jf, vol. 1: Eicrayc.,yri - rpo:µµcxnKTJ. Athens 1955. PANTELIDIS See also PANDELIDIS. Pantelidis N., ''The active imperfect of the verbs of the '2nd PANTELIDIS 2003 conjugation' in the Peloponnesian varieties of Modem Greek", Journal of Greek Linguistics 4 (2003) 3-43. PAPACHRISTODOULOU 1959 TTanaxp10"To6ouAOV x .. «Mopq>oAoyia TWV po61TtKOOV l61c.,µcxTC.,V», ilruSExaV7Jazaxov 'ApxEfuv 3 (1953) 9-106. PAPADAMOU 2009 . TTo:naSaµou, E., Lliaxpovzxry xaz Szcrromtj E{ha011 T7Jf E{Eil.1{77r, TOU Y. Unpublished MA thesis, University ofThessaloniki. PAPADOPOULLOS 1983 Papadopoullos Th., ''Les textes grecs du Livre des Remembrances". In J. Pichard, Le Livre des Remembrances de la Secrete du Royaume de Chypre (1468-/469), Nicosia 1983 [Centre de Recherches Scientifiques, Sources et Etudes de l'histoire de Chypre, 10], 217-27. PAPADOPOULOS 1917 TTana661TOUAOS 'A. 'A., «TomKC< tmppflµOTO: Ti\S 1TOVTIKfiS 61aAEKTOU», 'A01]vei 29 (1917) 109-56.
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OUDIN, Lex.
Oudin C., Thresor des deux langues Espagnolle et Franroise, vol. 2. Paris 1607. OusPENSKY/BENECHEVITCH 1927 Ouspensky Th. - Benechevitch V., Acres de Vazelon: Materiaux pour servir a l'histoire de la propriete rurale et monastique aByzance aux XIII-XV siecles. Leningrad 1927. . PAGONI-TETLOW 1998 Pagoni-Tetlow S., "Breaking up is (not) hard to do. The case of the Modem Greek 'pt'/'kt' sequences". In B. D Joseph, G. C. Horrocks and I. Philippaki-Warburton (eds.), 11zemes in Greek Linguistics II. Amsterdam 1998, 3-22. PANAYOTAKIS 1993 Panayotakis, N. M. (ed.), Origini della letteratura neogreca: Atti del secondo Congresso lntemazionale «Neograeca Medii Aevi» (Venezia, 7-10 Novembre 1991). 2 vols. Venice 1993 [Biblioteca dell'Istituto Ellenico di Studi Bizantini e Postbizantini di Venezia, 14-15]. PANAYOTOU 1990 PanayotouA., La Langue des inscriptions grecques de Macedoine (Ne s. a.C. - Viles. p.C.). Phonetique, phonologie et morphologie. Unpublished PhD thesis, Universite Nancy II, 1990. TTavayic.:>Tov A., «ooVT)TlKTJ KOO q,oovoAoy{a TOOV EAATJVlKWV PANAYOTOU 1992a emypaq,wv TTlS MaKe6ovias», Eil?i71v1X1J LliaiuxTolioy{a 3 (1992) 5-32. TTavay100Tov A., «E~eAl~TJ Tov ov6µaTOS KOO Tou pT)µaTOs PANAYOTOU 1992b TTlS DJ.T)VlKT)S KOT1Kcx 6e6oµeva TTlS MaKe6ov{as», Studies in Greek Linguistics 12 (1992) 13-32. PanayotouA., ''Arcado-Cypriot". In A.-F. Christidis (ed.), A PANAYOTOU 2007 History ofAncient Greek: From the Beginnings to Late Antiquity. Cambridge 2007, 417-26. See also p ANTELIDIS. PANDELIDIS PANDELIDIS 1922 TTrorreAi6TJs Xp. r., «Kvnp1aKov xe1p6ypaq,ov», 'A071vei 34 (1922) 130-65. PANDELIDIS 1927/8 TTaVTeA{6TJs Xp. r., «TTpocr&fJKTJ Kai o:q,aipECJlS -CJ- ,rpo cruµq,wvou tv cxpxal~, µecra1oov1Kfi Kal vil~ eMTJVlKfi», ByzantinischNeugriechische Jahrbucher 6 (1927/8) 401-31. PANDELIDIS 1929 TTaVTeAi6TJs Xp. r., (J)(A)V1]TIXTJ T&Jv VEOEAA1JVIX&:>v iSzruµcrr(A)V Kwpou, &>SExaVl]O"ou xal '/xapfar. Athens 1929. PANDELIDIS 1999 TTaVTeAi6TJS N., «Mia npwTTl yAOOcrcroyeooypaq>lKTJ ,rpocreyyicrT) O"Ta TepµOTa TOOV µecrona6T)TIKWV EVEO"TWTa KOO napaTOTlKou Toov "J3apuTovoov" pfJµcrcra Tc.,v AnoµvT)µoveuµcxw>v Tov 0e66c.,pou KoAoKoTpwVT)». In KATSIMALI et al. 2004. PANDELIDIS 2005 TTo:VTeAi6TJs N., «- 6VTouo-cxv», Studies in Greek Linguistics 25 (2005) 473-83. PANDELIDIS 2008 TTavTeAl6TJs N., «H 'evonoiT)O'TJ TOV ,ro:pc.,xTJµevou': lO"TOplKTJ npocrtyyicrTJ µe J3cxo-T) T1'1 µapTUp{o: Toov VEOEAATJVlKWV 6iaAEKTC.,V». In A. Moser et al. (eds.), rMJo-011> xapzv. Toµo> aq,tEpruµtvor amS Tov T oµta rA(A)(JaoJioyfar OTOV xa07JY7JT11 frclJpyzo Mrraµ·mv1clJT7J. Athens 2008, 289-302. PANDELIDIS 2010 TTavnA{6TJs N., «MapTUpies yicx T1'1 61o:xpovlo: TWV veoei\AT)v1Koov 6iaAEKTc.,v: TJ mpl1TT(,.)CJTJ TTlS TlEAonovvricrou», Studies in Greek Linguistics 30 (2010) 464-76. PANDELIDIS 2011 TTo:vTeAi6TJs N., «PT)µaTtKTJ M1TlKTJ µopq,oAoyio: Tou µeyo:p1Kou 16100µ0Tos», Patras Working Papers in Linguistics 2 (2011) 1-15. PANDELIDIS 2016a TlaVTEAi6TJs N., «To pT)µCXTIK6 mi6T)µa -(l)O"K- CJTTlV Ko:,r,ro:6oKlKTJ». In A. Ralli et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the 6th Modem Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory Meeting (MGDLT6) Patras, 25-28 September 2014. Patras 2016, 133-42. PANDELIDIS 2016b TTavTeAl6TJs N., «To naAo:1oa8TJva·iK6 16!00µ0:: 1TTJYES, µo:pTupies. xapO:KTTlP1CJTIKcx», rJiruaaoJioy{a 24 (2016) 103-46. PANDELIDIS 2016c TTo:VTEAi6T)S N., «Mia VOTlOEAA0:6lKTJ 6iaAEKTIKTJ {wvT);», Studies in Greek Linguistics 36 (2016) 303-13. PANDELIDIS forthcoming TTo:VTeAl6TJs N., «Ta mAonovvT)o-to:Kcx 16looµOTa». In Ch. Tzitzilis (ed.), NE0Eil?i71vzxtr LlzaiuXToz. Thessaloniki (forthcoming). PANGALOS 1955 TTayKOAOS r .• TTEpi TOV YA(A)(JO'IJ{OV iSzclJµcrror TT/) Kp1]T1Jf, vol. 1: Eicrayc.,yri - rpo:µµcxnKTJ. Athens 1955. PANTELIDIS See also PANDELIDIS. Pantelidis N., ''The active imperfect of the verbs of the '2nd PANTELIDIS 2003 conjugation' in the Peloponnesian varieties of Modem Greek", Journal of Greek Linguistics 4 (2003) 3-43. PAPACHRISTODOULOU 1959 TTanaxp10"To6ouAOV x .. «Mopq>oAoyia TWV po61TtKOOV l61c.,µcxTC.,V», ilruSExaV7Jazaxov 'ApxEfuv 3 (1953) 9-106. PAPADAMOU 2009 . TTo:naSaµou, E., Lliaxpovzxry xaz Szcrromtj E{ha011 T7Jf E{Eil.1{77r, TOU Y. Unpublished MA thesis, University ofThessaloniki. PAPADOPOULLOS 1983 Papadopoullos Th., ''Les textes grecs du Livre des Remembrances". In J. Pichard, Le Livre des Remembrances de la Secrete du Royaume de Chypre (1468-/469), Nicosia 1983 [Centre de Recherches Scientifiques, Sources et Etudes de l'histoire de Chypre, 10], 217-27. PAPADOPOULOS 1917 TTana661TOUAOS 'A. 'A., «TomKC< tmppflµOTO: Ti\S 1TOVTIKfiS 61aAEKTOU», 'A01]vei 29 (1917) 109-56.
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3. Secondary Works
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PAPADOPOULOS 1926 TTcrna6crrrouAOS 'A. 'A., rpaµµawcq TWV {3opEl(A)1/ toz(A)µCXT(,)1/ Tfjf vfof iJiA71111xfif yM>uCJT/f• Athens 1926. PAPADOPOULOS 1940 Tlcrna661TOUAOS 'A. 'A., «'EmppT)µv va~1aK&v eyypacpoov (1633-1837) Kal TO ,raAa16Tepov va~taKOV i6fooµa», 'ErrET1JPi> 'ErazpEfaf Kux?taS1xw11 MEmwv 1 (1968) 338-425. Psaltes S. B:, Grammatik der byzantinischen Chroniken. Gottingen 1913.
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Bibliography
Psichari J., Essais de grammaire historique neo-grecque. L'article Jeminin pluriel au moyen age et de nos jours et la premiere declinaison modeme. Paris 1886. Psichari J., Review of KRUMBACHER 1886, Revue Critique 22 PSICHARI 1888 (1888), 364-70; Reprinted as "La question du r intervocalique modeme" in PSICHARI 1930, 284-94. Psichari J., "Essais de grammaire historique: Le changement de I PSICHARI 1905 en r devant consonnes en grec ancien, medieval et moderne". In Recueil de memoires orientaux. Textes et traductions publies par les professeurs de ['Ecole speciale des langues orientales vivantes. Paris 1905, 231-6. Reprinted in PsICHARI 1930, 664-710. Psichari J. Quelques travaux de linguistique, de philologie et de PSICHARI 1930 litterature helleniques, 1884-1928. Paris 1930. See Irodis in Bibliography of literary works. PUCHNER 1998 PcxAAfl A., Mopq,oJ,,oyla. Athens 2005. RALLI 2005 RALLI 2013 Ralli A., Compounding in Modem Greek. Dordrecht 2013. RALLI et al. 2007 Ra1Ii A. - Melissaropoulou D. - Tsolakidis S., «O mxpaKdµevos aTT] vfo EAAfl\llKT) Kai O'TtS 6tT}f µE iµq,aaT] OTTJ 61a)(P011la xaz ovyxpovfa TTJ> 61aJiixrou. Athens 2009.
3. Secondary Works
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RINGE/ESKA 2013
Ringe D. -Eska J. F., Historical Linguistics: Toward a TwentyFirst Century Reintegration. Cambridge 2013. RIX 1992 Rix H., Historische Grammatik des Griechischen: Laut- und Formenlehre. 2nd edition. Darmstadt 1992. RoBERTS/Roussou 2003 Roberts I. - Roussou A., Syntactic Change: A Minimalist Approach to Grammaticalization. Cambridge 2003. ROBINS 1993 Robins R.H., The Byzantine Grammarians: Their Place in History. Berlin and New York 1993. ROHLFS 1964 Rohlfs G., Lexicon Graecanicum Graeciae Inferioris: Etymologisches Worterbuch der unteritalienischen Griizitiit. Tilbingen 1964. ROHLFS 1968 Rohlfs G., Grammatica storica delta lingua italiana e dei suoi dialetti, vol. 2: Mo,fologia. Translated by T. Franceschi. Turin 1968. ROHLFS 1977 Rohlfs G., Grammatica storica dei dialetti italogreci (Calabria, Salento). Translated from the German manuscript by Salvatore Sicuro. New edition completely revised and updated. Munich 1977. ROSENTHALL 1994 Rosenthall S., VoweVglide alternation in a theory of constraint interaction. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 1994. RUGE 1969a Ruge H., Zur Entstehung der neugriechischen Substantivdeklination. Stockholm 1969 [Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, Studia Graeca Stockholmiensia, 4]. RUGE 1969b Ruge H., "1st [j] ein Phonem im Neugriechischen?", Glotta 41 (1969) 243-8. RUGE 1984 Ruge H., "Zur Entstehung der neugriechischen mediopassiven Endungen", Folia Neohellenica 6 (1984) 132-43. RYTTING 2005 Rytting C., "An iota of difference: attitudes to 'yod' in lexical and social contexts", Journal of Greek Linguistics 6 (2005) 151-85. SAKELLARIOS 1891 !cxKeMap1os 'A. 'A., Ta KU1Tp1axa, frroz ye(i)ypaq,la, iOTopla xai yAWO"aa Tfjf IIT}O"OU KUTrpoU arro TWII apxalOTCXTCvll XPOIIC..:,11 µtx,pz ariµepov, vol. 2: 'H lv KUTrp~ yA&>aaa. Athens 1891.
SAKELLION 1869
SAY AR 1998
SCHMITT 1898
l:aKEMiwv 1, «'Airoypacp,; TOO\/ ev -rfl Movfi Tfis TTchµou aw~oµevwv emafiµoov eyypcxcpoov», TTav5 5zaAixTov. Nicosia 2006. ~vpKov A., To µEyap1x6 yik..>crovt6 16lc,.>µa: IIE(zxoypacpzxfi µEliiTr,. Athens 2006. Sznol S., "Medieval Judeo-Greek bibliography - texts and vocabularies", Jewish Studies 39 (1999) 107-32. Tabachovitz D., Sprachliche und textkritische Studien zur Chronik des Theophanes Confessor. Inauguraldissertation. Uppsala 1926. Tarabout Y., "L'interrogatif EiVTa ou iVTa 'quoi?' du grec modeme dialectal", Bulletin de la Societe Linguistique de Paris 73 (1978) 301-10. Teodorsson S. T., The Phonemic System of the Attic Dialect, 400340 B.C. Goteborg 1974 [Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis].
THUMB 1910
0a~OOPTJS A., «To ,rpouv(E)IKOS TOU 'Hpoov6a Kal 11 lTCXAatOTT]Ta T&v yvooo-T&v yvoop1crµchoov T&v ~opEioov VEOEAATJVIK&v i61ooµO"O"ll Iii lu/ /ts/-ldzl lyl > Iii
[b] [d]
Abbreviations
Cross-references within the Grammar are given by Chapter and Section, e.g. 2.6.3, if they refer to the same Part, but if to a different Part they begin with the relevant Part number, e.g. II, 3.1.
Periods and Dates AG EMedG LMedG EMG MG SMG ca. c.
Ancient Greek Early Medieval Greek Late Medieval Greek Early Modern Greek Modern Greek Standard Modem Greek circa century
General app. crit f., ff. ibid. id./idem/eadem ms(s) vs.
apparatus criticus folio(s) in the same text, i.e. the one cited immediately before by the same author manuscript(s) versus
Grammatical Terms acc. act. adv. aor. Flfem. fut. gen. imp. imperf. ind. inf. M/masc. Nlneut.
accusative active adverb aorist feminine future genitive imperative imperfect indicative infinitive masculine neuter
clxviii
Correspondence Table of Graphemes and Phonemes
Phoneme
Allophone
[IJg] - [g] [IJg] - [g]
EU
le/ lafl-lavl Ing/ Ing/ Iii lefl-levl
µ-rr
/rob/
Digraph a1 au
yy YK El
VT
01 OU
T~ Ul
Ind/ /yl> Iii lu/ /ts/-ldzl lyl > Iii
[b] [d]
Abbreviations
Cross-references within the Grammar are given by Chapter and Section, e.g. 2.6.3, if they refer to the same Part, but if to a different Part they begin with the relevant Part number, e.g. II, 3.1.
Periods and Dates AG EMedG LMedG EMG MG SMG ca. c.
Ancient Greek Early Medieval Greek Late Medieval Greek Early Modern Greek Modern Greek Standard Modem Greek circa century
General app. crit f., ff. ibid. id./idem/eadem ms(s) vs.
apparatus criticus folio(s) in the same text, i.e. the one cited immediately before by the same author manuscript(s) versus
Grammatical Terms acc. act. adv. aor. Flfem. fut. gen. imp. imperf. ind. inf. M/masc. Nlneut.
accusative active adverb aorist feminine future genitive imperative imperfect indicative infinitive masculine neuter
clx.x
List of Abbreviations
NP
nom. pass. perf. pl. pluperf. pp
prep. pres. pron. sg. subj. voe. VP
noun phrase nominative passive perfect plural (e.g. 3 pl. = 3rd person plural) pluperfect prepositional phrase . preposition present pronoun singular (e.g. 1 sg. = 1st person singular) subjunctive vocative verb phrase
Languages Alb. Albanian Fr. French IE lndo-European Ital. Italian MedLaL Medieval Latin Lat Latin Occit. Occitan OFr. Old French Port. Portuguese Rom. Romanian Slav. Slavonic Turk. Turkish Ven. Venetian
Part I Phonology
clx.x
List of Abbreviations
NP
nom. pass. perf. pl. pluperf. pp
prep. pres. pron. sg. subj. voe. VP
noun phrase nominative passive perfect plural (e.g. 3 pl. = 3rd person plural) pluperfect prepositional phrase . preposition present pronoun singular (e.g. 1 sg. = 1st person singular) subjunctive vocative verb phrase
Languages Alb. Albanian Fr. French IE lndo-European Ital. Italian MedLaL Medieval Latin Lat Latin Occit. Occitan OFr. Old French Port. Portuguese Rom. Romanian Slav. Slavonic Turk. Turkish Ven. Venetian
Part I Phonology
1
Introduction
1.1
Theoretical preliminaries
The analysis of the phonetics and phonology of a "dead" language presents greater difficulties than that of its morphology or syntax, since, by definition, it requires access to the sounds of the language, which are irrecoverable from the written record. The written record does not permit any conclusions concerning the "real", phonetic, realization of the sounds under investigation. Furthermore, the conservativeness inherent in all writing/orthographic systems allows sound changes to remain hidden for centuries, sometimes even millennia. (To take a random example, the change /ail> /e/ in Greek, dated to the first centuries AD, is still not reflected in standard MG orthography.) Additionally, alphabetical systems (such as the MedG and EMG one) are phonological and only rarely offer insights into allophonic realizations. As a further complicating factor, scribal/copying errors are more liable to be interpreted as "true" phenomena in the domain of phonology than in other domains. Finally, it is only for sound changes, and not for changes in the morphology or the syntax, that theoretical historical linguistics makes an assumption of regularity: sound changes are expected to apply in a specific phonetic context, all extralinguistic factors being equal, across the board and without exceptions. Therefore, the persistent variation exhibited by medieval texts (and in particular by MedG and EMG ones) in the application of sound changes, which is confirmed by the variation exhibited even in the modern form of the Greek language and its dialects, is in more urgent need of explanation, and the presence/ absence of a feature or phenomenon in a specific text in greater need of verification/corroboration from alternative sources.• To counteract these problems, historical phonological research (and, as a result, Part I of this Grammar) attaches particular importance to: (a) graphematics (diplomatic versions of texts, texts written in other alphabets, the apparatus criticus of critical editions); (b) comparative/corroborating evidence from earlier and later forms of the language; and (c) general theoretical analyses of linguistic phenomena. However, "peripheral" information on a phenomenon is here kept to a minimum, used in order to assist its dating, localization and interpretation, and the reader is directed to the relevant secondary literature for further details. The aim is to provide a short historical overview of each sound change, from its earliest attestations up to and including the Early Modem period, detailed information as to the linguistic and extralinguistic factors affecting its distribution, and, where possible, an interpretation.
1
On these issues cf. MANOLESSOU 2008a. MANOLESSOU/TOUFEXIS 2009.
1
Introduction
1.1
Theoretical preliminaries
The analysis of the phonetics and phonology of a "dead" language presents greater difficulties than that of its morphology or syntax, since, by definition, it requires access to the sounds of the language, which are irrecoverable from the written record. The written record does not permit any conclusions concerning the "real", phonetic, realization of the sounds under investigation. Furthermore, the conservativeness inherent in all writing/orthographic systems allows sound changes to remain hidden for centuries, sometimes even millennia. (To take a random example, the change /ail> /e/ in Greek, dated to the first centuries AD, is still not reflected in standard MG orthography.) Additionally, alphabetical systems (such as the MedG and EMG one) are phonological and only rarely offer insights into allophonic realizations. As a further complicating factor, scribal/copying errors are more liable to be interpreted as "true" phenomena in the domain of phonology than in other domains. Finally, it is only for sound changes, and not for changes in the morphology or the syntax, that theoretical historical linguistics makes an assumption of regularity: sound changes are expected to apply in a specific phonetic context, all extralinguistic factors being equal, across the board and without exceptions. Therefore, the persistent variation exhibited by medieval texts (and in particular by MedG and EMG ones) in the application of sound changes, which is confirmed by the variation exhibited even in the modern form of the Greek language and its dialects, is in more urgent need of explanation, and the presence/ absence of a feature or phenomenon in a specific text in greater need of verification/corroboration from alternative sources.• To counteract these problems, historical phonological research (and, as a result, Part I of this Grammar) attaches particular importance to: (a) graphematics (diplomatic versions of texts, texts written in other alphabets, the apparatus criticus of critical editions); (b) comparative/corroborating evidence from earlier and later forms of the language; and (c) general theoretical analyses of linguistic phenomena. However, "peripheral" information on a phenomenon is here kept to a minimum, used in order to assist its dating, localization and interpretation, and the reader is directed to the relevant secondary literature for further details. The aim is to provide a short historical overview of each sound change, from its earliest attestations up to and including the Early Modem period, detailed information as to the linguistic and extralinguistic factors affecting its distribution, and, where possible, an interpretation.
1
On these issues cf. MANOLESSOU 2008a. MANOLESSOU/TOUFEXIS 2009.
I Phonology
4
The adoption of a specific theoretical viewpoint for the presentation of the phonology of MedG and EMG was deemed impractical. Phonology by definition refers to a specific phonological system, which in turn implies a specific linguistic community at a specific time. On the contrary, the description provided here is diachronic and diatopic: it encompasses a variety of local phonological systems evolving over several centuries, which may be very similar but cannot be viewed as identical. An additional difficulty is the fact that modem linguistic research on the historical phonology of later Greek (from EMedG onwards) is seriously lagging behind in comparison to the solid work done for other languages, and thus in most cases there is no secondary literature to rely on for the analysis of the data. The issue is further complicated by the fact that the major controversial issues of MedG phonology, which are very similar (frequently identical) to those of MG and its dialects, are by no means resolved by modem theory,2 despite the additional advantages that a spoken language with living native speakers can offer (the possibility of experimental phonetic analysis, elicitation tests, comprehensive and representative data coverage etc.); therefore it can hardly be expected for them to be settled for MedG, which presents all the difficulties (discussed above) inherent in a language transmitted only through the written medium . . Finally, since much of the data presented here is made available to the scholarly community for the first time, an effort has been made to couch them in an, as far as possible, theory-neutral framework, so that they may be usable by as many scholars as possible, whatever their linguistic or philological background.
1.2
Presentation
In the first sections of Chapters 2 and 3 the sounds constituting the MedG and EMG system . are described, by articulat~ry class. For each Class, information is provided as to (a) the historical origin of the sounds comprised in it, (b) the allophonic variants of these sounds, (c) where necessary, their graphematic representation and (d) the regular changes affecting them, with cross-references to the subsections where each change is discussed. In the next sections, the major sound changes ofMedG and EMG are described. As discussed above, and as will become evident from the presentation of the data, few of the sound changes discussed display regularity. It was therefore indispensable to provide a larger number of examples than is strictly necessary for the illustration of each change as a linguistic phenomenon per se; the aim was to provide comprehensive documentation pertaining to the spread and distribution of the phenomenon according to period, area and register. The list of examples for each change is arranged first by phonetic environment and secondarily in chronological order. There is an important exception to this practice: all "affected" attestations of a lexical item are presented together, irrespective of chronological order, and inserted in the sequence of examples on the basis of the earliest attestation of the "changed" form. This is because it is crucial to verify whether an early change appearing in a certain lexical item is indeed a true instantiation of this change; and not a one-off 2
For recent and easily accessible overviews of the major issues in MG phonetics and phonology and the various alternative proposals see MALIKOUTI-DllACHMAN 2001 and AllVANJTI 2007. ·
1 Introduction
5
performance error which accidentally corresponds in form to it This corroboration can be provided only by th~ consistent presence of the "changed" form in other areas and periods. In the case of maJor changes of Panhellenic spread no attempt is made to provide examples from all areas where the phenomenon is attested; instead, the list of examples aims to cover the various phonetic environments and gives emphasis to the earliest attestations. By contrast, in the case of sound changes of regional or dialectal status, an effort is made to provide examples from all the areas where the change is attested.
I Phonology
4
The adoption of a specific theoretical viewpoint for the presentation of the phonology of MedG and EMG was deemed impractical. Phonology by definition refers to a specific phonological system, which in turn implies a specific linguistic community at a specific time. On the contrary, the description provided here is diachronic and diatopic: it encompasses a variety of local phonological systems evolving over several centuries, which may be very similar but cannot be viewed as identical. An additional difficulty is the fact that modem linguistic research on the historical phonology of later Greek (from EMedG onwards) is seriously lagging behind in comparison to the solid work done for other languages, and thus in most cases there is no secondary literature to rely on for the analysis of the data. The issue is further complicated by the fact that the major controversial issues of MedG phonology, which are very similar (frequently identical) to those of MG and its dialects, are by no means resolved by modem theory,2 despite the additional advantages that a spoken language with living native speakers can offer (the possibility of experimental phonetic analysis, elicitation tests, comprehensive and representative data coverage etc.); therefore it can hardly be expected for them to be settled for MedG, which presents all the difficulties (discussed above) inherent in a language transmitted only through the written medium . . Finally, since much of the data presented here is made available to the scholarly community for the first time, an effort has been made to couch them in an, as far as possible, theory-neutral framework, so that they may be usable by as many scholars as possible, whatever their linguistic or philological background.
1.2
Presentation
In the first sections of Chapters 2 and 3 the sounds constituting the MedG and EMG system . are described, by articulat~ry class. For each Class, information is provided as to (a) the historical origin of the sounds comprised in it, (b) the allophonic variants of these sounds, (c) where necessary, their graphematic representation and (d) the regular changes affecting them, with cross-references to the subsections where each change is discussed. In the next sections, the major sound changes ofMedG and EMG are described. As discussed above, and as will become evident from the presentation of the data, few of the sound changes discussed display regularity. It was therefore indispensable to provide a larger number of examples than is strictly necessary for the illustration of each change as a linguistic phenomenon per se; the aim was to provide comprehensive documentation pertaining to the spread and distribution of the phenomenon according to period, area and register. The list of examples for each change is arranged first by phonetic environment and secondarily in chronological order. There is an important exception to this practice: all "affected" attestations of a lexical item are presented together, irrespective of chronological order, and inserted in the sequence of examples on the basis of the earliest attestation of the "changed" form. This is because it is crucial to verify whether an early change appearing in a certain lexical item is indeed a true instantiation of this change; and not a one-off 2
For recent and easily accessible overviews of the major issues in MG phonetics and phonology and the various alternative proposals see MALIKOUTI-DllACHMAN 2001 and AllVANJTI 2007. ·
1 Introduction
5
performance error which accidentally corresponds in form to it This corroboration can be provided only by th~ consistent presence of the "changed" form in other areas and periods. In the case of maJor changes of Panhellenic spread no attempt is made to provide examples from all areas where the phenomenon is attested; instead, the list of examples aims to cover the various phonetic environments and gives emphasis to the earliest attestations. By contrast, in the case of sound changes of regional or dialectal status, an effort is made to provide examples from all the areas where the change is attested.
2 Vowels
2
2.1.2
Vowels
7
Diphthongs
The vowel system also includes a series of diphthongs, i.e. tautosyllabic combinations of an open or mid vowel+ the vocalic semivowel [i] (falling diphthongs):
2.1
Overall Description of the Vowel System
2.1.1
Simple Vowels
At the beginning of the LMedG period, the vowel system has six isochronous vowels, being a continuation of the late Koine and EMedG system. The mas_sive _c~ang_es leading to this system (monophthongization of AG diphthongs, loss of quantity d1stmctions) were already completed by the end of the Koine period and are therefore not discussed here (see HORROCKS 22010: 160-70 for details). The EMedG vowel system has three high vowels (front Ii, y/, back /u/), two mid vowels (front /e/, back /o/) and one open low vowel (/al) (Fig. 1).
a
Fig. I: The Vowel System of Early Medieval Greek
After the merger of /y/ and Iii towards the end of the 10th c. (see 2.4.6.1 ), a stable five-vowel system, /a e i o u/, is in place (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 202-65; HORROCKS 2 2010: 274). The high vowel Iii possesses a semi-vocalic allophonic variant ill when preceded or followed by another vowel. Around the 13th c., after the phenomenon of synizesis has applied (see 2.9.4), [i] acquires phonemic status, enriching the phoneme inventory with an additional phoneme, the semivowel /j/, which has multiple realizations dependent on the phonetic environment (see 2.4.7). This system undergoes no further changes, remaining stable until MG (Fig. 2).
a
Fig. 2: The Vowel System of Late Medieval, Early Modem and Modem Greek
[ail
[ell
[ui]
yai'rav1
xJo.alE1
[u] in ''northern" (cf. 2.5.4) and "southern" dialects (back vowel raising; cf. 2.8.3) from the fact that it occurs both in stressed and unstressed syllables, in words of Romance origin. The S. Italian raising of /o/ > /u/ (see 2.5.4) is again a different case, it appears in both native and borrowed words, and derives from contact with local Romance dialects which have a different vowel system. Examples: Joi > Ju/ stressed &povvav Chron. Mor. H 1563
as
· o KOVVTT)S (1388, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 101, 99.2) < Fr. comte KoOVT01, ,rply1mro1Alosis 177 transcr. (Lendari) (Legrand: KovvTovs, nplyKmais) Kav6vtKoS Kal KaVToOpos (1431,Athens, BUCHON 1843: LXIX, 290.2) < Ital. cantore ov [i] - "raising vocalism" (see 2.5.4) /e/ > [i] - synizesis (see 2.9.4) /e/ >lo/-: labialization (see 2.8.2) : · •· Prothesis and aphaeresis (see 2.6.1 and 2.7.1) Word-final addition (see 2.6.3 and II, 2 passim, II, 3 passim, II, 5 passim, III, 4 passim)
I Phonology
8
2 Vowels
[u] respectively when unstressed, and the vowel system has five members, /a e i o u/, in stressed syllables, but only three, /a i u/, in unstressed ones. The dating of the phenomenon is still a matter of controversy, but there is no doubt that it was in place in the LMedG period. Its extent was roughly that of the MG period, i.e. central and northern mainland Greece and several Aegean islands.
2.3.
i' I
i
Quality of the Vowels
Written records naturally provide no evidence concerning the precise degree of height, openness or duration of the MedG and EMO vowels, which might have varied according to region or dialect. It is probable that they were quite similar to the MG ones; an indication of this, apart from the fact that they behave similarly in similar environments (i.e. almost all MedG phonetic changes appear in MG and its dialects as well), derives from the contrast with the vowel systems of languages with which MedG came into contact. More precisely, there is considerable evidence that at least the mid vowels /e/ and /o/ were more open in MedG than the corresponding vowels in Medieval French and Italian, just as MG /e o/ are more open than French or Italian/e o/, and were in fact realized, as in MG, as [c] and [:,] respectively. The evidence consists in the adaptation of Romance loanwords in Greek, which consistently show /u/ instead of /o/ and (less frequently) fJ/ instead of/e/ (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 289-90; TRIANDAPHYLLIDIS 1909: 24-9; PERNOT 1907/46: I 148). The phenomenon can be distinguished from the similar raising of [o] > [u] in ''northern" (cf. 2.5.4) and "southern" dialects (back vowel raising; cf. 2.8.3) from the fact that it occurs both in stressed and unstressed syllables, in words of Romance origin. The S. Italian raising of /o/ > /u/ (see 2.5.4) is again a different case, it appears in both native and borrowed words, and derives from contact with local Romance dialects which have a different vowel system. Examples: Joi > Ju/ stressed &povvav Chron. Mor. H 1563
as
· o KOVVTT)S (1388, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 101, 99.2) < Fr. comte KoOVT01, ,rply1mro1Alosis 177 transcr. (Lendari) (Legrand: KovvTovs, nplyKmais) Kav6vtKoS Kal KaVToOpos (1431,Athens, BUCHON 1843: LXIX, 290.2) < Ital. cantore ov [i] - "raising vocalism" (see 2.5.4) /e/ > [i] - synizesis (see 2.9.4) /e/ >lo/-: labialization (see 2.8.2) : · •· Prothesis and aphaeresis (see 2.6.1 and 2.7.1) Word-final addition (see 2.6.3 and II, 2 passim, II, 3 passim, II, 5 passim, III, 4 passim)
2 Vowels
I Phonology
11 '
• Deletion (see 2.9.2) • Crasis (see 2.9.5) • Assimilation and dissimilation (see 2.8.5)
2.4.3
/o/
/o/ is a direct inheritance from Koine and EMedG lo/, which in tum originates from the
merger of the AG vowels /o/ and /-J:/. It is a back mid vowel, appearing in initial, medial and final position. In the so-called "northern" dialects it has an allophone [u] when unstressed. /o/ is affected by the following phenomena: • Joi> [u] - "raising vocalism" (see 2.5.4)
• • • • •
lo/> le/ in the adjacency of liquids and nasals (see 2.8.1) lo/> Jul - back vowel raising (see 2.8.3) Prothesis and aphaeresis (see 2.6.1 and 2.7.1) Deletion (see 2.9.2) Assimilation and dissimilation (see 2.8.5)
2.4.4
/u/
/u/ is a direct inheritance from Koine /u/, which in turn stems from the raising of AG /o:/
and the monophthongization of the AG diphthong /ou/. It also arises from a series of backing and raising changes of lo/ and [ii during the EMedG and LMedG periods (see 2.8.3, 2.8.4), as well as, in more restricted cases, from EMedG /y/ (see 2.4.6). It is a high back vowel which can appear in all positions. /u/ is affected by the following phenomena: • • • • •
Deletion as part of "raising vocalism" (see 2.5.4) lu/ > lo/ - lowering (see 2.5.4) Deletion (see 2.7 and 2.9) Crasis (see 2.9.5) Assimilation and dissimilation (see 2.8.5)
2.4.5
ft/
/i/ is a direct inheritance from Koine /i/, which in tum stems from a variety of AG sources: the merger of /i/ and Ii:/, the raising of /e:/ and /c:/ and the monophthongization of the diphthong /ei/, as well as from EMedG /y/ (see 2.4.6). There is one area where AG /c:/ evolved to /e/ and not to /i/, namely Pontos; for this see 2.5.2. [ii is a high front vowel which can appear in all positions. Due to its complex phonological history, it is spelled in a bewildering variety of ways: as , in the Greek alphabet and as in the Latin alphabet.
.,i
/i/ is affected by the following phenomena: • • • • • • • •
'
Synizesis (see 2.9.4) Deletion as part of "raising vocalism" (see 2.5.4) Iii> /el - lowering (see 2.5.4) Iii> le/ in the adjacency of liquids and nasals (see 2.8.1) Ii/> lu/ (see 2.8.4) Deletion (see 2.7 and 2.9) Prothesis and aphaeresis (see 2.6.1 and 2.7.1) Assimilation (see 2.8.5)
2.4.6
2.4.6.1
I
/y/
The vowel /y/ is a direct inheritance from Koine /y/, which in turn stems from the merger of AG /y/ and /y:/ and the monophthongization of the AG diphthong /oil. This phoneme exists in the medieval period until roughly the 11th c., when it finally merges with /i/ (and in some cases with /u/), although in some areas the change may have taken place a few centuries earlier. The survival of /y/ until almost the beginning of the LMedG period is indicated by the fact that in many texts there is spelling variation only between and and not between on the one hand and on the other; conversely, spelling interchange between all these graphemes indicates that the merger has taken place (see 2.4.6.1 for data). Apart from such spelling evidence, the presence of /y/ in the MedG phonological system is evidenced through transcriptions in other alphabets: Latin (BIDWELL 1967), Gothic (MARCHAND 1973: 23-36), Anglo-Saxon (CHEILA-MARKOPOULOU 1980), Armenian (SOLARI 1976) and Georgian (MACHARADZE 1980). /y/ is a high front rounded vowel which can appear in all positions. There are two major phenomena connected with it: merger with Iii and "regression" to /u/.
i
'! I i
Merger of /y/ and Iii
Although Attic-Ionic /u/ > /y/ is well established chronologically, and Koine /y/ is a necessary intermediate step in order to explain the MG evolution to /i/, it is unknown when and in what measure the speakers of the other AG dialects adopted the new Attic sound. It is likely that in non-Attic areas or areas where the influence of the Koine was slow to be felt, the original pronunciation /u/ was maintained until the final demise of the AG dialects in the first centuries AD. It has been claimed that the appearance of /u/ instead of fil in several MG dialects as well as in non-dialectal lexical items (many of which appear in MedG texts, such as xpova6s, µovcrrcxKt, crrou,r{ etc.) testifies to the direct preservation of AG /u/ without the intermediate stage /y/ (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 278-80; TSOPANAKIS 1955: 57-8; KAPSOMENOS 1985: 112; MINAS 22003: 37; for an overview see L10s1s/PAPADAMOU 2011). However, MedG also exhibits a conditioned phonetic change Iii> lu/, which affects any Iii in the proper phonetic environment, irrespective of etymological provenance (i.e. /ii not only from AG but from as weH); so, many scholars agree that is possible
''
-!
l: '.
2 Vowels
I Phonology
11 '
• Deletion (see 2.9.2) • Crasis (see 2.9.5) • Assimilation and dissimilation (see 2.8.5)
2.4.3
/o/
/o/ is a direct inheritance from Koine and EMedG lo/, which in tum originates from the
merger of the AG vowels /o/ and /-J:/. It is a back mid vowel, appearing in initial, medial and final position. In the so-called "northern" dialects it has an allophone [u] when unstressed. /o/ is affected by the following phenomena: • Joi> [u] - "raising vocalism" (see 2.5.4)
• • • • •
lo/> le/ in the adjacency of liquids and nasals (see 2.8.1) lo/> Jul - back vowel raising (see 2.8.3) Prothesis and aphaeresis (see 2.6.1 and 2.7.1) Deletion (see 2.9.2) Assimilation and dissimilation (see 2.8.5)
2.4.4
/u/
/u/ is a direct inheritance from Koine /u/, which in turn stems from the raising of AG /o:/
and the monophthongization of the AG diphthong /ou/. It also arises from a series of backing and raising changes of lo/ and [ii during the EMedG and LMedG periods (see 2.8.3, 2.8.4), as well as, in more restricted cases, from EMedG /y/ (see 2.4.6). It is a high back vowel which can appear in all positions. /u/ is affected by the following phenomena: • • • • •
Deletion as part of "raising vocalism" (see 2.5.4) lu/ > lo/ - lowering (see 2.5.4) Deletion (see 2.7 and 2.9) Crasis (see 2.9.5) Assimilation and dissimilation (see 2.8.5)
2.4.5
ft/
/i/ is a direct inheritance from Koine /i/, which in tum stems from a variety of AG sources: the merger of /i/ and Ii:/, the raising of /e:/ and /c:/ and the monophthongization of the diphthong /ei/, as well as from EMedG /y/ (see 2.4.6). There is one area where AG /c:/ evolved to /e/ and not to /i/, namely Pontos; for this see 2.5.2. [ii is a high front vowel which can appear in all positions. Due to its complex phonological history, it is spelled in a bewildering variety of ways: as , in the Greek alphabet and as in the Latin alphabet.
.,i
/i/ is affected by the following phenomena: • • • • • • • •
'
Synizesis (see 2.9.4) Deletion as part of "raising vocalism" (see 2.5.4) Iii> /el - lowering (see 2.5.4) Iii> le/ in the adjacency of liquids and nasals (see 2.8.1) Ii/> lu/ (see 2.8.4) Deletion (see 2.7 and 2.9) Prothesis and aphaeresis (see 2.6.1 and 2.7.1) Assimilation (see 2.8.5)
2.4.6
2.4.6.1
I
/y/
The vowel /y/ is a direct inheritance from Koine /y/, which in turn stems from the merger of AG /y/ and /y:/ and the monophthongization of the AG diphthong /oil. This phoneme exists in the medieval period until roughly the 11th c., when it finally merges with /i/ (and in some cases with /u/), although in some areas the change may have taken place a few centuries earlier. The survival of /y/ until almost the beginning of the LMedG period is indicated by the fact that in many texts there is spelling variation only between and and not between on the one hand and on the other; conversely, spelling interchange between all these graphemes indicates that the merger has taken place (see 2.4.6.1 for data). Apart from such spelling evidence, the presence of /y/ in the MedG phonological system is evidenced through transcriptions in other alphabets: Latin (BIDWELL 1967), Gothic (MARCHAND 1973: 23-36), Anglo-Saxon (CHEILA-MARKOPOULOU 1980), Armenian (SOLARI 1976) and Georgian (MACHARADZE 1980). /y/ is a high front rounded vowel which can appear in all positions. There are two major phenomena connected with it: merger with Iii and "regression" to /u/.
i
'! I i
Merger of /y/ and Iii
Although Attic-Ionic /u/ > /y/ is well established chronologically, and Koine /y/ is a necessary intermediate step in order to explain the MG evolution to /i/, it is unknown when and in what measure the speakers of the other AG dialects adopted the new Attic sound. It is likely that in non-Attic areas or areas where the influence of the Koine was slow to be felt, the original pronunciation /u/ was maintained until the final demise of the AG dialects in the first centuries AD. It has been claimed that the appearance of /u/ instead of fil in several MG dialects as well as in non-dialectal lexical items (many of which appear in MedG texts, such as xpova6s, µovcrrcxKt, crrou,r{ etc.) testifies to the direct preservation of AG /u/ without the intermediate stage /y/ (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 278-80; TSOPANAKIS 1955: 57-8; KAPSOMENOS 1985: 112; MINAS 22003: 37; for an overview see L10s1s/PAPADAMOU 2011). However, MedG also exhibits a conditioned phonetic change Iii> lu/, which affects any Iii in the proper phonetic environment, irrespective of etymological provenance (i.e. /ii not only from AG but from as weH); so, many scholars agree that is possible
''
-!
l: '.
12
I Phonology
for the words in question to have acquired the lu/ sound as a result of a phonetic innovation (PERNOT 1907146: I 105-13; MoYSIADIS 2005: 247-50) and that they are therefore unconnected to the history of lyl. For details see 2.8.4. Apart from this possibility of local dialectal retention of original lu/, it is generally accepted that the phoneme lyl existed in most Greek-speaking areas throughout the Koine and EMedG period, merging with Iii by the 11th c. AD. Interchanges between on the one hand and on the other which appear in late Koine papyri are usually interpreted not as early evidence of the final merger of lyl and Iii, but as a result of Coptic interference in the Greek of bilingual speakers: Coptic did not possess the sound ly/, so bilingual speakers represented it with the next closest available sound, namely ft/ (GIGNAC 1976: 266-7; KAPS0MENOS 1985: 112). Others prefer to consider cases of interchange between and in inscriptions from the early Christian centuries as true evidence for an early merger of /y/ and Iii (cf. PANAY0T0U 1990: 207-9; 1992a: 19 for Macedonia and BRIXHE 2 1987: 47-9; 2010: 232 for Asia Minor), although potentially the same analysis (fluctuating graphematic representation of a sound absent from the native phonological system through its closest equivalents) could also apply here. In any case, there is secure evidence that in some areas at least there was no merger of lyl and ft/ until the 10th c., because there the two sets of graphemes never present interchange. Most scholars place the change in the 10th C. (BROWNING 21983: 56-7; NEWTON 1972a: 19) or the 11th c. (HATZIDAKIS 1892: 28; CHEILA-MARK0POUL0U 1980). The textual evidence shows that this change did not take place simultaneously in all Greek-speaking territories. In the 9th-c. Proto-Bulgarian inscriptions the change does not yet seem to have taken place (CHATZIDAKIS 1927a: 15; BESEVLIEV 1963: 28-9), cf. examples like u etu µou / ol 6E'io1 µou (BESEVLIEV 1963: 1.Ic, 97.10), u rp1KU (ibid. 13, 156.5), UKOV ••• ffilll)O'EV (ibid. 55, 247.5-7), and the same is true for the 9th-c. inscriptions from Cappadocia, an area in which first examples occur in the 10th c.; see LAUXTERMANN forthcoming: ch. 15, with multiple examples of confusion such as 61aq,01Aa~ov, 6Ecrmiv11s (10th c., Cappadocia, DE JERPHANION 1925/42: I, p. 523, 94). The evidence of transcriptions in other alphabetic systems such as Old English (CHEILA-MARK0P0ULOU 1980), Latin (BIDWELL 1967) and Old Church Slavonic (GER0V 1942, LAURITZEN 2009) shows that in the 10th c. the pronunciation lyl for Greek was still widespread and required special letters for transliteration. Another such indication· is provided by the lemmatic organization of the 10th-c. Suda dictionary, which follows a semi-phonetic/semi-alphabetic order: homophonous vowels are grouped together, so words beginning with are classed together with those beginning with , but words beginning with form one group, and words beginning with s Kplov Kai To ~vAov Myovaw aypo!Kc..:>S ~IAov
In the Athos archives, loss of the distinction between on the one hand and on the other becomes apparent from the 10th c. onwards,1 though in certain documents
the distinction is maintained as late as the middle of the 11th. In the S. Italian corpus, all 10th- and 11 th-c. documents show that the change has already taken place: Kv-µEVT)V I Ke1µevriv (941, Thessalonik.i, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 2, 95.13-14) TOU cxy1ou AKvv6ivov /Tov :Aylov :A.K1v6vvov (1008,Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 14, 137.6) e1µ&v (Kcxl) e1µ&v / nµwv Kai vµ&v (1018, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 24, 172.11) omc..:>Tcxye1s / VlTOTcxyiis (942-43, Athos, PAPACHRYSSANTHOU 1975: 5, 195.1) EOTJKVO!Tc..:> / e6elKVVTO (942-43,Athos, PAPACHRYSSANTHOU 1975: 5, 195.7) avvKcx1xo1µev1 I avYKexuµeVT) (942-43, Athos, PAPACHRYSSANTHOU 1975: 5, 195.9) fJµIS v rrpocxvcxq,ep6µevv I nµeis ol rrpocxvcxq,ep6µevo1 (1008, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1985: 15, 188.6) em1 )(P6vus rroAvs / fol xp6vo1s rroMois (1008, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1985: 15, 188.13) UKTJVS oq,8cxAµvs / olKelo1s 6q,8cxAµois (1008, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1985: 15, 188.36) TOV ..• ,euorrvc..:>v CTTcxvp6v I Tov ... ,c..)()rro1ov CTTcxvp6v (1017, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 22, 167.3); T\V YVIO'ICXV µov 801ycrrepcxv I TTJV yvf]O'ICXV µov 8vycrrepcxv (ibid. 167.4) avcxµETCX~ol riµwv O'TVXt6i'Jacxv I avcxµeTCX~V T]µ&v O'TOIXTJ8EiO'CXV (1034, Athos, LEFORT 1973: 1, 41.19) fepopotcxKeiov / ~epopvcxKlov (1042, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1985: 27,246.17) TOV 6po1os / TOV 6pv6s (1042, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1985: 27, 246.20) em xp6vo1s oi\TJyvs / hrl xp6vo1s 6i\lyo1s (1042, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1985: 27, 246.27) q,po16(1) / cppv61 (1065, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 35, 205.32) KCITEAolacxv/Kcrrei\vacxv (1065, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 35,205.10) emeypCXljlCX / urreypcxljlCX (981, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 8, 7.20) uStoxTJpos / i61oxelpws (981, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 8, 7.22) oiyouµevou / T]yovµevov (984, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 9, 8.2) TO iiµTJO'Ot / TO fiµ1av (984, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 9, 8.10) KCXTVXEV I KcrreTxev (1000, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 12, l 1.8) l\I TWII 'EMTJIIIKWII l61V, TO :-\&rjvaiK0111i"ro TO l61oppu8µ6TCXTOII ••• al tv )(PT}l7EI AE~EIS Kai O 17){T)µcrr1aµ6s TWV cppa~c.>11 ri11a11 a~I0Ta, l61c.>s 6! Tl irpocpopa Twv cpc.>IITJiVTc.>v Kai 61cp86yywv, 1Tcrra c.>S TO 1 irpoq,ipmn: Kvp1s, iicm:pa, V1Tepl30ATJ, KTi\. lv1axoil St Kai ws il yepµ. 1T-X· ,rapa TOTS \IVII :-\&rjvaio1s T17ilpa aVTI Kupa (Kupla)"; KAMBOUROGLOU 1889: I, 349: "'EK ,raVTc.>\I TWII 'EMTJIIIKWII l61V, TO :-\&rjvaiK0111i"ro TO l61oppu8µ6TCXTOII ••• al tv )(PT}l7EI AE~EIS Kai O 17){T)µcrr1aµ6s TWV cppa~c.>11 ri11a11 a~I0Ta, l61c.>s 6! Tl irpocpopa Twv cpc.>IITJiVTc.>v Kai 61cp86yywv, 1acxs (1628, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2000: 3,517.8) Kal aouvwve (1629, Crete, LAMBROS 1910: 254, 187.4-5) < aeloo Taij a?J.a~as (1650, Crete, VoURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 12,371.4) cpoj.,1wapo1 FOSKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 71 Tex Topvfoa (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132, 214.25); µeaaKcx (ibid. 16, 94.7); TW\I kyoµe110011 aaa-r&6c..w (1565, ibid. 130, 211.17)
Cyclades Kpej.,j.,crroa-rpc";,aa (1604, Santorini, STEFANIDOU 2004: 10, 165.33) Kaµ1(6ACX µla o~a I Kaµ1(0ACX µla ~ci (1607, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1968: 3, 33.58) Tex MeA{aaa (1616, Santorini, ZERLENDIS 1918c: 279.24) laaO'TT)Kaµev (1639, Paros, ALIPRANDIS 1974n5: 3, 114.45) Ti)s cpopeaas (1656, Santorini, STEFANIDOU 1996/97: 9,405.60) ypoaa TplaKoaa (1656, Amorgos, TSELIKAS 1988/1992: 3, 49.13) . µaya(& (1662, Sifnos, MERTZIOS 1958a: 1, 106.50); xapciT(a (ibid. 1, 107.66) ypoaa (1663, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 1, 11.13) ypoaa (1687, Kimolos, RAMFOS 1972: 16,286.9) TCX Kpaao: (1677, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 24, 92.13) ayopaaes (1688, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 22, 327.12) Llpoaa\lTj (1692, Naxos, PANDELIA-GRITSOPOULOU 1995/97: 2, 212.13)
Old Athenian · K11j.,1aci (15th c., Athens?, DARROUZES 1964b: 67, 311.2) < K11cp1aici . aKOACXph(a (1749,Athens, MOMFERRATOS 1892: 1, 28.2) ·
I
19
260-1 for attestations in notarial documents). Literary texts written by authors of West Cretan provenance, such as Chortatsis, also display the phenomenon. A special case is constituted by the plural of nouns formed with the derivational suffix -hat, which present deletion of the semivowel as early as the 11th c., irrespective of geographical provenance, e.g. Ta mTTaKh~a / Ta mTTaKhaa NIKON, Logos 4 206.5; els Ta ~1~?\h~a ibid. 9 310.24. See TI, 2.20.2.2 for further examples. a-r' a~o aov KCXTacpvyi SKLENTZAS, Ymn. Ag. Frang. 6 O:~oS DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 988 O:\llljla (1498, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 2, 18.3) j.,oVT(O: (1523, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 71, 135.93) els cpopeass (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 1, 3.17); Kpaao: (ibid. 3, 8.8) TOO VT)aoO ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 124 i corassesmu I oi Kopaais µov CHORTATSIS, Erof. 11.128 transcr. X (Legrand); ,rcmovTaa id.,
i;
2 Vowels
Northern Greece ·· Tp{ci Kophaa (1449-55, Silymvria, SCHREINER 1975/79: 98B, 4.9) µEA11aa I µEAlaaa (1541, Thasos?, KRAVARI 1987: App. II, 341.40) TES ~piaes PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §4.13 .. . 11 ICXT1a-r1a11YJ / ol Icrr1a-r1a.11ol (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 56.4) < I1ciT1a-ra
\la &~&((11) (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 12, 22.2) TCX 1TOVAhaa Liv. V 149; µ1Kpcx µ0110,rcrrhaa ibid. 2357 fµopcpovs, 1TAouaovs Theseid Prol. E 154 Tis 1T16e~6T11Ta1s / Tis '1T16e~OT1lTES Byz. fl. 163 app. crit.
Kepaaes (1018, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 24, 172.16) (Kepaaees) KoiravEs Proch. III 187 app. crit. (K) TES j.,apes µov avciyKes DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 3138 TES EAES (1553, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 116,164.45) TES a1Ta8ES (1563, Corfu, VERRA et al. 2007: 135, 99.4) K01Tpais / 1 -fom), possibly as an analogical phenomenon from the barytone inflection, also appearing in areas outside Cyprus; for this see III, 4.1.2.
fl (TJAa eve~1111 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 56.30; (TJAav Fior 83.10 evplaKov11Ta1 µeyciAEs (TJAES VousTR., Chron. A 14.14 e6c.>~E\I TOVS MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 50.36; \10: TO\I 6w~OV\I Assizes B 277.29 ecp6pe11 6' 6aKTVAl61a MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 84.22-3 110: 61aAaAETa1 Assizes A 63.23 lvc.>aes µe Cypr. Canz. 127.17 µETavooµe1101 Thrinos Kypr. 90 µ6110s aov 6e KpCXTfoa1 Kpvcpos Fior, Suppl. 277.1-2 6e11 8oopfrai Cypr. Canz. 56.7 e8c";,pes TOUS a:118pw1TOVS TOV KoNST. DIAK., /st. Makaritou Marko 681 110: µir6pe11 Cypr. Canz. 56.3
I Phonology
18
Occasionally the phenomenon appears outside the areas which are known to be affected. In literary texts one may suspect the intervention of a Cretan copyist or an editor:
Crete and Cythera
Note that the plural suffix -es instead of -uls of nouns and adjectives in -fo/-ta (denoting trees, blows or strokes, quantities etc., see HATZIDAKIS 1893; CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 342-51 ), which appears frequently in all areas, is not an instance of "depalatalization", but the result of the simplification of two consecutive identical vowels (for which see 2.9.2.1), i.e. the evolution is -ees > -es, and not -1es > -es (see also II, 2.11.4), e.g.
Katz.1.249 1TE\ITaKOaa (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 1, 23.19); µe TT)\I eKA11aci (1603, ibid.
174, 185-6) Tw j.,v(c";, µov Thysia Avr. 377 Ta ~v(ci TllS LANDOS, Geopon. 266.22 ,raKTc.>acxs (1628, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2000: 3,517.8) Kal aouvwve (1629, Crete, LAMBROS 1910: 254, 187.4-5) < aeloo Taij a?J.a~as (1650, Crete, VoURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 12,371.4) cpoj.,1wapo1 FOSKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 71 Tex Topvfoa (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132, 214.25); µeaaKcx (ibid. 16, 94.7); TW\I kyoµe110011 aaa-r&6c..w (1565, ibid. 130, 211.17)
Cyclades Kpej.,j.,crroa-rpc";,aa (1604, Santorini, STEFANIDOU 2004: 10, 165.33) Kaµ1(6ACX µla o~a I Kaµ1(0ACX µla ~ci (1607, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1968: 3, 33.58) Tex MeA{aaa (1616, Santorini, ZERLENDIS 1918c: 279.24) laaO'TT)Kaµev (1639, Paros, ALIPRANDIS 1974n5: 3, 114.45) Ti)s cpopeaas (1656, Santorini, STEFANIDOU 1996/97: 9,405.60) ypoaa TplaKoaa (1656, Amorgos, TSELIKAS 1988/1992: 3, 49.13) . µaya(& (1662, Sifnos, MERTZIOS 1958a: 1, 106.50); xapciT(a (ibid. 1, 107.66) ypoaa (1663, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 1, 11.13) ypoaa (1687, Kimolos, RAMFOS 1972: 16,286.9) TCX Kpaao: (1677, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 24, 92.13) ayopaaes (1688, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 22, 327.12) Llpoaa\lTj (1692, Naxos, PANDELIA-GRITSOPOULOU 1995/97: 2, 212.13)
Old Athenian · K11j.,1aci (15th c., Athens?, DARROUZES 1964b: 67, 311.2) < K11cp1aici . aKOACXph(a (1749,Athens, MOMFERRATOS 1892: 1, 28.2) ·
I
19
260-1 for attestations in notarial documents). Literary texts written by authors of West Cretan provenance, such as Chortatsis, also display the phenomenon. A special case is constituted by the plural of nouns formed with the derivational suffix -hat, which present deletion of the semivowel as early as the 11th c., irrespective of geographical provenance, e.g. Ta mTTaKh~a / Ta mTTaKhaa NIKON, Logos 4 206.5; els Ta ~1~?\h~a ibid. 9 310.24. See TI, 2.20.2.2 for further examples. a-r' a~o aov KCXTacpvyi SKLENTZAS, Ymn. Ag. Frang. 6 O:~oS DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 988 O:\llljla (1498, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 2, 18.3) j.,oVT(O: (1523, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 71, 135.93) els cpopeass (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 1, 3.17); Kpaao: (ibid. 3, 8.8) TOO VT)aoO ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 124 i corassesmu I oi Kopaais µov CHORTATSIS, Erof. 11.128 transcr. X (Legrand); ,rcmovTaa id.,
i;
2 Vowels
Northern Greece ·· Tp{ci Kophaa (1449-55, Silymvria, SCHREINER 1975/79: 98B, 4.9) µEA11aa I µEAlaaa (1541, Thasos?, KRAVARI 1987: App. II, 341.40) TES ~piaes PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §4.13 .. . 11 ICXT1a-r1a11YJ / ol Icrr1a-r1a.11ol (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 56.4) < I1ciT1a-ra
\la &~&((11) (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 12, 22.2) TCX 1TOVAhaa Liv. V 149; µ1Kpcx µ0110,rcrrhaa ibid. 2357 fµopcpovs, 1TAouaovs Theseid Prol. E 154 Tis 1T16e~6T11Ta1s / Tis '1T16e~OT1lTES Byz. fl. 163 app. crit.
Kepaaes (1018, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 24, 172.16) (Kepaaees) KoiravEs Proch. III 187 app. crit. (K) TES j.,apes µov avciyKes DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 3138 TES EAES (1553, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 116,164.45) TES a1Ta8ES (1563, Corfu, VERRA et al. 2007: 135, 99.4) K01Tpais / 1 -fom), possibly as an analogical phenomenon from the barytone inflection, also appearing in areas outside Cyprus; for this see III, 4.1.2.
fl (TJAa eve~1111 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 56.30; (TJAav Fior 83.10 evplaKov11Ta1 µeyciAEs (TJAES VousTR., Chron. A 14.14 e6c.>~E\I TOVS MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 50.36; \10: TO\I 6w~OV\I Assizes B 277.29 ecp6pe11 6' 6aKTVAl61a MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 84.22-3 110: 61aAaAETa1 Assizes A 63.23 lvc.>aes µe Cypr. Canz. 127.17 µETavooµe1101 Thrinos Kypr. 90 µ6110s aov 6e KpCXTfoa1 Kpvcpos Fior, Suppl. 277.1-2 6e11 8oopfrai Cypr. Canz. 56.7 e8c";,pes TOUS a:118pw1TOVS TOV KoNST. DIAK., /st. Makaritou Marko 681 110: µir6pe11 Cypr. Canz. 56.3
2 Vowels
I Phonology
20
21 i
i:'
TO yoq,vp1 (1619, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 2, 7.8) avµ,ri\aa.o:6es (1703, Cyprus, KYRRIS 1987: 8, 113.8) lir{aKOTIOS Kvp,;vas (1609, Cyprus, MIKLOSICH/MOLLER 1860/90: III 20,267.15) KE!' OAT}VVKTI ,rep,r6:Ta1 / Kl OAT)VVKTI ',reprro:Te KORONAIOS, Andrag. Bua XIl.39; 6h ,rope vex ',roµevetibid. XV.11 A number of cases of depalatalization of /1/ are attested in a 17th-c. corpus from Macedonia. These, if not taken at face value, could perhaps be attributed to hypercorrection of the phenomenon of palatalization of /1/ to [A] before /e/, which is, according to MG evidence, a local dialectal characteristic of the Thessaloniki area (e.g. 'Myc,:, > Atfou, ANDRIOTIS 1958: 148; KosMAS 1972: 320): Tl '6ovi\es / oi '6ovi\es (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 57.17); yicx Tis irapaKIAES (1698, ibid. 2012: 10, 78.24); 6ev ,roui\fr1 (1698, ibid. 12, 82.25) Another special case of (true) depalatalization concerns the sporadic backing of the palatal fricative [j] deriving from synizesis of the sequence [ia] > [ja] to a velar fricative [y], occurring only in western Crete, and attested very rarely in documents from the area, e.g. vex TOU TO ycxyeip,i (1652, Crete, VOURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 13, 373.4); ya vex yupevy,i (1655, ibid. 14, 374.7); ya To K61ro Tou (1655, ibid. 14, 374.8). For this phenomenon see KONDOSOPOULOS 1969: 28, 75; ILNE, s.v. 6icxylpvc,:,. 2.4.7.4
Deletion of /j/ after /r/
The dialect of Crete shows, as a characteristic feature, the realization /r/ + V in specific morphological environments, where other areas show /rj/ + V with synizesis. This is well documented in Cretan literary and non-literary documents, from the 15th c. on. A limited number of examples have also surfaced from Cythera and some Cycladic islands. µepo:v Peri xen. 28; µepcxv BERGA DIS, Apok. A 387; TT}V ,repa µepcx (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 181, 171.6)
~apex CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 1688; ~pa TROILOS, Rodol. I.381 na uaranastenaso / vex ~apavaa.evo:(w CHORTATSIS, Erof Il.349 transcr. X (Legrand) TTJV 6eKapcxv CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 1089 ypa'6es P&N Diath. 4671 T(ti rpas TO TT£61µa / Taij fpas TO n,;6T}µa (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2009: 920, 722.8) Tl pT}8eicra µov Kovµeaapcx (1508, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 7, 13.20-1) ,; (vyapcx ThysiaAvr. 663
TT}V Koirpcx DIAKR., Diig. Pol. 1102 Kai TIAICX ~apol KORNAROS, Erot. I.1212; TOOOVS 11.oyiaµovs ~apovs TROILOS, Rodol. Il.47 8peq,oWTm µE KpcxS KORNAROS, Erot. IY.503; TO KpcxS FOSKOLOS, Fort. I.98; KpaTo:Kl VLACHOS, This. s.v. aTT}V ·o~paKT} FOSKOLOS, Fort. m.432 I
•
•
The phenomenon involves only environments where the underlying etymological sequence is stressed /re/ + V, and in the majority of cases the second vowel is /a/· consequently it affects mainly the feminine derivational suffixes -lex and -cxplex, as well as ~ome inflecti ~ l forms of adjectives in -vs when the preceding consonant is /r/ (CHATZIDAKIS 1905~0;: A 346-51; KRETSCHMER 1905: 119-22; XANTHOUDIDIS 1915: 459; NEWTON 1972a: 50-1). For example, µeplex becomes µepcx and Ta (3aplex become Tex (3cxpcx, but Ta xc,;,picx does not become *Ta xc,;,pcx, nor pucxK1 *pcxKi. Similarly, in the inflectional paradigm of oxytone E-stem verbs, the terminations -eies, -e1e are never reduced to -es, -e in texts of Cretan provenance. Consequently, the phenomenon cannot be considered a type of depalatalization, as it must have taken place before the synizesis process, creating palatal /j/, was completed, i.e. the evolution was /'real> ['r1 /ra/ rather than /'real> ['ria] > /rja/ > /ra/.s It is quite possible that the phonetic environment of the consonant /r/ was responsible for the retention of the realization /e/ for a longer time, since one of the most typical combinatory vowel changes in MedG is the change of /i/ > /e/ before /r/ (e.g. o-16epo, axepo etc.), a change which in some cases could even be viewed as retention of the original /e/ from AG (see 2.8.1). The connection of this development with the also Cretan evolution -l in the same environment ((?>cxpe, &-rroµovapl, Kpes) is obvious and constitutes another strong argument that a stage /i/ or /j/ was never involved in the derivation. In modem Cretan, the two variants are in complementary distribution, the variant -plex > -pa characterizing East Cretan (as well as Karpathos and Chalki) and the variant -pl characterizing (parts of) West Cretan (as well as Ikaria); see KONDOSOPOULOS 1960: 210-:-18, TSOPANAKIS 1949: 40. But the result /'el from /'ea/ is not limited to the environment after /r/, and appears in West Cretan irrespective of the preceding consonant (am6e, µflAl etc.; see 2.9.4 and II, 2.11.4). It should therefore be assumed that the first stage in the evolution of the sequence /'ea/ was ['1/a/could be suspected to apply also to sequences of /e/ + other vowei, which, being quite rare statistically (in contrast to -lex which is a common derivational suffix), formed a marginal phonetic pattern. This could, for example, apply to
'
Ttis ypas ITaµ6:Tas (1587, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 171, 139.15) els TflV µepav eKE{VT}v Diig. Sant. 55.62; TflV ~,ro:vw Mepcxv ibid. 58.65 ~opcxs fl ypeyaAo:KI Diig. Sant. 59.50 KaAoypo: (1662, Sifnos, MERTZIOS 1958a: 1, 110.138)
5
The imprecise descriptions in ANAGNOSTOPOULOS 1926: 148 and KONDOSOPOULOS 1960: 210-12; 1969: 27-8, who speak of deletion of -1- or of the semivowel UJ after synizesis, have led many scholars investigating the language ofEMG Cretan texts to misunderstand this phenomenon (e.g. POLITIS 1964: mrr'-,r('; BAKKER 1988/89: 284; VEJLESKOV 2005: 109; KARANTZOLA 2005a: 259).
i'I
/i
(
2 Vowels
I Phonology
20
21 i
i:'
TO yoq,vp1 (1619, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 2, 7.8) avµ,ri\aa.o:6es (1703, Cyprus, KYRRIS 1987: 8, 113.8) lir{aKOTIOS Kvp,;vas (1609, Cyprus, MIKLOSICH/MOLLER 1860/90: III 20,267.15) KE!' OAT}VVKTI ,rep,r6:Ta1 / Kl OAT)VVKTI ',reprro:Te KORONAIOS, Andrag. Bua XIl.39; 6h ,rope vex ',roµevetibid. XV.11 A number of cases of depalatalization of /1/ are attested in a 17th-c. corpus from Macedonia. These, if not taken at face value, could perhaps be attributed to hypercorrection of the phenomenon of palatalization of /1/ to [A] before /e/, which is, according to MG evidence, a local dialectal characteristic of the Thessaloniki area (e.g. 'Myc,:, > Atfou, ANDRIOTIS 1958: 148; KosMAS 1972: 320): Tl '6ovi\es / oi '6ovi\es (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 57.17); yicx Tis irapaKIAES (1698, ibid. 2012: 10, 78.24); 6ev ,roui\fr1 (1698, ibid. 12, 82.25) Another special case of (true) depalatalization concerns the sporadic backing of the palatal fricative [j] deriving from synizesis of the sequence [ia] > [ja] to a velar fricative [y], occurring only in western Crete, and attested very rarely in documents from the area, e.g. vex TOU TO ycxyeip,i (1652, Crete, VOURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 13, 373.4); ya vex yupevy,i (1655, ibid. 14, 374.7); ya To K61ro Tou (1655, ibid. 14, 374.8). For this phenomenon see KONDOSOPOULOS 1969: 28, 75; ILNE, s.v. 6icxylpvc,:,. 2.4.7.4
Deletion of /j/ after /r/
The dialect of Crete shows, as a characteristic feature, the realization /r/ + V in specific morphological environments, where other areas show /rj/ + V with synizesis. This is well documented in Cretan literary and non-literary documents, from the 15th c. on. A limited number of examples have also surfaced from Cythera and some Cycladic islands. µepo:v Peri xen. 28; µepcxv BERGA DIS, Apok. A 387; TT}V ,repa µepcx (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 181, 171.6)
~apex CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 1688; ~pa TROILOS, Rodol. I.381 na uaranastenaso / vex ~apavaa.evo:(w CHORTATSIS, Erof Il.349 transcr. X (Legrand) TTJV 6eKapcxv CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 1089 ypa'6es P&N Diath. 4671 T(ti rpas TO TT£61µa / Taij fpas TO n,;6T}µa (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2009: 920, 722.8) Tl pT}8eicra µov Kovµeaapcx (1508, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 7, 13.20-1) ,; (vyapcx ThysiaAvr. 663
TT}V Koirpcx DIAKR., Diig. Pol. 1102 Kai TIAICX ~apol KORNAROS, Erot. I.1212; TOOOVS 11.oyiaµovs ~apovs TROILOS, Rodol. Il.47 8peq,oWTm µE KpcxS KORNAROS, Erot. IY.503; TO KpcxS FOSKOLOS, Fort. I.98; KpaTo:Kl VLACHOS, This. s.v. aTT}V ·o~paKT} FOSKOLOS, Fort. m.432 I
•
•
The phenomenon involves only environments where the underlying etymological sequence is stressed /re/ + V, and in the majority of cases the second vowel is /a/· consequently it affects mainly the feminine derivational suffixes -lex and -cxplex, as well as ~ome inflecti ~ l forms of adjectives in -vs when the preceding consonant is /r/ (CHATZIDAKIS 1905~0;: A 346-51; KRETSCHMER 1905: 119-22; XANTHOUDIDIS 1915: 459; NEWTON 1972a: 50-1). For example, µeplex becomes µepcx and Ta (3aplex become Tex (3cxpcx, but Ta xc,;,picx does not become *Ta xc,;,pcx, nor pucxK1 *pcxKi. Similarly, in the inflectional paradigm of oxytone E-stem verbs, the terminations -eies, -e1e are never reduced to -es, -e in texts of Cretan provenance. Consequently, the phenomenon cannot be considered a type of depalatalization, as it must have taken place before the synizesis process, creating palatal /j/, was completed, i.e. the evolution was /'real> ['r1 /ra/ rather than /'real> ['ria] > /rja/ > /ra/.s It is quite possible that the phonetic environment of the consonant /r/ was responsible for the retention of the realization /e/ for a longer time, since one of the most typical combinatory vowel changes in MedG is the change of /i/ > /e/ before /r/ (e.g. o-16epo, axepo etc.), a change which in some cases could even be viewed as retention of the original /e/ from AG (see 2.8.1). The connection of this development with the also Cretan evolution -l in the same environment ((?>cxpe, &-rroµovapl, Kpes) is obvious and constitutes another strong argument that a stage /i/ or /j/ was never involved in the derivation. In modem Cretan, the two variants are in complementary distribution, the variant -plex > -pa characterizing East Cretan (as well as Karpathos and Chalki) and the variant -pl characterizing (parts of) West Cretan (as well as Ikaria); see KONDOSOPOULOS 1960: 210-:-18, TSOPANAKIS 1949: 40. But the result /'el from /'ea/ is not limited to the environment after /r/, and appears in West Cretan irrespective of the preceding consonant (am6e, µflAl etc.; see 2.9.4 and II, 2.11.4). It should therefore be assumed that the first stage in the evolution of the sequence /'ea/ was ['1/a/could be suspected to apply also to sequences of /e/ + other vowei, which, being quite rare statistically (in contrast to -lex which is a common derivational suffix), formed a marginal phonetic pattern. This could, for example, apply to
'
Ttis ypas ITaµ6:Tas (1587, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 171, 139.15) els TflV µepav eKE{VT}v Diig. Sant. 55.62; TflV ~,ro:vw Mepcxv ibid. 58.65 ~opcxs fl ypeyaAo:KI Diig. Sant. 59.50 KaAoypo: (1662, Sifnos, MERTZIOS 1958a: 1, 110.138)
5
The imprecise descriptions in ANAGNOSTOPOULOS 1926: 148 and KONDOSOPOULOS 1960: 210-12; 1969: 27-8, who speak of deletion of -1- or of the semivowel UJ after synizesis, have led many scholars investigating the language ofEMG Cretan texts to misunderstand this phenomenon (e.g. POLITIS 1964: mrr'-,r('; BAKKER 1988/89: 284; VEJLESKOV 2005: 109; KARANTZOLA 2005a: 259).
i'I
/i
(
2 Vowels
I Phonology
22
the otherwise "irregular" evolutions XPE(,) XP(,) XPOOVc.), 0e66Ct.lpos > 066(,)pos and could even account nicely for the variation between l\toVTo:pt - l\ovT6:pt AEVTap 1 (see 2.9.2.1). However, the wide geographical spread of some of these lexical items is an argument against this scenario. On the basis of the above, two cases frequently examined under the heading "depalatalization after /rf' should receive a different interpretation, since their etymological origin is /ia/ and not /ea/, and their distribution extends well beyond Crete. The first is the variation in the feminine derivational suffix -Tptal-Tpa, which is not phonetic, but due to the coexistence and confusion of two etymologically distinct suffixes, the suffix -Tpta originally forming animate agent nouns and corresponding to masc. ·TTJS (e.g. epy6:TTJs-epy6:Tpta, ,rov;\rrnis-novl\1)Tpta), and the suffix -Tpa originally forming inanimate instrument nouns (e.g. 6epµ6:, ,rotoiicrt). 2.4.8.3
Phenomena Affecting Diphthongs
The second (falling) element of a diphthong is occasionally deleted, as a hiatus resolution strategy, following the vowel hierarchy (see 2.9.2): CXPY11POY as opposed to plural xa61cx, or ~6161 as opposed to ~6610: and p6161, ~uv6ppoi6o as opposed to ~1. p661cx. Howe~er, he himself notes that this phenomenon is not regular and has dialectal and lexical exceptions. · . . .• Another dialectally restricted phenomenon affecting diphthongs is the consonantization of the second. falling, member to a velar fricative [¥]. In the texts examined, the phenomenon appears in EMG texts from Crete, where it constitutes a dialectal characteristic corroborated by modern dialectal evidence (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 212; 1916: 13; PANGALOS 1955: 179), in the related dialect of Cythera. and in late texts by the Kefalonian Katsaitis: TO µ1Kpcmpo11 p6y61 LANDOS, Geopon. 153.23; OTa\l KClµIIT),; poy61a ~V\ICX TCX p6y61a ibid. 157.17 061a eva l300y61/ 061cx f11a jx>uy61 (1586, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 82, 63.5); TO 136y61011 (1588, ibid. 315,265.15) vex µr]II µe y6o0v KATSAITIS, Klathmos 1.348; vepay6a µov id., Thyest. V.673
Two very common MedG and MG lexical items present a similar consonantization phenomenon: the words &~y6 and a[aw]> [af]/[av]: Ta wT{cx > T' 6:ouTlcx > T' O µflT!)P /me:te:r/, cf. Lat. mater. This sound further evolved in the late Koine, along with original /e:/, to Iii, e.g. AG acc. µflTtpcx /me:tera/ > MedG µflTtpcx /mi'tera/. The /a:/> /e:/ change was not shared by the other dialects of AG (Doric, Aeolic etc.), and so the presence of "original" /a/ in MedG and MG can be considered an ancient dialectal relic (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 77-80; PERNOT 1934: 107-8; TSOPANAKIS 1955: 55-7; ANDRIOTIS, Lex. Arch. s.v. ex dor.-aol.; KAPSOMENOS 1985: 64-5). MedG and MG lexical items presenting the potentially archaic dialectal /a/ fall in two categories: (a) those in which/a/ is (part of) an inflectional suffix (i.e. masc. -as instead of ·TlS, fem. -ex instead of •fl, e.g. uy61 (1586, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 82, 63.5); TO 136y61011 (1588, ibid. 315,265.15) vex µr]II µe y6o0v KATSAITIS, Klathmos 1.348; vepay6a µov id., Thyest. V.673
Two very common MedG and MG lexical items present a similar consonantization phenomenon: the words &~y6 and a[aw]> [af]/[av]: Ta wT{cx > T' 6:ouTlcx > T' O µflT!)P /me:te:r/, cf. Lat. mater. This sound further evolved in the late Koine, along with original /e:/, to Iii, e.g. AG acc. µflTtpcx /me:tera/ > MedG µflTtpcx /mi'tera/. The /a:/> /e:/ change was not shared by the other dialects of AG (Doric, Aeolic etc.), and so the presence of "original" /a/ in MedG and MG can be considered an ancient dialectal relic (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 77-80; PERNOT 1934: 107-8; TSOPANAKIS 1955: 55-7; ANDRIOTIS, Lex. Arch. s.v. ex dor.-aol.; KAPSOMENOS 1985: 64-5). MedG and MG lexical items presenting the potentially archaic dialectal /a/ fall in two categories: (a) those in which/a/ is (part of) an inflectional suffix (i.e. masc. -as instead of ·TlS, fem. -ex instead of •fl, e.g. -eaa, -S,,µev > -Seµev, -TJv6s > -ev6s, -fTT]s > -hes, -TJaios > -fotv, or absence from others, such as -TTJs). In some cases it is difficult to distinguish this phenomenon from the regular change of Iii > le/ which is due to the influence of nasals and liquids (see 2.8.1) and so the most secure examples are those without adjacent liquid or nasal consonants. An indication of the ancient origin of the phenomenon is that in the Koine and Early Christian inscriptions from Pontos the interchange of and is quite well documented (BRIXHE 21987: 109), with examples such as: e6ouAE Toii 0(e)o(O)
'!'. :, I,
26
I Phonology
short [a] (fzITZILIS 1997: 407). A more dubious Doric element in S. Italian documents is the place name T,ay1 mpo-1vos- see 2.7.2). Indirect evidence for raising can also be provided by hypercorrection, i.e. by nonetymological lowering of an original lu/ or Iii, the so-called "avnxt:>cpc.vais" (MANESIS 1969; TZITZILIS 2000: 268-9; KATSANIS 2012: 107-8), e.g. TOq>El TOV EVTT)Aous loa\lT]KUOU / lµ& TOU EVTIAOVS 1wavv1xlou (ibid. 30, f. l v.2) els Te 6e1T)A (1649-69, Thessaly, SPANOS 2001: 337, f.51 v.21) h6T11 (1690, Meteora, SOFIANOS 1986: 48, f.54v.l) = ETOVTT) iJyoµeve~oVTas (1703, Thessaly, SoFIANOS 1984: A, 42.2) For the region of the Northern Aegean, there is some evidence for both raising and deletion from Lesvos, as well as from the city of Kydonies on the opposite coast, from the 16th c. onwards: lc..>Alo / 1oA{o (1559, Lesvos, KLEOMVROTOS 1970: 23, 2.163.2) els TO µovaO"TT)p, (1631, Lesvos, LAMBROS 1910: 257, 189.1) . 1p,rlva (1653, Kydonies, PATRINELIS 1993/94: 15.1) < tAmirlva (?); Kc:ra~IVT) (ibid. 17.31) . < Kc:ra1 iLGER 1956: 275.29) vex TO lµotpatovv (1472, Corfu, KONIDARIS/RODOLAKIS 1996: 3, 150.8) vex lµo1patovv (1501, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 65, 99.28) av OUK laTp~'l'TJ DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 1132 lµepatovvE (1637, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 40, 57.9) va TO ll3i\fo11 (1513, Corfu, KARABOULAIPAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1998: 2, 22.22) Yva TJl3M1rovv (1524, Zak.ynthos, Zo1s 1936/37: 2, 111'.25) Sia vex ril3Mm1 KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 132.27
In the case of nouns presenting /e/ prothesis, one may assume some sort of levelling within
an etymological paradigm (a word family), whereby the verbal stem with lexicalized pro-
thesis caused by the mechanisms described above spreads analogically to cognate nominal forms (MENARD0S 1925; TS0PANAKIS 1940: 79-81). In a different direction, the extension of the phenomenon leads to the subsequent reanalysis of this prothesis as an additional final vowel of the preceding clitic pronoun (see 2.6.3).
39
12
For multiple attestations of prothetic /i/ in, 16th-c. documents from Corfu see KARANTZOLAILAVIDAS 2016: 139-40.
I Phonology
40
o:61Kov ovK fivpaTTEtS Velis. X 413 ovfilv 1,eis LIMEN., Than. Rod. 540 transcr. (Lendari) vex µriv ~oo P&N Diath. 1165 TOV iJµaVTIVtlpovatv (1528, Santorini, FOSKOLOS 2012: B', 135.18) va 'xev 1- Diig. Ve/a 109 ~1ro1os lKTlae1 (1705, Symi, GEORGA-VOLONAKI 1974: 1,204.17)
2.6.1.2
Lexicalized Phonetic Prothesis
Phonetic prothesis in MedG and EMG is mostly due to false segmentation at word boundaries. The phenomenon is similar to, and connected with, the change of an initial vowel due to deletion as a means of hiatus resolution of consecutive vowels, whereby the weaker initial vowel (according to the vowel hierarchy) of the second word is deleted and the surviving, stronger final vowel of the first word is reanalysed as belonging to the second word, e.g. TC( txvapia > TO'. 'xvap10: > T' axvap10: (see 2.9.3). It is difficult to decide whether in such cases one is dealing with deletion of an initial vowel (see 2.7 J), followed at some later period by phonetic prothesis, or with false segmentation leading to more or less synchronous replacement of one vowel by another. The first alternative is preferable in cases where the form with aphaeresis is widely attested (e.g. Ta o66vno: > Ta •66vno: > Ta 66vna > T' &66vno: > T' &66vn FALIEROS, 1st. On. 654). The most frequent vowel in this type of prothesis is /a/, due to its greater phonological strength (see 2.9.2). In the case of nouns and adjectives, prothetic /a/ arises through coarticulation with the neut pl. definite article Ta or the indefinite pronouns/determiners µfa and eva, while in the case of verbs it arises through coarticulation with the particles va, eeva, ea (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 229; ANDRIOTIS, Lex. S.V. a- npo6enK6; KAHANE 1942). . . Nouns and Adjectives •; axa{TT) (1124, S. Italy, ThINCHERA 1865: 94, 123.3) 6:µaXTJV PoL Tr. 2316 app. crit (V); 6:µaxTJv (1487, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 15, 84.18) . TO cmaAa:TIOV (1473, Corfu, KONIDARIS/RODOLAKIS 1996: 18, 158.7) ~povµvlpToS Chron. Mor. P 1185 ol ax.PtO'Tlavol Alosis 656 6:6vawxTJµlve DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 107 6:avl8a Pent. Gen. 15.17; aavl0es Theseid 1.67,8 (Follieri) oi axooves Spanos A 23; a:x!M'>va. (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 963) cm(llfACt.>µav Spanos B ll0; cmavM:lµaTa (1640, Skyros,ANDONIADIS 1995: 4,217.7) Wpa!OV cxµa~1Map1v Liv'. V 3760 . . ivav (X'(.,)ypa l6pus, ol 6uo > l6u6: l6pOs, o~!es (1496, Athos, 01KONOMIDES 1968: 39, 185.12); 6 l6p0s Pist. voskos I 1.205 Kp18akvpov hy1Mv (15th c., OIKONOMU-AGORASTU 1982: 84.21) (confusion with U'VTJA~) Tr)V lyfj Pent. Gen. 1.1; els Tr)V fiyi'iv Epain. gyn. 673 app. crit; CTTT)V l}yfjv PROSOPSAS, Peri tyffou 110 TWV l6uo CHORTATSIS, Erof. N.44 TOU 6E !aTaxwµaTOS (1561, Unknown, LAPPA-ZIZIKA/RIZOU-KOUROUPOU 1991: 107, 221.4) evav 1µfivav Apoll. Rim. N 775
2.6.1.3
· Non-phonetic Prothesis
On the· analogy· of eKeivos and 01To1os a number of pronowis and conjunctions have ·acquired a prothetic e- or o- (see II, 5.5; II, 5.8): hlT01a Chron. Mor. H 273 ho0To1 Chron. Mor. H 1962; hoOTa LIMEN., Than. Rod. 262
I Phonology
40
o:61Kov ovK fivpaTTEtS Velis. X 413 ovfilv 1,eis LIMEN., Than. Rod. 540 transcr. (Lendari) vex µriv ~oo P&N Diath. 1165 TOV iJµaVTIVtlpovatv (1528, Santorini, FOSKOLOS 2012: B', 135.18) va 'xev 1- Diig. Ve/a 109 ~1ro1os lKTlae1 (1705, Symi, GEORGA-VOLONAKI 1974: 1,204.17)
2.6.1.2
Lexicalized Phonetic Prothesis
Phonetic prothesis in MedG and EMG is mostly due to false segmentation at word boundaries. The phenomenon is similar to, and connected with, the change of an initial vowel due to deletion as a means of hiatus resolution of consecutive vowels, whereby the weaker initial vowel (according to the vowel hierarchy) of the second word is deleted and the surviving, stronger final vowel of the first word is reanalysed as belonging to the second word, e.g. TC( txvapia > TO'. 'xvap10: > T' axvap10: (see 2.9.3). It is difficult to decide whether in such cases one is dealing with deletion of an initial vowel (see 2.7 J), followed at some later period by phonetic prothesis, or with false segmentation leading to more or less synchronous replacement of one vowel by another. The first alternative is preferable in cases where the form with aphaeresis is widely attested (e.g. Ta o66vno: > Ta •66vno: > Ta 66vna > T' &66vno: > T' &66vn FALIEROS, 1st. On. 654). The most frequent vowel in this type of prothesis is /a/, due to its greater phonological strength (see 2.9.2). In the case of nouns and adjectives, prothetic /a/ arises through coarticulation with the neut pl. definite article Ta or the indefinite pronouns/determiners µfa and eva, while in the case of verbs it arises through coarticulation with the particles va, eeva, ea (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 229; ANDRIOTIS, Lex. S.V. a- npo6enK6; KAHANE 1942). . . Nouns and Adjectives •; axa{TT) (1124, S. Italy, ThINCHERA 1865: 94, 123.3) 6:µaXTJV PoL Tr. 2316 app. crit (V); 6:µaxTJv (1487, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 15, 84.18) . TO cmaAa:TIOV (1473, Corfu, KONIDARIS/RODOLAKIS 1996: 18, 158.7) ~povµvlpToS Chron. Mor. P 1185 ol ax.PtO'Tlavol Alosis 656 6:6vawxTJµlve DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 107 6:avl8a Pent. Gen. 15.17; aavl0es Theseid 1.67,8 (Follieri) oi axooves Spanos A 23; a:x!M'>va. (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 963) cm(llfACt.>µav Spanos B ll0; cmavM:lµaTa (1640, Skyros,ANDONIADIS 1995: 4,217.7) Wpa!OV cxµa~1Map1v Liv'. V 3760 . . ivav (X'(.,)ypa l6pus, ol 6uo > l6u6: l6pOs, o~!es (1496, Athos, 01KONOMIDES 1968: 39, 185.12); 6 l6p0s Pist. voskos I 1.205 Kp18akvpov hy1Mv (15th c., OIKONOMU-AGORASTU 1982: 84.21) (confusion with U'VTJA~) Tr)V lyfj Pent. Gen. 1.1; els Tr)V fiyi'iv Epain. gyn. 673 app. crit; CTTT)V l}yfjv PROSOPSAS, Peri tyffou 110 TWV l6uo CHORTATSIS, Erof. N.44 TOU 6E !aTaxwµaTOS (1561, Unknown, LAPPA-ZIZIKA/RIZOU-KOUROUPOU 1991: 107, 221.4) evav 1µfivav Apoll. Rim. N 775
2.6.1.3
· Non-phonetic Prothesis
On the· analogy· of eKeivos and 01To1os a number of pronowis and conjunctions have ·acquired a prothetic e- or o- (see II, 5.5; II, 5.8): hlT01a Chron. Mor. H 273 ho0To1 Chron. Mor. H 1962; hoOTa LIMEN., Than. Rod. 262
2 Vowels
I Phonology
42
eµcs avlM\ITTlS ,req>VKEV, eaos vies TV)')(6VEI Acltil. 0 99 (tµ6s - cr6s > eµ6s - ea6s) h6crov Chron. Mor. H 3671; h6cro µeyaJ..o EFTHYM., Chron. Gal. 59.22-3 6Kairov Poulol. 15; BERGADIS, Apok. A 305 6Kairo8ev Poulol. 290 6616 (1436, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1960/61: 2, 147.11) 6616 (1671, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 20, 91.11) 661xeus Assizes A 28.21 oT6crov Assizes B 358.20-1
Less clear is the origin of prothetic Iii and le/ in nominal forms, especially those stemming from areas where the phenomenon is not attested dialectally in the modern period, those which do not begin with complex consonant clusters, and those which do not derive from verbs, in which case an extension of the augmented verbal stem (as described above in 2.6.1.1) is no longer a possible cause: lµepl61 Chron. Mor. H 1025 lyov1K6 Chron. Mor. H 1258 To lµoipa61 µov (1327-8, Peloponnese, VRANOUSI 1981: B, 26.5) TO lcrvVTj8tcrµevov 616q>0poV (1473, Corfu, KONIDARis/RODOLAKIS 1996: 72, 184.8-9) llAT)V TTJV l,roa6TT)Ta (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 10, 47.13) bav lcririn (1529, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1978: 7, 35.13) eixav K61ro1a lxeupaq>1a (1667, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 37, 39.4-5) TO l1r61r0Ao DIAKR., Diig. Pol. 604 T}8EAT}Cl'Ec.:>S (1666, Mani, SKOPETEAS 1950: IX. 75.3) e&T}KT) ~UAIVoS (1142, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1982: 7, 75.44) ~aT!v1Kov Assizes A 70.23 eµo1xelav Assizes A 162.31 TO ept(IKO Chron. Mor. P 2482 eyvµv6 DEFAR., Sos. 220 (Holton) eµvaMs oGERMANO, Vocab. s.v. cervello lva q>OpTOvµa xapnex KaA6, EqllAO: (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 6, 64.7)
In verse texts the variable application of prothesis may be due to metrical reasons, i.e. to the necessity to supply an additional syllable.
2.6.2
Anaptyxis
Anaptyxis is the insertion of a vowel word-internally for the breaking up of a consonant cluster. In most cases, one of the consonants involved is a liquid or nasal, and the anaptyctic vowel is usually Iii, the weakest in the vowel hierarchy, and less frequently lul, especially if one of the two members of the cluster is a velar or labial consonant (HATZIDAKIS 1892: 109; DIETERICH 1898: 41, 277). Anaptyxis is especially frequent in cases of loanwords containing consonant clusters not permissible in the phonotactics of MedG. The phenomenon ~as already extant, but marginal, in AG; a number of instances can be found in Koine papyri and in EMedG glossaries, e.g. !6111&11, Tex111ha1s (DIETERICH 1898: 42; GIGNAC 1981: 311-12).
43
Anaptyxis is a relatively rare and sporadic phenomenon, appearing only in low-register texts, irrespective of geographical provenance (see also MINAS 22003: 41). However, a few common lexical items present lul anaptyxis relatively early as a lexicalized phenomenon: ly6{011 > you6{, ypoolltOV > yovpouv1, El/1/ouxos > µ11ouxos > µovvovxos, cf. also the adaptation of Pers. kamkha as Kaµouxas (PERNOT 1907146: I 159; KRIARAS, Lex. s.vv.). A lexicalized case of anaptyxis occurs in the univerbation of the Cretan adverb els µ{011 > ,1µ16 (CHATZIDAKIS 1905107: A 119-21; KRIARAS, Lex. s.v.). TOU fq>exea8a1 fi,rep 1µ&v / TOU euexea8a1 v,rep fiµ&v (1171, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 178,
233.11) o KVp0S :AJ.mspTOS (12th C., S. Italy, ROBINSON 1930: 68, 152.5) ~l~tA!a (1363, Cyprus, COUROUPOU/GEHIN 2001: 3, 157.1) ~1~v.1ov Cypr. Canz. 2.9 µovaovAovµ6vo1 Anak. Konst. 85 fi Ilq>ovvos (1534, Unknown, TSELIKAS/KOROMILA 2003: A, 103.10); els TTJV Ilq>ovvov (1673,
Sikinos, ZERLENDIS 1913a: 138.13)
ovos CXCl'IAaVIOV (1603, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 5, 20.2); aatAO:Vl (1663, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 401,249.12) µe TT}V Eq>IKT} µov (1625, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 6, 79.73) < EU)(T} T&v oxov8pw µas FOSKOLOS, Fort. 11.318; µ' 6xov8pous TROILOS, Rodol.1.161 vex irovaovvlaeu FOSKOLOS, Fort. IV.402 a6eA1q>0l (1658, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 4, 5.1); Tl a6eAlq>TJ (1659, ibid. 9, 9.5) 6:T1MC1 (1688, Peloponnese, GRITSOPOULOS 1954: (4), 137.13) ra6ovpoirT)VT}KTT)S / ra6ovpomv1KTT)S (ca. 1700, Peloponnese, Ts10URAKI 1971: B', 171.9)
Two further subcases of anaptyxis may be distinguished: a) The breaking up of consonant clusters as a dialectal characteristic of the "northern" dialects (PAPADOPOULOS 1926: 22-3) occurs in documents from Macedonia (KATSANIS 2000: 219 and 2012: 45), Thessaly and Epirus. It is possible that at least some instances of this phenomenon are the results of hypercorrection of high vowel deletion, with dialect speakers feeling that a consonant cluster is the result of their own tendency to delete unstressed Iii and lul and inserting these vowels even when the cluster is originaletymological (see 2.5.4): XaAOV~aT(T}S (1649-69, Thessaly, SPANOS 2001: 360, f.96r.7) l.jlaAITT}pta (1681, Ioannina, VELOUDIS 1987: 10,307, f.2r.2) Tou 'i'aA1Ti)pos PAPASYNAD., Chron. I§ 15.21 µovq>OVAOu(161s (1696, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 1, 49.15-16) < Turk. miifliis va µ1 ~T)yaJ..1s /vexµ,; ~1yaJ..e1s (1696, Thessalonik.i, KATSANIS 2012: 1, 50.21) oK6(ovµovs (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 2, 54.6) < K6aµos T)S TO amm / els TO crmh1 (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 56.13)
b) Anaptyctic vowels may appear in texts written by almost illiterate authors, who
write out each syllable separately in an artificial CVCV structure (cf. TsouKNID~S 2002103: 101, KARANTZOLAIPAPAIOANNOU 2010: 292-3; KATSANIS 2012: 45). This is not a true phonetic change, but rather a graphematic phenomenon due to the author's imperfect command of writing. Similar graphematic phenomena appear also in ancient
2 Vowels
I Phonology
42
eµcs avlM\ITTlS ,req>VKEV, eaos vies TV)')(6VEI Acltil. 0 99 (tµ6s - cr6s > eµ6s - ea6s) h6crov Chron. Mor. H 3671; h6cro µeyaJ..o EFTHYM., Chron. Gal. 59.22-3 6Kairov Poulol. 15; BERGADIS, Apok. A 305 6Kairo8ev Poulol. 290 6616 (1436, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1960/61: 2, 147.11) 6616 (1671, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 20, 91.11) 661xeus Assizes A 28.21 oT6crov Assizes B 358.20-1
Less clear is the origin of prothetic Iii and le/ in nominal forms, especially those stemming from areas where the phenomenon is not attested dialectally in the modern period, those which do not begin with complex consonant clusters, and those which do not derive from verbs, in which case an extension of the augmented verbal stem (as described above in 2.6.1.1) is no longer a possible cause: lµepl61 Chron. Mor. H 1025 lyov1K6 Chron. Mor. H 1258 To lµoipa61 µov (1327-8, Peloponnese, VRANOUSI 1981: B, 26.5) TO lcrvVTj8tcrµevov 616q>0poV (1473, Corfu, KONIDARis/RODOLAKIS 1996: 72, 184.8-9) llAT)V TTJV l,roa6TT)Ta (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 10, 47.13) bav lcririn (1529, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1978: 7, 35.13) eixav K61ro1a lxeupaq>1a (1667, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 37, 39.4-5) TO l1r61r0Ao DIAKR., Diig. Pol. 604 T}8EAT}Cl'Ec.:>S (1666, Mani, SKOPETEAS 1950: IX. 75.3) e&T}KT) ~UAIVoS (1142, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1982: 7, 75.44) ~aT!v1Kov Assizes A 70.23 eµo1xelav Assizes A 162.31 TO ept(IKO Chron. Mor. P 2482 eyvµv6 DEFAR., Sos. 220 (Holton) eµvaMs oGERMANO, Vocab. s.v. cervello lva q>OpTOvµa xapnex KaA6, EqllAO: (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 6, 64.7)
In verse texts the variable application of prothesis may be due to metrical reasons, i.e. to the necessity to supply an additional syllable.
2.6.2
Anaptyxis
Anaptyxis is the insertion of a vowel word-internally for the breaking up of a consonant cluster. In most cases, one of the consonants involved is a liquid or nasal, and the anaptyctic vowel is usually Iii, the weakest in the vowel hierarchy, and less frequently lul, especially if one of the two members of the cluster is a velar or labial consonant (HATZIDAKIS 1892: 109; DIETERICH 1898: 41, 277). Anaptyxis is especially frequent in cases of loanwords containing consonant clusters not permissible in the phonotactics of MedG. The phenomenon ~as already extant, but marginal, in AG; a number of instances can be found in Koine papyri and in EMedG glossaries, e.g. !6111&11, Tex111ha1s (DIETERICH 1898: 42; GIGNAC 1981: 311-12).
43
Anaptyxis is a relatively rare and sporadic phenomenon, appearing only in low-register texts, irrespective of geographical provenance (see also MINAS 22003: 41). However, a few common lexical items present lul anaptyxis relatively early as a lexicalized phenomenon: ly6{011 > you6{, ypoolltOV > yovpouv1, El/1/ouxos > µ11ouxos > µovvovxos, cf. also the adaptation of Pers. kamkha as Kaµouxas (PERNOT 1907146: I 159; KRIARAS, Lex. s.vv.). A lexicalized case of anaptyxis occurs in the univerbation of the Cretan adverb els µ{011 > ,1µ16 (CHATZIDAKIS 1905107: A 119-21; KRIARAS, Lex. s.v.). TOU fq>exea8a1 fi,rep 1µ&v / TOU euexea8a1 v,rep fiµ&v (1171, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 178,
233.11) o KVp0S :AJ.mspTOS (12th C., S. Italy, ROBINSON 1930: 68, 152.5) ~l~tA!a (1363, Cyprus, COUROUPOU/GEHIN 2001: 3, 157.1) ~1~v.1ov Cypr. Canz. 2.9 µovaovAovµ6vo1 Anak. Konst. 85 fi Ilq>ovvos (1534, Unknown, TSELIKAS/KOROMILA 2003: A, 103.10); els TTJV Ilq>ovvov (1673,
Sikinos, ZERLENDIS 1913a: 138.13)
ovos CXCl'IAaVIOV (1603, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 5, 20.2); aatAO:Vl (1663, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 401,249.12) µe TT}V Eq>IKT} µov (1625, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 6, 79.73) < EU)(T} T&v oxov8pw µas FOSKOLOS, Fort. 11.318; µ' 6xov8pous TROILOS, Rodol.1.161 vex irovaovvlaeu FOSKOLOS, Fort. IV.402 a6eA1q>0l (1658, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 4, 5.1); Tl a6eAlq>TJ (1659, ibid. 9, 9.5) 6:T1MC1 (1688, Peloponnese, GRITSOPOULOS 1954: (4), 137.13) ra6ovpoirT)VT}KTT)S / ra6ovpomv1KTT)S (ca. 1700, Peloponnese, Ts10URAKI 1971: B', 171.9)
Two further subcases of anaptyxis may be distinguished: a) The breaking up of consonant clusters as a dialectal characteristic of the "northern" dialects (PAPADOPOULOS 1926: 22-3) occurs in documents from Macedonia (KATSANIS 2000: 219 and 2012: 45), Thessaly and Epirus. It is possible that at least some instances of this phenomenon are the results of hypercorrection of high vowel deletion, with dialect speakers feeling that a consonant cluster is the result of their own tendency to delete unstressed Iii and lul and inserting these vowels even when the cluster is originaletymological (see 2.5.4): XaAOV~aT(T}S (1649-69, Thessaly, SPANOS 2001: 360, f.96r.7) l.jlaAITT}pta (1681, Ioannina, VELOUDIS 1987: 10,307, f.2r.2) Tou 'i'aA1Ti)pos PAPASYNAD., Chron. I§ 15.21 µovq>OVAOu(161s (1696, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 1, 49.15-16) < Turk. miifliis va µ1 ~T)yaJ..1s /vexµ,; ~1yaJ..e1s (1696, Thessalonik.i, KATSANIS 2012: 1, 50.21) oK6(ovµovs (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 2, 54.6) < K6aµos T)S TO amm / els TO crmh1 (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 56.13)
b) Anaptyctic vowels may appear in texts written by almost illiterate authors, who
write out each syllable separately in an artificial CVCV structure (cf. TsouKNID~S 2002103: 101, KARANTZOLAIPAPAIOANNOU 2010: 292-3; KATSANIS 2012: 45). This is not a true phonetic change, but rather a graphematic phenomenon due to the author's imperfect command of writing. Similar graphematic phenomena appear also in ancient
I Phonology
44
inscriptions and Koine papyri (THREATTE 1980: 4_07-~; GI~NAC 1976: 311-12). In texts written in northern areas, it is difficult to distmgu1sh this phenomenon from the previous one: u,nyapaljll (1422, Meteora, VEIS 1911/12: 15, 55.29) µapVTI)p6/ µaplTVf)W (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 31, 51.37) TOV Ayiov nopo Kai\oyipc.>v{ o} (ibid. 130.6); yicx TO aATJ8es{ e} (ibid. 130.11)
I Phonology
44
inscriptions and Koine papyri (THREATTE 1980: 4_07-~; GI~NAC 1976: 311-12). In texts written in northern areas, it is difficult to distmgu1sh this phenomenon from the previous one: u,nyapaljll (1422, Meteora, VEIS 1911/12: 15, 55.29) µapVTI)p6/ µaplTVf)W (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 31, 51.37) TOV Ayiov nopo Kai\oyipc.>v{ o} (ibid. 130.6); yicx TO aATJ8es{ e} (ibid. 130.11)
2 Vowels
I Phonology
46
47
This is not a true case of vowel addition, but a purely graphematic phenomenon, betraying the scribe's inadequate reading and writing skills, and is common also in AG and MG texts of similarly low level (see 2.6.2). In general, in the nominal domain, the earliest attestations of the phenomenon concern the addition of final /e/ to 3rd person clitic pronominal forms (Tov > Tove), a phenomenon which seems already well established in the 15th c. and is quite common, both in literary and non-literary texts, and geographically unrestricted. Addition of final /e/ to other pronouns, such as demonstrative, indefinite etc. (mh6v > cxvT6ve) in forms ending in In/ also appears in the 15th c., again without geographical restrictions, but less commonly. From the 16th c., very rarely, and from the 17th more frequently, one finds addition of final /e/ to nouns and adjectives (KcxA6v > KcxA6ve, 1r0161&v > 1r0161&ve), but with severe geographical restrictions: the phenomenon concerns mostly the Heptanese, and less consistently the Peloponnese, the Cyclades and Crete, corroborated by modern dialectal evidence. Addition of final /a/ is to be found only in the personal and demonstrative pronouns, without geographical restrictions. In the verbal domain, the earliest and most widespread instances involve the 3 pl. active ypacpouv > ypacpouve, eypcxcpcxv > ypacpave etc., as well as the imperfect of the copula {iTove, all of which appear in the 15th c. From the 16th c. onwards, all verbal suffixes may occasionally display addition of final /e/, which is almost exclusive to Crete, the Cyclades and the Heptanese. Addition of a whole syllable -ve is characteristic of Crete, the Cyclades and Chios. Addition of final /a/ is to be found mostly in the passive voice, with similar geographical restrictions. Toe morphological categories affected by addition of word-final vowel are presented in more detail in the following sections.
Addition of final /e/ in the gen. pl. appears in the case of masc. nouns ending in -as, •TIS and -os, neuter nouns in -1ov/-t, and -µex, as well as adjectives in -os. In most categories, the phenomenon is restricted to the Heptanese. The only paradigms where addition in the gen. pl. extends to other areas are masc. nouns and adjectives in -os, and neut. nouns in -1ov/-1, especially oxytone ones. Forms appear from the Peloponnese, Cythera and Crete, and are corroborated by SMG data, where forms like xpov&ve, 1ra161&vE, xapn&ve are acceptable in a colloquial style. It has been suggested (BABINIOTIS 1972: 195) that the allomorphs with final /e/ appear mostly with oxytone nouns due to a tendency to avoid the transgression of the Law of Limitation in the case of a following clitic. As in the case of the acc. sg., the affected forms appear from the 16th c. onwards, are very rare, and are always in variation with forms without final addition, conditioned mostly by the phonetic environment.
2.6.3.1
Masc. gen. pl. g~, µT]vc;',ve (1668, Kefalonia, BALLAS 2008: 2, 252.10).
Nouns and Adjectives
In LMedG and EMG, addition of final /e/ in nouns and adjectives appears in the forms that end in /n/, never those in Isl. The forms involved are the masc. acc. sg. (-ov > -ove I -6v > -6ve) and the masc./fem./neut gen. pl. (-c,JV > -c,JVE / -&v > -&ve). Pronouns and pronominal determiners following the inflectional paradigm of adjectives in -os also present addition of /e/, in a wider geographical area (see 2.6.3.2). Final vowel addition in the masc. acc. sg. is attested, from the 16th c. onwards, only in the paradigms of nouns and adjectives in -os, irrespective of stress. For nouns, examples have been located only from the Heptanese, but for adjectives there are attestations also from Mani, Crete and the Cyclades (see II, 2 passim and II, 3.2); a special case are the determiners aMs and oAs, which display the phenomenon more commonly, due to their pronominal status (see II, 5.10.1 and II, 5.13.1.1). The frequency of such forms is very low; they appear mostly before a consonant and are always in alternation with forms without addition. 'K TOV Taq>ove TOO !lp1:ws Alex. Rim. 548 µe To(v) ATJV6ve (1569 [late 17th-/early 18th-c. copy], Zakynthos, MAVROS 1980: 475.15); {vex KoµµO"OV o:Move 8ev lxw µmO"Teµevov TRI VO LIS, Re Skotsias 243 nllfov nap' o:Move TIVa KORONAIOS, Andrag. Bua XVIII.476 Kl fvcxs TOV o:Move Rim. Sant. 436 vex (3aATJS o:Move Kouµfo10 (1616, Crete, ANGELOMATI-TSOUNGARAKI 1996: 3,362.11) &llove (1688, Andros, POLEMIS 2001: 8, 107.6) 6x TOV Kooµov OAOVE SOUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. Al v.23 fofjpe TOV Mopfov oi\ove (1715, Stefani, LAMBROS 1910: 362,213.2) Kai\vrepa 'xe1 TOUS lTOAAOUS ,rap,; gva µovcxx6ve KATSAITIS, /fig. II.676
TOO ayopaO"Ta8c.>ve (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 27, 47.17) (for the article TOO see II, 5.2.1) Tc"::> µa6T]Ta8c.>ve (1667, Corfu, KARLAFTI-MOURATIDI 2004/06: 3, 146.21) Tc"::>V 8ovASUTa8c.>ve (1672, Zakynthos, VAYAKAKOS 1954: 16, 49.6-7) Tc"::>V lTTc.>xc"::>ve (1509, Zakynthos, VAYAKAKOS 1950: 1, 144.14) ToOv av141c"::>ve Tov (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 15, 39.7); l(POVc"::>ve 8vo (ibid., 60.14) Tc"::>v llayc"::>ve SoUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. C8v.23 Tc"::>V ;rpoeO"Tc"::>ve (1666, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001b: 4, 198.299) Tc7> payKc"::>ve BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 262.3 Tc"::>v cxvc.>6ev aµ;raaa86pc.> Kai 1ve (1571, Mani, CHASIOTIS 1970: 5,239.15) TO K6pao TOO TovpKc.>VE (1644, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 288, 227.2~) ToO r1avv1KcxKcxlwve (1653, Kefalonia, ALEXOPOULOU et al. 2009: 215, 187.61) Tc"::>v CXVTc"::>ve O"UVTp6q,wve (1689, Zakynthos, VAYAKAKOS 1954: 40, 74.11) ':A.vaO"TOO"TJ Kai p Tove), a phenomenon which seems already well established in the 15th c. and is quite common, both in literary and non-literary texts, and geographically unrestricted. Addition of final /e/ to other pronouns, such as demonstrative, indefinite etc. (mh6v > cxvT6ve) in forms ending in In/ also appears in the 15th c., again without geographical restrictions, but less commonly. From the 16th c., very rarely, and from the 17th more frequently, one finds addition of final /e/ to nouns and adjectives (KcxA6v > KcxA6ve, 1r0161&v > 1r0161&ve), but with severe geographical restrictions: the phenomenon concerns mostly the Heptanese, and less consistently the Peloponnese, the Cyclades and Crete, corroborated by modern dialectal evidence. Addition of final /a/ is to be found only in the personal and demonstrative pronouns, without geographical restrictions. In the verbal domain, the earliest and most widespread instances involve the 3 pl. active ypacpouv > ypacpouve, eypcxcpcxv > ypacpave etc., as well as the imperfect of the copula {iTove, all of which appear in the 15th c. From the 16th c. onwards, all verbal suffixes may occasionally display addition of final /e/, which is almost exclusive to Crete, the Cyclades and the Heptanese. Addition of a whole syllable -ve is characteristic of Crete, the Cyclades and Chios. Addition of final /a/ is to be found mostly in the passive voice, with similar geographical restrictions. Toe morphological categories affected by addition of word-final vowel are presented in more detail in the following sections.
Addition of final /e/ in the gen. pl. appears in the case of masc. nouns ending in -as, •TIS and -os, neuter nouns in -1ov/-t, and -µex, as well as adjectives in -os. In most categories, the phenomenon is restricted to the Heptanese. The only paradigms where addition in the gen. pl. extends to other areas are masc. nouns and adjectives in -os, and neut. nouns in -1ov/-1, especially oxytone ones. Forms appear from the Peloponnese, Cythera and Crete, and are corroborated by SMG data, where forms like xpov&ve, 1ra161&vE, xapn&ve are acceptable in a colloquial style. It has been suggested (BABINIOTIS 1972: 195) that the allomorphs with final /e/ appear mostly with oxytone nouns due to a tendency to avoid the transgression of the Law of Limitation in the case of a following clitic. As in the case of the acc. sg., the affected forms appear from the 16th c. onwards, are very rare, and are always in variation with forms without final addition, conditioned mostly by the phonetic environment.
2.6.3.1
Masc. gen. pl. g~, µT]vc;',ve (1668, Kefalonia, BALLAS 2008: 2, 252.10).
Nouns and Adjectives
In LMedG and EMG, addition of final /e/ in nouns and adjectives appears in the forms that end in /n/, never those in Isl. The forms involved are the masc. acc. sg. (-ov > -ove I -6v > -6ve) and the masc./fem./neut gen. pl. (-c,JV > -c,JVE / -&v > -&ve). Pronouns and pronominal determiners following the inflectional paradigm of adjectives in -os also present addition of /e/, in a wider geographical area (see 2.6.3.2). Final vowel addition in the masc. acc. sg. is attested, from the 16th c. onwards, only in the paradigms of nouns and adjectives in -os, irrespective of stress. For nouns, examples have been located only from the Heptanese, but for adjectives there are attestations also from Mani, Crete and the Cyclades (see II, 2 passim and II, 3.2); a special case are the determiners aMs and oAs, which display the phenomenon more commonly, due to their pronominal status (see II, 5.10.1 and II, 5.13.1.1). The frequency of such forms is very low; they appear mostly before a consonant and are always in alternation with forms without addition. 'K TOV Taq>ove TOO !lp1:ws Alex. Rim. 548 µe To(v) ATJV6ve (1569 [late 17th-/early 18th-c. copy], Zakynthos, MAVROS 1980: 475.15); {vex KoµµO"OV o:Move 8ev lxw µmO"Teµevov TRI VO LIS, Re Skotsias 243 nllfov nap' o:Move TIVa KORONAIOS, Andrag. Bua XVIII.476 Kl fvcxs TOV o:Move Rim. Sant. 436 vex (3aATJS o:Move Kouµfo10 (1616, Crete, ANGELOMATI-TSOUNGARAKI 1996: 3,362.11) &llove (1688, Andros, POLEMIS 2001: 8, 107.6) 6x TOV Kooµov OAOVE SOUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. Al v.23 fofjpe TOV Mopfov oi\ove (1715, Stefani, LAMBROS 1910: 362,213.2) Kai\vrepa 'xe1 TOUS lTOAAOUS ,rap,; gva µovcxx6ve KATSAITIS, /fig. II.676
TOO ayopaO"Ta8c.>ve (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 27, 47.17) (for the article TOO see II, 5.2.1) Tc"::> µa6T]Ta8c.>ve (1667, Corfu, KARLAFTI-MOURATIDI 2004/06: 3, 146.21) Tc"::>V 8ovASUTa8c.>ve (1672, Zakynthos, VAYAKAKOS 1954: 16, 49.6-7) Tc"::>V lTTc.>xc"::>ve (1509, Zakynthos, VAYAKAKOS 1950: 1, 144.14) ToOv av141c"::>ve Tov (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 15, 39.7); l(POVc"::>ve 8vo (ibid., 60.14) Tc"::>v llayc"::>ve SoUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. C8v.23 Tc"::>V ;rpoeO"Tc"::>ve (1666, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001b: 4, 198.299) Tc7> payKc"::>ve BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 262.3 Tc"::>v cxvc.>6ev aµ;raaa86pc.> Kai 1ve (1571, Mani, CHASIOTIS 1970: 5,239.15) TO K6pao TOO TovpKc.>VE (1644, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 288, 227.2~) ToO r1avv1KcxKcxlwve (1653, Kefalonia, ALEXOPOULOU et al. 2009: 215, 187.61) Tc"::>v CXVTc"::>ve O"UVTp6q,wve (1689, Zakynthos, VAYAKAKOS 1954: 40, 74.11) ':A.vaO"TOO"TJ Kai pve (1644, Ithaca. ZAPANDI 2002b: 296, 233.5) TOO µav6p1&ve (1563, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 15, 93.23) Twv 8TjAuKwv mn61wve (1672, Zakynthos, BouBOULIDIS 1957: 4, 119.89) Twv unoa.aT1KwvE Tou (1653, Kefalonia, ALEXOPOULOU et al. 2009: 215, 186.42) TWV a6eAve aµn0..1 (1637, Ithaca. ZAPANDI 2002b: 37, 55.35) bµolc..>s Kal TOO Kapa!31wvE Reb. Evr. 105.7 6ouKa-rc..>vE eiKom e eµtva, fotv > fotva) and geographically unrestricted, then addition of final /n/, and further addition of le/, appearing from the 15th c. onwards only in Crete, the Heptanese and the Peloponnese. The multiple consecutive extensions of the AG pronoun eµt > eµtv > eµtva > eµtvav > eµtvave are discussed and interpreted in CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 56-7, DRESSLER 1966a: 55--6 and FLORISTAN lMfzcoz 1990: 188-9; see also II, 5.3.1. ds eµevave FALIEROS, 1st. On. 328 µ' eµevave MONTSEL., Evgena 437 ETrOPTTJV ecru 616 T' eµevavev Bertoldin. 149.19-20 ae µevave (1604 [copy of 1695], Zakynthos, MAVROS 1980: 508.3) eµevave xap{L;ou Zinon 1.161 . µETa aevave MONTSEL., Evgena 304 K' 'EaevavE a aaae), it is much less widespread than in the 3rd person (Tov > Tove, TOOV > Toove). Another difference
49
from 3rd person pronouns is that the phenomenon never occurs when the clitic is postverbal (see KAFKA 112 for the modern Cretan d.IS tr'b · ). It IS · comparatively · • LAS 2000: . I ution frequent on Iy m Cretan hterary and non-literary texts and I · · d th C I d • may a so occur m documents fr om Mam an e ye a es: vex µii µ5:s lyvc..>plaouv Liv. V 4472
va µ5:ae cpep11 CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 676 8eAEI µ5:ae TraTCX~EI SKLAVOS, Symf. 144 Kl oAous µ5:aE Koµm!:,vou CHORTATSIS, Erof. I.462 . µ5:ae cpo~eplCouve (1659, Hydra, KARATHANASIS 197'l173: 241.2) . Tr~S eiµea-ra ,rp6VTOI O,TI wpa µ5:ae 1 /Yva T6ve npoMl3 Dig. E 1134 app. crit. (Jeffreys) va TOVE ,rai6evac.:>µev Dig. E 1356 (Alexiou) T6ve Mye1 Veith. 524 Va TOV E1T11PCX~11 / VCX TOVE 'll'Eipa~el (1581, Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 26, 164.14) va T6VE KE (1679, Mani, SKOPETEAS 1950: XIII, 76.11) e!3aAe TOVE KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 159.23 a!311(apc..>VTas Tovai I &!31CapoVT&s TovE (1564, Cythera. DRAKAKis 1999: 1, 79.24) aKV Kai npoaKuvw Tove P&N Diath. 690 8ei\c..> Kal CX Tove KAepov6µo (1626, Crete, MALTEZOU 1995: [l], 198.152-3) 'll'apaKaAehovE (1686, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 7, 20.18) el6crrovE / El6a Tove GERMANO, Grammar 50.2 0ecs axc..>pfo' TOVE (1696, Kastoria, MERTZIOS 1947a: 6,213.10)
va TT)V ep11µa~ouv I va TT]VE p11µa~ouv Chron. Toe. 59
va TT]VE Trpll -ovvE, -oOv > -oOvE and -av> -avE,16 appearing from the 14th c. om_vards, ongmally mamly before a clitic. The phenomenon appears in both literary and non-ltterary texts, and the bulk of attestations come from the Heptanese, the Cyclades and Crete (see III, 4.1 and III, 4.4):
hoihove TO a,rfv.10 elvm 61K6 µas Vosk. 192 crni ~ap61a TOVTflllE CHORTATSIS, Katz, 11.79; va TOVTOllf TO xaptcrµa! ibid. m.467 Els T00Tove To q>6110 Zinon 11.97
15
53
ETrOAEµi)aave TOIi Chron. Mor. H 1674; ETrpocrKoµlcrave TCX ibid. 1840 Kai siri'jpave Ta (16th c., Peloponnese, SCHREINER 1975n9: 37.II, 20.7)
16
The oxytone variant -av, being a relatively recent and geographically restricted innovation, displays the extended form -a111: very rarely, e.g. ,ro?leµave EFrHYM., Chron. GaL 48.3 (seem, 4.1.2.1).
52
2 Vowels
I Phonology
MKflcrav cnrr6va Diig. Alex. Sem. S 43 an· TOIi crev6a ho1ho11a Diig. Vefa 426 TCXS faa6a 61' av,-,;vav Liv. V 1094 xwpls av,-,;va Diig. Vefa 782; ,-,;11 KMC..:,O'UIIT)II TOUTflllO ibid. 848
A further type of final accretion is also to be found with demonstrative pronouns: the suffixation with an accented deictic particle -(v)E, -(v)cx, which, as discussed above, does not properly constitute an instance of vowel addition, as it involves addition of a whole morpheme, which imparts a strongly deictic meaning. This is especially characteristic of Cretan, but may also appear in the Dodecanese and Chios. 15
2.6.3.3
Kal crvµ~vAEUOVIIE TOIi Chron. Mor. H 2501; e~ayopa(ovve TOIi ibid. 4293 as KpaTiicrovve lTITTOKIII E61K611 µov Liv. E 1616 vex o-as ~apvq,opTwvovve Diig. tetr. 739 app. crit (C) eypfiyopa Tov 8eAovve ~apfoe1 Pol. Tr. 1075 app. crit (B) TOO vex K -ricrcxve) in the same areas: ~µeVTaplO"TT}KOVE (1573,Andros, POLEMIS 1999a: 4, 15.~l) fo,1µap1cmiKave (1579, Zakynthos, Z01s 1936/37: 21, µ~ .107) fovv1~acmiKOVE (1620, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 363,336.2) fo,a!h'JKave, vel eaw!h'JKao-1, vel eo-Ta8rjaav GERMANO, Grammar 96.26-7 Kal -roi'j ~avaipcxv~Kave MoNTSEL., Evgena 1246 TO: XOVTpO: ,&a OAO exa!h'JKave (1650, Santorini, ZERLENDIS 1922: (1), 28.6) nls EVQVTIC.r.)!h'JKave (1700, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 24, 329.11) K' eirpoqx,m8rjaave Tovs Chron. Mor. H 3663 ms Kal aJJ..01 cmov ev8vµou8rjaave (1572,Achaia, VEIS 1956: 447.20) e61a~11crave Chron. Tourk. Soult. 54.17 ms
Addition of /e/ in the variant 3 pl. suffixes -oucr1v > -ovcrtvE, -oucrtv > -oucrtve and -cxcnv > -acrtve appears from the 16th c. onwards, and is mainly restricted to Crete (where it is in fact more common than the variant -ovv > -ovve, cf. KAFKA LAS 2000: 107), though it also occurs, less frequently, in the Heptanese, the Cyclades and Chios (see III, 4.1). In the case of -ovcrtvE, -acrive the stress position of the verb form is difficult to establish (see 4.2.3 and III, 4.1.1): Kal TPEXOVO"lVE els TTIV Kaµepav MOREZINOS, Klini 51.1-2 TpWCTIVE Kal Tex o-,ra81a CHORTATSIS, Katz. 11.50 O"TEKOvo-lve otxws I yiwpyeµa Pist. voskos IV 6.51-2 va TO: KClVOVO"lVE aliAo1 (1642, Crete, KAZANAKI 1974: 8,281.26) Kl 6 eis TO xepl T o:AAovvov -mavova1ve xal KAaio-1 BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 233.4 Kl o:pxt,ova1ve iTl µaAla KORNAROS, Erot. 11.1054 0
~VlTVOUO"IVE MOREZINOS, Klini 51.1 Kal 1TOO"Ol ire8vµoua1ve CHORTATSIS, Katz. Prol. 19 TO ,,,.,.ovcnve (1639, Crete, KAZANAKI 1974: 6,273.19) 8c.>poucnve \j/Opax1a Rim. Sant. 757 KTVlTOUO"lVE PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1524 :haAoucnve Zinon 1.33 eKAalyacnve 0:1TcxpTJy6pT11CX MOREZINOS, Klini 51.25 Va Kavacnve Kpiµa Pist. voskos IV 5.59 . Eixacnve vex Kaµovcnv (1614, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 211, 200.5) exocpTacnve BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 188.6 [eKA]eyaa1ve TO: ,ra161ex / eKAalyaa{ve TO: ,ra161a Rim. Sant. 733 va 8e:haa1ve aµl~ovv PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1795 app. crit eµv~aalve ~µepo CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.151 Kl ElTCl\j/CXO"lVE oi eyvo11:s µov FOSKOLOS, Fort. V.108 6,rov i;p8acnve Too-01 BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 136.4
2 Vowels
55
µas 111racr1ve 1TCXA1 / µas eiiraalve irai\1 Rim. Sant. 416 vex TO cpaa1ve (1649, Mykonos, ZERLENDIS 1924a: [5], 20.22) K' ecp{paa1ve TOVS yiaTpovs KORNAROS, Erot. 11.1755
An equally widespread change is the addition of a final /e/ in the 3 sg. oxytone imperfect-Et > -m, which, however, does not belong under the same heading, as the phenomenon occurs after a vowel and not after a consonant; this means that there are no phonetic grounds for its development, and that it is purely morphologically driven. In fact it is a key evolution, which lies at the basis of the reformation of the whole oxytone paradigm, leading to the new "uncontracted" inflection (see III, 2.1.2.2.4): ovK C,Kv1ev els Ta 6vO"Ko:ha Log. parig. L 43 eirpoeKpa.eU: (1432, Corfu, ASONITIS 1996/97: 3, 29.47) ave,1ev Assizes B 364.3 ef?,ape1e TflS Pol. Tr. 424 (mss AEX) eKpaTElEV Chron. Toe. 180
The other instances of addition of /e/ in the active voice are geographically restricted to Crete, the Cyclades, the Heptanese and Chios, appearing from the 16th c. onwards. The suffixes involved are the following: a) 1 pl. -µEv > -µEve, found so far only in Crete and Chios, and 2 pl. -Tev > -nve, which appears to be exclusive to Chios (see III, 4.1-4): ypacpoµeve GERMANO, Grammar 50.1 Ta' ciJJ..11s cpaµ~y1as o:m5xoµeve ',ra (1625, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 6, 81.76) va a' lxoµeve PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 9 app. crit.; 61xws OVTT}V 6sv ,raµeve ibid. 391 vex 1TOAEµovµeve 6µov PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2575 ,repvovµeve BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 171.10
av eTxaµeve ,rei P&N Diath. 772 eMlyaµeve GERMANO, Grammar 86.32-3 ypacpe.eve GERMANO, Grammar 50.1 1TWS Bev Malnve KONDAR., Paides 999 1TOU 1TCITEVE PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 339 Kl o:µe.ev '6a, 610:~~TEVe KONDAR., Paides 1112 TO: 6aKpva µov 6freve PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 866 eMlyenve GERMANO, Grammar 86.33; Ei1TETEVE ibid. 86.35
b) the 1 sg. imperf. oxytone ending-ovv >-ovve (Crete, Cyclades, Heptanese, Chios/Naxos): TOV c5p8pov CXKCXpTepovve Tex 6{v6pT) y1ex v' CXKOl/0"(,.) Alex. Rim. 2132 eya,rovve GERMANO, Grammar 87.4 €KpCITOVVE FOSKOLOS, Fort. 1.28 TT}V yvooµ11v 01TOU 'KpCITOVVE PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1822 vex µ,r6povve va My1aaa Trag. Ag.. Dim. ID.322.
c) 3 sg. imperfect and aorist -Ev > -EVE to be found in texts from Crete, Chios, the Heptanese and the Cyclades and 3 sg. imperf. oxytone -Et > -EtvE found only in texts from Chios and the Peloponnese:
54
I Phonology
hrovAT}O'OVE TOV (1546/1551, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 26, 64.6) Ka8C:,s TO ecmµapave (1590, Andros, PoLEMIS 1995a: 33, 176.12) 61aTl µ' apa,ovvapave MONTSEL., Evgena 221 OAOI hre8avave (1650, Santorini, ZERLENDIS 1922: (1), 28.6) Ta e~avaKTlaave (1696, Nauplion, OoKos 1971n4: 20, 55.3)
The passive aorist, displaying inflection i_dentical to the active voice, also shows frequent addition of /e/ in 3 pl. (-,v -riK-cxve, and less commonly -ricrcxv > -ricrcxve) in the same areas: ~µeVTaplO"TT}KOVE (1573,Andros, POLEMIS 1999a: 4, 15.~l) fo,1µap1cmiKave (1579, Zakynthos, Z01s 1936/37: 21, µ~ .107) fovv1~acmiKOVE (1620, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 363,336.2) fo,a!h'JKave, vel eaw!h'JKao-1, vel eo-Ta8rjaav GERMANO, Grammar 96.26-7 Kal -roi'j ~avaipcxv~Kave MoNTSEL., Evgena 1246 TO: XOVTpO: ,&a OAO exa!h'JKave (1650, Santorini, ZERLENDIS 1922: (1), 28.6) nls EVQVTIC.r.)!h'JKave (1700, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 24, 329.11) K' eirpoqx,m8rjaave Tovs Chron. Mor. H 3663 ms Kal aJJ..01 cmov ev8vµou8rjaave (1572,Achaia, VEIS 1956: 447.20) e61a~11crave Chron. Tourk. Soult. 54.17 ms
Addition of /e/ in the variant 3 pl. suffixes -oucr1v > -ovcrtvE, -oucrtv > -oucrtve and -cxcnv > -acrtve appears from the 16th c. onwards, and is mainly restricted to Crete (where it is in fact more common than the variant -ovv > -ovve, cf. KAFKA LAS 2000: 107), though it also occurs, less frequently, in the Heptanese, the Cyclades and Chios (see III, 4.1). In the case of -ovcrtvE, -acrive the stress position of the verb form is difficult to establish (see 4.2.3 and III, 4.1.1): Kal TPEXOVO"lVE els TTIV Kaµepav MOREZINOS, Klini 51.1-2 TpWCTIVE Kal Tex o-,ra81a CHORTATSIS, Katz. 11.50 O"TEKOvo-lve otxws I yiwpyeµa Pist. voskos IV 6.51-2 va TO: KClVOVO"lVE aliAo1 (1642, Crete, KAZANAKI 1974: 8,281.26) Kl 6 eis TO xepl T o:AAovvov -mavova1ve xal KAaio-1 BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 233.4 Kl o:pxt,ova1ve iTl µaAla KORNAROS, Erot. 11.1054 0
~VlTVOUO"IVE MOREZINOS, Klini 51.1 Kal 1TOO"Ol ire8vµoua1ve CHORTATSIS, Katz. Prol. 19 TO ,,,.,.ovcnve (1639, Crete, KAZANAKI 1974: 6,273.19) 8c.>poucnve \j/Opax1a Rim. Sant. 757 KTVlTOUO"lVE PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1524 :haAoucnve Zinon 1.33 eKAalyacnve 0:1TcxpTJy6pT11CX MOREZINOS, Klini 51.25 Va Kavacnve Kpiµa Pist. voskos IV 5.59 . Eixacnve vex Kaµovcnv (1614, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 211, 200.5) exocpTacnve BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 188.6 [eKA]eyaa1ve TO: ,ra161ex / eKAalyaa{ve TO: ,ra161a Rim. Sant. 733 va 8e:haa1ve aµl~ovv PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1795 app. crit eµv~aalve ~µepo CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.151 Kl ElTCl\j/CXO"lVE oi eyvo11:s µov FOSKOLOS, Fort. V.108 6,rov i;p8acnve Too-01 BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 136.4
2 Vowels
55
µas 111racr1ve 1TCXA1 / µas eiiraalve irai\1 Rim. Sant. 416 vex TO cpaa1ve (1649, Mykonos, ZERLENDIS 1924a: [5], 20.22) K' ecp{paa1ve TOVS yiaTpovs KORNAROS, Erot. 11.1755
An equally widespread change is the addition of a final /e/ in the 3 sg. oxytone imperfect-Et > -m, which, however, does not belong under the same heading, as the phenomenon occurs after a vowel and not after a consonant; this means that there are no phonetic grounds for its development, and that it is purely morphologically driven. In fact it is a key evolution, which lies at the basis of the reformation of the whole oxytone paradigm, leading to the new "uncontracted" inflection (see III, 2.1.2.2.4): ovK C,Kv1ev els Ta 6vO"Ko:ha Log. parig. L 43 eirpoeKpa.eU: (1432, Corfu, ASONITIS 1996/97: 3, 29.47) ave,1ev Assizes B 364.3 ef?,ape1e TflS Pol. Tr. 424 (mss AEX) eKpaTElEV Chron. Toe. 180
The other instances of addition of /e/ in the active voice are geographically restricted to Crete, the Cyclades, the Heptanese and Chios, appearing from the 16th c. onwards. The suffixes involved are the following: a) 1 pl. -µEv > -µEve, found so far only in Crete and Chios, and 2 pl. -Tev > -nve, which appears to be exclusive to Chios (see III, 4.1-4): ypacpoµeve GERMANO, Grammar 50.1 Ta' ciJJ..11s cpaµ~y1as o:m5xoµeve ',ra (1625, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 6, 81.76) va a' lxoµeve PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 9 app. crit.; 61xws OVTT}V 6sv ,raµeve ibid. 391 vex 1TOAEµovµeve 6µov PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2575 ,repvovµeve BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 171.10
av eTxaµeve ,rei P&N Diath. 772 eMlyaµeve GERMANO, Grammar 86.32-3 ypacpe.eve GERMANO, Grammar 50.1 1TWS Bev Malnve KONDAR., Paides 999 1TOU 1TCITEVE PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 339 Kl o:µe.ev '6a, 610:~~TEVe KONDAR., Paides 1112 TO: 6aKpva µov 6freve PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 866 eMlyenve GERMANO, Grammar 86.33; Ei1TETEVE ibid. 86.35
b) the 1 sg. imperf. oxytone ending-ovv >-ovve (Crete, Cyclades, Heptanese, Chios/Naxos): TOV c5p8pov CXKCXpTepovve Tex 6{v6pT) y1ex v' CXKOl/0"(,.) Alex. Rim. 2132 eya,rovve GERMANO, Grammar 87.4 €KpCITOVVE FOSKOLOS, Fort. 1.28 TT}V yvooµ11v 01TOU 'KpCITOVVE PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1822 vex µ,r6povve va My1aaa Trag. Ag.. Dim. ID.322.
c) 3 sg. imperfect and aorist -Ev > -EVE to be found in texts from Crete, Chios, the Heptanese and the Cyclades and 3 sg. imperf. oxytone -Et > -EtvE found only in texts from Chios and the Peloponnese:
56
I Phonology
TT)V xapa TT)V EiXEVE cpepµiVfl FALIEROS, /st. On. 19 -r6 '8EMVE mi P&N Diath. 443 and 574 eixeve PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 22 6ev eYxeve pt~IKO (1694, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 10, 24.8) ei&ve GERMANO, Grammar 50.6 ijp8eve cnro Tiiv Kao-o-o:VTpe1a (1640, Andros, POLEMIS 1999b: 11, 35.2) hrapo:6(.)0-EVt TOVE (1640, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 190, 161.11) 1'I &o:Aao-o-a ecpvym (1650, Santorini, ZERLENDIS 1922: (1), 28.7-8) Kal 'l\µ11pos TWV eirreve PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 479 µoii 'Kaµeve (1686. Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1981183: 647. 647.3-4) exao-eve arro µ~va (1694, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 10, 24.9)
2 Vowels
Kai ?.oyl~eVTove TO eµ1aov irep1~6Amov (1557, Naxos, KATSOURos 1955: 11 [later co ], 63.7) 6ev EVTpfoeVTOVE MOREZINOS, Klini 183.36 (ms~ PY vex ~p!o-KeVTove in verita a bono patre natus FosKoLos, Fort. V.218 evplaKOVVTOVE Ka'TOIKOS PETRITSIS, Dig. O 1589 eKpv~ovnove (1680, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 53,205.7); €KEITOVVTOVE (1703, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 43, 56.8) . eKpaCovVTOVE KORNAROS, Erot. IV.1069 . nou Ka86Tovve MONTSEL., Evgena 190 EPXOTOVVE T' aaK~pl KATSAITIS, Klathmos 1.136 [eypacp6Tov]ve SPANOS, Grammar 36.22 e8vµov6Tovve SouMAKIS, Rebelio 58.3
EKpo:TEIEVE PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 264 EKpo:TEIEVE (1702. Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 35, 49.13) i\Kaµe &,Tl eµ,ropmve Trag. Ag. Dim. Il.119
etlcnye Kl e8p11va-rove P&N Diath. 1572; KOtµ6:Tove ibid. 1943 EKIVa'TO\IE &iro TOV 8vµ6v VENETZAS, Varl. & Joas. 37.12
Kai TT)V ecp6pe1vev airrfi PROSOPSAS, Peri tyflou 604T)µlTOpTJVE nvexs vex TO ovoµaO"TJ (1699, Nauplion/Athens, KAMBOUROGLOU 1889: 178.3)
evpto-K6Tave (1641, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 233, 190.4) epxoTave MA TES IS, Chron. 64.28 1TClVTa &Aa eyev6Tave µt T~OS KaAo SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 31.20
In the passive voice (other than the aorist), the only instance of final /e/ addition which appears already in the 15th c. and presents a relatively wide distribution is 3 sg. -Tov > -Tove (especially the copula TJTOV > iiTove), although again most attestations come from Crete, the Cyclades and the Heptanese: ouK ijTove To-ovK6:A1v Ptoch. /V218 app. crit. (K) fyrove yvvaiKa µov (1420, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1962a: 1, 39.11) ijTove yap xa1po:µevo1 Pol. Tr. 10795 app. crit. (X) · fyrove µirao-Tap6os Chron. Mor. P 3088; i\Tove peµ -µouve and the 2 sg. imperf. -aouv > -aouve: a' aµeTpTJV evplo-Kovµovve KplO"TJ CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.250 K' els &Aovs ecpa1v60-ovve evµopcpo 1TaAATJKClPI AITOLOS, Voev. 127
euplaKovo-ovve FOSKOLOS, Fort. V.117 Kai peyovo-ovve Stathis 1.242
A special case is the copula (i\µouv > iiµouve and riaouv > i\aouve), which seems to have a wider geographical distribution than other verbs and to present the phenomenon earlier: KaTa~~anexs av i'iµovve Proch. III 181 app. crit. (P) (15th-c. ms) i'iµovve Pol. Tr. 5815 app. crit. (X) arr' &VTeV i'iµovve (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132, 218.19) ijµovve l3el3cx1os (1582, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 126, 86.32) ,;µovve AITOLOS, Ais. Myth. 65.13 i)µovve Kao-Tpov Thrinos patr. 0 59 i)µovve atla~(A)µevo FosKOLOS, Fort. II.204
56
I Phonology
TT)V xapa TT)V EiXEVE cpepµiVfl FALIEROS, /st. On. 19 -r6 '8EMVE mi P&N Diath. 443 and 574 eixeve PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 22 6ev eYxeve pt~IKO (1694, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 10, 24.8) ei&ve GERMANO, Grammar 50.6 ijp8eve cnro Tiiv Kao-o-o:VTpe1a (1640, Andros, POLEMIS 1999b: 11, 35.2) hrapo:6(.)0-EVt TOVE (1640, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 190, 161.11) 1'I &o:Aao-o-a ecpvym (1650, Santorini, ZERLENDIS 1922: (1), 28.7-8) Kal 'l\µ11pos TWV eirreve PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 479 µoii 'Kaµeve (1686. Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1981183: 647. 647.3-4) exao-eve arro µ~va (1694, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 10, 24.9)
2 Vowels
Kai ?.oyl~eVTove TO eµ1aov irep1~6Amov (1557, Naxos, KATSOURos 1955: 11 [later co ], 63.7) 6ev EVTpfoeVTOVE MOREZINOS, Klini 183.36 (ms~ PY vex ~p!o-KeVTove in verita a bono patre natus FosKoLos, Fort. V.218 evplaKOVVTOVE Ka'TOIKOS PETRITSIS, Dig. O 1589 eKpv~ovnove (1680, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 53,205.7); €KEITOVVTOVE (1703, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 43, 56.8) . eKpaCovVTOVE KORNAROS, Erot. IV.1069 . nou Ka86Tovve MONTSEL., Evgena 190 EPXOTOVVE T' aaK~pl KATSAITIS, Klathmos 1.136 [eypacp6Tov]ve SPANOS, Grammar 36.22 e8vµov6Tovve SouMAKIS, Rebelio 58.3
EKpo:TEIEVE PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 264 EKpo:TEIEVE (1702. Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 35, 49.13) i\Kaµe &,Tl eµ,ropmve Trag. Ag. Dim. Il.119
etlcnye Kl e8p11va-rove P&N Diath. 1572; KOtµ6:Tove ibid. 1943 EKIVa'TO\IE &iro TOV 8vµ6v VENETZAS, Varl. & Joas. 37.12
Kai TT)V ecp6pe1vev airrfi PROSOPSAS, Peri tyflou 604T)µlTOpTJVE nvexs vex TO ovoµaO"TJ (1699, Nauplion/Athens, KAMBOUROGLOU 1889: 178.3)
evpto-K6Tave (1641, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 233, 190.4) epxoTave MA TES IS, Chron. 64.28 1TClVTa &Aa eyev6Tave µt T~OS KaAo SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 31.20
In the passive voice (other than the aorist), the only instance of final /e/ addition which appears already in the 15th c. and presents a relatively wide distribution is 3 sg. -Tov > -Tove (especially the copula TJTOV > iiTove), although again most attestations come from Crete, the Cyclades and the Heptanese: ouK ijTove To-ovK6:A1v Ptoch. /V218 app. crit. (K) fyrove yvvaiKa µov (1420, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1962a: 1, 39.11) ijTove yap xa1po:µevo1 Pol. Tr. 10795 app. crit. (X) · fyrove µirao-Tap6os Chron. Mor. P 3088; i\Tove peµ -µouve and the 2 sg. imperf. -aouv > -aouve: a' aµeTpTJV evplo-Kovµovve KplO"TJ CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.250 K' els &Aovs ecpa1v60-ovve evµopcpo 1TaAATJKClPI AITOLOS, Voev. 127
euplaKovo-ovve FOSKOLOS, Fort. V.117 Kai peyovo-ovve Stathis 1.242
A special case is the copula (i\µouv > iiµouve and riaouv > i\aouve), which seems to have a wider geographical distribution than other verbs and to present the phenomenon earlier: KaTa~~anexs av i'iµovve Proch. III 181 app. crit. (P) (15th-c. ms) i'iµovve Pol. Tr. 5815 app. crit. (X) arr' &VTeV i'iµovve (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132, 218.19) ijµovve l3el3cx1os (1582, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 126, 86.32) ,;µovve AITOLOS, Ais. Myth. 65.13 i)µovve Kao-Tpov Thrinos patr. 0 59 i)µovve atla~(A)µevo FosKOLOS, Fort. II.204
58
2 Vowels
I Phonology
Kap~ouvapfo fiaouve Poulol. 431 app. crit. (CP) fiaouve Fyll. gadar. 358c T}aouve f,oT)86s µou CHORTATSIS, Panor. II.535 i\aouve MONTSEL., Evgena 723
b) 1 pl. -µeCTTav > -µeCTTave, -µaCTTev >-µaCTTeve, only in Crete and the Heptanese; -µaO"T1v >-µac,nve, only in Mani; and-ouµav > -ouµave, only in Crete (see III, 4.1-4): AUTpC::,voµfo,ave MOREZINOS, Klini 62.21 eKel a,rou Ka8oµecrrave CHORTATSIS, Pa11or. IV.352 vex 6foµeaTave ThysiaAvr. 1133 evp!aKoµeaTave (1649, Crete, PANOPOULOU 2003: 2, 148.30-1) evp1aKoµecrrave FOSKOLOS, Fort. Il.256 KEIVT) 1TOU opeyoµecrrave KORNAROS, Erot.1.1261 cpo~ouµeaTave MoREZINOS, Klini 137.20 (reading of ms ~) 8;\1~oµaaTEVE µe 8;\1µµ0 µeyaAo Evr. Eleg. 3 166.6 vex µriv ayp1K1oµaaTEVE (1693, Corfu, TSITSAS 1978/79: [2], 207.80) elpTJ aTpcrra 01TOU epxouµacrrtve ... (1584, Italy, PAPADOPOULOS 1978: 1, 318.5-6); T)~peaKouµaSTI1VE I T)UpeaKouµaaT1ve (ibid. 1, 318.16-17) E~1puaKoµacrruve I ef,ip1aKoµacrrwe (1679, Sovana, Tuscany, PAPADOPOULOS 1979: 1,
473.37) eKpcrrouµave TROILOS, Rodol. V.298
c) 2 pl. -ouo.e > -ouCTTeve, with addition of the whole syllable-vs, only in Chios: µriv O'TEKOUOTEVE KoNDAR., Pai -oVTmve, -ouVTa1 > -ouVTaive, with addition of the whole syllable -ve, only in the Heptanese and Chios: T)Vp{aKOVTa!ve els Tex XEPta (1653, Kefalonia, ALEXOPOULOU et al. 2009: 215, 186.54) epxoVTalve Ka\ K;\aia1 PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2109 Kl' OAOI vex µe cpof,ouVTalVE KATSAITIS, Thyest. V.26
e) 3 pl. imperf. -ovVTov > -ovVTove (Cyclades), -oVTav > -6VTave (Crete and Heptanese), -ouVTav > -ovVTave (Crete, Cyclades, Heptanese, Chios), and-6vTTJO' -6VT11crave (only in the Chronicle of the Turkish Sultans) (see III, 4.3.1): · eaia,OUVTOVE (1673, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1971n3: 10, 172.16) lyv~1,6VTave Alex. Rim. 871 eµax6VTa\le ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 2076 epx6VTaVE SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 35.15; 6pey6VTave ibid. 35.18 6ev avvep1,6VTave oi Y!:'(';')µes PYRRIS, Diig. panouklas 122.27 eKa8e,ouVTaVE MOREZINOS, Klini 16.9. · .· . . 61rou euplaKouvTave (1613, Rethymno region/ Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 846,
737.10-11) e6epVOUVT -ovva), appearing from the 15th c. onwards, with a relatively wide distribution; for its etymology see p ANDELIDIS 2008: 296-8: EKpcrrouva Liv. E 1670; eKov6µouva ibid. 3532 e1re8uµouva These id 1.103, 7 (Follieri); ,;µ1r6pouva ibid m.54,5 (1529) lTOU Kpcrrouva FALIEROS, Erot. En. 122 6TaV eyC::, Tpayou6ouva AITOLOS, Ais. Myth. 129.13 vex aoO 'TJTOUVa Thysia Avr. 897 e,rou;\ouva (1616, Crete, ANGELOMATI-TSOUNGARAKI 1996: 2,361.10) vex Tov h!µouvcx Chron. Tourk. Soult. 86.19 6ev µ,r6pouva vex TO 6ouM4'c..> O"T)µepo (1639, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 137, 123.11) expC::,aTouva TOO K 6eve, which appear mainly in Crete. The case of cxveu > cxveue is
58
2 Vowels
I Phonology
Kap~ouvapfo fiaouve Poulol. 431 app. crit. (CP) fiaouve Fyll. gadar. 358c T}aouve f,oT)86s µou CHORTATSIS, Panor. II.535 i\aouve MONTSEL., Evgena 723
b) 1 pl. -µeCTTav > -µeCTTave, -µaCTTev >-µaCTTeve, only in Crete and the Heptanese; -µaO"T1v >-µac,nve, only in Mani; and-ouµav > -ouµave, only in Crete (see III, 4.1-4): AUTpC::,voµfo,ave MOREZINOS, Klini 62.21 eKel a,rou Ka8oµecrrave CHORTATSIS, Pa11or. IV.352 vex 6foµeaTave ThysiaAvr. 1133 evp!aKoµeaTave (1649, Crete, PANOPOULOU 2003: 2, 148.30-1) evp1aKoµecrrave FOSKOLOS, Fort. Il.256 KEIVT) 1TOU opeyoµecrrave KORNAROS, Erot.1.1261 cpo~ouµeaTave MoREZINOS, Klini 137.20 (reading of ms ~) 8;\1~oµaaTEVE µe 8;\1µµ0 µeyaAo Evr. Eleg. 3 166.6 vex µriv ayp1K1oµaaTEVE (1693, Corfu, TSITSAS 1978/79: [2], 207.80) elpTJ aTpcrra 01TOU epxouµacrrtve ... (1584, Italy, PAPADOPOULOS 1978: 1, 318.5-6); T)~peaKouµaSTI1VE I T)UpeaKouµaaT1ve (ibid. 1, 318.16-17) E~1puaKoµacrruve I ef,ip1aKoµacrrwe (1679, Sovana, Tuscany, PAPADOPOULOS 1979: 1,
473.37) eKpcrrouµave TROILOS, Rodol. V.298
c) 2 pl. -ouo.e > -ouCTTeve, with addition of the whole syllable-vs, only in Chios: µriv O'TEKOUOTEVE KoNDAR., Pai -oVTmve, -ouVTa1 > -ouVTaive, with addition of the whole syllable -ve, only in the Heptanese and Chios: T)Vp{aKOVTa!ve els Tex XEPta (1653, Kefalonia, ALEXOPOULOU et al. 2009: 215, 186.54) epxoVTalve Ka\ K;\aia1 PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2109 Kl' OAOI vex µe cpof,ouVTalVE KATSAITIS, Thyest. V.26
e) 3 pl. imperf. -ovVTov > -ovVTove (Cyclades), -oVTav > -6VTave (Crete and Heptanese), -ouVTav > -ovVTave (Crete, Cyclades, Heptanese, Chios), and-6vTTJO' -6VT11crave (only in the Chronicle of the Turkish Sultans) (see III, 4.3.1): · eaia,OUVTOVE (1673, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1971n3: 10, 172.16) lyv~1,6VTave Alex. Rim. 871 eµax6VTa\le ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 2076 epx6VTaVE SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 35.15; 6pey6VTave ibid. 35.18 6ev avvep1,6VTave oi Y!:'(';')µes PYRRIS, Diig. panouklas 122.27 eKa8e,ouVTaVE MOREZINOS, Klini 16.9. · .· . . 61rou euplaKouvTave (1613, Rethymno region/ Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 846,
737.10-11) e6epVOUVT -ovva), appearing from the 15th c. onwards, with a relatively wide distribution; for its etymology see p ANDELIDIS 2008: 296-8: EKpcrrouva Liv. E 1670; eKov6µouva ibid. 3532 e1re8uµouva These id 1.103, 7 (Follieri); ,;µ1r6pouva ibid m.54,5 (1529) lTOU Kpcrrouva FALIEROS, Erot. En. 122 6TaV eyC::, Tpayou6ouva AITOLOS, Ais. Myth. 129.13 vex aoO 'TJTOUVa Thysia Avr. 897 e,rou;\ouva (1616, Crete, ANGELOMATI-TSOUNGARAKI 1996: 2,361.10) vex Tov h!µouvcx Chron. Tourk. Soult. 86.19 6ev µ,r6pouva vex TO 6ouM4'c..> O"T)µepo (1639, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 137, 123.11) expC::,aTouva TOO K 6eve, which appear mainly in Crete. The case of cxveu > cxveue is
------------~
2 Vowels
I Phonology
60
the only one where addition of /e/, and once even /a/, appears after the final consonant /v/, which is normally disallowed by the phonotactics of MedG (see 3.3.1). It is not surprising then that final addition in this form appears as early as the 12th c. Examples (see also KRIARAS, Lex. s.vv.): o{ae µav61av I eiae µaVTelav Byz. fl. 76 app. crit. elae Mflp0V0µ16v 1"(A)V Alosis 695 elae ,rpovKlov (1509, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 4, 50.5) elae oAftV TflV 61acpopcxv (1514, Corfu, KARABOULA/PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1998: 59, 65.6) eian els ae VflKOKflplWV / eta-re elae VOIKOKVplOV (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132, 217.5-6) flaE ,'i,1"1 Kai av EXT\/ elae efo Kai av EXT\ (1557, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 201,250.5) ianei\os / elahei\os (1576, Andros, PoLEMIS 1995a: 19, 151.15) e1ae oi\o To Vftal / elae oi\o ,o Vf\O-l (1647, Santorini, TsELIKAS 1985: 16, 88.53)
E~ eµtas / e~e µ{as Diig. sevast. Thom. 371 ~e Kavevav Alex. Rim. 1426 ~e oi\ovs TR1vous, Tagiap. 42; ~e 6uo ibid. 50 oae ,opa / were ,wpa (1481, Crimea, MIKLOSICH/MOLLER 1860/90: ill 10, 293.7) (misprint in
GRASSO 1880) ave17 artµa{vovv BERGADIS, Apok. A 93 agne zi na ci dhidhussi / ave ~fi, vex ,afi 6!6ovo-1 (1661, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 10, 103.51) 01T0101 KOO ave KaTEXOVC11 ,l[,o.as (1663, Crete, LYDAKI 2000: 6,416.10) Kai x1A101 xp6vo1 ave 6ia[,ou KoRNAROS, Erot. ill.1136; ave [,apfis ibid. IV.515
6n Kave 6e11 me1vouaaµe Vws Filaret. 241.14 ;; Kave au-rouva ,a µaKp1a ,a ,payiva ,-' auTta aov; SoUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. G5r.18 · ovnve lva1 KOV1"0'. va TEAEIWO"fl FOSKOLOS, Fort. lnterm. N 78 tit rtyovµe / t'\yovµe (1498, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 3, 21.12); iiyovµe 6ovKa,a ,foo-apa (1501, ibid. 5, 27.14--15) fiyovve / iyyovve (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 15, 39.6) iiyovve (1667, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 16, 128.7)
EKl8eve / EKE{8eve (1599, Zakynthos, PLOUMIDIS 1995/98: 87.9) aveve (1198, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 246,333.20) ave[,e [,ou:>..fis I 0:VEVE ~ovi\fis (14th c.?, Meteora, SOFIANOS 1994: 1, 286.29) av eua TT\S / aveua Tf\S Assizes B 265.31
2.7
Vowel Deletion
This section examines vowel deletion in all positions within the word, except the special, geographically restricted, phenomenon of "raising vocalism" (2.5.4).
17
...
KluARAS,
~ mistakenly oonftates such instances in the lemma &vtv, where they are interpreted as deriving
· from av+ 3 sg. of elµa1 (lxv til).
2.7.1
61
Aphaeresis
A basic distinction should be made between lexical aphaeresis, i.e. a diachronic process which has resulted in a permanent, lexicalized stem lacking its etymological initial vowel, and post-lexical synchronic aphaeresis, i.e. a sandhi phenomenon occurring at word boundaries as a means of hiatus resolution (for which see 2.9.2). The first process originates (at least partly) from the second and is explicable through it, and the distinction between the two is not always easy in written sources; secure instances of diachronic aphaeresis in LMedG and EMG are only those where the preceding word ends in a consonant (BAKKER 1988/89: 319). A further distinction should be made between synchronic aphaeresis in LMedG and the phenomenon of aphaeresis (also termed prodelision) operating in AG (SMYTH 1984: §76): the latter is an AG synchronic sandhi rule affecting only the short vowels /e/ and, less frequently, /a/, when preceded by a proclitic word ending in a long vowel or diphthong (e.g. µ-fi ecm > µ-fi 'cm), whereas the MedG phenomenon affects all vowels. · · · Diachronic aphaeresis is a phonetic development whereby unstressed initial vowels are deleted. It has been suggested that it can be viewed as an instance of an overall diachronic tendency of Greek towards CV syllable structure, together with the deletion of final consonants and the addition of final vowels (MALIKOUTI-DRACHMAN 2001: 201). As noted above, permanent aphaeresis originates from the lexicalization of synchronic deletion of a word-initial vowel. which takes place when the preceding word also ends in a vowel, if that vowel is identical or stronger in terms of sonority (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 213-25; MENARDOS 1925; HORROCKS 22010: 276-7; see also 2.9.2). Typical environments causing synchronic aphaeresis which may later be lexicalized are the phonological units definite article+ noun (e.g. TO 6cnrh1v > TO Tl P-fivfl), indefinite article+ noun (e.g. µta aAuO"i6a > µta 'i\vO"i6a) and particle va + verb (e.g. vex aO" TO Tl P-fivfl), indefinite article+ noun (e.g. µta aAuO"i6a > µta 'i\vO"i6a) and particle va + verb (e.g. vex aO"pfo'Tove (1696, Kastoria, MERTZIOS 1947a: 6,213.10) schoffillati / o-1 a,r' TOV, and the 2 sg. imperative verb forms followed by a clitic, e.g. cpepe Tov > a1 BepvlK1), 1rapaxpriµa > 1rapxpriµa (GIGNAC 1976: 306). It is not necessary for the interpretation of MedG cases of unstressed /if deletion, which is very frequent independently of whether the next syllable also contains /i/ or not, but could apply in the much rarer cases when the stronger vowels /a/ and /e/ are deleted, especially in 2 pl. imperative forms (see III, 4.5.2): ,rapKaAWVTa µe (1173, s. Italy, ROBINSON 1930: 51, 88.21) i\aµ~avve1 irap1 (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 31.49); irap1 Fior77.7 ,rapxcrrwnepol MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 256.10 ,rapTE µe MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 448.27-8 ~ai\Te Theseid I.4,5 (Follieri) 8tATE SKLAVOS, Symf 147 ,r1aa,-e µe FALIEROS, Thrinos 267 aupTe KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 395.19 6C::,a,-e CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.345 vex Tfive 8avcrr&a,-e MONTSEL., Evgena 411 aupTE ROMANOS, Grammar 62.9
Syncope is also responsible for a characteristic morphological idiosyncrasy of the Cretan, Cycladic and Heptanesian area, namely the definite article forms Tai;, wl etc., which derive from deletion of Iii in the proclitic article form, followed by addition of final [ii. See II, 5.2.1 and II, 5.3.2 for details and examples.
2.7.3
Deletion of Final Vowel (Apocope}
If the phenomenon of "raising vocalism" is discounted, lexical deletion of final vowels ~ extremely rare in MedG and EMG, as in many cases it would lead to loss of inflectional suffixes and as final consonants, except for /n/ and Isl, are disallowed in the phonology of the language (see 3.3.1). Post-lexical final vowel deletion before words beginning with a vowel is of course quite frequent as.a hiatus resolution strategy (see 2.9.2.2). A special case of post-lexical final vowel deletion occurs after consonants, in the case of close-knit synta:ctic units which form a phonological phrase; the classical term for the phenomenon is apocope. In MedG and EMG, it appears only in low-register texts from the 15th c. and beyond, and predominantly in verse texts. The most frequent environment is the preposition &n-6 + the definite article, e.g. a,ro T6V > a,r' TOV, and the 2 sg. imperative verb forms followed by a clitic, e.g. cpepe Tov > IapeKT')116s).
2 Vowels
67
The phenomenon appears in both literary and non-literary MedG texts, the earliest attestations coming from the 11th c., but for some words there is evidence that the change has already taken place before the period under examination (cf. LBG s.v. Kpal3cmo11, and the Koine examples of Kpel3!3cm11, xa0ep!~w, pfoavo11 in DIETERICH 1898: 4-6). In some lexical items, the change seems to have been fixed/lexicalized (e.g. Kpel3!3an11, aeVTov1µlva KORNAROS, Erot. I.642 0:IIE(llTO: K0RNAROS, Erot. 1.643 anepaimenos / avmCXT)µlvos CHORTATSIS, Ero/. III.313 transcr. x (Legrand); a11maµl1101 (1670,
Naxos, ROD0LAKIS 1994: 2,577.15) CX\IEaTT}µCXTa (1668, Naxos, KEFALLINIADIS 1971n3: 481.23)
I Phonology
66
-n;v o:6eA IapeKT')116s).
2 Vowels
67
The phenomenon appears in both literary and non-literary MedG texts, the earliest attestations coming from the 11th c., but for some words there is evidence that the change has already taken place before the period under examination (cf. LBG s.v. Kpal3cmo11, and the Koine examples of Kpel3!3cm11, xa0ep!~w, pfoavo11 in DIETERICH 1898: 4-6). In some lexical items, the change seems to have been fixed/lexicalized (e.g. Kpel3!3an11, aeVTov1µlva KORNAROS, Erot. I.642 0:IIE(llTO: K0RNAROS, Erot. 1.643 anepaimenos / avmCXT)µlvos CHORTATSIS, Ero/. III.313 transcr. x (Legrand); a11maµl1101 (1670,
Naxos, ROD0LAKIS 1994: 2,577.15) CX\IEaTT}µCXTa (1668, Naxos, KEFALLINIADIS 1971n3: 481.23)
68
1'.veyw.!l /el. One of the most consistent and widespread phonetic changes in MedG is the lowering of unstressed Iii to le/ in the adjacency of liquid, and less frequently nasal,
11
2 Vowels
I Phonology
The verbs CX11Ei3alv(,,) and 1T}, irpocr1, µsTponoA!TTJs, a6eµovC>- see examples below). The phenomenon dates back to the Late Koine (GIGNAC 1976: 248; PANAY0T0U 1990: 197), and therefore it appears already in the earliest MedG documents, without geographical restrictions; it is a Panhellenic change probably pre-dating the split into the various dialects. It is very frequent, but there is constant variation in its application, the most important factor limiting its appearance being register (both of the text and of the specific lexical item). Because of the early appearance of the change, it is conceivable that several instances of /e/ deriving from original /e:/ are the result of retention of the ancient open pronunciation adjacent to a liquid, i.e. that they are due to inhibition of raising of /e:/ > /i:/ rather than to lowering of Iii> /e/. 19 Furthermore, in texts composed in areas where "northern" dialect forms were spoken, it is possible that some cases of Iii > /el lowering are due to the hypercorrection of most of the vowel raising characteristic of these linguistic varieties (cf. 2.5.4) rather than to the · action of the adjacent liquid or nasal. /ml unstressed µETpoir6AE(A)S (11th c., Silymvria, EVANGELATOU-NOTARA 1982: 323, 186.1) µETp01TOAIT,is (1655, Naxos, ZERLENDIS 1922: 122.2-3) TCi>V sµeTe~v (1044, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 3, 146.14) 6eµ6cnov (1148, S. Italy, GUILLOU 1963: 7, 82.17); (6e)µocrf(A) / 6eµocrl'l' (1391, Corfu. TSELIKAS 1986b: 183.14); TJ 6eµoo-1a (1693, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 32,136.5) &6eµovei Chron. Toe. 703 oi MeC18p1&Ta1 (16th c., Peloponnese, SCHREINER 1975n9: 37.11, 10.1) 8eµ(A)Vlv1a (1713, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1992a: 2, 75.5) Pe6eµvos (161i, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 4, 171.32); Pe8eµvos (1660, Crete, KARATHANASIS
1973: 2, 27.3)
.
61µeTa (1616, Naxos, CHASIOTIS 1966: 20,214.9) &µepeµvo1 Chron. Tourk. Soult. 131.33 µecrocpay(A)µevov Berto/dos 12.4 eµe1vav euxap1o-reµevo1 (1637, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 49, 64.22) µe6e (1637, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 53, 68.30)
19
It has in fact been suggested that the phenomenon of fl/ > lei lowering is an inheritance from the AG Aeolic dialect (KAPSOMENOS 1985: 48; MINAS 22003: 43-4; discussion in MOYSIADIS 2005: 92) du~ t~ rare examples such as Lesb. ti.aµoxptrw JG XII 2 74 and Thess. xpE1111iµw lG IX 2 5 17.14. However, this IS extremely doubtful, both because of the limited influence of the Aeolic dialect on the history of later Greek as compared to the Panhellenic spread of this change, and because of the different nature of the AG vowel system (short and long vowels, musical accent; all the examples quoted involve stresSed vowels).
68
1'.veyw.!l /el. One of the most consistent and widespread phonetic changes in MedG is the lowering of unstressed Iii to le/ in the adjacency of liquid, and less frequently nasal,
11
2 Vowels
I Phonology
The verbs CX11Ei3alv(,,) and 1T}, irpocr1, µsTponoA!TTJs, a6eµovC>- see examples below). The phenomenon dates back to the Late Koine (GIGNAC 1976: 248; PANAY0T0U 1990: 197), and therefore it appears already in the earliest MedG documents, without geographical restrictions; it is a Panhellenic change probably pre-dating the split into the various dialects. It is very frequent, but there is constant variation in its application, the most important factor limiting its appearance being register (both of the text and of the specific lexical item). Because of the early appearance of the change, it is conceivable that several instances of /e/ deriving from original /e:/ are the result of retention of the ancient open pronunciation adjacent to a liquid, i.e. that they are due to inhibition of raising of /e:/ > /i:/ rather than to lowering of Iii> /e/. 19 Furthermore, in texts composed in areas where "northern" dialect forms were spoken, it is possible that some cases of Iii > /el lowering are due to the hypercorrection of most of the vowel raising characteristic of these linguistic varieties (cf. 2.5.4) rather than to the · action of the adjacent liquid or nasal. /ml unstressed µETpoir6AE(A)S (11th c., Silymvria, EVANGELATOU-NOTARA 1982: 323, 186.1) µETp01TOAIT,is (1655, Naxos, ZERLENDIS 1922: 122.2-3) TCi>V sµeTe~v (1044, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 3, 146.14) 6eµ6cnov (1148, S. Italy, GUILLOU 1963: 7, 82.17); (6e)µocrf(A) / 6eµocrl'l' (1391, Corfu. TSELIKAS 1986b: 183.14); TJ 6eµoo-1a (1693, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 32,136.5) &6eµovei Chron. Toe. 703 oi MeC18p1&Ta1 (16th c., Peloponnese, SCHREINER 1975n9: 37.11, 10.1) 8eµ(A)Vlv1a (1713, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1992a: 2, 75.5) Pe6eµvos (161i, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 4, 171.32); Pe8eµvos (1660, Crete, KARATHANASIS
1973: 2, 27.3)
.
61µeTa (1616, Naxos, CHASIOTIS 1966: 20,214.9) &µepeµvo1 Chron. Tourk. Soult. 131.33 µecrocpay(A)µevov Berto/dos 12.4 eµe1vav euxap1o-reµevo1 (1637, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 49, 64.22) µe6e (1637, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 53, 68.30)
19
It has in fact been suggested that the phenomenon of fl/ > lei lowering is an inheritance from the AG Aeolic dialect (KAPSOMENOS 1985: 48; MINAS 22003: 43-4; discussion in MOYSIADIS 2005: 92) du~ t~ rare examples such as Lesb. ti.aµoxptrw JG XII 2 74 and Thess. xpE1111iµw lG IX 2 5 17.14. However, this IS extremely doubtful, both because of the limited influence of the Aeolic dialect on the history of later Greek as compared to the Panhellenic spread of this change, and because of the different nature of the AG vowel system (short and long vowels, musical accent; all the examples quoted involve stresSed vowels).
2 Vowels
I Phonology
70
/ml stressed elaaoBtµcrra MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 26.8 µivT]µa (1480, Constantinople, BOMBACI 1954: 9,313.8) µev unasAchil. N 1567 va µev Tuxalve1 TheseidVl.12,1 (Olsen) µev lrOITJO"TlS (17th C., Cyprus, CHRISTODOULOU 1983: A, 404.231) cmoaTtµcrra LANDOS, Geopon. 177.23
va
/n/ unstressed KoµvevoO (1179, EvANGELATOU-NOTARA 1982: 443,211.1) Koµvev6s (1649-69, Thessaly, SPANOS 2001: 437, f.86v.23) Tiu.o,r6vveaov Chron. Mor. H 1405 yi:vaiKES (1468, Cyprus, RICHARD/PAPADOPOULLOS 1983: 3, 5.4-5); TT}V yi:vaiKav TOU MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 218.2 TO 1raveyvp1 (1604, Santorini, STEFANIDOU 2004: 10, 166.77) Alyi:vav TheseidVI.15,1 (Olsen); TT}V Aiyi:va Chron. Tourk. Soult. 54.34 o-a,rouvt, 1 1 /u/ change had applied, i.e. from inflected forms like Tov poo6~uva, Tov o-airouva etc., where Joi was unstressed and therefore subject to the change. This would explain the lack of change in 4'6µa and yevµa > y16µa) where the change appears very frequently, from many areas and periods, despite the fact that most case-forms are stressed. Unstressed e~oµ,r;\l01s (1106, Athos, EVANGELATOU-NOTARA 1982: 350, 191.4) < Lat. exemplum To yio ·WVIOV (e.g. pw6c.:iv > pc.:i600111ov > pou6ovvt, o-cmc.:iv > O"CXTIWl/1011 > o-a,rouvt, 1 1 /u/ change had applied, i.e. from inflected forms like Tov poo6~uva, Tov o-airouva etc., where Joi was unstressed and therefore subject to the change. This would explain the lack of change in vov (1662, Mykonos, V1sv1z1s 1957: 6, 55.13) < ,rpoUJvov < 1rpo1Koauµcpc.,vov
1\vo special cases of stressed lo/ > lu/ need to be mentioned: the very frequent prepositional variant cm6 > cmou, which, however, is not stressed within a phonological phrase, as it is proclitic on the following word, and the quantitative determiner ollos > oultos/ oullos, which is a widespread dialectal form that has been interpreted as an Ionic archaism (THUMB 1901: 86; but cf. CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 284; LKN s.v. oultos). See II, 5.13.1.1 for further examples. TO /¼18oS ouAov (1199, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 247, 336.4) VCI KOµT)S ouAa MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 22.23 ouAa (1486, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 9, 60.5) OUAOUS TOVS lxya,rouv Anak. Konst. 41 Kai cpo~naapo1 ouA01 FosKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 71 OUAT) TI)v 'llia6a EFTHYM., Chron. Gal. 20.11-12
It is also crucial to distinguish this change from the regional raising phenomenon /o/ > /u/ (see 2.5.4).
,lI
I
20 BASEA-BEZANDAKOU
(2005: 284) reports only the name fl OUKOU (= TOU ooKa) (1547, Mani, SKOPBTBAS 1950: I, 70.4), also attes.ted in another Maniot document: ovKaS (1610, Mani, FLORIST AN 2008: 1,282.1).
2 Vowels
I Phonology
74
On the other hand, Pontic and Cappadocian are reported as not taking part in the general /o/ > /u/ change and as exhibiting unchanged forms like poo6&mv, 11r{v etc. (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 291), which would point to a late appearance of the phenomenon, after the splitting off of these dialects. However, standard descriptions of these dialects provide many examples with raised lo/, e.g. ~ovv{{oo, ~oVTav1, 1 as -ov: vex xpoouTaov TOU i\y{ov Mapl /u/ is much more widespread in MedG than in MG, and in medieval texts from Cyprus it is indeed very strong. This points to a general phonetic change inhibited by the influence of learned language. Unstressed ,rovAEi11 (1005, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 13, 13.26) Koulvloup1a (1062, Sicily, RoGNONI 2004: 11, 117.7) /\EVKOUaias (1193, Cyprus, EVANGELATOU-NOTARA 1982: 471, 217.7); /\eUKOUO"la (1303,
Cyprus, CONSTANTINIDES/BROWNING 1993: 31, 161.[12]3) ayeM6111 CTUµµoUO"KOII (1216, Macedonia, BoMPAIRE et al. 2001: 12, 123.11) µouCTKapa1V Kou6ouvk,.>11 Achil. N 1210 · KOUpouva Poulol. 430
75
µoupt Poulol. 241 app. crit. (E) ,roupv6v BERGADIS,Apok. V 304 lvcx11 Kouµµ /u/ (see 2.5.4).
,lI
I
20 BASEA-BEZANDAKOU
(2005: 284) reports only the name fl OUKOU (= TOU ooKa) (1547, Mani, SKOPBTBAS 1950: I, 70.4), also attes.ted in another Maniot document: ovKaS (1610, Mani, FLORIST AN 2008: 1,282.1).
76
I Phonology
2.8.4
Backing of /i/ > /u/
2 Vowels
The high front vowel /i/ changes to the corresponding high back vowel /u/ in the adjacency of velar and labial consonants, in unstressed syllables. The phenomenon appears in all areas, but it is regular only in some lexical items and not in others. It affects /i/ of any historical provenance (i.e. 1, 11, Et, v, 01, not only from Koine /y/). According to JosEPH ( 1979: 46), the environment of the change should be better defined as follows: /i/ between consonants, where one of the consonants is a labial or a velar and the other consonant is a sonorant /l, r, m, n/ or both are labial or velar. Other scholars (M0YSIADIS 2005: 105) doubt the influence of adjacent liquid consonants, and attribute the change only to the presence of labials and velars. However, it is possible that liquids may play an additional role, i.e. support the tendency when the main triggering consonant is present. It is often claimed (see 2.4.6.2) that several cases of MG /u/ corresponding to AG /y/, sometimes standing in variation with forms in ft!, are instances of a direct retention of an ancient pronunciation (KAPS0MEN0S 1985: 111; MINAS 22003: 37, cf. L1os1s/ PAPADAM0U 2011 for an overview).21 Common examples include: µovo-r6Kt, c,,-ou-rr!, crKoVTi, ~oup6q>1/~up6:qn, xpovcrosfxpvcr6s etc. However, the fact that these /u/ sounds occur quite consistently adjacent to velar and labial consonants, i.e. in an environment which is known to cause backing of /if to /u/, renders the retention scenario dubious. Since the innovative change /ii to /u/ is well attested in the MedG period, the presence of forms with etymological = /u/ in medieval texts does not necessarily entail that they are AG survivals. Only the presence of /u/ from original AG /u/ in a phonetic environment not involving labial, velar or sonorant consonants, or when the base-form of the word is stressed, attested in MedG texts, can be considered a candidate for a true archaic retention of AG /u/; a typical example is the personal pronoun ecrou consistently attested in Ancient, Medieval and Modem Cypriot (see II, 5.3.1.2). In most other cases Jul must have evolved regularly to /y/ and then, in the environments described above, i.e. in the vicinity of velar, labial and sonorant consonants, it must have become subject to the irregular Iii > lu/ change, which affected all Medieval Greek /ii sounds irrespective of origin. Some of these /i/ sounds simply happened, coincidentally, to correspond to ancient rather than to . . Unfortunately the phonetic environment of the change /i/ > /u/ is rather unclear. Firstly, there are exceptions to the rule both ways, Le: one niay find unaffected /i/ despite the fact that a velar, labial or sonorant consonant is adjacent, or an affected /i/ despite the fact that these conditions are not met Furthermore, because the conditioning consonants belong to so many classes, it is in fact difficult to find /i/ that does not meet at least one of the conditions of the proposed change. The phenomenon appears rarely with stressed vowels, in which case paradigmatic levelling should be assumed. · As far as dating is concerned, the situation is again imprecise: there is inscriptional ev.idence for sporadic appearance of instead of already in the first centuries AD
an
21
This would entail direct survival from an AG dialect other than Ionic-Attic, which did not undergo the AG dialectally restricted fronting change /u/ > /y/ (i.e. Doric, Aeolic or Arcado-Cypriot).
77
(DIETERICH 1898: 23), e.g. XPovcr6s, ouirip. These can indeed be AG dialectal survivals with the caveats expressed above, or instances of a change /y/> /u/, since one could assume that the environments that backed /i/ to /u/ could also affect /y/. Alternatively, along with KAPS0MEN0S (1985: 111), one could assume that the spelling in these cases simply betrays a failed attempt to render the sound [y] on the part of those speakers who did not possess it in their native language system. However, there is no evidence for interchange of original AG with before the 11th c. Unstressed ~oUTTICX (1007, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 1, 136.38) )(POUO'OU (1008, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 14, 138.29); )(POUO"OU [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 800 vex 1EV'T6s 'T(,)\I CHORTATSIS, Emf IV.1519 T' ayopaa-rfj (1598, Naxos, KARABOULA!RODOLAKIS 2012/13: 158, 284.23) K' bous T' CIAAoii CXKAov8oiiµa BoUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 221.25 Kai µe ,-• CXV'Tp6s ni (1678, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 64, 54.4) -roii Koll'Tap1oii •~1(,)µe11cs Jmb. Rim. 26
ht/ +lo/
c>lT' op1o-es Diig. Alex. Sem. B 666 cnrr68ev c>1T· 66euye1s lmb. Rim. 251 Kai 'TTIII Kap61a µ' 6µ&61 SOUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. E8v.23
ht/ +lu/ on' OU \1Ep0\I ou6e 6e116p611 DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 15 Kai 'TCX O"'TOIXEia T' oupavoii Alosis 429 Kl 01.Es-rerl xapes ,r' Oupavol Kai,.,.AO"'TPTI eye1111fio-a KORNAROS, Erot. 1.83 cm' ov6' a6611T1 AEi 'TO\IE TROILOS, Rodol. 1.322
ht/ +lei Tv a6EAq>o11 onou 'x(,) Porikol. I 60 µov~KE\I MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 22.15; µoii '6(,)KE\I (1513, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 37, 63.11-12); nou 'TOV '6(,)KE (1537, SANTORINI, TSELIKAS 1985: 1, 75: 20); TOV •~i1a Peri xen. 288
2 Vowels
93
OlTOV 'vat TJ EKKA110'1a (1537, Naxos, KARABOULAIRODOLAKIS 2012/13: 117, 231.8) onou -roO '8e1.e Kaµe1 (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 12, 33.13) 6nov11a1 Kov-ro: els -ro crnfrw µou IER. AVVATIOS, Diig. Seismou 332.2 6,rou 'Tov Nov.1156.6 ou6ETl"O'TE µou 'nva~(,) Cypr. Canz.. 103.17 TO ~8os 'TOU ',011 8avµa0"1"611, ~'TOIi werav AOIITtlpl Alex. Rim. 235 KaKc!x 6ev TOU 'm 'TOOa lmb. Rim. 176
lei+ fa/ ov6e yo\lE(,)\I O"'TEPTIO"l\l, ou6' WV\O µeyav 1tpciµa11, Achil. L 236 6ev eixaµ· wJ\1111 '1ta\l'Tox,;11, ov6e Kaveva 8cxppcs, SKLAVOS, Symf. 127 qiuye-r' an' e6&, µwpol &yp16-rpayo1 Spanos D 1529 enfiymvev µ' apx611T1ero-es PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 134 le/+ lo/ 01TOU ol Cflfl8es ol noMes y{vod oi\ov 'TOO Kooµou Pol. Tr. 2883 app. crit. (X) Kl ox-raKOOIES Chron. Mor. P 45 Kl 6110µ0~(,) Chron. Mor. H 1962 Kt ocro eKa-re~alvaµe P&N Diath. 122 µ' 6µopq,11 Aoycx6a CHORTATSIS, Katz.. 1.135 Kaiµ' 6Aovs crov -rous 6!Ka1ovs 11a ere vµvoAoyoucn Rim. Sant. 129 Kaiµ' 64'1111 E\l'TTI (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 8, 30.5); T' cxq>EV'T6s 'T(,)\I CHORTATSIS, Emf IV.1519 T' ayopaa-rfj (1598, Naxos, KARABOULA!RODOLAKIS 2012/13: 158, 284.23) K' bous T' CIAAoii CXKAov8oiiµa BoUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 221.25 Kai µe ,-• CXV'Tp6s ni (1678, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 64, 54.4) -roii Koll'Tap1oii •~1(,)µe11cs Jmb. Rim. 26
ht/ +lo/
c>lT' op1o-es Diig. Alex. Sem. B 666 cnrr68ev c>1T· 66euye1s lmb. Rim. 251 Kai 'TTIII Kap61a µ' 6µ&61 SOUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. E8v.23
ht/ +lu/ on' OU \1Ep0\I ou6e 6e116p611 DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 15 Kai 'TCX O"'TOIXEia T' oupavoii Alosis 429 Kl 01.Es-rerl xapes ,r' Oupavol Kai,.,.AO"'TPTI eye1111fio-a KORNAROS, Erot. 1.83 cm' ov6' a6611T1 AEi 'TO\IE TROILOS, Rodol. 1.322
ht/ +lei Tv a6EAq>o11 onou 'x(,) Porikol. I 60 µov~KE\I MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 22.15; µoii '6(,)KE\I (1513, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 37, 63.11-12); nou 'TOV '6(,)KE (1537, SANTORINI, TSELIKAS 1985: 1, 75: 20); TOV •~i1a Peri xen. 288
2 Vowels
93
OlTOV 'vat TJ EKKA110'1a (1537, Naxos, KARABOULAIRODOLAKIS 2012/13: 117, 231.8) onou -roO '8e1.e Kaµe1 (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 12, 33.13) 6nov11a1 Kov-ro: els -ro crnfrw µou IER. AVVATIOS, Diig. Seismou 332.2 6,rou 'Tov Nov.1156.6 ou6ETl"O'TE µou 'nva~(,) Cypr. Canz.. 103.17 TO ~8os 'TOU ',011 8avµa0"1"611, ~'TOIi werav AOIITtlpl Alex. Rim. 235 KaKc!x 6ev TOU 'm 'TOOa lmb. Rim. 176
lei+ fa/ ov6e yo\lE(,)\I O"'TEPTIO"l\l, ou6' WV\O µeyav 1tpciµa11, Achil. L 236 6ev eixaµ· wJ\1111 '1ta\l'Tox,;11, ov6e Kaveva 8cxppcs, SKLAVOS, Symf. 127 qiuye-r' an' e6&, µwpol &yp16-rpayo1 Spanos D 1529 enfiymvev µ' apx611T1ero-es PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 134 le/+ lo/ 01TOU ol Cflfl8es ol noMes y{vod oi\ov 'TOO Kooµou Pol. Tr. 2883 app. crit. (X) Kl ox-raKOOIES Chron. Mor. P 45 Kl 6110µ0~(,) Chron. Mor. H 1962 Kt ocro eKa-re~alvaµe P&N Diath. 122 µ' 6µopq,11 Aoycx6a CHORTATSIS, Katz.. 1.135 Kaiµ' 6Aovs crov -rous 6!Ka1ovs 11a ere vµvoAoyoucn Rim. Sant. 129 Kaiµ' 64'1111 tVTTJs µas TO 8eAE1 ThysiaAvr. 330; 6b d11a1 t,ra µETaVlc.)µQS Kl 'Aq>EVTTJS µov To 8EAE1 ibid. 653 Mye1 O:q>EVTTJS MIXEATJS (1645, Crete, VOURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 9, 365: 2); Kai CXq>EVTTJS riyouµevos Mye1 (ibid. 365.4)
95
,roaa, µas T T' 6]1.ir{,u) > oAir{,u) ➔ 6Air{6o:. The connection of the phenomenon to vowel deletion and consequently to the vowel hierarchy which governs it (2.9.2) entails that the most common non-etymological vowels are those which stand higher in the hierarchy, namely /a/ and /o/, and conversely those which are most commonly replaced are the ones which stand lower, especially /e/. Apart from the relative frequencies of the replaced vowels, another indication of the close connection of the phenomenon to vowel deletion at word boundaries is the comparatively late dating of its appearance. ·
94
2 Vowels
I Phonology
Iii+ lo/ µri µt p' TO lTIOTO lTOV ,riv' o !3aa1Afo5 KON DAR., Paides 295 Kai T' 6110µ& TOU Ka8EVEls as ~Eup', OVTas aas ,ray(,) KON DAR., Paides 300 Iii+ tu/ !3pa6uv', ou6ev TO lTOAfµEi Liv. a 1387 app. crit. (N) 6ev exu '6fovas Cypr. Ganz. 110.2 lfOIEi ws,; ·~aVT~a T&v yEc.)py&v (1536, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 20, 30.8) Iii+ lei Kai av rux' foeva TlnoTa Chron. Toe. 3411 waav CXKoOaav TTIV ypaq,,'Jv, al30UA(,)S ha' e,roiaav Alex. Rim. 661 µT]6EKlaVEls St µe OE EKEi, ou6e Ktavds aT1'i O"TpaTa Stathis II.98 x&p· exE1 PETRns,s, Dig. o 2675; T' exE1s K' rra1 q,c.)va~E1s ibid. 10s Iii+ fJ/ oi 'youµEVOI (1395, Pontos, BRYER 1976: 7, 133.3) Els T1'iv Mnoupyouv1a foµl~aa1v aµq>6np' oi KOVTa6ES Chron. Mor. H 204 CXVITPEXOV, avel3a1vov eq,' iKavas TCXS wpas [ANDR. PALAIOL.] Kallim. 145 TOO 6' 'Ax!A;\.ec,)s TOO 8auµaaToii OAT] 'TOIi XPVO-c.)µEVT] Achil. 0 189 ytaTI 'vat IITpolfTI (1610, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 3, 169.8) Tl 'Toll TO KaKO Nov. I 156.3
When the phonological word involves the definite article, vowel deletion usually occurs only with forms which begin with a consonant, i.e. deletion is frequent with T6, Tou, Ta, but never occurs with 6, TJ, ol, o:l. In two dialectal varieties, Cretan and Pon tic, vocalic forms of the article may also be deleted. There are several attestations of the phenomenon in Cretan literature of the EMG period, involving the definite article 6 (nom. sg.) before a word beginning with a back vowel. These are discussed and illustrated in CHATZIDAKIS 1915: 459 for Erotokritos; BAKKER.I VANGEMERT 1996: 85 for Thysia touAvraam; VEJLESKOV 2005: 108 for Apokopos. The phenomenon is extremely rare in prose texts, although it surfaces quite early in the period covered by the Grammar, and is amply corroborated by modem dialectal evidence (especially for W. Crete, sw KAFKA LAS 2000: 56-8). · na ton eghi Emanuil / vex TOIi EXTJ 'Eµµavouty, (1394, Crete, SANTSCHI 1976: 1597, 344.19) El,re µas av Kpani oupavbs Kl 0:11 O"TEKEl OKoaµos TCilpa BERGADIS, Apok. A 86; Mµ,rova1v T' aa-rpa T' oupa1100 Kai auysp1116s CXO"Tepas ibid. 92 K;\.alya lTaTepas, 6ep11ETa1, TCXS Tplxas a11aa,ra~EI lmb. Rim. 207 Kl OIITpas µov TTIII ayopaaE Kal a,r{n TOV Eq>Epe Tl'J CHORTATSIS, Katz. l.2.235 onov µoO 'ypaq>E a6eAq>OS TOU (1612, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 4, 171.19) TOUTO nov et IICX ,ra8oµe 'Aq>tVTTJs µas TO 8eAE1 ThysiaAvr. 330; 6b d11a1 t,ra µETaVlc.)µQS Kl 'Aq>EVTTJS µov To 8EAE1 ibid. 653 Mye1 O:q>EVTTJS MIXEATJS (1645, Crete, VOURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 9, 365: 2); Kai CXq>EVTTJS riyouµevos Mye1 (ibid. 365.4)
95
,roaa, µas T T' 6]1.ir{,u) > oAir{,u) ➔ 6Air{6o:. The connection of the phenomenon to vowel deletion and consequently to the vowel hierarchy which governs it (2.9.2) entails that the most common non-etymological vowels are those which stand higher in the hierarchy, namely /a/ and /o/, and conversely those which are most commonly replaced are the ones which stand lower, especially /e/. Apart from the relative frequencies of the replaced vowels, another indication of the close connection of the phenomenon to vowel deletion at word boundaries is the comparatively late dating of its appearance. ·
96
I Phonology
As in the case of vowel prothesis (2.6.1), the phrases within which the phenomenon mostly takes place are the collocations of article + noun, preposition + complement or clitic + verb. Therefore, spread of /a/ is due mostly to the indefinite pronoun iva, µta, the definite article Ta, and the preverbal particles va and ea, while spread of lo/ is mostly due to the definite article 6 and T6, or the preposition &-rr6 (e.g. &,ro l~oo > &iro '~oo > air' cS~c.:, > cS~oo). In the case of weaker vowels replacing stronger ones, a more solid explanation from a phonetic point of view is to assume a two-step process: lexicalized initial vowel deletion followed at a later stage by vowel prothesis. This is quite common in the case of initial /e/ in verb stems, e.g. &ypotKC> > ypo1K& > eypo1KC> (with an initial /e/ probably stemming from past indicative forms with syllabic augment), but might subsequently spread to nominal forms within the paradigm, e.g. oµl.A& > µIA& > eµtA& ➔ eµ1A1cx (an evolution preferable to assuming 6µ1.Ata > eµ1A1& directly). Initial vowel change may also be due to other causes than vowel deletion at word boundaries. These include assimilation (2.8.5), analogy or folk etymology. For example, the word &yyapda appears already in Koine papyri, as well as in MedG documents from S. Italy, in the form eyyapda; this is usually interpreted as analogical influence of the preposition ev or the Latin form of the word engaria, rather than a phonetically driven initial vowel change (GIGNAC 1976: 280; MINAS 22003: 162). Also, the mutual influence of the preverbs cmo-, viro- and em- is quite common, especially after the demise of vir6 and eirt as true prepositions (cf. ALEXIOU 1985: Ka'). Initial vowel change appears in texts from all areas, with rare examples from the end of the 11th c. and increasing frequency from the 15th. It is present both in literary and non-literary texts, but is predominantly a low-register feature, avoided in more learned and archaizing sources. Furthermore, it is a feature that presents considerable variation: the lexical items involved appear in the same period, sometimes even in the same texts, both in changed and unchanged form. In some cases, a lexical item may present two nonetymological stem forms, e.g. epµrivevoo > &pµT)veuoo/opµriveuoo or eK > &x/ ox. In the following examples, most lexical items present the phenomenon in more than one instance from different areas and periods, and the changed form is sometimes retained in MG. However, other cases are less well entrenched. lal>le/ !yyapelas (1099, Sicily, CUSA 1868/82: App. 1, 643.14) J air' cS~c.:, > cS~oo). In the case of weaker vowels replacing stronger ones, a more solid explanation from a phonetic point of view is to assume a two-step process: lexicalized initial vowel deletion followed at a later stage by vowel prothesis. This is quite common in the case of initial /e/ in verb stems, e.g. &ypotKC> > ypo1K& > eypo1KC> (with an initial /e/ probably stemming from past indicative forms with syllabic augment), but might subsequently spread to nominal forms within the paradigm, e.g. oµl.A& > µIA& > eµtA& ➔ eµ1A1cx (an evolution preferable to assuming 6µ1.Ata > eµ1A1& directly). Initial vowel change may also be due to other causes than vowel deletion at word boundaries. These include assimilation (2.8.5), analogy or folk etymology. For example, the word &yyapda appears already in Koine papyri, as well as in MedG documents from S. Italy, in the form eyyapda; this is usually interpreted as analogical influence of the preposition ev or the Latin form of the word engaria, rather than a phonetically driven initial vowel change (GIGNAC 1976: 280; MINAS 22003: 162). Also, the mutual influence of the preverbs cmo-, viro- and em- is quite common, especially after the demise of vir6 and eirt as true prepositions (cf. ALEXIOU 1985: Ka'). Initial vowel change appears in texts from all areas, with rare examples from the end of the 11th c. and increasing frequency from the 15th. It is present both in literary and non-literary texts, but is predominantly a low-register feature, avoided in more learned and archaizing sources. Furthermore, it is a feature that presents considerable variation: the lexical items involved appear in the same period, sometimes even in the same texts, both in changed and unchanged form. In some cases, a lexical item may present two nonetymological stem forms, e.g. epµrivevoo > &pµT)veuoo/opµriveuoo or eK > &x/ ox. In the following examples, most lexical items present the phenomenon in more than one instance from different areas and periods, and the changed form is sometimes retained in MG. However, other cases are less well entrenched. lal>le/ !yyapelas (1099, Sicily, CUSA 1868/82: App. 1, 643.14) J la/ 6ev aas O:KCXVEi MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 518.24 exe crnoµovtiv MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 208.38; 6ev EXEi crnoµovi'J KORNAROS, Erot. V.377 axvaptcx T&'>V ~C:X.,v AITOLOS, Ais. Myth. 136.21 ol cntCXKOES TOU FALIEROS, Log. did. 44; Kl as 01TCXKOV cnr' eKeivov > o:,re 'Keivov ➔ crne. A similar analysis could also apply to the adverbial variants 1ra:A1(v)/1rai\e, µ6vo(v)/µ6ve. In the same vein, the form oir6 instead of etymological 01rou for the relative pronoun (see II, 5.9.1.1) is due to reanalysis from instances with crasis, e.g. OlTOIJ EKO:µe > om3Ka:µe > lmo 'Ka:µe ➔ o,r6. Variations like e~t/e~e (cf. lTEVTE), TI1TOTe!Tl1ToTa:/Ti1roT1, Ka6e/Ka6a:, 0:1T64'e/crn64'0:, Toopa:/Toop1 are due to analogy and not to phonetic reasons. The same is valid for the locative adverbs crnavc.)/crnavou, KQTc.)/KaTOU which were influenced by cmou, 1TO:VTOU, &Mou etc. (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 100,309).
99
sequence, the quality of the high vowel undergoing glide formation (/e/ vs. fif), the position of the accent (bo_th vow~ls unstressed, stress on the second vowel, or stress on the first vowel), the chronological penod, the geographical area and the register of the lexical item or the text. Synizesis is the most important phonetic phenomenon of LMedG, as it affects the overall structure of the phonological system and creates major dialectal isoglosses which continue into MG (see 2.1). The phenomenon requires further investigation as there is disagreement in the relevant literature concerning its dating and evolution (see CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 332-55; NEWTON 1972a: 19-52; MINAS 1983; MENDEZ DOSUNA 2002; MANOLESSOU/ KoursouKOS 2011). Furthermore, synizesis is especially difficult to investigate in written texts, because it is graphematically invisible when the affected syllables bear no accent, or it is easily hidden by conservative spelling (see e.g. HlNTERBERG ER 2006: 11 ). In any case, the accentuation of medieval vernacular manuscripts is often unreliable (see 4.1). Synizesis in its most frequent form involves the following sequence of phenomena (see also 2.4.7): · 1) glide formation: the high vowel /e/ or /i/ becomes a glide [j]. 2a) consonantization:
the glide [j], initially a vocalic approximant, undergoes consonantization, depending on the preceding consonant, i.e. the result is the voiced palatal fricative (j] after the voiced consonants /v d b d r 'll, the voiceless palatal fricative [c;] after the voiceless consonants If 6 pt s/, or the palatal nasal (Jl] after /m/. 2b) absorption: the glide [j] is deleted or "absorbed", if the consonant preceding it is palatalizable, after having palatalized it, i.e. velar /k g x y/ + [j] > [c Jc; j], nasal /n/ + [j] > [ Jl] and lateral /1/ + [j] > [i].
If the high vowel is stressed, the stress shifts onto the second vowel. There is doubt in the literature as to whether the stress shift precedes or follows glide formation and on whether, if the high vowel undergoing synizesis is /e/, there is first an intermediate stage of height dissimilation whereby /e/ first becomes [i] and then undergoes glide formation. Table 1 gives examples.
Table 1: Synizesis by Environment Unstressed [i]
Kapu61a [ka'ri Kcxpu61cx [ka'ri6ja]
Stressed [i]
,ra16la [pe' mn61a [pe'Oja]
Stressed [e]
Kapu6fo [kari'clea]
> Kcxpu61& [kari'Oja]
Unstressed [i]
auµ,r&6e10 [si'mba6io]
> auµ,ra6e10 [si'mba~o]
2.9.4
Synizesis
Stressed [i]
6eios ['6ios]
> 6E16s [6~os]
2.9.4.1
Introduction and Definition
Stressed [e]
ypov6fo [yron'6ea]
> ypo61a [yro'6~a]
Unstressed [i]
ye111a ['jenia]
> yevtcx ['jejla]
Stressed [i]
xu)vfou [xo'niu]
> xc.)11100 [xo'Jlu]
Stressed [e]
vfou ['neu]
> 11100 [Jlu]
The phenomenon of synizesis encompasses a number of phonetic changes involving sequences of high vowel + vowel, whereby the first (high) vowel becomes a (palatal) glide. The application or the results of the change depend on the consonant preceding the vowel
2 Vowels
I Phonology
98
TO j,&Acxcnv 6q>6rivo (1612, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 758,659.4) TTJV oq>ETIVT) (1677, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 24, 92.10) le/> Iii T]O'Ttav TOU Chron. Mor. H 3718; la.Im, Dig. E 1743 Iii> la/ 6ev aas O:KCXVEi MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 518.24 exe crnoµovtiv MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 208.38; 6ev EXEi crnoµovi'J KORNAROS, Erot. V.377 axvaptcx T&'>V ~C:X.,v AITOLOS, Ais. Myth. 136.21 ol cntCXKOES TOU FALIEROS, Log. did. 44; Kl as 01TCXKOV cnr' eKeivov > o:,re 'Keivov ➔ crne. A similar analysis could also apply to the adverbial variants 1ra:A1(v)/1rai\e, µ6vo(v)/µ6ve. In the same vein, the form oir6 instead of etymological 01rou for the relative pronoun (see II, 5.9.1.1) is due to reanalysis from instances with crasis, e.g. OlTOIJ EKO:µe > om3Ka:µe > lmo 'Ka:µe ➔ o,r6. Variations like e~t/e~e (cf. lTEVTE), TI1TOTe!Tl1ToTa:/Ti1roT1, Ka6e/Ka6a:, 0:1T64'e/crn64'0:, Toopa:/Toop1 are due to analogy and not to phonetic reasons. The same is valid for the locative adverbs crnavc.)/crnavou, KQTc.)/KaTOU which were influenced by cmou, 1TO:VTOU, &Mou etc. (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 100,309).
99
sequence, the quality of the high vowel undergoing glide formation (/e/ vs. fif), the position of the accent (bo_th vow~ls unstressed, stress on the second vowel, or stress on the first vowel), the chronological penod, the geographical area and the register of the lexical item or the text. Synizesis is the most important phonetic phenomenon of LMedG, as it affects the overall structure of the phonological system and creates major dialectal isoglosses which continue into MG (see 2.1). The phenomenon requires further investigation as there is disagreement in the relevant literature concerning its dating and evolution (see CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 332-55; NEWTON 1972a: 19-52; MINAS 1983; MENDEZ DOSUNA 2002; MANOLESSOU/ KoursouKOS 2011). Furthermore, synizesis is especially difficult to investigate in written texts, because it is graphematically invisible when the affected syllables bear no accent, or it is easily hidden by conservative spelling (see e.g. HlNTERBERG ER 2006: 11 ). In any case, the accentuation of medieval vernacular manuscripts is often unreliable (see 4.1). Synizesis in its most frequent form involves the following sequence of phenomena (see also 2.4.7): · 1) glide formation: the high vowel /e/ or /i/ becomes a glide [j]. 2a) consonantization:
the glide [j], initially a vocalic approximant, undergoes consonantization, depending on the preceding consonant, i.e. the result is the voiced palatal fricative (j] after the voiced consonants /v d b d r 'll, the voiceless palatal fricative [c;] after the voiceless consonants If 6 pt s/, or the palatal nasal (Jl] after /m/. 2b) absorption: the glide [j] is deleted or "absorbed", if the consonant preceding it is palatalizable, after having palatalized it, i.e. velar /k g x y/ + [j] > [c Jc; j], nasal /n/ + [j] > [ Jl] and lateral /1/ + [j] > [i].
If the high vowel is stressed, the stress shifts onto the second vowel. There is doubt in the literature as to whether the stress shift precedes or follows glide formation and on whether, if the high vowel undergoing synizesis is /e/, there is first an intermediate stage of height dissimilation whereby /e/ first becomes [i] and then undergoes glide formation. Table 1 gives examples.
Table 1: Synizesis by Environment Unstressed [i]
Kapu61a [ka'ri Kcxpu61cx [ka'ri6ja]
Stressed [i]
,ra16la [pe' mn61a [pe'Oja]
Stressed [e]
Kapu6fo [kari'clea]
> Kcxpu61& [kari'Oja]
Unstressed [i]
auµ,r&6e10 [si'mba6io]
> auµ,ra6e10 [si'mba~o]
2.9.4
Synizesis
Stressed [i]
6eios ['6ios]
> 6E16s [6~os]
2.9.4.1
Introduction and Definition
Stressed [e]
ypov6fo [yron'6ea]
> ypo61a [yro'6~a]
Unstressed [i]
ye111a ['jenia]
> yevtcx ['jejla]
Stressed [i]
xu)vfou [xo'niu]
> xc.)11100 [xo'Jlu]
Stressed [e]
vfou ['neu]
> 11100 [Jlu]
The phenomenon of synizesis encompasses a number of phonetic changes involving sequences of high vowel + vowel, whereby the first (high) vowel becomes a (palatal) glide. The application or the results of the change depend on the consonant preceding the vowel
100
I Phonology
In some dialectal areas, synizesis fails to apply when the first of the two vowels is stressed; this is to be expected, as cross-linguistically the stress accent is a major factor blocking glide formation (see e.g. ROSENTHALL 1994). Also, several areas show alternative results in stressed sequences, such as vowel deletion or coalescence instead of synizesis. This dialectal variation in the application of synizesis on sequences where the first vowel is stressed is a strong indication that the change took place considerably later in this specific environment; see below for more details on the dating and alternative evolutions of synizesis. 2.9.4.2
Historical Overview: Evidence
Synizesis as a metrical phenomenon, i.e. as the monosyllabic scansion of normally disyllabic sequences of /e/ or /i/ + other vowel was already an AG phenomenon (see e.g. ScHWYZER 1939: 244-5). As a linguistic phenomenon permanently affecting the phonetic shape of words, the first stage in the process must have taken place in the period of the Koine (GIGNAC 1976: 251-2 and 302-3; MENDEZ DosUNA 2002: 86; HORROCKS 22010: 113, 165) and involved simple diphthong formation, i.e. tautosyllabic pronunciation of /e/ or [ii when followed by another vowel, without, however, real glide formation. This is detectable through the interchange of spelling between /e/ and /i/ when followed by another vowel, or even the total omission of ft! in the same environment. The phenomenon acquired greater force through the loss of quantity distinctions which must have led to a phonological system disfavouring vocalic sequences and hiatus (MANOLESSOU/KOUTSOUKOS 2011), and thus to a variety of novel hiatus resolution strategies (cf. also 2.9.1).' The next stage, during the EMedG period, must have been true glide formation in unstressed sequences, i.e. true synizesis whereby the vowel Iii acquired an allophone U] before another unstressed vowel. The only evidence for this change is again the appearance of instead of before a vowel, as well as the reverse due to hypercorrection (cf. the examples in PSALTES 1913: 23-8; MINAS 1983: 283; MENDEZ DosUNA 1993 and 2002: 86-7) and perhaps the number of syllables in metrical texts written in the new syllable-based Byzantine metres (HORROCKS 22010: 276). However, it is in general difficult to draw conclusions from syllable-based metre, because of the phenomenon of metrical synizesis: it is possible for two consecutive vowels to count as one for the purposes of the metre, without this actually reflecting a lexicalized phonetic change in the words in question (see e.g. ALONSO ALDAMA 2005 and DELIGIANNAKI 2005, where a description of metrical, as opposed to grammatical, synizesis is given). Lists of MedG vernacular verses displaying metrical synizesis can be found in MINAS 1983 and STANITSAS 1984; the placement of the accent by scribes and editors is variable.
ti irarra6ulc irapfoEcrEv, E~~plcrE TTJV 1V SACHLIKIS Perifylakis 83 trarusc N (Lendari) ' r. Kai TT}V Kap6fav f?u)TIKQ KaTa6ou;\oypaqioOcn [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 728
Direct metalinguistic description of synizesis in non-stressed syllables comes from the 17th c., namely from GERMANO, Grammar 55, repeated in PoRTIUS, Grammar 13, in the context of cases where the stress falls on the fourth syllable from the end (e.g. avayaMiacris, evvKTtao-ev ), something normally disallowed by the stress rules of MedG (see 4.2): "il 1con I' a oaltra seguente vocale s'uniscono amodo di diftongo & formano una sillaba, in modo che evvKT1ao-ev siano tre sillabe." The first two stages of synizesis affect the totality of the Greek-speaking areas. During this period, another synizesis-connected phenomenon takes place, namely the retraction of the stress to the first vowel in the case of sequences where the stress falls on the second syllable (e.g. cpc.vN:a > Nla, 0"1 o-Kla), probably as a prophylaxis against synizesis. Since the forms showing stress retraction appear from many areas (especially peripheral ones such as Pontos and S. Italy), are documented even in early and learned MedG texts and also appear in a variety of MG dialects, in particular those in which synizesis of stressed sequences does not apply (see e.g. II.NE s. vv. ave4116s, &pai6s, 6e~16s, cf. also CHATZIDAKIS 1934n7: A 82; KAHANE/KAHANE 1981: 116-17), the phenomenon must be quite early and not the result of a late diaeresis (i.e. undoing of synizesis) as some scholars claim (e.g. MENDEZ DOSUNA 2002: 100-2). lxveljllov (11th c.?, S. Italy, GUILLOU 1982: 1, 10.20); ,rpos TOV lxveljllov Tov Pol Tr. 34 app. crit. (A); Tov CXVT)ljllov Chron. Mor. P 6775; CXVT)ljlfov µov (1489, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 20, 102.4); Tov av11j1lov Tou (1586, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOUIDRAKAKIS 2010: 73, 57.3); CXVOljlles (1600, Mani, SKOPETEAS 1950: II, 70.3) els TTJV 1TaAalav 6T)µocrlav (1007, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 1, 135.29) Twv TTw.a{u)v Aa1V (1264, Kefalonia?, TZANNETATOS 1965: 1, 45.227); Twv iraAalu)v Chron. Mor. H 1353; els TTJV iraAalav TT&-rpav Chron. Toe. 3085 µT)Tplas (1196, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. II: 13, 88.5); µT)Tpla Tou KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 413 Tois 6e~lo1s 1Tpol3Mas 6eKaireVTE Theophanes Cont. 430.16; cpu)Mav NouKIOS, Ais. Myth. 1.2 TOVS :c\palovs (1586, Cythera. CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 86, 65.5) Kapuav (1433, Cyprus, DARRouzts 1951: 29, f.35r.4) els Tas yevfos &-rracras Dig. E 1702; Tf\S )'Eveas Tovs Chron. Tourk. Soult. 51.4 WCT1Tep S, yepaK1v µou Anna Comnena, Alexiad 2.4.9 yiaKOVOU (1098, $. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 65, 83.5) apx16yiaKOVOS / apx1616:KOVOS (1112, Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1984: 3, 72.73) TOV y1o:Tpo (1389, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 3, 89.2)
Another indication of synizesis is the substitution of /i/ + V for le/+ V, as in EMedG. This is rare in the 11th to 14th c., but becomes much more frequent in later texts: A10:v6pou (1034, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 29, 33.1) < Aea116pou r1u.)pyi(,,)(s) / r~pyios (1032, Athos, BoMPAIRE 1964: 4, 53.35) yiopyios / r1c1,pyics (1173, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1930: 51, 88.19) KW.o:µ1&ves (1180, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 200, 262.32) 'TTW.IOCTTTIT10: (1307,Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1984: 10, 114.55) crrrW.01ovs/ cnTTJAIOVS (1326, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 41, 93.12) 81(,,)p& Liv. E 21 Tou µope16s / TOU Mop1&s Chron. Mor. P 2270 app. crit 61Kio: LIMEN., Than. Rod. 153 TO 'TTW.10 Ko:[36:Siv (1506, Zakynthos, MANOUSAKAS 1967: 1 [A1, 224.26) ecpavT\ Tou Kw.ou &f\alov I ecp&Vf\ Tou Kw.ou 0ria1ou Theseid Xll.3,4 (1529) (cf. 0riafos wvoµa{ETOV ibid. 1.6.5 (Follieri)) TOV Moplo:v / TOIi Mop1cxv KoRONAIOS, Andrag. Bua 1.109; C7TOV ~o:cnAi'jo:v / C7TOV ~O:C71AICXV ibid. VII.42; o8ei6s µas Ko:TT]pa&f\ / o8105 µas Ko:TT]pa&f\ ibid. XVIII.434 Al6cpVTo: (1571, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 216, 308.7) A10VTap10: TRIVOLIS, Tagiap. 161 · TTJV yiu.)µETplo:v Diig. Alex. E 109.19 (Lolos) wl ytu.)pyous CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.283
Yet another indication/result of consonantization is the deletion of /o/ in the preposition/ preverb 61a, caused by the necessity to avoid the word-initial consonant cluster [oj] (see 3.6.1 and KRIARAS, Lex. s.vv. 61a, 61 for dating and examples). For further graphematic indications of synizesis see II, 1.5. Extrapolating from MG, it is possible that consonantization of the glide in unstressed sequences did not take place in many instances and would be avoided in more elevated speech, especially in higher-register lexical items such as 61a6oxos, oxe610, irp6vo1a, l3Ea-nap1cs etc. However, this is impossible to detect through graphematic evidence.
2 Vowels
103
The fourth stage in the evolution of synizesis is the spread of the phenomenon to sequences ~her~ the first, high vowel is stressed. This stage is dialectally restricted, as in some regions 1t never takes place (see below). These are the outlying areas of Pontos and S. Italy, and the southern part of Mainland Greece, as evidenced by the modem dialectal survivals of the "Old Athenian" group and Maniot. It is possible that the spread to stressed sequences was delayed for Northern Greece as well, because in some northern areas the modern results of the synizesis of /ea/ differ from those of the synizesis of /ia/ ([!(a] vs. [ja] respectively, e.g. µopfo > µovpEa [mur'!(a]). However, this phenomenon is not verifiable in MedG texts. In view of the areal/dialectal restriction of this stage, as well as its variable results, it must have been reached towards the end of the LMedG period. The spread of synizesis to stressed sequences is attested, like the previous on~, through the use of the graphemes in order to denote the consonantization of /j/ (see 2.4.7 for further examples), and through the spelling + V instead of + V, appearing in the 14th-15th c. Graphematic representation of palatalization of the preceding consonant also betrays the operation of synizesis, irrespective of the placement of the accent in the manuscripts (see also 3.8.2): elaTo xopy{o11 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 86.33 (Pieris/Nikolaou-Konnari) cnro TflV µepy1cxv MACHAIRAS, Chron. 0 91.42 (Pieris/Nikolaou-Konnari) C7TO:pylov (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 1, 23.16) vex 'TTyi'j Assizes B 431.19 TT\V Mo:pyia (1574, Crete, ANGELOMATI-TSOUNGARAKI 2007: 152.4) opghi clessi / 01To101 KA0:ia1 CHORTATSIS, Erof.1.624 transcr. X (Legrand) 'TfYIOVVOVTO:S cxpµo:TO: / maVVOVTO:S o:pµmo: (1609, Cyprus, CHASIOTIS 1972: 33, 55.25) me martirgia (1626, Crete, MALTEZOU 1995: [1], 200.223-4) rgiachi / pvaK1 Thysia Avr. 799 transcr. M EIK(,,)(71 KOµo:TYTla / eiKOC71 Koµµ&T10: (1675, Amorgos, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 33, 26.12) alVTpocpyo: I avvTpocpta (1690, Sibiu, TSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 2011: A 3, 39r.6); TO: 1To16ya I Ta m6ta (ibid. A: 6, 43r.16) · TOU Xu.)pacpx1ou / TOU Xu.)pacp1ou (1695, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 33, 81.17). cpop1xles MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 12.29 60K1µ0:x1a Fior 126.35 &M' ecpTo:KoXeS KoNST. DIAK., /st. Makaritou Marko 268 Tvpo:yv1a Theseid I.95,3 (Follieri) ~epax1a MEURSIUS, Gloss. s.v. = ~f\paalo:; KO:Kono:&f\xlo: ibid. s.v. K0:11V P(,,)µJWV SOUMMAKIS, Past: Fid. a2v.12 µI lvo:v •o~p16v (1698, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 10, 76.14)
102
I Phonology
change as well, since the consonantal realization of [j] made its connection to the vowel /i/ harder to recover during language acquisition. This is especially true in cases (a) where U1 occurred in the stem of a word, without the possibility of allomorphic variation with another inflected form of the word bearing the stress on the first vowel, and (b) where the glide was absorbed into a preceding palatal consonant (e.g. x16v1, A1av6s). From this stage onward, the postulation of a phoneme /j/ at least in these environments is necessary. Evidence for the consonantization of [j] into [j] is provided, for unstressed sequences, since the 10th c., through the spellings , + V instead of +V, cf. e.g. the contrast 'kuavvaKT]S Dig. G IV 33 vs. r1avvaKT]S Dig. E 1243 and tavouapfou Chron. Mor. H 2174 vs. rEvvaplou Chron. Mor. P 2174. Sia TO'.S yeprompalo:s De ceremoniis 659.5 < Upo:~ ihro: Ko:M'>S, yepaK1v µou Anna Comnena, Alexiad 2.4.9 yiaKOVOU (1098, $. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 65, 83.5) apx16yiaKOVOS / apx1616:KOVOS (1112, Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1984: 3, 72.73) TOV y1o:Tpo (1389, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 3, 89.2)
Another indication of synizesis is the substitution of /i/ + V for le/+ V, as in EMedG. This is rare in the 11th to 14th c., but becomes much more frequent in later texts: A10:v6pou (1034, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 29, 33.1) < Aea116pou r1u.)pyi(,,)(s) / r~pyios (1032, Athos, BoMPAIRE 1964: 4, 53.35) yiopyios / r1c1,pyics (1173, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1930: 51, 88.19) KW.o:µ1&ves (1180, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 200, 262.32) 'TTW.IOCTTTIT10: (1307,Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1984: 10, 114.55) crrrW.01ovs/ cnTTJAIOVS (1326, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 41, 93.12) 81(,,)p& Liv. E 21 Tou µope16s / TOU Mop1&s Chron. Mor. P 2270 app. crit 61Kio: LIMEN., Than. Rod. 153 TO 'TTW.10 Ko:[36:Siv (1506, Zakynthos, MANOUSAKAS 1967: 1 [A1, 224.26) ecpavT\ Tou Kw.ou &f\alov I ecp&Vf\ Tou Kw.ou 0ria1ou Theseid Xll.3,4 (1529) (cf. 0riafos wvoµa{ETOV ibid. 1.6.5 (Follieri)) TOV Moplo:v / TOIi Mop1cxv KoRONAIOS, Andrag. Bua 1.109; C7TOV ~o:cnAi'jo:v / C7TOV ~O:C71AICXV ibid. VII.42; o8ei6s µas Ko:TT]pa&f\ / o8105 µas Ko:TT]pa&f\ ibid. XVIII.434 Al6cpVTo: (1571, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 216, 308.7) A10VTap10: TRIVOLIS, Tagiap. 161 · TTJV yiu.)µETplo:v Diig. Alex. E 109.19 (Lolos) wl ytu.)pyous CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.283
Yet another indication/result of consonantization is the deletion of /o/ in the preposition/ preverb 61a, caused by the necessity to avoid the word-initial consonant cluster [oj] (see 3.6.1 and KRIARAS, Lex. s.vv. 61a, 61 for dating and examples). For further graphematic indications of synizesis see II, 1.5. Extrapolating from MG, it is possible that consonantization of the glide in unstressed sequences did not take place in many instances and would be avoided in more elevated speech, especially in higher-register lexical items such as 61a6oxos, oxe610, irp6vo1a, l3Ea-nap1cs etc. However, this is impossible to detect through graphematic evidence.
2 Vowels
103
The fourth stage in the evolution of synizesis is the spread of the phenomenon to sequences ~her~ the first, high vowel is stressed. This stage is dialectally restricted, as in some regions 1t never takes place (see below). These are the outlying areas of Pontos and S. Italy, and the southern part of Mainland Greece, as evidenced by the modem dialectal survivals of the "Old Athenian" group and Maniot. It is possible that the spread to stressed sequences was delayed for Northern Greece as well, because in some northern areas the modern results of the synizesis of /ea/ differ from those of the synizesis of /ia/ ([!(a] vs. [ja] respectively, e.g. µopfo > µovpEa [mur'!(a]). However, this phenomenon is not verifiable in MedG texts. In view of the areal/dialectal restriction of this stage, as well as its variable results, it must have been reached towards the end of the LMedG period. The spread of synizesis to stressed sequences is attested, like the previous on~, through the use of the graphemes in order to denote the consonantization of /j/ (see 2.4.7 for further examples), and through the spelling + V instead of + V, appearing in the 14th-15th c. Graphematic representation of palatalization of the preceding consonant also betrays the operation of synizesis, irrespective of the placement of the accent in the manuscripts (see also 3.8.2): elaTo xopy{o11 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 86.33 (Pieris/Nikolaou-Konnari) cnro TflV µepy1cxv MACHAIRAS, Chron. 0 91.42 (Pieris/Nikolaou-Konnari) C7TO:pylov (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 1, 23.16) vex 'TTyi'j Assizes B 431.19 TT\V Mo:pyia (1574, Crete, ANGELOMATI-TSOUNGARAKI 2007: 152.4) opghi clessi / 01To101 KA0:ia1 CHORTATSIS, Erof.1.624 transcr. X (Legrand) 'TfYIOVVOVTO:S cxpµo:TO: / maVVOVTO:S o:pµmo: (1609, Cyprus, CHASIOTIS 1972: 33, 55.25) me martirgia (1626, Crete, MALTEZOU 1995: [1], 200.223-4) rgiachi / pvaK1 Thysia Avr. 799 transcr. M EIK(,,)(71 KOµo:TYTla / eiKOC71 Koµµ&T10: (1675, Amorgos, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 33, 26.12) alVTpocpyo: I avvTpocpta (1690, Sibiu, TSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 2011: A 3, 39r.6); TO: 1To16ya I Ta m6ta (ibid. A: 6, 43r.16) · TOU Xu.)pacpx1ou / TOU Xu.)pacp1ou (1695, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 33, 81.17). cpop1xles MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 12.29 60K1µ0:x1a Fior 126.35 &M' ecpTo:KoXeS KoNST. DIAK., /st. Makaritou Marko 268 Tvpo:yv1a Theseid I.95,3 (Follieri) ~epax1a MEURSIUS, Gloss. s.v. = ~f\paalo:; KO:Kono:&f\xlo: ibid. s.v. K0:11V P(,,)µJWV SOUMMAKIS, Past: Fid. a2v.12 µI lvo:v •o~p16v (1698, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 10, 76.14)
104
2 Vowels
I Phonology
Another indication for a LMedG dating for synizesis in stressed sequences is the appearance of the "semi-contracted" barytone inflection in this period (see III, 2.1.1.2), with rare 13th-c. attestations from S. Italy, and 14th-c. attestations from literary texts: Kai TJ, 8s 6iAE1s slaTa1 vfo, I aµ' aaKTJµlaE1s ass Kl scni, yevds 6fuis Kai ypa{a CHORTATSIS, Pano,. Ill.133-4 iVTa 'v1a1 aUTCX TCX TO"EPKOUA.a, AEXTOpa Kal ,; TO"lAfo, I TCX po8oµa cnrov AES Kal Tp&s, TCX vsOpa Kal 11 w1vfo: FosKOLOS, Fort. 11.62-3
Modern dialectal evidence indicates lack of synizesis in stressed sequences also for some Dodecanesian islands (parts of Rhodes and Karpathos, DAWKINS 1940: 25; TS0PANAKIS 1940: 64), for Arcadia (DAWKINS 1940: 19) and for parts of Northern Epirus (KYRIAZIS/ SPYR0U 2011: 180), but the evidence from these areas is insufficient to establish the status of synizesis in the LMedG and EMG periods. Finally, lack of synizesis in stressed sequences is normal for S. Italian and Pontic: Tf\S n mMas Kai O"\IKEaS (1019, s. Italy, TR!NCHERA 1865: 18, 19.10) cpopsalss 6' (1254, S. Italy, GUILLOU 2009: 19, 90.20) TJ natrna81a cxuToO XTJpa 11 KoupTIvil(as) (1104 [14th-c. copy], Athos, LEFORT et al. 1990: 52,242.27) < AG KV6c.>vla cpv-rfo (1270 ca., Athos, BOMPAIRE 1964: 9A, 80.23-4) < q>v-rc!cx cpv-rfo (1600, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 64, 84.8) · els TT]V ·o~fov (1292, Pontos, OUSPENSKY/BENECHEVITCH 1927: 115, 85.44) AEITTOKapfo (1400, Athos, KRAVARI 1991: 24, 165.7) T(TJv) m11v µepfov (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 17.83) -rfi 1CtMta ,rpo~cx (1141, ibid. 125, 167.29) VT}q>CthaloS / VT}q>CtAfOS (1328, Sicily, CANTARELLA 1937: 2, 13.17) xacr6fov SFRANTZIS, Chron. 58.1 wxfo Chron. Mor. H 855 els TT}v 1 J\xv.JJ.cxsf'Axw..es (see II, 2.4). This has been variously interpreted as a result of vowel coalescence during the intermediate stage -fos, on the analogy of feminine nouns in -ea > -e, or as a result of consonant deletion in lexical items which had retained their archaic inflection -evs [efs] due to their higher register (JANNARIS 1897: 108; CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 207, 345; KAPSOMENOS 1939: 51-8). Given its very early attestation (from the 11th c.) and its occurrence in areas where vowel coalescence in the feminine, as described above, is not attested in either the MedG or the MG period, the second alternative is more likely.
2006: 70, 65.34) Kepacrts (1018, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 24, 172.16) < 1 aKo and the 2 pl. present a:Kovrn > a:K6TE, and at word boundaries, if the first word is proclitic. This involves: (a) the personal pronouns (µou, crou, Toii), (b) the ~elative pronoun and adverb oTroul Trou and (c) the interrogative adverb Trov, usually followed by a verb whose stem begins with le/ or any verb in the past tense if it bears the augment ~-.29 With regard to orthography, editorial practice varies. '
weak
Kai 81:s TO voiiv aov Kai aKo TO KCXAa Spaneas V 46 (ms late 12th/early 13th c.) o.l\oOKas yap ,ijs Beve-rlas, µ10-lp 'l\plyos aKc.:> Chron. Mor. H 335, cf. 1379, 3176, 3539, 3540, 5231, 7866, 8099 (meaning "he answered to the name", "he was called") ~ToCXKO"E\I Thrinos Kypr. 51 61rlixe1 K6KKI\IO\I Poulol. 336 . oiroxovv )(PElav µeycxi\riv PoL Tr. 6736 app. crit. (V) cmoxovv Peri xen. 10 oir6xoo (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 29, 35.10) iroxoµev (1570, Andros, POLEMIS 1999a: 1, 9.13) 01roxe1 µfoa (1596, Naxos, KARABOULAIRODOLAKIS 2012/13: 154,279.10) o,r' oxe1 (1620, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 12,315.2) . • ir6xov (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 1, 29.15) oirwxoo PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2478 efoav TTJV TO ir6va1 Liv. V 2770 Kai irova1; [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1110 OVTOV 01TOVal Kai o 6ovKas (1508, los, PATRAMANI 1989/90: 3, 174.51) 6,rovm (1588, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 297,250.17) irovm (1685, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 27, 134.6) The earliest attestations of the phenomenon come from a 12th-c. Latin-Greek glossary (AERTS 1995: 204): pone oto castro? Pone strata oto castro? (= Trova1 &{s} To KaO"Tpo; Trova1 crTpaTa oo{ s} TO KacrTpo;). It occurs in both literary and non-literary texts, but is especially frequent in Crete, the Cyclades (Andros, Naxos, Santorini, Syros) and the Heptanese (Kefalonia, Corfu, Ithaca, Cythera), and is also attested from other areas such as the Peloponnese and Macedonia. Crasis between words which do not form a phonological unit occurs only in versified texts, and should be considered an artificial device serving metrical needs: XPTJOTl µ011 va irolac.> Cypr. Canz. 79.10 < µov ev' Ta acxi\1a µ6K1\ri1aa CHORTATSIS, Katz. l.60 Kai TT}V yuviJ µwyMTc.:>aa PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2480
Crasis according to the AG rules appears, as an archaism influenced by learned language, in some literary texts. The only elements displaying AG-type crasis fully integrated into MedG and EMG are the adverb Kcxv and the indefinite pronouns Kavds, Kerns, Ka1To1os, KaµTr6cros (for which see II, 5.8.9-14): e~,;i\8011 e~c.:>8ev Kayw Ptoch. 1218 KaKeivo Veith. 466
ay6paaa) one has to assume a
111
8ei\c..) K&yw t~i')TT)µa Byz. II. 207 Kayw [ANDR, PALAIOL.], Ka/lim. 228
2 Vowels
I Phonology
llO
A special case is constituted by Pontic, which in the modem period shows vowel coalescence instead of synizesis in unstressed Ii/ + V and le/ + V sequences, leading to the creation of the new vowels [re] and [re] (see 2.5.3).
2.9.5
Crasis
In grammars of AG the term "crasis" refers to a hiatus resolution process occurring at word boundaries within a clitic group, whereby a word-final and a word-initial vowel coalesce to give a long vowel, whose degree of aperture is determined by roughly the same rules as contraction (SMYTH 1984: §§ 62-9, GOLSTON 1990: 69-70). In MedG and EMG, however, as the vowel system is fundamentally different due to the loss of length distinctions, the AG phonetic rules of crasis do not apply; hiatus at word boundaries is resolved through vowel deletion according to the sonority hierarchy (see 2.9.2). Crasis according to AG rules has all but disappeared in the late Koine (GIGNAC 1976: 321). However, there is one phonetic environment in MedG and MG where coalescence instead of deletion does take place, bearing a resemblance to the ancient phenomenon, and for this reason the term "crasis" is applied to it in the standard bibliography (ANDRIOTIS 1956, FoRIS 1963): when lul comes into contact with with le/ within a phonological unit, the result is coalescence of the two vowels to lol. The phenomenon is usually interpreted as a fast speech coarticulation effect, as the vocal organs retain the lip rounding of the first vowel but assume the lower lingual height of the second (CHATZIDAKIS 1905107: A 216-17, adopted in later studies). Toe phenomenon takes place both word-internally, where the typical, and perhaps the only, examples are the imperative and 3 sg. imperfect aKoue > aKo and the 2 pl. present a:Kovrn > a:K6TE, and at word boundaries, if the first word is proclitic. This involves: (a) the personal pronouns (µou, crou, Toii), (b) the ~elative pronoun and adverb oTroul Trou and (c) the interrogative adverb Trov, usually followed by a verb whose stem begins with le/ or any verb in the past tense if it bears the augment ~-.29 With regard to orthography, editorial practice varies. '
weak
Kai 81:s TO voiiv aov Kai aKo TO KCXAa Spaneas V 46 (ms late 12th/early 13th c.) o.l\oOKas yap ,ijs Beve-rlas, µ10-lp 'l\plyos aKc.:> Chron. Mor. H 335, cf. 1379, 3176, 3539, 3540, 5231, 7866, 8099 (meaning "he answered to the name", "he was called") ~ToCXKO"E\I Thrinos Kypr. 51 61rlixe1 K6KKI\IO\I Poulol. 336 . oiroxovv )(PElav µeycxi\riv PoL Tr. 6736 app. crit. (V) cmoxovv Peri xen. 10 oir6xoo (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 29, 35.10) iroxoµev (1570, Andros, POLEMIS 1999a: 1, 9.13) 01roxe1 µfoa (1596, Naxos, KARABOULAIRODOLAKIS 2012/13: 154,279.10) o,r' oxe1 (1620, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 12,315.2) . • ir6xov (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 1, 29.15) oirwxoo PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2478 efoav TTJV TO ir6va1 Liv. V 2770 Kai irova1; [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1110 OVTOV 01TOVal Kai o 6ovKas (1508, los, PATRAMANI 1989/90: 3, 174.51) 6,rovm (1588, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 297,250.17) irovm (1685, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 27, 134.6) The earliest attestations of the phenomenon come from a 12th-c. Latin-Greek glossary (AERTS 1995: 204): pone oto castro? Pone strata oto castro? (= Trova1 &{s} To KaO"Tpo; Trova1 crTpaTa oo{ s} TO KacrTpo;). It occurs in both literary and non-literary texts, but is especially frequent in Crete, the Cyclades (Andros, Naxos, Santorini, Syros) and the Heptanese (Kefalonia, Corfu, Ithaca, Cythera), and is also attested from other areas such as the Peloponnese and Macedonia. Crasis between words which do not form a phonological unit occurs only in versified texts, and should be considered an artificial device serving metrical needs: XPTJOTl µ011 va irolac.> Cypr. Canz. 79.10 < µov ev' Ta acxi\1a µ6K1\ri1aa CHORTATSIS, Katz. l.60 Kai TT}V yuviJ µwyMTc.:>aa PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2480
Crasis according to the AG rules appears, as an archaism influenced by learned language, in some literary texts. The only elements displaying AG-type crasis fully integrated into MedG and EMG are the adverb Kcxv and the indefinite pronouns Kavds, Kerns, Ka1To1os, KaµTr6cros (for which see II, 5.8.9-14): e~,;i\8011 e~c.:>8ev Kayw Ptoch. 1218 KaKeivo Veith. 466
ay6paaa) one has to assume a
111
8ei\c..) K&yw t~i')TT)µa Byz. II. 207 Kayw [ANDR, PALAIOL.], Ka/lim. 228
3 Consonants
113
Table 2: The Consonantal Sounds of Medieval and Early Modern Greek
Consonants
3
Bilabial Labiodental Stop
pb
rv
Fricative
Nasal
3.1
Description of the Consonant System
The MedG consonant system is essentially that of the end of the period of the Koine; the dating of the major consonant changes (fricativization of voiced and of voiceless aspirated stops), even if not entirely settled, falls well before LMedG (GIGNAC 1976; HORROCKS 22010: 170-2). This system is very similar to that of MG (for which see ARVANITI 1999; NESPOR 1999: 46; BOTINIS 2009: 90-101). Table 2 shows pan-dialectal phonologically contrastive sounds in boldface, while allophonic variants, sounds of contested/contestable phonological status, and dialectally restricted sounds are given in parentheses, and discussed below. In each box, the first sound is voiceless, the second voiced (except for the liquids, which are both voiced). The MedG consonantal system is symmetrical, operating on the basis of contrasts between voiceless vs. voiced and fricative vs. stop: /p/-/b/-/f/-/v/, /t/-/d/-/8/-/0/, /k/~/g/-/x/~/y/. The system is complemented by contrastive pairs of nasals (/m/-/n/), liquids (/1/-/r/) and sibilants (!s/-hl).
The major factors in the creation of allophonic variation are the phenomena of palatalization, i.e. the fronting of certain consonant classes when followed by a front vowel or semivowel (see 3.8.2) and synizesis, i.e. the semi-vocalization and subsequent consonantization of front vowels when followed by a back vowel (see 2.9.4). Palatalization and synizesis give rise to palatal stops ([c J-]}, palatal fricatives ([~ j]), and palatal nasals and liquids ([Jl A]). In addition, synizesis "destroys" the original distributional environment of palatal consonants, in that, after it has applied, palatal consonants appear not only before front vowels but before back vowels as well. The degree and final result of palatalization, as well as the range of palatalizable consonants, vary according to dialect, so that in certain areas and periods additional post-alveolar allophones (e.g. U, lf, exist. Another source of allophonic variation is the assimilation of a nasal to a following stop as to place of articulation, which gives rise to the velar nasal [JJ] when a nasal is followed by a velar consonant• The phonemic status of the voiced stops /b d g/ is contestable, since they mostly originate from the voicing of nasal+ voiceless stop sequences (i.e. [mp]> [rob], [nt] > [nd] and
caD
1
The presence of a labiodental allophone [qi] in the cases of [m] followed by [f] or [v] can be assumed for MedG on the analogy of MG and on the basis of general principles of phonetics (automatic partial assimilation for articulatory reasons), but is impossible to prove through graphematic evidence. Furthermore, such a sound can appear in higher registers only, since the "regulaI" outcome of the sequence [mt] would be deletion of the nasal (see 3.6.2), and the sequence [mv) is a "learned" cluster, instead of regular [mb] (see 3.2.1.2). Therefore, this sound is not taken into consideration here.
m
Dental
Alveolar
Post-alveolar
Palatal
Velar
td
(c J)
kg
8D
(~j)
xy
n
(.p.)
Liquid
r1
Sibilant
s z
Affricate
tsdz
(f)
(JJ)
(. [og]). However, in view of the fact that voiced stops appear without a preceding nasal in certain positions, dialects or lexical items, and that specific phonetic changes apply to them, they are described here as a separate class of phonemes (see 3.2.1.2). Similarly, the phonemic status of the affricates [ts dz] is doubtful, as it is also possible to analyse them as sequences of homorganic stop + sibilant. However, they are discussed here as a separate class of affricate phonemes because of their special history and properties (see 3.2.6). The final major issue concerning the overall consonant system of MedG and EMG is the phonemic status of the double/geminate consonants which appear in certain dialects (see 3.4), i.e. whether to consider them as single, separate phonemes (long consonants) or as iterations of the same phoneme (i.e. as two consecutive identical consonants). In view of the fact that they are (a) dialectally restricted, (b) not well represented/detectable in texts, and (c) subject to the same general sound changes as the corresponding singleton consonants, the second option is followed here.
3.2
Phoneme Inventory
3.2.1
Stops
3.2.1.1
Voiceless Stops
The three voiceless stops, labial /p/ , dental /ti and velar /kl , are mostly direct inheritances of Koine and AG /p t kl, or may arise secondarily through either occlusivization of voiceless fricatives (see 3.8.1, manner dissimilation) or devoicing of voiced stops (see 3.8.3.4). They appear in word-initial and medial position. Only the velar /kl has regular allophone, palatal [c], before the front vowels Iii and /e/ and the semivowel /j/ (see 3.8.2 for history and graphematic evidence). Voiceless stops are subject to the following phenomena:
a
• Gemination ,(see 3.4) • Manner dissimilation (see 3.8.1) • Voicing (see 3.8.3)
3 Consonants
113
Table 2: The Consonantal Sounds of Medieval and Early Modern Greek
Consonants
3
Bilabial Labiodental Stop
pb
rv
Fricative
Nasal
3.1
Description of the Consonant System
The MedG consonant system is essentially that of the end of the period of the Koine; the dating of the major consonant changes (fricativization of voiced and of voiceless aspirated stops), even if not entirely settled, falls well before LMedG (GIGNAC 1976; HORROCKS 22010: 170-2). This system is very similar to that of MG (for which see ARVANITI 1999; NESPOR 1999: 46; BOTINIS 2009: 90-101). Table 2 shows pan-dialectal phonologically contrastive sounds in boldface, while allophonic variants, sounds of contested/contestable phonological status, and dialectally restricted sounds are given in parentheses, and discussed below. In each box, the first sound is voiceless, the second voiced (except for the liquids, which are both voiced). The MedG consonantal system is symmetrical, operating on the basis of contrasts between voiceless vs. voiced and fricative vs. stop: /p/-/b/-/f/-/v/, /t/-/d/-/8/-/0/, /k/~/g/-/x/~/y/. The system is complemented by contrastive pairs of nasals (/m/-/n/), liquids (/1/-/r/) and sibilants (!s/-hl).
The major factors in the creation of allophonic variation are the phenomena of palatalization, i.e. the fronting of certain consonant classes when followed by a front vowel or semivowel (see 3.8.2) and synizesis, i.e. the semi-vocalization and subsequent consonantization of front vowels when followed by a back vowel (see 2.9.4). Palatalization and synizesis give rise to palatal stops ([c J-]}, palatal fricatives ([~ j]), and palatal nasals and liquids ([Jl A]). In addition, synizesis "destroys" the original distributional environment of palatal consonants, in that, after it has applied, palatal consonants appear not only before front vowels but before back vowels as well. The degree and final result of palatalization, as well as the range of palatalizable consonants, vary according to dialect, so that in certain areas and periods additional post-alveolar allophones (e.g. U, lf, exist. Another source of allophonic variation is the assimilation of a nasal to a following stop as to place of articulation, which gives rise to the velar nasal [JJ] when a nasal is followed by a velar consonant• The phonemic status of the voiced stops /b d g/ is contestable, since they mostly originate from the voicing of nasal+ voiceless stop sequences (i.e. [mp]> [rob], [nt] > [nd] and
caD
1
The presence of a labiodental allophone [qi] in the cases of [m] followed by [f] or [v] can be assumed for MedG on the analogy of MG and on the basis of general principles of phonetics (automatic partial assimilation for articulatory reasons), but is impossible to prove through graphematic evidence. Furthermore, such a sound can appear in higher registers only, since the "regulaI" outcome of the sequence [mt] would be deletion of the nasal (see 3.6.2), and the sequence [mv) is a "learned" cluster, instead of regular [mb] (see 3.2.1.2). Therefore, this sound is not taken into consideration here.
m
Dental
Alveolar
Post-alveolar
Palatal
Velar
td
(c J)
kg
8D
(~j)
xy
n
(.p.)
Liquid
r1
Sibilant
s z
Affricate
tsdz
(f)
(JJ)
(. [og]). However, in view of the fact that voiced stops appear without a preceding nasal in certain positions, dialects or lexical items, and that specific phonetic changes apply to them, they are described here as a separate class of phonemes (see 3.2.1.2). Similarly, the phonemic status of the affricates [ts dz] is doubtful, as it is also possible to analyse them as sequences of homorganic stop + sibilant. However, they are discussed here as a separate class of affricate phonemes because of their special history and properties (see 3.2.6). The final major issue concerning the overall consonant system of MedG and EMG is the phonemic status of the double/geminate consonants which appear in certain dialects (see 3.4), i.e. whether to consider them as single, separate phonemes (long consonants) or as iterations of the same phoneme (i.e. as two consecutive identical consonants). In view of the fact that they are (a) dialectally restricted, (b) not well represented/detectable in texts, and (c) subject to the same general sound changes as the corresponding singleton consonants, the second option is followed here.
3.2
Phoneme Inventory
3.2.1
Stops
3.2.1.1
Voiceless Stops
The three voiceless stops, labial /p/ , dental /ti and velar /kl , are mostly direct inheritances of Koine and AG /p t kl, or may arise secondarily through either occlusivization of voiceless fricatives (see 3.8.1, manner dissimilation) or devoicing of voiced stops (see 3.8.3.4). They appear in word-initial and medial position. Only the velar /kl has regular allophone, palatal [c], before the front vowels Iii and /e/ and the semivowel /j/ (see 3.8.2 for history and graphematic evidence). Voiceless stops are subject to the following phenomena:
a
• Gemination ,(see 3.4) • Manner dissimilation (see 3.8.1) • Voicing (see 3.8.3)
114
• Fricativization (see 3.8.4) • Affrication (see 3.2.6) • Dissimilatory deletion (see 3.9.3.2) 3.2.1.2
Voiced Stops
The three voiced stops lb d g/ are mostly innovative evolutions of Koine and MedG. 2 Their origin is threefold (BABINIOTIS 32002: 128-9): a). blocking of the fricativization of original AG voiced stops when preceded by a nasal, e.g. 6ev6pov [dendron] > 6eVTpo ['oendro], Koµpos [k6mbos] > Koµiros ['kombos], eyyovos [eogonos] > eyyovos ['eogonos]; b) voicing of post-nasal voiceless stops, e.g. irevTE [pente] > ireVTe ['pende], eµiropos [emporos] > eµiropos ('emboros], lyKai.&) [eokal5:J > lyKCXA& [eoga'lo]. The phenomenon occurs also at word boundaries, i.e. word-initial voiceless stops become voiced when the preceding word ends in a nasal (see 3.8.3); c) loanwords, initially Latin (mandatum > µavTcho, accumbo > aKovµir&); later Romance (Ital. barbiere > µirapµirepT}s, OFr. dame> VT6:µcx, Ven. governar > yKovpepvap(A)) and Turkish (bey> µireT}s, oda > on6:s). Note, however, that in the South-Eastern and Asia Minor dialect groups (Cyprus, Dodecanese, Pontos etc.) foreign voiced stops are adapted as voiceless stops (see 3.8.3.4). A number of sporadic voicing processes may also lead to voiced stops from originally voiceless ones (see 3.8.3). The Greek alphabet does not possess a special sign for the notation of voiced stops, since the graphemes originally denoting them represent, from the Koine onwards, voiced fricatives (as a result of a regular sound change which lenited the AG voiced stops to voiced fricatives; see HORROCKS 22010: 170). Therefore, in MedG they are noted through the digraphs Koµiros ['kombos], eyyovos [eogonos] > eyyovos ['eogonos]; b) voicing of post-nasal voiceless stops, e.g. irevTE [pente] > ireVTe ['pende], eµiropos [emporos] > eµiropos ('emboros], lyKai.&) [eokal5:J > lyKCXA& [eoga'lo]. The phenomenon occurs also at word boundaries, i.e. word-initial voiceless stops become voiced when the preceding word ends in a nasal (see 3.8.3); c) loanwords, initially Latin (mandatum > µavTcho, accumbo > aKovµir&); later Romance (Ital. barbiere > µirapµirepT}s, OFr. dame> VT6:µcx, Ven. governar > yKovpepvap(A)) and Turkish (bey> µireT}s, oda > on6:s). Note, however, that in the South-Eastern and Asia Minor dialect groups (Cyprus, Dodecanese, Pontos etc.) foreign voiced stops are adapted as voiceless stops (see 3.8.3.4). A number of sporadic voicing processes may also lead to voiced stops from originally voiceless ones (see 3.8.3). The Greek alphabet does not possess a special sign for the notation of voiced stops, since the graphemes originally denoting them represent, from the Koine onwards, voiced fricatives (as a result of a regular sound change which lenited the AG voiced stops to voiced fricatives; see HORROCKS 22010: 170). Therefore, in MedG they are noted through the digraphs are direct inheritances from Koine and AG /1 r/. They appear in word-initial and medial position, and /r/ can also function as a final consonant in higher registers (see 3.3.1). /1/ has a palatal allophone [A] before the semivowel /j/ and before /i/ in certain dialects (see 3.8.2.3). Liquids are affected by the following phenomena: • • • • •
Gemination (see 3.4) Palatalization (see 3.8.2.3) Liquid interchange (see 3.8.6) Metathesis (see 3.9.1) Dissirnilation (see 3.9.3)
3.2.5
Sibilants
The sibilant Isl is a direct inheritance of Koine and AG Isl. It appears in all positions, initial, medial and final. It has an allophone [z] before voiced consonants, both word-internally and at word boundaries (also inherited from the Koine), for which there is sporadic graphematic evidence in manuscripts, such as: ,rpoQ,TJTepos (972,Athos, PAPACHRYSSANTHOU 1975: 7,215.29) irepfJopfJy.iov / irep1op1crµ6v (1071, Athos, LEFORT et al 1990: 40, 128.19) cr{yovpoKicpa}.oS PoL Tr. 2185 app. crit. (B); y.i{ye1 ibid. 3409 app. crit. (B) c;,pvy.iov I op1crµ6v (1453, Thrace?, DARROUZES 1963: 3, 85.8) {yoµ,ncx{TJ Kakop. 140 app. crit. TTJS K1ovpay.ias /Tfis K1ovpcxs µas (1643, Naxos, KORRES 1931: 4,275.12)
Texts written in other scripts also provide evidence for the voicing of Isl before voiced consonants: for Arabic see LEHFELDT 1989: 63-5; for Slavonic cf. the examples ararra:1 Me, cxycrnas µe (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 872); TO IIJiaJMaH JJ.Y / TO ,ri\acrµo:v TOV (ibid. 21). The voiced sibilant /z/ is a direct inheritance from Koine /z/, which in tum descends from AG /dz/ or /zd/. The change /dz/> /z/ (whatever its precise path of evolution, cf. HORROCKS 22010: 171) has already taken place before the Medieval period, as is attested by papyrological and epigraphic evidence, where the grapheme [dz] as a result of gemination of /z/; the latter scenario is, according to dialectologists, the most likely one (cf. PERNOT 1907/46: I 286-91; NEWTON 1972a: 92). Sibilants are affected by the following phenomena, which are described in the relevant sections: • Gernination (see 3.4) • Palatalization (see 3.8.2.3)
3
For the realization of ); and (c) the occurrence of [ts] and [dz] as fronted allophones of /k/ and lg/ respectively in at least some MedG and EMG dialectal varieties (see the phenomenon of palatalization, 3.8.2) demands a monophonemic treatment. Additional phonological arguments in favour of this analysis, involving factors such as distribution at morpheme boundaries, reduplication and special affective content, can be found in the references cited above; although constructed for MG they are also applicable toMedG. The two affricates are combinations of (homorganic) dental stop + sibilant: voiceless [ts] and voiced [dz]. In MedG and EMG, the spelling ); and (c) the occurrence of [ts] and [dz] as fronted allophones of /k/ and lg/ respectively in at least some MedG and EMG dialectal varieties (see the phenomenon of palatalization, 3.8.2) demands a monophonemic treatment. Additional phonological arguments in favour of this analysis, involving factors such as distribution at morpheme boundaries, reduplication and special affective content, can be found in the references cited above; although constructed for MG they are also applicable toMedG. The two affricates are combinations of (homorganic) dental stop + sibilant: voiceless [ts] and voiced [dz]. In MedG and EMG, the spelling TCXl/c.)
nx
i\6yx11
s8
6:a8e11e1a
~81'6s
Id
µ1rouAVTou111
fk
eu1 or the comparative -TTepos, the spelling approaches regularity. Gemination of If/ and /xi, although extant in modem South-Eastern dialects, either as an innovative phenomenon (spontaneous gemination), or as a result of assimilation of a preceding nasal, is very poorly attested in MedG and EMG documents. Rare examples include:
s.
Tov yp6cpq,ov;\ov / TOV rp6cpq,ovAOV (I 168, Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 172,227.10) TO: 'q.q>1Kla TOVS MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 10.29 TO 8aq>q>io11 VOUSTR., Chron. A 152.8 ayaq>q>EI Fior 118.34 . cnxxopOVllTE I CJV)(Xc.>p0V11TCX1 MACHAIRAS, Chron. R 104.38
By contrast, gemination of /8/ is quite well attested, especially in Cyprus. Its provenance is either assimilation of a preceding nasal, or innovative (spontaneous) gemination. 0e66c.>pos ~a1188bs (1190, s. Italy, GUILLOU 2009: 12, 65.28); e116608e11 Kai e~c.>88e11 (1213/14, ibid. 6, 37.8) Sia 110: av11µTre88epe1j10V1/ MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 326.8; TOll m88ep611 TOV VousTR., Chron. A 194.13 8avµa~ovµe88av MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 360.32 E1TAv8S,,11 MACHAIRAS, Chron. 0 496.44 a88uµ,;eov MACHAIRAS, Chron. 0 44.39; o:88uµ1a111 (1602, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1959: 1, 28.1) . ';rov eee '11110: 6i'\ Thrinos Kypr. 1 1, -cxlvc..>, -{vc..>, -cxvc..>, both in S. Italy and in Cyprus (MINAS 22003: 71; SYMEONIDIS 2006: 179). For the Dodecanese, the phenomenon is expected (PANDELIDIS 1929: 29; TSOPANAKIS 1940: 158) but as yet has not been located in the texts: aq>1epo1111011Ta / o:q,1epw11vo11Ta (1034, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 29, 34.11-12) o:~6111111 / o:~w11e1 (1227-50, Sicily, GUILLOU 1963: 20, 157.10) · KaTaval1111e1 / KaTa~al1111e1 (1092, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 54, 71.12) q,861111e1 (1190, Sicily, CUSA 1868/82: Coll. I: 16, 49.19) Aaµ~a1111e1 ,rapKOTc.> (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 31.49) 8a11aTw1111oµe11 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 2.7 els KovcpoO ,r6pTa11 eav11TUxa1111e11 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 44.16-17 ;raya11111aµe1101 VOUSTR., Chron. A 22.9-10
Gemination of /1/ is attested in S. Italy, Cyprus and the Dodecanese. It occurs either as assimilation of a preceding nasal, or as spontaneous gemination, which is especially frequent in Cyprus in common words such as iroMus and oM!yos. However, there is no regularity in the spelling, as certain cases of geminate /11/ may also appear written as single. T& MaK011 / TO AACIKKOll (1044, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 3, 147.26) TT)ll Mfopa11 (1076-7, Calabria, GUILLOU 1963: 1, 46.18) oul3011 Mou;rou11011 / 0ul3011 /\-AOVirOVVOll (1226, Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 175,378.16)
s.
I?1,,.
l j
140
I Phonology
er1uM1ts KataL 5 ,roAa MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 66.33 (Pieris/Nikolaou-Konnari)
Gemination of /1/ and /n/ is securely attested for Euboea thanks to the metalinguistic description provided by Euthymios Tornikes in a recently published poem (HORANDNER 2017). The poem mocks the inhabitants ofEuripos for their pronunciation and makes specific reference to gemination, which, according to the author, sounds as if the c~nsonants /1/ and /n/ are split in two: oi ypaµµcm,.w o:pmryes cxv6pes Euplnou TO Acxii6a erUVTEµvoucrtv els µilp11 6vo (vv. 21-:--2) 1IA1111 J,poTOiS vllap1TCX,OUO'IV a6f1 Tp01r(i> TO vu µ011011 TEµvoVTes eis µePT} 6uo (vv. 44-6)
That the phenomenon in question is gemination is made explicit by the title of the poem as given in the manuscript: Oi lv 0ti~ms oiKovvTes crupcpa1 (1146, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll XIV: 5, 618.14); foero / foe.> els Kunpo (14th c., Cyprus, SCHREINER 1975/79: 27, 2.2 app. crit); foerc.> VousTR., Chron. A 4.1~11 e1s T(o) IIT}O'ert11 / els TO IIT}ererlv (1326, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 41, 93.1); TO IIT}aalv Tfis Po6ou (1493, Rhodes, TSOPANAKIS 1970: 55.6) TOIi aptaeraiov (17th c., Cyprus, CHRISTODOULOU 1983: A, 407.437) Tis O'O'U1 ,rpy16v1 > 1rp1yi6v1 (MENDEZ DosUNA 2002: 98). The phenomenon appears from the late 15th/early 16th c. onwards: · )(Psly1a (post 1461-ante 1512, Constantinople?, LEHFELDT 1989: 186.4d) µflTpryu:xs (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 33, 52.11); 1Tpry16v1 (1601, ibid. 118, 131.16) 1Tp1y16v1 (1697, Siatista, PANDAZOPOULOS!TSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 1974: 30, 24.81) Tply1a (1667, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 19, 90.14) Kpuya(vc.., MONTSEL., Evgena 419
b) Anaptyxis of a palatal glide [j] between consecutive vowels at word boundaries. The overwhelming majority of cases involves /i/ as the first element (i.e. the article forms fi, ol and the conjunction 11), which, as described above, is a cross-linguistically natural and frequent environment for an evolution iV > ijV. The epenthetic consonant is always palatal [j] and never velar [y], even before back vowels, as betrayed by the spelling . Furthermore, the phenomenon is more restricted geographically, appearing primarily in Crete, the Cyclades and Cyprus: Before Front Vowels TO y-i61ov (1164, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. IV: 3, 118.10) K(al) µ6x8ou1sµoO / Kai µ6x6ou y-eµoO (1306, Trebizond, PAPADOPOULOS-KERAMEFS 1886: · [1], 117 transcr.) xal y-ol 16' emo-K61To1 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 52.19 OTpaTav yfi q,6pµav (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 468.) · TO y{61ov / TO y-i6iov (1542, Cyprus, MALTEZOU 1987: 3, 13.4) Suo y,i Tpeis (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132,215.31); 1YE6tKT) µas OAI / ol ye61Kol µas &?.01 (1565, ibid. 283, 398.25) fJ yeuMyT}O"T} (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 1, 24.30) i giefchi / fi yieuxTJ Thysia Avr. 843 transcr. M vex yT}µ1Topfoc..,µe vex O"E yt600µe11 (1609, Cyprus, MIKLOSICH!MOLLER 1860/90: ill 20, 267.7-8) 1Tp0Tv-repov yi'i ua-rep6Tepov (1629, Milos, PAPADOPOULOSIFLORENDIS 1990: 14, 11.41) KE yT}1T6ypa4'a / Kai y-u,r6ypaljla (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 17, 42.19) ~avaxT1aµa y,i O"IOO"µa (1676, Corsica, BLANKEN 1951: IX, 310.21) vex yfiaou 13oYTt66s µou Charon Ill 8 . va ylxav / vci y-eixav (1679, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 16, 39.3) 11 yu6uyu 1fYE~U / ol y{6iyo1 me~OI (1691, Chios, TSELIKAS 2000: 81, 64.15) Before Back Vowels yiAlµO\la y1aµa,6va Theseid Prol. E 158 ol y1avc..,6e µepl6es (1610, Naxos, GRITSOPOULOS 1994: 6,360.17) · 1y1lx6epcpl T~I / ol y1a6epcpol TO"T} (1613, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 849,740.11) 1yiope~IV TOU / ti y16pe~T) VTOU (1620, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 1, 38.6); fJ yt6pe~T) µou Stathis 11.307 11 y1apxoVT1aa µou / T} ytapx6VTIO"O" ,rp1yi6v1 (NEWTON 1972a: 50; MALIKOUTIDRACHMAN 2009a: 112..:.13). The sequence CriV is an environment where synizesis does not normally apply (see 2.9.4), as it would create a complex consonant sequence. Therefore,· the hiatus occurring between the two consecutive vowels is broken up through a homorganic glide [j] between /i/ and the following vowel, irrespective the insertion of . . '.
,
,
145
of whether it is front or back. An alternative, perhaps phonetically more plausible, interpretation would be that in such cases the phenomenon in question is not in fact anaptyxis of [j] before synizesis, but anaptyxis of a vowel [i] after synizesis, in order to break up the complex consonant cluster, e.g. 1Tp16v1 > ,rpy16v1 > 1rp1yi6v1 (MENDEZ DosUNA 2002: 98). The phenomenon appears from the late 15th/early 16th c. onwards: · )(Psly1a (post 1461-ante 1512, Constantinople?, LEHFELDT 1989: 186.4d) µflTpryu:xs (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 33, 52.11); 1Tpry16v1 (1601, ibid. 118, 131.16) 1Tp1y16v1 (1697, Siatista, PANDAZOPOULOS!TSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 1974: 30, 24.81) Tply1a (1667, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 19, 90.14) Kpuya(vc.., MONTSEL., Evgena 419
b) Anaptyxis of a palatal glide [j] between consecutive vowels at word boundaries. The overwhelming majority of cases involves /i/ as the first element (i.e. the article forms fi, ol and the conjunction 11), which, as described above, is a cross-linguistically natural and frequent environment for an evolution iV > ijV. The epenthetic consonant is always palatal [j] and never velar [y], even before back vowels, as betrayed by the spelling . Furthermore, the phenomenon is more restricted geographically, appearing primarily in Crete, the Cyclades and Cyprus: Before Front Vowels TO y-i61ov (1164, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. IV: 3, 118.10) K(al) µ6x8ou1sµoO / Kai µ6x6ou y-eµoO (1306, Trebizond, PAPADOPOULOS-KERAMEFS 1886: · [1], 117 transcr.) xal y-ol 16' emo-K61To1 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 52.19 OTpaTav yfi q,6pµav (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 468.) · TO y{61ov / TO y-i6iov (1542, Cyprus, MALTEZOU 1987: 3, 13.4) Suo y,i Tpeis (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132,215.31); 1YE6tKT) µas OAI / ol ye61Kol µas &?.01 (1565, ibid. 283, 398.25) fJ yeuMyT}O"T} (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 1, 24.30) i giefchi / fi yieuxTJ Thysia Avr. 843 transcr. M vex yT}µ1Topfoc..,µe vex O"E yt600µe11 (1609, Cyprus, MIKLOSICH!MOLLER 1860/90: ill 20, 267.7-8) 1Tp0Tv-repov yi'i ua-rep6Tepov (1629, Milos, PAPADOPOULOSIFLORENDIS 1990: 14, 11.41) KE yT}1T6ypa4'a / Kai y-u,r6ypaljla (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 17, 42.19) ~avaxT1aµa y,i O"IOO"µa (1676, Corsica, BLANKEN 1951: IX, 310.21) vex yfiaou 13oYTt66s µou Charon Ill 8 . va ylxav / vci y-eixav (1679, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 16, 39.3) 11 yu6uyu 1fYE~U / ol y{6iyo1 me~OI (1691, Chios, TSELIKAS 2000: 81, 64.15) Before Back Vowels yiAlµO\la y1aµa,6va Theseid Prol. E 158 ol y1avc..,6e µepl6es (1610, Naxos, GRITSOPOULOS 1994: 6,360.17) · 1y1lx6epcpl T~I / ol y1a6epcpol TO"T} (1613, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 849,740.11) 1yiope~IV TOU / ti y16pe~T) VTOU (1620, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 1, 38.6); fJ yt6pe~T) µou Stathis 11.307 11 y1apxoVT1aa µou / T} ytapx6VTIO"O" Kol3y(,.), neµnc,.) > neJ3y(,.)), for which see Ill, 2.1.1.1.1. The phenomenon is discussed in KRUMBACHER 1886; PSICHARI 1888; BoDDAERT 1946; MIRAMBEL 1950; SYMEONIDIS 1981; NICHOLAS 2007. In the MedG and EMG periods the -Evy(,.) suffix appears in sources from the following areas: Athos, Asia Minor, S. Italy, Cyprus, Dodecanese, Chios, Crete, Cyclades, Peloponnese, as well as in literary texts of uncertain provenance. Its earliest appearance is traceable to 9th/10th-c. Cappadocian inscriptions (POLITIS 1971: 129-30). Its distribution is less extensive than in the modern period (for which see MIRAMBEL 1950: 127-8), but evidence is lacking for certain areas, such as Central and Northern Mainland Greece and Asia Minor. enopeuynov (9th C., Cappadocia, THIERRYffHIERRY 1963: 55) 61acp8eVTe1Jyc.iµev (1008, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 14, 138.27) ,ropeuyea-rai (1059, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 7, 170.58) KEAEvyEl (beg. 11th c., S. Italy, GUILLOU 2009: 7, 46.25) 61acpeVTevyeaa1 (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 21.122) TJVpa Keivov TOV eyupevya tyC:, SULT. WALAD, Poem 119 poyeuyovv Chron. Mor. H 3550 · vex yupeUyTJs (1420, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1962a: I, 39.3) ~eµ,rep6e~yoµev / ~eµmp6euyoµev (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 468.20)
. .
1)., 1
.
146
3 Consonants
I Phonology
T\ yiaKp1~e1ex CHORTATSIS, Katz. 1.101 1yi a8pom/ ol yi-o:8pc.i,ro1 (1642, Crete, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 21, 15.7) T\ yiayioau1111 aou (1668, Crete, LYDAKI 2000: 15,421.4) ol yia,ro6lAomo1 / ol yi-airo6lAomo1 (1664, Cyprus, MERTZIOS 1958b: 255.14) T\ yio,rola (1688, Andros, PASCHALIS 1948: 44.8) ey~ T\ yi Aariµ{a-r,a Kai,; y1cx6epcpi') µov (1691, PelopoMese, GRITSOPOULOS 1957/58: I A. 32, 115.1)
Note that there is a tendency for this intervocalic glide to be suppressed by editors of works of Cretan literature (see BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1996: 147; HENRICH 1998b: 94). c) Anaptyx.is of an intervocalic /y/ between consecutive vowels at verbal morpheme boundaries (stem-/y/-suffix), which surfaces as a velar [y] before the back vowels /a o u/ and a palatal [j] before the front vowels /e ii. In contrast to cases (a) and (b) above, this type of anaptyx.is ·can no longer be considered a phonetic phenomenon, but has instead been generalized through analogy and paradigm levelling, and serves as a formative of various verbal inflectional paradigms {NEWTON 1972a: 50; BABINIOTIS 1972: 245-7; PANTELIDIS 2003: 14-17; PANDELIDIS 2008: 292-6). It should be assumed that the origin of the phenomenon was an initially phonetic [j] glide appearing between front vowels, i.e. between a stem form or an inflectional suffix ending in a vowel and. the 3 sg. suffix -e, which, due to its frequency, usually forms the basis of most verbal analogies. This glide subsequently spread to the rest of the paradigm, even before back vowels, through paradigmatic levelling, and eventually became a permanent formative. It can thus be claimed that /y/ is a morphological marker of imperfective aspect, appearing mainly (i) since the 15th c., in the present stem of barytone vowel-stem verbs, e.g. a:Kouc,.) > a:Kouyw, Kafw > Ka{yw, KAa{w > KAa{yw, Kpollc,.) > Kpouyw, AOUCt.) > Aouy(,.), 1ITa{Ct.) > 1ITOOY(,.) etc., as part of a general tendency of all barytone verbs to acquire a consonantal stem; (ii) rarely, in the passive aorist of barytone vowel-stem verbs, e.g. EKOTJV > eK6:yT}v, vex Kay&; and (ill) in the formation of the mainly Peloponnesian oxytone imperfect suffix -T}ya, -aya, through the analogical influence of the barytone inflection, which added an extra vowel on to the vocalic inflectional suffix, i.e. hrovEt > enovEIE > en6vE1yeen6vaye. For the chronology and distribution of this suffix see III, 2.1.2.2.2-3. Less regularly, epenthetic /y/ also appears in some inflectional forms of the oxytone present of A-stem verbs, e.g. 6µ0Aoyae1 > 0µ0Aoyaye1, mostly in the Heptanese and Crete. This phenomenon is restricted to the 3rd person sg. and has not spread to other persons of the present, so morphological motivation is unlikely. It could perhaps be considered a hypercorrect reaction against the (for these two areas) typical phenomenon of intervocalic [j] deletion. e1 < m61KAwvoo, 6paaKeh& < 6taaKeAi{oo). The phenomenon should be attributed to sporadic processes such as assimilatory influence of a second /r/ in the word, analogy or folk etymology. Some instances may also be interpreted as mere slips of the pen. apKTpov (1053, s. Italy, TR.INCHERA 1865: 40, 50.22) eiro:vc.> e6paaKekuaaµev Liv. a 2918 < 6iaaKEAl~c.> _ TO Kop~ep,i\pi Eaev aliTo Toii KpE~~OTiov Chron: A!or. P 7698 (Kov~epTovp1 H) o:pxo{p}TES V0USTR., Chron. M 213.12; Ko:{p }Tepya 1b1d. M 127.5 avaxaiVTpwVOV\I TCX µaXA.16: KORNAROS, Erot. IV.1034 < xalT11 611Ao01v'Aaouo-1 Chron. Tourk. Soult. 51.25-6
The other two voiced fricatives, /v/ and /cJ/, exhibit deletion only in the Dodecanese, Chios and Cyprus, from the 17th c. onwards, 10 although there are a couple of early examples in Machairas (DAWKINS 1932: II 34) and one in Assizes. Pemot (PERNOT 1907/46: I 448-9) locates a single instance of intervocalic /CJ/ deletion in a 15th-c. document from Chios, but is reluctant to attribute it to this phenomenon, due to its early date: els TT}V Kcxµ1vcxv ToO mhoO ocrmT!ov (1402, Chios, FOTEINOS 1865: 189.8) < Ven. caminada = "parlour with fireplace". TT}V TO (1722, Tilos, KOUTELAKIS 1979: 21, 54.3)
The phenomenon of voiced fricative interchange (3.8.5.2), from the same areas and the same period, provides corroboration for this change, as it constitutes a hypercorrect res.: titution of the deleted fricative. The modem distribution of intervocalic voiced fricative deletion, which corresponds to the medieval one (DIETERICH 1908: 56-7; PANDELIDIS 1929: 31-2; TSOPANAKIS 1940: 86-7; NEWTON 1972a: 60-72; KoNDOSOPOULOS 32001: 43), is an additional confirmation. Intervocalic voiced fricative deletion is also a feature of the Tsakonian dialect, attested in the 17th-c. word list preserved by Evliya v'Aaouo-1 Chron. Tourk. Soult. 51.25-6
The other two voiced fricatives, /v/ and /cJ/, exhibit deletion only in the Dodecanese, Chios and Cyprus, from the 17th c. onwards, 10 although there are a couple of early examples in Machairas (DAWKINS 1932: II 34) and one in Assizes. Pemot (PERNOT 1907/46: I 448-9) locates a single instance of intervocalic /CJ/ deletion in a 15th-c. document from Chios, but is reluctant to attribute it to this phenomenon, due to its early date: els TT}V Kcxµ1vcxv ToO mhoO ocrmT!ov (1402, Chios, FOTEINOS 1865: 189.8) < Ven. caminada = "parlour with fireplace". TT}V TO (1722, Tilos, KOUTELAKIS 1979: 21, 54.3)
The phenomenon of voiced fricative interchange (3.8.5.2), from the same areas and the same period, provides corroboration for this change, as it constitutes a hypercorrect res.: titution of the deleted fricative. The modem distribution of intervocalic voiced fricative deletion, which corresponds to the medieval one (DIETERICH 1908: 56-7; PANDELIDIS 1929: 31-2; TSOPANAKIS 1940: 86-7; NEWTON 1972a: 60-72; KoNDOSOPOULOS 32001: 43), is an additional confirmation. Intervocalic voiced fricative deletion is also a feature of the Tsakonian dialect, attested in the 17th-c. word list preserved by Evliya S (1585, Mani, LAMBROS 1905: 398.1) = ytCXTpos < ICXTpoS 0 KVP li1aKoµris 11.µ,rpaµos (1611, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 126, 122.2) < r1CXKOUµTJs, Giacomo e61ayouµlaETE TT)V Pol. Tr. 1369 app. crit. (A)< Turk. yagma (see KRIARAS, Lex. s. vv. 61ayouµcxs, 6iayouµ!{c.:, and ILNE s.vv. 61cxyouµa, Siayouµl{c.:, for further examples)
3.6.1.3
Deletion Before Nasals
The monophthongization of the AG diphthongs /au/ and /eu/ led to the creation of innovative consonant clusters in the case of a following syllable with consonantal onset. Clusters of fricative + nasal, namely the combinations /v/ + Im/, /y/ + Im/, were subsequently simplified through deletion of the fricative, in a process that is more extensively attested in the period that concerns us than in MG. crne6oKEVT01TVEµa / crnl6c.:,KeVTO 11"\lfµa (9th-10th c., Cappadocia, DE JERPHANION 1925/42: I 565) '.Ay!ou TTvlµaTOS (1096-1100, S. Italy, GUILLOU 2009: 26, 122.18) ,rveµCXT1K6s (1501, Cyprus, MALTEZOU 1987: 2, 12.19); (1714, Chios, KANELLAKIS 1890: 474.18) cmyc.:,peµµlvou I a,rf1yopeµl11ou (1172, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 179, 234.13) o peµCXT1aµbs GLYKAS, Stichoi 265 61aq>eVTeµlvos (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 239.440) Kopcxa1a eµopq>a Dig. E 234 app. crit. ljlEµCXTa T&v ljlEµCXTc.:,v MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 2.12 8aµcxaµCXTa µeycx?la Byz. ll. 108; TO 8aµa ThysiaAvr. 671 EyKexapaµµevo1 (1019, S. Italy, 'fRINCHERA 1865: 18, 19.24) TOii ~aO"TcxµCXTOS (1073, Constantinople?, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIDOU 1980: 50, 18.286) xapaµav TETpcxyc.:,vov (1333, Athos, LEMERLE 1988: 15, 75.12) pramata / ,rpcxµCXTCX (1394, Crete, SANTSCHI 1976: 1597, 344.12); ,rpcxµCXTa (1476, Cyprus, SAKKELION 1887b: 260.6); ,rpcxµCXTa (1487, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 15, 83.3) O"T1µri11 [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1321 8avCXToaq>aµeVf1v [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1441; aq>aµµevas Dig. G 1.227 µ6}.aµa Velth. 478; µa;\aµCXTe111a Velis. X 279 CX1To61uµ6v rou Ptoch. N 565 app. crit. (H) q>pcxµa ACHELIS, Malt. Pol 1864
DIETERICH (1898: 119) adduces a few papyrological examples of the 2nd c. AD, e.g. KEKaµµevous 6CXKruAovs Pap.Rain. I. 170, and PsALTES (1913: 99) cites the form OT]µevTCX < segmenta from the De adm. imperio 6.8 (ed. Moravcsik-Jenkins), while an undated Byzantine inscription from Pamphylia contains the form for o-iyµex (VAN BUREN 1908: 1956), but there are no other similar early indications. The earliest examples in MedG come from 9th/10th-c. Cappadocian inscriptions. Because some MG South-Eastern dialects, as well as S. Italian, display gemination of the nasal in this environment (PANDEqms 1929: 47; PERNOT 1907/46: I 415-16; MINAS 22003: 69), the phenomenon could be interpreted as a
.
. '
1,-,, -~
\_
\
154
SYMEONIDIS 2006: 188), e.g. vex µev exm(eucm VousTR., Chron. A 16.7-8; 61cx vex µev ,raµev MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 646.19; µev Tovs 6oocn1sAnak. Konst. 88. Given the fact that the phenomenon of intervocalic /d/ deletion is otherwise not very common in Medieval Cypriot and other South-Eastern texts of the same period (see the examples adduced above) and that the form µev appears also in texts of non-South-Eastern provenance, e.g. µev {mas, Achil. N 1567; vex µev TVXexivu Theseid VI.12,7 (Olsen), it is preferable to interpret µtlv as simply µTJV with lowering of fit to le/ in the adjacency of a nasal (cf. also KECHAYOGLOU 1997: 133* and see 2.8.l for the phenomenon). Similarly, the single example of /v/ deletion mentioned in the literature (HADJIIOANNOU 1988: 208; SYME0NIDIS 2006: 188), 0:1T0 ,rao-ex ,rpcxµexv eVTeµlvos (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 239.440) Kopcxa1a eµopq>a Dig. E 234 app. crit. ljlEµCXTa T&v ljlEµCXTc.:,v MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 2.12 8aµcxaµCXTa µeycx?la Byz. ll. 108; TO 8aµa ThysiaAvr. 671 EyKexapaµµevo1 (1019, S. Italy, 'fRINCHERA 1865: 18, 19.24) TOii ~aO"TcxµCXTOS (1073, Constantinople?, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIDOU 1980: 50, 18.286) xapaµav TETpcxyc.:,vov (1333, Athos, LEMERLE 1988: 15, 75.12) pramata / ,rpcxµCXTCX (1394, Crete, SANTSCHI 1976: 1597, 344.12); ,rpcxµCXTa (1476, Cyprus, SAKKELION 1887b: 260.6); ,rpcxµCXTa (1487, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 15, 83.3) O"T1µri11 [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1321 8avCXToaq>aµeVf1v [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1441; aq>aµµevas Dig. G 1.227 µ6}.aµa Velth. 478; µa;\aµCXTe111a Velis. X 279 CX1To61uµ6v rou Ptoch. N 565 app. crit. (H) q>pcxµa ACHELIS, Malt. Pol 1864
DIETERICH (1898: 119) adduces a few papyrological examples of the 2nd c. AD, e.g. KEKaµµevous 6CXKruAovs Pap.Rain. I. 170, and PsALTES (1913: 99) cites the form OT]µevTCX < segmenta from the De adm. imperio 6.8 (ed. Moravcsik-Jenkins), while an undated Byzantine inscription from Pamphylia contains the form for o-iyµex (VAN BUREN 1908: 1956), but there are no other similar early indications. The earliest examples in MedG come from 9th/10th-c. Cappadocian inscriptions. Because some MG South-Eastern dialects, as well as S. Italian, display gemination of the nasal in this environment (PANDEqms 1929: 47; PERNOT 1907/46: I 415-16; MINAS 22003: 69), the phenomenon could be interpreted as a
.
. '
1,-,, -~
\_
\
156
I Phonology
two-step evolution, involving first assimilation of the fricative to the following nasal, and then simplification of the geminate, i.e. /vm/ or /ym/ >/mm/> /ml. The fact that Modem Cypriot and Rhoclian do not present geminate consonants in this environment has been propounded as a counter-argument (CHATZIDAKIS 1901a: 157; MENARDOS 1969: 21; PANDELIDIS 1929: 33; TsoPANAKIS 1940: 117), although examples are mentioned in the literature. In the texts examined, documents from geminating dialects (Cyprus, Rhodes, S. Italy ete.) normally do not show gemination, with rare exceptions from S. Italy: 61aq,evTeµivos (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 239.440) epµ11veµev11 (1363, Cyprus, CouROUPOU/GEHIN 2001: 3, 157.26) TO peµav T&V vep&v Assizes B 299.13; EV\ q,oveµeVTJ ibid. 465.22 'l'EµaTa TQV ljl!:µcrrwv MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 2.12 ;rveµaT11v / n&v np&~µcx ov o:cptepu>crEv o 1TCXTTJP 11µ&v (1116, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 80, 105.27); TCX ocptAouµevcx 1TpauµCXTcx / TO: OEtAOuµeva npcx~µCXTa (1533, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 39, 80.5). Standard manuals of AG phonology often claim that the realization of lg/ before the nasal /ml was that of a velar nasal [tJ], e.g. np&yµa /pra:gma/ ➔ [pra:uma] and adduce the MedG and MG forms exhibiting fricative deletion before nasals, e.g. npcxµcx ['prama], as evidence (SCHWYZER 1939: 214-15; ALLEN 3 1987: 33-7; SIHLER 1995: 207; WOODARD 2008: 16). In effect, in AG linguistics the phenomenon discussed here is not viewed as fricative deletion, but as nasal assimilation which took place before the fricativization of voiced stops. However, in view of the parallel existence in MedG of the deletion of the fricative /v/ before a nasal, this analysis is unnecessary and uneconomical. In any case, a phonetic realization [IJm] in AG is not only phonetically unstable and therefore implausible, but is also supported by minimal evidence (cf. LEJEUNE 1972: 77-8; LUPA~ 1972: 20-3).
3.6.2
Deletion of Nasals
3.6.2.1
Deletion Before Stops
Medieval documents frequently display spellings with a plain voiceless stop instead of the combination nasal + voiceless stop, i.e. instead of expected and instead of ; see LENDARI 2007: 103-4, especially fn. 13, for evidence from a wide variety of texts. This is especially frequent in the case of consonant clusters with a following liquid, i.e. , where presumably the adjacency of the liquid is sufficient to express voicing. This has led scholars to assume that it is possible to trace to this period the common phenomenon of nasal deletion before voiced stops, which constitutes one of the main isoglosses defining MG dialects (MIRAMBEL 1933; TRIANDAFYLLIDIS 1938: 66, 80 map;· NEWTON 1972a: 93-9). Unfortunately, because of the inconsistent spelling of medieval manuscripts; and the fact that standard orthography is unable to spell the sounds
3 Consonants
157
[b, d, g] without the nasal, it is not possible to determine whether the modem distribution corresponds to the medieval one. Nasa~ deletion before stops is a phenomenon occurring sporadically already in AG, in low-register texts such as vase inscriptions, graffiti, curse tablets ete. These cases are usually interpreted as _testifying to a process of nasal weakening in this position, although such an early deletion would eventually have yielded outcomes incompatible with the attested history of Greek, e.g. a word like 6ev6pov would have evolved as 6e6pov > 6e6po not 6eVTpo (see MENDEZ DosUNA 2006 for references and discussion). So the ancient data should perhaps be dissociated from the medieval evidence and be considered more a graphematic than a phonetic phenomenon. During the medieval period, however, when, in contrast to AG and the Koine, the post-nasal voicing of stops (3.8.3.2) and the fricativization of voiced stops has already taken place, it would be quite reasonable to take the spellings of plain and as evidence of nasal deletion. A problem with this analysis is that the dialectal areas in which the phenomenon does not occur in the modem period, namely Cyprus and (parts of) the Dodecanese, which furthermore are areas that generally maintain In/ in a variety of environments normally leading to deletion, quite frequently offer graphematic evidence of nasal deletion before stops. Evidence for the phenomenon starts in the earliest (1 lth-c.) documents from Athos and S. Italy, and comes from both literary and non-literary texts from all areas. µn>n foo611 [6] and [IJX] >[xx]> [x] (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 161-3; NEWTON 1972a: 93-5; MINAS 22003: 67-8). As deletion of nasals before fricatives is a diachronically common evolution (cf. BYBEE 2015: 36, e.g. Eng.five vs. Germ.fiinf), an alternative analysis as direct deletion without intermediate assimilation/gemination is also possible (HORROCKS 22010: 275). If assimilation is assumed, the first stage must have taken place in the Kaine, immediately after the fricativization of the voiceless aspirates /ph th kh/ to /f 6 xi (although this is not reflected in the spelling), and is attested in MedG and EMG texts from geminating areas (see 3.4.2.4). The second step must have been reached during the phase of degemination, i.e. again in the late Koine. Spellings with deleted nasal appear already in Kaine inscriptions and papyri, but some, if not all, may date from a time when 6 x> were still stops (JANNARIS 1897: 95-6; DIETERICH 1898: 115-19; GIGNAC 1976: 117). On account of its early date, the phenomenon is very common in MedG and EMG texts, and is attested without geographical restrictions from the 11th c. onwards:
160
I Phonology
auq,C,:,vou (1059, s. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 7, 168.33); TO ,rapov O"Uq>c.>VO (1581, Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 25, 163.15-16) auq,ep(ov) / auq,spov (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 33, 67.12); auq,lpve1 Liv. V 3560 auq,opa Velis. x 1 app. crit. (N) 6q>aAoO Veith. 406 µlq,eaa1 Dig. E 439; 1«x-raµsq,eaa1 PouloL AZ 45 app. crit. (Z); µsV Tplwv TOU vuq,a&.> (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 257,355.12) ,re8epov (ll79, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 193, 254.9-10) yp68ov Pol. Tr. 549 app. crit. (X) ,ri\18ap1a Chron. Mor. H 1402 &Tav a800a1 TUTCI PoL Tr. 128 app. crit. (X); v' a8oOa1 BERGADIS, Apok. A 90 a.6oS Chron. Mor. P 1112 T0:6EV (PANAYOTOU 2007: 422). As in the previous cases, extension of final /n/ in the neuter suffixes -µav and -uv is due to the reinterpretation of final /n/ as the marker par excellence of neuter gender, in conformity to the much more regular and frequent inflectional pattern of neuter nouns in -ov and -1v and adjectives in -05. From the 15th c. onwards, addition of final /n/ appears also in the neuter indefinite pronoun/article (eva > evav). Examples (see also II, 2.21, II, 3.3.1 and II, 5.8.5): els TO etµav (1027, Sparta, FEISSELIPHILIPPIDIS-BRAAT 1985: 43,301.19) KEiTS va T}yairaaTeV Chron. Mor. P 3993 6vµaaTev irou 6ev.1a~e Alex. Rim. 1759 Kal tva 61aAeyc...,VTa111 &µcp6npo1 (1027, Sparta. FEISSELIPHILIPPIDIS-BRAAT 1985: 43,301.25) EKET\10 TO opfyoVTalV Spaneas z 331
173
6irov '11a111 els TovpK!av Alosis 939 ,rpaµaTej?,yov11Ta1v Ka8e Aoyi'js npaµme1a (1676, Corsica, BLANKEN 1951: IX, 312.14) Tva &11aTpecpovVTa111 (1059, Tayk province?, LEMERLE 1977: 27.220) · JaT1611Ta111 (1555, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 172,222.18)
Imperfect eTxav ey~ (1102, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 16,209.31) Tfl\l eTxav O'TO Kovµov111 µov DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 13 ll app. crit.
Aorist
acp1epc.>a1v TflV eyw T}q>u/pc.>o-av els ~ .. (1108, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 17, 218.86) ey~ Tfl\l ~ao-1;\elav exao-av Kai TO: lTAOVTT] DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 603 app. crit. W0-0:\1 O'OU T6 'ypaljla\l µe &Ma µov xaPTla (1501, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 5, 27.20-1) eyw 6 KO\ITOOTa~Aos ... EAaj?,av lvav op10-µ011 (1570, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 1999: 33,398.9) eyw Eµlo-eljla\l a,r6 KET (1501, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 5, 27.27) iJy6pao-av aiiTov airo TO\I 'lfa'ITCI\I (1493-4, Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1968: 36, 179.5) oTav 61: 6eATJS KTflO"EaTev els av8pc.>irov cp1Alav Spaneas V 81 app. crit. ei6env av-r611 GERMANO, Grammar 87.32 aUTCX ,rou eypolKt'jO"ETE\I VEST., Paid. Makkav. 99 Ta ooa ha~ETEV (1685, Syros, ZERLENDIS 1924b: [2], 12.8)
Uninflected Words O:XPIII TOU o-,rapT{ov (ll 18, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 85, 112.18) tcpe16,;v TJTO\I KpaTTJµevos Assizes B 279.6 emlv TOUTO EcrK61TT]o-ev Pol Tr. 43 app. crit. (A) em6T}ll / fae16,;v (1503, Constantinople, YANNOPOULOS 1974: 133.29) T' ()~(,.)\I mp1j?,6A1 (1537, Naxos, KARABOULA/RODOLAKIS 2012/13: 117,231.8) 8lAf1s irfoe1 KaTwv Diig. Alex. F 154.10 (Lolos) 1 µas T60'TV.IS t'j 6x111 I µas T6 0"TEV.IS ii ox1v (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 57.13)
A totally different case, not properly belonging under the heading of "final In/ addition", is the analogical voicing of an initial voiceless consonant, graphematically expressed as a final In/ tagged on to the previous word, which ends in a vowel (see 3.8.3.2 and 3.8.3.3). The origin of the phenomenon is the automatic assimilatory voicing of initial voiceless stops when preceded by proclitic words ending in In/, such as forms of the definite and indefinite article and the weak (clitic) forms of the personal pronoun; this spreads analogically even in cases without preceding nasal {CHATZIDAKIS 1905107: A 63). This phenomenon appears sporadically everywhere, but has almost the status of a norm in texts from Crete and the Cyclades, in the case of postnominal possessive clitics and object clitics appearing after va, 86 and the negation. In such cases, the presence of final In/ is only apparent; the sound heard is probably a bare voiced stop [b d g] and not a nasal + stop cluster. This is immedi~ ately apparent in texts written in the Latin alphabet. Examples (see also 3.8.3.3): TOU s6IKOUV TOV 611 yeypaµµe11a11 (1548, Naxos, KARABOULA/RODOLAKIS 2012/13: 119,
233.18-19) TCI O'IDTla\l oirov Ka8cra1 (1632 [later copy], Naxos, KATSOUROS 1968: 70, 174.13) els TCI ocrav EXOV\I (1636, Paros, ALIPRANDIS 1993: 2,291.10) irmfocxv eianve ProL Epain. Kef. 45 µ\ &,r6µewav mvouv1aTav Kai aTEKov eKeT (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 2, 53.17) ey~v 1\VTWVTJS Tairovcros ypacpc.> (1575, Naxos, KARABOULA/RODOLAKIS 2012/13: 134,
255.3) Kl eycb-v els TOVTO aK6µT] FoSKOLOS, Fort. IT.365
Verbal Inflection Present
ti 6~a µov, cmou exc.>v &ire aiva Diig. Alex. F 280.12 (Lolos) va ypaljlc.> 6eAC.>\I O'Tlxepov DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 56 app. crit. plKTEIV (1098, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 65, 82.13) 6(Ka1ov ov6ev euplo-KEI\I Spaneas z. 550 app. crit KO'.Tc.> TflV airo6rn111 Dig. E 937 app. crit. Ka\ 8lAf1-v Ka1Tav Iiv. V 497 ou6ev EVTPE'ITEO'TE\I ,rocrws Chron. Mor. P 5392 a,re~c.> cpalveo-8ev els TOUS lxv6pw,rovs 6{1a1v TflV eyw T}q>u/pc.>o-av els ~ .. (1108, S. Italy, ROBINSON 1929: 17, 218.86) ey~ Tfl\l ~ao-1;\elav exao-av Kai TO: lTAOVTT] DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 603 app. crit. W0-0:\1 O'OU T6 'ypaljla\l µe &Ma µov xaPTla (1501, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 5, 27.20-1) eyw 6 KO\ITOOTa~Aos ... EAaj?,av lvav op10-µ011 (1570, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 1999: 33,398.9) eyw Eµlo-eljla\l a,r6 KET (1501, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 5, 27.27) iJy6pao-av aiiTov airo TO\I 'lfa'ITCI\I (1493-4, Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1968: 36, 179.5) oTav 61: 6eATJS KTflO"EaTev els av8pc.>irov cp1Alav Spaneas V 81 app. crit. ei6env av-r611 GERMANO, Grammar 87.32 aUTCX ,rou eypolKt'jO"ETE\I VEST., Paid. Makkav. 99 Ta ooa ha~ETEV (1685, Syros, ZERLENDIS 1924b: [2], 12.8)
Uninflected Words O:XPIII TOU o-,rapT{ov (ll 18, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 85, 112.18) tcpe16,;v TJTO\I KpaTTJµevos Assizes B 279.6 emlv TOUTO EcrK61TT]o-ev Pol Tr. 43 app. crit. (A) em6T}ll / fae16,;v (1503, Constantinople, YANNOPOULOS 1974: 133.29) T' ()~(,.)\I mp1j?,6A1 (1537, Naxos, KARABOULA/RODOLAKIS 2012/13: 117,231.8) 8lAf1s irfoe1 KaTwv Diig. Alex. F 154.10 (Lolos) 1 µas T60'TV.IS t'j 6x111 I µas T6 0"TEV.IS ii ox1v (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 57.13)
A totally different case, not properly belonging under the heading of "final In/ addition", is the analogical voicing of an initial voiceless consonant, graphematically expressed as a final In/ tagged on to the previous word, which ends in a vowel (see 3.8.3.2 and 3.8.3.3). The origin of the phenomenon is the automatic assimilatory voicing of initial voiceless stops when preceded by proclitic words ending in In/, such as forms of the definite and indefinite article and the weak (clitic) forms of the personal pronoun; this spreads analogically even in cases without preceding nasal {CHATZIDAKIS 1905107: A 63). This phenomenon appears sporadically everywhere, but has almost the status of a norm in texts from Crete and the Cyclades, in the case of postnominal possessive clitics and object clitics appearing after va, 86 and the negation. In such cases, the presence of final In/ is only apparent; the sound heard is probably a bare voiced stop [b d g] and not a nasal + stop cluster. This is immedi~ ately apparent in texts written in the Latin alphabet. Examples (see also 3.8.3.3): TOU s6IKOUV TOV 611 [to'loyon]. An argument in favour of such a phonetic pathway of assimilation-gemination- [toba'tera]. Again, it is indicative that the areas in which final /n/ tends to be retained, such as Pontos and the South-East (see below) also tend to preserve word-internal nasal+ stop clusters, whereas the areas which display more wholesale deletion of final /n/, such as Crete, the Cyclades
175
and :'1ani, are also those which exhibit deletion of word-internal /n/ before stops more consistently. c) Hiatus a~oidance in the case of a following vowel (see 2.9.1). Although final /n/ has been lost entirely as a constituent feature in several nominal and verbal inflectional suffixes in MG, it has been retained in the case of proclitic words, such as the definite article the object clitics and the negation 6ev, indicating that in this environment /n/ functioned.as a non-final intervocalic element. Deletion of ~nal /n/ may also have morphological causes, i.e. it can appear as a hypercorrect reaction to the strong tendency for analogical extension of final /n/ (see above 3.7.2.1). It is po~sible that the picture given by Egyptian papyri of the Koine period is not truly representative of the overall evolution of Greek, and that deletion of final /n/ was not so_ we_II-es~blished at such an early date (cf. HORROCKS 22010: 171-2). Two facts point in this direction: (a) the extreme extension of analogical addition of final /n/, which affects all regional forms of Greek, even those which later show wholesale deletion of final /n/· and (b) the existenc_e of several MG dialects in which final /n/ still constitutes a typical fe;ture, thus presupposing a very early date of dialectal division/differentiation if deletion of final In/ is taken to be already a Koine characteristic. If the deletion of final /n/ is connected to the phenomenon of degemination (see above), it becomes even more tightly connected with the dating of dialectal division of the so-called South-Eastern group. Finally, deletion of final /n/ in the nominal morphology can be seen as part of a more general structural change within the nominal inflectional system, which tends, in the singular, towards a simple binary marking of cases based on the presence vs. absence of final /s/, and in which final /n/ can be seen as a superfluous marker (see II, 1.1 and the studies of SEILER 1958 and RUGE 1969a). Furthermore, the fact that deletion of final /n/ shows, in most areas, as well as in MG, a certain degree of morphological conditioning (i.e. there are specific suffixes where final /n/ resists deletion) inevitably points to a diachronic process that took several centuries to complete. As phonetic changes are normally "blind" to morphology, applying across the board independently of the inflectional environment, it is only changes that remain in a state of variation over a long period of time that acquire differential conditioning. 14 The morphological conditioning of final /n/ deletion is also apparent from the fact that it is consistently avoided in the case of archaic/residual inflectional suffixes which are part of the learned register. When deletion of final /n/ is found in such cases, it should be considered as a scribal error, of no interest for the diachronic development of MedG. The suffixes belonging to this category are the following: • the nom. sg. of 3rd-declension nasal and dental stem nouns, adjectives and participles, e.g. aywv, i\iµ,;v, TThcm,>v, :::evoq,&v, ypa~c.>v, i\al3wv, &yair&v • the 1 sg. and 3 pl. active imperf. of barytone verbs, e.g. eypav Tov DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 334 nµov100v Tovs (1503, Constantinople, YANNOPOULOS 1974: 132.5) Ta rra1610:v Tove (1544, Syros, ZERLENDIS 1923a: [2], 7.11) 0 Kup Kc.xrral'TT)S Kal ti avµl3lav Tov (1587, Naxos, KARABOULA/RODOLAKIS 2012/13: 147, 271.13) ti y16pe~lv TOV (1620, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 1, 38.6) i61Ko:v TOV (1634, Paros, ALIPRANDIS 1974/75: 2, 111.16) i thigateradu / ti 8vya-rtpa v-TOv CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.581 transcr. X (Legrand) sta plutidu / a-ra 1TAOU1TI v-Tov CHORTATSIS, Ero/. 1.582 transcr. X (Legrand)
vav TO lXTJ, vav TO 6ea;r6~TJ (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 2, 80.11) vav TOO A1aeVT~10:pe1v (1687, Kefalonia, ALEXOPOULOU et al. 2009: 277, 257.34) vav TOUS f¼Aovv els Tfiv \/lTOT [to'ffilon] > [to'filon], TOV Myov [ton 'loyon] > [to'lloyon] > [to'loyon]. An argument in favour of such a phonetic pathway of assimilation-gemination- [toba'tera]. Again, it is indicative that the areas in which final /n/ tends to be retained, such as Pontos and the South-East (see below) also tend to preserve word-internal nasal+ stop clusters, whereas the areas which display more wholesale deletion of final /n/, such as Crete, the Cyclades
175
and :'1ani, are also those which exhibit deletion of word-internal /n/ before stops more consistently. c) Hiatus a~oidance in the case of a following vowel (see 2.9.1). Although final /n/ has been lost entirely as a constituent feature in several nominal and verbal inflectional suffixes in MG, it has been retained in the case of proclitic words, such as the definite article the object clitics and the negation 6ev, indicating that in this environment /n/ functioned.as a non-final intervocalic element. Deletion of ~nal /n/ may also have morphological causes, i.e. it can appear as a hypercorrect reaction to the strong tendency for analogical extension of final /n/ (see above 3.7.2.1). It is po~sible that the picture given by Egyptian papyri of the Koine period is not truly representative of the overall evolution of Greek, and that deletion of final /n/ was not so_ we_II-es~blished at such an early date (cf. HORROCKS 22010: 171-2). Two facts point in this direction: (a) the extreme extension of analogical addition of final /n/, which affects all regional forms of Greek, even those which later show wholesale deletion of final /n/· and (b) the existenc_e of several MG dialects in which final /n/ still constitutes a typical fe;ture, thus presupposing a very early date of dialectal division/differentiation if deletion of final In/ is taken to be already a Koine characteristic. If the deletion of final /n/ is connected to the phenomenon of degemination (see above), it becomes even more tightly connected with the dating of dialectal division of the so-called South-Eastern group. Finally, deletion of final /n/ in the nominal morphology can be seen as part of a more general structural change within the nominal inflectional system, which tends, in the singular, towards a simple binary marking of cases based on the presence vs. absence of final /s/, and in which final /n/ can be seen as a superfluous marker (see II, 1.1 and the studies of SEILER 1958 and RUGE 1969a). Furthermore, the fact that deletion of final /n/ shows, in most areas, as well as in MG, a certain degree of morphological conditioning (i.e. there are specific suffixes where final /n/ resists deletion) inevitably points to a diachronic process that took several centuries to complete. As phonetic changes are normally "blind" to morphology, applying across the board independently of the inflectional environment, it is only changes that remain in a state of variation over a long period of time that acquire differential conditioning. 14 The morphological conditioning of final /n/ deletion is also apparent from the fact that it is consistently avoided in the case of archaic/residual inflectional suffixes which are part of the learned register. When deletion of final /n/ is found in such cases, it should be considered as a scribal error, of no interest for the diachronic development of MedG. The suffixes belonging to this category are the following: • the nom. sg. of 3rd-declension nasal and dental stem nouns, adjectives and participles, e.g. aywv, i\iµ,;v, TThcm,>v, :::evoq,&v, ypa~c.>v, i\al3wv, &yair&v • the 1 sg. and 3 pl. active imperf. of barytone verbs, e.g. eypa (1206, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 160, 350.45)
3.7 .2.2.1
Morphological Distribution
In more detail, the morphological positions where deletion of final /n/ occurs are the following:
a) In nominal morphology: the acc. sg. of masc. and fem. nouns and adjectives of all declensions displays deletion of final /n/ already since the Koine. This is the most common environment of final /n/ deletion, which is attested in all types of LMedG and EMG documents from all areas. The acc. sg. of the definite article is less prone to deletion, but it is not possible to observe phonetic regularity with respect to its retention, i.e. it is not possible to perceive, from written sources, whether it behaves as in MG, where it is retained only before vowels and stops. Deletion of final /n/ in the nomJacc. sg. of neut. nouns and adjectives in /o/ and /i/ is again attested already since the Koine. As a result, it surfaces sporadically even in the more archaizing and high-register LMedG texts, and is regular in lower-register texts from all areas. TOIi ya~p6 aov rewpyto TO Kapa\lT1110 (1498, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 3, 20.3) els TOIi M6T,aPTJ (post 1640, Monemvasia, SCHREINER 1975/79: 79, 44.1) hepa V yeAouaa I Kai 1Ta 1TETpes Kai 6ev el3ouAoOaa Diig. Sant. 59.64-5 µ' cxvaO"Tevayµous, cm' &Aovs E1TIKpava FALIEROS, Thrinos 12 TliroTEs 6ev eµoAOy,'iaa 1Tc.>S •.. VOUSTR., Chron. A 32.13 eiroµelva KOVTEVT01 (1573, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1955: 17 [later copy], 72.39) h1µfiaa TO (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 35, 53.16) ETEAflw&T)aa TCX O"TT)8eia (1079, Mani, FEISSEL/PHILIPPIDIS-BRAAT 1985: 47,306.1) eaxlO"TT)aa TCX awµcna [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1984 e61a~riaa T' aµa~la VOUSTR., Chron. A 82.11 tylvriaa ~u6i (1610, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 2, 168.14) Kl eve8paq>fjKa oµo:61 fOSKOLOS, Fort. ill.616
Loss of final /n/ in the 1st and 2nd person sg. imperf. pass. suffixes -oµov, -ovµov, -crov, -ovcrov is relatively rare, appearing from the 14th c. onwards, and geographically restricted mostly to Crete and the Cyclades. The absence of final /n/ in the 3rd person pl. -o(v)VTo:(v) is difficult to interpret. If this suffix is considered an analogy on the basis of the active imperfect -o:v (eypo:cpo:v ➔ eyp& fypo:oVTo:v), then the absence of final /n/ can also be considered as non-addition. The extension of the variants without final /n/, which do not seem to be geographically restricted, renders the second alternative more likely. va eycxMouµov DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 218 ovK t6ovAwvoµov els To e~ova1a8e yeypaµµevc., µapTiipc.> (1637, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 51, 66.19) pT}yo:600, ~aCMtaSc.> FOSKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 35 ·s Tcnma T&v cxqievTa6w PETRns1s, Dig. o 236 Eµ1TpOO"TE K yvvcn1 (1620, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 1, 39.66) T&v 1u;yoµevc., cxpx6VT1aaw (1568, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1955: 14 [later copy], 68.20) TcZlV EKKAT)a& (1645, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 11, 25.22) els cxpµ6:Tc., crvµµaxlav Chron. Mor. P 2007 6 O"q> FALIEROS, /st. On. 493 T&v mn6lo TT)S / T&v 1Ta16lc., TT)S (1534, Nauplion, MANOUSAKAS 1984: 264.17-18) yevvriµa 60",rplc.>, A6:61 (1544, Corfu, RODOLAKIS!PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1996: 59, 257.37) cxMov& ,rpaµ6:Tc., (1599, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 59, 72.2) T&V µ,rpaµ (1668, Naxos, KEFALLINIADIS 1971/73: 482.13) TO a6:A6o T& 6ovK TETpaxoa{c., (1699, Kefalonia, EVANGELATOS 1995: 5, 166.2-3)
b) In verbal morphology: the 1 pl. present active suffixes -oµev, -ovµev, -oOµev and the 1 pl. active past -o:µev, -aµev exhibit loss of final /n/ before the LMedG period, and therefore the phenomenon is recorded already in the earliest LMedG documents, without geographical restrictions. By contrast, the 3 pl. active -ovv/-o:v in the present and the imperfect exhibit loss of final /n/ only since the 14th c., perhaps initially only before clitics. The phenomenon occurs with regularity only in texts from Crete and the Cyclades, while in other areas and in literary texts it may appear sporadically, especially before clitics. The prevalence of the phenomenon before clitics is noted by Germano (GERMANO, Grammar 87.18-21). However, note that in areas with geminate consonants, deletion before a 1st or 2nd person clitic may be only apparent, and the actual realization may be total assimilation to /mm/ or /ss/. Similarly, before a 3rd person clitic absence of final In/ may also be just an indication of a voiced denasalized realization of the following voiceless stop /ti. In the active aorist, deletion of final /n/ in the suffix -o:v is predominant again only in Crete and the Cyclades, and mostly in forms which exhibit shift of stress to the penultimate, in order to ensure disambiguation from the homophonous 1st person sg. In the 3rd person pl. of the passive aorist, the phenomenon is attested already since the 11th c. It appears in relatively early literary texts, and is again predominant in Crete and the Cyclades (in the case of the suffix -11cro:v), and in forms which exhibit shift of stress for disambiguation (in the case of the suffix -TJKo:v). cxa~oµe (1008/9, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 13, 134.17) . . evxorux TOV mpvoOµe Liv. E 3902 . 1TapaKcrToii vex ~T)TT)C10UV Assizes A 118.17; hrf\ye el~ TT}V J\µoxouCTTo vex 6ovAEUY11 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 402.30-1; eei.oµe vex croii crumxc..)µev ibid. 388.21. Editorial practice sometimes
182
I Phonology
"restores" the assimilated -v absent from the notation, e.g. &pvfi611µ µE (apvte1 µEms) Cypr. Canz. 113.4; OTO KAo:µaµ µou (KMµa µou ms) ibid. 112.8. Final In/ is also lost when the following word begins with a consonant cluster, e.g. Sia Tl1 4'~Xfi TllS (1333, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1951: 28, f.IOv, note 2.3). Examples, by morpholog1cal category: vex V.8ovv els TTIII i\µoxovCTTo µ011av-ra MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 174.6 Ka11e11av ~VAO els TTtV Ivplav MACHA IRAS, Chron. V 150.10 , onov ibid. 420.15 TOIi EVTcx6v.> (ibid. VIII, 306.2); T&v oµolc., rpa1K&11 (1676, Corsica, ibid. IX, 311.34) CXV [st], e.g. cia8e11e1a > cirnveta [sxJ > [sk], e.g. eaxapa > aKapa · [r8] > [rt], e.g. T1P8e > flPTE [rx) > [rk], e.g. epxoµat > EpKoµat
The above description of the phenomenon is purely synchronic, and the term "manner dissirnilation" should be considered as a convention rather than as an actual description, as the diachronic evolution leading to it presents several problematic points (see 3.8.1.2). Manner dissirnilation in biconsonantal clusters has received a number of phonological interpretations: it has been considered an instance of application of the sonority hierarchy (see 3.3.2), which requires greater articulatory distance between members of the cluster, or as an instance of the Obligatory Contour Principle, a general phonological principle which bans sequences of identical segments, or as a process of lenition (weakening) in syllable-final position (PAGONl~TETLOW 1998; MALIKOUTI-DRACHMAN 2001: 207-12; SEIGNEUR-FROLI 2003). The bidirectionality of the dissirnilation, i.e. the fact that the result is always fricative + stop irrespective of whether the origin is fricative+ fricative or stop+ stop (which means that in the first case dissirnilation is progressive and in the second regressive) has been attributed to perceptual reasons (TSERDANELIS 2002): perception of stops is easier when they are adjacent to vowels. 3.8.1.2
3 Consonants
I Phonology
Historical Overview
The beginnings of the phenomenon can be traced in AG inscriptions, where the spellings for appear occasionally in North-West Greek dialects, and more sporadically in other dialects, including Attic (see MENDEZ DOSUNA 1985: 333-94 for attestations and discussion). These spellings have been variously interpreted: some scholars view them
187
as an indication of deaspiration in the phonetic environment after a sibilant, i.e. IT= [st], resulting from [sth] > [st]. Others view them as graphematic evidence of an inhibition of fricativization in the phonetic environment after a sibilant, i.e. IT= [sth] as a phonetic archaism, whereas in all other environments the fricativization [th] > [0] takes place. In both scenarios, the MedG stage [st] does not derive from a dissimilation [s8] > [st], but is either a direct continuation of AG [st] or the result of deaspiration [sth] > [st]. In papyri of the Hellenistic period, replacement of aspirated stops , and
[aftos], ev1 [efceria] (HORROCKS 22010: 282; BRIXHE 2013: 180); it also created new environments for the application of a deaspiration change, e.g. evx,; [euichc:] > [efkhi] > eVKTJ [efci] or 1 [kafkhi] > KauKf [kafci]. An evolution involving deaspiration instead of fricativization followed by dissimilation, i.e. an evolution [efkhi] > [efci] directly, rather than [efkhi] > [ef~i] > [efci], is more economical; but the relative chronology, i.e. whether the consonantization of diphthongs preceded or followed the fricativization of aspirated stops, is difficult to establish. 16 Dissimilation in clusters of consecutive fricatives is not straightforward either: some scholars have difficulty in accepting that in AG the aspirated stop clusters [pth] or [pl>t] > [ft] rather than [phth] > [fe] > [ft] (cf. RIX 1992: 96; HORROCKS 22010: 282; SEIGNEURFROLI 2003, 2006). For the EMedG period a full overview of developments is still lacking, but according to PSALTES (1913: 96-7), manner dissirnilation is not graphematically attested in Byzantine chronicles, except for [s8] > [st] and, rarely, [sx] > [sk]. The same holds good for the ProtoBulgarian inscriptions (CHATZIDAKIS 1934fi7: B 428). The evidence for dissimilation in other consonant clusters, consisting of stop + stop or fricative + fricative, is scanty in the EMedG period. DIETERICH (1898: 96-9) does provide a few examples from bilingual Greek-Latin glossaries, and early Christian inscriptions and papyri offer a few more:
16
EMedG inscriptional evidence such as irrrtp euq,xfls RECAM II 217 (Galatia) might be interpreted as favouring the second alternative.
186
The phenomenon also includes the rare cluster /fx/, which arose secondarily after the consonantization of the diphthongs /au/ and /eu/ (2.4.8) and involves words like evx,;, euxapt a epKoµa 1, epeoo > epTc.>). (See 3.8.1.3 for details concerning distribution.) In summary, the evolutions are as follows: [pt] > [ft], e.g. s,rra > scpTa [kt] > [xt], e.g. OKT~ > oxTc::i [f6] > [ft], e.g. cp8a11c.) > [xt], e.g. xeis > XTSS [fx] > [fk], e.g. EUXTI > EUK,'i [s8] > [st], e.g. cia8e11e1a > cirnveta [sxJ > [sk], e.g. eaxapa > aKapa · [r8] > [rt], e.g. T1P8e > flPTE [rx) > [rk], e.g. epxoµat > EpKoµat
The above description of the phenomenon is purely synchronic, and the term "manner dissirnilation" should be considered as a convention rather than as an actual description, as the diachronic evolution leading to it presents several problematic points (see 3.8.1.2). Manner dissirnilation in biconsonantal clusters has received a number of phonological interpretations: it has been considered an instance of application of the sonority hierarchy (see 3.3.2), which requires greater articulatory distance between members of the cluster, or as an instance of the Obligatory Contour Principle, a general phonological principle which bans sequences of identical segments, or as a process of lenition (weakening) in syllable-final position (PAGONl~TETLOW 1998; MALIKOUTI-DRACHMAN 2001: 207-12; SEIGNEUR-FROLI 2003). The bidirectionality of the dissirnilation, i.e. the fact that the result is always fricative + stop irrespective of whether the origin is fricative+ fricative or stop+ stop (which means that in the first case dissirnilation is progressive and in the second regressive) has been attributed to perceptual reasons (TSERDANELIS 2002): perception of stops is easier when they are adjacent to vowels. 3.8.1.2
3 Consonants
I Phonology
Historical Overview
The beginnings of the phenomenon can be traced in AG inscriptions, where the spellings for appear occasionally in North-West Greek dialects, and more sporadically in other dialects, including Attic (see MENDEZ DOSUNA 1985: 333-94 for attestations and discussion). These spellings have been variously interpreted: some scholars view them
187
as an indication of deaspiration in the phonetic environment after a sibilant, i.e. IT= [st], resulting from [sth] > [st]. Others view them as graphematic evidence of an inhibition of fricativization in the phonetic environment after a sibilant, i.e. IT= [sth] as a phonetic archaism, whereas in all other environments the fricativization [th] > [0] takes place. In both scenarios, the MedG stage [st] does not derive from a dissimilation [s8] > [st], but is either a direct continuation of AG [st] or the result of deaspiration [sth] > [st]. In papyri of the Hellenistic period, replacement of aspirated stops , and
[aftos], ev1 [efceria] (HORROCKS 22010: 282; BRIXHE 2013: 180); it also created new environments for the application of a deaspiration change, e.g. evx,; [euichc:] > [efkhi] > eVKTJ [efci] or 1 [kafkhi] > KauKf [kafci]. An evolution involving deaspiration instead of fricativization followed by dissimilation, i.e. an evolution [efkhi] > [efci] directly, rather than [efkhi] > [ef~i] > [efci], is more economical; but the relative chronology, i.e. whether the consonantization of diphthongs preceded or followed the fricativization of aspirated stops, is difficult to establish. 16 Dissimilation in clusters of consecutive fricatives is not straightforward either: some scholars have difficulty in accepting that in AG the aspirated stop clusters [pth] or [pl>t] > [ft] rather than [phth] > [fe] > [ft] (cf. RIX 1992: 96; HORROCKS 22010: 282; SEIGNEURFROLI 2003, 2006). For the EMedG period a full overview of developments is still lacking, but according to PSALTES (1913: 96-7), manner dissirnilation is not graphematically attested in Byzantine chronicles, except for [s8] > [st] and, rarely, [sx] > [sk]. The same holds good for the ProtoBulgarian inscriptions (CHATZIDAKIS 1934fi7: B 428). The evidence for dissimilation in other consonant clusters, consisting of stop + stop or fricative + fricative, is scanty in the EMedG period. DIETERICH (1898: 96-9) does provide a few examples from bilingual Greek-Latin glossaries, and early Christian inscriptions and papyri offer a few more:
16
EMedG inscriptional evidence such as irrrtp euq,xfls RECAM II 217 (Galatia) might be interpreted as favouring the second alternative.
188
3 Consonants
I Phonology
cp8(,.)xaw 8plcpTT)pa µc!>µT) TE aocpi') TE MAMA 7 23.2, 1. 10-11, (Lycaonia) oq>TCXAH[ov] BGU.13.2338, AD 176 avvacpTi\va1 Tfi TI µT)VOS rop,neov P.Ness. 57, AD 689 vc.:,µlaµaTa TlKap1crnµevos / EUKap10'TT)µevos (1598,
Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 43, 191.13)
TTJV euKov;\a µov Spanos A 418; euK0My1v (1572, Kefalonia, PENDOGALOS 1975: 3, 83.23) Tl euKfl Thysia Avr. 41; TTJV euKT) µov (1673, Sikinos, ZERLENDIS 1913a: 139.28) yiex vex KOVKOV before a front vowel. Because in some areas the same sound also results from the palatalization of Isl before /i, j/ (see 3.8.2.3), the spelling may be used to denote palatalization of Isl. Thus, the spelling for palatalized Isl constitutes evidence of both types of palatalization, dental (directly) and velar (indirectly). The outcome ln or [s] results also from the combination of the cluster [sk] + front vowel, in Cyprus and Chios, in texts from the late 17th c. onwards: Tou x:xuMou (< O"l before front vowels is typical of both Pontic and Cappadocian, including the dialects of Pharasa and Silli (DAWKINS 1916: 45; MAN0LESS0U/PANTELIDIS 2013: 281), it should be considered a relatively early feature of Asia Minor Greek, so a dating of the phenomenon to the 13th c. is not unlikely, and the graphematic evidence of Rumi's poems need not be discarded out of hand. A recent edition of the Greek verses in another poem by Sultan Walad, the Ibtidfintlme, also points out the consistent spelling of /xi before the front vowels /el and /i/ with the Arabic grapheme "shin", and interprets it as an indication of strong palatali.zation of(~]> (KAPPLER 2010: 388 fn. 17): psisi, = '-j/V)(T}, silyus = x!A1ous. There is no evidence for strong palatalization of /y/.
en,
en
en
3.8.2.3
Dental Palatalization
3.8.2.3.1
[n] > [JJ] and [l] > [,{] before/j, ii
The dental nasal /n/ and the lateral /1/ undergo palatalization before front vowels and semivowels. One may distinguish palatali.zation before /j/, a semivowel resulting from synizesis of fJ/ (for which see 2.4.7 and 2.9.4), which occurs in all areas displaying synizesis and is datable accordingly, and palatali.zation before the front vowel /ii, which is geographically restricted. 20 A very early and isolated attestation from s. Italy, h-epov :>.ao-161v (1060-1, s. Italy, GUILLOU 1967: 4, 58.14 = 71a)(l610v < :>.ayx&vc.>), is puzzling and should probably be considered a graphematic error, as palataliz.ation of /xi is absent from the MG s. Italian dialects (see CARACAUSI, Lex. s. vv. ).acrl61v, 71a)(l610v; MANOLESSOU/P ANTELIDIS 2013: 2n fn. 6 and references therein).
199
Furthermore, in Crete, Cyprus and Corfu the spellings and uyA1a (ibid. 397.1) eyA1av (1679, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 16, 41.17); mp~oyAov (1699, ibid. 39, 95.6) 1UT1v Kep1yviav I els TTJV Kepuyve1av MACHAIRAS, Chron. R 100.37 Tous q>oyv!a6es I Tovs cpoyv166ss MACHAIRAS, Chron. R 140.7-8 eyv1a Hyv1a (1640, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 4, 11.9) eyv1aK001es (15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 62.14) els Ta XP6yv1a I els Ta XPVla (1642, Crete, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 21, 16.41) TOV rv1oxwp{ou (1503, Corfu, PANDAZI 2007: 226, 190.2) µm~ouyv1apE1 (15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 62.35)
Another graphematic indication of the existence of palatalized [J1] involves /ml followed by the semivowel /j/ in cases of synizesis: the combination [mj] + V results in [mJ1] + V, through consonantization of the palatal semivowel to a palatal nasal (for this see 2.9.4). This outcome is frequently spelled in Cretan literary and non-literary texts, and occasionally in texts from other areas: µvia VUKTa / µ1a VUKTa Rim. kor. A 2 app. crit va ~1iµv1C.:X,,, MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 316.2 em8uµv1as FALIEROS, 1st. On. 15 o ava6e~1µv1os (1519, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 57, 107.35) OO"T)µv1ov Pent, Gen. 23.15 Ta Kopµv16 µas (1549, Crete, MARMARELI/DRAKAKIS 2005: 9, 10.15) mnian hora I µv1av &pa CH ORTA rs1s, Erof. 1.408 transcr. X (Legrand) ex1'c!>µv1avsv Thysia Avr. 198 app. crit. (B) TOVS Poµv1ovs I TOVS PG\)µVIOVS (1614, Tinos, HOFMANN 1936: I, 59.41)
198
I Phonology
3 Consonants
The geographical areas for which evidence of strong palatalization of /xi is actually available are Cyprus, Pontos, Chios and Kalymnos (for the latter see K0LI0P0UL0U 2009: 417). The earliest certain attestations come from 15th-c. Cyprus, but it is possible to lower the date to the 12th c. if a number of lexical items from a 12th-c. Latin-Greek glossary, written in Latin script (AERTS 1995), are interpreted as instantiations of the phenomenon with provenance from Cyprus: 20
Evidence for palatalization before /j/ is difficult to establish, since the Greek alphabet has no way of denoting it. However, because in MG it appears in all dialects as well as in SMG (NEWTON 1972a: 137), it must have occurred comparatively early, probably simulta~eousl! ~i1? ~e phenomenon_ of synizesis. Thus, spellings denoting synizesis through height d1ssmulatton or stress shift (for which see 2.9.4) after /1/ and/n/ in all probability , already involve a palatalized [A] or [J1]:
Ta\j/lO"IKa / Ta \j/VCT1Ka (1469, Paphos I Cyprus, RICHARDIPAPADOPOULLOS 1983: 117, 56.11) = \j/VXIKuM1es Kata/. 5 AT)Wq>T)Ta IA16q>UTa (1571, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 216,308.7) TIS eA1es (1573, lkaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 2, 18.15) A16vTa Cypr. Canz. 1.1
esquis sumin? / e[a]xe1s 41(.\)µlv; (12th c., Cyprus?, AERTS 1995: 2,206.1); surridia, probata/ x1oupl61a, ,rp6jxrra (ibid. 2, 207.2)
VIES BERGADIS, Apok. A 143; Ta via KONDAR., Paules 988 v1ouTcr1Ke TRIVOLIS, Re Skotsias 270 TTJV ve16TT)v LIMEN., Than. Rod. 466 yov!ous MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 2.7 ~OUVl in medieval Asia Minor is provided by the poems of Jalal ad-Din Rumi and his son Sultan Walad, written in the Arabic script. The first editor of these poems, G. MEYER ( 1895: 406, 410), already noted the systematic use of the Arabic grapheme "shin", which has the phonetic value for the writing of /xi before the front vowels /e/ and fi/, e.g. xe!A11 sili, '-IIVXTJV bsisin, and connected it with the corresponding modem dialectal evidence. Later editors of the poems (DEDES 2003: 12) prefer to view this spelling as simply a means of denoting a fronted palatal pronunciation of /xi as [~]. for which there is no Arabic grapheme available. However, in view of the fact that the change /xi> before front vowels is typical of both Pontic and Cappadocian, including the dialects of Pharasa and Silli (DAWKINS 1916: 45; MAN0LESS0U/PANTELIDIS 2013: 281), it should be considered a relatively early feature of Asia Minor Greek, so a dating of the phenomenon to the 13th c. is not unlikely, and the graphematic evidence of Rumi's poems need not be discarded out of hand. A recent edition of the Greek verses in another poem by Sultan Walad, the Ibtidfintlme, also points out the consistent spelling of /xi before the front vowels /el and /i/ with the Arabic grapheme "shin", and interprets it as an indication of strong palatali.zation of(~]> (KAPPLER 2010: 388 fn. 17): psisi, = '-j/V)(T}, silyus = x!A1ous. There is no evidence for strong palatalization of /y/.
en,
en
en
3.8.2.3
Dental Palatalization
3.8.2.3.1
[n] > [JJ] and [l] > [,{] before/j, ii
The dental nasal /n/ and the lateral /1/ undergo palatalization before front vowels and semivowels. One may distinguish palatali.zation before /j/, a semivowel resulting from synizesis of fJ/ (for which see 2.4.7 and 2.9.4), which occurs in all areas displaying synizesis and is datable accordingly, and palatali.zation before the front vowel /ii, which is geographically restricted. 20 A very early and isolated attestation from s. Italy, h-epov :>.ao-161v (1060-1, s. Italy, GUILLOU 1967: 4, 58.14 = 71a)(l610v < :>.ayx&vc.>), is puzzling and should probably be considered a graphematic error, as palataliz.ation of /xi is absent from the MG s. Italian dialects (see CARACAUSI, Lex. s. vv. ).acrl61v, 71a)(l610v; MANOLESSOU/P ANTELIDIS 2013: 2n fn. 6 and references therein).
199
Furthermore, in Crete, Cyprus and Corfu the spellings and uyA1a (ibid. 397.1) eyA1av (1679, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 16, 41.17); mp~oyAov (1699, ibid. 39, 95.6) 1UT1v Kep1yviav I els TTJV Kepuyve1av MACHAIRAS, Chron. R 100.37 Tous q>oyv!a6es I Tovs cpoyv166ss MACHAIRAS, Chron. R 140.7-8 eyv1a Hyv1a (1640, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 4, 11.9) eyv1aK001es (15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 62.14) els Ta XP6yv1a I els Ta XPVla (1642, Crete, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 21, 16.41) TOV rv1oxwp{ou (1503, Corfu, PANDAZI 2007: 226, 190.2) µm~ouyv1apE1 (15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 62.35)
Another graphematic indication of the existence of palatalized [J1] involves /ml followed by the semivowel /j/ in cases of synizesis: the combination [mj] + V results in [mJ1] + V, through consonantization of the palatal semivowel to a palatal nasal (for this see 2.9.4). This outcome is frequently spelled in Cretan literary and non-literary texts, and occasionally in texts from other areas: µvia VUKTa / µ1a VUKTa Rim. kor. A 2 app. crit va ~1iµv1C.:X,,, MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 316.2 em8uµv1as FALIEROS, 1st. On. 15 o ava6e~1µv1os (1519, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 57, 107.35) OO"T)µv1ov Pent, Gen. 23.15 Ta Kopµv16 µas (1549, Crete, MARMARELI/DRAKAKIS 2005: 9, 10.15) mnian hora I µv1av &pa CH ORTA rs1s, Erof. 1.408 transcr. X (Legrand) ex1'c!>µv1avsv Thysia Avr. 198 app. crit. (B) TOVS Poµv1ovs I TOVS PG\)µVIOVS (1614, Tinos, HOFMANN 1936: I, 59.41)
200
I Phonology
~1ma1µv16 TT\S (1663, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 235, 147.11) Ta ir0Tcxµv1a (17th c., Unknown, SANGIN 1936: 4, 137.20) . iJ µvia, Ti\S µv10:s K.RITOPOULOS, Grammar 110.3
Evidence for the second type of palatalization, before /i/, comes from the testimony of EMG grammars. Thus Germano (GERMANO, Grammar 51.30; PERNOT 1907/46: I 335) and Portius (PORTIUS, Grammar 9-10, 88) state that in certain Greek-speaking areas the sounds [l] and [n] are pronounced like Italian , , giving the examples a~ve1 , and ,rapaKcxt.ei . Unfortunately Germano does not specify which areas present the phenomenon (though certainly not Chios), but it is emphasized that it is a dialectal feature best avoided. The modem dialectal distribution of the phenomenon includes the northern dialects, Zakynthos, East Crete, and parts of the Peloponnese (NEWTON 1972a: 137). Direct evidence is provided by the spellings in the Latin alphabet and in the Greek, which are quite frequent in Crete, and are also to be found in the Corona Preciosa: 21 ossa bugli / C::,aav ,rouAl P&N Diatk 3421 app. crit. thegli / eo.e, CHORTATSIS, Erof. I.319 transcr. X (Legrand) i angegli / oi ayyOto1 Thysia Avr. 6 transcr. M · na to pglithigni / vex TO 1rA1]6vVEI FOSKOLOS, Fort. 1.9 app. crit. pepogni irrn6V1J Corona Preciosa E 3•.20-1 isse echigni / els EKelV1] CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.388 transcr. X (Legrand) mu fagnistichie / µoO 'cpavlO"TT}KE Thysia Avr. 593 transcr. M; efagnichiemu / Eq>CXV1]Ki µou ibid. 594 dhen agnixe to stomandu / 6ev avo1~e To aT6µav Tou (1626, Crete, MALTEZOU 1995: [l], 198.151) narghignisso / v' aflXIVT}O"(,) FOSKOLOS, Fort. 1.97 transcr.
Palatalization before /e/ is rarely attested, through the spelling instead of : 1JVIE I eiv100 (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 468); iJV1Je / eiv100 (1537, lerapetra region/ Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 173,173.10); vav TIV1Ja1/ vav eiv1a1 (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999:
1, 79.23) irAcxVIES va,c.> (cpc.>v1a,c.>), the adjective µ6vos (µ6v1os) and the adverb auxva (auxv1a): q>(,)VICX~W DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 58; µ1]6e q>v1cxaVTax1av Fior 82.31 TO"apxla IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 359 TOU AxaµET(1) (cpc.>v1a,c.>), the adjective µ6vos (µ6v1os) and the adverb auxva (auxv1a): q>(,)VICX~W DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 58; µ1]6e q>v1cxaVTax1av Fior 82.31 TO"apxla IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 359 TOU AxaµET(1) v.(µ,ro (1478, Lefkada, MALTEZOU 1983: 3, 22.Address) VTv.(µ,ro (1478, Lefkada, MALTEZOU 1983: 3, 22.Address) VT [nk], [pp]> [mp] etc., and an effort to preserve consonantal differentiation and syllable structure threatened by the phenomenon of degemination. This interpretation is possible but unnecessary, and would in fact push back the phenomenon to the late Koine, although in several cases it is obvious that the lexical items involved are new. Very rarely and only as a sporadic irregular phenomenon, intervocalic voicing assimilation or voicing assimilation between a vowel and a voiced consonant may affect voiceless fricatives as well, resulting in the corresponding voiced fricative. The latter phenomenon is characteristic of Cypriot in the modern period, but rare traces may be found in MedG and EMG texts as well (HADJIIOANNOU 1988: 207-8; TSOPANAKIS 1988; SYMEONIDIS 2006: 188): KvJ,1aa(as) I K1J,T}O"o-as (11th-13th c.?,Athens, GRANSTREM et al. 1976: Al, 39.10); K11J,10-a (15thc.,Athens?, DARROUZES 1964b: 67,311.2) O'.lTOKei6Es (1554, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 157,206.12) ITEJ,avfis (1623, Chios, KAVVADAS 1950: 48.16) lfpoo-KEf,aM6e (1717, Skiathos, KARAVIDAS 2004: 2,249.14) ire lv1 µa810-µeves Fior 124.37
208
I Phonology
3.8.4
Fricativization and Occlusion
3.8.4.1
Sporadic Fricativization
In certain words, probably under the influence of non-phonetic factors such as analogy or folk etymology, the corresponding voiceless fricative appears instead of a voiceless stop (cf. TRIANDAPHYLLIDIS 1909: 30-1; PANDELIDIS 1929: 35): E 1648; uira ,rpos TTJII cp1cnd11a11 [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1298 < Lat. piscina µ0,Au) 6aq,fj11a1 (1513, Corfu, KARABOULA/ PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1998: 2, 22.6), are due to analogy with forms of the verb containing -6- (e6pe41a, e60.\j/O. etc.). 3.8.4.2
Fricativization due to Palatalization
/ti > /6/ before /j/. The characteristic Modem Cretan phenomenon of It/ > /6/ before the semivowel /j/ resulting from synizesis (termed "fricativity assimilation", e.g. µcxna > µcx61cx, a-rr{61cx; see KONDOSOPOULOS 32001: 30; NEWTON 1972a: 163-6) is not attested in Cretan literary and non-literary texts of the period, except for a few very dubious cases: µcx61a PIG AS, Chrysop. 118.11 from an unreliable edition, the hypercorrect form /\cxah1v instead of /\cxa{61v in BO UN IALIS M., Diig. Pol. 150.17 (both quoted by HENRICH 1998b: 90-1), and the ethnic name a16r}00 /6/ before /j/, The corresponding phenomenon, involving the voiced /d/ instead of the voiceless /ti appears, albeit rarely, in Cretan texts from the late 16th c. onwards. It is more consistent in Cypriot documents from the 17th c.: a116:6ia µou Thysia Avr. 913; a116:61a KORNAROS, Erot. IV.1797 < EVCl'.IITICX µmpya616: BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 312.25 (Xirouchakis) K161ou (1692, Cyprus, MITROPOULLOS 1923: A, 325.heading) = K1Tiou 1/CX KCl'.µT') Te6o1a11 lTEpKall KONST. DIAK., /st. Makaritou Marko 253 Ta crnl6ia TOU KONST. DIAK., 1st. Makaritou Marko 23; TOIi a1TT')Syo11 / T(';w am6yi&11 (1699, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 39, 95.5); 1raa6:11as els Tex crnl6ia Tous Thrinos Kypr. 348
It cannot be ascertained whether the Cypriot spellings represent the modem dialectal realization of the sequence/ti+ /j/ as [clc] in varieties of Modem Cypriot and other South-Eastern 22 Further examples of the ethnic ITJ8e1CXK6s in Cretan notarial documents are collected by KouRMOULIS (1938) in
an effort to prove that the appearance of the phenomenon is dated earlier than the 17th c~ despite the opinion of CHATZIDAKIS (I 934n7: A374) and KRIARAS (1938: TI-81). However, he too fails to find any direct evidence of the phenomenon in Cretan literature; the botanical tenn that he adduces from the 161h-c. travel account of Pierre Belon is irrelevant, since it may represent not 1,ayoKolµT)Tia with fricativization, but original 1'ayoK01µ1181& (i.e. with an original verbal stem KOtµTJ8·). ·
208
I Phonology
3.8.4
Fricativization and Occlusion
3.8.4.1
Sporadic Fricativization
In certain words, probably under the influence of non-phonetic factors such as analogy or folk etymology, the corresponding voiceless fricative appears instead of a voiceless stop (cf. TRIANDAPHYLLIDIS 1909: 30-1; PANDELIDIS 1929: 35): E 1648; uira ,rpos TTJII cp1cnd11a11 [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1298 < Lat. piscina µ0,Au) 6aq,fj11a1 (1513, Corfu, KARABOULA/ PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1998: 2, 22.6), are due to analogy with forms of the verb containing -6- (e6pe41a, e60.\j/O. etc.). 3.8.4.2
Fricativization due to Palatalization
/ti > /6/ before /j/. The characteristic Modem Cretan phenomenon of It/ > /6/ before the semivowel /j/ resulting from synizesis (termed "fricativity assimilation", e.g. µcxna > µcx61cx, a-rr{61cx; see KONDOSOPOULOS 32001: 30; NEWTON 1972a: 163-6) is not attested in Cretan literary and non-literary texts of the period, except for a few very dubious cases: µcx61a PIG AS, Chrysop. 118.11 from an unreliable edition, the hypercorrect form /\cxah1v instead of /\cxa{61v in BO UN IALIS M., Diig. Pol. 150.17 (both quoted by HENRICH 1998b: 90-1), and the ethnic name a16r}00 /6/ before /j/, The corresponding phenomenon, involving the voiced /d/ instead of the voiceless /ti appears, albeit rarely, in Cretan texts from the late 16th c. onwards. It is more consistent in Cypriot documents from the 17th c.: a116:6ia µou Thysia Avr. 913; a116:61a KORNAROS, Erot. IV.1797 < EVCl'.IITICX µmpya616: BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 312.25 (Xirouchakis) K161ou (1692, Cyprus, MITROPOULLOS 1923: A, 325.heading) = K1Tiou 1/CX KCl'.µT') Te6o1a11 lTEpKall KONST. DIAK., /st. Makaritou Marko 253 Ta crnl6ia TOU KONST. DIAK., 1st. Makaritou Marko 23; TOIi a1TT')Syo11 / T(';w am6yi&11 (1699, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 39, 95.5); 1raa6:11as els Tex crnl6ia Tous Thrinos Kypr. 348
It cannot be ascertained whether the Cypriot spellings represent the modem dialectal realization of the sequence/ti+ /j/ as [clc] in varieties of Modem Cypriot and other South-Eastern 22 Further examples of the ethnic ITJ8e1CXK6s in Cretan notarial documents are collected by KouRMOULIS (1938) in
an effort to prove that the appearance of the phenomenon is dated earlier than the 17th c~ despite the opinion of CHATZIDAKIS (I 934n7: A374) and KRIARAS (1938: TI-81). However, he too fails to find any direct evidence of the phenomenon in Cretan literature; the botanical tenn that he adduces from the 161h-c. travel account of Pierre Belon is irrelevant, since it may represent not 1,ayoKolµT)Tia with fricativization, but original 1'ayoK01µ1181& (i.e. with an original verbal stem KOtµTJ8·). ·
210
dialects (PA NDELIDIS 1929: 35-6) or whether they reflect a superseded, no longer attested intermediate stage [Oj]. Evidence for the more usual Modern Cypriot change, with /ti> /6/ before a semivowel (e.g. µcxna > µcx6K1a, airh1a > anl6K1a, see NEWTON 1972b: 52) has not been found; it probably post-dates the period covered by this Grammar.
3.8.4.3
Fricativization due to Language Contact
In S. Italian documents there are occasional instances of interchange between stops and fricatives (MINAS 22003: 56-7): 'loKap1c.:i8ou (1193, Sicily, GUILLOU 1963: 15, 125.31-2) XCIAeiTE / KCIAein (1142?, Sicily, CUSA 186&'82: Coll. V: 7,307.23) Tl)(OVCTOU / e!KOCTOU (1317, S. Italy, TuRYN 1972: 129) xap~vvep1s (1124, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 95, 124.35-6); xpvao8apla ... Tap{a (1005, ibid. 13, 13.13, 21)
Since the phenomenon appears also in the modern form of the S. Italian dialects {KARANASTASIS 1997: 35-6; CoUTSOUGERA/KATSOYANNOU 2011), it could be due to influence of the local Romance varieties, which lack /xi and /6/, and the native speakers of which occasionally resort to hypercorrect forms; compare 3.8.4.6 for the change of fricatives to stops in S. Italy. 3.8.4.4
3 Consonants
I Phonology
Fricativization due to Voicing Assimilation
/kl > /y/ in compounds with EK. When a stem starting with the voiced consonants /v O1/ is prefixed with the preposition Elµev / 61Ey6!KTJO'c.:>µE\I (984, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 9, 8.23); OUK fy61KOVµE\I . \ITal (1198, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 246,333.19) ly6uvov11 TO\I DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 440 eyAmrrrpoT\lflTEVTa (1201, Messina Sicily, GUILLOU 1963: 19, 151.27) EmTVµ{a11 (1271, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 324,479.27) o?i.o-.vuKc.:> / oAo-.vuK~ (1190, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. I: 16, 48.1); lo-1Kws I TJO'VKWS (1094?, ibid. Coll. IX: 5,391.2); Tiis µ011aKfiS (1236, ibid. Coll. 1:16, 92.1)
Furthermore, S. Italian documents contain a number of instances of the reverse phenomenon, i.e. It/ > /6/ or /kl > Ix/ (see above 3.8.4.3), probably as a hypercorrection. The modern S. Italian dialects of Puglia also have a similar phenomenon of interchange between fricatives and stops, probably as a result of Italian influence, e.g. 6epµ6s > TEpµ6
212
(KARANASTASIS 1997: 33). In all probability, this is a phenomenon of language interference between Greek and Romance, since the native Romance dialects do not possess the phonemes /8/ and /xi.
3.8.4.7
3 Consonants
I Phonology
Change to Nasals
/v/ > /m/ before /n/. The /v/ arising from the consonantization of the AG diphthongs / au/ and /eu/ before /n/ undergoes partial assimilation to the corresponding nasal /ml (ANDRIOTIS, Lex. s.v. µ; MINAS 22003: 58). The resulting /emn/ is occasionally written euµv- in an attempt at conservative spelling. The phenomenon affects a small number of words, which appear in their new form in the vernacular texts of this period, starting from the 12th c. There are no traces of this phenomenon in the Koine or in EMedG. OlJVEVµv(ov) / O'\IVEUµVOV (1173, s. Italy, ROBINSON 1930: 51, 91.70) < avvruvos epevµVT}O"CXVTES (1000, S. Italy, 'fRINCHERA 1865: 12, 11.34) epeµVT}O"cxµev / epeµVT}O"cxµev (1232, S. Italy, 'fRINCHERA 1865: 288, 398.37-8) < epevv&> eµvoa.ov Dig. G IY.193 < evvocrros ,rcxviµvoO"TTI Pol Tr. 1903 app. crit. (VX) Sta TTJV evµvoO"TOT01Tlcxv I.iv. s 2873 axcxµv6v Ghron. Mor. H 1675; axcxµv6v Fior 73.14 < xcxuvos µvouxov 6px!Stcx Spanos A 487; TOUS µvovxovs Tl'lS Diig. Alex. Sem. S 541 < evvouxos V.aµVOVTCX Ghron. Mor. H 4681; MµvoVTCX BERGADIS, Apok. V 332 < eAcxuvc.:>
3.8.5
Fricative Interchange
3.8.5.1
Voiceless Fricative Interchange
/6/ > IU. /6/ occasionally changes to /ff, mainly in initial position (PERNOT 1907/46: I 308-10; JANNACONE 1951: 160). The phenomenon is more widespread in MedG and EMG than in SMG, although by no means regular. In all attestations, the vowel following initial /6/ is Iii. The phenomenon appears at least as early as the Chronicle of Morea (only ms P), but there is also a single 12th-c. attestation from S. Italy. There are no traces of this phenomenon in the Koine or EMedG. Its origin probably lies in the perceptual similarity between the sounds [f] and [8], as the same phenomenon is attested in several languages, including Venetian and English (BLEVINS 2004: 134--5). q>P110"Kelcx (1141, Palermo/ Sicily, CUSA 1868/82: Coll. I: 5, 16.4) que figateres v / 1vyCXTEj)ES e' (15th c., Cyprus, BRAYER et al. 1951: 72, f.Ilr.2) vµ1CXT611 MACHAIRAS, GhroTL V 66.21 Tl «l>TJpacr{cx (1534, Unknown, TsELIKAs/KOROMILA 2003: A, 97.7)
213
q>t)AVK6 (1662, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 27, 33.15); q>flAVKO (1664, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1991: 1, 82.26); q>T)AVlI, cp1J1cp1Kcx. The phenomenon is indeed corroborated in Modern Cypriot, but in Crusius's case the possibility of mis-hearing should not be ruled out (ToUFEXIS 2005: 201 ). 3.8.5.2
Voiced Fricative Interchange
MedG and EMG texts exhibit sporadic interchange of voiced fricatives, i.e. the appearance of a different voiced fricative from the etymologically expected one, usually in intervocalic and occasionally in word-initial position. This occurs already in the earliest documents, from 11 th-c. S. Italian archives, and in all areas. In most cases, the change is due to sporadic assimilation or dissirnilation, or even not due to phonetic causes but rather to morphological ones, such as analogy or folk etymology. S1a1 eµvoa.ov Dig. G IY.193 < evvocrros ,rcxviµvoO"TTI Pol Tr. 1903 app. crit. (VX) Sta TTJV evµvoO"TOT01Tlcxv I.iv. s 2873 axcxµv6v Ghron. Mor. H 1675; axcxµv6v Fior 73.14 < xcxuvos µvouxov 6px!Stcx Spanos A 487; TOUS µvovxovs Tl'lS Diig. Alex. Sem. S 541 < evvouxos V.aµVOVTCX Ghron. Mor. H 4681; MµvoVTCX BERGADIS, Apok. V 332 < eAcxuvc.:>
3.8.5
Fricative Interchange
3.8.5.1
Voiceless Fricative Interchange
/6/ > IU. /6/ occasionally changes to /ff, mainly in initial position (PERNOT 1907/46: I 308-10; JANNACONE 1951: 160). The phenomenon is more widespread in MedG and EMG than in SMG, although by no means regular. In all attestations, the vowel following initial /6/ is Iii. The phenomenon appears at least as early as the Chronicle of Morea (only ms P), but there is also a single 12th-c. attestation from S. Italy. There are no traces of this phenomenon in the Koine or EMedG. Its origin probably lies in the perceptual similarity between the sounds [f] and [8], as the same phenomenon is attested in several languages, including Venetian and English (BLEVINS 2004: 134--5). q>P110"Kelcx (1141, Palermo/ Sicily, CUSA 1868/82: Coll. I: 5, 16.4) que figateres v / 1vyCXTEj)ES e' (15th c., Cyprus, BRAYER et al. 1951: 72, f.Ilr.2) vµ1CXT611 MACHAIRAS, GhroTL V 66.21 Tl «l>TJpacr{cx (1534, Unknown, TsELIKAs/KOROMILA 2003: A, 97.7)
213
q>t)AVK6 (1662, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 27, 33.15); q>flAVKO (1664, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1991: 1, 82.26); q>T)AVlI, cp1J1cp1Kcx. The phenomenon is indeed corroborated in Modern Cypriot, but in Crusius's case the possibility of mis-hearing should not be ruled out (ToUFEXIS 2005: 201 ). 3.8.5.2
Voiced Fricative Interchange
MedG and EMG texts exhibit sporadic interchange of voiced fricatives, i.e. the appearance of a different voiced fricative from the etymologically expected one, usually in intervocalic and occasionally in word-initial position. This occurs already in the earliest documents, from 11 th-c. S. Italian archives, and in all areas. In most cases, the change is due to sporadic assimilation or dissirnilation, or even not due to phonetic causes but rather to morphological ones, such as analogy or folk etymology. S1a1A vex 6100, typical of North-Eastern dialect areas (KRETSCHMER 1905: 124ff; PERNOT 1913: 263), e.g. va 61yeis (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 55.23). The phenomenon of antimetathesis transposes non-contiguous segments, and is much rarer than metathesis. Liquids and, to a lesser extent, nasals are the most frequently affected (PAVIS 1939/40): aypwvtaev MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 166.23 < yvCNp!{CN l30Mµ1v FORT., Strat. pragm. 654; l30Alµ1 (15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 60.10) < µ0Ml31v cpapaKAous Spanos B 222; TOO apaKAoO ( 1683, Leros, PAPADOPOULOslFLORENDIS 1990: 37, 29.19) < /1/ is, like all long-distance dissimilatory changes, never completely regular, although it is quite well documented cross-linguistically. In MedG and the MG dialects it is much more sporadically attested than the delateralization change, affecting only about 1% of the words that possess the appropriate environment (MANOLESsou/fOuFEXIS 2009). It does not seem to operate in compound words, i.e. words in which the two /r/ phonemes belong to different members of the compound, such as &cnrpoµo:pµo:p0Tpax11i\.os, µo:up6!3ovpKos, aKpoyvpi(c..> etc., and has affected to the point of stabilization only a few specific words (mainly the family of ypi'}yopos). fyAT)yopa Dig. E 459 < fypT)yopa AE8p111ap1a STAFIDAS, Iatrosof. 3.60 < ipu6pivos 17,.T]yopTJS (1506, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 2, 6.35) Tov KA1apov MACHAIRAs, Chron. V 220.34 < KPlapos 61a &-n-0KA1cna:pt]V Assizes B 414.9 KOA{av6pov ~p6v (15th c., OIKONOMU-AG0RASTU 1982: 95.22) vex &Aa-rpeuO"I) (1543, Corfu, RODOLAKIS/PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1996: 47, 249.7) < apoTpo q>A vex 6100, typical of North-Eastern dialect areas (KRETSCHMER 1905: 124ff; PERNOT 1913: 263), e.g. va 61yeis (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 3, 55.23). The phenomenon of antimetathesis transposes non-contiguous segments, and is much rarer than metathesis. Liquids and, to a lesser extent, nasals are the most frequently affected (PAVIS 1939/40): aypwvtaev MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 166.23 < yvCNp!{CN l30Mµ1v FORT., Strat. pragm. 654; l30Alµ1 (15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 60.10) < µ0Ml31v cpapaKAous Spanos B 222; TOO apaKAoO ( 1683, Leros, PAPADOPOULOslFLORENDIS 1990: 37, 29.19) < S ~EcrµT]Mlvov FOSKOLOS, Fort. IlI. 707 < ~ecrµrivc!>vc.,
219
AeµTrptvov xapTI GERMANO, Vocab. s.v. charta pergamena; xapT! µeµl3pava>6T)V, TJYOVV VTEµTrp!VO LANDOS, Geopon. 169.36 < µeµl3p1vos eµaA1TCap1Cev (1685, Crete, VOURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 32, 409.11-12) < µav1TCapc.> yovl3&A10: (ca. 1700, Achaia, TSIOURAKI 1971: B ', 172.5) < j?,ovl30A1 TCX 61f3ap1a TOV BacrtAo:6100 SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 56.4 < ~1f3ap10
In some cases, the identical consonants are not in contiguous syllables: 1rAEµov1v aiyas STAFIDAS, latrosof 6.163 < ,rvevµ6111v l?>TJxav, crcpaKTTJV, ll'Aeµovav Spanos A 158 < ,rvevµc.,v TOIi µriM5eAcpov Poulol. AZ. 42 < aMriM5eAcpoS aAvcpavTflS Pent. Ex. 35.35 < lx11vcpavTTJS µ10: cp1voKaAa ,r1ave1 FALIEROS, 1st. On. 191 < 61R>{K1v. Further, there are a number of special cases of dissimilation, discussed in the relevant sections: dissimilation of liquids in consecutive syllables (see 3.8.6.3) and manner dissimilation of adjacent stops and fricatives (3.8.1 ).
3.9.3.2
Dissimilatory Consonant Deletion
The homophony resulting from the adjacency of phonetically similar syllables, i.e. syllables with onsets containing identical consonants or consonants belonging to the same class. may also be resolved through the deletion of one of the two consonants (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 326-8). The phenomenon was already present in AG, especially in the case of the liquid /r/ (DIETERICH 1898: 123-4; VINE 2011). Early MedG attestations of the phenomenon include the common word S ~EcrµT]Mlvov FOSKOLOS, Fort. IlI. 707 < ~ecrµrivc!>vc.,
219
AeµTrptvov xapTI GERMANO, Vocab. s.v. charta pergamena; xapT! µeµl3pava>6T)V, TJYOVV VTEµTrp!VO LANDOS, Geopon. 169.36 < µeµl3p1vos eµaA1TCap1Cev (1685, Crete, VOURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 32, 409.11-12) < µav1TCapc.> yovl3&A10: (ca. 1700, Achaia, TSIOURAKI 1971: B ', 172.5) < j?,ovl30A1 TCX 61f3ap1a TOV BacrtAo:6100 SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 56.4 < ~1f3ap10
In some cases, the identical consonants are not in contiguous syllables: 1rAEµov1v aiyas STAFIDAS, latrosof 6.163 < ,rvevµ6111v l?>TJxav, crcpaKTTJV, ll'Aeµovav Spanos A 158 < ,rvevµc.,v TOIi µriM5eAcpov Poulol. AZ. 42 < aMriM5eAcpoS aAvcpavTflS Pent. Ex. 35.35 < lx11vcpavTTJS µ10: cp1voKaAa ,r1ave1 FALIEROS, 1st. On. 191 < 61R>{K1v. Further, there are a number of special cases of dissimilation, discussed in the relevant sections: dissimilation of liquids in consecutive syllables (see 3.8.6.3) and manner dissimilation of adjacent stops and fricatives (3.8.1 ).
3.9.3.2
Dissimilatory Consonant Deletion
The homophony resulting from the adjacency of phonetically similar syllables, i.e. syllables with onsets containing identical consonants or consonants belonging to the same class. may also be resolved through the deletion of one of the two consonants (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 326-8). The phenomenon was already present in AG, especially in the case of the liquid /r/ (DIETERICH 1898: 123-4; VINE 2011). Early MedG attestations of the phenomenon include the common word Tpane,a (SCHWYZER 1939: 262-5; LEJEUNE 1972: 291), and continues until MG (MARKOPOULOS 2013). It is to be found in a restricted number oflexical items, in low-register texts from all periods and areas, and its results are permanent/Iexicalized. Dissimilatory haplology frequently affects words whose stems displayed "present reduplication" in AG, e.g. KaTa!,1!,a,c.:> > K, 61aj?>1j?>a,c.:> > 6ta!,a,c.:>, ovµj?>1j?>a,c.:> > avf>a,c.:>, 616aaKCXAOS > 6aaKCXAos. It is also responsible for the genesis of the MedG preposition µ~. starting from frequent collocations in which the preposition µETa was followed by an article or pronoun form beginning with Ta-: µeTa Ta X or µeTa TavTa > µe Ta X or µe TauTa (HATZIDAKIS 1892: 153; DIETERICH 1898: 124). The apocopated form µfo' of the adverb µfoa is also due to dissimilatory syllable deletion, from collocations like µfoa O"Ta > µfo' O"TO'. or µfoo O"T6 > µfo' O"T6 (CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 249; PERNOT 1907/46: I 451; GEORGACAS 1940: 137). Furthermore, dissimilatory haplology lies behind the short forms of the pronoun ouTOshoOTOS found in Cypriot, originating from collocations with a following definite article, i.e. ToOTov Tov > TovVTov (see II, 5.5.1.11). Another lexical domain where the phenomenon is considered to have applied is the numerals from 30 to 90, which display loss of the syllable [ko] (i.e. Tp1aKovw > Tp1aVTa, 1TEVTTJKOVTa > neVTfiVTa > nevfiVTa, oy6ofiKoVTa > oy66VTa etc.), but the homophony triggering the deletion is not entirely clear. It has been suggested that the origin lies in complex numerals containing the word Km, which would provide the required phonetic iteration (-KO- ... Ka(), e.g. TplaKOVTO'. Kal eTs, !~f}KoVTa Kal 6uo etc. (THUMB 1900: 239), although the first instances of the innovative forms seem to have appeared in the late Koine, after the expression of complex numerals through conjunction with Ka{ had been lost (GIGNAC 1981: 196). An alternative proposal is to dissociate the evolution of the numerals from the phenomenon of dissimilatory haplology, and to consider it a simple case of sporadic syncope, which applied due to the unwieldy length of the numeral words (HATZIDAKIS 1892: 150; JANNARIS 1897: 172; DIETERICH 1898: 125). cn.,r,a,Et\l TCXS 6uo µolpas Tiis x~pas (1040, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 32, 38.30) < crvµr,1j¼,c.,:, vex KaTar,acm [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 655 To q,Mµoupov &v,;r,aaav Els TOIi youAci:v &-rravc,.:, Chron. Toe. 3002 KaKa 1TOAAa e6u!~aaev 1Tpaa1110K6K1Cl\la Spanos A 351 < 61a~1!3a,c.,:, q>a1116µe8a ,rpaaxoVTIS Els ae (1163, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 163, 215.6) < ,rmpaaxc.,:, TJ 'Opo6aq>IITJ (1073, Constantinople?, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIDOU 1980: 50, 16.249) < Po6o5aq,VTJ . 1TlTpaXT)Atll (1334, Sicily, CANTARELLA 1937: 43, 131.25) < 1TEptTPoXTJAlOV TO Tapnpov TO Myovv Ptoch. III 149 < TETapTTJpov 6aaK6Aovs Tijs 6eoAoylas MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 26.8 < 616aaKcxAos
3 Consonants
TO L\eµ6Te1xo11 Alosis 914 < L\16uµ6n1xov xa?.1116apiljlOU .,iou TT}lll, Kl iyC:., TT] peµe11T1apw fOSKOLOS, Fort. JV. 50 Kai 6i6c.> TOU TO, ma11e1 TO, a1µC:,11e1 TO aTCX xelATj KORNAROS, Erot. V.948
In EMG verse texts, which exhibit more extensive vowel deletion in hiatus, even across
phonological phrases, a second accent may appear on a word when the initial vowel of the following word is deleted, irrespective of whether tllat word is a clitic, both in proparoxytone and in paroxytone host words: ovnpo '6,11 aTOll Ulrl/0 TflS, K' i)ABe 8ebs 1'.µµw11cs Alex. Rim. l 01; i)aa11 Kai aKVAOKEq>aAOI, aTo.,iclc 'xav els Ta aTTJ8TJ ibid. 2616 S!xws 1/CX Sfi Tll/TCX 'Ka.,i111 µtTCC µov Cypr. Canz. 19.6 6EKCX '.,iraTal/ K' EKei1101 6v6, ,r' a11a8eµa TT}ll wpa KORNAROS, Erot. 1.617; Tl'CXIITCX '.,iou aTW
yo11ew µov Tai Spoaepes aav at GLYKAS, Stichoi 190 x' iviKTIO'E .,it els 1r6"lieµov, 1TapTjyop{a11 va TO eixa Chron. Mor. H 5007 TCX Aaµ1rpoKais TE Veith. 476 Kai Tas KaTouvas µe8' iiµw11 Kal Tex ~piµo Tc,,:,ve c) In verbal inflection, attachment of a plurisyllabic suffix with retention of columnar stress, e.g. ypacpc,,:, ➔ ypacpoµecrra, lKOAEcra ➔ lKaM:craµe, ecrrev.a ➔ ecrrewhe. d) Non-development of a second stress accent in the case of proparoxytone words followed .. by an enclitic, e.g. ypacpoµev ➔ yp6:cpoµev To. · The investigation of all aspects of the phenomenon is difficult in written sources, due to the inconsistent accentuation of manuscripts, editorial intervention (e.g. stress normalization even in diplomatic editions), and the script (texts written in the Latin or other alphabets). Inevitably, cases of transgression of the Law of Limitation are more secure in texts from areas for which there is modem dialectal evidence of the phenomenon, and impossible to detect in others. Even modem dialectal evidence is insufficient to determine the extent to which a second accent develops in the case of preantepenultimate stress, as
4 Stress
229
modem linguistic descriptions are frequently imprecise. Therefore, this possibility is not discussed here. The basic reference for the various instantiations of preantepenultimate stress, their causes, their geographical distribution and the relevant dialectological bibliography is KOURMOULIS 1955/56, where it is demonstrated that in all cases the driving force behind the stress changes is morphology: the analogical spread of final vowel (or syllable) addition, the tendency for columnar stress (i.e. stress levelling across an inflectional paradigm, with the stress accent kept on the same syllable throughout) or the necessity for differentiation of homophonous inflectional forms (cf. also PERNOT 1907/46: I 64-71). Concerning the geographical distribution of preantepenultimate stress in LMedG and EMG, the cases where it is due to the development of final vowel addition (subcases (a) and (b) above) are attested in the areas where this phenomenon is characteristic, i.e. Crete, the Cyclades (Naxos, Mykonos, Santorini etc.), the Heptanese and Chios. At least for Chios, it is also secured through the testimony of Germano: "ma la Greca volgare usa metter I' Accento nella sillaba avanti I' antepenultima, che e la quarta cominciando dall'ultima ... L'essempio &vayaM1acr1s, anagalliasis, & in Scio 1o Tc,,:,ve c) In verbal inflection, attachment of a plurisyllabic suffix with retention of columnar stress, e.g. ypacpc,,:, ➔ ypacpoµecrra, lKOAEcra ➔ lKaM:craµe, ecrrev.a ➔ ecrrewhe. d) Non-development of a second stress accent in the case of proparoxytone words followed .. by an enclitic, e.g. ypacpoµev ➔ yp6:cpoµev To. · The investigation of all aspects of the phenomenon is difficult in written sources, due to the inconsistent accentuation of manuscripts, editorial intervention (e.g. stress normalization even in diplomatic editions), and the script (texts written in the Latin or other alphabets). Inevitably, cases of transgression of the Law of Limitation are more secure in texts from areas for which there is modem dialectal evidence of the phenomenon, and impossible to detect in others. Even modem dialectal evidence is insufficient to determine the extent to which a second accent develops in the case of preantepenultimate stress, as
4 Stress
229
modem linguistic descriptions are frequently imprecise. Therefore, this possibility is not discussed here. The basic reference for the various instantiations of preantepenultimate stress, their causes, their geographical distribution and the relevant dialectological bibliography is KOURMOULIS 1955/56, where it is demonstrated that in all cases the driving force behind the stress changes is morphology: the analogical spread of final vowel (or syllable) addition, the tendency for columnar stress (i.e. stress levelling across an inflectional paradigm, with the stress accent kept on the same syllable throughout) or the necessity for differentiation of homophonous inflectional forms (cf. also PERNOT 1907/46: I 64-71). Concerning the geographical distribution of preantepenultimate stress in LMedG and EMG, the cases where it is due to the development of final vowel addition (subcases (a) and (b) above) are attested in the areas where this phenomenon is characteristic, i.e. Crete, the Cyclades (Naxos, Mykonos, Santorini etc.), the Heptanese and Chios. At least for Chios, it is also secured through the testimony of Germano: "ma la Greca volgare usa metter I' Accento nella sillaba avanti I' antepenultima, che e la quarta cominciando dall'ultima ... L'essempio &vayaM1acr1s, anagalliasis, & in Scio 1 FALIEROS, /st. On. 493 Kapai,oiroui\c.)11 SFRANTZIS, Chron. 168.16
vs . . aµapay&.w AcluL N 838 T~II j)ha1c.>11 Fior 147.35
Furthermore, there is a strong tendency for non-etymological stress shift to the right in the nom. pl. of the O-stem nominal paradigm, on the analogy of the gen. pl. and the acc. pl.: Twv &v6pcbm:.uv, Taus &v6pwnous ➔ oi &v6p¬.
5. In the pronominal domain, analogical stress shift bas created extensive allomorphy due to mutual influence of the various pronominal subparadigms, e.g. CXVTOS > cxuToS, eKeivc...w > eKetv&v, onoios > ono1os (see II, 5.5.1 and II, 5.9.2).
4.2.4.2
Stress in Verbal Morphology
In verb morphology stress plays a much more important functional role than in nominal morphology, as its position is less subject to variation and has a distinctive role in several parts of the verbal paradigm (see AP0ST0L0P0UL0S 1984: 67-71 for MedG and BABINI0TIS 1972: ch. ill r for MG). Stress functions as the main distinguishing characteristic of the two LMedG/EMG conjugations, i.e. barytone (ypacpc,.:,) vs. oxytone (6:yO'.'TT&). In more general terms, the two conjugations may be distinguished on the basis of whether the stress falls on the inflectional suffix or not. Due to the residual effects of the AG Law of Limitation, a proparoxytone verb conjugation could not develop, as the 1 sg. suffix -(,.) constituted a heavy syllable. Stress also functions as a main indication of past tense: the imperfect and aorist, both active and passive, tend to be accentuated on the antepenultimate syllable, e.g. eypCX4'CX - yp6:1.j1cxµe, o:yanTjtrCX - o:ycxmitrcxµe, eypcxq>6µT]V > eyp6:q>oµouv/ypaq>6µouva, eyp6:q>6TJV > ypo:q>TTJKa. This leads to stress shift in the case of past forms of the verb showing penultimate stress due to phonetic accident, e.g. exa(,.)trCX > exacra (with lexical vowel deletion) > excxcrcx.
The reverse development, i.e. stress shift to the penultimate syllable in 3 pl. past forms, is a Very frequent phenomenon, e.g. eypCXl.jJCXV > eypet4'0'.V, EtrK6T(,.)VO'.V > EtrKOTWVCXV; it should be attributed to a tendency for columnar stress in the three persons of the plural, i.e. to the analogy of the 1st and 2nd persons pl.: eypa4'cxµe, eypa4'ETE, eypcx\jJO'.V ➔ eypa\jJO'.V,
Stress
235
ypa\jJcxve. In dialects showing extensive deletion of final -v even in verbal suffixes, stress shift to the penultimate in 3 pl. may help to distinguish it from the homophonous 1 sg.: eTpetcx - focxpcxKaMcra vs. hpeto:, foapaKaAfoo:. The attachment of plurisyllabic suffixes onto a stem normally triggers stress-shift to the right, so that the constraint limiting stress to the last three syllables may not be transgressed, e.g. ypaq,0µ0:1 ➔ ypaq,6µe6o:, eypcx\jJcx ➔ eyp6:\jJaµe. However, as a geographically restricted phenomenon appearing from the 15th c. onwards, an alternative strategy also appears: preservation of the stress on the same syllable throughout the subparadigm (columnar stress), with development of a second accent on the penultimate syllable, e.g. ypaq,oµat ➔ ypaq,oµecrTE, eypo:\jJcx ➔ eypal.jlaµe. For more examples see 4.2.3, case (c), as well as III, 4.3.1.1, 4.4.1.1, 4.4.2 and 4.5.2.1. For further details on the phenomenon as it appears in MG dialects see K0URMOULIS 1955/56, MALIK0UTI-DRACHMAN/ DRACHMAN 1992 and MALIKOUTI-DRACHMAN 1993. Finally, stress serves to distinguish the active indicative from the imperative in the oxytone verbs, as the imperative has recessive accentuation: 6:yO'.'TTa vs. &yana, KpCXTei vs. KpaTei. In the small subparadigm of the 2nd aorist, the reverse is true: the imperative is distinguished from the indicative through final-syllable stress: eine vs. eine, ei6e vs. l6e. Verbal inflection involves several trisyllabic suffixes (e.g. -6µetr6e, -ouµo:trTov) which bring about stress shift to the right due to the trisyllabic constraint, except in the cases noted above when columnar stress prevails. For full details see the relevant paradigms (III, 4).
4.2.4.3
Stress in Derivation and Composition
Recessive accentuation, i.e. retraction of the stress as far as is allowed by the Law of Limitation, serves a variety of derivational and compositional functions (DIETERICH 1904a), such as: • marking of substantivization of adjectives, e.g. 6cxµcxcrK,iv6 > 6aµa '.=:6:v6os, ~pa6u > ~pa6u. • marking of prefixation, e.g. ne6ep6s ➔ truµne6epos, O\JIE ➔ &n6\Jle, \jJtMs ➔ KCXTa~i?\os, tKeT ➔ &neKet.
• marking of composition, e.g. 6icrKos + noTT)ptov ➔ 6tcrKon6TTJpov, euvotrTos + At~6:6tov ➔ eµVOMTpayov Diig. tetr. 459 6paKoVT6KaaTpov [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 116; KaKeu11ouxos ibid. 2294 ~ua1TO'lr\TTTO'!rlTTaKa Liv. S 2856 ~ou110T6mv Veith. 169 8upo,r6pT1v B_yz. II. 105 Ka;\aµo1-(e)1o(v) 2.20.1.2 Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in -io(v) > -i(v) • 2.20.2 Proparoxytone Nouns in /io(n)/ 2.20.2.1 Proparoxytone Nouns in -(e)1o(v) 2.20.2.2 Proparoxytone/Paroxytone Nou,ns in -1o(v)/-1(v) 2.20.3 Proparoxytone Nouns in -1(v) 2.20.4 Transfers to Other Paradigms Neuter Nouns in -µo:(v)
xi
532 537 546 552 560 569 569 570 575 575 576 579 579 580 584 585 585 587 588 589 589 589 589 590 590 590 590 592 592 594 598 608 609
613 613 621 630 630 633 643 644 644
.,
Contents (Volume 2)
X
2.5 2.6
2.7
2.8 2.9
2.10
2.11
Masculine Nouns in /us/ Masculine Nouns in /es/ 2.6.1 Oxytone Nouns 2.6.2 Paroxytone and Proparoxytone Nouns 2.6.3 Transfers to Other Paradigms Masculine Nouns in-1os 2.7.1 The Paradigm 2.7.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms Masculine Nouns in -16s Irregular and lndeclinable Masculine Nouns 2.9.1 Irregular Nouns 2.9.1.1 6pus 2.9.1.2 txeus 2.9.1.3 mixvs 2.9.2 lndeclinable Nouns 2.9.2.1 &ya-rr& 2.9.2.2 Ms Alternative Plural Formations of Masculine Nouns 2.10.1 -o:io1 2.10.2 -&6es 2.10.3 -TJ6es 2.10.4 -CXVTOI 2.10.5 -ou6es 2.10.6 -OTO! 2.10.7 -01 Feminine Feminine Nouns in /a/ 2.11.1 Oxytone Nouns 2.11.1.1 Nouns with a Parisyllabic Plural 2.11.1.2 Nouns with an Imparisyllabic Plural 2.11.2 Paroxytone Nouns 2.11.2.1 Nouns with a Shift of Stress to the Ultimate in the Genitive Plural 2.11.2.2 Nouns without a Shift of Stress in the Genitive Plural · 2.11.3 · Proparoxytone Nouns 2.11.3.1 Nouns with a Shift of Stress to the Ultimate in the · Genitive Plural·· 2.11.3.2 Nouns with a Shift of Stress to the Penultimate in the Genitive Plural 2.11.4 Paroxytone Nouns in /ea/ 2.11.5 Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in /ia/ 2.11.6 Transfers to Other Paradigms
Contents (Volume 2)
422 427 428 432 434 435 437 449 451 452 453 453 453 454 454 454 454 454 455 455 456 456 457 457 457 458 458
2.12
2.13
2.14
2.15
2.16
2.17
2.18
464
464 469 474
2.19
474 485 494
2.20
494 502 506 518 531
2.21
Feminine Nouns in /i/ 2.12.1 Oxytone Nouns in -ti 2.12.2 Paroxytone Nouns in -TJ 2.12.3 Paroxytone Nouns in -1s.l-TJ 2.12.4 Proparoxytone Nouns in -1s.l-TJ 2.12.5 Transfers to Other Paradigms Feminine Nouns in /u/ 2.13.1 The Paradigm 2.13.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms Feminine Nouns in /o/ 2.14.1 The Paradigm 2.14.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms Feminine Nouns in -16(v) 2.15.1 The Paradigm 2.15.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms Feminine Nouns in /e/ 2.16.1 Oxytone Nouns in -i 2.16.2 Paroxytone Nouns in -e 2.16.3 Transfers to Other Paradigms Irregular and lndeclinable Feminine Nouns 2.17.1 Irregular Nouns 2.17.1.1 6pus 2.11 .1.2 Io-xus 2.17.2 lndeclinable Nouns 2.17.2.1 &ya-rr& 2.17 .2.2 yi'ls Invariable Masculine and Feminine Proclitic Forms Neuter Neuter Nouns in /o(n)/ 2.19.1 Oxytone Nouns 2.19.2 Paroxytone and Proparoxytone Nouns 2.19 .3 Transfers to Other Paradigms Neuter Nouns in /io(n)/ and /i(n)/ 2.20.1 Paroxytone Nouns in /'io(n)/ 2.20.1.1 Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in-io(v)/-eio(v) >-(e)1o(v) 2.20.1.2 Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in -io(v) > -i(v) • 2.20.2 Proparoxytone Nouns in /io(n)/ 2.20.2.1 Proparoxytone Nouns in -(e)1o(v) 2.20.2.2 Proparoxytone/Paroxytone Nou,ns in -1o(v)/-1(v) 2.20.3 Proparoxytone Nouns in -1(v) 2.20.4 Transfers to Other Paradigms Neuter Nouns in -µo:(v)
xi
532 537 546 552 560 569 569 570 575 575 576 579 579 580 584 585 585 587 588 589 589 589 589 590 590 590 590 592 592 594 598 608 609
613 613 621 630 630 633 643 644 644
xii
2.22 2.23
2.24
3 .3.1 3.2
3.3
I
!
Contents (Volume 2)
Contents (Volume 2)
2.21.1 Paroxytone and Proparoxytone Neuter Nouns in -µo:(v) 2.21.2 Transfers to Other Paradigms Neuter Nouns in -1µo(v) Neuter Nouns in -os 2.23.1 Paroxytone Nouns 2.23.2 Proparoxytone Nouns 2.23.3 Transfers to Other Paradigms Irregular and lndeclinable Neuter Nouns 2.24.1 Nouns with Dental Stem 2.24.1.1 &Ao:s, 1v'.hficre1 (1359, Albania, SAKKELION 1887a:
472.9-10) irpo~MrroVTas T'¼) irvevµaTI Toirra irov tyevf\Kav VEST., ProL Theot. 267
In addition.to instances like the above, which could be deemed grammatically "correct" (i.e. in. accordance with AG morphology and syntax), we also find dative forms with inno~ v~tive phonology, stress or morphology, or new lexical items: ..·. ev Ti'\ TOV1To8eoic;t TOU evyevous apxwv (1524, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 24, 64.4-5) olKovcra EV Pe8eµve1 (1524, Crete, KAKLAMANJS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 94, 175.2) crvv Tois Jx>8paKois Spanos• D 1509 I iv irapPT}crt~ PARASPOND., Machi Varnas 62 .ev Tfl 'OyKp1~ Ekth. Chron. 83.22 app. crit. (D)
I.
I
'l>.paJx>1s KAMAT., · ,. · ha1pls) ·,
•
~
• :' ••
I
I I
i
• •
'
j
·
'' •
•
only exception that bas been made is the dative reciprocal pronoun &Mi'iMtS, on the basis that its occur•.. rence, which is quite rare, to be as much a lexical survival as a morphosyntactic feature (see 5.12)..
1 , The
i
'
Astron. 323 (< •Apa~os); ha1pl6a1s ibid. 632 (8paKois Spanos• D 1509 I iv irapPT}crt~ PARASPOND., Machi Varnas 62 .ev Tfl 'OyKp1~ Ekth. Chron. 83.22 app. crit. (D)
I.
I
'l>.paJx>1s KAMAT., · ,. · ha1pls) ·,
•
~
• :' ••
I
I I
i
• •
'
j
·
'' •
•
only exception that bas been made is the dative reciprocal pronoun &Mi'iMtS, on the basis that its occur•.. rence, which is quite rare, to be as much a lexical survival as a morphosyntactic feature (see 5.12)..
1 , The
i
'
Astron. 323 (< •Apa~os); ha1pl6a1s ibid. 632 (O:VtO"Tf\ KaTTatavs 6uaKaAaV Pist. kekoim. 178). Similarly, all syntactic environments requiring an adnominal, adverbal or adpositional genitive are available to the new syncretic form: Possessive genitive TTI" l~oualav Kai Tovs av8pc.:mous Kal Tf;'>V yu11a1K&11 (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: . 254.929) . t)pTe\l TO apµflcrav els Tfl" yi\11 Tovs Xpu,-navovs Assizes B 266.31 a,re TTJII auvrpoqi{a11 TOVS @.Aovs Kpmi6es Assizes A 28.1 O; hepa q>UATJ TOVS Ivp1611ous ibid. 238.19 EK61J1aV TES KEq>aA.cx6es Tovs 1ovs (17th c., Cyprus, CHRISTODOULOU 1983: A, 418.859) Subjective/objective genitive
i
61a Cflµlav Tovsyoveis (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 234.254) flpTOII els niv j,0118e1a11 Tov(s) cru11Tp6cpous Tovs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 132.38-134.1 6ia TTJII ayci1Tf)ll TOVS crvyye1166es Fior 76.7; 6 6uµos TOVS mMovs el11cx11TCX\1Ta els TCX My1a Kal Tous qipevlµovs eivai µ611011 els Ta EpyaTa ibid. 95.9-10
I
I
; '
I
Partitive genitive. TOIi ~Ila TOVS eyyuT66es Assizes B 471.5-6 Indirect object To 6t:>aov11 ei6f)cr111 Kal Tovs KQAAICi)Ttpovs crvyyeveis (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981:
..va
. , 241.513-14) \IC( air0Aoyma1 OAOUS EKEIIIOVS 1ovs VOUSTR., Chron. A 20.5-6
Prepositional complement eµirpocr8e11 TOVS 71.eycxBes Assizes B 280.13-14; eµirpoCTTEII TOV ~ICTKOVIITfl 1O:VtO"Tf\ KaTTatavs 6uaKaAaV Pist. kekoim. 178). Similarly, all syntactic environments requiring an adnominal, adverbal or adpositional genitive are available to the new syncretic form: Possessive genitive TTI" l~oualav Kai Tovs av8pc.:mous Kal Tf;'>V yu11a1K&11 (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: . 254.929) . t)pTe\l TO apµflcrav els Tfl" yi\11 Tovs Xpu,-navovs Assizes B 266.31 a,re TTJII auvrpoqi{a11 TOVS @.Aovs Kpmi6es Assizes A 28.1 O; hepa q>UATJ TOVS Ivp1611ous ibid. 238.19 EK61J1aV TES KEq>aA.cx6es Tovs 1ovs (17th c., Cyprus, CHRISTODOULOU 1983: A, 418.859) Subjective/objective genitive
i
61a Cflµlav Tovsyoveis (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 234.254) flpTOII els niv j,0118e1a11 Tov(s) cru11Tp6cpous Tovs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 132.38-134.1 6ia TTJII ayci1Tf)ll TOVS crvyye1166es Fior 76.7; 6 6uµos TOVS mMovs el11cx11TCX\1Ta els TCX My1a Kal Tous qipevlµovs eivai µ611011 els Ta EpyaTa ibid. 95.9-10
I
I
; '
I
Partitive genitive. TOIi ~Ila TOVS eyyuT66es Assizes B 471.5-6 Indirect object To 6t:>aov11 ei6f)cr111 Kal Tovs KQAAICi)Ttpovs crvyyeveis (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981:
..va
. , 241.513-14) \IC( air0Aoyma1 OAOUS EKEIIIOVS 1ovs VOUSTR., Chron. A 20.5-6
Prepositional complement eµirpocr8e11 TOVS 71.eycxBes Assizes B 280.13-14; eµirpoCTTEII TOV ~ICTKOVIITfl 1v virfypa'f'a (ibid. 35.48); 0e6xna-ros tepoµ6vcxxcs 6 Maiipov virEypaljla (1349, ibid. 48, 25.31); xp1Tal Tiis v,ro8foews re~pyios 6 Ioo-rov xal TlaiiAos 6 IoOTov (1350-1400, ibid. 131, 97.9-10); M1xa1'JA 6 IoiiTov (ibid. 132, 98.20); µapTVpas M.wv b ~Evov (15th c., ibid. 172, 119.16); 6 KvplCXKOV (ibid. 173, 119.5); eyw 6 0e6mcp-rov Kpoxl')p11 (16th c., ibid. 186, 123.1)
• Instances such as j3avou 01TOK01TTOO (1561, Naxos, KARABOULA/RODOLAKIS 2012/13: 129,247.13), which apparently affect old I st-declension nouns in -asl·TJS with the obsolete nom. pl. suffix -al, if not due to tran~ scription errors, are hyperdialectisms influenced by the phenomenon in question. 5 HENRICH (2011: 99) adduces a dubious additional example in a rather early text of Pontic origin: 6 xs1µoov x&&uypos (1336, Trebizond, LAMBROS 1916a: 39.5). He argues that the contrast between articular oxe1µoov in the above example and non-articular xs1µos in the following: ,roil.vs xe1µas (ibid. 45.17 app. crit.) constitutes an instance of the phenomenon, i.e. that the noun xe1µwv has already moved from the 3rd to the 2nd declension, and therefore xe1µoov should be read as an acc. sg. fonn (o XEIJ.IOS-TOU xe1µoii--TOV xe1µov), triggered . by the presence of the definite article. In view of the text's rather elevated style, however, a conservative 3rddeclension inflectional pattern cannot be excluded.
248
II Nominal Morphology
eyC:., TT)r,pavo Kc,.x,ra11T{\IO\I (1430-5?, Pontos, ALEXAKIS/MAVROMATIS 2015: 5, 12.3); 6 rap1c.::rrr1s 6 Kvp-0e66c.,pov (ibid. 12.9) Iar,r,as 6 Xpvcnoxov (1482, Pontos, BRYER 1976: 22, 135.1-2) 6 Mav6i\T)s 6 Ma110i\61ti\011 (1506, Trebizond, PRINZING 2000: 2, 304.7-8) (< Ma11oi\61tovi\os)
In modern Pontic, the phenomenon affects masculine nouns in -os in all subdialects, and masculine nouns in -as and -T)S only in some areas, and is further connected to the development of an innovative gen. sg. patterned after the AG /n/-stem 3rd declension, e.g. 6 Mxos-ToO AVKOU-+ o AVKOV-Ti'j AVKOVOS (PAPADOPOULOS 1955: 159; OIKONOMIDIS 1958: 145-6; MACKRIDGE 1987: 124; DRETTAS 1997: 120). It has therefore been interpreted by most scholars as originating from a confusion between the AG 2nd-declension masc. /o/-stem nouns, and the 3rd-declension /n/-stem nouns (6a{µu)v, yehu)v etc.). This is a suggestion originally put forward by HATZIDAKIS (1892: 372), subsequently adopted and modified in many studies (e.g. DAWKINS 1916: 94; CHATZIDAKIS 1934n7: A 276; DAWKINS 1937: 31; HENRICH 1976: 242-7; HENRICH 1979; TOMBAIDIS 1988: 45-6, with further bibliography). It has also been proposed that the phenomenon is connected to the modern Cappadocian tendency for loss of case and gender distinctions, for which, however, there is no evidence during the LMedG or EMG period. Furthermore, Dawkins suggests that the phenomenon may be of already Hellenistic date, pointing to a defixio from Cyprus first commented upon by THUMB (1906: 258): o KpaTEpov AUDOLLENT 30.22 = I. KOURION 135.22, 3rd c. AD. It is, of course, doubtful whether a single isolated instance is sufficient to establish the presence of the phenomenon at such an early date, as some scholars seem to accept (JANSE 2002: 218-19; HORROCKS 2 2010: 402). Alternative accounts of the phenomenon include a syntactic interpretation as differential subject marking (JANSE 2004: 25-6; REVYTHIADOU/SPYROPOULOS 2009: 52-3, 60-1), a proposal to connect it with the AG masc. augmentantive suffix -u)V, supposedly first attached to adjectives and then to nouns (KIM 2008), and a proposal to view it as a compensation, a new means of marking the definiteness of the masc. nom. sg. due to the Pontic tendency for deletion of the definite article (HORROCKS 22010: 402). It should be noted that all of the examples located in MedG Pontic texts are proper names, most of which could also be interpreted as genitive plural forms in -C,>v/-wv expressing the notion of belonging to a family/kin, e.g ~evu)v, Xpucroxwv, IKOTu)µevu)v etc. This could provide an alternative trigger for the development of the phenomenon, which could be attributed to a reanalysis of a non-articular gen. pl. in -u)V accompanied by the masc. nom. sg. definite article 6 (an archaic syntactic pattern not available in vernacular MedG) as a nom. sg. and not as gen. pl., namely reoopyios 6 (Twv) IKOTu)µev(A)v > reoopyios o IKOTu)µevov. Nevertheless, the confusion with the 3rd-declension nouns in -u)V remains the most likely interpretation, given the relatively early appearance of the innovative genitive -01105 for nouns in -os in MedG documents from Pontos: iu)avvcx1 reoopyios o IKOTu)µevov. Nevertheless, the confusion with the 3rd-declension nouns in -u)V remains the most likely interpretation, given the relatively early appearance of the innovative genitive -01105 for nouns in -os in MedG documents from Pontos: iu)avvcx1pylov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 178.13-14 (P1ens/N1kolaou-Konnan); CTTapylov (1597, Kpi')TT), BAKKER,IVAN GEMERT 1987: 1. 23.16); TO µayepyelov (1~~1, Crete, BAKKER/VAN GEMERT 1987: 721, 625.16) and TOU cxvc..>eev µayepyelov (1b1d. 625.19); iCX 6,ryla xopa~ta (1619, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 1, 5.18-19); O'TCX xepyla Thrinos Kypr. 306 facs., in which the addition of clearly points to a conso~antal pronunciation of , i.e. as /j/ (see I, 2.9.4 for details). There can be no doubt that mall these . cases synizesis must have involved stress shift. . While in the examples above the accent is placed where one would expect it had syni'zesis and stress shift not taken place, something peculiar occurs in the following examples. In µe µey&A11v ~oupyiav VousTR., Chron. M 5.13-1~, the addition ~f .~nce again indicates that synizesis has taken place, but the accent 1s placed_ on the wrong syllable (~ovpia in the other manuscript). Toe same goes for the Cypnot word ~aµ-rrax1ov (/lam'baJon/) in crnou eixav :haµ-rraxiov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 64.23 (Dawkins), whe~e the spelling for indicates that synizesis has taken place. Here, too, the accent 1s clearly not placed where the stress is. There is in fact abundant evidence that accentuation quite often does not denote stress, but indicates that forms are to be read with synizesis: 6
m
T' cxyiocp1pta (app. crit) (14th, Cyprus, SCHREINER 1975n9: 27, 206.1.5) (= Ta y1ocpvp1a) ~ yo10 vax_av EtO'TatV a6el\cpta MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 10.26 (= a6eAqna); Tel KaAa auvri8la ibid. 24.36 (= CTU\IT)6to:); Sev hrlaTevaev Tel Aoy{a TOVS ibid. 44.1 (= Myio:); ex&Ao:aev ,roAAa crrmia ibid. 60.22 (= a-rrh10:); els 6' aµa~lo: ibid. 572.24-25 (= aµa~1a) Ko:Tacn-fivov evav jxxxAfo:rn1v VousTR., Chron. A 28.3 (= !30:xA1c:.:m1v); molKev Kat &AAovs ,roAJ..ovs -rroAM a,rAaCipla ibid. A 42.6 (< OFr. aplaisir, see GooEFROY, Lex.) (= a-rrAaClp1a) evas ,ra16loS po6hT\S VousTR., Chron. B 73.17 (= ,ra{61oS); eK61jJO:V KO:l ,ro'Ma CX1TAIKla ibid. 116.11-12 (= a,rAIK1a); TovsTeAaCavla6es ibid. 152.3 (8api'j 6e U7To n~os cxv6p6s NIKON, Logos 3 188.21-2; 2
Note that a plural xpvo-oxo! can be found in a gloss in Hesychius, Lex. s. v. 8epµaO"Tpl, (5th/6th c.; 15th-c. ~); oxytone forms also appear in De Ceremoniis (10th c.; IOth-c. ms); see the online TW.
256
II Nominal Morphology
analogy with Tponos). This is a fairly stable paradigm that shows variation mainly in stress position and regionally in endings. The feminine nouns in los/ are almost all inherited and, as in previous stages of the language, limited in number. An especially modest number of feminine examples has been found for the plural, and the examples occur mainly in grammars and in mixed- and higherregister texts. It is interesting to note that in his grammar Sofianos gives P66os as the paradigm word for feminines in /os/ and, obviously, only in the singular, as geographical names generally do not have a plural. There appears therefore to be some truth to the observation of Romanos Nikiforou that the /os/ paradigm does not include feminine words anymore (ROMANOS, Grammar 3.25-4.1-3), although he clearly overlooked the geographical names. Some feminines, such as l~o6os and eicro6os, tend to adopt feminine plural endings from the 1st declension. In addition, some feminine nouns in /os/, among which &Avaos, aµµos, aµmAOS, j3cxaavos, eicro6os and e~o6os, Klj3c.lTOS and Tcxq>poslTpcxq>os, may change gender and become masculine (see also HATZIDAKIS 1885: 82-3). This is a development that had already set in before the LMedG period (see GIGNAC 1981: 39-41 for examples from the 2nd c. onwards). Feminine geographical names only rarely become masculine: eis TOV Kv,rpov (15th c., Cyprus, BRAYER et al. 1951: 66, f.Ilv.l); TOV i\µovpyov (1534, Unknown, TsELIKAS/KoROMILA 2003: A, 99.17); TOV NcxnaKTOV (16th c., Peloponnese?, SCHREINER 1975n9: 60A, 454.32.1); tmxp&ri 6 "EnaKTOS (16th c. [ms], Unknown, ibid. 74, 569.5.1) (= NaunaKTos). Masculine examples of feminine words are listed among the masculine examples, marked with(< fem.). Masculine nouns in lost rarely develop feminine alternatives, with the exception of napcx6e1aos, first attestations of which can be found in the writings of Bartholomew ofEdessa (12th c.) (see LBG s.v. 1rapa6e1aos, TJ). Examples of TJ 1rapcx6e1aos are included with the feminine examples. For transfers from the /os/ paradigm to other paradigms see 2.1.4. Feminine nouns may develop alternative nominatives in lol and genitives in /os/. These are the result of analogical levelling within the noun morphology system, in which the vast majority of feminine nouns end in a vowel in the nom. sg. and add a final /s/ in the gen. sg. (see also the introduction to Chapter 2). Most nouns in /os/ have parisyllabic plural forms, though certain masculine nouns, and especially proper names, have alternative imparisyllabic plural forms in -cx6es, -at01 or -T16es, for which see 2.10. Transfers between the sub-paradigms are limited: paroxytone nouns of which the stem ends in le/ or Iii may transfer to the oxytone paradigm due to synizesis or vowel deletion (for more information see I, 2.9.4 and I, 2.9.2.1). Some examples of synizesis are: 6 v1os FALIEROS, Log. did. 9 (= adj. vfos used as a noun); 8c.lpwVTa ~6µnA1a TWV apxiwv ibid. 140 (= o:pxafc.lv); TOO 8e100 Tou MACHAIRAS, Chron. 0 92.4-5 (Pieris/Nikolaou-Konnari); ToO Ma816 (1530, Crete, BAKKERIVAN GEMERT 1978: 15, 54.24) (< Ma816s < MaT8afos); TOO MoaxoA16 (1641, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 233," 190.4) (< MoaxoMos < MoaxoMC.vv); Twv Pc.lµ1wv SoUMMAKis, Past. Fid. a2v.12 (1658) (< Pc.lµ16s < Pc.lµatos); TJ N1os (1534, Unknown, TsELIKAs/KoROMILA 2003: A, 145.7) (= "los); 61oTou ol amO"Tot Pc.>µato1 Chron. Mor. H 833; tKeivo1 yap ol Kopc.lvaio1 ibid. 1702. However, sometimes the accentuation may in fact indicate that a form should be read with synizesis; see 1.5 for a discussion. Some examples of vowel deletion are: N1K0Mou Xpvaoxoo (1007, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1985: 13, 182.39) (< xpvaoxoos); 2 oos xpuaoxol TEXViTal Ptoch. II 88. Proparoxytone nouns of which the stem ends in /i/ may also develop oxytone forms for the genitive singular and the genitive and accusative plural (after the shift of the stress to the penultimate): TOO T)AlOU FALIEROS, Ist. On. 256; ~AlOO l3a0'1AEUOVTOS (1518, Crete, MA YROMATIS 1994a: 12, 55.10); oTTou 'µa1 auv8povos T)A100 Alex. Rim. 698; TOU /\lOU 01 y1axTlves CHORTATSIS, Panor. Ill.561; aapcxVT' 6yious Kal av !Kpa8api'j 6e U7To n~os cxv6p6s NIKON, Logos 3 188.21-2; 2
Note that a plural xpvo-oxo! can be found in a gloss in Hesychius, Lex. s. v. 8epµaO"Tpl, (5th/6th c.; 15th-c. ~); oxytone forms also appear in De Ceremoniis (10th c.; IOth-c. ms); see the online TW.
258
II Nominal Morphology
evas ,ral6tos po6ITT1s VousTR., Chron. A 72.16; TTJV Kap61av TOVS iral6tovs Fior 106.22 (for this gen. pl. see 1.2); c'!, ,ra{Stot Cypr. Canz. 2.7. The chronicles of Machairas and Voustronios offer a paroxytone alternative ,rai61os, which is likely to represent 1ral61os with synizesis (see 1.5 for discussion); lvas cm6TOpµos irat61os MA~H~IRAS, Chron. V 358.34; ,rephov ,rai61ot ,rapcx Keivov ibid. 258.2; el6ev y' ,ra16lovs 1b1d. 650.5-6; evas ,rai61os po6iTT1S VousTR.; Chron. B 73.17. Only very rarely do neuter nouns develop feminine alternatives, as is the case with the following geographical name, which from neuter plural becomes feminine singular: it rep /yo'ni-u-s/: Tous yov{ous µcxs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 2.7 and 2.10; 610 TTJV 41ux11v Tous yov{ous Tou (1484, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1958: 20, 232.7-8); cf. a similar case involving gender in the same area: o ,rcx{Sios < TO ircx16{v (2.20.4). Fonner 3rd-declension nouns in -cxs (y{ycxs, fAeq,cxs, see 2.2.5), may also develop forms according to the /os/ paradigm from their dental stem (yiycxVT-, V..eq,cxvT-): tq,cx{veTov y{ycxvTOS Pol Tr. 2858 app. crit. (BVX); T6v y{ycxvTov KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 291.30; oi D..eq,cxVT01 Diig. Alex. E 81.5 (Konstantinopulos); Tovs CXAEµevov I yaµtrpoll ibid.
1863-4 TOIi O"KOTc.>µo Kal TOIi xauµo TWV oµocpuAc.>V EFTHYM., Chron. Gal 16.20-1; µe TpeACXµOV KEcpT611 KALLIOUP., Kaini Diath. Matth. 24.38 O"TTIV .llaµaa10µa1 ·s Tovs OuyipayK01 Tous eMyamv: ,rpe Kavo1 Tpa6iT6po1 IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 2989 ( µe KO:Tl ir6pvfJ6es, della citta baroni CHORTATSIS, Katz. V.354 (< ir6pvos); TOUS Tpo:61T6p116es IoAKEIM KYPR., Pali 2591 (< Tpo:61T6pos); µe TOVS CTEVCXT6pTj6ES ibid. 6456 (< crevo:T6pos); µ• 6Aous Tovs µey1crT6:v116es ibid. .7836 (< µey1CTT6:vos < µeyiCTT6:v). The following example in a literary text of unverified provenance: iraaa XP6vo1 µoO Ta ivitTovv t:i>.a Nov. 1116-17, is probably a misreading (XP6vo1 for XP6vov), or an innovative singular )(P6v1 based on the plural · }(P6v1a (see 2.1.4). ' '
11
Nouns Restricted
Masc.
Fem.
Fem.
av8pCulTOS
auvo6os
·O
Masc.
Fem. '.
Singular
Norn.
Rare
' ·O
-ov
Gen.
lxv8pc:mou
avv66ou
Acc.
ClV8pCulTO(V)
auvo6o(v)
Voe.
ClV8pCulTE lxv8pCulTO .
au1106e auvo6o
av8pc,mov av8pCulTO ·OS
auvo6ou -ous
-os
lxv8pCulTEY
2 Nouns
II Nominal Morphology
284
OAOUS µas ixe1s 6ouAous O'OU FALIEROS, Thrinos 82 els Tovs Aa11TW\I cxv8pc.:mous
C1V1166w11
a116pc..>1TOUS C:Xll8pc..>1TOI
T01TCX1T0:661TOUAOS (1260, ibid. 17, 8.1). Masc. &Fem.
Masc. &Fem.
For the nominative singular of proparoxytone nouns, forms in -os are the most common before, throughout and beyond the period covered by this Grammar: Masculine
; i
!
I I
-;:(~--;;-c,"~
Xp1crr66ouAos, OlalapcxKAoS Log. parig. L 549 b i\pµoup6nou:Aos Ann. 75 ITps [VLASTos], Dig. P IV 342.17 (< -Apa\jl) o 61KTaµos exe1 6v11aµ111 LANDOS, Geopon. 130.25 (< TO 61KTaµov) o x6Tµavas (1654, Stockholm, TCHENTSOVA 2004: 4, 57.16) Feminine
fl cpuAaKfl Kai Kaµ1v05 GLYKAS, Stichoi 139 T\ e116vµ1os (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 33.84) fi eµno6os eKew~v T~ll nEAEyplvwv Chron. Mor. H 443; Kal irpoll
Acc.
cruvooo1
pov (1430-35?, Pontos, ALEXAKIS/MAVROMATIS 2015: 5, 12.9); 6 0eomq>TOV (16th c., Pontos, OUSPENSKY/ BENECHEVITCH 1927: 186, 123.1).
2 Nouns
II Nominal Morphology
288
Genitive Masc. & Fem.
laen.
l-ov
Historically the genitive singular of proparoxytone nouns in /os/ displays a shift of the stress from the antepenultimate to the penultimate. Forms with such a shift of the stress can be found throughout and beyond the LMedG and EMG periods: Masculine ,rep\ TOU µ0110Kepov Phys. 989a (< µ0116Kepc..is) TOO 0..6:qx,v STAFIDAS, latrosof. 12.342 TOU µcryelpov (1440, Patras, GERLAND 1903: 22,224.11) TOU pT]6EIITOS µov eyy611ov (1497, Corfu, KARYDIS 1999b: 1,305.25) Kai eav, ya66pov xapµo11"1 Poulol. 516 TOU KWIOyepov (1523, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 71, 134.73) Ma11ovf0ov TOU rp11yopo,rouAOV (ibid 84, 156.4) 11"10\IEI µ!av KEcpaAT] ya66:pov KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 278.36; 6e116po11 TOU fiAlov ibid. 335.21 0v T{t TOU ,rp&TOV (1599, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 54, 74.8) -r' AIITIXPlEIITT] yepoµo116:xov (1665, Crete, LYDAKI 2000: 10,418.2) 6icx xepos Ev6vµlov 1epoµo11axov EFTHYM., Chron. Gal. 13.9 Feminine Tijs
oKTai)xov NIKON, Logos 1 48.8
Tl q>VACXKT} Kai K6:µ111oS Kai xelpw11 Tiis Kaµl11ov GLYKAS, Stichoi 139 TTJII 6upa11 Tijs ela66ov Ptoch. I 226 VTOV (1571, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2008: 1, 53.1) TOO KamTcx11 'lmr6AVTov T{a11wi'.11 (1623, Bergamo, KORRE 2008: 2, 330.6) KVP T1µ66eov (1625, Athas, LEMERLE 1988: 66, 192.20) Kai EYJUAoS Porikol. I 174 and Pon'koL II 44 Ti'\S cx~vaaos Pent. Gen. 7.11
2 Nouns
Il Nominal Morphology
290
1a1ll (1588 [17th-c. copy], Zakynthos, MAVROS 1980: 464.25) TWV EKKATJat~aTIKW~ av8pcb1rc,.:,v (1653-55, Venice, FONKIC 2000: 239, f.l v.2)
Feminine Twv epflµeuv GERMANO, Grammar 59.22 TWV avv66c,.:,11 SPANOS, Grammar 31.12
Occasionally forms may be found in which the historical shift of the stress to the penultimate is not observed: KC:Xl yap 6 Zeus yeVVTJTIKoS lxveµc,.:,v TW\I apKTc;x.>11 KAMAT.,Astron. 2309 ~A-fl 6cxtµ6vc,.:,v Kcxl aypt6Tpayc,.:,v Spanos D 849 lxv8pc,.:,1rc,.:,v ){PlaTtaVWV (1538, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 36, 37.8) µ1cx lTEVTJTapcx Pc,.:,µ16Toup1II KMoyepc,.:, (1572,Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 11,134.15)
295
l-ous
Genitives plural in -ous occur routinely, with masculine nouns only, in texts from Cyprus. An example also occurs in the Chronicle of Papasynadinos (see 2.2.1 and 2.3.3 for more examples), and in a lOtb-c. inscription from Paternit, Crimea (see 2.1.2 for a later example from the same area; both examples are discussed in MARK0POULOS 2010). For a discussion see 1.2. These genitives show a shift of the stress from the antepenultimate to the penultimate: TJYOVµEVOS Tf\s µ011i'j5TOVS aylous 'A,rOO'T6Aous (907, Crimea, LATYSHEV 1896: 69, 75.10-11) TCX ,rcx161cx EKelvous TOVS av8pcb1rous (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 228.74); KC:Xl TOVS . av8pw,rovs Kal Twv yuvoo1ou'.?1.-fiv Tovs KMovs avepc;.,nous Assizes A 26.17-18 TO evav TOV atp T1rovs ibid. 273.15 . . TO µavaaT-f}p1 TOVS 'Aylous 'Amxrr6Aous (1619, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 2, 7.3-4) EvoplTTJSTOVS'Aylous 0eo6wpous PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §18.1-2
Accusative Masc. & Fem. l-ous
The accusative plural ending -ous is the most common ending for masculine nouns. With feminine nouns, which tend to either become masculine or undergo analogical influence from the feminine endings of the old 1st declension (see below), it is much less common. The accusative plural usually retains the historical s~ of the stress from the antepenultimate to the penultimate: ·
II Nominal Morphology
296
Masculine Tovs ellaqx,vs Dig. E 1369 (< fem.) xal vex 161's Tovs ayp1ox6:Tovs Vulgiirorakel VII. I I , , e~66ovs firoixa iroMovs Pol. 1r. 1542 app. crit. (A)(< fem.); 6vo irai6oirovil.ovs 2546 app. crit. (B) TOVS ,roMovs j3aaavovs Peri xen. 350 (< fem.) yo:66:povs 1j10cp10-µtvovs Poulol. 572 µe TOVS cxv!n:VT01TOUhOVS {1465, Rome, LAMBROS 1930: 290.19-20) µe e~66ovs ,roMous (1487, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 10, 66.9-10) ~< fem.) .. TOVS 8ail.ao-o-lµovs, i\yovv TOVS VCXVTaS Assizes A 46.6; oil.ovs TOVS.e~66ovs 1b1~. 222. ~ 9_ (< fem.)_ o:rre Tovs elao-66ovs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 52.23-4 (< fem.); Kai K TovpxonovMovs 1b1d. 54.35, TOVS ,rapo!xovs ibid. 540.13; cmou TOUS e~66ovs cmoO ',roil.oµovo-ao-1v ibid. 638.30 (< fem.) µe TOVS tyy6vovs xal 6iO'l:yy6vovs CHEILAS, Chron. 354.8 CXVaKaTW8Tt ... µe ,rana6oxail.oy,'}povs (1566, Venice, PA TRINELIS 1992: 1, 290.20) Bia TOVS xail.oyfpovs TOVS (16th c., Macedonia?, LEMERLE 1988: App. IV C, 236.38) x· eyeµc.uaav ol EKKhTJO"IES TOVS Tovpxoxail.oyepovs Thrinos Konst. (Zoras) 55 TETOlovs apx1rn10"K6TrOVS (1653-5, Venice, FON KI~ 2000: 240, f.1 v.13) va 61~XVTJ Tovs ycxi66:povs Wos Aisop. K 205.31 Feminine e~66ovs sxo1ms iroMas, ela66ovs 6e 6A!yas Proch. /184 TCXS o:rrelpovs l~66ovs Dig. T 1534 TIS ept'Jµovs GERMANO, Grammar 59.24 The accusative plural can sometimes be found without a shift of the stress:
els xpovaous ail.vaovs Diig. Alex. V 71.26-7 (< fem.) o:rro TOY M1xarvi xal 1c.>aVVTJV l:cxpaKTJV61TOVhOVS (1527, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 120, 218.46) OTI Xf)Ec.)O"T&I O"OV TEO"O-epe1s xoip6novil.ovs (1539, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2009: 964, 756.4-5) ox1 µe e~o6ovs xaxes DAM; STOUD., This., Logos 12, µ5v.22 (1561) ~av •.. enlTpoirovs (1571, Mani, DOKOS 1972: 6,262.7) i')Bl(,)~es TOUS pTJy6irovil.ovs KoRNAROS, Erot. V.1411 ma e meglio ~o6ovs GERMANO, Grammar 59.11 Bui TOVS Ko:TOIKOVS (1700, Demesticha, DOKOS 1975: 15, 175.6)
In specific phonetic environments final Isl may be deleted in texts from south-western areas, e.g. µe Tous &~aSEAcpou µas (1524, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 19, 60.5). For details and more examples see I, 3.7.1.1. Fem.
I-es: -as Feminine words in -os, and especially prefixed forms of 666s such as e~o6os 13 and e1uvo6os tend to undergo analogical influence from the old 1st declension (feminines in -a and -TJ), adopting the-Es ending, or sporadically even the archaizing -as encl~ng: 13
fothe 'case of f~~605, this new plural no~ly means "expenses", not "exits", and one can sporadically even
· • find a new singular fonnation based on this plural: µ! xapµocn,111111 Koo xapa xoo !~061'} µey&AT}v Chron. Mor. P 8597; CveKa Tpoq>~ KOO Mpas l~66TJS DOUKAS, lst., 289.33.
2 Nouns
297
µe f~o6es µeyail.es Chron. Mor. H 8597 Bia TIS 6~o6es (1486, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 4, 50.15) µe f~o6es TOO cni-roO K(,)VQ"TaVTt'j (1535, Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 4, 120.17) els TIS &µmil.es Tovs Pent. Gen. 25.16 aTTo KaKes s~o6es DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 19, p8v.2-3 (1561); µa~~vovVTat Els Tes o{,vo6es id. Logos 21, cp4v.26 · µe o-irt~eS Kai e~o6es e61KtS TOV (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 31, 50.15) irapaypaq,es 61:v fx(,) µnil.16 a-To voO µov Stathis 1.293 dicono anco I' Accusatiuo Plur. ~o6es GERMANO, Grammar 59.16 Tes auvo6es (1623, Bergamo, KoRRE 2008: 2, 330.9) cmo TES e~o6epov PAPASYNAD., Chron, II §11.114 Bia XPETJ Kal e~o6es (1702, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 35, 49.10) Kai 1TO:o-as TCXS e~66as (1266, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 303,434.19) e~o6as exovo-1 iroMas Proch. II 84 app. crit. (H) Masc.
I
Acc.
l-o,
An accusative ending -01, identical to the nominative, has been found in texts from the Cyclades (see 1.3 for details): CX1TO\J TIS 0:Vc.)8e xail.oy1fpo1 (1576, Andros, PO LEM IS 1995a: 19, 151.17) (for the article Tis see 5.2.1) xal TIS &Mot O'VVTpoq>OI (1695, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 11, 26.34-5) O"VVP(,)TT)aao-t cxv8~1TOI TrpaTIKOI (1701, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 19, 34.20); Kai Va !36:vov av8pCmo1 vex To µ01pa~ovv ( 1706, ibid. 67, 78.18) Fem.
With the noun e~oSos one may sporadically even encounter what appears to be the ending of former 3rd-declension nouns in -is (see 2.12.4). However, it is likely that this plural is in fact modelled on the obsolete dative plural e~o601s (as the notary Maras invariably spells it; he has many instances of the form, but always in the same phrase: &-rravc.> Eis Tµaa1 (for the dative see 1.1; also note the use of the archaizing article T~ KOO Mpas l~66TJS DOUKAS, lst., 289.33.
2 Nouns
297
µe f~o6es µeyail.es Chron. Mor. H 8597 Bia TIS 6~o6es (1486, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 4, 50.15) µe f~o6es TOO cni-roO K(,)VQ"TaVTt'j (1535, Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 4, 120.17) els TIS &µmil.es Tovs Pent. Gen. 25.16 aTTo KaKes s~o6es DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 19, p8v.2-3 (1561); µa~~vovVTat Els Tes o{,vo6es id. Logos 21, cp4v.26 · µe o-irt~eS Kai e~o6es e61KtS TOV (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 31, 50.15) irapaypaq,es 61:v fx(,) µnil.16 a-To voO µov Stathis 1.293 dicono anco I' Accusatiuo Plur. ~o6es GERMANO, Grammar 59.16 Tes auvo6es (1623, Bergamo, KoRRE 2008: 2, 330.9) cmo TES e~o6epov PAPASYNAD., Chron, II §11.114 Bia XPETJ Kal e~o6es (1702, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 35, 49.10) Kai 1TO:o-as TCXS e~66as (1266, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 303,434.19) e~o6as exovo-1 iroMas Proch. II 84 app. crit. (H) Masc.
I
Acc.
l-o,
An accusative ending -01, identical to the nominative, has been found in texts from the Cyclades (see 1.3 for details): CX1TO\J TIS 0:Vc.)8e xail.oy1fpo1 (1576, Andros, PO LEM IS 1995a: 19, 151.17) (for the article Tis see 5.2.1) xal TIS &Mot O'VVTpoq>OI (1695, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 11, 26.34-5) O"VVP(,)TT)aao-t cxv8~1TOI TrpaTIKOI (1701, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 19, 34.20); Kai Va !36:vov av8pCmo1 vex To µ01pa~ovv ( 1706, ibid. 67, 78.18) Fem.
With the noun e~oSos one may sporadically even encounter what appears to be the ending of former 3rd-declension nouns in -is (see 2.12.4). However, it is likely that this plural is in fact modelled on the obsolete dative plural e~o601s (as the notary Maras invariably spells it; he has many instances of the form, but always in the same phrase: &-rravc.> Eis Tµaa1 (for the dative see 1.1; also note the use of the archaizing article TAlyo 6pooos (15th c., Cyprus?, TSANGALAS 1983: 131.7) . TO ~~s FALIEROS, /st. On. 585 , . eµa~oove ~loS 1TOAV VEN DRAM OS, lstor. Filarg. 115 µe µeyaAo epfivoS Theseid VI.62,4 (Olsen) · To &pfivoS DIAKR., Diig. PoL 948 ·. 1TOTaµous xal ~P TPOX.TIA KOIICTOVAEVTTJV TTopToy~,11 (15th c., Cyprus, BRAYER et al. 1951: 67, f.Ilv.3); !A11mas . viol !Ai,rnas 1.aµ,rovpapalot MALAXOS M., /st. patr. 222.9-10 0:\lc,.)6ev Kpaaa6es (1591, Kefalonia, CHRYSOCHOIDIS 1977: 1,207.39) 30 A proparoxytone nominative plural in Voustronios: rn:nt:>o-av 6uo cxµlpaSes VousTR., Chron. A 84.10 does not inspire much confidence, as the stress notation of the ms is not entirely consistent (see Kl!CHAYOGLOU 1997: 75•-7•).
2 Nouns
II Nominal Morphology
310
The accusative ending is /a/. It often occurs with final /n/ but can also be found without: oos ,rpos f3oppo:11 (1089, Leros/Samos, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIDOU 1980: 52, 53.55) 10011111'111 foi6apoipay611 (1095, S. Italy/Sicily?, GUILLOU 1963: 2, 49.16) NiK&.av ll>a~crrw (1157?, Sicily, CUSA 1868/82: Coll. V: 10, 316.3) TOV ,ra,rciv GLYKAS, Stichoi 271; TOV !:>.~6av ibid. 370 · KEpaT0:11 Ptoch.120; yehovav exoo 1(001(1\10'.ll ibid III 198 re&>py1011 TcnKO'.A0'.11 (ca. 1300, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1977: 91, 104.54) Xo:A1.uxvloo 6uo, µaaTpa1ra6es Tpeis (1258, Philadelphia?, BOMPAIRE et al. 2001: 15, 158.189) (< Turk. Tna§rapa) oi aµ1pa:6es Dig. G 11.85 ol xeipo:Aci6es o:>.01 Chron. Mor. H 138 Ev6a 1.oyoOv MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 26.2 ol aµa~a6es Velis. p 811; o:AOya Kai yiopya6es ibid. 812 ol axoVTapa6es Diig. Alex. E 143.4 (Lolos) oi KEXa"ia6es AITOLOS, Rim. Andron. 18 aya6es, ip:>.aµ,rovpapalot MALAXOS M., /st. patr. 222.9-10 0:\lc,.)6ev Kpaaa6es (1591, Kefalonia, CHRYSOCHOIDIS 1977: 1,207.39) 30 A proparoxytone nominative plural in Voustronios: rn:nt:>o-av 6uo cxµlpaSes VousTR., Chron. A 84.10 does not inspire much confidence, as the stress notation of the ms is not entirely consistent (see Kl!CHAYOGLOU 1997: 75•-7•).
'1
2 Nouns
II Nominal Morphology
312
ol VTa(36:6es eTva, xapKC:,µcrra (1612, Monemvasia region, BROUSKARI 1981: 316.64) 6vo ,rw.10yarra6es, [vas acrnpos Kai aMos µaupos (1613, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 847, 739.7-8) (= irw.,oyaµira6es < irw.10- + Ven. gahan) oi KpaaoiroTflpa6es MATTHAIOS MYR., /st. Vlach. 2123 ol 0wµ6:6es, oi cx(3(366es KRITOPOULOS, Grammar 108.30 ol aira86:6esKal ol a16ep6:6es PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §23.11 31 oi (3op6:6es (post 1647, Crete?, SCHREINER 1975/79: 65.III-V, 508.34.3) (< (3opp6:s) y{voVTal µaaxapci6es NEOFYTOS, Aclwuri 232 (< µaaKapas) µayKovtpapol, (3oe(3o66:6es (16th c., Macedonia?, LEMERLE 1988: App. IV C, 236.15) . 0 mxpwv Kvp 0o6wpiis 'l\VTp16Aas Kai KVP lH\µos Kai r,c:,pyos 'l\VTp10M6es (1619, Kefalorua,
ZAPANDI 2001b: 1, 187.2-3) oi (3oTJ(3oVT6:6es Tovs e¢Tfl~av Diig. Ala F 292.1-2 (Lolos) ol avw8e Kapal316:6es (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 17, 42.25) (< Kapa(3las); ol irapira6es (1637, ibid. 53, 68.31) (= µirapµira6es, see I, 3.6.2.1) 00'01 XOT~6:6es TtTOV 'Kei BOUNIALIS M., Diig. PoL 150.8 01 aae(3els atYXTJ6ES KCXI XOVT~a6es IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 9813
Kai Tl"crTIT)6ES va 1TpOOKVVOUV BOUNIALIS M., Kat. ofeL 286 fovvax&fJKaa,v ol XOT,Tj6es DIAKR., Diig. Pol. 116 Masc.
INom.
Masc.
laen.
1Ta~aµa6wv Kai 6Alyov cpve Tovs SoUMAKIS, Rebelio 58.24. The paroxytone genitive of the residual word ,rcxis, which had long been superseded by the diminutive To na16i(o)(v), can sometimes be found in mixed- and higher-register texts: Twv ncxi6c.>v cxuToO (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 67.79); lv Kol yap eK Twv ncx{6(,)v µov Ptoch. / 208; Twv aµq>OTEpc.>v nai6c.>v Flor. L 156 (Cupane); o\ nai6e TW\I nai6c.>v (1611, Mani, SKOPETEAS 1950: N, 72.20). Masc.
Masc.
laen. INom.
1-01 36
Substitution of the 2nd-declension ending -01 for -es occurs only sporadically: wcrcxv o\ yOnot elSThroTES ~pwµtov [VLASTOS], Dig. P VI 371.12.
323
I
(-es): -as
This genitive, which is morphologically identical to the accusativ~ (cf. all other masculine paradigms and see 1.2), has been found in a text from Cyprus: mpl Tous av6pas (ca 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 27.1).37
Accusative
Masc.
Masc. INom.
I
l-a6es
Acc.
The imparisyllabic plural very rarely extends to nouns belonging to this paradigm (cf. the accusative plural, beiow). One instance has been found of a proparoxytone form yumxSes in the London version of the Achilleid: oos yuna6es Tovs eq>ayav o\ TptaKoVTa µ6vov Achil. L 394 (Hesseling).
This inherited ending is the most common for the accusative plural: TOUS 6' ,rai6es (1062, Sicily, RoGNONI 2004: 11, 117.16) aMovs T1ves exVTpes Chron. Mor. H 4403; 61a µfives Svo ibid. 6600 vex CTTa6i'j Svo µfives (1491, Rhodes, TSIRPANLIS 1991: 1,234.24) OVTpes vex TTex µfives (1736, Naxos, KARABOULAIRODOLAKIS 2011/13: 42,144.3)
Genitive Masc. IL.P_1._ __,1l_a_e_n._ _.L.~_-_v_: I -&_:_~_-_ve_:_-_w_ve_-...JI '
The inherited ending -&v is the only ending for the genitive plural: airo1v Teuv Vulgiirorakel 1.191 µfoov Svo µTJVWV (1446, Chios, MANOUSAKAS 1960: 271.12) . TWV 8' IJTIYWV Lapid. 187.19 µTJVWV 1a' (1524, Crete, KAKLAMANis/LAMBAKIS 2003: 90, 170.21) uiro av6pwv (1545, Corfu, KARYDisffZIVARA 1994/96: 2, 99.8) opq>v em11ya1ve MONTSEL., Evgena 1212 36 There is no evidence for a full transfer to lost (*o yiill's), but cf. Tl Tov ywou &:vcx-roµT! (16th c. [ms), Unknown. BOUDREAUX 1912: 126.4).
I-es
In specific phonetic environments final Isl may be deleted in texts from south-western are-: as, e.g. TS av6pe µas Pist. voskos II 1.169; oi nai6e Twv naf6c.>v (1600, Mani, SKOPETEAS 1950: II, 70.10; and 1611, ibid. N, 12.20). For details and more examples see I, 3.7.1.1. Masc.
I
Acc.
l-o:s
This residual ending can be found occasionally throughout the period covered by this Grammar, usually alongside the more common forms in /es/ (e.g.: µETcx µfjvas Tfocrapovs KORONAIOS, And.rag. Bua VII.90 and K' f~e µ,;ves T6T' e~11cre ibid. VI.17): 37
Note that in this text ,rep! nonnally takes the genitive: mpl 67.75); ,rep\ TOVTOOV (ibid. 71.131) (N pl.).
'"'s
1rpo1KoS
(ibid. 47.156); ~pl CIV'Tou (ibid.'
2 Nouns
II Nominal Morphology
322
The inherited parisyllabic plural in -es is the regular form for all nouns belonging to this paradigm: ol ,rai6es TOV XCXAJyouv as ol KopcxKOI Diig. tetr. 792 iroMol µaa.6po1 (15th c., Cyprus?, TSANGALAS 1983: 132.19) ~pax16vo1 m611Pol Chron. Toe. 3392; ol ye1T6vo1 ibid. 3591 0}.01 q,vAa1V : -c..:> : -c..:>IIE
This is by far the most common ending for the genitive plural. The forms generally present a shift of the stress from the antepenultimate to the penultimate (cf. gen. sg. and nom., acc. and voe. pl.): o:px6VTc..:>V (1079, Constantinople, VRANOUSI 1980: 2, 18.11) ,;pc.:,c..:>11 ... KaTCXAoyov Ptoch.1116 T&'w ac..:>µaToq,uMKc..:>V Ptoch. IV 198 T&'w lAEq>exVTc..:>v Phys. 51 o:px6VTc..:>\I µeytaTCX\lul\l Veith. 785 T{;)v q>UAC!KaT6pc..:>v SACHLIKIS, Perifylakis 72 T&V ~OVAKOACXKc..:>V (16th c., Serres?, LAMBROS 1904a: 339.15) Tc..:>v AE6VTc..:>v Diig. Alex. K 351.3 (Mitsakis) eirdva Kat E~T)Ta Tc..:>11 µvpµT)yKc..:>V 11a Tov 6cliaovcnv NOUKIOS, Ais. Myth. 115.3-4 Taiv AE6VTc..:>\I KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 187.28; T&\I yiycxVTc..:>V ibid. 291.27 T&')II yep6VTc..:>V (1594, Paros, ALIPRANDIS 1974n5: 1, 109.4) µETCX T{;)v tepcxKc..:>11 Dig. A 760 T&v 111 ROMANOS, Grammar 4.21 T&v Ka~upc..:>11 GERMANO, Grammar 60.3 O! \jlapcx6es T&V KapACXKc..:>11 Benoldin. 125.17 T&v tAEq>O:VTc..:>V Alex. Fyll. 84.7-8
348
II Nominal Morphology
Masc.
PI.___,1.j_Nom_.~l-01____.I
1.---I
Nominative plural forms in -01, an ending borrowed from the /os/ paradigm, generally show a shift of the stress from the antepenultimate to the penultimate (cf. gen. sg. and acc. and voe. pl.; cf. also the alternative stress patterns in av6pc,Yrrot and av6pc7mot, for which see 2.1.3). Forms with this ending often occur alongside forms in -es, and the different stress patterns are, of course, especially convenient for versifiers, cf. cnhol oi ~tyi\cx-r6po1 Alex. Rim. 1113 (verse end) and 1v
Adoption of the imparisyllabic plural in -a6e) is quite rare. It occurs with the word MoVTcxs, possibly by analogy with (i)AEq>a6e) (see 2.2.1) and cf. the accusative plural, below), and with irpiy1CXT,11s; cf. oi &Aoq>CXT,fjSes in the same text (ibid. 12.38). In addition, compound words ending in -(µ)1rcxcrf)s (< Turk. ba§i), which normally have a plural in-11Ses, may adopt the plural ending -&6es, probably influenced by the word rrcxo-6:s (< Turk. pa§a) (see 2.2.1), which belongs to the same semantic field of Ottoman titles: o-ouµrrcxa6:6es (16th c., Macedonia?, LEMERLE 1988: App. NC, 236.14-15). Apart from the above-mentioned masculine nouns in -eus, which develop alternative forms in •TJS belonging to paradigm 2.3.3, and nouns in -10s, which develop alternative forms belonging to paradigm 2.3.4, certain other nouns may also transfer to the imparisyllabic /is/ paradigms 2.3.3 (oxytone) and 2.3.4 (paroxytone and proparoxytone), e.g. former 3rd-declension nouns in-ts such as µ6:vns, oq>ts, AouKcxpts, -rlypts,56 as well as proper names in ·TJS and -fjs such as 0eocpo:VTJS, 'Hpo:KAf\S and others: o1 µo:VTI6es, Twv µ&:vn6w11 Kal µ&:vrewv, TOVS µ6VTI6es, c':> µ&:vn8es SOFIANOS, Grammar
39.14-16. "Mqxwn:s, Tfyp116es BOUNIALIS M., Kat. ofel 481 Oof3epoi Apok. Theot. 496.193 ·. oi O11 A11µoa8lVtJ6c.>11, : TOVS A11µoa8lVTJ6es, w611µoa6l11116e5 SPANOS, Grammar28.28. . : · \ . ·· . . ·· . not be excluded that it is originally a feminine fonn meaning something like "fishwife".
2 Nouns
359
Foreign proper names and fonns of address that were originally indeclinable, such as ro:f3pn11A. 'Eµµcxvourii\. M1xcxrii\. MoupaT, µ10-tp and others, may transfer to paradigm 2.3.4: Tov KaµiraveO'T) Ta f6wKa11 Chron. Mor. H 1840 (..!µris (1575 [copy of 1653), Epirus, LAMBROS 1916b: 8, 135.1) ToO aouATa:11 MovpOTT) Chron. Tourk. Soult. 27.30-1 µa Kel110101 May,:>"yri6es ibid. 4311 (QS µou Be111aµ,;s (1694, Pontos, OUSPENSKYIBENECHEVITCH 1927: 188, 124.2) (ed. · Be111aµls) · · · Tov a11w8e11 ITcrnayar,p1f1A1l (1694-1704, Cyprus, KYRRIS 1987: 3, 78.9) 01 vvv aVTol Orµ611116es IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 3822 oi\66µris P &N Diath. 968 TOV lepoµovaxov Iepaq,elµ11 (1701, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/8.1: 22, 36.11) oXaaa.1111s (1704, Cyprus, KYRRis 1987: 2, 54.1)
Proper names in /os/ and less frequently those in /as/ may develop alternative forms in /is/: 6 6e p1jOeis KVP I{µos 6 f\Ao:µ&v11s {1447, Corfu, EFSTRATIADIS 1925: 50.1-2) (< 'l\Acxµavos); &-rro0o:v6vws TOU pT}OEVTOS KuptOKT} (1503, Corfu, PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI et al. 1997: 5, 25.11) (< KvptaKos); TOV Kvp-/\6:,apT) {1573, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2008: 24, 81.8) (< /\6:,apos); 6 nµ1C.:,Tmos Kup-NfoTop11s 6 o-16ep6:s {1652, Serres region, 0DORICO 1998: 69, 180.3) (< NfoTopo:s). Sometimes an oxytone derivational suffix is adopted: Tou 1rpoe1p11µe11ou 0eo&.>pi'j (1391, Corfu, TSELIKAS 1986b: 183.24) (< 0eo6wpos) Tou Ke.ucrravrlj Dig. E 42 (< Kw11crravr!11cs) TOV KVP Mmpvap6T] I0.011T,a (1525, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 99, 184.3) (< Mmp116p6os) · · · Kvp-Iwpav,; MaVT~ar,!110 (1575,Kefalonia, VAY0NAKIS et al. 2008: 6, 59.17) (< ITeq>avas); o Kvp i\yyeATJS 6 IT0Taµ1611os (ibid 32, 91.3) (< •AYYEAoS) .. fyw 0o6wp,;s ITpcxrCXAEVTilS (1585 [later copy]. Ithaca, KALLINIKOS 1980: 56.4)
o p116els KVp KW11CTTTJS (1503, Corfu, PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI et al. 1997: 7, 26.3) (< Kwvcrras) TOV µ1akp 1A11T1TT} IT µ&:vn8es SOFIANOS, Grammar
39.14-16. "Mqxwn:s, Tfyp116es BOUNIALIS M., Kat. ofel 481 Oof3epoi Apok. Theot. 496.193 ·. oi O11 A11µoa8lVtJ6c.>11, : TOVS A11µoa8lVTJ6es, w611µoa6l11116e5 SPANOS, Grammar28.28. . : · \ . ·· . . ·· . not be excluded that it is originally a feminine fonn meaning something like "fishwife".
2 Nouns
359
Foreign proper names and fonns of address that were originally indeclinable, such as ro:f3pn11A. 'Eµµcxvourii\. M1xcxrii\. MoupaT, µ10-tp and others, may transfer to paradigm 2.3.4: Tov KaµiraveO'T) Ta f6wKa11 Chron. Mor. H 1840 (..!µris (1575 [copy of 1653), Epirus, LAMBROS 1916b: 8, 135.1) ToO aouATa:11 MovpOTT) Chron. Tourk. Soult. 27.30-1 µa Kel110101 May,:>"yri6es ibid. 4311 (QS µou Be111aµ,;s (1694, Pontos, OUSPENSKYIBENECHEVITCH 1927: 188, 124.2) (ed. · Be111aµls) · · · Tov a11w8e11 ITcrnayar,p1f1A1l (1694-1704, Cyprus, KYRRIS 1987: 3, 78.9) 01 vvv aVTol Orµ611116es IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 3822 oi\66µris P &N Diath. 968 TOV lepoµovaxov Iepaq,elµ11 (1701, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/8.1: 22, 36.11) oXaaa.1111s (1704, Cyprus, KYRRis 1987: 2, 54.1)
Proper names in /os/ and less frequently those in /as/ may develop alternative forms in /is/: 6 6e p1jOeis KVP I{µos 6 f\Ao:µ&v11s {1447, Corfu, EFSTRATIADIS 1925: 50.1-2) (< 'l\Acxµavos); &-rro0o:v6vws TOU pT}OEVTOS KuptOKT} (1503, Corfu, PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI et al. 1997: 5, 25.11) (< KvptaKos); TOV Kvp-/\6:,apT) {1573, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2008: 24, 81.8) (< /\6:,apos); 6 nµ1C.:,Tmos Kup-NfoTop11s 6 o-16ep6:s {1652, Serres region, 0DORICO 1998: 69, 180.3) (< NfoTopo:s). Sometimes an oxytone derivational suffix is adopted: Tou 1rpoe1p11µe11ou 0eo&.>pi'j (1391, Corfu, TSELIKAS 1986b: 183.24) (< 0eo6wpos) Tou Ke.ucrravrlj Dig. E 42 (< Kw11crravr!11cs) TOV KVP Mmpvap6T] I0.011T,a (1525, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 99, 184.3) (< Mmp116p6os) · · · Kvp-Iwpav,; MaVT~ar,!110 (1575,Kefalonia, VAY0NAKIS et al. 2008: 6, 59.17) (< ITeq>avas); o Kvp i\yyeATJS 6 IT0Taµ1611os (ibid 32, 91.3) (< •AYYEAoS) .. fyw 0o6wp,;s ITpcxrCXAEVTilS (1585 [later copy]. Ithaca, KALLINIKOS 1980: 56.4)
o p116els KVp KW11CTTTJS (1503, Corfu, PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI et al. 1997: 7, 26.3) (< Kwvcrras) TOV µ1akp 1A11T1TT} ITT)TWII PRosoPSAS, Peri tyjlou 430 . . TII el6wA0AaTpw11 Alex. Fyll. 44.24; emaTOATJ T&111epoaoAvµ1T&11 ibid. 44.29 TWII virT)pETC::,v aas Don Kis. 546.18
II Nominal Morphology
380
The most common nom. pl. ending is the inherited ending -es (see also Introduction): ol epeµITES (1125, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 96, 125.1-2) (= EpT)µhes); ol KAe1ms T&v xo1p16k,:,v (1133, ibid. 113, 151.17) · eµeis oi irpcms (1134, S. Italy, Gu1LLou 2009: 43, 192.13) atpyevns Kai Ka~apol Chron. Mor. H 3281 l>Aot avyxo1vwvins µov Kai avµirovoiraaxins Pol. Tr. 13003 ol 6eKapxlnsxwplov T&v lv. ·. 6S In Cre~ literary texts the omission of final In/ is often editorial, justified on the basis of the modem dialect ~d certain ~uscripts written in Latin script (e.g. that of Fonounatos, which is an autograph). This is the case with t~ followmg example from Bounialis: aya&.> Kai Tc:raou011&.>, yioupM:Sc,>, aouµiraariS(.,) BOUNIALIS M., D11g. PoL 147.20; all these forms appear with final /n/ in the Xirouchakis edition. •
laen.
1-wv: -c.we
Substitution of the parisyllabic plural ending -c..)v for -T}6c..)v is not very common: au-rwv MayvEVTWV (1582, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 194, 118.23) TG'.>V a1raxoyAavc.uv Chron. Tourk. Soult. 141.6 (cf. TWV a1raxoyMVT16wV ibid. 41.10) 11 aKoAa T&v Taayyapwv (1675, 2.akynthos, Zo1s 1939: 4, 126.3) Twv µ1raKaAc.uv (1724, Meteora, SOF1ANOS 1986: 8, f.lv.4) TWV
It has also been found with the addition of -(v)e (see I, 2.6.3.1) in the same document from Kefalonia: Twv avc..>8ev MaveVTc..)VE (1582, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 194, 118.10); Twv avTWV MaveVTc..)VE (ibid. 118.21).
Accusative Masc.
I
Acc.
I
-TJ6es : -ij6es
From at least the 15th c. onwards (ms date of Assizes B) the most common ending for the accusative plural is -T}6es:
396
II Nominal Morphology
2 Nouns
Sporadically certain nouns denoting profession (Tcray1«ipTJS, µ,raKaATJS, cf. the genitive, below) may adopt the -a6es ending of sub-paradigm 2.2.1: µaCTT6po1 Tcrayyapa6es (1647, Kefalonia, BALLAS 2001: 2, 173.1).
Genitive
Masc.
laen.
l-a6wv
Nouns that denote profession may sporadically appear with the -cx6c..>v ending of subparadigm 2.2.1: ToO cxylou N1Koi\aou Twv vT{ayyapa6c..)v (1706, Zakynthos, Zo1s 1941: 1, 107.5); TW ,raKai\a6c..,v (1724, Meteora, SoFlANOS 1986: 8, f.85r.1 and f.87v.1) (= µ,raKai\a6c..)V, see I, 3.6.2.1).
Masc.
From at least the 15th c. onwards (ms date of Assizes B), the most common ending for the genitive plural is imparisyllabic /ilfon/: 64 ~vpyso,i6wv Assizes B 294.21 TWV Svo l3e,lpT16wv DoUKAS, Hist. 169.8 app. crit (P) EK TWV BapaaKt6c.>v Ekth. Chron. 48.17; aXAa Kai l3e,fjp16wv ibid. 56.2; TWV J\pcrnT)6c.uv 68.24 TWV µaVT16c.>v SOF1ANOS, Grammar 39.15 T6°lv a,raxoyi\6VT16c.>v Chron. Tourk. Soult. 41.10 ypaq>oVTaS T&v KCX1tETav1wv Kai yevepaAT16C.:,v TOV VENETZAS, VarL & Joas. 32.26-7 (< yevep&Aes < Ital. generale) Tc':)v a:vc.,Bev wµ1r6KT16wv (1647, Kefalonia, BALLAS 2001: 2, 174.24) T&v avw Aeyoµevwv PoVT,EPT16wv (1651, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1958/59: 23, 165.15) Tc':)v ETEpc.>v 1rp16pT16wV (1691, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 145, 84.1) (< 1rp16pes < Ital. prion!) TWV TovpKµEVT16wv VATATSIS, Periig. II 109 TWV oµc.xrµevc.>v 1roAyapT16c.>v (1684 [18th-c. copy], Sibiu, TSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 2011: B 22,
Masc.
laen.
TWV
f.184r.10) (V KaTEPYQPT16c.>v Don Kis. 166.16-17; Tc.>V apcrnT)6c.>v ibid. 321.5; Toov x0Kaµmx,T16oov Tc.>v KovKAaµ1ra,T16wv ibid. 326.4-5 ( oKovpTeaes. Interestingly, this only applies to nouns originally in-fos, in other words, to words that do not derive from nouns in -eus. In fact, paroxytone forms in-fos (all cases in the singular and gen. pl.) from nouns that formerly ended in -eus are very rare in Cretan texts, appearing only occasionally in non-literary texts with less regional colouring (e.g. the notarial documents of Grigoropoulos), and in verse texts for metrical reasons. The majority of forms in -fos in Cretan verse texts are a matter of conservative spelling and should be read with synizesis (as ['jas]). It is quite likely, though impossible to establish, that the same holds true for prose and non-literary texts. Significantly, there are only three real paroxytone examples in the whole of Erotokritos, one in Stathis and two in Erofili (not counting occurrences in stage directions, which are in prose), four in Palaia kai Nea Diathiki, six in Bounialis's Cretan War, one in Panoria and none in Katzourbos. They are absent in the works of Sachlikis, Fortounatos and Landos's Geoponikon ..In most of these works, forms in -16s (see 2.1.1) and to a lesser degree -10s (see below) are by far the most frequent. As -1as presupposes the previous existence of -fos, this indicates that Cretan will have moved from -fos (< -eus) to other oxytone forms (-16s, -16:s, -iis) quite early on. For similar developments in the feminine paradigm in -fo see 2.11.4.68
a
66 67
AI1 early example is: VTTo Tou :-\v5pfoActs ofAndrew 59.1 (2nd/3rd c. AD; ed. Prieur; see the online TLG). The same holds tnie for the later place name Mopfos, which is not attested before the 12th c., see BON 1%9:
2 Nouns
Apart from the above-mentioned handful of old 1st-declension nouns in -fos ('Av6pfos, l3opfos, etc.) and a few old 1st-declension words in -to:s such as Ko:vx11µo:rlo:s > KO:V)('flµ KvKvfos, nouns do not generally tend to transfer from other paradigms to the one under discussion. New formations in -fos are limited to proper names such as Bo:l3ovAfos, 8CXTfos, Mo:Meo:s and others, as well as a few other nouns denoting physical characteristics or a habitual action such as µo:vpfos, ycxµfos and 6N:0pfos, a word made up by Ennoniakos: ws KCXKov Ko:\ 6N:8pfov ERMON., /Lias 6.15. Most of these nouns, with the exception of l3opfos, do not normally form a plural. For alternative plural formations of personal names see 2.10. Despite these innovations, the old forms of the -Eus paradigm are still used quite widely in LMedG and EMG written sources, especially of the noun !30:awus. The irregular noun Zeus (AG gen. tu6s, acc. ~lex) tends to move to the residual side of this paradigm, forming an innovative gen. and acc. sg. Zeu. The residual nominative in -eus and vocative in -ev are sometimes treated as indeclinable forms and used for the other cases as well. As the number of nouns in -eus/-fos is limited and as most of the words in this group are semantically restricted and appear in specific contexts only (!30:avJo:s "king", ypo:q>fos "scribe", qiovfos "murderer", XCXAKECXS "blacksmith", J\xvJJ.o:s "Achilles", '06vaafos "Odysseus"), it is not always possible to determine the geographical spread of the different forms. 2.4.1
The Paradigm General
Restricted
,.
Rare
- .
Singular
Nom.
~o-v.eas ~a1A1as
~ao-lA.EvS ~ao-v.las ~ao-iMs
~ao-1AEO
Gen.
!xxalAECAlS
J,aav.16s/!xxav.1ws -e6IA.OKMfJ01oS, KaAQS iEpevs PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §13.10 eTm11 TOU 6 Baawus Berto/dos 28.7 6 fxxawus EIIIIOIO~ETO Thrinos Kypr. 16 o auyypaqisus OVTTJS TTIS 1crroplas Don Kis. 53.9
Forms without final /s/, which are, in fact, residual vocatives singular (see below), are sometimes used as nominatives, which underlines the residual nature of the -eus endings: 8e6s yap 6voµa~ETaJ Kal 6 J3aawu, ,ra16I µou Spaneas V 77 rewpyios 1epeii (1357, Constantinople, KonER et al. 2001: 240,386.12) ecrreqi91l ... J3aawii (app. crit) (15th c., Peloponnese, SCHREINER 1975n9: 32, 230.11.2) 6 6e f3aawii CllovAes (1524, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 18, 60.9) (cf. pl Tov ¢louA1&6es (1527,
I
Residual nominatives in -eus are used routinely throughout the LMedG and EMG periods, especially of the word f3cxcni.Eus, and not only in mixed- and higher-register texts, probably because it sounded more elevated and appropriate for kings and emperors:
Masc.
jsg.
407
.
Genitive Masc.
jaen. I-ea :-s&/-1& : -la The emergence of the genitive ending -ea pre-dates the period covered by this Grammar and appears with old 1st-declension and new words in -fos as well as with nouns in -fos
406
2 Nouns
IT Nominal Morphology
1c..xxV\ITJS Cl>vrlas (1198, S. Italy, T'R.INCHERA 1865: 243,328.37) yp1KwVTa Oµ1OVES lvo-raVTlvou Kupoii Toii XaAKla (1301, Athos, LEFORT 1973: 10, 79.3) M1xaii7i. 6 Toii Xa7i.K!a (1355, Lemnos, LEMERLE et al. 1979: 136, 65.133) Tou µ1atp AVTp{a VousTR., Chron. A 44.3, B 45.3 and M 45.3 KVP f\VTpla f\pµeVtaKoii (1524, Corfu, UTSAs/LEONDIADOU 2011: 127, 159.45; and ibid 151, 187.39) TOV ypaljlaVTOS ,ra,ra-1c.iaVVT) Xs ibid. 8328 (< 'l\Acpfos < 'l\Acpe16s) Tt eTaa1 f,aatMc.>S ulbs Flor. L 1145 transcr. (Panayotopoulou/Lendari)69 TOV apxoVTOS fi.vcraews ERMON., Ilias 8.74 (< '06vaaeus) TOU 6ecrn6TT} TOU Moptc.>s (15th c., Cyprus, BRAYER et al. 1951: 71, f.lr.12) TOV :A.ylou 'l\v6pec.>s (15th c., Peloponnese, SCHREINER 1975n9: 32, 230.10.1; and 16th C. [ms],· ibid. 33.1, 248.30.5); ol f\Af,avhes Toii Moptc.>S (ibid. 33.11, 250.41.2) mpl Toii leptc.>s Assizes A 113.30 6 Toii Movpews ,rplyKnras Chron. Toe, 529 (for lo/> lu/ see I, 2.5.4) TOV (3ovv(ov) TOV Bopec.>s (1430-48, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1995: 99, 169.34) els TO ,ra]im1v Toii f,amAic.>S MAcHAIRAS, Chron. V 36.28-37.1 TOV ,reµ,roVTOS ypacpec.>s Cypr. Cam:. 141.3 TOV leptc.)!, Ti'jS EKKAT}alas (1506, Crete, KAKLAMANis/LAMBAKIS 2003: 2, 5.18); crrro 6e TOV f,opec.>s (1510, ibid. 19, 33.9) 6 f,aa!Mas, Toii (3aa!Mc.>s SoFIANOS, Grammar41.23; 6 lepfos, Toii iepsc.>s ibid 41.2~7 NtKT}cpopou TOV Kepaµfo.,s (1565-75, Constantinople, FoERSTER 1877: 9, 18.21); TOU f,amAic.>S /\foVTOS TOV aocpoO (ibid. 11, 20.48); rec.>pyiou \epec.>s (ibid. 12, 24.6) Toii Moptc.>s (1571, Mani, CHASIOTIS 1970: 6.t 241.12) TOV f,aatAtc.>s 1c.>avvou Chron. Tourk. Soult. 25.17; 6ecrn6TT} TOV Mopec.>s ibid. 35.4 TOV aUTOKps (1610, Mani, FLORISTAN 2008: 1,281.7) O"TOV f,aaiMws Ta vepa BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 574.16 Toii f3aatMc.>s VljlTJAOii KoNoAR., Paules 244 fi.1oµfi6ous TOV Tu6fos PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 253; TOV \eptc.>s TOV Xp1o-roii ibid. 3080 Povµe7i.11s Kai Mopsc.>s EFTHYM., Chron. Gal. 34.23
The forms may become oxytone through synizesis, and the ending is then spelled either or (representing['~] or ['ja]; see I, 2.9.4): TOV 6ecrn6TOu TOU Mopea MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 682.16 ei6e :::t~ov f,aCJIAlpayKOUAT} (1670, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 4, 15.2) ITtrpou ITa,ra6ccrov, lxAtci: (1683, Corfu, KAPADOCHOS 1990: 57,267.7) TOV f\VTptci: (1689, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 914, 1219.2-3) ,r7'.T}CJ{ov NtKOAOOV Xs VljlTJAOii KoNoAR., Paules 244 fi.1oµfi6ous TOV Tu6fos PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 253; TOV \eptc.>s TOV Xp1o-roii ibid. 3080 Povµe7i.11s Kai Mopsc.>s EFTHYM., Chron. Gal. 34.23
The forms may become oxytone through synizesis, and the ending is then spelled either or (representing['~] or ['ja]; see I, 2.9.4): TOV 6ecrn6TOu TOU Mopea MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 682.16 ei6e :::t~ov f,aCJIAlpayKOUAT} (1670, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 4, 15.2) ITtrpou ITa,ra6ccrov, lxAtci: (1683, Corfu, KAPADOCHOS 1990: 57,267.7) TOV f\VTptci: (1689, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 914, 1219.2-3) ,r7'.T}CJ{ov NtKOAOOV XS (< -evs) appears sometimes with 'HpalV\iJs (AG Gen. 'Hpoouious), e.g. Tou . 'HpaKAic.)S, ?,fyoo 6iJ Dig. A 1346 app. crit; 's vcxbv Tov 'Hpai /psi see I, 3.8.1) Tou 'EpKovi\evs Pol. Tr. 325 app. crit (BEX) TOU Zeus CHORTATSIS, Erof. m.296 transcr. X (Legrand) ToO µt!ycx Zeus 1ra16! 'µai TRmLOS, RodoL Prol. Mell. 57 (Aposkiti) .
'
70
Note that a genitive in -Ec.>S (< -evs) appears sometimes with 'HpalV\iJs (AG Gen. 'Hpoouious), e.g. Tou . 'HpaKAic.)S, ?,fyoo 6iJ Dig. A 1346 app. crit; 's vcxbv Tov 'Hpaiep11ov11 TT}V els TOIi ~crwa Florios 68; va O'E cpopfoc.), ~awav Ila ae avaKTjpu~c.> ibid. 1119
413
Kcxl l3ao-1A1a TOIi Kpa{ouv FALIEROS, Log. did. 83 va TOII-E Kaµou l3aa1A16 P&N Diath. 3396 ecrK6Tc..>cra11 TOV l3acr1A1a Thrinos Konst. (Zoras) 17 cnrov TO Bopea (1605, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 289,277.6) µfoa els TOIi Mop16 (1613, Mani, LASKARIS 1957: 2,308.22) TOii 'ATplct (1671, Naxos, TOURTOGLOU 1995: 1,509.3) (< 'Av6pfos) ,rouvcn O'TO Mop16 MATESIS, Chron. 65.20 KCXTCI. T011 l3opya11 (1692, Larnaca, MITROPOULWS 1923: A, 325.6) (= l3op16v) q>OIIICI µ~11 T611e l3yaATJ KORNAROS, Erot. II.108 Ostensibly conservative spelling practice may conceal the stress shift, but from verse texts it becomes apparent when the forms need to be read with synizesis in order for the verse to scan, e.g. 1 ['ia]), for which see I, 2.9.4.3, or it may in fact represent [ 1ja] (or ['ja]), as the following example illustrates: Kl &qri'jTe ~µilvcx TOV Moplcxv Chron. Mor. P 4247. For more information on synizesis and accent placement, see 1.5. Masc.
IAcc. Just like the genitive (see above), this accusative ending is much rarer and appears considerably later than its nom. sg. counterpart in -!ls. With former 3rd-declension nouns it has been found in texts from Chios and texts of unknown origin of the 16th c. (ms date of Achil 0) and later: Kai T}A6av els Tov ~crvJ Achil. 0 19 ECTK6Tc.)O'(XII To11 l3aavJ Thrinos Konst. 17 (P-K); vaxovv Pc.)µaiov l3acrvJ ibid. 29 6e~a1 TO OUII CTCXII l3acriM PRosOPSAS, Peri tyffou Dedic. 19 Tpe~env els TOIi l3acriAf KONDAR., Paides 122 els TT)II Ivpla ~O'IAE ecreva I/Cl K0:6{crovv PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1028; TOVTOII TO\I vfov 'Ax!Me ibid. 1258 With nouns originally in -fos (i.e. not derived from -eus) the ending occurs in texts from Crete (for discussion see the Introduction to this section; cf. nom. and gen. sg.; see also I, 2.9.4.3): µe TOii Kup 'AVTCilVTJ (l)ovht (1536, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 160, 164.2) CX1TOU TOIi KVP Mcxvo Bapouxcx, ky6µe110 TiapGeve (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 27, 47.4); KCXI To &Mov O'TO B Ptoch. lll273.79 app. crit. (P) ' . q>ep11ov11 TT}V els TOIi ~crwa Florios 68; va O'E cpopfoc.), ~awav Ila ae avaKTjpu~c.> ibid. 1119
413
Kcxl l3ao-1A1a TOIi Kpa{ouv FALIEROS, Log. did. 83 va TOII-E Kaµou l3aa1A16 P&N Diath. 3396 ecrK6Tc..>cra11 TOV l3acr1A1a Thrinos Konst. (Zoras) 17 cnrov TO Bopea (1605, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 289,277.6) µfoa els TOIi Mop16 (1613, Mani, LASKARIS 1957: 2,308.22) TOii 'ATplct (1671, Naxos, TOURTOGLOU 1995: 1,509.3) (< 'Av6pfos) ,rouvcn O'TO Mop16 MATESIS, Chron. 65.20 KCXTCI. T011 l3opya11 (1692, Larnaca, MITROPOULWS 1923: A, 325.6) (= l3op16v) q>OIIICI µ~11 T611e l3yaATJ KORNAROS, Erot. II.108 Ostensibly conservative spelling practice may conceal the stress shift, but from verse texts it becomes apparent when the forms need to be read with synizesis in order for the verse to scan, e.g. 1 ['ia]), for which see I, 2.9.4.3, or it may in fact represent [ 1ja] (or ['ja]), as the following example illustrates: Kl &qri'jTe ~µilvcx TOV Moplcxv Chron. Mor. P 4247. For more information on synizesis and accent placement, see 1.5. Masc.
IAcc. Just like the genitive (see above), this accusative ending is much rarer and appears considerably later than its nom. sg. counterpart in -!ls. With former 3rd-declension nouns it has been found in texts from Chios and texts of unknown origin of the 16th c. (ms date of Achil 0) and later: Kai T}A6av els Tov ~crvJ Achil. 0 19 ECTK6Tc.)O'(XII To11 l3aavJ Thrinos Konst. 17 (P-K); vaxovv Pc.)µaiov l3acrvJ ibid. 29 6e~a1 TO OUII CTCXII l3acriM PRosOPSAS, Peri tyffou Dedic. 19 Tpe~env els TOIi l3acriAf KONDAR., Paides 122 els TT)II Ivpla ~O'IAE ecreva I/Cl K0:6{crovv PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1028; TOVTOII TO\I vfov 'Ax!Me ibid. 1258 With nouns originally in -fos (i.e. not derived from -eus) the ending occurs in texts from Crete (for discussion see the Introduction to this section; cf. nom. and gen. sg.; see also I, 2.9.4.3): µe TOii Kup 'AVTCilVTJ (l)ovht (1536, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 160, 164.2) CX1TOU TOIi KVP Mcxvo Bapouxcx, ky6µe110 TiapGeve (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 27, 47.4); KCXI To &Mov O'TO B11 (1487, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 10, 65.1) Twv iepewv Assizes A 43.30 · eµeva Kal Twv yovewv µou (1511, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 25, 45.49) Twv &px1epewv Diig. Alex. F 224.12 (Lolos) · Kal cxMwv ,roi\i\C:,v (3aatMwv (1565-75, Constantinople, FOERSTER 1877: 11, 20.48) To iri\fi6os •.• Twv hmewv Dig. A 3026; TC:iv (3aatMwv 111 µou auyypaq,ewv RODINOS, Vws /gn. 74.30 Tc.>V irix!>riv l3aa1Mwv TWS lOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 5616 .TW\I yovewv µou (1672, Zakynthos, BOUBOULIOIS 1957: 4, 118.19)
This imparisyllabic ending, borrowed from the oxytone -6:s paradigm (see 2.2.1) after the change of ['eas] to ('jas] through synizesis (see I, 2.9.4), first appears in written texts in the 15th c. (cf. acc. pl.) with both words originally in -fos and words derived from the former 3rd-declension paradigm .in -eus. It is usually spelled , and only occasionally
:
Masc.•
l-ewv : -ewvl-,C:iv
The inherited ending -eCvv remains in use throughout and beyond the period covered by this Grammar with nouns that derive from the 3rd-declension -eus paradigm, but it is not usually adopted with other nouns in -fos. Similarly to the singular (see above), paroxytone forms in -ec.vv are not very common in texts from Crete (see introduction to 2.4 for discussion):
l-16:6es/-ea6es
0001 elvai q,oV16:6es MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 334.36-7 iepm:6es oi µas (1501, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 5, 27.29) TW yovew µou BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol 515.16 Kai TW yovew µaxaip1cxv KORNAROS, Erot. IV.276; a-rC:, yovew µou ibid. IV.627
71
The spelling yovfo>
VTWS
,_,
in this example points to a pronunciation/yon'eo dos.I; see I, 3.7.2.1.3 for details.
'
416
II Nominal Morphology
w ,ra16ta ••• oirov 6aiµovlCovvTal oi yoveis av-rwv (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 228.74) Ti'is olKovµe1111s o\ &px1epeis Chron. Mor. H 790; oi 13 Zinon I.120, I.363, III.225; pT}ya&.l, ~0"1.A166oo FosKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 35. . Addition of-(v)e has been found in a document from Ithaca, but is likely to have had a wider geographical spread (see I, 2.6.3 for details): vo: 1Taye1 els Tou Xat.Kta6c.>ve (1637, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 38, 56.11) (for the article ToO(v) see 5.2.1). Masc.
jaen.
j-eis I -166es
These genitive endings, morphologically identical to those of the accusative plural, have been found in texts from Cyprus and they are likely to have had a wider geographical
2 Nouns
419
spread (see 2.1.2 for an example from the Crimea and 2.3.3 and 2.2.1 for examples from Macedonia; see 1.2 for discussion): 61xc,.)s Tov op1aµov Tous yovets (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 238.404) avev Ti'\s ei611011s Tous yovets au-rf\s Assizes A 96.28 TT}V KORNAROS, Erot. 1.187; T& yov1~ TT}V eVTpo1Tfl 1b1d. 1.701
Masc.
l0en.
1-16~v,-ea~v
The new imparisyllabic ending of the oxytone -as paradigm (see 2.2.1) occurs from the 15th c. onwards (cf. nom. and acc. pl.). The ending is usually spelled with and only rarely with : ~C11AEUS T&v f?,aawa6c,.)V Diig. Alex. F 288.1 (Lolos); oJ?,aawvs TWV J?,aa1A1a6c,.)V ibid. 76.10
(Konstantinopulos) etaai f?,a01Mas Tc,.)V {3ao-wcx~v 6~v Diig. Alex. K 363.18 TW f?,ao-17\\aSc,.)V Ohc,.)VWV CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.130 [~a1A]1cx~v ROMANOS, Grammar 5.23-4 Tt'.l>v cpov1cx~v RODINOS, Vws Ign. 86.28 Tt'.l>v {3aav..1cx~v Tl {3ouA11 BouNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 549.5 . c:rr&v Xap11 ~a01A16&.l aa,ov CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.31; 6uo ~a0"1Ata6(,) -rrp~eviis id., Erof. IV.27; T& ~ao-J.Aia6c.> Zinon I.120, I.363, III.225; pT}ya&.l, ~0"1.A166oo FosKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 35. . Addition of-(v)e has been found in a document from Ithaca, but is likely to have had a wider geographical spread (see I, 2.6.3 for details): vo: 1Taye1 els Tou Xat.Kta6c.>ve (1637, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 38, 56.11) (for the article ToO(v) see 5.2.1). Masc.
jaen.
j-eis I -166es
These genitive endings, morphologically identical to those of the accusative plural, have been found in texts from Cyprus and they are likely to have had a wider geographical
2 Nouns
419
spread (see 2.1.2 for an example from the Crimea and 2.3.3 and 2.2.1 for examples from Macedonia; see 1.2 for discussion): 61xc,.)s Tov op1aµov Tous yovets (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 238.404) avev Ti'\s ei611011s Tous yovets au-rf\s Assizes A 96.28 TT}V lµaxos); 6 PsµoOs ibid. 4706 (S Tp6:xrii\ov 6tv 1rpfoe1 irous a:v6µou Anak. Konst. 48 Kay~ ITaµ6:Tris 6 TovpoOs (1472 [copy of 1604], Naxos, KARABOULAIR.OOOLAKIS 2012/13:
107,216.16) 6 yi\vKusnicroOs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 18.5; 6 Tia1T1ToOs TOV 6 pt OUvyKES ibid. 94.7-8 0 T'c!lPT,TlS OTTovO'Tpous VOUSTR., Chron. A 98.15 Kl 6 vovs cxvayvp!,oVTa 6µ6:61 µET' aµ6:T1 FALIEROS, Thrinos 1 6 Iai\aµous efoev Fior Suppl. 277.3 lricrous o Tov NCXVT} Diig. Alex. K 349.5-6 Ma:~iµos NTaKopcpoOs (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 164, 156.1); Nu~oi\os ToVToOs (ibid. 169,
162.9) OlTOTES TT}S ,ra,r,rous (1586, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOUIDRAKAKIS 2010: 85, 65.10) 6 yepc.,v 6 ti\01ran1roOs Dig. A 1603 61ra1T1ToOs µov Chron. Tourk. Soult. 87.32 6 Kllp rec!lpyris TTe-roOs (1682, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 181,355.3)
Paroxytone forms are the norm for -rrpo-rra:-rr-rrous, but also occur as an alternative to -rra-rr-rroOs, most probably influenced by -rra:-rr-rros. Other paroxytone nouns in -ous include adapted forms of Turkish surnames in-oglu: Tijs 8Elas crov irovnos ,ra,r,rovs µov Spanos B 145 . 61rov foireipeii 61ra1r1rovs µas TheseidV 51,2 (1529) . 6 i\6aµ 6 1rpo1r6:1T1Tous µas Diig. Alex. F 198.17 (Lolos) 6 ira:,rnovs [VLASTOS], Dig. P II 324.3 and IV 342.23 76
For the validity of this fonn, see the discussion below.
TOO lTaTilTOO µas (1140, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 122, 162.11); els TOO 1faTilT00 (1198, ibid.
246,334.4) ToO Boo To TTriya61v (1329, Constantinople, BoMPAIRE et al. 2001: 68,375.79) 1i\01Ta1T1ToO TOO yepOVTOS Dig. G IV.33 . TOO 1acro0 TOO ylya Pol. Tr. 137 TOO voO Assizes B 439.17 ou6ev exovv aMriv 6pe~v TOV vov Anthos Ch. G 21.9 TOO i\eyoµevov lTOTE lTaTilTOU µov (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2009: 845, 660.20) ToO iroTe Kvp-1aKouµo Mirovi\VToO (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 226, 214.2) TOO voO SoFIANOS, Paidag. 105.6 TOO iroTe 1ra1T1ToO a,hoO (1588, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU!DRAKAKIS 2010: 251,211.10) ToO 1ra1r1roO µas 6 mrrmoOs Paroim. (Warner) 97.24 TOO lTp Kal i\µqllµaKovs ibid. 2820 (< Fr. Phimacus < :A.µq>lµaxos); 6 PsµoOs ibid. 4706 (S Tp6:xrii\ov 6tv 1rpfoe1 irous a:v6µou Anak. Konst. 48 Kay~ ITaµ6:Tris 6 TovpoOs (1472 [copy of 1604], Naxos, KARABOULAIR.OOOLAKIS 2012/13:
107,216.16) 6 yi\vKusnicroOs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 18.5; 6 Tia1T1ToOs TOV 6 pt OUvyKES ibid. 94.7-8 0 T'c!lPT,TlS OTTovO'Tpous VOUSTR., Chron. A 98.15 Kl 6 vovs cxvayvp!,oVTa 6µ6:61 µET' aµ6:T1 FALIEROS, Thrinos 1 6 Iai\aµous efoev Fior Suppl. 277.3 lricrous o Tov NCXVT} Diig. Alex. K 349.5-6 Ma:~iµos NTaKopcpoOs (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 164, 156.1); Nu~oi\os ToVToOs (ibid. 169,
162.9) OlTOTES TT}S ,ra,r,rous (1586, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOUIDRAKAKIS 2010: 85, 65.10) 6 yepc.,v 6 ti\01ran1roOs Dig. A 1603 61ra1T1ToOs µov Chron. Tourk. Soult. 87.32 6 Kllp rec!lpyris TTe-roOs (1682, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 181,355.3)
Paroxytone forms are the norm for -rrpo-rra:-rr-rrous, but also occur as an alternative to -rra-rr-rroOs, most probably influenced by -rra:-rr-rros. Other paroxytone nouns in -ous include adapted forms of Turkish surnames in-oglu: Tijs 8Elas crov irovnos ,ra,r,rovs µov Spanos B 145 . 61rov foireipeii 61ra1r1rovs µas TheseidV 51,2 (1529) . 6 i\6aµ 6 1rpo1r6:1T1Tous µas Diig. Alex. F 198.17 (Lolos) 6 ira:,rnovs [VLASTOS], Dig. P II 324.3 and IV 342.23 76
For the validity of this fonn, see the discussion below.
TOO lTaTilTOO µas (1140, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 122, 162.11); els TOO 1faTilT00 (1198, ibid.
246,334.4) ToO Boo To TTriya61v (1329, Constantinople, BoMPAIRE et al. 2001: 68,375.79) 1i\01Ta1T1ToO TOO yepOVTOS Dig. G IV.33 . TOO 1acro0 TOO ylya Pol. Tr. 137 TOO voO Assizes B 439.17 ou6ev exovv aMriv 6pe~v TOV vov Anthos Ch. G 21.9 TOO i\eyoµevov lTOTE lTaTilTOU µov (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2009: 845, 660.20) ToO iroTe Kvp-1aKouµo Mirovi\VToO (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 226, 214.2) TOO voO SoFIANOS, Paidag. 105.6 TOO iroTe 1ra1T1ToO a,hoO (1588, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU!DRAKAKIS 2010: 251,211.10) ToO 1ra1r1roO µas 6 mrrmoOs Paroim. (Warner) 97.24 TOO lTtoS MACHAIRAS, Chrrm. V 624.27 (< OFr. apostoile, see GoDEFROY, Lex. s.v.) ' •: . 0 l31Tcropes Ta' :A.va'Jl'OATJS KoRONAIOS, Andrag. Bua I.5519 (payKIKOS (1708 [later copy], Sibiu, TSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 2011: B 15, f.179r.14) (< Turk. /iafe) 6ev elvat Kavevas KOUµ'Tl'ES Don Kis. 12.16-17 (V Ouyyp&v MATIHAIOS MYR., /st. Vlach. 1102; Ka\ TOV µiraxT,lCX EcpKiaaev u,repKCXAa PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §19.17. · · From the very beginning of the period covered by this Grammar, paroxytone nouns in -es may transfer to the masculine paradigm in -T}S (2.3.4), to that in -os (2.1.2) or sporadically to that in -as (2.2.5), by substituting -T}S, -os ~r -as for ~es, though in documents from S. Italy and Sicily there is no evidence for intermediate forms in -es of the nouns K6VTT}s and ,rp16p05: 83 -TJs:
fyC:., Poylpts KOVTT)S GTepyc., (1111, Sicily, CUsA 1868/82: Coll. XI: 2,511.15) ,rptOVPTJV TOV ooiov 'Tt"CXTpc>S T)µwv NtKoMov (1193, S. Italy, 'IiuNCHERA 1865: 232,313.6) (
111as, Ti'\S lKAATJa1as and Ti'\S Ko1A1as occur in the hymns of Romanos the Melode (6th c.). From the metrical appendix in MAAs/TRYPANIS 1963: 514 it becomes clear that these forms are oxytone but that synizesis has not taken place.
460
II Nominal Morphology
µEpfo, iro6fo, 0'1T'l'Jlla{a (< 0'1TT]Aa1ov) and many others. Nouns in -ea tend to become oxytone and may undergo synizesis (µEpfo > µEp1cx; see also I, 2.9.4). 92 This tendency towards a shift of the stress to the ultimate pre-dates the period covered by this Grammar: for example, the form &µvy6CXA1cx for cxµvy6CXAEa can be found in Aelius Herodian's treatise on prosody (see the online TLG). There is some regional variation to be noted (for similar developments in feminine adjectival forms see 3.2.6 and 3.3.1): in the singular ['ea] may become ['a] when preceded by /r/ (examples from Crete, Cythera, the Peloponnese, Epirus and Paros), or a sibilant or affricate (Crete), due to two different phonological processes (for details see I, 2.4.7.3 and I, 2.4.7.4). In the noun ypala and its compound KCXAoypa{a /j/ is often deleted after synizesis for ease ofpronunciation, resulting in ypcx, a form found in a large geographical area: evidence is abundant in texts from Crete but can also be found in texts from the Peloponnese, certain Aegean islands and the northern mainland, including Constantinople. Furthermore, in texts from West Crete, Cythera and Ikaria ['e] and [a] may coalesce to ('e] (see I, 2.9.4.3).93 It is important to note that variant forms often occur side by side in the same areas and even in the same texts, as the following examples demonstrate: arro µta µeptcx BoUNIALIS M., Diig. PoL 169.17; OTTJV µepcx (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VAN GEMERT 1987: 15, 36.10); O'TT)V EKEi6ev µepea (1603, ibid. 200, 207.4); 01TOU TTJV µepe (1604, ibid. 213, 218.4-5); CX1TOU Tii KCXTc..> µepfo (1606, ibid. 366, 342.3); µe yp1a Kaµ1cx O'T0 1TACX1 TT}S CHORTATSIS, Panor. II.26; TOT} ypes ibid. IIl.291; TO"T) yptas ibid.1.240. The ending -e may occasionally spread to nouns not originally in -ea, e.g. Tiiv &µmAE Toii Bovl?>ou (1612, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 795, 691.26), by analogy with nouns belonging to the same semantic field (e.g. µep1es; see I, 2.9.4) or through vowel simplification (µEpees > µepes; see I, 2.9.2.1). lmparisyllabic plural forms are lexical for this paradigm, limited to ypala and its compounds: µ11{cx, 60K1µaa{a, 6oui\e{a, fona, EKKAT)a{cx, &{a, Kcxp6{cx, AeuKc..>aia, ouyy{a (< Lat uncia), ircxvoupy{a, (mcxv6pda and many others, as well as later formations such as &!?>pox{cx, &yycxpela, &61cxvTpoirlcx, aiµCXToxua{a, eao6e!a, ircrmx6{cx, -rrupoancx, and aouma (< a11ir{a) and regional loanwords such as T(1µvla ("chimney")(< Occit chemineia, see HoNNORAT, Lex. s.v.). Most of these nouns show a strong tendency to become oxytone and be affected by synizesis, e.g. cpopeaia > cpopea1a. This tendency toward oxytonization pre-dates the period
91
93
Only nouns that are not very common in the period under review, such as 16la, resist the tendency to become oxytone, unless metrical synii.esis is involved: lK TT}11 l6fo11 Toi:i a:yy{M)u Dig. E 1770 and 1771. It has also been found in a text that was probably written in Athas by a Russian monk with a good knowledge of Greek: Mepen / µept11 '(15th c., Athas?, VASMER 1922: 1870). For a different explanation see I, 2.5.3..
2 Nouns
461
covered by this Grammar, 94 although it is often masked by conservative stress notation (for details on synizesis and accent notation see 1.5). Paradigm 2.11.5 also includes loanwords from French and Italian such as &j?>oep{cx (OFr. avoerie) and cpaµei\la, as well as the handful of inherited oxytone nouns in -1& such as aVE4'tCX, ACXAtcx and µT)Tputcx. The oxytone suffix -1& becomes very productive in the period covered by this Grammar, producing innovative nouns such as &yKai\1cx, &vo:KcxTc.:ia1cx, (euy1cx, Ko-rrei\ta, irCXAOuK1a, irop,rCXT11~1cx and many others. In all cases of the singular and in the genitive plural (forms with /a/ and lo/ in their ending), deletion of /j/ may occur regionally in the oxytone variant forms when the noun stem ends in a sibilant or affricate (see I, 2.4.7.3) or in /r/ (see I, 2.4.7.4): ti e~ouacx aou Alex. Rim. 2677; a,ro TTJV ayopaacxv (1524, Crete, KAKLAMANis/LAMBAKIS 2003: 90, 1670.24-5); Twv EKKATJa& (1645, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 11, 25.22); Tf\s cpopeao:s (1656, Santorini, STEFANIDOU 1996/97: 9, 405.60); TES l3p1aes PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §4.13; TTl ,c..),, Tf\s µova~o:s KORNAROS, Erot. 11.602. In plural forms with /e/ in their ending (nom., acc., voe.) apparent omission of occurs in a larger geographical area and not only after sibilants, affricates and /r/, but also after other consonants. These apparent omissions are graphematic, as omitting will not have altered the pronunciation of and before /e/: e~f\VTa opyes Kt av foKa4'a Ekatol. (Meteoron) 63 (< opyula); '.-rro Tal Suo KCXTOIKES (1631, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 598, 572.13) (< KOTOtK{cx). Transfers between the sub-paradigms are not uncommon: nouns in -Tptcx (e.g. irouATJTpta) may lose the , probably on the analogy of other nouns in -Tpcx, thus transferring to sub-paradigm 2.11.2.1. Examples have been found in a large geographical area, including Sicily, the Heptanese, Crete, the Cyclades and the northern mainland: ,; µaKapla aMeVTpa fiµwv (1142, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. V: 6, 303.20-1) Kerl ,re8uµw ae, aqieVTpa Love poems V 215 EyyVTpa Kai ir:>.epC.:,Tpa (1529, Naxos, K.ARABOULA!ROOOLAKIS 2012/13: 114,225.19) &>s KV~EPIIT)Tpa TWII ,ra16tw11 TTJS (1581, Kefalonia. ZAPANDI 2001a: 46, 46.3) TO'f\ 1TOVAT)Tpas (1613, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 846, 738.25-7) AOVO'Tpa, irMO"Tpa Kai µaµµfi Paroim. (Warner) 81.2 AEµeVTaplTEIOO'Tpa KATSAITIS, Thyest. V.393-4
Regionally, loss of /j/ may occur (see I, 2.4.7.3 for details and discussion): Tl (TJAO eve1?>11v MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 56.30 (= ,,;i\e1a); euplaKouVTat µeycxi\es (TJAES VousTR., Chron. A 14.14; eir{aK01TOS Kuprivas (1609, Cyprus, MIKLOSICH!MOLLER 1860/90, vol. 3: 20, 267.15) (= KupTJve1as); Ka6ws eva1 oi auv,;ees Chron. Toe. 817 app. crit. (V) (= auvfJ6e1es).
94
See for instance the lemma TPOXJAda in LSJ, which has an oxytone alternative TpoXJAla in Theophrastos and Galen and even an alternative Tpoxw!a in Aristotle and a lst-c. BC papyrus (BGU I 116.24) (see below for the same phenomenon in the period under review). Oxytone forms such as Ti'\s acpc..>111as, Ti'\S lKAATJa1as and Ti'\S Ko1A1as occur in the hymns of Romanos the Melode (6th c.). From the metrical appendix in MAAs/TRYPANIS 1963: 514 it becomes clear that these forms are oxytone but that synizesis has not taken place.
-
462
II Nominal Morphology
Toe reverse phenomenon of a noun in /a/ developing an alternative form with an added /j/ occurs with a1pQ,11
(-c.iSc,.w)
Acc.
q,opes
q,opc.is -6:Ses
Voe.
q,opes
-al &Ses
Singular
Nominative Fem.
Sia 'IT?WTT)S cpopas (1059, Tayk province?, LEMERLE 1977: 27.209) am> ..• &yopcis µouAaplwv (1079, Constantinople, VRANOUSI 1980: 2, 17.4) cpev Tiis ibid. 1806 TT)V i\8TJvav [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 436 Kai av 6µvdJO'T) µ1cx q,opa SACHLIKIS, Afigisis 362 µe µlex xpo1cx FALIEROS, /st. On. 251 111 (1695, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 1,303.43) ol avc..>6ev ayopa6es (1706, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 68, 79.11)
Genitive Fem.
-&v_l
l...__:l·___.l___ oe_n._..l___
Toe inherited oxytone ending -&v is the normal ending of the genitive plural: The most common ending for the nominative plural is -~s. In manuscripts and older edi.tions the ending is often spelled with instead of . The number of examples found is modest, not least because the very common words q,op& and ~oM seldom appear in the nominative plural: al xapes KCXl 6 yaµos TWV 6cxvµaanKEs, µey&Aes Pol. Tr. 13580 al avµq,opes µov [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1676 (hapax) xapes e6w sev ytvoVTa1 PIKAT., Rima thrin. 140
Twv o-vµq,opwv TO nAi'j6os Dig. G 1.68 61a 1TAEIO"Tc..>V Kai 1To?-J,i;,v q,opwv Chron. Mor. H 6081 wTwv µey{v aov 6c..>pewv Diig. Sant. 57.51 · . · · · 1TEpl Twv 6c..>pewv Twv 6{6e1 6 liv6pc..>1roS Ti'\s yvva1K6s AssizesA 15.12 1Ta8TJ avµq,opwv [ANDR. PALAIOL], Ka/lim. 2198 1TOAAES Twv q,opwv Chron. Ps.-Doroth. (1572) 114 foape vepov CliTO 1rep10"Tepwv LANDOS, Geopon. 229.4
So far no examples have been found of an imparisyllabic plural genitive in-&8c.>v (cf. nom. and acc. pl.).
II Nominal Morphology
466
arro q,Topav 6a1µ6vov Chron. Mor. H 3774 . . TTJV &yopcx TTJV eiroiKcv Assizes B 286.18; ancxl niv q,povpav 1b1d. 476.17 TT)V oxpcxv Liv. E 2549 µe t~ayopcxv Chron. Toe. 416; els niv q,povpav arrfoc..> ibid. 1806 TT)V i\8TJvav [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 436 Kai av 6µvdJO'T) µ1cx q,opa SACHLIKIS, Afigisis 362 µe µlex xpo1cx FALIEROS, /st. On. 251 111 (1695, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 1,303.43) ol avc..>6ev ayopa6es (1706, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 68, 79.11)
Genitive Fem.
-&v_l
l...__:l·___.l___ oe_n._..l___
Toe inherited oxytone ending -&v is the normal ending of the genitive plural: The most common ending for the nominative plural is -~s. In manuscripts and older edi.tions the ending is often spelled with instead of . The number of examples found is modest, not least because the very common words q,op& and ~oM seldom appear in the nominative plural: al xapes KCXl 6 yaµos TWV 6cxvµaanKEs, µey&Aes Pol. Tr. 13580 al avµq,opes µov [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1676 (hapax) xapes e6w sev ytvoVTa1 PIKAT., Rima thrin. 140
Twv o-vµq,opwv TO nAi'j6os Dig. G 1.68 61a 1TAEIO"Tc..>V Kai 1To?-J,i;,v q,opwv Chron. Mor. H 6081 wTwv µey{v aov 6c..>pewv Diig. Sant. 57.51 · . · · · 1TEpl Twv 6c..>pewv Twv 6{6e1 6 liv6pc..>1roS Ti'\s yvva1K6s AssizesA 15.12 1Ta8TJ avµq,opwv [ANDR. PALAIOL], Ka/lim. 2198 1TOAAES Twv q,opwv Chron. Ps.-Doroth. (1572) 114 foape vepov CliTO 1rep10"Tepwv LANDOS, Geopon. 229.4
So far no examples have been found of an imparisyllabic plural genitive in-&8c.>v (cf. nom. and acc. pl.).
468
II Nominal Morphology
2 Nouns
Accusative
469
va ~evouv ws ir1.eup6:s Tov Martyr. Vias. 246.37 mp1crTep&s Kai 6pv18as IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 9287 vex EXT\ TCXS expos T~V ev N1Kal~ 1TaT€pc.>v (1678, Laconia, POLITis/POLITI 1991: 1917.1,5)
Fem. I-es
I
This ending, identical to the nominative, had started to be used for the accusative long before the beginning of the LMedG period (see the introduction to Chapter 2). It is the most common ending throughout and beyond the period covered by this Grammar: K1 av To Avy{OT1s Tpeis q>pes Ann. 14 mp\ irovAT}01:1s Kai ayopes &sizes B 286.5 tyC:, xapes iroills exw Achil L 902 61a vex Kplvovv Ka\ E~ETCIGOVV TIVES 6taq>pEs (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 31, 65.5-6) TES oupes Pol Tr. 1466 app. crit (B) tmcrcxu-res q>pesAssizes A 163.18 xoMs Kai crvµqiopes TOU ~iou Diig. Apoll 687 6uo ~AES eiroMµ1)crav Diig. Alex. F 288.13 (Lolos) vex µE µVT)µo\lEVEI 1TEVTE q>opes TOV Xpc>VOV (1515, Crete, KAKLAMANis/LAMBAKIS 2003: 45, 78.44-5; O:q>T}Vc.> els TES ,\m{c.>VES 6ouKcrra 6eKa (1523, ibid. 80, 151.13-14) (= ,\,re{aves) -,( eKa:vav Tes q>c.>Ms Tovs DEFAR., Sos. 47 (Holton) (with simplification of -ees to -es, cf. 2.11.4) µla Ka\ 6vo Kai iroMc.>AJES KALLIOUP., Kaini Diath. Matth. 8.20 TES irMa q>opes LANoos, GeopoTL 129.24-5 EIS TOOES xapes VAROUCHAS, Logoi 469 .35 1pees (1696, Proikonnisos, KAMBOURIS 1976: A.8, 199.2) Els TIS ypaqies 01TOU µl EcrTEIAIS (1696, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 1, 49.19) crno OAES TlsymesAlex. Fyll. 82.10; EKTU1TOUVTaV OAOV µe TES OPESTOUS ibid. 103.25 (= oupes)
Fem. I-as
The old accusative ending is not uncommon in mixed-register texts and more formal contexts: lxe1 Kai Tcxs lxpcxs T~)V ay!wv TIH 0eoqi6pc.>v iraTepc.>v (1358?, Macedonia?, LEMERLE 1988: App. II C, 231.11-12) Kl ooov ~8ev Tpeis q>pcxs Chron. Mor. H 5065 TCXS ir1.eupcxs C::,pa10K6:Mous ERMON., llias 2.261 TCXS oupa:s Pol Tr. 1466 Els TCXS Too-ou-ras crvµq>pcxs Liv. S 3193 (Lambert-van der Kolf) iroMcxs q>pcxs cpAOyoToµcrra1 &sizes A 204.8 els TCXS crKICXS exalpeVTov Achil. N 1031 TCXS e{apc.>µevas O'OV 1rape1&s Spanos D 626 . . TCXS 61acrT6:~e1s Ka\ 6tacpopcxs (1543, Corfu, RODOLAKis/PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1996: 48, 249.3-4) · el6e Tas irep1crTep6:s NoUKios, Ais. Myth. 84.1 1TOAACXS Ka\ lrAT}crTas cpopa:s (1575, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2008: 10, 63.5)
Acc.
l-a6es
The imparisyllabic plural ending of paradigm 2.11.1.2 is adopted in texts from Cyprus and certain Cycladic islands (cf. nom. pl. above). 95 The single occurrence in the versified translation of Aesop's fables by Aitolos does not constitute sufficient evidence for its currency in texts from Corinth, where he was born, or Constantinople, where he spent most of his life: ,rep\ ... ayop&6es Assizes B 250.18 crTavpous, lxvaqiop&6es Assizes A 43.29 en1)pav µeTa~1v oxp6:6es 1.hpes K' VousTR., ChroTL A 108.2-3 6ev EXEi 1TASOV ,rpa~ES Ka\ ayopa6es Pist. /cekoim. 161 \jlv TES ayop6:6es (1695, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 1, 303.46) 61a KO:lrOlES ayopa:6es (1706, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 68, 79.5)
Vocative Fem.
lvoc.
I-es l -al l -a6es
The vocative is presumed to be identical to the nominative (see above). So far no examples have been found. 2.11.1.2
Nouns with an Imparisyllabic Plural General
Restricted
Rare
Singular Nom.
OKpov Tov Jxxav..ea Ala Fyll. 92.4 TJ8et\e11 ef,ye1 µla 01Toj3af,5:v TTlS Ptoch. I 36; irapa Jxxj3av KcxMICYTT)V ibid. 91
Genitive
TT}\/ EVTUX01v (1563, Corfu, VERRA et al. 2007: 246, 177.6) KaTeplvas Ti\s lxyopaCYTaS (1596, Naxos, KATSOUR.OS 1955: 20, 75.16-17) µe aµ,r0.1 Tcri'j tpeVTtTO:S (1612, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 819, 715.5 Tai\ Kepas µas ThysiaAvr. 593
Kepi J..hpav, ,;youv oKa µ16: (1541, Thasos?, KRAVARI 1987: App. 11,341.40) els TTJV olKoKupav DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 19, a5r.17 (1561) 61a e11youptTCXV (1580, Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 24, 161.15) TOV o,rolou 616et aoUTopna:v (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 30, 49.4); cnrov TT}V tpeVTITCX TOV 'TTOT~ TOTI a6eJ..cpoO (1603, ibid. 177, 188.5-6) v' airo6eKTf\ TTJV &MT) aou 11ccs Anak. Konst. 109 TTJS l3aaiAe1as Tov 6A11s Diig. ApolL 347 Tiis q>0p11a1as Assizes A 134.16 wµp1a TOV KATSAITIS, Thyest. 1.145 cxir6 TflV &MT)v J3pa61a Don Kis. 48.14; ,.,,v l61exv J3pa6tav ibid. 116.21
II Nominal Morphology
522
Ti\s cpopeo-10:s Alex. Rim. 1124; TiiS aocp10:s ibid. 1910; Ti'ls Bex~UAc.>VIO:S ibid. 2708 TI'lS expxomas ApolL Rim. A 748; T11S y1CXTps1as ibid. 1008 . Ti\s Movoixxo-10:s (1548, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1992: 15.9) Ti\s acpeVT10:s o-ou (ca. 1560, Venice, MARKOS l 977: Ilex, 28.14) TTexp1cxv (1597, Naxos, KARABOULAIROOOLAKIS 2012/13: 156, 281.28) 61a va µ,ropovo, µ' EUKOAICX SoUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. a2v.13 OTT} Bevma Tlµaaex1 BOUNIALIS M., Diig. PoL 145.3 OTT}V avVTpocpya TOVS (1690, Sibiu, TsoURKA-PAPASTATHI 2011: A 3, f39r.6) va 1aev 6p6tv1a Alex. Fyll. 11.16-17 . . Kexl 515e1s Ka8avbs O'c.>aTTI, O'CX\I ,rpfoEI, Tlµc.>p1a TOV KATSAITIS, Thyest. 1.145 cxir6 TflV &MT)v J3pa61a Don Kis. 48.14; ,.,,v l61exv J3pa6tav ibid. 116.21
II Nominal Morphology
524
Even when synizesis is apparent, as is the case of versified texts, the accent may still be written on . For this spelling practice see 1.5: els µova~!av Tov ,iupaaw Chron. Mor. H 740; eTxev els a~oeplav aVToii ibid. 8043 (< OFr.
avoerie) ov-re µV1{a11 TilS elira Dig. E 166 ja,{av, q:,apµaK1v, apµaTa PoL Tr. 545; iroTe vydav ouK exe1 ibid. 3475 Tfl\l euyeve{av aov KataL 10; aTTJV ymov{av µov ibid. 22 (verse end) µe TT)V KAE\Viav va iraµev AchiL L 349 Kai av eixes TI1TOTES 6wp!a PouloL 19 Kai T(';°)V 1TOVAl(';°)\I TT)\I µeAw6!av BERGADIS, Apok. A 30; µe ~{av 1TOAAT]\I Kai K61To\l ibid. 37 yvvaiKQS TE els euµopq:,lav 6p{(e1s iva Kp{vw Veith. 543 µe OATl TOV TT)II q:,aµe;\{av KOR0NAIOS, Andrag. Bua VI.328
In the following example the Isl of the stem undergoes affrication after synizesis (see I, 3.2.6): a11Taaa TOV ibid. 154; aTTJII e~ovaa µov ibid. 0
1693 Cl'.1TO TT)\I AeUKc.)(1CI\I TilS Kunpov (1549, Crete, MARMARELJ/DRAKAKIS 2005: 10, 10.1) T1l µova~a EX(,) O'VVTpoq:,16:, Ta KA&,,µaTa 6poaa µov CH0RTATSIS, Panor. III.557; TTl\l 1TOp1TOT,i~O'. VTOV ibid. V.96 T,ill Xc,.)PI0"0'.11 Tc..)1/e ApolL Rim. E 882; TTl\l µova~a TTlS ibid. 1173; T,i\l µaup,iv q:,opEO'O'.\I ibid
1450 D.a~e ... µETp,iaa ~]\lalfo q>AOp{a 1~· (1549, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 51, 93.2) O'KOT(cx µ{a (1608, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 535,477.3) (OVT)O'OV qx.>TIES Diig. Sant. 56.44.45 els TES 8ov"AAE1es O'OV MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 520.15-16 01 a8lKIES VOUSTR., Chron. A 32.1 iroO ol VT)O'TEIES Pc.:iµalv.>v n Alosis 151 iVTa OOVAelES a· eupfiKaa1 CHORTATSIS, Katz. m.359 oi 1rapayye"A1es Thysia Aw: 700; irap11yop1es iroMC> "Aoyiai ibid. I 024 ai Kavx1')v
This inherited ending, with a shift of the stress to the ultimate, remains in use throughout and beyond the period covered by this Grammar: . ou6e yap µv8ovs 1TaAalWV laTop1C>v 0"01 ypaqx., Ptoch. N 29 Tc'Zlv aMc.:,v eKKAT)a1wv (1316, Constantinople, HUNGER!KREsTEN 1981: 39,292.7) 81a eu"Aoy1C>v eu"Aoyi'Jac.> TOV Spanos A 420 TWV p' opyv1Civ (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 89, 76.21) vex µav8avoµev Tc.i>V uyi:1c'Zlv aas (1456, Patras, MALTEZOU 1983: 2, 22.14-15) irepl Tc'Zlv avVTpoqi1c'Zlv Assizes A 82.15; TC>v 1v Berto/din. 169.6 81a"Aoyiaµol iroMc'Zlv 1v n Alosis 151 iVTa OOVAelES a· eupfiKaa1 CHORTATSIS, Katz. m.359 oi 1rapayye"A1es Thysia Aw: 700; irap11yop1es iroMC> "Aoyiai ibid. I 024 ai Kavx1')v
This inherited ending, with a shift of the stress to the ultimate, remains in use throughout and beyond the period covered by this Grammar: . ou6e yap µv8ovs 1TaAalWV laTop1C>v 0"01 ypaqx., Ptoch. N 29 Tc'Zlv aMc.:,v eKKAT)a1wv (1316, Constantinople, HUNGER!KREsTEN 1981: 39,292.7) 81a eu"Aoy1C>v eu"Aoyi'Jac.> TOV Spanos A 420 TWV p' opyv1Civ (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 89, 76.21) vex µav8avoµev Tc.i>V uyi:1c'Zlv aas (1456, Patras, MALTEZOU 1983: 2, 22.14-15) irepl Tc'Zlv avVTpoqi1c'Zlv Assizes A 82.15; TC>v 1v Berto/din. 169.6 81a"Aoyiaµol iroMc'Zlv 1VES &mp fao1Kev ibid. V.91 tit. 11 KEcpaATJ aov avVT~es 8f K6:µe1 µeTa 'Kelves ApolL Rim. E 159; w' apµaTCt.)aes ibid. 686 els ~peaes Kai aTOAl61a (1549, Crete, MARMARELJ/DRAKAKIS 2005: 6, 7.12-13); OiTO TES ;rovA11aEs (ibid. 309,307.31) Kl ex6:vaµe aas ~peaes P&N Diath. 795; ·s Tai EKKA11aes ibid. 2333; µ' 6plq>V11TES KaTa~ES ibid. 3334 e~,;VTa opyes Kl av foKa41a EkaloL (Meteoron) 63 (< 6pyvla) Tai Kopacrfs CHORTATSIS, Panor. 1.444; Tai iropiraTE aov ibid. III.298 app. crit. (N) (with omission of before ) Kai eTxa Kai TES EKKA1laE5 Thrinos pair. 0 61 • TCX VEq>aAa yicx Myov TOV iTOVTa 6poo-E5 vex ~pexov; Thysia Avr. 676 tls ~p1aes PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §4.13; ay6pa~ev aov;res a;ro ToupKov ibid. I §9.2 6iro 6poaes µeyaks FoSKOLOS, Fort. V.301 TES KOiTPES TOV IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 356 ooes ayopaaes Kaµel (1688, Syros, DRAKAKis 1967: 22,327.12) ylvovVTa1 µaTOKUAlaes KORNAROS, Erot. N.111 I poOxa, cpopeaes (I 709, Chios, PAPASTRATOU 1981: 34, 135.48)
Even residual forms may need to be read with metrical synizesis (see I, 2.9.4.2) in verse texts: oaas lTJ, 2.12.1): TES a:ve4'16:6es µou (1582, Patras, Zms 1936/37: 17-18, A6'.44); TES av(,,)eev µou ireVTE CXVTJ4'16:6es (1599, Zakynthos, :Z01s 1957: 59.22).
Vocative Fem. Pl.
Voe.
-(e)les (: -(e)1es: -es: -(e)1a6es)
The vocative is identical to the nominative and is likely to have had the same variation in stress position. The number of examples found is very limited: oo .•• 8ep1cx Ko:i cmes FALIEROS, Thrinos 223 (< ecmo:). 2.11.6
Transfers to Other Paradigms
Theexamples from the Aegean are few and relatively late. See PERNOT 1907/46: I 332-47 for the phenomenon in Chiot.
'°'The following example is perhaps dubious: To auVTDIE10 T}TOII Pent. Gen. 7.6, as the manuscript was written in
.1
The residual accusative plural ending -(e)fo:s occurs throughout the period under review in mixed- and higher-register texts and in more formal contexts:
'•i
TavTO:S TCXS !aToplas Log. parig. L 436 els Tas ayyapelas (1360, Constantinople, KoDER et al. 2001: 236,362.11) &v6paya81as liro1Kev Pol. Tr. 3692 oupylas y' (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 33, 67.6) &pveTaa1 avVTpocplas µas Veith. 148 app. crit.; Kai ;rol~s Toll 6ov}.elas Tov ibid. 177 l~yavOV\I KhOllµaTa iTOAAO, µey6:Aas 6e AaAlas Imb. Rim. 581 (< AaA16:) &tp' TCXS y(,,)v(o:s LIMEN., Velis. (/\) 685 elpas KaTCt.)8ev avµtpc,.>vlas (1513, Corfu, KARABOULAIPAPARRIGA-AfTEMIADI 1998: 17, 32.3) µE ~lovs Kai lo-roplas YENETZAS, VarL & Joas. 30.3 CllTO ~apes ViTT]pealas LANDOS, Geopon. 266. 7
Kap61as avaa;rae1 Dig. G N.10 ;roMcxs ;rapavoµlas Ptoch. IV 641
1-(e)las
·Ji ; ;: ' ,, ;
531
Certain nouns in -a may transfer to the feminine /os/ paradigm. Examples have been found of Tpaire,a, yeq,upa and nouns in -e1a such as a:a8eve1a, ovµira8eto:, but only in the singular: 's aO"Teve1ov ~apUTaAa yicx Myov TOV iTOVTa 6poo-E5 vex ~pexov; Thysia Avr. 676 tls ~p1aes PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §4.13; ay6pa~ev aov;res a;ro ToupKov ibid. I §9.2 6iro 6poaes µeyaks FoSKOLOS, Fort. V.301 TES KOiTPES TOV IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 356 ooes ayopaaes Kaµel (1688, Syros, DRAKAKis 1967: 22,327.12) ylvovVTa1 µaTOKUAlaes KORNAROS, Erot. N.111 I poOxa, cpopeaes (I 709, Chios, PAPASTRATOU 1981: 34, 135.48)
Even residual forms may need to be read with metrical synizesis (see I, 2.9.4.2) in verse texts: oaas lTJ, 2.12.1): TES a:ve4'16:6es µou (1582, Patras, Zms 1936/37: 17-18, A6'.44); TES av(,,)eev µou ireVTE CXVTJ4'16:6es (1599, Zakynthos, :Z01s 1957: 59.22).
Vocative Fem. Pl.
Voe.
-(e)les (: -(e)1es: -es: -(e)1a6es)
The vocative is identical to the nominative and is likely to have had the same variation in stress position. The number of examples found is very limited: oo .•• 8ep1cx Ko:i cmes FALIEROS, Thrinos 223 (< ecmo:). 2.11.6
Transfers to Other Paradigms
Theexamples from the Aegean are few and relatively late. See PERNOT 1907/46: I 332-47 for the phenomenon in Chiot.
'°'The following example is perhaps dubious: To auVTDIE10 T}TOII Pent. Gen. 7.6, as the manuscript was written in
.1
The residual accusative plural ending -(e)fo:s occurs throughout the period under review in mixed- and higher-register texts and in more formal contexts:
'•i
TavTO:S TCXS !aToplas Log. parig. L 436 els Tas ayyapelas (1360, Constantinople, KoDER et al. 2001: 236,362.11) &v6paya81as liro1Kev Pol. Tr. 3692 oupylas y' (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 33, 67.6) &pveTaa1 avVTpocplas µas Veith. 148 app. crit.; Kai ;rol~s Toll 6ov}.elas Tov ibid. 177 l~yavOV\I KhOllµaTa iTOAAO, µey6:Aas 6e AaAlas Imb. Rim. 581 (< AaA16:) &tp' TCXS y(,,)v(o:s LIMEN., Velis. (/\) 685 elpas KaTCt.)8ev avµtpc,.>vlas (1513, Corfu, KARABOULAIPAPARRIGA-AfTEMIADI 1998: 17, 32.3) µE ~lovs Kai lo-roplas YENETZAS, VarL & Joas. 30.3 CllTO ~apes ViTT]pealas LANDOS, Geopon. 266. 7
Kap61as avaa;rae1 Dig. G N.10 ;roMcxs ;rapavoµlas Ptoch. IV 641
1-(e)las
·Ji ; ;: ' ,, ;
531
Certain nouns in -a may transfer to the feminine /os/ paradigm. Examples have been found of Tpaire,a, yeq,upa and nouns in -e1a such as a:a8eve1a, ovµira8eto:, but only in the singular: 's aO"Teve1ov ~apUT1aa- < j?>16:To:VVO: MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 32.33-4 (but read c'bC1Tov). Transfers from other paradigms are limited as well. They include feminine loanwords in -e (K6pTe, ,rapTe), which may transfer to paradigm 2.12.2: els Tov cxcpllvTTJ To peTovpri 1µevwv Achil. L 1219 KCXI lav, ycx66pou xcxpµov,; Poulol. 516 c1 &x1µ6vc.>v ,roµm') Spanos D 1143 aKE'ITTJ Kl a,rcxvTOXTI µcxs FALIEROS, Thrinos 269 (~ ••. ) yfi Ti'js P66ou LIMEN., Than. Rod. 91 ~TIOTI µou Kcxl ,rvo,; µou ThysiaAvr. 995; yuv,; µou, 6e aou T6 'kycx ibid. 1127 (c1 •.. ) (c.>ii xcxprrc.>µlvri Fa/lidos 157 c1 yfi, KCXI avo1~e airo TOUS Tcxq,ous KCXVEVCXV PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §31.132 8apamo Tou ,rpoaC:mou µou K' V.m') Tcrij ,rcx16c.>µi'js µou FosKOLOS, Fort. III.464 (< ei>mls) c.> TIµT) Koo fooirTpov Tou yevous TTIS laircxvlcxs! Don Kis. 190.15
Plural Nominative INorn.
I-es
This ending was adopted from the 3rd declension long before the period covered by this Grammar (see the introduction to Chapter 2) and it is the most common ending for the nominative plural: O"To:Ms ieplc.>v mlVTe (1059, Tayk province?, LEMERLE 1977: 24.127) oi 4fUXES µas Dig. E 61; oi KEq,cxMs Twv ibid. 80 ol KOpuq,es AchiL N 771 . oi aO"TpanesAchiL O 145; oi ircxpa-rcxyes µou ibid. 219 va evcx1v oToixoS m8aµes &>6eKcx (1453, Nisyros, TsIRPANLis 1967: 1, 48.13) 01 notes 1')Tov KCXTCXKOU~TJVES VouSTR., Chron. A 132.18 (= KcxVTcxKou~fJvls) ol ypcxq,es (16th c., Corfu, KARYDis/fZIVARA 1994/96: 4, 102.29) TOVTES TEO"acxpes ~u:Ms ey{VT1KCXV Diig. Alex. E 141.20-1 (Lolos) ol a:6e11q,es (1583, Athens?, MERTZIOS 1954: 1, 124.17) cxl yAuKES q>c.>VES MoREZINOS, Klini 79.13 OO"ES 8fAou TCXpCIXES Kl avlµo1 VO: yep8ou01 CHORTATSIS, Erof. Dedic. 61 Va yevou KcxirOIES ypcxq,es (1614, Tmos, HOFMANN 1936: l, 58.10) vex ypcxq,oVTCXI ol 8cxves (1671, Cythera, PAPADAKI 2001: [a), 41.1) ol onoies 6uo a6eAq,es (1680, Naxos, SIFONIOU·KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 53, 205.2) iro1ls Tou KCX!pou µncx?,o:Ms eiv' ToCiTes; Zinon Il.363 01 ouMs Don Kis. 161.14; 01 TrATJyls ibid. 168.6
oi
µii Kp6TOI 6e1i>11cxawa1, TrAT]ycxl ae e1lcxl, ncxpCXTcxycxl [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 129 ex! Mo µou a6e1..q,cxl (1527, Crete, KAKLAMANis/LAMBAKIS 2003: 116,211.22) q,cx!voVTcxt j3ou1..c.>µeves ex! Keq,cxi>lcxl cxuT&v KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 339.29-30 ex! l.f'V)(CXI s1ITJycxl, ol 6cxpµol ZYGOM., Synopsis 271.TT.71 1lqii'j6es T}µeis T} Ncxxcxµa Kcxl T} !Taaou (1549, Crete, MARMARELI/DRAKAKIS 2006: 240,
232.3) ol 6vo &6epq,i'j6es (1586, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOUIDRAKAKIS 2010: 74, 57.12-13). &6ei>lq,116es Twv avw8ev ncxna6w (1628, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 510,485.10) ol cxvc.>8e a6ei>lq,i'j6es (1645, Crete, VOURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 7,361.20)
Fem.
I
Norn.
l-a6es
Imparisyllabic -a8es appears in writing from the 14th c. onwards (see the acc. pl. example from the Chronicle ofMorea, below). It occurs in texts from southern and western areas and the Aegean (cf. the other cases), especially with the noun &8v.EpEV ,; wx11s Chron. Toe. 1155 mrr-1) fi :i\q>po61TTJs Achil. 0 4 ft :i\q>po6(TTJS eO"TeKe Alosis 423 K' fol:11 61wKe1 WXTJS µov lmb. Rim. 217 EK Tov OavCLTou l~yaepev TJ wx11s va TOV O'\JPEI Apoll. Rim. A 107 6i6TtS wx,is TO 'q>epe Ala Rim. 1382 ft TVXTJS aµ1ro6{(e1 CHORTATSIS, Erof. IV.285 fi uATJS TG'lv voO'T)µCLTwv VENDRAMOS, /stor. gyn. 99; ,; p66a T\ixTJS KpaEpEV ,; wx11s Chron. Toe. 1155 mrr-1) fi :i\q>po61TTJs Achil. 0 4 ft :i\q>po6(TTJS eO"TeKe Alosis 423 K' fol:11 61wKe1 WXTJS µov lmb. Rim. 217 EK Tov OavCLTou l~yaepev TJ wx11s va TOV O'\JPEI Apoll. Rim. A 107 6i6TtS wx,is TO 'q>epe Ala Rim. 1382 ft TVXTJS aµ1ro6{(e1 CHORTATSIS, Erof. IV.285 fi uATJS TG'lv voO'T)µCLTwv VENDRAMOS, /stor. gyn. 99; ,; p66a T\ixTJS Kpa6rt els l3el3pa11TJ (1472, Corfu, KONIDARis!RODOLAKIS 1996: 4, 151.1) (< l3eµl3Pa11Tj < µeµl3pa11Tj) els TT)V a6eAcpoTEK\ITjV TTlS MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 60.31; Kai as KOlµT}OTl TT)V KaKOav\lTjV TOV ibid.
549
61ex Kano1a avayKTJ Tou µovaaTT]plov (1691, Serres region, ODORICO 1998: 89,214.14) 6{x(A)s npoa6iiKTJV Don Kis. 176.12-13
Vocative Fem.
The vocative is identical to the nominative and shows the same lexical variation where the forms in -11s are concerned: 61'.lpoµa1, K6pfl euyev1K1J Achil. L 626 oo v16TT] Love poems V 477 (elm! ••• ) 6ovATJ Ka\ 01TJ, cxvaljle Kepi vex ae ljlEtplaoo Paroim. (Warner) 92.1 µovpTj ya'i6oupooµevTj SOUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. G5r.24 oo KpiJTfl, nou e1v' Ta 1TAOVTr\ aov DIAKR., Diig. Pol 1143 xe1s Kaµooµeva: Apoll. Rim. E 301 (same in A and V) oo TVXTJS evaVTla! Chron. Tourk. Soult. 91.14 KpiJTflS, noT6:µ1a Klllflae BouNIALIS M., Diig. Pol 195.9 KpiJTflS, Ta xelATj µou 6e1A100v DIAKR., Diig. Pol 1135
Plural Nominative Fem.
!Norn.
I-es
This ending was borrowed from the 3rd declension long before the period covered by this Grammar (see the introduction to Chapter 2):
T} aTpCCTa TOU l3pscp1ou els TT)V K01TeAAOav\lTjV TOU Fior 149.21 aµfl i\Kaµa Kal i\Kaµe Kal aya'TTTI (1501, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 5, 26.11) TT}V MnecpTT] apya (1518, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 12, 56.16 (= TTeµ1TTr\, see I, 3.8.1) 1TIO'.Ve1 µ(av KScpaATj ya6apou KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 278.36 (< KE (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 257, 355.12). Fem.
I-es
This ending, borrowed from the 3rd declension long before the period covered by this Grammar (see the introduction to Chapter 2), is the most common for the accusative plural: µaxes 6p1µ0Tches Pol. Tr. 58 app. crit (AX); iroills puµ11es ibid. 2710 app. crit. (BRV) µ! 1a1s (1159, S. Italy, TR!NCHERA 1865; 158, 210.5)
11 &ir6q,aa1s (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 73.171) as yllvETat 1OIITIS crro1J3ax,,i fJ 1TO~EPTJ (15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 60.38) fJ o-vv{J3aaTJ 6,rov EK6:µav (1550, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 18, 56.9)
195.21) aUT6 elvai µeya;\11 vir68ecns Don Kis. 159.26 .
Final /s/ is sometimes omitted in writing when the form is followed by a clitic starting in Isl: as evi ti uir6A114'1 o-ou Spaneas V 59 app. crit. (note that this text offers no nominatives in -11, only in -is). 115
The fact that Gennano almost invariably gives forms in -1s in his Vocabulary is surprising, firstly because be is certainly not an archai:rer, recording what he hears in Chios instead, and secondly because he does not have the corresponding paradigm in his Grammar.
II Nominal Morphology
560
2 Nouns
Assizes B 209.25, 250.13 and elsewhere; Ka\ iroTaµous Ka\ (3puo-as [ANDR. Kallim. 856.
PALAIOL.],
&n6Kp1µafou Veith. tit (Cupane) effraa1s Tiis 6fo1ro1vas [ANDR. PALAIOL.), Kallim. 2345 E~TJYTJUIS Tijs y;\vKefas xwpas Ku,rpov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 2 tit.; T) EVTIKT) 616:J3aa1s TOO AaoO ibid. 10.1 µ6ve fi ve1vfls SOf1ANOS, Grammar 37.2 616:;\oyos, fiyovv lpc..>w1r61c..>V11TIKT) 6:ir66e1f1s (1665, Proikonnisos/Mannaras, KAMBOURIS 1976: A2,
6vvaµ1s
Plural
Nom.
6uvaµes
Gen.
6vvaµec..>v
Acc.
6vvaµes
6vvaµe1s
Voe.
6uvaµes
(6vvaµe1s)
6vvaµe1s
(6vvaµe1s)
-wv :-c..>v 6uvaµe1s 6uvaµas
Singular
Nominative Fem.
jsg.
INom. l-11
As noted in the introduction to this section (2.12), the adoption of this ending of the -TJ paradigm with nouns originally in -1s pre-dates the period covered by this Grammar. In
manuscripts and older editions the ending is sometimes spelled with instead of :
fJ 6eliTEPTJ v1r68ea1 ~vi Assizes B 438.15-16 1TOTaTIT) v,r68ea1; (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 84.30) TO 01ro1011 dcrra1 i\8eAEv KOMiaTJ Chron. Mor. P 6258 6el'.mpTJ irc!w au11Ta91 Pol. Tr. 3244 app. crit. (V) Ctq>OIITIS crro1J3ax,,i fJ 1TO~EPTJ (15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 60.38) fJ o-vv{J3aaTJ 6,rov EK6:µav (1550, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 18, 56.9)
195.21) aUT6 elvai µeya;\11 vir68ecns Don Kis. 159.26 .
Final /s/ is sometimes omitted in writing when the form is followed by a clitic starting in Isl: as evi ti uir6A114'1 o-ou Spaneas V 59 app. crit. (note that this text offers no nominatives in -11, only in -is). 115
The fact that Gennano almost invariably gives forms in -1s in his Vocabulary is surprising, firstly because be is certainly not an archai:rer, recording what he hears in Chios instead, and secondly because he does not have the corresponding paradigm in his Grammar.
II Nominal Morphology
562
2 Nouns
Genitive Fem.
IGen.
1-TJS
The newer alternative genitive singular is fonned in the most common way for feminine nouns, by adding final /s/ to the nominative in -11. As some scholars (mistakenly) consider this to be the use of the nominative in -is as genitive, these fonns are sometimes spelled with . In these innovative forms the stress nonnally remains on the antepenultimate:
TTlS CXVTi'\s acpipwatJs (1108, s.1ta1y, RoBrNsoN 1929: 11, 215.33) TO xapT\11 Ti'js ,raKTG0011S (1330, Crete, LAIOU 1982: 2, 123.2) TT1S ,rovATJOTJS Assizes B 286.25; Ti'js aya11etKTT\OTJS ibid. 455.12-13 Tflll TEAElc.>OT)II TT)S crrroq,aOT)S (1491, Rhodes, TslRPANLIS 1991: 1,234.28) µmx Ti'js cruna~iis TOU Pol. Tr. 6753 µmx ••. hapOTJS µeyaATJS PARASPOND., Machi Vamas 111 TT)S ire!Kacnis CTOU FALIEROS, /st. 0n. 308 (= crrrelKaOT)S) TTlS e1u11el6TJCT!s µou MACHAIRAS. Chron. V 642.32; 110 irole1e1 Ti'js ope~iis Tou id., Chron. 0 678.245 (ed. Tis ope~els Tou, but note that Machairas does not use the old plural endings at all) TT)S ir6Aj3EPT\S (15th/16th c. ?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 60.38) eis Tp6iro11 cpvi\a~ (1549, Crete, MARMARELr/DRAKAKIS 2005: 111, 108.11) 6vo µa11ulpes e111 Ti'js 6ovAEljJTIS Fior Suppl. 273.25 TTlS 6pe~fis Tou (1554, Naxos, KARABouLA/RoDOLAKIS 2012/13: 124, 239.13) 000 T}TOII v,ro TT)S 6v11aµfis µas (1578, Trikala, SOFIANOS 1992: 6, 234.78-9) µETcx IeµlpaµTJS (xxcni\1e1e1as Diig. Alex. Sem. B tit TT)S irTc.>XfiS Ti'js JJTJTp6iroAT}S (1613, Naxos, CHASIOTIS 1966: 15, 206.15-16) TCT' avaCTTaOTJs Tfl aK6ATJ Thysia Avr. 1134 . TCTfj ty61KT\OTJS Zinon 121 (= eK61KTJOTJS, see I, 3.8.4.4) TCTfj ei6TJOTJS (1664, Crete, LYDAKI 2000: 7,416.13) Ti1s e~eq>ATJOTJS Ti'js 61acpopcxs (1672, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 5, 16.3) (= E~6q>ATJOTJS, see ill, 1.1.3) . TTlS CXVTi'\s irpoaiyic.)aT)s (1695, 7.akynthos, MAvRos 1984: 359.7) TTlS PovµEAT)S (1708, 7.akynthos, SATHAS 1865: 524.30-1)
KCXI Tf\S 6u11aµeC.:,s TOU Chron. Toe. 3036 xwpls Myou TIIIOS ii ,rpocp6e1ec.>s (1446, Chios, MANOUSAKAS 1960: 271.13-14) ,rCXTplaPXTJ" Kw11C1Tan111ouir6AE(.,)S MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 40.5 ,rep\ ,rolas uiro8foews Assizes A 13.16; 610 ,rapaKi\fiaews ibid. 218.30-1 lws ~pa cxq>T)AIKIWCTEWS au-rfis (1509, Crete, KAKLAMANis/LAMBAKIS 2003: 15, 26.22) Tf\s pTJ8EIOTJS uiro8foeoos (1544, Corfu, ROOOLAKislPAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1996: 59,256.9) ,rp\11 TT)S eui\oyfiaeC.:,s CTaS (1549, Crete, MARMARELl!DRAKAKIS 2005: 12, 13.14) Tf\S 8e"iK"S 61Ka1C.:,e1ews Pist. kekoim. 104 µt olKelas µou ~OUA"S Kai n8ei\fie1eoos Kai 6ps TWII E61Kw µas (1666, Mani, SKOPETEAS
1950: IX, 75.3) KCXI a)J..a ovµM~T}K6Ta a~1a 6tT)yfiCTews Don Kis. 172.6
The following is a clear example of a scribe trying to squeeze the old form into the metre (the other two mss have auvTa~t'Js Tov): µmx Tfis auvTa~16s Tov Pol. Tr. 6753 app. crit. (B). Fem.
laen. 243.2-3).11 6 Accusative Fem.
IAcc.
ibid. 307.4) els &11a~fJTT\e1111 TOO TOIOVTou T6irou (13th c., Pontos, OusPENSKYIBENECHEVITCH 1927: 20, 9.6) eira11w els Tfl" ap1111e1111 (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 45.116); µETcx TTI" crue1µ1~111 (ibid.
47.157) uir6axea111 TOO eiro1fie1ae11v Chron. Mor. H 221; I/Cl ,ro1fia"1µEII ovµr,ir,aCTlll ibid. 1626 els KaµapJJ11 TTI" l~ai\ev Chron. Toe. 322 (< Kaµapa) 610 Tflll ~AE1TIOTJII TOO T6irou MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 88.16 iroM aai\µ1Tpo, µir6i\µirePTJ Tou6c.lCTe ACHELIS, Malt. PoL 585 IJ1TOOKEOTJ TOV e,ro{T)O"CXII Chron. Mor. P 221 &,r' 6,Tl EYY\JTJOTJ exou11 Kaµ(.,)µ~IIT} (1523, Crete, ICAKLAMANislLAMBAKIS 2003: 71, 134.71) · els Tf\11 Kaµapr)II Tou Diig. Alex. E 283.5 (Lolos) and Diig. Alex. K 361.30 · elal CX11TiAAa~11 TOO cn'.rroO xwpaq,lou (1545, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 101, 148.12); 610 "ITAEOII CX~lOTJII (1554, ibid. 144, 193.18) vcx11 TOO 6C.:,aw 6 ~ (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 194,287.3) (= 6pe~. see I, 2.8.5)
Ti'js aµcpiepc!xrews (1124, S. Italy, MERCATI et al.
:
..
,
'
or
ixe1 ti eKKATJala ••• cruC1Tae11 (1142?, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. V: 7,307.5) (but: cruC1Tae11v
The old genitive ending -e(l.)S remains in use throughout the period under examination, but clearly only in mixed- and higher-register texts and in more formal contexts:
' ., ~ ! . , ,
l-1(11)/-TJ(II)
The accusative ends in /i/ and occurs with and without final /n/. The spelling with is really a matter of editorial choice:
. l-ews
1980: 9, 80.15)(= aq>1epc!xrews, see I, 3.5.2.4) xap111 ••• 601Kfiaews (ca. 1270, Athos, BOMPAIRE 1964: 9A, 81.43) (= 6101Kfie1ews) Ti'js JJiCTTtS crrrocpaaec.>S (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 43.92); 6to CTuyKa-raOfoec.>S (ibid. 47.147) Ti'js aytOTaTTJS JJTJTpo,r6i\ews ~uppaxlou (1359,Albania, SAKKELION 1887a: 474.10) . • els ,roio11 Kpeµ11611 e11rneae11 KaKWCTeG\15 6 1100s µou I.iv. V 1800
l-os
Sporadically, nouns not originally in -1s may acquire the -os ending of the old 3rd declension (cf. proparoxytone nouns in -a, 2.11.3): Tfis PouµEAoS (1699, Vostitza, MERTZIOS 1968: 3,
The following example combines the new ending with the stress shift of the old form in -E(,.)S (see below): crrro Tiis TOIXfiS Ti'js JJTJTp6iroAT}S (1613, Naxos, CHASIOTIS 1966: 15, 206.15-16) TCT' avaCTTaOTJs Tfl aK6ATJ Thysia Avr. 1134 . TCTfj ty61KT\OTJS Zinon 121 (= eK61KTJOTJS, see I, 3.8.4.4) TCTfj ei6TJOTJS (1664, Crete, LYDAKI 2000: 7,416.13) Ti1s e~eq>ATJOTJS Ti'js 61acpopcxs (1672, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 5, 16.3) (= E~6q>ATJOTJS, see ill, 1.1.3) . TTlS CXVTi'\s irpoaiyic.)aT)s (1695, 7.akynthos, MAvRos 1984: 359.7) TTlS PovµEAT)S (1708, 7.akynthos, SATHAS 1865: 524.30-1)
KCXI Tf\S 6u11aµeC.:,s TOU Chron. Toe. 3036 xwpls Myou TIIIOS ii ,rpocp6e1ec.>s (1446, Chios, MANOUSAKAS 1960: 271.13-14) ,rCXTplaPXTJ" Kw11C1Tan111ouir6AE(.,)S MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 40.5 ,rep\ ,rolas uiro8foews Assizes A 13.16; 610 ,rapaKi\fiaews ibid. 218.30-1 lws ~pa cxq>T)AIKIWCTEWS au-rfis (1509, Crete, KAKLAMANis/LAMBAKIS 2003: 15, 26.22) Tf\s pTJ8EIOTJS uiro8foeoos (1544, Corfu, ROOOLAKislPAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1996: 59,256.9) ,rp\11 TT)S eui\oyfiaeC.:,s CTaS (1549, Crete, MARMARELl!DRAKAKIS 2005: 12, 13.14) Tf\S 8e"iK"S 61Ka1C.:,e1ews Pist. kekoim. 104 µt olKelas µou ~OUA"S Kai n8ei\fie1eoos Kai 6ps TWII E61Kw µas (1666, Mani, SKOPETEAS
1950: IX, 75.3) KCXI a)J..a ovµM~T}K6Ta a~1a 6tT)yfiCTews Don Kis. 172.6
The following is a clear example of a scribe trying to squeeze the old form into the metre (the other two mss have auvTa~t'Js Tov): µmx Tfis auvTa~16s Tov Pol. Tr. 6753 app. crit. (B). Fem.
laen. 243.2-3).11 6 Accusative Fem.
IAcc.
ibid. 307.4) els &11a~fJTT\e1111 TOO TOIOVTou T6irou (13th c., Pontos, OusPENSKYIBENECHEVITCH 1927: 20, 9.6) eira11w els Tfl" ap1111e1111 (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 45.116); µETcx TTI" crue1µ1~111 (ibid.
47.157) uir6axea111 TOO eiro1fie1ae11v Chron. Mor. H 221; I/Cl ,ro1fia"1µEII ovµr,ir,aCTlll ibid. 1626 els KaµapJJ11 TTI" l~ai\ev Chron. Toe. 322 (< Kaµapa) 610 Tflll ~AE1TIOTJII TOO T6irou MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 88.16 iroM aai\µ1Tpo, µir6i\µirePTJ Tou6c.lCTe ACHELIS, Malt. PoL 585 IJ1TOOKEOTJ TOV e,ro{T)O"CXII Chron. Mor. P 221 &,r' 6,Tl EYY\JTJOTJ exou11 Kaµ(.,)µ~IIT} (1523, Crete, ICAKLAMANislLAMBAKIS 2003: 71, 134.71) · els Tf\11 Kaµapr)II Tou Diig. Alex. E 283.5 (Lolos) and Diig. Alex. K 361.30 · elal CX11TiAAa~11 TOO cn'.rroO xwpaq,lou (1545, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 101, 148.12); 610 "ITAEOII CX~lOTJII (1554, ibid. 144, 193.18) vcx11 TOO 6C.:,aw 6 ~ (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 194,287.3) (= 6pe~. see I, 2.8.5)
Ti'js aµcpiepc!xrews (1124, S. Italy, MERCATI et al.
:
..
,
'
or
ixe1 ti eKKATJala ••• cruC1Tae11 (1142?, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. V: 7,307.5) (but: cruC1Tae11v
The old genitive ending -e(l.)S remains in use throughout the period under examination, but clearly only in mixed- and higher-register texts and in more formal contexts:
' ., ~ ! . , ,
l-1(11)/-TJ(II)
The accusative ends in /i/ and occurs with and without final /n/. The spelling with is really a matter of editorial choice:
. l-ews
1980: 9, 80.15)(= aq>1epc!xrews, see I, 3.5.2.4) xap111 ••• 601Kfiaews (ca. 1270, Athos, BOMPAIRE 1964: 9A, 81.43) (= 6101Kfie1ews) Ti'js JJiCTTtS crrrocpaaec.>S (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 43.92); 6to CTuyKa-raOfoec.>S (ibid. 47.147) Ti'js aytOTaTTJS JJTJTpo,r6i\ews ~uppaxlou (1359,Albania, SAKKELION 1887a: 474.10) . • els ,roio11 Kpeµ11611 e11rneae11 KaKWCTeG\15 6 1100s µou I.iv. V 1800
l-os
Sporadically, nouns not originally in -1s may acquire the -os ending of the old 3rd declension (cf. proparoxytone nouns in -a, 2.11.3): Tfis PouµEAoS (1699, Vostitza, MERTZIOS 1968: 3,
The following example combines the new ending with the stress shift of the old form in -E(,.)S (see below): crrro Tiis TOIaVVOUS (1318, Athos, LEFORT 1973: 14, 103.47) Tfls Ma~iµovs Tfis Koupf?>.cniµw
Mapu)
Gen.
i6.0'T)µoiis
Mapu)S
Acc.
i6.0'T)µw
Mapw(v)
Voe.
i6.0'T)µw
Mapw
Mapws 'l>.O'T)µws
-oii
1-ws: -oos
The genitive singular is formed by adding the genitive marker Isl to the nominative. This ending is the normal one for paroxytone names, but less common with oxytone names, which belong to a more conservative paradigm:
Mapovs M.cniµw
Mapu)
Gen.
i6.0'T)µoiis
Mapu)S
Acc.
i6.0'T)µw
Mapw(v)
Voe.
i6.0'T)µw
Mapw
Mapws 'l>.O'T)µws
-oii
1-ws: -oos
The genitive singular is formed by adding the genitive marker Isl to the nominative. This ending is the normal one for paroxytone names, but less common with oxytone names, which belong to a more conservative paradigm:
Mapovs M (1631, Gortynia, YANNAROPOULOU 1972:
17, 312.3-4)
..
.
• .
.
TflV 0eo6wpav Kcxl Xa16c.:> (1691, Siatista, PANDAZOPOULOslTSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 1974: 19,
13.3)
mThus: ti 6ecpe11alc.>11, gen. sg. 6ecpe11~{011os, dat. sg. 6ecpe11alo111, acc. sg. 6ecpe11alo11a, nom. pl. 6ecpe11alons, gen. pl. 6ecpe11a1011c.>11, dat. pl. 6ecpe11aloa1, acc. pl. 6ecpe11alo11as. These Latin loanwords are quite common in Byzantine legal texts such as the Basilica: see the online TLG for examples. · 126 Fonns in -16(11) can still be found in the 2.akynthian Dimitrios Gouzelis's comedy O Chasis (e.g. al; Tl 11Teampcrra10 ~plaKoµa1 GOUZELIS, O Chasis 1.140; O'TTJII Ko~epacrra10 ibid. 1.192), the final version of which dates from 1795 (ed. Synodinos),
I,'.·
II Nominal Morphology
578
2 Nouns
Deletion of final /s/ is mentioned in the grammar of Kritopoulos. As Kritopoulos was an educated man who looked down upon the vernacular language, there is no reason to doubt the validity of his observations: 11 al6~. TfiS al6ov ... avTl 11 al6~s. Tris al6oos a16ovs ... ~ ATJT&, Tfis AriTov .•. &VTl 11 ATJT~, Tfis AriToos ATJTOVS KRITOPOULos, Grammar 109.26-8. Forms in -ovs of paroxytone names are either the result of ''raising vocalism" (see I, 2.5.4) or due to influence from the oxytone feminine names in -~: a{yvov xe1pos N1K~Tov avµ~{ov N1K0Mov (1146, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. II: 6, 71.1) (with deletion of /s/ due to the following /s/ (haplography)); Tfis TTcxvovs (1611, loannina, MERTZios 1936a: (1), 19.13): Tris Zacpupovs (1696 [18th-c. copy]. Sibiu, TSOURK.A-PAPASTATHI 2011: B 25, f. l 86r.18 and 27).
579
Vocative Fem.
jvoc.
1-C::,: -c..>
As most of the proper names belonging to this paradigm occur in documents, not many vocatives have been found:
w/\TtTW S0FIANOS, Grammar 42.18 µTJ11 o:irep&ons. Ma(1µw Dig. A 3572 µ116ev irepaons, Mo:~1µC.:, Dig. T 240S
wKM,8c.:> Zinon IV.111
Fem.
laen.
1-c.:>VQS
2.14.2 The following example is a one-off use of the residual genitive ending of 3rd-declension nouns in -c..:>v with a proparoxytone noun: Tris Mcxpc..:>vos (1678, lkaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 63, 53.17-18).
Accusative
Transfers to Other Paradigms
Oxytone nouns in -w, such as ye]w;.)fyiXM,;,, and especially proper names ('Aa11µw, 0eoq>av~) show a strong tendency to transfer to -ou. This tendency pre-dates the period covered by this Grammar (see the introduction to 2.13), and in certain areas forms in -ou are exclusive.
Fem.
2.15 The accusative ends in /o/. Addition of final /n/ has only been found with paroxytone names, whereas the oxytone names follow the conservative (AG) paradigm: exa ... 6uyartpas Mooxw Kai 0EOTOKW (1263, Leros, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIDOU 1980:
... 186.32) EX.El yvvcxtKa'k..xxvvw (ca. 1300,Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1977: 91, 108.108); exE1 yvvaiKa :.\pyvpw (1321, ibid. 109,242.360); 6uy11v ••• TTapaCTKeuw (1301, Athos, BoMPAIRE et al. 2001: 30, 203.24-S) EXEi yvvaiKa X1ovw (1320, Athos/Thessaloniki, LEFORT et al. 1994: 79, 275.420) exe1 eyyollT)V Evya,C::, (15th c., Lemnos, OlKONOMIDES 1984: 7,307.15) els TT}V A1jxx8C.:, (1538, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 36, 37.15-16) OTav rno:>.EµoOaav TT}V 1Ep1XC:., (1578, Trikala, SOFIANOS 1992: 6, 236.121) TT}V Ma~1µC:., evlKT}C1E Dig. A 3877
Feminine Nouns in -io(v)
This is a small paradigm consisting mostly of Italian loanwords in -1ov, which are adapted to Greek morphology by forming the genitive singular in -s and an imparisyllabic plural in -oves based on Italian -ioni. The paradigm shows similarities with loanwords from Latin that are found in older legal texts, such as 6ecpeva{u1v, Kov~mc.,w, peN:yaTiu>v and others, which are declined according to 3rd-declension nouns in -c..:>v. 125 The paradigm in -16(v) is defective in that no vocatives or genitives plural have been found. Examples are limited to areas under Italian rule and the vast majority have been found in documentary texts. Literature, even vernacular literature, is linguistically conservative and thus, unsurprisingly, nouns in -1o(v) have mainly been found in comedies and similar works (Katzourbos, Stathis, Berto/dos, Bertoldinos and Fortounatos),'u, which reflect the spoken language more than other literary texts, and in texts with lower literary aspirations such as chronicles. Occurrences in other verse texts (Falieros, Bounialis) are rare.
TflV irpC::,TTtv lAeyav Mapc.:>v (15th c., Cyprus, BRAYER et al. 1951: 71, f.lr.2-3) (describes a
Constantinopolitan member of the well-known Kantakouzinos family) µe TT}II Kvpa-K1oupc.:> TT}V TETpa6a1va (1516, Corfu, UTSAsfLEONDIADOU 2011: 41, 73.8) TT)V KVpall M&pc.,v, Tl u,rf\pxe yvllT) TOU (1544, Corfu, RoooLAKIS!PAPARRJGA-ARTEMIADI
1996: 78,269.2) .TT)V O:Vc.:>6e11 KVp (1553, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 116, 164.20) TT}V µ11Tepav TOV A11µT)Tpc.:> ... TT}V KVpa TOU :.\vaO"Tc.:> (1631, Gortynia, YANNAROPOULOU 1972:
17, 312.3-4)
..
.
• .
.
TflV 0eo6wpav Kcxl Xa16c.:> (1691, Siatista, PANDAZOPOULOslTSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 1974: 19,
13.3)
mThus: ti 6ecpe11alc.>11, gen. sg. 6ecpe11~{011os, dat. sg. 6ecpe11alo111, acc. sg. 6ecpe11alo11a, nom. pl. 6ecpe11alons, gen. pl. 6ecpe11a1011c.>11, dat. pl. 6ecpe11aloa1, acc. pl. 6ecpe11alo11as. These Latin loanwords are quite common in Byzantine legal texts such as the Basilica: see the online TLG for examples. · 126 Fonns in -16(11) can still be found in the 2.akynthian Dimitrios Gouzelis's comedy O Chasis (e.g. al; Tl 11Teampcrra10 ~plaKoµa1 GOUZELIS, O Chasis 1.140; O'TTJII Ko~epacrra10 ibid. 1.192), the final version of which dates from 1795 (ed. Synodinos),
580
II Nominal Morphology
2.15.1
The Paradigm
2 Nouns
More restricted
Restricted
Rare
Singular Norn.
1\I Buo 1T~TCu\l 'Tt'OO"~II (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 4, 16.4) TO 61xa{euµav 'Tl'ClVTCu\l T~II apc.uµaTtXW\I Assizes A 238.31
IT Nominal Morphology
596
av Ta EOf\s TOO l?,ovvoO Vws Aisop. K 206.11 . ToO ~YT1To0 Berto/din. 98.19 TT)II Aolµt111 Toii 8avanxoii AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 621 \f/Tlhoii 6eVTpou laYT1T6 (1692, Palermo region, PAPADOPOULOS 1994: 2, 183.48) µi Tpla 6eVTpCl (1698, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1991: 3, 86.16) (< 6EVTp6(v) < 6eVTpo(v))
Vocative 5pt1 Kal xaµirot xal l?,ovva Veith. 129 c!> l?,ovvcx xal xaµ'Tl'ot xal opt1 Diig. Alex. F 120.20 (Lolos) 5pt1, l?,ovva 8PT111iiaeTE Thrinos Konst. (Zoras) 6; x' eaeis, vepa TpexaµEva ibid. 9 eaeis l?,ov116 ... EP1TETCl •.•• EACXTE PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §31.135-7 l?,ovva xal 5pt1 XAauaCXTe DIAKR., Diig. PoL 652
Addition of final /n/ is not very common and has only been found in the acc. (see I, 3.7.2.1.3): ,r6vos els TCX vecppcxv TOU Chron. Toe. 1532; lK TCX yAu1\I Buo 1T~TCu\l 'Tt'OO"~II (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 4, 16.4) TO 61xa{euµav 'Tl'ClVTCu\l T~II apc.uµaTtXW\I Assizes A 238.31
598
2 Nouns
Il Nominal Morphology
The inherited ending -o(v), with and without the final /n/, is in general use throughout the LMedG and EMG periods for the nominative, the accusative and the vocative:
TW\I 'IITEl¼>II TOV Veith. 300 els 6,;yµcrra epmTWII Lapid. 187.21 TW\I ~evyapll11 Achil. N 1383 TWII av-rwv pTJyarc.>11 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 306. 7 6oUKaTW\I 6eKaE1111Ea ( 1524, Crete, KAKI.AMANis!LAMBAKIS 2003: 90, 170.18) aTlµa pouxwv (1599, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 59, 72.2) EK TW\I epyc.,11 aou (17th c., Cyprus, CHRISTODOULOU 1983: A, 401.19) ETOVTW\I TW\I (wc.,11 Berto/din. 112.9 TCX KpoII (1599,Andros, PoLEMIS 1999a: 95, 127.9)
Proparoxytone nouns generally display a shift of the stress from the antepenultimate to the penultimate: irpo~a-rc.,11 ••• Kal Aomwv TETpair66c.>11 (1079, Constantinople, VRANousr 1980: 2, 17.6) TW\I 1epoaoi\vµc.,11 NIKON, Prol 46.2-3 TWll 1Tpoaw,rc.,11 (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 244.602) TW\I Kcrrepyc.>11 Pol Tr. 12957; TWll l)lle[pc.,11 TOUS Myovs ibid. 14037 TOUS i\xous TW\I ~OUK{llc.>11 Achil. N 281 TW\I axepc.>11 (15th c., Crete, KODER 1964: 46.30) (< axupo(11)) elpT)\I GK6ATJII TW\I Xp1aToye1111c.>11 (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 468.25-6) ev TWV Kopvcp1crr1Kw11 Kapa~irovAc.>11 SFRANTZIS, Chron. 168.15-16 TW aV116pc.,11 (1479, Constantinople, BOMBACI 1954: 1,301.10) Kaµ1Ta\lOSTW\I a16epc.>11 (16th c., Unknown, DELATTE 1946: 500.13) TW\I &Myc.,11 Diig. Alex. F 142.10 (Lolos) u,rep1Tllpc.>11 XIAlc.>11 6taKoaw11 (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 1, 4.20) 1TEpl Kpecrras TW\I TETpa1r66w11 (1565-75, Constantinople, FOERSTER 1877: 14, 28.29) 0AW11 Twv 61rwpc.,11 Porikol. III tit 1r6aw11 GKa1166:AW11 RODINOS, Vios Jgn. 107.5 µouatKW\I opy6:11w11 IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 1333; 1II aa,rpwv PAPASYNAD., Chron. II§ 11.46 TW\I XopTwv Prol. Epain. Kef. 41 aa,rpwv XIA16:6as 6eKa µ611as (1662, Karpathos?, ZERLENDIS 1918d: t:., 302.1) 8e11 µepTaW\I (1680, loannina, VELOUDIS 1987: 8, 302, f. l v.l) (< T (1631, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 591,565.11) T~\I cxo,-pC) 'l'ROILOS, Rodol. ill.339 (Aposkiti) &a,rpw 1TE\ITE (1643, Zakynthos, MAVROS 1984: 361.15) Kal ~yf\ ti CXKTl\la TW povxw KORNAROS, Erot. II.420
Absence of stress shift in proparoxytone words occurs occasionally: e1v µouaK0Ko:pv6w11 Assizes A 237.30 TG>v 6:pxo11T6irouAW (1685, Naxos, SIFoNiou-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 610, 841.15-16)
•
129
Tuis single instance in Assizes is not a case of addition of -(v)e, but an undeclined loanword from the French (cardamone): Taiv Kap6&µou~ Assizes B 489.27 {with /u/ for /o/, see I, 2.5.4). 130 This may be influenced by the fact that some neuter nouns in /on/ have neuter variants in /os/, which have oxytone genitives plural, e.g. TO µnpos {< µtrpo{v)); TO liCTTpos (< liCTTpo{v)); see 2.23.
i• '
:.,:(;/.
L
·'
'
608
II Nominal Morphology
2.20
Neut.
laen.
l-aTwv
This ending is the gen. pl. counterpart to nom./acc. imparisyllabic -cmx. The expected shift of the stress to the penultimate appears to be observed. From the LMedG period onwards it is not very common and has only been found in early mixed-register texts: ToO auTou irepl oveipcrrc.>v NIKON, Prol. 26.4; ,rep,rupcrrc.>V T6V (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 71.V 120). 2.19.3
2 Nouns
Transfers to Other Paradigms
In the period covered by this Grammar, as in earlier stages of the language, nouns belonging to the neuter /on/ paradigms may develop alternative neuter forms in /os/ (for more examples see 2.23), e.g.: els CXKpos Dig. G 1.32 app. crit (G) (< CXKpov) ws o:cnpTJ Diig. Alex. Sem. S 17 (< o:a.pov) els TO µfooS (1532, Macedonia, DELIALIS 1969: 251.71) (< µfoov) els To 61:ims Diig. Alex. F 278.4 (Lolos) (< 6eiirvov) To epyoS hoOTo SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 31.2 (< epyov) Tex 1 irat6f(v); f3v(tov > ~u(l(v). Whereas in the residual -fov ending final /n/ is normally retained, it becomes variable after the loss of /o/. The other cases may also present a shift of the stress to the ultimate: 1ra161ou, Ti-a161cx, ir016t&v. The substantivized infinitives meiv (> ,r{(v)), cpayeiv (> cpay!(v)) and q>IAfiv (> µaKetJu:16(v); a-xoN:io(v) > a-KoN:t6(v); and even i,1~:i\.lo(v) > ~1!,A16(v); but Taµeio(v), µvTJµeio(v) and µoua-eio(v) (mosaic) rather than *wµet6(v), *µvrwe16(v) and *µoua-e16(v), as these nouns belong to a more formal register. In the nouns that do present a shift of the stress to the ultimate in the nominative and accusative singular, a shift of the stress to the last syllable may also be observed in the other cases: a-KoN:toii, O'KON:16:, O"KOAE1WV. Sub-paradigm 2.20.1.2 covers inherited nouns in -iov, many of them originally diminutives, and later formations. As mentioned above, from long before the LMedG period these nouns show a strong tendency to lose the /o/ from their ending in the nominative and accusative singular and become oxytone, e.g. 1ra16lov > irat6f(v); f3v(tov > ~u(l(v). Whereas in the residual -fov ending final /n/ is normally retained, it becomes variable after the loss of /o/. The other cases may also present a shift of the stress to the ultimate: 1ra161ou, Ti-a161cx, ir016t&v. The substantivized infinitives meiv (> ,r{(v)), cpayeiv (> cpay!(v)) and q>IAfiv (> µ011a i\11crrrA1(v); (oµ)µaTIOII > µaT1(v); (o)crnhiov > 0"1T!T1(11); -rrep1!36A1011 (< mp1f36Aa1o(v) > mp1f36A1(v); xwpacplO\I > xwpacp1(v); diminutives in-ap10\I > -o:p1(11), -61ov > -61(v), -fw1011 > -ha1(11) and -o:K1ov > -o:K1(11). 132 The nouns SciKpuov > 66:Kpu(11) and 6iKTuov >. 6iKru(v) 133 also follow this paradigm, as does !3pa6v(11)/!3pci61(11) (< !3pa6u < adj. !3pa6vs). The sub-paradigm further covers certain ex-3rd-declension nouns such as µeA1( 11) (< µe;\1, gen. µeAtTos); loanwords such as µ661011 > µ661(11) (< 6 µ6610s < Lat. modius, see LSJ s.v. µ6610s) and 6cpcpiK1ov > 6cpcpiK1(v) (< Lat. officium); as well as later formations and
131 Note that nouns in -n'ip1011 that belong to a more formal register such as a 1 cap1.os) are also old, occurring e.g. in the Apocalypse 10.2, 10.9, 10.10. 133 When around the year 1000 lhe pronunciation of changed from /y/ to /ii (see I, 2.4.6), the spelling of these nouns with became a matter of mere orthography. 132
2 Nouns
611
loanwords in -1(11) that do not derive from previous forms in -1ov. These innovative nouns include, among many others, &y6p1(11), crrrAa,fp1(v), ,mov111(v), µov{oup1(v), µouAK1(v), IITCX~av1(11), ~v61(11), 1ra~1µ0:61(v), 1rapaµv81(v), 1royep1v, x&1J11(v), 134 as well as loanwords in -IK1(o)(v), a suffix that denotes profession. This suffix appears to have entered the Greek language from two different sources, namely Latin (-iK1(0)11 < adjectival suffix-icius, neuter -icium, which in Latin denotes "names of magistracies" 135) and Turkish (-AiKt( v) < -lik, -lzk). The Latin suffix appears in the noun 616aaKCXA{K1ov in a Byzantine law text (ed. Zepos), in Theodoros Balsamon (12th c.), and in a 12th-c. Typikon, of which, however, the original is lost: To 616cxaKCXAIK1ov (1136 [l8th-c. mss], Constantinople, GAUTIER 1974: 107.131718) (for these references see LBG, s.v.). The Latin ending also occurs in Machairas: To KO\ITOCTTCXVAiKI\I TW\I 1epoaoMµwv MACHAIRAS, Chron. Y 88.28 (< KO\ITOO"Tcx0Aos/ KOVT6CTTavAos + -1K111, modelled on MedLat comestabulus, see LBG s. v. KoµT)CTTo:!3ouAos). The Turkish suffix -AiK1 becomes productive in the EMG period and not only occurs in loanwords of Turkish origin, e.g. eKaµev 6 ! naVCX1 changed from /y/ to /ii (see I, 2.4.6), the spelling of these nouns with became a matter of mere orthography. 132
2 Nouns
611
loanwords in -1(11) that do not derive from previous forms in -1ov. These innovative nouns include, among many others, &y6p1(11), crrrAa,fp1(v), ,mov111(v), µov{oup1(v), µouAK1(v), IITCX~av1(11), ~v61(11), 1ra~1µ0:61(v), 1rapaµv81(v), 1royep1v, x&1J11(v), 134 as well as loanwords in -IK1(o)(v), a suffix that denotes profession. This suffix appears to have entered the Greek language from two different sources, namely Latin (-iK1(0)11 < adjectival suffix-icius, neuter -icium, which in Latin denotes "names of magistracies" 135) and Turkish (-AiKt( v) < -lik, -lzk). The Latin suffix appears in the noun 616aaKCXA{K1ov in a Byzantine law text (ed. Zepos), in Theodoros Balsamon (12th c.), and in a 12th-c. Typikon, of which, however, the original is lost: To 616cxaKCXAIK1ov (1136 [l8th-c. mss], Constantinople, GAUTIER 1974: 107.131718) (for these references see LBG, s.v.). The Latin ending also occurs in Machairas: To KO\ITOCTTCXVAiKI\I TW\I 1epoaoMµwv MACHAIRAS, Chron. Y 88.28 (< KO\ITOO"Tcx0Aos/ KOVT6CTTavAos + -1K111, modelled on MedLat comestabulus, see LBG s. v. KoµT)CTTo:!3ouAos). The Turkish suffix -AiK1 becomes productive in the EMG period and not only occurs in loanwords of Turkish origin, e.g. eKaµev 6 ! naVCX1 n-006100; iroo6{a > ,rm6to:, etc.). In these cases, very often an accent is written on , even though it is clear that synizesis has taken place and that the pronunciation of has shifted from [i] to fj]. This is a spelling habit that occurs is many manuscripts and early prints. The problem this scribal habit poses is that in non-metrical texts it is impossible to determine whether a form xwpfov or n-a16{ou actually represents a conservative paroxytone form, or whether the accentuation indicates that the form needs to be read with synizesis. For more information see 1.5.
,rpos TCX O"VVT)&e1a Chron. Mor. H 1250 Kai E1Tapl'j TO O"VVT)&E!OII Dig. E 1341 Kai as V.&ri TO O"Vµira&1011 aov LIMEN., Than. Rod. 88 TWII yvva1Kwv Ta O"VVf1&1a Corona Preciosa E 3r.26 TO avvTEAE10 ~Tov Pent. Gen. 7.6 eTxa11 O"Vllf181ov oi ayp101 a118pc,mo1 Diig. Ala. E 21.18 (Konstantinopulos) Kai ,rpfae1 &:At'J8e10 T' 6veipo 1/(l 'vat Stathis m.263 O"Vµ,ra810 els TOUS 6:µapT(A)AOUS P&N Diath. 5209 O"Vµ,ra810 1/CX aoii ·~flTOUlla ThysiaAvr. 897 Regionally (Crete, Cyprus, Cyclades), the noun auvfi8etov may lose lo/ from its ending and thus effectively transfer to sub-paradigm 2.20.2.2: T)Tov auvf}ei DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 347; evoo auvfi81 (1622, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 3, 49.53); foe1611 Kai va µ,;v eiva1 houTo TO ~U\IT}8l els TO TO"ITO µcxs (1703, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 46, 60.27-8). Neuter nouns in -os, pl. ·TJ, such as cxv6os, cSpos, cm)6os, XPEOS and others may transfer to sub-paradigm 2.20.2.2. This change is likely to have started with the addition of the neuter plural ending -a to the opaque plural ending -TJ (HATZIDAKIS 1892: 44): / 1stiei/ > /'sti8i-a/, which led to a new singular in -1(v):
Restricted
Rare
x(A)p!6(v)
x(A)p{ov -Iv -6
Gen.
X(A)PIOV
Acc.
x(A)p!6(v)
x(A)plov x(A)p{ov -Iv -6
Voe.
x(A)p16(11)
x(A)plov Plural
Arty connection with the poetic AG noun Toe itvlcx (see LSJ, s.v.) is unlikely.
.~! : '
·1.
Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in -lo(v)/-eio(v) > -(e)i6(v)
Norn.
.. ·.. ·· •'. _j.;,;; ... ·:,;
'.i, ....
2.20.1.1
Singular
. Neuter nouns in -aiov and -atov, derived from adjectives in -aios and -CX10S, may transfer to sub-paradigms 2.20.1.1 and 2.20.2.2 respectively. It may be suspected that these forms are generally to be read with synizesis, irrespective of the position of the written accent (see 1.5 for discussion), e.g.: Tov iroiov etAoµev vex EXT) µTjv{ov (1468, Cyprus, RrcHARDI PAPAOOPOULLOS 1983: 48, 26.2); fo~pwaev TO µTj\116\1 TOUS MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 188.3 (< µTjvaiov); ~o:pe1 Kai 6{KIO exeis P&N Diath. 3079 (< 6{Ka1ov) ' Other transfers are lexical, as there is no general tendency for feminine nouns in -1s/ri and ·TJ and masculine nouns in -os to form non-diminutive alternative forms in /ion/:
iei/I:,i: ,.: , :):n
Paroxytone Nouns in /'io(n)/
General
µi T' cx1181a Dig. A 2836 EIS T' aaTT)8111 Tov Katis 40 els To 6p1 Apok. TheoL 489.1 61a vex ao?.6ape1 TO av(A)eev xpe1 (1669, Kefalonia, BALLAS 1999a: 2, 280.16) vex XPE(A)(J'TOVaav XPEyia (1696, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 244, 154.2) · 61a To av(A)eev XPEt (1716, Smyrna, SFYROERAs 1963b: 3, 179.18)
136
2.20.1
Ji.....____
Norn.
X(A)PICl
x(A)p{a
Gen.
X(A)PIWII
X(A)pl(A)II X(A)PIW X(A)PlWIIE
Acc.
x(A)p,a
x(A)p{cx
Voe.
X(A)PICl
x(A)p{a
-ecx
-ea
612
II Nominal Morphology
2 Nouns
Transfers to the /ion/ paradigms include certain feminine nouns in -{a/-10:, which may develop neuter alternatives in -io(v)/-{v according to paradigm 2.20.1 when the -la ending is reanalysed as neuter plural: els T' 6a-rap{o 01iT6 Nov. II 161.2 (< TJ 6a-rap{a < Ven. ostaria); evcxt a-niv µirouKa Suo a-rap{cx Portul. II, 186.19-20; ol BoMves exouv lva o-rcxpl ibid. 186.24; KO:Tou els Tov y1CXAov eTvcx1 Svo 6a-rcxp{a ibid. V, 325.16-17; o ~oaK6s 6poo-16 yupeuye1 Vosk. 463 (< TJ 6pocno:); oAot !KaTSuo6wvaa1v TCX i\oupcx Kcxl Tex 'v{a SACHLIK1S, Afigisis 133 (= Ta TJV{a < TJ TJV{cx). 136 Similarly, proparoxytone feminine nouns in -e1a, such as auvfi8eta, auµn-o:8e1a and a few others, may develop neuter alternatives according to sub-paradigm 2.20.2.1. Some editors prefer to spell the ending with , while others retain the of the feminine original:
616e KCXI 66ata SACHLIKJS, Afigisis 332
va 6WOTIS 6oa1a a\JTCXpKETa MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 22.33 (< TJ 66ats/66o,i) els TO \IT)al TOV 0taKlOV (1585 [later copy], Ithaca, KALLINIKOS 1980: 56.4) els To 01aK1 (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 29, 48.1) TT\11 Keq>aAovla Kai TO 016K1 Chron. Tourk. Soult. 134.8 (< T\ 186xri) µt 8privlo11 µeyav Kai KAa8µ011 Diig. Alex. F 138.6 (Lolos) (< o8pflvas) T6~1a Tijs s) The noun ToupKos has a derogatory (diminutive) derivative in -iv: vo: ?.6Tj OTTJV Kuirpov TO ToupKIV Thrinos Kypr. 29; Ouyypo1, TCXTo:pot Kat ToupKto: STAVRINOS, Diig. Mich. Voev. 846 (Pidonia). As mentioned above, the nouns in both sub-paradigms of 2.20.1 may become oxytone: in 2.20.1.1 through stress shift and synizesis in all cases (xwpio > xwp16; xwp{ou > xwpiou, etc.) and in 2.20.1.2 through deletion of lo/ in the nominative and accusative singular (ira16fov > n-cxt61(v)) and stress shift and synizesis in the other cases (ira16{ou > n-006100; iroo6{a > ,rm6to:, etc.). In these cases, very often an accent is written on , even though it is clear that synizesis has taken place and that the pronunciation of has shifted from [i] to fj]. This is a spelling habit that occurs is many manuscripts and early prints. The problem this scribal habit poses is that in non-metrical texts it is impossible to determine whether a form xwpfov or n-a16{ou actually represents a conservative paroxytone form, or whether the accentuation indicates that the form needs to be read with synizesis. For more information see 1.5.
,rpos TCX O"VVT)&e1a Chron. Mor. H 1250 Kai E1Tapl'j TO O"VVT)&E!OII Dig. E 1341 Kai as V.&ri TO O"Vµira&1011 aov LIMEN., Than. Rod. 88 TWII yvva1Kwv Ta O"VVf1&1a Corona Preciosa E 3r.26 TO avvTEAE10 ~Tov Pent. Gen. 7.6 eTxa11 O"Vllf181ov oi ayp101 a118pc,mo1 Diig. Ala. E 21.18 (Konstantinopulos) Kai ,rpfae1 &:At'J8e10 T' 6veipo 1/(l 'vat Stathis m.263 O"Vµ,ra810 els TOUS 6:µapT(A)AOUS P&N Diath. 5209 O"Vµ,ra810 1/CX aoii ·~flTOUlla ThysiaAvr. 897 Regionally (Crete, Cyprus, Cyclades), the noun auvfi8etov may lose lo/ from its ending and thus effectively transfer to sub-paradigm 2.20.2.2: T)Tov auvf}ei DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 347; evoo auvfi81 (1622, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 3, 49.53); foe1611 Kai va µ,;v eiva1 houTo TO ~U\IT}8l els TO TO"ITO µcxs (1703, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 46, 60.27-8). Neuter nouns in -os, pl. ·TJ, such as cxv6os, cSpos, cm)6os, XPEOS and others may transfer to sub-paradigm 2.20.2.2. This change is likely to have started with the addition of the neuter plural ending -a to the opaque plural ending -TJ (HATZIDAKIS 1892: 44): / 1stiei/ > /'sti8i-a/, which led to a new singular in -1(v):
Restricted
Rare
x(A)p!6(v)
x(A)p{ov -Iv -6
Gen.
X(A)PIOV
Acc.
x(A)p!6(v)
x(A)plov x(A)p{ov -Iv -6
Voe.
x(A)p16(11)
x(A)plov Plural
Arty connection with the poetic AG noun Toe itvlcx (see LSJ, s.v.) is unlikely.
.~! : '
·1.
Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in -lo(v)/-eio(v) > -(e)i6(v)
Norn.
.. ·.. ·· •'. _j.;,;; ... ·:,;
'.i, ....
2.20.1.1
Singular
. Neuter nouns in -aiov and -atov, derived from adjectives in -aios and -CX10S, may transfer to sub-paradigms 2.20.1.1 and 2.20.2.2 respectively. It may be suspected that these forms are generally to be read with synizesis, irrespective of the position of the written accent (see 1.5 for discussion), e.g.: Tov iroiov etAoµev vex EXT) µTjv{ov (1468, Cyprus, RrcHARDI PAPAOOPOULLOS 1983: 48, 26.2); fo~pwaev TO µTj\116\1 TOUS MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 188.3 (< µTjvaiov); ~o:pe1 Kai 6{KIO exeis P&N Diath. 3079 (< 6{Ka1ov) ' Other transfers are lexical, as there is no general tendency for feminine nouns in -1s/ri and ·TJ and masculine nouns in -os to form non-diminutive alternative forms in /ion/:
iei/I:,i: ,.: , :):n
Paroxytone Nouns in /'io(n)/
General
µi T' cx1181a Dig. A 2836 EIS T' aaTT)8111 Tov Katis 40 els To 6p1 Apok. TheoL 489.1 61a vex ao?.6ape1 TO av(A)eev xpe1 (1669, Kefalonia, BALLAS 1999a: 2, 280.16) vex XPE(A)(J'TOVaav XPEyia (1696, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 244, 154.2) · 61a To av(A)eev XPEt (1716, Smyrna, SFYROERAs 1963b: 3, 179.18)
136
2.20.1
Ji.....____
Norn.
X(A)PICl
x(A)p{a
Gen.
X(A)PIWII
X(A)pl(A)II X(A)PIW X(A)PlWIIE
Acc.
x(A)p,a
x(A)p{cx
Voe.
X(A)PICl
x(A)p{a
-ecx
-ea
II Nominal Morphology
614
2 Nouns
615 i
,1
'
,1 ·i ,. '
Singular
Nominative, Accusative and Vocative Neut.
I
Norn., Acc. & Voe.
1-lo(v)/-Eio(v)
Contrary to the oxytone variants (see below), deletion of final /n/ is not very common with the paroxytone forms. In fact the example from Poulologos shows that the form xc.:,p{o, despite its stress notation, should actually be read with synizesis (as Xc.:>p16, see below), and it may be suspected that the same holds true for the other examples (see 1.5 for discussion): µeTa TO Kepaµapeio (ca. 1270, Athos, BOMPAIRE 1964: 9A, 80.27-8) eK To xc.,plo Ti'ls PlµvfJs Poulol. 489 app. crit (A) eK TO aKoAEio Tov Nomaos, Ais. Myth. 42.1 ws Ka8ws To eTxe irp1Klo (1535, Kefalonia, 2APANDI 2002a: 3, 21.7) TOU cmolou TOU TO eTxev 6wae1 ti airrlJ 1TpOtKlo (1587, Cythera. CHAROU-KoRONAIOUIDRAKAKIS
Paroxytone forms in /'ion/, with retention of final /n/, can be found throughout the period covered by this Grammar, though only in verse texts and in mixed-register prose texts and documents can there be some degree of certainty that the accent notation corresponds with the intended stress position (see the introduction (2.20) for discussion): Nominative
TO 6e l31!3Alov TO 1T011T1yvp1KOV (11th c. ?, s. Italy, GUILLOU 1982: 1, 11.27) j31!3v..lov TOO 'll.ylou N1K0Mou (1363, Cyprus, CoUROUPOU/GEHIN 2001: 3, 157.21) (= ~1!3Alo11, see I, 2.6.2) xv..1&6es s~fjVTa vrrep1rupa riToV yap TO 1Tp01Klov Chron. Mor. H 3127 Mye1 TO Bl{3Mov TOU EAarr(,)(JTfipl Diig. Apoll. 502 ooaav K(Xl(OV lh}plov SACHLIKIS, Ajigisis 52 ri;>..61: lh}plov ayp1ov Alex. Rim. 1307 rjTov 616aaKaAEiov Diig. Alex. V 43.25 oirou av rjTOv ~$Alov 1roMTIµov Chron. Ps.-Doroth. (1572) 213 ~ e;>..&~uve To q,op-rlov Tou Vios Aisop. K 154.12-13 (EvplaKEToo ••• ) 1Tp0VK1ov Tfjs cnrriis AiKaTepfllTlS (1678, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1999: 4, 49.5) (= 1rpo1Klov, see I, 2.8.4)
2010: 145, 115.10) Neut.
jsg.
Norn., Acc. & Voe.
l-plov Assizes A 115.8; rjaav els aMov ayyeiov ibid. 197.31 els TO iroAmKapeiov SACHLIKIS, Afigisis 51 1r6aov ,rc.,;>..eis hoOTo TO KaKov ayyeiov; Wos Aisop. D 212.25 elae ~1~Alov lµoPq>ov a,ov a,op1Kov l:ovt&x Alex. Rim. 32 E~C.u (XI( TO xc.,plov Diig. Apoll 498; EIS TO 1ropvelov µ' EO"TEIAEV ibid. 734 6ta 6e 1rpo1Klov ••• TaaaEToo (1548, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1992: 15.7) els TO 1TaTp1apxeiov (1565-75, Constantinople, FoERSTER 1877: 7, 15.1) hri'jyav Kai els To µavniov Vws Aisop. I 283.6 avpe els TO Taµeiov µou Bertoldin. 168.17 els TO axokiov Tov Alex. Fyll. 11.34; 1p16, see below), and it may be suspected that the same holds true for the other examples (see 1.5 for discussion): µeTa TO Kepaµapeio (ca. 1270, Athos, BOMPAIRE 1964: 9A, 80.27-8) eK To xc.,plo Ti'ls PlµvfJs Poulol. 489 app. crit (A) eK TO aKoAEio Tov Nomaos, Ais. Myth. 42.1 ws Ka8ws To eTxe irp1Klo (1535, Kefalonia, 2APANDI 2002a: 3, 21.7) TOU cmolou TOU TO eTxev 6wae1 ti airrlJ 1TpOtKlo (1587, Cythera. CHAROU-KoRONAIOUIDRAKAKIS
Paroxytone forms in /'ion/, with retention of final /n/, can be found throughout the period covered by this Grammar, though only in verse texts and in mixed-register prose texts and documents can there be some degree of certainty that the accent notation corresponds with the intended stress position (see the introduction (2.20) for discussion): Nominative
TO 6e l31!3Alov TO 1T011T1yvp1KOV (11th c. ?, s. Italy, GUILLOU 1982: 1, 11.27) j31!3v..lov TOO 'll.ylou N1K0Mou (1363, Cyprus, CoUROUPOU/GEHIN 2001: 3, 157.21) (= ~1!3Alo11, see I, 2.6.2) xv..1&6es s~fjVTa vrrep1rupa riToV yap TO 1Tp01Klov Chron. Mor. H 3127 Mye1 TO Bl{3Mov TOU EAarr(,)(JTfipl Diig. Apoll. 502 ooaav K(Xl(OV lh}plov SACHLIKIS, Ajigisis 52 ri;>..61: lh}plov ayp1ov Alex. Rim. 1307 rjTov 616aaKaAEiov Diig. Alex. V 43.25 oirou av rjTOv ~$Alov 1roMTIµov Chron. Ps.-Doroth. (1572) 213 ~ e;>..&~uve To q,op-rlov Tou Vios Aisop. K 154.12-13 (EvplaKEToo ••• ) 1Tp0VK1ov Tfjs cnrriis AiKaTepfllTlS (1678, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1999: 4, 49.5) (= 1rpo1Klov, see I, 2.8.4)
2010: 145, 115.10) Neut.
jsg.
Norn., Acc. & Voe.
l-plov Assizes A 115.8; rjaav els aMov ayyeiov ibid. 197.31 els TO iroAmKapeiov SACHLIKIS, Afigisis 51 1r6aov ,rc.,;>..eis hoOTo TO KaKov ayyeiov; Wos Aisop. D 212.25 elae ~1~Alov lµoPq>ov a,ov a,op1Kov l:ovt&x Alex. Rim. 32 E~C.u (XI( TO xc.,plov Diig. Apoll 498; EIS TO 1ropvelov µ' EO"TEIAEV ibid. 734 6ta 6e 1rpo1Klov ••• TaaaEToo (1548, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1992: 15.7) els TO 1TaTp1apxeiov (1565-75, Constantinople, FoERSTER 1877: 7, 15.1) hri'jyav Kai els To µavniov Vws Aisop. I 283.6 avpe els TO Taµeiov µou Bertoldin. 168.17 els TO axokiov Tov Alex. Fyll. 11.34; 1IOV TO exc.:i 1Tp0IKIOV (1539, Skyros, ANDONIADIS I 990: 3, 17.2) Sia 1Tp0IKIOV avTi'js (1549, Crete, MARMARELJ/DRAKAKIS 2005: 6, 7.9) TT)V lxe1 els TO 1Tp0IKIOV TTJS (tyaveµeVT} (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 37, 117.22); eTa-re elae VOIKOKVptOV (ibid. 132, 217.5-6) µfoa els TO 1TaTp1apxe1ov EKEi 8evva Kpt800a1v KoNST. DIAK., [st. Makaritou Marko 434
617
KpaTeT els TOv oiKov Tov lvav aµCXAc..>Tov Ki\e411µ!011 Assizes B 403.15-16 (< adj. Ki\e411µaios) TOIi ,roTov 81lAoµe11 vex EXll µ11vlov (1468, Cyprus, RlCHARDIPAPADOPOULLOS 1983: 48, 26.2) (< µ11vaiov) µfiva lv1 Kpv411µ!011 ToO Tapelov Diig. Alex. E 177.1-2 (Konstantinopulos)
Neut.
lsg.
I
Norn., Acc. & Voe.
l-o(v)
Regionally in the oxytone forms /j/ may be deleted when preceded by a sibilant or affricate (see I, 2.4.7.3). Examples have been found in texts from Crete, but are likely to occur in texts from other areas as well: crnepaae TO KoACXTo-6 Kt cxK6µT) 6e11 eq,allT) CHoRTATsrs, Panor. II.51 (EVytOV) els TO aKoi\eTov µe ef36:Aav SACHLIKIS, Afigisis 32; els TO xooplov µ' eirfjye ibid. 124 Kpa~e TOV els TO µayepeiov DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2383 Kal TilS &(ovelas cxyyeiov Kal Tiis 6mAfjs TilS yvwµ11s BERGADIS, Apok. V 302 Kai ',rcxv Tl'J aTO 6t6aO"KaAElo Apoll. Rim. A 967 UTTJV xwpav 01TOU T56c.:itTov Ki\e411µ!011 Assizes B 403.15-16 (< adj. Ki\e411µaios) TOIi ,roTov 81lAoµe11 vex EXll µ11vlov (1468, Cyprus, RlCHARDIPAPADOPOULLOS 1983: 48, 26.2) (< µ11vaiov) µfiva lv1 Kpv411µ!011 ToO Tapelov Diig. Alex. E 177.1-2 (Konstantinopulos)
Neut.
lsg.
I
Norn., Acc. & Voe.
l-o(v)
Regionally in the oxytone forms /j/ may be deleted when preceded by a sibilant or affricate (see I, 2.4.7.3). Examples have been found in texts from Crete, but are likely to occur in texts from other areas as well: crnepaae TO KoACXTo-6 Kt cxK6µT) 6e11 eq,allT) CHoRTATsrs, Panor. II.51 (EVytOV) els TO aKoi\eTov µe ef36:Aav SACHLIKIS, Afigisis 32; els TO xooplov µ' eirfjye ibid. 124 Kpa~e TOV els TO µayepeiov DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2383 Kal TilS &(ovelas cxyyeiov Kal Tiis 6mAfjs TilS yvwµ11s BERGADIS, Apok. V 302 Kai ',rcxv Tl'J aTO 6t6aO"KaAElo Apoll. Rim. A 967 UTTJV xwpav 01TOU T56c.:itv TOU MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 54.12-13
INorn., Acc.
& Voe.
1-lo(v)
The old ending -{ov, even though it had lost its lo/ (see below) before the period covered by this Grammar, is still occasionally used in mixed-register texts: Nominative To 61: ira16lov 6 i\x1Meus Achil. N 212 6ev 801ouv aoO AEl1j1e1 aoA61a µi'tTe \jlc.lµlov Berto/din. 132.4 TO ,ra16lov ••. eo.e, El\lat CXpO"E\IIKO\I Alex. Fyll. 9.21-2
Deletion of final /n/ has been found in texts from south-western areas and the Aegean: 61a ovoµa irpouKtc7> (1590, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 8,300.12) (= ,rpo1K1&v, see I, 2.8.4) TW yepcrm& µou CHORTATSIS, Erof. 11.376 and Stathis m.486 o\ 1r1ipyo1 iraA1 TW\I n1x1& Zi.non lli.341
Accusative o\ µev {aTplKt\l foa1{av, aAAOI 61: TO Ta~Alov Pol Tr. 259 t~aAE axo1vlov ,rep( TO\I TpC!)(TlAO\I CXVTOU Anthos Ch. E 265.31; O"\I ibid. 269.27 \IQ TOO 6c!laouv Kpaa(ov vex irl11 Vios Aisop. D 226.36; \IQ 6ouAc!)ac.l Tooov µeyaAOv \ITJ(rlov ibid. 235.16-17 (11vpav ••• ) To KauKlov TOO 'A,r6Mc.)vos Vios Aisop. K 201.23 · eKeivo oirou euyalve1 cx,ro TO ~oUTalov, acxv TEAE1c!lve1 TO Kpaalov Bertol.dos 33.26-7
Addition of-(v)e has been found in a document from the Heptanese, but is likely to occur elsewhere as well (see I, 2.6.3.1): Twv auTCl xwpiwve (1655, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001b: 2, 188.9); oAovwve TW X~PlWVE (1666, ibid. 4, 198.299).
'
'~~:.,
1. (
.. ~' .··\II
' \
b
\:-:'
} ,;.
: .\'111111111
Neut.
2 Nouns
II Nominal Morphology
620
2.20.1.2
INorn., Acc. & Voe.
I-ea
Gen.
1-(e)lc.lv
Kal TW\I wµwv 0r)plc.l\l KoRONAIOS, Andrag. Bua IX.160 µncx µou01;{(;)\I Kai 1TAaKW\I [VLASTOS], Dig. PVIII 399.18 Twv 61000-KaAE(c.lv Bertol.din. 106.31
Deletion of final /n/ is very rare. It has been found in a document from Cyprus that displays various scribal problems. Note that in Cypriot texts final /n/ is normally only deleted in specific environments (see I, 3.7.2.2.2): Twv miTCl xwp{w Ka\ 1Tpao-reic.> (1468, Cyprus, RICHARDIPAPADOPOULLOS 1983; 3, 5.4).
Nom.
,ra16l(v)
1ra16{ov
Gen.
,rai6io0
irai61ov -oO
Acc.
,rai61(v)
1ra16lov
Voe.
,ra16l(v)
,rai61ov
l-(e)1&v : -(e)1& : -(e)1&ve
Nom.
,ra161a
,ra16la -a
Gen.
,ra16i&v
,ra16lc.lv ,ra16iw ,ra16i&ve -&v :-&
Acc.
,ra161a
1ra16la -a
Voe.
,ra161a
,ra16la -a
Neut. ~;-i(
irai61o
1ra16louv
Singular Nominative, Accusative and Vocative
Neut.
r
Rare
Plural
Paroxytone forms in -(e){wv can be found throughout the period covered by this Grammar, though as is often the case with the genitive, not many examples have been found:
·:.._·.:,:, ·. : :::-;.,. ,·?~•.: >
Restricted Singular
Genitive
I
~
Paroxytone/Oxytone Nouns in -{o(v) > -{(v) General
A fonn ·mxfo occurs ten times in the Chronicle of Morea (H), but all instances should be read with synizesis ([tix'ja]), which indicates the fonn is graphematic, a form of hypercorrection, probably by analogy with other paradigms (feminine nouns in -la and -fo, which both develop alternative forms in -16: (/'ja/) and masculine nouns in -fos > -16:s; cf. also the form xwpmpaioO in a document from Athos, 2.20.2.2): vex o-reKT} crrrcxvw els Tex TE1xea Tf\s xwpas Tfis TioAllov Chron. Mor. H 855; ds Tex Te1xfo TES ECJ"'T'T}o-av ibid. 857.
Neut.
:rr1 :-: ~: i·
621
lsg.
::. ~-'
In the genitive plural, too, a shift of the stress to the final syllable may occur: Kal TW\I Xc.lPIW\I (11th c., Sicily/S. Italy, SCHREINER l 975n9: 45, 336.38.2-3) Kal o\ Xc.lp1a-res Twv Xc.lp1&v Chron. Mor. H 1648 Tex KTTJVCX T&v Xc.lpyiC>v TOU MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 54.12-13
INorn., Acc.
& Voe.
1-lo(v)
The old ending -{ov, even though it had lost its lo/ (see below) before the period covered by this Grammar, is still occasionally used in mixed-register texts: Nominative To 61: ira16lov 6 i\x1Meus Achil. N 212 6ev 801ouv aoO AEl1j1e1 aoA61a µi'tTe \jlc.lµlov Berto/din. 132.4 TO ,ra16lov ••. eo.e, El\lat CXpO"E\IIKO\I Alex. Fyll. 9.21-2
Deletion of final /n/ has been found in texts from south-western areas and the Aegean: 61a ovoµa irpouKtc7> (1590, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 8,300.12) (= ,rpo1K1&v, see I, 2.8.4) TW yepcrm& µou CHORTATSIS, Erof. 11.376 and Stathis m.486 o\ 1r1ipyo1 iraA1 TW\I n1x1& Zi.non lli.341
Accusative o\ µev {aTplKt\l foa1{av, aAAOI 61: TO Ta~Alov Pol Tr. 259 t~aAE axo1vlov ,rep( TO\I TpC!)(TlAO\I CXVTOU Anthos Ch. E 265.31; O"\I ibid. 269.27 \IQ TOO 6c!laouv Kpaa(ov vex irl11 Vios Aisop. D 226.36; \IQ 6ouAc!)ac.l Tooov µeyaAOv \ITJ(rlov ibid. 235.16-17 (11vpav ••• ) To KauKlov TOO 'A,r6Mc.)vos Vios Aisop. K 201.23 · eKeivo oirou euyalve1 cx,ro TO ~oUTalov, acxv TEAE1c!lve1 TO Kpaalov Bertol.dos 33.26-7
Addition of-(v)e has been found in a document from the Heptanese, but is likely to occur elsewhere as well (see I, 2.6.3.1): Twv auTCl xwpiwve (1655, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001b: 2, 188.9); oAovwve TW X~PlWVE (1666, ibid. 4, 198.299).
'
'~~:.,
1. (
.. ~' .··\II
' \
b
\:-:'
} ,;.
: .\'111111111
622
2 Nouns
II Nominal Morphology
e6ooKE\I ... xapKlv lvav (1346, Cyprus, DARROUZ~ 1951: 32, f.79r.1) (= XMKIV, see I, 3.8.6.2) · va TOV 6foov els T0 1TWplv (1491, Rhodes, TsIRPANLIS 1991: 1,234.21) (< OFr. pilorin, see GoDEFROY, Lex. s.v.) ,rcx16iv va J.lflll 1TOITJO"T'I AchiL N 44 e61e~T) EIS TO KEAlv TTIS Anthos Ch. A 233.13 els TO ~ovvlv Synax. gadar. 201 616T1 elxev 6µopcpov Kopµlv VousTR., Chron. A 40.19 e1< TO 8povlv LIMEN., Velis. (A) 88; cpwi TO waYJye1; Berto/din. 144.17-18
As can be expected. deletion of final /n/ is rare here: heKev To ircn6{o Byz. IL 85, which might be a simple writing mistake for irat6!ov; va ~cxAu> ets xapTlo IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 5730 (rhymes awkwardly with 6tKTUo, for S{KTVO). Neut.
I
Nom., Acc. & Voe.
623
1-l(v}
This ending is the result of deletion of /o/ in the old-iov ending (see above), a development that pre-dates the LMedG period by many centuries (see the introduction to this section, 2.20). After the deletion of lo/, the ending may lose its final /n/:
els TO o-,ra8l TOVS e~av Chron. Mor. H 619 K61TTE TO Ell 'l'T'l«pl (post 1427, Unknown. HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 31, 30.4) (< 'l'T'l«plov) K' ex6pTao-ev TT'IV TO cpt?i.l Katal 318 (< inf. cpwiv) . 1µ100 TT}V µavvav Ptoch. Ill 82 ·s TT}V ,r6pTav TOV Kei\100 TTJS /iv. V 1162 TOV Vf)T}Vu) vcr6movs KATJpov6µovs Ta Mo µov ,ra16la (1513, Corfu, KARABoULAIPAPARRIGA·
ARTEMIADI 1998: 2, 22.18) cpi\acrKla KOAOKV6eva (1518, Crete, KAKLAMANislLAMBAKIS 2003: 52, 95.79). Kai e01 oi\a 6T)AVKCX ,ra16la (1588, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 222,
186.48)
. (vex nalpvova1v .•. ) Ta Tpa6n6po1, i\eye1 TOVS, ypav 1TeK01 Kai aKvi\la IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 2559 Va 01TOU aas eyvc!>p1aa, O'Kui\la cm1acrli\E1ov Alex. Fyll. 12.15 TO cruµ1r6:810 µovaxas crTOII Kooµo yEIIVflµEVO I j?>p{crKETat o:irou TO aalAfto(V)
-lo :-16
Plural Norn.
j?>acrli\E1a
Gen.
j?>acnAEk,.>v
Acc.
l3acrli\E1a
Voe.
j?>acrli\E1a
l3acrli\E1wv
631
Accusative TO euayyei\1ov crvv Kai TOU tTITOcrT6i\ou (11th c. ?, $. Italy, GUILLOU 1982: 1, 11.27) tKaljlQCTIV TO tµ1r6p1ov Chron. Mor. H 4666 Kctl tTraptJ TO cruvl'j8e1ov Dig. E 1341 11a µl:v 1r&pe1s 6ecr6ev1ov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 220.32 (< OFr. desdeign) tyvpeljlEV TOU cruµ1T6:8e1011 Vios Aisop. D 237.11 (< crvµTr6:8e1a) xc.upls KOUVTp6:CTTIOII Ka11eva11 (1574, Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 15, 141.20) els K1!3c.:mov &pyupbv [VLASTOS], Dig. p IX 403.30 els TO µepl6i6v TOU (1687, Siatista, PANDAZOPOULOsffSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 1974: 5, 4.11) els To lTr1ro6p6µ1ov Alex. Fyll. 13.24 µe TO 8eµei\16v TTJS Don Kis. 183.17 els TO µTr6p10 Chron. Toe. 2540 (= eµTr6p10) TOVTO TO crai\µ1Tp10 ... TO ~yavouv ~GI) {15th/16th c.?, Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 66.39-40) Kai To crcpupl yicx Tralyv10 Alex. Rim. 685 Kai ei\eyav TOU 6ia µTra{yv10 KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 315.40 (= Tra{yv10, see I, 3.8.3.2) eTxes TO 8apthre10 crou µey&i\o Stathis 1.242 WrrTJCTE cruµ1r&8e10 Chron. Tourk. Soult. 26.1 TO 66:veto T6'.>11 iriVflTc.>11 TO 6{6e1 fl 6e~1& crou MoSCH. TuEOL., Vws Ag. Nik. 222 oTroli 'xe ~ep1~wcre1 I Tf'is Tp6yias To Jxxcr1Af10 Prol. Epain. Kef. 15-16 cruµTra810 els TOUS aµaPTWAOUS, TTveuµa xap1Teuµevo P&N Diath. 5223 thro To piv10 Tf'is KpT)TTJs (1709, Zakynthos, Zms 1938: 3,298.1) (< Ital. regno) Vocative Kai T6'.>v &v8pw1rw111ralyv1ov SouMMAKIS, Past. Fid. G5r.12
Singular
Nominative, Accusative and Vocative Neut. \ Norn., Acc. & Voe.
l-(e)1o(v)
This inherited ending can be found throughout the period covered by this Grammar. Deletion of final /n/, as in SMG, does not appear to be very common and has not been found before the 15th c.: Nominative hepov euayyOuov 1i\{ov O'ITOU EVI ypaµµevov TO Euayxei\16v TOUS Assizes B 485.20-1 evat 8sµei\tov EIS 6i\es TES xapms Anthos Ck G 5.11; TO ei\a1ov Kai O1x8vs ibid. 15.7 Kai as ei\8r) To cruµTr6:8e1ov crou LIMEN., Than. Rod. 88 (< cruµTr6:8e1a) To Tro1011 f?,hcrt0v l111 cxpxri, o:cpopµTJ Kal pl~a Tracra KaKoii Fior 73.17-18 T)i\8e11 cruµTr6:81011 EK Tov µfyav 8eov Diig. Alex. V 65.15 (< cruµmx8stex) oocrav ll3yfjKe TO 6mµ6111011 KALLIOUP., Kaini Diath. Matth. 9.33 aliTo eTve o:i\i\ouvou iraTra euayyei\1011 Paroim. (Warner) 96.10 els foeva 8ei\e1 ei\8E1 To j?>acrli\E1ov Alex. Fyll. 12.15 TO cruµ1r6:810 µovaxas crTOII Kooµo yEIIVflµEVO I j?>p{crKETat o:irou TO IKVP'1> KT1,µaTITa1v olKla µev Tjv yov1KTJ (1012, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 16,
143.9-10) Tpaire,6cpopo11 aKapaµayyiv 6~u11 (1059, Tayk province?, LEMERLE 1977: 24.130); Kal 0eoT0Kha1v µ1Kp6v (ibid. 24.134) · KoaµTJTapha1v xuTov (1089, Leros/Samos, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIDOU 1980: 52, 55.101-2) TO Se 6a,rh1v TO lxoo (l\l(,.) els TO KaO'TSAAIV (11th c.?, s. Italy, GUILLOU 1982: 1, 10.18) TO Kai aKOAElO Teri\ ,rp(Kas Kai TOU ir6vou CHORTATSIS, Erof. V.4 Neut.
IP!.
jaen.
TWV c&,v1wv (1124, S. Italy, 'I'RINCHERA 1865; 94, 122.8)
els TTJV Apaq>1C>v Assizes A 108.14; irepi TWV yi:paK1wv Kai TWV ~u1TTep1&v ibid. 200.8 ,r].i'}6os µe].10-cnwv Anthos Ch. G 125.7 TW\I AEyoµeVu)V XCt.>pav anm&v (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 26, 31.21) TO peaToS T&v Toµap1&v Kai o:a1V oµcxMl(A)v ri K6pT} Veith. 690 transcr. (Lendari) (Kriaras: 6µcxM1oov ). · Neut.
Absence of stress shift occurs in a document from Sicily. It must, however, be borne in mind that the edition is unreliable. Similar forms may occur in versified texts for metrical reasons. Erofili offers an example with deletion of final /n/:
Regional! y in the forms with synizesis /j/ may be deleted when preceded by a sibilant or affricate (see I, 2.4.7.3 for details): Too Topveo-oo (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 9, 31.15; and 1600, ibid. 82, 99.12); Too Tp10:VTa ypoo-oo (1703, Mykonos, TOURTOGLOU 1980/81: 47, 61.23).
Proparoxytone Nouns in -1(v)
2.20.3
General
Restricted
Rare
Singular
Nom.
K1v11aJxxp1(v)
Gen. Acc.
KlVVCXfkxp1(II)
Voe. Asmentioned in the introduction (2.20), this proparoxytone paradigm is defective in that it lacks a pl ural formation, and no examples have been found of the genitive or the vocative. It also co mprises just a handful of nouns.
Singular Nominativ e 1TOV T}TO11 aairpov Ct.>S TO cplATl0-1 MAKOLAS, [oust. 427.17-18 (< Turk.fild4i) Ta XEplCX TTlS cp!A6ta1, 11 aairpa6cx TTlS x16v1 Don Kis. 85.4-5
Genitive Noexarnples found. 141 Accusative 5ia 116:yopaae1irfoep11eai Kavfila (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 64, 50.1) · TCX xe£A11 TOU ~av K6KKllla, KlV\ICX~apl l3aµµe11a Imber. 83 ~CXAE TOu µfoa els TO K6KKMOV 1\I TO x711µhp1crµcx Achil. N 231 hoiKev TOV KaAeaµcx MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 198.29 T6TES 60Vi1'1Tia,e1 610 TO mp1KovA1cxaµcx Fior 103.30; ToiiTov Kpa~ovv TO KoupTaeµcx ibid. 117.36 Ol!T)6T)ae lva 01TTJ6TJµcx µeya NOUKIOS, Ais. Myth. 14.3 To,ra-rr71wµcx onou elxe11Ta~e1 (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 37, 117.1-2) TO 'K6111aµcx e6waa (1569, Crete?, CATALDI PALAU 2003: 4,473.5) O'TO cpvTEµa (1619, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1972: 1, 169.19) 1TOAIJ Kpvc.>µa µe x16v1 lKcxµEV PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §36.10-11 cpiAT)µcx 6e µoO e6c.>aev PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 443 61a ,rapa6e1yµa aAAOVVWV yvvcxlKWV (1696, loannina, MICHAILARIS 1976: 2 [B 1, 253.23) \l(X TOO O'V\IO~El TO 'a6611µcx (1697, Chios, TSELIKAS 2000: 99, 77.10)
647
2 Nouns
646
II Nominal Morphology
2.21.1
Paroxytone and Proparoxytone Neuter Nouns in -µa(v) Restricted
General
Rare·
Singular -µas
Nom.
ypaµµa ypaµµav
6voµa 6voµav
Gen.
ypaµµCXTOS
6v6µCXTOS
ypaµµchov
ovoµchov
Acc.
ypaµµa ypaµµav
6voµa 6voµav
Voe.
ypaµµa ypaµµav
6voµa µcx Ekth. Chron. 17.14 KCX8WS µ0Aoyae1 xep6ypaµµa TOV (1549, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 51, 93.1) ft-rove x6Acxaµa (1587, Cythera, CHAROU-KoRONAIOUIDRAKAKIS 2010: 139, 109.12) \l(X TOVTOVE TO xap1aµa! CHORTATSIS, Katz ill.467 vex aas evcppcxlve1 il'OVTOTE ••• I TO eVTeMs µov il'011TJµCX loAKEIM KYPR., Pali 4391-2 aTpaTevµa eµa,WKTTJKEV PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2338 foaljle TO cpovaKwµcx Tf\s 66Aaaacxs EFrHYM., Chron. Gal 62.15-16
Accusative KaTCX TO 66yµcx TWV Aeyoµevc.>\I EuaTCXEhcxvwv NIKON, Logos 1 94.19 µ/; CIKEPTJ TO ypaµµav (1613, Naxos, CHASIOTIS 1966: 15,206.6) . elpo XTfjµav (1619, Cyprus, PERDIKIS 1998: 1, 3.10-11); elpo x&µav (1646, ibid. 5, 15.4) Ta:µav vex TOO irolaovv Thrinos Kypr. 176; e~a716: TO els ypaµµav ibid. 345 Yva EXEIS T, a116:8eµav (1027, Sparta, FEISSELIPHILIPPIDIS-BRAAT 1985: 43, 301.36-7) els To olxeiov 8eAT)µ6:v TE xal 61Kalwµa NIKON, Logos 4 206.27-8 Kai E~T(Tfjaaµev 61xalwµav (1271, Kos, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIOOU 1980: 70,201.27) V.apov TO Tlµ11µav (1280, Pontos, OUSPENSKYIBENECHEVITCH 1927: 82, 48.6) Kai 6paµe E1TI TO mpaµav Ptoch. N 120 ,rhpa xapaµav TETpcrywvov exovaa (1333, Athos, LEMERLE 1988: 15, 75.12) µe OAOV Kai KaAOV TWS 0DIT)µav (1453, Nisyros, TSIRPANLIS 1967: 1, 47.11) EKTiaev TT}V 'Ay1cxv !oqi16:, TO 8foµav TO µeyaAnak. Konst. 99 xwpls TO 801TJµO:v TWS (1493, Rhodes, TSOPANAKIS 1970: 57.59) AoyoxoMxevµav ii~CXTO vex TT)V AEYTJ Imber. 276 O"q>CXKEAWµav E1TOiKev [ANDR. PALAIOL.), Kallim. 1165; µe TO lpov q>OpTWµav Vws Aisop. I 251.26 (Oq>T)VEI ••. ) TO ,ra:,rAwµa:v TTJS TO yepav10 (1628, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1958/59: 2, 130.40) VO: 'va1 els TO 8EATJµa:v VTOU (1639, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 11, 113.45) 8eAovv cmoypaljlov eKCXTo To 5voµ6:v TWS (1647; Santorini, TSEUKAS 1985: 16, 88.17)
-:i .
1
' ~
II Nominal Morphology
648
Vocative oval, cxTµa ~aa1A1x6v, els Tl vTpOTrT) yap elaCX1 Theseid IV.24,3 (1529) aT6µcx µov µvp1aµevo CHORTATSIS, Panor. 11.195 wxplµcx PoRTIUS, Grammar 18.35 w,rpayµcx KCXKOyeVVTJTOV Benoldos 60.33 cxyAaiaµa TOO aTsqiovs I Kai Tiis 1ropqiupas KauxTJµa Ptoch. (Maiuri) 3-4 xaipe, Tpciye •.. I xal ~o8paKOV OTrOO"KEAAwµa I ypalas µev atyas I avaKaKa:pwµa Spanos D 31-2; eA8e w6e, KCXKOTVXe, KCXKi'\S µev &pas yivvriµa ibid. 624 wrepoa6Avµa 1TTwx6v FAUEROS, Thrinos 13 (< Tex 'lepoa6Avµa) Kl eau, XpvcrlJ µov, ~T)O"TJ µou, µ6:Kpeµa TW xpovw µov Stathis m.469 01&i1ra, µay6:p1aµa! Vios Aisop. D 218.38 xaipe CXKOVO"µa Tiis f\VCXTOAfjs Kai ovoµa Tiis l!.UO"TJS Diig. Alex. Sem. S 779 alYXaµa, µTJ6sv eµ1TTJS µfoa VwsAisop. D 218.18 x6:8apµa Vios Aisop. K 152.6; val, ~6Dlvyµa ibid. 185.12 µfya KCXVXTJµa TWV evae~v xal op8o66~wv XPIOTICXVWV (1652, Crete, TCHENTSOVA 2002: 1, 355.7) Neut.
jsg.
I
Norn., Acc. & Voe.
1-µav
The inherited ending -µa with an added final /n/ appears regularly in texts from the very beginning of the LMedG period, including mixed-register documents and texts such as the writings of Nikon of the Black Mountain, Kallimachos and Ermoniakos. Examples have been found in texts from all regions, usually alongside forms in -µa, though texts from south-eastern areas (Cyprus, Rhodes) show a marked preference for forms in -µav. In verse texts the added In/ may be editorial (avoidance of hiatus when the following word starts with a vowel): Nominative fyey6ve1 TO 1TapC>V •.. ypaµµav (1288, Kos, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIOOU 1980: 75,228.31) ov6' ev' TO y16µav µov lv is used sporadically in mixed-register texts: TETpa1v nAEucrlµc.>v l>VTwv SFRANTZIS, Chron. 132.7; epx611fvoi µETa Tc.>v nAEuaiµc.>v Chron. Ps.-Doroth. 232.43.
2.23
Neuter Nouns in -os
The paradigms in this section include a large group of inherited nouns such as paroxytone 1?>66os, J?>apos, ~eos, 8pacros, 1oii 'Kaµe TO XPl6S TOU ibid. VIIl.92 ytaT' ha-1 V opt~aµevo To xp16s a-ou 11a ,ri\epC:.,O"flS Alfav. 10 8 TO XP16s µou Vosk. 58; ibid 86.31 µ! ,roM 'K TO ~16s TOV KoRONAIOS, Andrag. Bua VI.328 aq>oii 'Kaµe TO XPl6S TOU ibid. VIIl.92 ytaT' ha-1 V opt~aµevo To xp16s a-ou 11a ,ri\epC:.,O"flS Alfav. 10 8 TO XP16s µou Vosk. 58; V 616:cpopos loAKEIM KYPR., Pali 7740. An example of a neuter noun in -1(o)v transferring to this paradigm is the following: 4'ouvos, To. 4'WVI, To GERMANO, Vocab. s.v. vitto; ecpayacr1v Ta 4'0V\1Tl Tc.:>S lOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 1951 (< 4'WV1V ). 152 Another innovative form is TO crvV1)0os, which, given the position of the stress, was clearly derived from the neuter form of the adjective crvvTJ811s, crvv118es, possibly via the plural O"UVT]01') (cf. TO TrEACXyOS, TCI TrEAa:yT)), e.g.: ws TO exovv yo:p TO O"U\1Tl00S Chron. Mor. H 2393; Kal iraVTa O"Te1V 616:cpopos loAKEIM KYPR., Pali 7740. An example of a neuter noun in -1(o)v transferring to this paradigm is the following: 4'ouvos, To. 4'WVI, To GERMANO, Vocab. s.v. vitto; ecpayacr1v Ta 4'0V\1Tl Tc.:>S lOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 1951 (< 4'WV1V ). 152 Another innovative form is TO crvV1)0os, which, given the position of the stress, was clearly derived from the neuter form of the adjective crvvTJ811s, crvv118es, possibly via the plural O"UVT]01') (cf. TO TrEACXyOS, TCI TrEAa:yT)), e.g.: ws TO exovv yo:p TO O"U\1Tl00S Chron. Mor. H 2393; Kal iraVTa O"Te1v SPANOS, Grammar 31.31. The innovative gen. sg. ending -100 occurs with other dental stems as well: see Kepas and Kpfos in this section and cf. nouns in -µa, 2.21.1.
2.24.2
nou 'Kaµvav Ta µouaaj,ETs KoNST. DIAK., /st. Makaritou Marko 298 (S (BevETaas, li.aµaaKTj\lOU BapAaaµ 66.28 (< Ven. ordene)
The following examples show isolated attempts at morphological adaptation, with substitution with the genitive ending -ov in KA6pov; an inversion of q>{e to cperycp611, as if the noun belonged to the neuter -os paradigm (see 2.23.1); and addition of the plural ending -a to nw.cxcppe: els naAacppfo -rravsµvoo-ra PoL Tr. 2543 oAa Tex -rraAacppfo Tous Velis. x 450 app. crit. (V) Kai evai Aaµ-rrpcx KA6pou Lapid. 185.17 eiKoat Tfoaapa Kaj,aMaploov cpsri Chron. Mor. P 1914 elKoa1Tfoaep1s KapaMaploov Ta cp6Tl Chron. Mor. T 1914
The Invariable Noun cnlj?>as
The noun a-ej3as has only been found in the nominative and accusative singular. In his grammar Sofianos lists it amorig irideclinable nouns: eo-µita TO aTµa µou Kal o-ePas Pol. Tr. 7886 6ia otPas TOU -rrp1a has been found: agile, leggiero, Aaq>pi'Js, V.aq,pos, 6. Fem. AafPICI, 0.0:q>pti, ti GERMANO, Vocab. s.v. · For a form (epl3ea in a verse text by Arsenios ofElasson (16th-17th c.), see KRIARAS, Lex. s.v.
3 Adjectives
691
In three of the above instances the antonym 6e~1cx(v) occurs in balancing phrases in the immediate context, and it is surely that parallelism that gives rise to the change of ending. Compare also: u,rayet WS' TT}V c.)VTJV ecpC.:,va~ev AchiL L 145 o-Tp1yyi)v cpc..lVTJV eA&i\110-av Chron. Mor. H 1014 (O"TpT)vyip1a has been found: agile, leggiero, Aaq>pi'Js, V.aq,pos, 6. Fem. AafPICI, 0.0:q>pti, ti GERMANO, Vocab. s.v. · For a form (epl3ea in a verse text by Arsenios ofElasson (16th-17th c.), see KRIARAS, Lex. s.v.
3 Adjectives
691
In three of the above instances the antonym 6e~1cx(v) occurs in balancing phrases in the immediate context, and it is surely that parallelism that gives rise to the change of ending. Compare also: u,rayet WS' TT}V c.)VTJV ecpC.:,va~ev AchiL L 145 o-Tp1yyi)v cpc..lVTJV eA&i\110-av Chron. Mor. H 1014 (O"TpT)vyiµeKta (1699?, Lvov?, PAPASTRATOU 1981: 9, 66.10-11) (author from Smyrna). These examples are from 17th- or 18th-c. texts (the ms of Soumakis is actually from the 19th c.), but they cover a wide geographical span: the Heptanese, Cyclades, Smyrna, Toessaloniki. They seem to be the first examples of a phenomenon familiar in SMG affecting a small group of adjectives most of which have a stem ending in a velar consonant, e.g. l?>p6µ1Kos, KaK6S, µa:haK6S, q>Tc.:>X6s, and the emphatic possessive 61K6S (µov): they have an alternative feminine form in -1a/-1a. 5 It would be difficult to regard the alternative feminine forms of C1Tp1yy6s as early examples of the same phenomenon, in view of their isolated occurrence and formulaic context (always with the noun VTJ or its diminutive cpc.:>vfwa). All other adjectives with stems ending in velars have only feminine -11 in the texts examined. Examples are incorporated in the discussion below. Returning to the "normal" -os, -11, -o(v) paradigm, we can observe that allomorphic variation, excluding the usual fluctuation of final /n/, is limited to the following:
3 Adjectives
1T]V (984, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 9, 7.8) 1TATJve)
KcxA&(v)
Acc.
KaAOVS
KCXAES : KaAClS
KCXAa
Voe.
KaAOI
K l3aa1AEO 1TOYKaK1E\ITT) MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 640.24 eyvt:>ptae, aepe11ia1µe O:q>E\ITT) (1571, Mani, CHASIOTIS 1970: 6.1, 241.13-14) l '!t'Tc.>XE MOREZINOS, Klini 29.22 VaTEPIVE µov Aoytaµe Kal 1/(l ae e'Ixa '!t'pc";;,Ta Paroim. (Warner) 80.18 !KAE)(TE apxo xaplTu)µeve FOSKOLOS, Fort. Dedic. 34 eau TpeAE 6a01Epe TO ilT'lt'apt µov, µu)pE, TOV TOVpKoµmov Chron. Mor. H 4819 µoope !apOKT)llE Ann. 58 µc.,pe, lTpe a,rave Spanos A 244 yp!Ka, µu)pe l3ap6µ01pe FOSKOLOS, Fort. L226; Ka\ aµe, µu)pe, povq>tavevye ibid ill.520 In LMedG the word has taken on the function of an exclamation or form of address (see KRIARAS, Lex. s. v. ); by the end of our period it can be found with all genders and numbers, e.g. xnnr&Te, µc..>p! ir0161 l3aa1AEO 1TOYKaK1E\ITT) MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 640.24 eyvt:>ptae, aepe11ia1µe O:q>E\ITT) (1571, Mani, CHASIOTIS 1970: 6.1, 241.13-14) l '!t'Tc.>XE MOREZINOS, Klini 29.22 VaTEPIVE µov Aoytaµe Kal 1/(l ae e'Ixa '!t'pc";;,Ta Paroim. (Warner) 80.18 !KAE)(TE apxo xaplTu)µeve FOSKOLOS, Fort. Dedic. 34 eau TpeAE 6a01Epe TO ilT'lt'apt µov, µu)pE, TOV TOVpKoµmov Chron. Mor. H 4819 µoope !apOKT)llE Ann. 58 µc.,pe, lTpe a,rave Spanos A 244 yp!Ka, µu)pe l3ap6µ01pe FOSKOLOS, Fort. L226; Ka\ aµe, µu)pe, povq>tavevye ibid ill.520 In LMedG the word has taken on the function of an exclamation or form of address (see KRIARAS, Lex. s. v. ); by the end of our period it can be found with all genders and numbers, e.g. xnnr&Te, µc..>p! ir0161Tf\p1, ya'iTavocppv611 TTJ Mai Paroim. (Warner) 110.22 aTT)V mAEAT)V oAirl6a KORNAROS, Erot. III.12 els 6vvaTT)v Kai aKoTetVTJV cpvAaKflV SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 55.19
Tiis VAplTCITT)S Kal 8eocppovpT}TT)S ay{as µov,is (1142, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 133, 176.4-5) Tfis 6iyvc.>µT)S DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 1519 µETa Kal 1Tpaa{VT1s TCoxas SFRANTZIS, Chron. 56.21 · 8vycrrpos v68T)s TOU 1TOTE KVP /\ec., (1509, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 17, 31.22)9 Tiis ava8pecp8f\s µov Ti'\S N1K0Aous (1513, Corfu, KARABOULAIPAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1998:
Proparoxytone forms (without movement of stress) are common in all kinds of text: xapcx11 e~alpETT)V Dig. E 592 els M~111 a1AETOV 6ev i\TOVE KONST. DIAK., 1st. Makaritou Marko 16 lva Kapa~l ToupKIKO (1681, Genoa, VAYAKAKOS 1988b: 506.15)
Genitive
Nominative ei µiv ava:t101 eiµe8a NIKON, Logos 2 140.21 TO xapTlll TO E1TEVCTaCTIV o\ ev,rpe,ro1 av8pw1TOI (1456, Unknown, TSIRPANLIS 1986: 1,221.1)
EK yevovs xaµ11A6TaTOV Velis. X 29 i,dXPt µaKpoO TOO yripovs Achil. N 352 TOO vo8oyevVT)Tov ,rai61ov DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 791 ' EVoS Kapa~lov XOVTpoO (16th c., DELATTE 1946: 493.12)
(the adjective has no accentuation in the ms) ya"i6apo1 irovAteAETOV 6ev i\TOVE KONST. DIAK., 1st. Makaritou Marko 16 lva Kapa~l ToupKIKO (1681, Genoa, VAYAKAKOS 1988b: 506.15)
Genitive
Nominative ei µiv ava:t101 eiµe8a NIKON, Logos 2 140.21 TO xapTlll TO E1TEVCTaCTIV o\ ev,rpe,ro1 av8pw1TOI (1456, Unknown, TSIRPANLIS 1986: 1,221.1)
EK yevovs xaµ11A6TaTOV Velis. X 29 i,dXPt µaKpoO TOO yripovs Achil. N 352 TOO vo8oyevVT)Tov ,rai61ov DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 791 ' EVoS Kapa~lov XOVTpoO (16th c., DELATTE 1946: 493.12)
(the adjective has no accentuation in the ms) ya"i6apo1 irovAtepovlµovs, yepoVTes Diig. Alex. Sem. S 228
Forms without movement of stress are common in texts from at least the 14th c. onwards: i\ovi\ovs TOVS EXu> Kl lxTVxovs Chron. Mor. H 3889; &v8pc!:,novs ei\aqip6Tp6viµovs, ira16evµevovs ibid. P 6972 e1hoi\µovs, av6pe1evµevovs Velis. X 91 app. crit. (N) els Tovs T6novs Tovs nprnaµevovs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 364.4-5 els T6novs neptKOUi\ou~IKOVS Fior l 08.10 av8pC:movs, :heyev, i\ol6opovs, yacrTplµapyovs DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 315 Tovs TlµtwTIACXpeTOVS MOREZINOS, Klini 42.3 Tovs &pnayovs BoUNIALIS M., Kat. ofel. 357 TOVS XPIC1T1evyeTE, Bev.of KOi OUT16avol! Don Kis. 45.24
1987: 9, 31.3) TWV Tpoov KW.oyepc,,:,v (1692, Bucharest, PAPASTRATOU 1981: 4, 50.13) TOV xa"iµo TWV oµoq>UA(.,)V EFTHYM., Chron. Gal 16.21
Forms without stress movement are not uncommon: XPTJCTlµu>v av8pc:mc.uv Chron. Mor. H 2416 1Tv, I eitraµev Kai T&v utrav6pCAlv Epain. gyn. 665-6 cpepve1 vex µotpaV, vex TexS iraaxaTov Kai µeacxiov (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 60,
48.1-2) CXVTOV TOV &y10 8avcxTOV 01TOU 'KA1ve va 1TCXP1l FALIEROS, Thrinos 72 d&x T61tov &yp1ov Alex. Rim. 2557 Tov cx~10 vecxv!cx PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1918 T)pTCX TOV 0µ010 XP6vo (1681, Genoa. VAYAKAKOS 1988: 506.7)
Vocative
The ending is always -e: The tables below present both unaccented endings and accented (oxytone) ones. although the actual endings do not otherwise differ.
nveuµCXTIKE µov T{µ1e ,r6Tep NIKON, Logos 9 310.6 y{vc.>CJKe, 8eie ~aii\EO Ptoch. (Maiuri) 14 oµoie µou:Acxp!c.>v Spanos D 1017 µcxp16i\e CHORTATSIS, Katz. IV.20215 6ev cxlaxuveaa1, cx8Ate AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 198 CX)(Pe!e 1V : Tei\e(c.>v
TEAetc.>v : Tei\elc.>v
TEAetc.>v I ni\elwv
Acc.
Tfutous : ni\elovs
TEAElES : TEAElCXS
TEAElCX
Voe.
TEAEIOl
TEAElES: (TEAlcxt)
(TEAE1CX)
1TpS TOV 1TT)p1ov ••• Atµevcx Ptoch. 1119 vex µnp,;o-ouv Tov itp&'>Tov Kai µeacxiov (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 60,
48.1-2) CXVTOV TOV &y10 8avcxTOV 01TOU 'KA1ve va 1TCXP1l FALIEROS, Thrinos 72 d&x T61tov &yp1ov Alex. Rim. 2557 Tov cx~10 vecxv!cx PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1918 T)pTCX TOV 0µ010 XP6vo (1681, Genoa. VAYAKAKOS 1988: 506.7)
Vocative
The ending is always -e: The tables below present both unaccented endings and accented (oxytone) ones. although the actual endings do not otherwise differ.
nveuµCXTIKE µov T{µ1e ,r6Tep NIKON, Logos 9 310.6 y{vc.>CJKe, 8eie ~aii\EO Ptoch. (Maiuri) 14 oµoie µou:Acxp!c.>v Spanos D 1017 µcxp16i\e CHORTATSIS, Katz. IV.20215 6ev cxlaxuveaa1, cx8Ate AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 198 CX)(Pe!e 1T} Pol. Tr. 477 (the metre requires irAoucrta to be disyllabic) iro6fo 0µ01a (1442, Belgrade region/Serbia, ALEXOULIS 1892: 2,280.13) mptcrTepa CX1Epµav Kai irapaqiepµav (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 468.17-18) TrtV aylav ,rla-rtv TOO 0eo0 Fior 150.16 l3epalav TT}V qi1Alav TovsNouKios,Ais. Myth. Epim. (a) 4 µ~ l3el3alav irla-rtv Thavm. Nikon Metan. IV 6 TrtV µaKaplav Kai cxytOTCITT} ocrlav 0eo6wpav EFTHYM., Chron. GaL 25.7-8
In verse texts, variation of stress may be occasioned by metrical necessity (and possibly editorial practice); for example, in a 15th-c. text, within the space of a few lines, we read: 61cx TT]V ayicxv TT]V 1TOA1V Alosis 32, TT}V TT6AtV &ytav TT]V ei,re 1TOA1\I umpay{av ibid. 34, and cxyiav, cxy{av TTJV eiml ibid. 37. However, fixed stress (i.e. on the same syllable as in the masc. nom. sg.) can be regarded as the default option, in texts of all kinds, throughout our period: 6l1v apx1C>v FALIEROS, Log. did. 23. Depalatalization of sibilants and deletion of final /n/ may be found in texts from Crete (and perhaps elsewhere): XiAlwv 6taKoa&v a-rrax,i6(A)v AcHELIS, Malt. Pol. 202; ir?l.oua&'> FOSKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 36; 0 f3aatA1os lau 'aa1 TW µap16Ac..> Stathis 1.125.
3 Adjectives
II Nominal Morphology
710
Some examples of forms with depalatalization of sibilants: 6wcr' TOV TTJV µo{pa 1t?lfl(l'a DEFAR., Log. did. 278 els TTl 6e~a irAEvpfo P&N Diath. 3795 TTJV o:~a xwpa EKEiVT) KoRNAROS, Erot. 1.27
KpVO vepaKl PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2464; els TO 6e~10 1TAEVp6 µov ibid. 2506 hoiiTo TO crira6\ 11 (1264, Kefalonia?, TZANNETATOS 1965: I, 45.227) Tw11 irCXAatw11 Chron. Mor. H 1353 (for the form irCXAaios see KRIARAS, Lex. s.v. 1TCXAat6s) V ••. evye111KWII Kal av6pdc.,11 Dig. E 624 Kcxl TWII vewv Kaµvovv µCXT1a Epain. gyn. 144 IICX ~ETCX~ TCXS xe1poTovlas TWV ava~{c.,11 DAM. STOUD., Dial 104.13 TET01c..,11 ,r?lova!c.:>v yo11tw11 VENBTZAS, VarL & loas. 73.16 Kcrrlµirpoa-re tµoii vowplov Kal TWV uiroK6Tw8e uiroyeypaµµevw T1µ!w11 µapTvpc., (1685, .
TWV
Genitive Tov vfov o:µ,re?lov a,rou elvai a1µc'x Toii 1tCXAatoii aµm?l!ov (1509, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/ LAMBAKIS
2003: 15, 26.28)
TOU 6tc'x TOU 6e!ov Kal ayyeAtKOV axi\µaTOS µETovoµaa6eis (1565-75, Constantinople,
FOERSTER 1877: 11, 23.139)
.
eKaaTov olKelov ypaµµaTos (1644, Skyros, ANDONIADIS 1983: 1, 120.7) TOU 6eptoii T' ayptov KORNAROS, Erot. 11.1082
Accusative TO v apx1C>v FALIEROS, Log. did. 23. Depalatalization of sibilants and deletion of final /n/ may be found in texts from Crete (and perhaps elsewhere): XiAlwv 6taKoa&v a-rrax,i6(A)v AcHELIS, Malt. Pol. 202; ir?l.oua&'> FOSKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 36; 0 f3aatA1os lau 'aa1 TW µap16Ac..> Stathis 1.125.
712
3 Adjectives
II Nominal Morphology
Accusative 6vva.-ous KO:I o:v6pelovs Dig. G 1.15 Tpeis µf\vo:s o:Kepo:lovs Dig. E 1083 fomo: yta Tous vlovs Tous 6uo 11ieseid Prol. E 161 (the metre requires v1ovs, with synizesis) yio:v1T(v)
Toe forms exhibit no significant variation (cf. the corresponding forms for the adjectives in 3.2.1). The examples below include some depalatalized forms: irAouaa, &6e~a (see I, 2.4.7.3). In the gen. pl., as for other genders, forms with and without shift of stress are found. Nominative irtµµcrra EKC11Tv1~ov iraVToia Dig. G Vl.38 sKEiva &rrep 60.ouv eio-raiv a!C.::,v1a KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 112.4 Ta Tfoaapa euayyEA1a T.X elcici1 41eµµaT6:p1aaa Diig. tetr. 285, although these might better be regarded as nouns. Conversely, these adjectives may borrow the adjectival suffix -1Kos, as in, for example: 61a Tflll qio1116p1KTJ11 yvc!> RODINOS, Vios Ign. 105.17. Only three genitive forms have been located in the texts examined. Nominative The usual form in LMedG texts is -apfo. New forms begin to appear from the late 15th c., as discussed above. Accusative forms follow the same pattern.
Tl 8u1111a ti f3poµ1apfo Ptoch. N 109 µayya11apfo, µ1ap11 Diig. tetr. 286; fi f3pc,:>µoµv~apfo ••• ft 1rpo/30T!11a ibid. 413-14 27 Adjectives such as &pµ1mpap1os, ~,~epap1as and 6p6e11ap1as (BAKKER 1988/89: 316) should rather be seen as belonging to the category of adjectives in -os with fem. -a.
II Nominal Morphology
730
6a1µ0111apTJS DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2931 6 {T}AIOj)TJS Fior 88.1 eUTVx1ap11s Diig. Alex. F 106.6 (Lolos) Tovs )(POVovs &u6eKap11s Alex. Rim. 247 o saliaris / 6 O"aAIOPTJS BAROZZI, Letter 359.27-8 avaµcxM16:p11s Diig. Alex. Sem. S 46 KAtvap11s Ekth. Chron. 49.22 µ16:p1111 PouloL 27 a-av TOIi Avo-o-6:pTJ O"Kuh011 CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 210 va O"KOTCOO"c.> TO o-KuMov TOii lJIWPlaKa TTJ111Tp1Kl -100 or levelling of fi/, though few examples have been found. The different accentuations of the genitive of the place name Bcxau are likely to be purely orthographic. The form iraxeoO occurs only in a single text known for its morphological idiosyncrasies. Nominative pes (1682, Cyclades, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 231,409.7) µaKp1es aKai\es Don Kis. 1.19
Cretan, and occasionally Heptanesian, texts may have vowel deletion after /r/. This should be probably seen as simplification of two adjacent /e/ vowels rather than deletion of /j/: Tes r,apes µov cxv6:yKes DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 3138 r/ TOOES r,apes cxv-rapes TRIVOLIS, Re Skotsias 116 cmo r,apes V1f1'\PEO"las LANDOS, Geopon. 266.7 yeve16:6es ... I Kal Kcx8' apycx TO"l er,avao-1 µaKpes, ~exovp61a-µeves KORNAROS, Erot. 1578
Vocative
F
General
Restricted
NomJVoc.
-eies : -(e)1es
-em
Gen.
-ewv
Att..
-eies : -(e)1es
-eas :-eias
The feminine plural follows the same development as feminine nouns in -a (see 2.11): the older endings -ro (nom.) and-as (acc.) are replaced by -es, a process which probably began in the Koine period. These "new" endings are preceded by the vowel, which is either fl/ (as in the feta sg.) or le/ (as in other masc. and neuter forms); synizesis can then occur, though the orthographic system may ignore it. Only a limited number of examples of relevant forms bas been found in the texts examined. Toe accusative plural form -rtl\Crrts can be explained as a simplification of the two adjacent identical vowels (< -rri\CXTies: see I, 2.9.2.1). Nominative O"TaTapfo1 i\emal µaKpfot 6vo (12th c., Macedonia, PETIT 1900: 3, 124.1) µaxp1ais Phys. 469 . . µ,rop[ves 8ei\ouv va elven µaxples (16th c., ?, DELATTE 1946: 493.1); µaxpes (ibid. 493.16) (with deletion of /j/ after /r/) yi\vK1!s ol ,rapa,r6vT10-es Cypr. Canz. 51.2 .. eKovyovv-rave al yi\uK!es qiwves MOREZINOS, Klint 79.13 app. cat. (K) . ol µaKpes 6epµao-les LANDOS, Geopon. 209.26. , II evyeva:&.>11 Pol Tr. 7403
Adjectives in-TJsl·TJS already exhibit instability in the 1st c. AD: forms with 2nd-declension endings can be found in the papyri, e.g. uyto0 PMich. 122 I 27 (AD 49), Tous lvyevous MChr. 159.16 (AD 51/53), and the addition of final /n/ to the masc. and fem. acc. sg. is not uncommon (GIGNAC 1981: 135-8). As with other two-termination adjectives, there is a tendency for new forms to be created for the feminine, by analogy with other classes of adjective. (On the remodelling of such adjectives, see further HATZIDAKIS 1892: 381-2; JANNARIS 1897: 139.) As a consequence, the paradigm presented below is necessarily a "mixed" one; unless there is a shift of stress (e.g. euirpeiros < euirpmiJs) it is impossible to determine when full metaplasm has occurred. However, when a masculine nominative singular in -os is found, together with other related forms, we assume that the adjective has moved over to that category (for which see 3.2.1 and 3.2.2); but the inherited forms of the •TJS paradigm will continue to be found in higher registers. 33 The adjective uytT!S illustrates the difficulty of assigning forms to a particular lemma: alongside inherited forms ·· (e.g. To Stpµa wpov V)'IES Dig. A 2937), we find innovative oxytone fonns like neut. pl. vy1a MONTSEL., . Evgena after 1158, but also forms with regressive stress that imply a metaplasm vyioS, e.g. Sb arr6µe1ve uyio Kavtva paµµa ZINos, Vatr. 310; vyiovs Ka\ &l3i'ia:l3ous SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 51.14. )4 Very occasionally, the change is in the opposite direction. An example is evcrni'ia:x11T1s (ms evcrn?.ayxveTs) from • eiio-rri'ia:yxvcs: o 8EOs yap, ~s evcrni'ia:xirlis Chron. Mor. P 624. (The older, 15th-c., ms H reads elicrnAaxvcs at ' this point) l ' , . . ' ' .. , · · . ' . · . · . : 35 . These fonns should not be confused with the plurals of the fem. nouns ~vyy~vls and evyevls, the first of w~ch ·'·is found in Koine and EMedG texts, but also occurs in LMedG; evyevls is probably an analogical formation. · Examples: tr6:o'as Tov O'U)'Y€vl6as Eisit. f.3r.2, Kat TCi>V o-~v1Sa,v o-ou ibid. f.5r.4 (with shift of stresS on the analogy of lst-v
euyevc'l>v
Acc.
evymis : evyevovs
evyeveis : euyeves
euyevfj l evye116:
Voe.
(evyeveTs I evyevol)
(euymis: evyevils)
(euyevij: evyev6:)
In the tables of allomorphs below, differences of accentuation are not shown.
762
II Nominal Morphology
metaplasms of the type iraµµ~yt:8os (< iraµµeye&rJs) or 6ucrrvxos (< 6vo.vx1'Js). 33 Forms of the older type will be dealt with here, but for the new adjective formations in -os, see 3.2.1 above. 34 Other variant forms will be referred to in notes, but not included in the main paradigm. Two adjectives can have an imparisyllabic plural in -f)6es (cf. masc. nouns in -,'is, 2.3.3, and certain fem. nouns in -1'}, 2.12.1), in addition to the inherited forms, when used as nouns: euyevfis (which is often used as a noun) and ovyyevfis (which is almost always substantivized).35 Toe form avyyev66es (which disambiguates masc. and pl. forms that both end in /is/) is common in Cypriot texts and occasionally found elsewhere (cf. fem. nouns in -ft, 2.12.1): Tovs cruyyeva:6!:s Assizes A 39.1; ol avyyev6:6es TOV ibid. 118.16 . ol O'VVyiv
euyevc'l>v
euyevc'l>v
Acc.
evymis : evyevovs
evyeveis : euyeves
euyevfj l evye116:
Voe.
(evyeveTs I evyevol)
(euymis: evyevils)
(euyevij: evyev6:)
In the tables of allomorphs below, differences of accentuation are not shown.
764
3 Adjectives
II Nominal Morphology
765
I
I I
l
! ·, l : l
Singular Masculine
M
General
Norn.
-TJS
Gen.
-ovs : -ov : -T]
Acc.
-T](V)
Voe.
-T]
Rare
160.5)
-o(v)
Nominative Toe nominative is entirely stable throughout our period (the ending -os would imply meta-
plasm to a different paradigm). 36 6 Myos 6 6T]µC.:,6T]S GLYKAS, Sticlwi 19; ,oq>w6T]S ~6T]S ibid. 487 Kai rjcrcn Kai au66:6T]s Spaneas P 97 6acrC.:,6TJs T61ToS Chron. Mor. H 6688; tS KOTT]q>T)S Flor. L 316 (Cupane) ,r&s crvp1yµbs E~PXETO cpp1KT6>6T]S, cxyp1C.:,6T]S Veith. 251 1TPCITJS FALIEROS, Log. did. 63 o T61ToS T)TOV 1TETp oiK'¼) TOV (1692, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 162, 162.1) Genitive The inherited genitive in -ous/-oiis continues to be found, particularly in texts that aspire to a higher register. Two alternative innovations must be dated to the MedG period: (i) assimilation to the -os declension by deletion of final /s/; and (ii) adoption of the ending Iii () on the analogy of 1st-declension nouns. Although it is extremely difficult to date these changes, the evidence so far collected suggests that the -ou/-ou ending (first attested in a lOth-c. document from S. Italy) is established before the -Tj/-fj form appears in written
texts. Tov TaireivoO Kai eliTEAoOs Dig. G IV.991 ToO noAvna6oOs Liv. V 28 TOU evyevovs o:pxov (1530, Crete, MAVRO MA TIS 1994a: 98, 118.5) TOV EVTEAOVS Kai cxµa6oOs MOSCH. THEOL., Vws Ag. Nik. 9 Taaov6es. . . . ' Cf. the fem. acc. pl. in -as, in a document from the same island: lxoVTas To voOv 1Cal Tas tpi11cxs vyias (1658, . Zakynthos, BoUBOULIDIS 1957: 1, 113.7) (the adjective is unaccented in the original, so it could be Oyias; cf, the examples in footnote 33 in the introduction to this section):· ·· · · · ·
41
772
II Nominal Morphology
awa Kai 6:veMmes (1398, Corfu, ASONlTIS 1993: l [A 1, 19.24) awa Kai o:veMmes (1543, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 119, 81.7) awa Kai &veMmes (1570, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 4, 22.10) awa Kai &veMmeis (1688, Peloponnese, GRITSOPOULOS 1954: (4), 138.28-9)
Nominative Ta avvl')ei, Chron. Mor. P 7334 ,rvevµaTWOll LANDOS, Geopon. 197.33 oaov KtVOVVWOll Kai av TJTOV Don Kis. 47.32 crnep elal IJIEVOEa Dig. G IY.28 TD.eta Kai aveMmcx (1164, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. IV: 3, 119.1) vex elvm KW.OU KopµtoO, 6mi\cx, vytcx (1591, Zakynlhos, VAYAKAKOS 1949: 162.10)
Genitive TWV euyevwv Kai euaywv awµarwv Dig. G VIII.300 O:VTI 6e TWV 1TOAVTEAWV op6oµapµapwµarwv [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 304 TWV xpetc.>OWV TOO µovaO'TT)plov (1578, Trikala, SOFIANOS 1992: 6,235.80) Accusative awa Kai 6:veMmii (1221, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. VIII: 7,379.17) Tex Cc.xxpKfj TOO j,lov Ptoch. (Maiuri) 23 XPEtW6ll irpbs ,-,;v TEXVTJV Diig. tetr. 487 o,r67u:µos ov6ev ,rapa6exrrm awµaTa yvvmKWOll SOFIANOS, Paidag. 111.18 p66a evw6T1 LANDOS, Geopon. 269.17 . Myia IJIEVµaTWOll Dig. A 3367; µETCX [better: µe TCX] IJIEVOT) q>pEµaTa ibid 4736 awa Km aveMml') Don Kis. 20.20 TD.eta Ken aveMmcx (1141, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 131, 173.23) ej,alu: Ta XEPta TllS Koµµeva els TO vepov Kai vyicx Ta lj3ya7u: MONTSEL., Evgena after 1158
3.3.4
Adjectives in -c.:w, -oov, -ov
3 Adjectives
as a nominative. It could then be fully utilized as an adjective in -os, -TJ, -o(v) (see 3.2.1). Usually the syllable of the oblique cases was retained. A rare exception is the following, from a text of the 14th c.:42 Kupios oixT1pµos, E~TJµos, µaKpu6uµos Kai -rr0Aue1.eos Jonas 216.26-7. Comparative adjectives in -(,,)V, which are in any case rare in non-learned texts, seldom exhibit a transfer to the -os, -TJ, -o(v) declension: nom. forms like *µd,ovas have not been found. However, an important exception must be made for KaM!wv, which is the most common word of this group, particularly in its neuter singular form 1 lxyvooµos, see PAPANASTASIOU 1992. Occasionally the nom. ending functions as an acc.: Tov ec...>aq,opov CXAa~C:,v IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 4016.
772
II Nominal Morphology
awa Kai 6:veMmes (1398, Corfu, ASONlTIS 1993: l [A 1, 19.24) awa Kai o:veMmes (1543, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 119, 81.7) awa Kai &veMmes (1570, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 4, 22.10) awa Kai &veMmeis (1688, Peloponnese, GRITSOPOULOS 1954: (4), 138.28-9)
Nominative Ta avvl')ei, Chron. Mor. P 7334 ,rvevµaTWOll LANDOS, Geopon. 197.33 oaov KtVOVVWOll Kai av TJTOV Don Kis. 47.32 crnep elal IJIEVOEa Dig. G IY.28 TD.eta Kai aveMmcx (1164, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. IV: 3, 119.1) vex elvm KW.OU KopµtoO, 6mi\cx, vytcx (1591, Zakynlhos, VAYAKAKOS 1949: 162.10)
Genitive TWV euyevwv Kai euaywv awµarwv Dig. G VIII.300 O:VTI 6e TWV 1TOAVTEAWV op6oµapµapwµarwv [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 304 TWV xpetc.>OWV TOO µovaO'TT)plov (1578, Trikala, SOFIANOS 1992: 6,235.80) Accusative awa Kai 6:veMmii (1221, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. VIII: 7,379.17) Tex Cc.xxpKfj TOO j,lov Ptoch. (Maiuri) 23 XPEtW6ll irpbs ,-,;v TEXVTJV Diig. tetr. 487 o,r67u:µos ov6ev ,rapa6exrrm awµaTa yvvmKWOll SOFIANOS, Paidag. 111.18 p66a evw6T1 LANDOS, Geopon. 269.17 . Myia IJIEVµaTWOll Dig. A 3367; µETCX [better: µe TCX] IJIEVOT) q>pEµaTa ibid 4736 awa Km aveMml') Don Kis. 20.20 TD.eta Ken aveMmcx (1141, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 131, 173.23) ej,alu: Ta XEPta TllS Koµµeva els TO vepov Kai vyicx Ta lj3ya7u: MONTSEL., Evgena after 1158
3.3.4
Adjectives in -c.:w, -oov, -ov
3 Adjectives
as a nominative. It could then be fully utilized as an adjective in -os, -TJ, -o(v) (see 3.2.1). Usually the syllable of the oblique cases was retained. A rare exception is the following, from a text of the 14th c.:42 Kupios oixT1pµos, E~TJµos, µaKpu6uµos Kai -rr0Aue1.eos Jonas 216.26-7. Comparative adjectives in -(,,)V, which are in any case rare in non-learned texts, seldom exhibit a transfer to the -os, -TJ, -o(v) declension: nom. forms like *µd,ovas have not been found. However, an important exception must be made for KaM!wv, which is the most common word of this group, particularly in its neuter singular form 1 lxyvooµos, see PAPANASTASIOU 1992. Occasionally the nom. ending functions as an acc.: Tov ec...>aq,opov CXAa~C:,v IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 4016.
774
3 Adjectives
II Nominal Morphology
TOU i\cmv6cppovos (1390/1, Constantinople?, SCHREINER 1975/79: 7.1, 5.3) TOV KCXKo6alµovos ZINOS, Vatr. 188 EKEIVOV TOV &cppovos MOREZINOS, Klini 80.10; TOV KaKoyvwµovas av8pwirov ibid. 276.34-543
Singular Masculine M
General
Restricted
Norn.
-t.)v: -ovas
-ovos
Gen.
-ovos
Acc.
-ova(v)
(-ovo(v))
Voe.
-t.)V: (-ov): -ova
-ove
The inherited form in -c.>v continues to be used, particularly in texts that aim at a more formal register and in religious contexts:
o,ravo1KTlpµt.)V 0e6s NIKON, Logos 31 810.12
Kl ws rjTov iraVTa 6 irplyiJ.ov [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 2359 va EVal EAfflµWV ••• Kai va evm o-wcp~v VarL & Joas. (Lavras) 79.20--1 6oKlcp~v. aJ.X ov6e. KCU.6cp~v CHEILAS, Chron. 355.26 eivoo Tooov EAfflµt.)V (1615, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 6, 175.36-7)
The emergence of a nominative in -ovas, comparable to what happens with masculine nouns in-oov/-ovas (see 2.2.5), has been noted only from the 14th c. onwards: ,ro"Ma EVI EN:flµovas Ka\ XPlp0s Aape1os xa1 u~cppovas Diig. Alex. K 355.29-30 mxpacppovas ••• eyellT} Dilg. Ala Sem. B 96; ylvETa1 ,rap&cppovas ibid. S 122
Genitive The inherited form in -ovos is the only form that has been found:
,
:
• • ,,, ·,:,,t,,:,r,;y
~
Accusative
No variation has been noted in the texts examined, except for the variable addition of final /n/:
Nominative
:::;_.:'
775
ei\efiµovav DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2610 K' els ~cxaii\1a 6:M~ova Ala Rim. 1816 (with shift of stress metri gratia) Tov naVTo6vvaµov Kcxl iravoIKTlpµova Xp1pov11s, formed as if from *awq>povos, -11, -o(v), with shift of stress to the penultimate (cf. 3.2.1); and KaKo6a{µov, which implies an unattested masc. nom. sg. *KaK6601µos: 43
There is also an adjective KCXK6yvooµos, See KRIARAS, Lex. s.v.
3 Adjectives
II Nominal Morphology
776
Tfis C:,palas Kai ac.uq,p6vTJs ERMON,, 1/ias 4.204 Tfis KaKo6alµov µolpas Veith. 36; Ti'is KaKo6alµov TVXTJS ibid. 48 Accusative Toe inherited form -ova is found sporadically, including for the older comparative adjectives: 44 616T1 8eAOVO"IV exe1 TO'. ,rai6!a ,rk{ova avVTpocp!av (1465, Rome, LAMBROS 1930: 287.2) µelcppova VEST., Prol. Theot. 163 Innovative forms in -ovov (as if two-termination; see 3.2.4) and-ovflv also occur: Kai µi avek1'Jµovo11 4'[[vx]]ri11 DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 26 T1')11 VIJITIA6q>poVTJll Diig. Alex. F 264.15 (Lolos) Vocative Again, forms are rare and when they occur they tend to be idiosyncratic. The following is formed with the feminine ending -oOo-a, like a present participle: TVXfl aveAEµovovpoves Kal3aM6:po1 AcHELIS, Malt. Pol. 918 ol q,8ovepol Kai ayvwµoves MOREZINOS, Klini 79.23 tkl')µoves VENETZAS, Vari. & Joas. 59.16 acl>cppoves Kal3aMpo1 DIAKR., Diig. Pol. 1029 016:cppoves Kai ,rapavoµo1 IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 8693 e!va1 TIVES 60K6cppovo1 DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 1149 aVTox8ovo1 LIMEN., ~lis. (A) 136 Genitive No examples have been found in the texts examined. Accusative ouSs cxi\aTflV P&N Diath. 3045 KoUTaoxepT) Kai KOVTao1r66T) (1657, Kefalonia, ANDONAKATOU 1989: 63.6) CJ'TOV O:~CX'Tt'T) KoRNAROS, Erot. 1.1251; TOV KaKoµolpT) ibid. m.981
Vocative
oo a-rrcrraAOKpoµµu6T) Ptoch. N 294 IapaK11ve, KOUTpoUAT) Poulol. 70 oo 'l\pyupoµvTfl q,iAe Ptochol. a 18 IaxAIKT) KaKoµolpT) SACHLIKIS, Afigisis 150 oo KAavoµoucrrcxKT\ Spanos D 411 a~a'Tt'T) CHORTATSIS, Panor.1.86, 11.479 oo KaKoµoipT) N11
Genitive TOU MaKpUYEVfl (1048, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1982: 4, 50.46) rewpylou ITpal3oa-KEAT) (ca. 1050, S. Italy, GUILLOU 1972b: 173.169) TOV TTaxu1r66Tj (1103, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1990: 51,208.65) TOV ITpal3oµUTfl (1112, Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1984: 3, 72.72) . Baa!Ae1os TOV 'Oµopq,oyeVfl (1154, Italy, ROGNONI 2011: 4, 77.22) TOU Aayo66VTfl (1264, Kefalonia?, TZANNETATOS 1965: 1, 43.200-1) TOU Ma1aycx FoSKOLOS, Fort. I. 112 oo µaKpoyeVfl SPANOS, Grammar 29.1 A vocative in -ex has also been found, first in the 9th-c. Life of St Philaretos ( 11 th-c. ms): au, aKaµaTCX Vios Philaret. 153.50 The form occurs occasionally in later texts, mainly those in a mixed register: ir6:A1v 6pmavoµVTa Poulol. 24 (6pmavoµUTfl app. crit. (C)) µe'A1craocpaya µuaape, KoVT01ro6apoµVTa Diig. tetr. 844 app. crit (V), Kov6o1ro6apoµVTa (CL)
Feminine F
General
Restricted
Rare
NomJVoc.
µaupoµ&Ta
-1aaa
-p(1)a
Gen,
(µaupoµ&Tas)
Acc.
µaupoµ&Ta(v)
-1aaa(v)
-p{1)a(v)
s.
~ This archaizing form is modelled on the vocative of AG masculine 1st-declension nouns like iroAITI)S, f
r t
t
-------------782
I'
i
3 Adjectives
II Nominal Morphology
The usual nominative form is -ex, both for compound adjectives (e.g. µaup oµchcx) and for loanwords (e.g. q>ou6ou?\cx). However, an alternative form in -tcrcrcx is also found in loanwords (a,cnncrcrcx in a 17th-c. document from Naxos, and Kaµ1roup1crcra in an early l 8th-c. literary text), and also in the plural (see below). This ending has not been fo und with compound or a- privative adjectives, but only for loanwords. It is arguable that these forms are closer to nouns in terms of their morphology. We may also note the sporadic occurrence of feminine forms in -p(t}cx, from masculine adjectives in ·TI1S, on the analogy of agent nouns. Examples are: µe?\avoµuTpta PouloL 327 (< µe?\avoµliTI1s); CXKaµchp1av D ELLAP., Erot. apokr. 1664 (< CXKCXµaTI1s}. 51 Another type of feminine form, which relates to these compound adjectives but has not been included in the paradigm above, employs the suffix -oucro:. Examples: cxcrxT)µ01to6apouaa Poulol. 327; Kaµcxpoq>pu6oucra K6pT) Love poems V 121; xpucroµo:Mo ucra µou Ksp& CH0RTATSIS, Panor. 11.219. (For this nominal suffix, see ANDRI0TIS, Lex. s.v. -ouaa.) No occurrences of the feminine genitive singular have been found in the texts studied. The vocative is normally identical with the nominative (examples betow). However, a feminine a,a1TT') is found in the early editions (though not the manuscript) of the Cretan romance Erotokritos: cx,a1TT') vivo: KoRNAR0S, Erot. 111.423. Nominative eµe111e11 KoUTaoµlha PouloL 496 app. criL (P) (eµmes KoUT~oµlhpa VL) ,; a.pa!,oKaµiroOpa Vulgiirorakel VI.14 e6e ~u6o0Aa Kai ayoupos Achil. 0 619 110: yellTJ KaKoµolpa PIKAT., Rima thrin. 546 o:a,rp,i Kal µaupoµcrra Imber. 267 app. crit. (0) KOVTaoxepa MoNTSEL., Evgena 1062 and 1195 µeyOAT) Ko:Aoµo{pa I ae: \l(l '11a1 a,rou µe ,r6:p11 eµe FOSKOLOS, Fort.' fil.548-9 av i\TOIIE Kl oi\6TUcpAT), KOUTcrii Kal ~ouyAoxepa KORNAROS, EroL V.261;,; KaKOµolpaµava ibid. fil.1752; e1aa1 KaAOµolpa ibid. IY.278 Kaµ,rovp10-aaDon Kis. 24.15; C1Tpa!,oAalµ10-aa ibid. 454.29-30
Accusative µaupo1tAouµ1a.0µ6:Tav Flor. L 192 (Panayotopoulou/Lendari); poiooKOKK111oxelMv ibid. L 193 C1Kpocpa11 KOUT~a:1tTav µ{av (1518, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 52, 95 .79) aVTT)11 TTJII KaKoµolpa FylL gadar. 191a 6,roO 6e11 exe1 µavpoµµcrra ou6ou?\cx). However, an alternative form in -tcrcrcx is also found in loanwords (a,cnncrcrcx in a 17th-c. document from Naxos, and Kaµ1roup1crcra in an early l 8th-c. literary text), and also in the plural (see below). This ending has not been fo und with compound or a- privative adjectives, but only for loanwords. It is arguable that these forms are closer to nouns in terms of their morphology. We may also note the sporadic occurrence of feminine forms in -p(t}cx, from masculine adjectives in ·TI1S, on the analogy of agent nouns. Examples are: µe?\avoµuTpta PouloL 327 (< µe?\avoµliTI1s); CXKaµchp1av D ELLAP., Erot. apokr. 1664 (< CXKCXµaTI1s}. 51 Another type of feminine form, which relates to these compound adjectives but has not been included in the paradigm above, employs the suffix -oucro:. Examples: cxcrxT)µ01to6apouaa Poulol. 327; Kaµcxpoq>pu6oucra K6pT) Love poems V 121; xpucroµo:Mo ucra µou Ksp& CH0RTATSIS, Panor. 11.219. (For this nominal suffix, see ANDRI0TIS, Lex. s.v. -ouaa.) No occurrences of the feminine genitive singular have been found in the texts studied. The vocative is normally identical with the nominative (examples betow). However, a feminine a,a1TT') is found in the early editions (though not the manuscript) of the Cretan romance Erotokritos: cx,a1TT') vivo: KoRNAR0S, Erot. 111.423. Nominative eµe111e11 KoUTaoµlha PouloL 496 app. criL (P) (eµmes KoUT~oµlhpa VL) ,; a.pa!,oKaµiroOpa Vulgiirorakel VI.14 e6e ~u6o0Aa Kai ayoupos Achil. 0 619 110: yellTJ KaKoµolpa PIKAT., Rima thrin. 546 o:a,rp,i Kal µaupoµcrra Imber. 267 app. crit. (0) KOVTaoxepa MoNTSEL., Evgena 1062 and 1195 µeyOAT) Ko:Aoµo{pa I ae: \l(l '11a1 a,rou µe ,r6:p11 eµe FOSKOLOS, Fort.' fil.548-9 av i\TOIIE Kl oi\6TUcpAT), KOUTcrii Kal ~ouyAoxepa KORNAROS, EroL V.261;,; KaKOµolpaµava ibid. fil.1752; e1aa1 KaAOµolpa ibid. IY.278 Kaµ,rovp10-aaDon Kis. 24.15; C1Tpa!,oAalµ10-aa ibid. 454.29-30
Accusative µaupo1tAouµ1a.0µ6:Tav Flor. L 192 (Panayotopoulou/Lendari); poiooKOKK111oxelMv ibid. L 193 C1Kpocpa11 KOUT~a:1tTav µ{av (1518, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 52, 95 .79) aVTT)11 TTJII KaKoµolpa FylL gadar. 191a 6,roO 6e11 exe1 µavpoµµcrra (v) l ,roAM>ve
,roMC>(v)
iroM&(v)
Acc.
,roMous
iroMEs : iroMas
iroMa
Although the genitive is relatively uncommon, the above is the normal form. Toe rare form iroM occurs in a 16th-c. text by a native of Zakynthos: ToO iroM 1ri\ouTou KART ANOS, P&N Diath. 447.14.
Voe.
-
-
-
Accusative arro Tov xruirov Tov iroMv Dig. E 37 1TOAUV Ka1p6v 6~AEIS 61a~aaew l6&; (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 1881-2) lnr6 TOV ir6vov TOV 1r0Mv Achil. 0 13 6ia TO\I ,r66ov T6v lTOAIJ\I DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 1422 Aaov lµa{c.,te TrOAU KORNAROS, Erot. IV.860
Singular Masculine M
General
Restricted
Norn.
1TOAUS
iroMus : iroM6s
Gen.
,roMoii
Acc.
iroM(v)
Rare
Examples with double;;;,. from Cypriot texts (16th-c. mss and later) and one earlier instance from the Dodecanese: lTOAU
,roMuv Ka1p6v (15th c., Rhodes, MINAS 2012: 18,413.10) l-rrv1~ev iroMvv :>.aov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 60.23 lTOAAuv 16Jx)v TOV 1r0Muv Thrinos Kypr. 16
iroMvv
Forms of the nominative and accusative with double occur in certain Cypriot (and sporadically Dodecanesian) texts from the 14th c. onwards; although the texts are not consistent (see below for neuter singular forms), there is good evidence for assuming a geminate pronunciation (see L 3.4). The other development found in Cypriot texts, i.e. the spread of endings of adjectives in -os to the masculine and neuter singular (iroM6s, 1roM6v), is attested only sporadically. For the genitive form 1roM (by analogy with other adjectives in-vs), a single example has so far been located, in a 16th-c. text. Otherwise no variationisfound. ·
Feminine
F
General
Nom.
iroMiJ
Gen.
1r0Mi'js
Acc.
iroMiJ(v)
Nominative ,ro:Avs xe1µ6s (1336, Trebizond, LAMBROS 1916a: 45.17) l occur in some Cypriot texts, but they are not found, for instance, in the edition of the Assizes (the earlier ms is dated to the 15th c.). Otherwise, no Nominative noMv 1TIKOVS y1a µeva Kl EKayfJKO CHORTATSIS, Panor. I.249 EKOTaaq,a~e noMovs Chron. Tourk. Soult. 29.13 wl 'TTOAAOVS µ66ovs (1617, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1988: B, 161.53) noMovs KVKAOVS PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2418
Feminine F
General
Norn.
noMes
Gen.
noMw(v)
Acc.
noMes
Restricted
Rare noMaf
noM6s
For the development of the feminine plural endings, see the relevant section of 3.2.1. Nominative Theseid IV.69.5 (1529) 8Ailjles noMes DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 12 ol ~pvaes ol noMes Diig. Alex. F 120.17 (Lolos) iroMes xf\pes ~Tall KALLIOUP., Kaini Diath. Louk. 4.25 iroMts yvvaiKES KORNAROS, Erot. IV.1821
yiaTI noMes eTv' ol mKples Kl oAlya TO: t1/)AhTJq,opovVTc.,:,v 6eairoTwv Eisit. f.3r. 7 Tl')v ovo-av O'TCXO"IV (1243, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 293,409.21) TOVS Aonrovs TOVS 6VTCXS ev Ti\ Tpol9 PoL Tr. 11758 . 0eo0 KCXTEvo6o0VTOS (1446, Chios, MANOUSAKAS 1960: 271.9) fJ ,rapoOo-o: µov OVTTJ ypcxq,T) (1513, Corfu, KARABOULAIPAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1998: 45,
55.22) EKpa~av TOV ,rcxp6VTCX 1TCX1TO: 1ooVVTjV MaKp,; (1600, Zakynthos, KONOMOS 1969b: 36.7) 6icx TOVS o:,rAovo-6epovs, TOVS OVTO:S ~s eµe VENETZAS, Vari. & /oas. 29.7 ds TO 0"1TITCIAE Tfjs 1TCXp0VO"TJS xwpcxs (1658, Zakynthos, BOUBOULIDIS 1957: I, 113.8-9) ElTOVATJO"E TWV ,rap6VTc.,:,V ••• lva O"KACl~V (1669, Kefalonia, BALLAS 1999a: 2,281.24) crno6av6VToS eµoO TOV aµo:pTc.,:,AoO 8eA10-o:plov (1683, Gortynia, YANNAROPOULOU 1972: 95, . 322.14) (genitive absolute)
For new participle formations from the verb eiµVelµcn, see III, 4.8.5. -as, -cxo-cx, -av ... 1oos aµa µe TO f>ovf>6:Aiv Diig. tetr. 50 oaAATjAoyt'iaas vex TCX TovTcxv TO: 1rp6:yµCXT6: Tov Assizes B 441.20-1. Forms in -oVTcxs also occur as proper names: o &yios :rw,oVTcxs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 36.4.
3.7.3
Participles with Irregular Morphology
The use of masculine endings for feminine referents (see above, introduction to 3.7) continues in LMedG texts. Unlike the use of -VTcx for neuter nom. sg. (above), this is a rather sporadic phenomenon and might perhaps be regarded as lack of gender agreement, rather than morphological levelling. The following examples are limited to attributive and predicative uses: ·
TT}V 66ov TT}V 61CI)(VTa ev Tii 6ia1TUTEpa cxv"fi\vo vex 'Bev KcxµT}S Alfav. 11 86 ,na 'cpKoi\ov Cypr. Canz. 35.7; m' aCTTTpT}V ,rapcx x16v1v ibid. 108.2 va CfT}KGWTJ TO ma &Aacppov cpopTc.>µav Vios Aisop. I 251.26; TO ma j3apu q>opTc.>µa ibid. 251.27; E1TEpl1TCXTEIEV 'lTICX 1tp68uµa ,rapcx TOUS &Mous ibid. 251.36; ,rC::,s elva1 rnnµos va TOUS 13ri0i\ari KaAAEOTEpa Ka\ 1TICX yi\T)yopa ,rapcx TOO fxxcni\ec.>s ibid 275.17; TJVpa C1CXS xe1p6TEpous Kal 'lTICX o:va~IOTEp0US 1tapcx oi\ous TOUS av0pc!movs ibid. 280.21-2; ma euxap1crrT)µEVTJ i\0ei\a elcrrcu ibid. 282.36; ft0e}.ev TUTEpa cxv"fi\vo vex 'Bev KcxµT}S Alfav. 11 86 ,na 'cpKoi\ov Cypr. Canz. 35.7; m' aCTTTpT}V ,rapcx x16v1v ibid. 108.2 va CfT}KGWTJ TO ma &Aacppov cpopTc.>µav Vios Aisop. I 251.26; TO ma j3apu q>opTc.>µa ibid. 251.27; E1TEpl1TCXTEIEV 'lTICX 1tp68uµa ,rapcx TOUS &Mous ibid. 251.36; ,rC::,s elva1 rnnµos va TOUS 13ri0i\ari KaAAEOTEpa Ka\ 1TICX yi\T)yopa ,rapcx TOO fxxcni\ec.>s ibid 275.17; TJVpa C1CXS xe1p6TEpous Kal 'lTICX o:va~IOTEp0US 1tapcx oi\ous TOUS av0pc!movs ibid. 280.21-2; ma euxap1crrT)µEVTJ i\0ei\a elcrrcu ibid. 282.36; ft0e}.ev TEpa Els KOO-µov Flor. L 922 (Cupane) e111 61ex KaAhepov Chron. Mor. P 507 (ms H gives KaAAtwTepov) µeyaMunep1111 xapa11 VousTR., Chron. A 144.4 (with shift of stress) els yAVKc..:>Tepous Kai KaAOUS wo-ex11 µaA8aKu>Ttpous [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 755 µaKpu-rep11v Cc.,iiv GLYKYS, Penth. Than. 278; µe Trolav Ka8apwnpi,v lxM11v j?>e[knoo-vvi,v ibid 387 · Troia evai (3apvTEP11 Kai Troia e11ai &Aacpp6Tep11 KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 464.23 oµopcpimpo BAROZZI, Letter 358.26 eT11a1 6uvCXT6TEp6s µou KALLIOUP., Kaini Diath. Marth. 3.11 µex 'Tl"Atex AaµTTpT) Kl ciO"TrpVTEP11 Trapex TO x10111 ecpavi, TROILOS, Rodol. V.274 . elva1 els hoiho AE11j16Tepo1 LANDOS, Geopon. 131.22; Kaµve1 Ta µ,;Aa yAvK6TEpa ibid. 152.11; Kaµve1 To11 1apµaKl\l MACHAIRAS, Chron. O 386.20-1 mp!Tov cx~IES Fior 73.4 ,ro;\oµa TOY a118pc,:mov ,replTov !yi\,;yopo11 Kai mp!Tov '6nvnµevov Kail ,rep ITOV eappovµevov . . ·" ·, Fior, Suppl. 273.32-4; mp!Tov mi\i\ov ,rapa irov ev1 ibid. 277.16 ,r;\10 i]ya1TT]µe11ov TRIVOLIS, Re Skotsias 244 . lKaµe lxi\i\~v 1TlYivTepos ibid. 142.10--11
44.13) !K&TI TO ni.e6TEpoll µepos TOV KaO"Tpou (16th c., Peloponnese, SCHREINER 1975n9: 34.11, 47B 1B2.10) ,rapS from µfyasf µEya1105. 1rus seems to be a new fonnation. For the adj. C1VJxxs Chron. Toe. 3173 eu6tc.>s evml't611aav LIMEN., Velis. (A) 318 KO:l TO:UTO: elirwv e6pTJV1)0"EV KO:l eKi\avaev 8apalc.>s Achil. N 921 From adjectives in -c.>v
As discussed in 3.3.4, adjectives in -c.)V are rather uncommon in non-learned texts and, additionally, they are often subject to analogical adaptation to other paradigms. The corresponding adverbial forms are extremely rare in LMedG and EMG texts. One example has been located: Ko:l Kawcrqia~c.) Eµo:uTT}v ws irpa~aao:v aq>povc.)s Dig. G IV.145. Adverbs formed from comparative adjectives in -c.)v are equally rare, but for an example of the form Kpe1TT6V(.o.)S see below, 4.3.1. From participles KeKpvµµtvc.>s [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 2222 eµtva yovv 1tpo1)youµlvc.>s cpalvETal µ01 (1465, Rome, LAMBROS 1930: 286.5) 1tmapp11aiaaµtvc.>s Dig. G IV.1026 ~ef,aiwµtvws NEOFYTOS, Achouri 348 EKEiVOI OTTOIJ ETTEpaO"O:O"lV l>VTc.>S ol e61Kol aov Rim. than. 50 ms Kal VO:UTES l>VTWS va el1tf\S Cj>CXAKOVES Kal lTITplns LIMEN., Velis. (A) 126 1T68os l>VTc.>S XO:PITc.>µEVOS Pist. kekoim. 15 . TO l>voµa T' 'l\v6p6v1KOS Kai l>VTc.>S cxv6petwµ€vos PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 7 . l>VTc.>S, Kupex I/\&, yopyoyup{{(,.), KO:KOmKpo:!voµo:i, Ko:AO~AE1Tc.), Ko:Aoypo1KW, Ko:AO~T}µEpooVE1, 1TOAU1T1Kpa{v(,.), cnyoTpoµacHJ"c.), cruxvo:vo:VTpo:v!C(.,.), cruxvoepxoµo:i, O'UXVOO'UVTT}p& (see relevant lemmata in KRIARAS, Lex., where available).
4.2
Endings
4.2.1
Adverbs in -e.us
Adverbs in -c.)s (-&s) continue to be used throughout the period covered by this Grammar. By the end of the LMedG period, such adverbs are mainly to be found in mid- or higher-register texts, with certain lexical exceptions, e.g. Ko:AWS (in greetings), EVT\JX&s. They derive from adjectives in -os (with movement of stress to the penultimate in the case of proparoxytone adjectives) or adjectives of the AG 3rd declension (ending in •T)S, -~s. -us, -c.)v). They may also be formed from present and perfect passive participles (with obligatory stress on the penultimate). Note also the adverb oVT(.o.)S ("really, truly"), from the present participle of the verb "to be", which exists already in AG. Below we give some examples of each kind. From adjectives in -o~ a KOO iiµeis rn&{~aµev S (ca. 1300, Cyprus, SIMON 1973: 15.49) ooa KCXll MYT\ ~6:0"Ta~e Kal cptpe Ta yevvaic.>s Ptoch. I 159 on iroMol t6oKlµaaav &yvc.:xn-c.>s vex µe ir6:povv Dig. E 862 (but also ayvc.>O"Ta ibid. 1355); Kai E1TOVA1)0"0:V Kal focp6:~av TO:S cxvoµc.>s KO:l cx61Kc.>S ibid. 171; µey6:i\c.>s TO ex6:P11 ibid. 1041 AETITWS TOUS ecp11yfiaITOV Chron. Mor. H 2572 apa61KWS (post 1427, Unknown, HUNGER/VOGEL 1963: 60, 48.4) (probably derived directly from the noun cxp6:6a + -1Kws, since no corresponding adjective is attested) vex ev6uvc.>VTcn i\anv11s To EtvµC.:,lhJ Alex. Rim. 419 ~evonpoaC.:,nc.,s To 61yov Spaneas D 333 av~O:O'TIKWS (1613, Crete, BAKKERIVAN GEMERT 1987: 853, 744.3)6 Ka:hwS Tfi 6vyo:T€pa µov CHORTATSIS, Katz. ill.333 E~6xws (1680,Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 31, 179.19) vex Ti'\s 6C.:,Kc.> e'i61)0"1) ~EO'TOµo:TIKWS ,raaa Tc.>V vir68e0"1) (1681, Genoa, VAYAKAKOS 1988: . 507.29) µT)v e:hlhj alcpv16lc.>s Kai a:h1ta0"1) µe (1684, Zakynthos, Z01s 1956: [2], 348.15) T}lreaes 6E711)µaTIKWS els µ!av 61tC.:,i\e1av cpavepitv YENETZAS, Vari. & loas. 35.25 airov6alws Kai Tpex6:Ta KoNDAR., Paules 401 · TPEXOVTO:S, €:i\eyev µeya:hocpc.:,vc.,s Don Kis. 45.23 5
6
4 Adverbs
Il Nominal Morphology
832
Included here for convenience is the very common µeyaNA>S from µfyasf µEya1105. 1rus seems to be a new fonnation. For the adj. C1VJxxs Chron. Toe. 3173 eu6tc.>s evml't611aav LIMEN., Velis. (A) 318 KO:l TO:UTO: elirwv e6pTJV1)0"EV KO:l eKi\avaev 8apalc.>s Achil. N 921 From adjectives in -c.>v
As discussed in 3.3.4, adjectives in -c.)V are rather uncommon in non-learned texts and, additionally, they are often subject to analogical adaptation to other paradigms. The corresponding adverbial forms are extremely rare in LMedG and EMG texts. One example has been located: Ko:l Kawcrqia~c.) Eµo:uTT}v ws irpa~aao:v aq>povc.)s Dig. G IV.145. Adverbs formed from comparative adjectives in -c.)v are equally rare, but for an example of the form Kpe1TT6V(.o.)S see below, 4.3.1. From participles KeKpvµµtvc.>s [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 2222 eµtva yovv 1tpo1)youµlvc.>s cpalvETal µ01 (1465, Rome, LAMBROS 1930: 286.5) 1tmapp11aiaaµtvc.>s Dig. G IV.1026 ~ef,aiwµtvws NEOFYTOS, Achouri 348 EKEiVOI OTTOIJ ETTEpaO"O:O"lV l>VTc.>S ol e61Kol aov Rim. than. 50 ms Kal VO:UTES l>VTWS va el1tf\S Cj>CXAKOVES Kal lTITplns LIMEN., Velis. (A) 126 1T68os l>VTc.>S XO:PITc.>µEVOS Pist. kekoim. 15 . TO l>voµa T' 'l\v6p6v1KOS Kai l>VTc.>S cxv6petwµ€vos PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 7 . l>VTc.>S, Kupex Ka µ1cxv cruµ~OUAT)V µeyaAT) KoNDAR., Paides 93 µa Aeyoo els TT)V xwpa O'OU 8eX EIO'OI aup1ov ~pa6u MONTSEL., Evgena 1048 T6TES fou~a6:µe CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.375-6 O'TO cnrlT1 6e yupl~oµev anovoopls vex cpaµe; ThysiaAvr. 518 a' e~yakv hat &,ro vpls ;rapa q>opcx K1aµ1' @.AT) TR01Los, RodoL 11.501 cmovoopls O'TT)V KAIIIT) TOU i\8ETe KORNAROS, Erot. 1.775; Kl lrno vwpls T' an6yeµa auVTpocp1aaTES KIVOUO'l ibid. 1.1383; Kl 01TO\J cnrou66i;e1 TT) 6ouk1av crnovoopls O'KOACl~El ibid. 11.1872 However, some other temporal adverbs in -Is or -I are·· quite widely found, e.g. crnoairep{(s). oi\oµep{(s), oi\ovuKTi(s). Dating is difficult, but in general the forms in -t are earlier than those in -is. The -is ending occurs more frequently from the 15th c. onwards. Of this group, the only one that appears to be formed from an adjective is oATJµEpv{s, which could, in theory, derive from oi\riµep(i)vos. However, given the existence of the parallel formations OAT]µep{s and ATJYUKTIS, the form oAT]µepv!s may be a later development influenced by the alternative adverb OAT]µep(i)vws. For bibliography and details of the variants found in LMedG and EMG texts, see KRIARAS, Lex. s.v. oi\riµep{s. We give a few examples: OAT)µEpl TCX µapµapa TOU Tiµ,r'J\ou vex ,rp1ovl~T) DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2088 Kai OAT)µepls µ' eKps KaAoOVTai ToupK1JTVTEpas ibid. 38.26 ri ~ Ka11e11rws 6ev KaTexe1 I irpwTVTepas KORNAROS, Erot. V.1438; TJP8a11 irapcrnpc.,:>TUTEpas PTJy6irov1'01 µey6:Ao1 ibid. 11.113
Superlative Kai 0µ01aCou11, TO xe1p6Tepo11, OT1 elvai µe8uaµe1101, Ptoch. II 93 els ayopa11 Kai Tpocpr111 aMyw11 Teaaapc.,:>11 To 61'1ywTepo11 (1465, Rome, LAMBROS 1930: 285.1-2)
4 Adverbs
843
ypaljlE µou ,To au11Toµ6TEpo11 (1496, Pesaro, MAVROEIDI-PLOUMIDI 1971: 3, 133.64) TO yATJyOpUTEpoll (1508, los, PATRAMANI 1989/90: 3, 174.52) vex TOO aTelATJS To 1'1y6Tepo (ms TOAATJYOTEpo) µ1a e!Koaaptci aKo06a (1584 Ital PAPADOPOULOS 1978: 1,318.11) ' y, O'TOY "A6TJ TO yopy6TEpo ytci \la µiropci mpcxaw CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.280 TO y1.Tjyop6TEp011 (1613, Mani, LASKARIS 1957: 3,310.28) TO y1'tJyopwTEpo11 PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §30.17 cpvye TO y1-TJyopvTEpo KORNAROS, Erot. Ill.923
4.3.2
Ana1ytic Comparative and Superlative
Comparative expressions with the plural form of the adverb are quite common, while singular forms occur more rarely. The analytic superlative seems to be very rare: only one occurrence has been found, in the Chronicle of Morea, where adverbs in -c,.)s (KpvS rnlCTTaaat Kal ,rap' eµe KpE1n611ws [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 2544 Ka8ws 1TATV1"Epa TO 616:cpopos TOUS ,rapa TO ~E\1011 Fior 83.15 youpy6TEpa FoRTIOS, Strat. pragm. 504 (for the vowel raising /o/ > /u/ see I, 2.8.3) el 6e11 Kal TCl -i\8EAEII 6wcre1 lirpc.,:>TVTEpa (1541, Corfu, RODOLAKis/PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1996: 5, 219.11) (for the prothetic vowel see I, 2.6.1) 11a Ta KomaCou11 KaM16Tepa (1541, Thasos?, KRAVARI 1987: App. II; 340.25) Kai hat euKoMnpa eKu~epvfi8Tjaav (1572, Achaia, VEIS 1956: 451.34) XElpTEpa crrro 1.a"iKOUS yuplCou oi ,ramra6es P&N Diath. 48 Tl CTTEKOµeCTTa ,r1'16TEpa ... ; CHORTATSIS, Erof. lnterm. 11.90 Kal EKEl cmou l]TOIIE TEIITWµElloS o MirayiaCITTJS 1Tpc.,:lTVTEpa Chron. Tourk. Soult. 39.3 mpmaTovai airou6a16TEpa LANDOS, Geopon. 131.10; 6eKcrnEIITE fiµepas ,rpwTlhepa Kal UCTTEpwTEpa ibid. 142.24 µV.Tjae ~aanpTEpa Bertoldos 66.15 Kal aullTOµWTEpoll fiµeis crrroµe1'a11w800µe11 [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 2035 Ko:Mto 11a fiµa1 MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 22.17 A011TOll 1Tpoye11foTepo11 CXII elxe 1TOITJ(TE1" TOVTO SFRANTZIS, Chron. 60.18 TJ~pe KaAlhepov crn6 Tous Teaaapous VarL & Joas. (Lavras) 77.10 nc'Z>s KaAoOVTai ToupK1JTVTEpas ibid. 38.26 ri ~ Ka11e11rws 6ev KaTexe1 I irpwTVTepas KORNAROS, Erot. V.1438; TJP8a11 irapcrnpc.,:>TUTEpas PTJy6irov1'01 µey6:Ao1 ibid. 11.113
Superlative Kai 0µ01aCou11, TO xe1p6Tepo11, OT1 elvai µe8uaµe1101, Ptoch. II 93 els ayopa11 Kai Tpocpr111 aMyw11 Teaaapc.,:>11 To 61'1ywTepo11 (1465, Rome, LAMBROS 1930: 285.1-2)
4 Adverbs
843
ypaljlE µou ,To au11Toµ6TEpo11 (1496, Pesaro, MAVROEIDI-PLOUMIDI 1971: 3, 133.64) TO yATJyOpUTEpoll (1508, los, PATRAMANI 1989/90: 3, 174.52) vex TOO aTelATJS To 1'1y6Tepo (ms TOAATJYOTEpo) µ1a e!Koaaptci aKo06a (1584 Ital PAPADOPOULOS 1978: 1,318.11) ' y, O'TOY "A6TJ TO yopy6TEpo ytci \la µiropci mpcxaw CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.280 TO y1.Tjyop6TEp011 (1613, Mani, LASKARIS 1957: 3,310.28) TO y1'tJyopwTEpo11 PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §30.17 cpvye TO y1-TJyopvTEpo KORNAROS, Erot. Ill.923
4.3.2
Ana1ytic Comparative and Superlative
Comparative expressions with the plural form of the adverb are quite common, while singular forms occur more rarely. The analytic superlative seems to be very rare: only one occurrence has been found, in the Chronicle of Morea, where adverbs in -c,.)s (Kpv lu/ is widespread in the inodem dialect (BASEA-BEZANDAKOU 2005: 284). In Cyprus, the gen. pl. form TWV is often replaced by the acc. pl. form Tous, as a regular feature of the Cypriot dialect affecting masc.
i; ,·
I
I
II Nominal Morphology
850
els Tii /\a1VEl (1690, Sibiu, TsOURKA-PAPASTATHI 2011: A 6, f.43r.14) nayov els Toll Tovppm(ov (1696, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 1, 51.25); TO 811 TIS (with epenthetic vowel). eK T&v eµ&v 6oui\eUTa6wv (1099, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: App. 1,644.1) TWV l1ovKa6wv Dig. G IV.43 TWV Ka6ii6wv (15th c., Rhodes, MINAS 2012: 18,414.52) ,rep\ T~>V KaK&v xp1c,nav&v Assizes B 252.16 TCX K0µ1twµaTa TWV av8pw,rc.,v Fior 86.2 TWV aJJ..C:,v µaKeMap&v (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2006: 17, 16.7) TWV aKAapwve (1617, Zakynthos, KONOMOS 1970b: 3,232.15) Tw O'KVAwv DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2023 TW yovew µas (1501, Crete, MANOUSSACAS 1976: 5, 27.29) TW yevvT)TO?W µas yovewv (1556, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 146,
116.15) TW l/tis/is due to deletion of unstressed lu/ and epenthesis of Iii. In some cases, such as the few instances from Northern Greece, this is most certainly the case (see also I, 2.6.2). From a chronological viewpoint, however, the Tis form appears rather earlier than the Ts/Ta( forms (see below), unless one were to consider it, in some cases at least, as a simple graphematic expression of TS, Furthermore, the appearance of masc. Tis as a definite article should be connected to the appearance of masc. TIS as a pronominal clitic form, which also appears in the 15th c., i.e. before the corresponding clitic forms Ts/TO"!. It must also be noted that the forms Tous and Tis may co-occur in the same text, and the same is true of the forms T elp11µevovs Kpovaeµevovs (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 177, 177.11) o-rls CX~t61TIO'TOVS Kai ,rapaKaAETOUS µapwpovs (1544, Santorini, FOSKOLOS 2012: fl', 139.) ,roles va wxe1 a,r6 TIS 6uo 61aAEKTEl Apoll. Rim. E 614 TIS 4>p6:yKOVS (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132,218.18); 61a Tis Tpeis Kptous (1565, ibid. 277,381.5) TiS 1TpwTOVS (1571, Mani, DOKOS 1972: 5,261.22) µe Tis KaAOyepovs (1576, Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 19, 150.2-3) Tis 1TaAa1ovs VENDRAMOS, Istor. Filarg. 245 TIS yovfovs TOV (1617, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 16,320.24) ToliTovSTlSTpeis Myovs aoii ,re,rc., (1637, Chios, PAPADOPOULOS 1989: 3, 95.11) . TiST01TOVS (1647, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 16, 88.11) . Tis yepoVTOI (1649, Mykonos, ZERLENDIS 1924a: [5], 19.13) 1raye1 µe TisToupKOVS (ante 1662, Sifnos, TSELIKAS 1986c: 2, 32.48-9) . els Tis µu;\ovs (1664, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1991: 1, 82.23) cmov TIS µayOT~e6es (1665, Crete, LYDAKI 2000: 10,419.5) Tovs T61Tovs Tis TovpKtKovs Chron. Tourk. Soult. 61 .5 Toii oupavoii Tis 1TAOVT)Tas Diig. Alex. F 108.20 (Lolos) TIS N1wns (1673, Sikinos, ZERLENDIS 1913a: 140.20) e,rpOaTe Tis KO:Too8ev µapwpovs (1678, lkaria, TsELIKAS 2000: 63, 53.2-3) Tls K61Tovs (1680, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 38, 188.17) TIS avyyevEis µas (1683, Leros, PAPADOPOULOs/FLORENDIS 1990: 37, 29.26) µI Tis riavvtWTIS (1698, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 7, 66.28) TIS 86AOVS (1700, Patmos, PAPADOPOULOSIFLORENDIS 1990: 35, 28.34) Tls 1Tpootµovs (1731, Kimolos, RAMFOS 1974: 18, 38.83-84) µa xapl~ova!v Tov Ta-l 6vo (15th c., Crete, KooER 1964: 46--48.29) ,ro!os va wxe1, a1r6 Tai 6vo va 61aAEKTe! ApolL Rim. N 614 µe Tai µ66ovs (1586, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 65, 50.27) . Tai SeKa )(POVOVS (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 1, 23.16) wl KOT')µovs µov Vosk. 95 Tai K61rovs CHORTATSIS, Katz. 1.140 , TCfi 1TTc.>XOVS (1604-5, Cythera, MAVROEIDI 1978: 147.39) TCfl e6tKOVS (1615, Syros, DRAKAKIS 1967: 15,319.30)
855
TO'I 1TCX1TC16es (1622, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 3, 49.63) Tai µapTvpovs (17th c., Crete, SPANAKIS 1971: (1], 183.120) ,rpbs wl cp(AOVS Tous yKOp6taKous Trag. Ag. Dim. 1.71 T1 acrrr6:i\a0ovs Rim. kor. A 23 µi Ta· cxypovi\{6ovs (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 34, 53.9) TS CX1T6KOTOVS Kai TOUS cxvepyiaµevovs FOSKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 19 els Ta' 6pavous Thysia Avr. 28 Ta' ox8povs TC.,S Zinon ProL 87 TS o:v6pe µas Pist. voskos II 1.169 aw· 6p1aµous Trag. Ag. Dim. 1.38 wov q,ei\ous CHORTATSIS, Katz. 1.249 app. crit.
Feminine Nominative
General
Restricted
ol
al
Toe AG fem. nom. pl. a\ began to be replaced by o\ in Late Antiquity or the EMedG period. There are sporadic examples of such a usage in papyri (DIETERICH 1898: 152-3; CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 10, 310; MENDEZ DOSUNA 1995: 79, 84; curiously the phenomenon is not mentioned in GIGNAC 1981: 173). Feminine o\ is absent from EMedG texts such as chronicles (PSALTES 1913: 139), and from the earliest LMedG literary texts such as Glykas and Ptochoprodromos. Psycharis went so far as to reject the few papyrological examples and to consider MedG o\ as an independent evolution which must be dated to the 13th c. (Ps1CHARI 1886: 64). However, the very wide distribution of the form, throughout all Greek-speaking areas, speaks against a late evolution. Furthermore, a relatively early instance is to be found in a lOth-c. inscription from Cappadocia: t irv7'.£s / o\ 1TUAES (DE JERPHANION 1925/42: I 376). Feminine o\ is mostly viewed as the effect of morphological change: either as the analogical spread of the masc. nom. pl. to the feminine (PSICHARI 1886: 34-85; CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A lC~l 1; BROWNING 21983: 60-1) or as an analogical influence of the /i/ vowel of the singular TJ-Ti'iS-TT}V spreading to the plural (JANNARIS 1897: 159; PERNOT 1907/46: II 48). It has also been suggested that the phenomenon is phonetic in origin, caused by the tendency for synizesis of unstressed ai /e/ before a vowel (MEYER 1889: 114-15; MENDEZ DosUNA 1995, adopted in HORROCKS 22010: 289), although such drastic influence of synizesis on MedG morphology is unlikely at such an early date (see I, 2.9.4). For the LMedG period, the earliest examples located date from the 11th to 13th c.: ol IK6cpes (ca. 1050, S. Italy, GUILLOU 1972b: 185.330)
o\ VT')O'TETes TaiiTes NIKON, Logos 4 214.1 ol µev 1')µ1al£s (1138?, S. Italy, MERCATI et al. 1980: 14, 102.25) oirov U1Tapxe1 [sic] ol cxyptoavKles (1139, S. Italy. GUILLOU 1968: App. I, 52.16) o\ 1Tp0EtPT')µeva1 (1265-6, Sicily, GuILLOU 1963: 22, 168.15)
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
856
There are numerous examples in early vernacular literary texts, preserved in mss from the late 14th c. onwards: oi auµcpc.>vles Chron. Mor. H oil.Es ol avyyEvl6es I.iv. V 3059 oi ayU:S eKKAflales Assizes B 280.2 oi apx6VT1a0cs Kal ol ~aees KovpTfoes Diig. terr. 927 c app. crit. (C) &pµ11aa11 oi Tpeis ev8vs yap ERMON., [/ias 1.253 ol TpaXT}AES Velis. X243. ol puµves PoL Tr. 1246 app. crit. (BV) oi 6oukiyes (1481, Crimea, GRASSO 1880: 119, 169.6) oi cpoiians (1481, Rhodes?, TSIRPANLIS 1968: 2, 205.30) oi TEVTES Tovs Achil. N 424 oi TEVTES, oi ,rapaTayES, oi ,rapp11auls, oi 66~es By1., II. 488 oi CXAAfS (1506, Zakynthos, MANOUSAKAS 1967: 1,224.19) oi Ka8l6pes Tov Deft. Par. 242 oi cntlaTES, oi 6oi\cpes DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2074 oi aapKES oi AfUKES Kaloi evµopq,oavves LIMEN., Than. Rod. 56 oi Tfoaapes {c.>TlKais 6u11aµe1s DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 2, a6v.30-1 oi µepes / fiµepes ol 6eKv TOU vucpa6c.> (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 257,355.12) TW\I foPTa6c.>v Ka! aapaKoaTa6wv (1614, Tinos, HOFMANN 1936: I, 59.32) Kaµta TW\I yuvatKWVE MONTSEL., Evgena 1512
TWV
TWV
TW µep!Bc.> (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 9 [01, 241.6) Tc.> j3oaK011"0VAc.> CHORTATSIS, Panor. ill.481 oAc.>VW TO:, yuvat~ (1620, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 1, 39.66) TWV 6iKa KOA611c.> TW µeyaAc.> (1639, Crete, KAZANAKI 1974: 6,273.38) TW [Me]yaAc.> TTETpW (1680, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 26, 173.7) TOO 8uaTepwve µou (1639, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 139, 125.19) (for deletion of intervocalic /y/ see I, 3.6.1.1) Accusative General
Restricted
Tfs:Tal The inherited AG form is Tas, which was replaced by TES and later Tis. The form is retained throughout LMedG and EMG a marker of high register; it cannot be excluded, however, that in some areas it remained the only available vernacular form, as is e.g. the case in some local sub-varieties of the modem dialects of Chios and Ikaria (as reported by CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 381 and PERNOT 1907/46: II 49-50).
as
µ!av cnro TCXS ,rpoKptTas Eisit. f.3r.9-10 TCXS aas Aaµ,rpas evepyealas Ptoch. I 1-3 TCXS EKKAflalas Tc.>\I vex TCXS exouv (1453, Constantinople, DALLEGIO o' ALESSIO 1939: 118.37) aTCXS 6eKCt~l TOV aliToO µTjVOS (1479, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 6, 89.3) . TOS 6oVATJYEs/ TCXS 6oui\ciyes (1481, Crimea, GRASSO 1880: 119, 169.4) amet TCXS elK6vas Pist. kekoim. 410 exavoV\ITO\I els TCXS epfJµous VENETZAS, VarL & loas. 32.34 ohives Kpova111 TCXS a,ra8es PARASPOND., Machi Vamas 361 app. crit. (C) elSTas 'l\m6es (1681, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 70, 58.13) aTCXS 1y', AuyouaTOS µ,;vas EFTHYM., Chron. Gal. 17.2 Tas U11"oaxfoe1s TOU aya TOU Don Kis. 47 .30-1 The form TES exists throughout the LMedG and EMG periods. It is explained as a generalization of the nominal ending -es, which had begun to serve for both nominative and accusative feminine nouns since the Koine period (JANNARIS 1897: 159, CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 571-3, TONNET 22003: 172-3, MENDEZ DosUNA 1995: 78-9). Of course, it is also phonologically identical to the dative form Tais: confusion between the functions of the dative and the accusative may be a contributory factor (it is normally spelled Tais in mss, early printed editions, and 19th-c. editions). The form T!S is first recorded at the end of the 11th c. in documents from S. Italy, which provide frequent attestations of this form throughout the LMedG period. In other areas it surfaces sporadically in the 14th c., but it seems to have become prevalent in vernacular
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
856
There are numerous examples in early vernacular literary texts, preserved in mss from the late 14th c. onwards: oi auµcpc.>vles Chron. Mor. H oil.Es ol avyyEvl6es I.iv. V 3059 oi ayU:S eKKAflales Assizes B 280.2 oi apx6VT1a0cs Kal ol ~aees KovpTfoes Diig. terr. 927 c app. crit. (C) &pµ11aa11 oi Tpeis ev8vs yap ERMON., [/ias 1.253 ol TpaXT}AES Velis. X243. ol puµves PoL Tr. 1246 app. crit. (BV) oi 6oukiyes (1481, Crimea, GRASSO 1880: 119, 169.6) oi cpoiians (1481, Rhodes?, TSIRPANLIS 1968: 2, 205.30) oi TEVTES Tovs Achil. N 424 oi TEVTES, oi ,rapaTayES, oi ,rapp11auls, oi 66~es By1., II. 488 oi CXAAfS (1506, Zakynthos, MANOUSAKAS 1967: 1,224.19) oi Ka8l6pes Tov Deft. Par. 242 oi cntlaTES, oi 6oi\cpes DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2074 oi aapKES oi AfUKES Kaloi evµopq,oavves LIMEN., Than. Rod. 56 oi Tfoaapes {c.>TlKais 6u11aµe1s DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 2, a6v.30-1 oi µepes / fiµepes ol 6eKv TOU vucpa6c.> (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 257,355.12) TW\I foPTa6c.>v Ka! aapaKoaTa6wv (1614, Tinos, HOFMANN 1936: I, 59.32) Kaµta TW\I yuvatKWVE MONTSEL., Evgena 1512
TWV
TWV
TW µep!Bc.> (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 9 [01, 241.6) Tc.> j3oaK011"0VAc.> CHORTATSIS, Panor. ill.481 oAc.>VW TO:, yuvat~ (1620, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 1, 39.66) TWV 6iKa KOA611c.> TW µeyaAc.> (1639, Crete, KAZANAKI 1974: 6,273.38) TW [Me]yaAc.> TTETpW (1680, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 26, 173.7) TOO 8uaTepwve µou (1639, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 139, 125.19) (for deletion of intervocalic /y/ see I, 3.6.1.1) Accusative General
Restricted
Tfs:Tal The inherited AG form is Tas, which was replaced by TES and later Tis. The form is retained throughout LMedG and EMG a marker of high register; it cannot be excluded, however, that in some areas it remained the only available vernacular form, as is e.g. the case in some local sub-varieties of the modem dialects of Chios and Ikaria (as reported by CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 381 and PERNOT 1907/46: II 49-50).
as
µ!av cnro TCXS ,rpoKptTas Eisit. f.3r.9-10 TCXS aas Aaµ,rpas evepyealas Ptoch. I 1-3 TCXS EKKAflalas Tc.>\I vex TCXS exouv (1453, Constantinople, DALLEGIO o' ALESSIO 1939: 118.37) aTCXS 6eKCt~l TOV aliToO µTjVOS (1479, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 6, 89.3) . TOS 6oVATJYEs/ TCXS 6oui\ciyes (1481, Crimea, GRASSO 1880: 119, 169.4) amet TCXS elK6vas Pist. kekoim. 410 exavoV\ITO\I els TCXS epfJµous VENETZAS, VarL & loas. 32.34 ohives Kpova111 TCXS a,ra8es PARASPOND., Machi Vamas 361 app. crit. (C) elSTas 'l\m6es (1681, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 70, 58.13) aTCXS 1y', AuyouaTOS µ,;vas EFTHYM., Chron. Gal. 17.2 Tas U11"oaxfoe1s TOU aya TOU Don Kis. 47 .30-1 The form TES exists throughout the LMedG and EMG periods. It is explained as a generalization of the nominal ending -es, which had begun to serve for both nominative and accusative feminine nouns since the Koine period (JANNARIS 1897: 159, CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: A 571-3, TONNET 22003: 172-3, MENDEZ DosUNA 1995: 78-9). Of course, it is also phonologically identical to the dative form Tais: confusion between the functions of the dative and the accusative may be a contributory factor (it is normally spelled Tais in mss, early printed editions, and 19th-c. editions). The form T!S is first recorded at the end of the 11th c. in documents from S. Italy, which provide frequent attestations of this form throughout the LMedG period. In other areas it surfaces sporadically in the 14th c., but it seems to have become prevalent in vernacular
858
II Nominal Morphology
texts from the 15th c. onwards, without geographical restriction. It appears frequently in the Chronicle of Morea (160 times in ms Hand 139 in ms P, according to AERTS/HOKWERDA 2002) and must thus have been quite well established in the 14th c. Most 15th-c. texts, however, show TCXS and TES in co-occurrence. The form TES is retained up to the late EMG period, competing at a later stage with Tis, frequently within the same text. The presence of TES in many MG dialects (e.g. S. Italy, Cyprus, Silli) shows that it was never completely abandoned. For Sofianos, tls (written Texts) is the only available variant (S0FIANos, Grammar 37 .22), while Germano comments that although in Chios Tis is prevalent, there are many areas which still use TES preferentially: "Et si come nel Nominatiuo plur. epiu frequente che ex\, nel Feminino, cosl piu si dice nell' Accusatiuo plurale dell' istesso genere TflS, che Texis, Tfls xexpexis, le allegrezze: altri Greci dicono meglio Texts" (GERMANO, Grammar 57.17-20).
n,
TES &pies (1094, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. IX: 4,390.5); els TES Tpeis &,nn6les (1096, ibid. Coll. V: 1, 290.14) TES av1des (1108-9, s. Italy, GUILLOU 2009: 29, 135.27) TES Ws (1197-8, S. Italy, MERCATI et al. 1980: 42,217.8) CX1tC>TES aµvy6aMs (1264, Kefalonia?, TZANNETATOS 1965: 1, 42.186) TES riµtrepes eAaies (1272, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 326,484.1) TES Ws (1327-8, Peloponnese, VRANOUSI 1981: B, 26.9) TES Tfoo-apes yc.>vles Ptoch. llI 99 app. crit. (P); e6lc.>xes TES Kovpouves Ptoch. N 78 app. crit. (P) exaUxo-aµev TES eKKATJales (1430, loannina, RIGO 1998: [1], 62.28) µe TES ,r6pTES (1436, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1960/61: 2, 148.39) TES KQAES Kai euKaptples AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 347 .
.,
858
II Nominal Morphology
texts from the 15th c. onwards, without geographical restriction. It appears frequently in the Chronicle of Morea (160 times in ms Hand 139 in ms P, according to AERTS/HOKWERDA 2002) and must thus have been quite well established in the 14th c. Most 15th-c. texts, however, show TCXS and TES in co-occurrence. The form TES is retained up to the late EMG period, competing at a later stage with Tis, frequently within the same text. The presence of TES in many MG dialects (e.g. S. Italy, Cyprus, Silli) shows that it was never completely abandoned. For Sofianos, tls (written Texts) is the only available variant (S0FIANos, Grammar 37 .22), while Germano comments that although in Chios Tis is prevalent, there are many areas which still use TES preferentially: "Et si come nel Nominatiuo plur. epiu frequente che ex\, nel Feminino, cosl piu si dice nell' Accusatiuo plurale dell' istesso genere TflS, che Texis, Tfls xexpexis, le allegrezze: altri Greci dicono meglio Texts" (GERMANO, Grammar 57.17-20).
n,
TES &pies (1094, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. IX: 4,390.5); els TES Tpeis &,nn6les (1096, ibid. Coll. V: 1, 290.14) TES av1des (1108-9, s. Italy, GUILLOU 2009: 29, 135.27) TES Ws (1197-8, S. Italy, MERCATI et al. 1980: 42,217.8) CX1tC>TES aµvy6aMs (1264, Kefalonia?, TZANNETATOS 1965: 1, 42.186) TES riµtrepes eAaies (1272, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 326,484.1) TES Ws (1327-8, Peloponnese, VRANOUSI 1981: B, 26.9) TES Tfoo-apes yc.>vles Ptoch. llI 99 app. crit. (P); e6lc.>xes TES Kovpouves Ptoch. N 78 app. crit. (P) exaUxo-aµev TES eKKATJales (1430, loannina, RIGO 1998: [1], 62.28) µe TES ,r6pTES (1436, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1960/61: 2, 148.39) TES KQAES Kai euKaptples AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 347 .
.,
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
860
oAES T{l cppovTl6es TOO K6aµov VENETZAS, VarL & Joas. 32.20 wl ~{{ms epvT}Sr}Ka FoSKOLOS, Fort. 1.75 µe Tai lVTpa6es Tc.>S (1685, Cythera, ANDRITSAKI-FOTIADI 1982: 74.24) O"T{l Po61ves I's Tai Po61ves (1692, Naxos, PANDELIA-GRITSOPOULOU 1995/97: 2, 212.26) µe wl TEXVES aov Trag. Ag. Dim. III.245 va aou TOVE aq>aAlaw 's TS p1wve (1666, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001b: 4, 198.299) TW TPl~6e1av f]µwv TWV 6eoµevc.>v Dig. E 1841; µea' fiµwv [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kal/im. 2517; 6icx TflV ,rapaj3acnv f'iv e,ro{11crev o irpwTOS f]µwv av6pc.>1TOS KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 453.23-4. It belongs to formal and ecclesiastical language, not to the vernacular. It is difficult to locate clear examples of the genitive of the strong form of the pronoun (unlike the weak. clitic form), which has become eµas at some stage in the development of the MedG pronoun system. Not only is it identical with the accusative form, but it is often impossible to determine whether a given example should be viewed as accusative or genitive.7 The following are clearly genitive:
tJµeis Be 1r6:l\1v Tpwyoµev Ptoch. N 412 Kai flj.lEiS as crrroµe(vc.:iµe11 EB& OTO'. lyo1111e11T11, eµas apfoet µas ibid. 2516 oyia \IQ'. 6wac.:iµe Kl foi11 Kl eµcxs ,rapaµu8ia FALIEROS, Thrinos 85 eµas eTv' fi 1TaTp{6a µas BERGADIS, Apok. A 291 fiµeis eiµEOTE\I ho1µ01 TOV PflYOS Kai KEi11os eµcxs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 248.36--7 Ka1 616: ToVTov eµ6:s q>al11ETal µas VousTR., Chron. A 22.4 T\ yvva!Ka CfOU Kai eµcxs O:\IE4'lS Kai Keivos eµas MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 24~.36--7 Eiµea-ra11 Kal fiµeis µ011cxxes (1508, los, PATRAMANI 1989/90: 3, 174.48) fiµeis eiµea-rev WCfCX\I TO A186:p111 TO a6aµa\lTI\IO\I Diig. Alex. E 217.15 (Lolos) me16,; 11µe!s TOOO\I exapT)µav NoUKIOS, Ais. Myth. 146.8 Kai 11upaµe11 Kai fiµeis LANDOS, Geopon. 245.4 ftµeipovs CXKOUOµE\I Kai cpof3ouµaOTE\I (17th c.,Athos, MEYER 1894: XVI, 220.10) eµis V1l'pvKe11 AchiL N 164 (probably acc., as this text often uses acc. for indirect
object) oµc.:is a-reiAav fiµcxs Kal OA11 TTJ Cfll\10~ (1528, Athos, LEM ERLE 1988: 53, 173.46) Kai 61a TOVTO 6tWKETE iiµcxs CHEILAS, Ckron. 356.29 €8EVTO fiµcxs 6ta a!peTOUS KplTOS (1606, Nauplion, BROUSKARI 1982: 1, 174.5)
The change of fiµas to lµas parallels the development in the nominative and must be closely related. Again, the dating of the new form is not without problems. A small number of 7
See MERTYRIS 2011 for an examination of the syncretism of genitive and accusative in the personal pronoun system.
6
Note, however, that the 2 pt forms foeic; and foac; are attested in the same period (see below).
871
----------~
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
872
examples are found in documents of the 11th and 12th c. from S. Italy (see MINAS 22003: 98), and in a letter of Nikon of the Black Mountain (12th c.): nap' eµas (1034, S. Jtaly, TRINCHERA 1865: 29, 34.28) omp 1.i'}µmos ecras 01TOV lxc.> Clq>EVTES Chron. Mor. H 269; o:cpellTT)S eras, ecras TWII Mc.,pahc.>11 ibid 2252 oAC.>11 foas TO cpa!11ew1 PoL Tr. 1661 Kai Ko:µ11c.> TT]ll lyyvo-111 foas TWII (Xl1(,,)6e11 Zaxap10:6c.>11 (1549, Crete, MARMARELIIDRAKAKIS 2005: 257, 255.19) foo:s TWII O:llc.>6e11 aµ,racra66pc.> (1571, Mani, CHASIOTIS 1970: 5,239.15) foo:s TClll 6vo ~evyo:&.>11 (1614, Crete, lLIAKIS 2008: 240,227.6)
In the following example, which exhibits vowel raising (see I, 2.5.4), it is impossible to say whether the pronoun is acc. or gen., or whether a preposition should be understood (a' iµas): lpc.)Tfl6T'l1TOV\I Paroim. (Warner) 79.2 8el\oVTas va Tove evKap10"T1'iawµe11 (ms vaTovE) (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 467.5) va TOVE K01Tav{awµEV Dig. E 1408 vci TOVE µaGT]TEIJO"T]S Alex. Rim. 258; vex TOVE q>CXIIE ibid. 962; pwTCX TOVE ibid. 1172 Kal 6!110VTCXS TOVE KOACX TRIVOLlS, Re Skotsias 275 ·yvoopl{oVT6: TOVE (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 194, 286.12) Kal E1TATJpWavei Thysia Avr. 116 Toi'j ',ra Vosk. 205
:; ,J:
t' l .
1:::::
~---------~
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
880
6,r{aw CXKOAou8a TOV Uv. E 5; KKpo:O"TOUO"l\l Chron. Mor. H 937 Kal EKEivos apvawl TOIi Assizes B 357 .20 els av8eVTT1s onov Tol\eyouv (1487, Herzegovina?, LEFORT 1981: 16, 87.2-3) TOIi KUPTJII Tfis Tupov focpa~ev TOIi els TT)II CX\la1TCX\I MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 58.26-7 hoiiTO\I µov TOIi Myov e,rapoµolaaa TO Pist. kekoim. 35 6ev TOIi hi'jpcx Tl1TOTES, ou6e q>OAa PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §23.47 01TOIOS 6e AaAEi TO 8c.'xq>TOV\I Paroim. (Warner) 79.2 8el\oVTas va Tove evKap10"T1'iawµe11 (ms vaTovE) (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 467.5) va TOVE K01Tav{awµEV Dig. E 1408 vci TOVE µaGT]TEIJO"T]S Alex. Rim. 258; vex TOVE q>CXIIE ibid. 962; pwTCX TOVE ibid. 1172 Kal 6!110VTCXS TOVE KOACX TRIVOLlS, Re Skotsias 275 ·yvoopl{oVT6: TOVE (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 194, 286.12) Kal E1TATJpWavei Thysia Avr. 116 Toi'j ',ra Vosk. 205
:; ,J:
t' l .
1:::::
II Nominal Morphology
882
egho ci chi alla peninda dhosmena / fxw TaTI K1 oXAa mvfiVTa 6oo-µeva (1639, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 11, 113.82-3) To-1' ~ava~vfiKave MoNTSEL., Evgena 1246 ml TaTI FosKOLOS, Fort. I.307 o\ i\oyiaµoi K' o\ ir6vo1 TTJS Taf1 Kavav Kai\OO'V\/Tl KoRNAROS, Erot. Ill.20 vex Tai'\ 6waov Leilasia Par. 3
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
883
vex Tfive xropeTficm Berto/din. 111.30 e6eCXASOO'EV TTJVE (ante 1662, Sifnos, TSELIKAS 1986c: 2, 31.22) e61af,aaaµe TTJVE (1665, Mani, BLANKEN 1951: VIII, 305.4) Kal evpfiKaO"IV TTJVE (1689, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 852, 1138.7) ix(,) TflVE TT)V 6pe~1v Trag. Ag. Dim. m.403 . vex VTf\VS Ki\eT µe TOiXO (1721, Kefalonia, EVANGELATOS 1995: 10, 172.29-30)
vex µriv Tai'\S µ01acn, CHORTATSIS, Panor. 11.103 app. crit. {NA)
Accusative
Toe basic form Tf\v/nr.i is established before the start of our period (PSALTES 1913: 194 cites an example from the 6th-c. Chronicle of Malalas, but does not specify the ms date). Final /n/ is often deleted when it is not followed by a vowel or unvoiced stop in the same phrase. Toe extended form with /e/ (cf. the masc. T6vehove), variously accented, appears in texts from the 15th c. onwards, and is particularly common in Crete, the Heptanese and the Aegean islands, but can also be found in texts from the Peloponnese and further north. A single example of an extended form with /a/ (cf. masc. Tova) has been found: e67d~TJKiv TTJVa -rroMa Apoll. Rim. E 1183. TT}V emaTOAf\ •.• vex TT}V 1TEµ'4'1=IS TOV a~~5:v repaa1µov, avayvwae TTJV NIKON, Logos 9
314.15-16 Kcd KaTCXK61TTovalv TTJV Spaneas V 18 . ,rplv TT}V evpfis, exaaes TTJV, ,rplv TT}V l6fis, v,raye1 GLYKAS, Sticlwi 206 · ,rai\1v KaTaTpEXE TTJV Ptoch. I 169 · o 0eoS vex TT}V avairaucn, (1391, Cyprus, DARROUZES 1953: 2, 88.3) TT)V TiVTaV TOO .lieµECTTTKOV 6ec.upw TTJV cm' rnaieev Chron. Mor. H 4753 TOO TflV flTrfipev Chron. Toe. 859 yi\vKEia TflV Empli\a~ev, avxvoKaTaq>ii\fi TTJV Achil. N 1349 m1aaav TTJV 01 ,r6vo1 Diig. ApolL 390 KOO eyC::, TT}V TJKTIO'a Kal EO'KETraaa TTJ (1549, Crete, MARMARELJ/DRAKAKIS 2006: 349, 333.12-13) ,ralpve1 TTJV v1av O yepoVTas K TTJV aav a,rl6i Kakop. 32 ,re1pa~w TTJ va TaT) ~f\TW J?>ofi6e1a va µov 6wo-e1 CHORTATSIS, Panor. 1.235 ai\f1aµ6\lflO'e TTJ Vosk. 395 eKeiv6s TTJV e6eKTTJKEV PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1855 Kal eVTaaapaalv TTJVE (15th c., Crete, KooER 1964: 46.19) vex TT}ve vi-eq>eVTepoµev (1445, Naxos, LAMBROS 1907: 468.18-19) b TTJVE FALIEROS, 1st. On. 248 vex ae TTJVE O'f\KWO'f\ LIMEN., Velis. (A) 453 app. crit. (L) Kal 1V TTJVE (1544, Syros, ZERLENDIS 1923a: [2], 7.9-10) avaO'Tf1aav TTJVE (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 22,100.17) EO'l6ev cmo Tf\V al/TflV va Tfive µ01pa 6e 6EAW Kcxl 6e1A1C:> va ao:ae ,rC) µe yp&µµcx KORNAROS, Erot. V.1497
Accusative
.
.
Aa"Ac!> acxs Kcxl ou Avmia6e GLYKAS, Stzchoz 115 - O'C-XS 1TCXpCXKU/\W _.,_ - 11 u1.. TO exeTe CTTov voiiv. acxs Chron. Mor. H 5363 610. TOVTO v I TWV
T&ve / TWVE : T&5 / TC.,S : T&ae : TOVV : TOUS / TOVS
Toiive/Tovve:Touae
Acc.
TOUS/TOVS
TOUaE / TOUO'E : TIS / TIS : Tai/ Tai
-rlae : TWS I Tc.lS
Fem.
General
Restricted
Rare
Nom.
-
Gen.
Ti;>V/TWV
T&ve I TWVE l T&5 / TWS : TCi>O'E : TOVV : TOUS / TOUS
TOVVE : TOUO'E
Masc.
General
Nom.
-
Gen.
Acc.
Tes hes
TOS / TCXS : TIS / ns l Tai / w1
Kai TWII 6uo TWII euxt')6T}KEII Dig. E 1065; Ta TITOICX TWII EACXAEI ibid 499 ,roMa Twv euKcxplO'TT)aev Chron. Toe. 109 &;\ex Tc°:>11 e6T1Y1'J6T)Ke11, CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 383 Mye1 Tc.,11 Veith. 113 ol Mo Tc.,11 Byz. IL 666; &M-fJN,.>5 Twv ibid. 695 Mya Tv.>11 [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 875 (ex corr.; mss Myouv Tov) &,Tl TWII cpcxvi'j (1527, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 120,217.27) TC,:,11 11 TOIi voiiv Tc.>11 Diig. Alex. Sem. B 561 Kai e6wae TWV TOV Chron. Tourk. Soult. 32.33 11a Twv 6o6ei 1TCXA1 Beno/din. 113.8
va
Elfi'\pev TWII 5 OKcx6es KCXKc., 6avCXTo TT)V wpa TOUT' OTOS µov KONDAR., Paules 155 6,rou 'Touve KOVTa Twv Thrinos Kypr. 429 TWV TT)V Kaµovv KaATjll (1705, Chios, KAVVADAS 1950: 39.9) nhe TWV ,rave SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 56.26
va
va.
.
886
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
K' iwov µeaov O'CXS va 1TCXPflY0P0:0'TE Cypr. Canz. 155 ·8 6EAc,) _ &>a-et aAAflv xwpcxv Chron. Tourk. Soult. 58.24-5 ~T}T:e~!cxl 60.St acxs 6o6ei KALLIOUP., Kaini Diath. Louk. 11.9 ao:s pcxcpoµev (1650, Naxos, ZERLENDIS 1922: (2), 28.16) . y V1T0Ku • 10:11 EXETE ,c., O'CXS TETO IOvr> cxpx1emcnv I TWV
T&ve / TWVE : T&5 / TC.,S : T&ae : TOVV : TOUS / TOVS
Toiive/Tovve:Touae
Acc.
TOUS/TOVS
TOUaE / TOUO'E : TIS / TIS : Tai/ Tai
-rlae : TWS I Tc.lS
Fem.
General
Restricted
Rare
Nom.
-
Gen.
Ti;>V/TWV
T&ve I TWVE l T&5 / TWS : TCi>O'E : TOVV : TOUS / TOUS
TOVVE : TOUO'E
Masc.
General
Nom.
-
Gen.
Acc.
Tes hes
TOS / TCXS : TIS / ns l Tai / w1
Kai TWII 6uo TWII euxt')6T}KEII Dig. E 1065; Ta TITOICX TWII EACXAEI ibid 499 ,roMa Twv euKcxplO'TT)aev Chron. Toe. 109 &;\ex Tc°:>11 e6T1Y1'J6T)Ke11, CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 383 Mye1 Tc.,11 Veith. 113 ol Mo Tc.,11 Byz. IL 666; &M-fJN,.>5 Twv ibid. 695 Mya Tv.>11 [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 875 (ex corr.; mss Myouv Tov) &,Tl TWII cpcxvi'j (1527, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 120,217.27) TC,:,11 11 TOIi voiiv Tc.>11 Diig. Alex. Sem. B 561 Kai e6wae TWV TOV Chron. Tourk. Soult. 32.33 11a Twv 6o6ei 1TCXA1 Beno/din. 113.8
va
Elfi'\pev TWII 5 OKcx6es KCXKc., 6avCXTo TT)V wpa TOUT' OTOS µov KONDAR., Paules 155 6,rou 'Touve KOVTa Twv Thrinos Kypr. 429 TWV TT)V Kaµovv KaATjll (1705, Chios, KAVVADAS 1950: 39.9) nhe TWV ,rave SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 56.26
va
va.
.
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
n Nominal Morphology
888
TWS i,roµeivav hovvw 1TTJPITES TWS Kal 600i\01 FosKOLOS, Fort. Pro!. 72 6!11 0li\m T&S ,rape! (1662, Sifnos, MERTZIOS 1958a: 1, 110.143) vy1elav T&S acp!ve1 PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 958 6166VTaSTWS (1684, Patmos, HOFMANN 1928: 9b, 72.13) auvavaµeaav TWS (1694, Naxos, PANDELIA·GRITSOPOULOU 1998/200(): 1,229.11) efoa TWS TT)II ai\l't6e1a NEOFYTOS, Achouri 375 Kl &Mifhws TWS KoRNAROs, Erot. III.26 0ve is used in the west (KoNDOSOPOULOS 1969: 69). In the texts examined the distinction is not so clear-cut, as TWs/TCuS can also be found in texts from western Crete; however, it does 12 appear that Tws/Teus is the predominant form in East Cretan texts. Toe forms with Is/ are also found in 17th-c. texts from other southern areas (Cyclades, Dodecanese, Cythera) and from Chios, and in texts from the Danubian Principalities (including the play Achouri, possibly written there). The extended form Twere has been found almost exclusively in Cretan texts. Kal !cpaVTJV TWS (15th c., Crete, KODER 1964: 48.30) TO ,rveiiµa Toii 0eoii T}TOV 6:,ro KoVT6: TWS CHOUMNOS, Kosmog. 12 Kal EXPEWC1Toiiµa11 TWS Paroim. H 8 01TOU 'vat 6:,ro KOTW TWS (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 34, 40.5) Kai o\ 6u6 TWS (1597, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 5, 77.22) vex TWS ~wµev (1607, Kalymnos, KOUTELAKIS 1981: 3, 31.5) EO'Tlµap1ae11 TWSTO (1624, Crete,MAVROMATIS 2000: 2,516.18) Kat aa11 01 i\uKot eKIVTJaav a,ra11w TWS, Kai\e µov STAVRINOS, Diig. Mich. Voev. 924 (Pidonia) eavµp1pal1li occurs only very rarely (BAKKER 1988/89: 289). See also the statistics in KARANTZOLA/CHALVATZIDAKI 2014:699.
889
TWVE (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 22, 100.18) TCX t,r!Aoma Tc.>VE KaAa (1591,Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 35, 179.22) T' a.Ma Tc.>VE o:6epq>1a (1597, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 2, 25.12); vex 11"10111') Ta o{a Tc.>VE (ibid. 5, 28.16) 61a ,ro'Ma Tc.>VE cqmo6{aµaTa (1622, Crete, MALTEZOU 1989: 358.20) (West Crete:
Apokoronas) a' wl Kap61es Tc.>VE CHORTATSIS, Erof. 11205; T' o:cpeVT6S Tc.we ibid. N.151 oi TIES Tc.>VE ,r:>..118alvou Pist. voslws II 1.68 · T6>V 6vov o:6sAcp6>v µe TTJV µava Tc.>VE (1655, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 20, 30.12-13) µe TTJV VE (1686, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 7, 20.7) (but also 610 TO VE (1686, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1999: 6, 51.5) Kerl Tis ~voua1 els TTJV l,lEVE (1694, Faros, ZERLENDIS 1888: A', 248.4) Tfis 8uyaTepas Tc.>VE (1696, Mykonos, VISVIZIS 1957: 47, 141.8) aTCX 61Ka VTc.>VE a,r{na Trag. Ag. Dim. II.25 TflV evxiJv Tu>VE (1731, Kimolos, RAMFOS 1974: 18, 38.79)
Tc.)S
.
·
.·
·
This innovative form (presumably on the analogy of the 1st and 2nd person plural possessives, which also end in /s/) is found in texts from Crete (mainly East) and the Dodecanese from the mid-15th c. onwards. Its distribution extends, however, to the Cyclades, Cythera and even Oate-17th c.) Moldavia. It will be noted that Tc.)V and TWS can sometimes be found alongside one another in the same areas.29 61a xeip6sTc.>S (15th c., Crete, KooER 1964: 52.56-7) KaA6v Tc.>S 8EA11µav (1453, Nisyros, TSIRPANLIS 1967: 1, 47.11) oAa Tc.>S TCX KaAv) · · · · · · · Kerl c':xrnep TCXS yuvaiKas Tc.>S Diig. tetr. 767 app. crit. (P); 1S ibid. 929 app. crit (P) (this ms may have been written in Crete) cmo Ta ,reS Chron. Mor. P 1686 (sole occurrence in this text) fi VE cqmo6{aµaTa (1622, Crete, MALTEZOU 1989: 358.20) (West Crete:
Apokoronas) a' wl Kap61es Tc.>VE CHORTATSIS, Erof. 11205; T' o:cpeVT6S Tc.we ibid. N.151 oi TIES Tc.>VE ,r:>..118alvou Pist. voslws II 1.68 · T6>V 6vov o:6sAcp6>v µe TTJV µava Tc.>VE (1655, Ikaria, TSELIKAS 2000: 20, 30.12-13) µe TTJV VE (1686, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 7, 20.7) (but also 610 TO VE (1686, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1999: 6, 51.5) Kerl Tis ~voua1 els TTJV l,lEVE (1694, Faros, ZERLENDIS 1888: A', 248.4) Tfis 8uyaTepas Tc.>VE (1696, Mykonos, VISVIZIS 1957: 47, 141.8) aTCX 61Ka VTc.>VE a,r{na Trag. Ag. Dim. II.25 TflV evxiJv Tu>VE (1731, Kimolos, RAMFOS 1974: 18, 38.79)
Tc.)S
.
·
.·
·
This innovative form (presumably on the analogy of the 1st and 2nd person plural possessives, which also end in /s/) is found in texts from Crete (mainly East) and the Dodecanese from the mid-15th c. onwards. Its distribution extends, however, to the Cyclades, Cythera and even Oate-17th c.) Moldavia. It will be noted that Tc.)V and TWS can sometimes be found alongside one another in the same areas.29 61a xeip6sTc.>S (15th c., Crete, KooER 1964: 52.56-7) KaA6v Tc.>S 8EA11µav (1453, Nisyros, TSIRPANLIS 1967: 1, 47.11) oAa Tc.>S TCX KaAv) · · · · · · · Kerl c':xrnep TCXS yuvaiKas Tc.>S Diig. tetr. 767 app. crit. (P); 1S ibid. 929 app. crit (P) (this ms may have been written in Crete) cmo Ta ,reS Chron. Mor. P 1686 (sole occurrence in this text) fi 5 Ell 61Kt'i TOV Thrinos Kypr. 4 crra 6tKCC VTCuVE anlna Trag. Ag. Dim. 11.25
ev'
There is an alternative, but much less common, form of the emphatic possessive, consiSl· ing of the adjective i61os, declined like adjectives in -os with fem. -a (see 3.3.2), normally preceded by the definite article (when referring to a specific entity) and followed by the · " one' s own" already appropriate clitic possessive pronoun. The adjective has the meaning . in AG and is sometimes linked with a possessive adjective (LSJ s.v.). In the Byzantine
\.· i\'. ·,
)>.< .. ·~: _.,
'~ .· ,;
.
'.
)\.-,.
-iJ-'-;,
:~rr:. •:•:;I
'.
. \:t\!lt~,.
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
912
913
chronicles this usage is sometimes accompanied by a personal pronoun in the genitive: ,rpoaeq,wvT)cre 61cx ipc.>vfjs auToO t61as "with his own voice" (Theodosius Melitenus 43 (ed. Tafel),31 quoted in PsALTES 1913: 197). In the 12th c., in a S. Italian document, we encounter (for the first time) i61os with a clitic pronoun, which, however, follows the noun: 6 &6e0,q,os) allOK61TT)O"EV Kal eqnheucrev TOUTO KOO i61ov KTfjµav µas u,rapx(e1) (1127, s. Italy, MERCATI et al. 1980: 10, 83.15). The fully grammaticalized form with the clitic immediately following i61os (cf. i61K6S µou) is also found from the 12th c. onwards. The phrase functions as an equivalent to l61~6s µou etc. (They sometimes even appear together: Vex evt i61ov e6tK6v TOV (1503, Corfu, PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI et al. 1997: 20, 35.9).) The masculine plural without an accompanying noun can mean "my own people" or "my men", and the neuter is also substantivized to mean "my own property", "my native place" (examples in the list below). It occurs, frequently in stereotyped expressions, in texts that aim at a higher or more formal register, and perhaps for this reason it often appears with a second, enclitic accent, implying that synizesis does not take place (although conservative writing practices may also be a factor). However, its use is not confined to documents and other non-literary texts, since we also find it in works of vernacular literature from at least the 14th c., including Cretan texts of the 16th-17th c. The phrase is still in use at the end of the period covered by this Grammar, although, as already stated, it occurs less frequently than (e)61K6s µou. TOVS 16!ovs µov TOVS e~a6ei\cpovs µov (1192, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 229, 308.32-3) TO i61ov Tov aa71n!yyi Chron. Mor. H 5450 q,euyet ••• eis TOV i61011 TOV TO'TfOV Achil. 0 290 6ev exe15 i610 aov npaµa FALIEROS, Rim. Par. 250 ,rpOO"Tva1aµa KORNAROS, Erot. 1.235 ~0\IOU\I 61a i6i6 TOVS fohponov (1708, Peloponnese, PAPADOPOULOS 1976: 6, 124.15)
31
This text, sometimes attributed to Symeon the Logothete, is DOW known 3S the Chro~icle of the Logothete. It exists in several versions.
µe e6iKa µov e6ov71euovµov (15th c., Meteora, VElS et al. 1998: 225, 246, f.163v.2) Kal TO a,ra0{v µov YE\ITITal 0avaTOS e61K6s TOV [ANDR. PALAlOL.], Kallim. 888 eav\lTVXaµev a.Mfv,.ws Tex e61KO µas DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 1329 ws pouxa e81Ka TOVS (1524, Skyros, ANDONIADIS 1990: 1, 15.9) w amcrro Km aTlµT)TO p1,1K6 e6iK6 µov ! Diig. Alex. K 363.14 ai e~o6es ol e6!KES aov (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 26, 31.21) w5 KTT)TOPIKO\I e61K6\I TOVS (1594, Paros, ALIPRANDIS 1974n5: 1, 109.3) vex elvm e6tK6 TWVE (1600, Andros, POLEMIS 1999a: 98, 130-131.11) e61K6V µas au6E\ITT\ (1609, Cyprus, CHASIOTIS 1972: 33, 55.33) aOyT) EK TO 61KOV µov Arm. 106 vex q>VAa~ TO 61KOV µov Assizes B 263 .19 Kal To epnµov TO 61K6 aas (1481, Crimea, GRASSO 1880: 119, 168.3-4) 6!6oVTa TOV O,Tl µoO 'BwKe va 'vm 61K6s TOV (1496, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 1, 47.11) avev ~pe8o0v ,reVTfiKoVTa 6tKof aov 6ovAeVTa6es CHOUMNOS, ~osmog. 1068; Kaµe Tf\S yvva1K6s aov I TO 8e7111µ6v TT)S, O,Tl 0e, aµ' ox1 TO 6tKO aov ibid. 1218 TTalcnµov FoSKOLOS, Fort. Prol. 34 ws &11 vex TJO"OV\I 1616s TOV 'TfaTEpas (1695, Ioannina, MICHAILARIS 1976: 1 [A1,251.17) l11Toypacpo11Tas KCCTCu8EII µe TO i61611 TOV XEPI (1698, Peloponnese, GRITSOPOULOS 1968/69: 3,
335.10-11) µe TO i610 aov TO q>va1aµa KORNAROS, Erot. 1.235 ~0\IOU\I 61a i6i6 TOVS fohponov (1708, Peloponnese, PAPADOPOULOS 1976: 6, 124.15)
31
This text, sometimes attributed to Symeon the Logothete, is DOW known 3S the Chro~icle of the Logothete. It exists in several versions.
914
II Nominal Morphology
5.4.3
Residual Forms
Classical Greek had possessive adjectives for the 1st and 2nd persons singular and plural: tµ6s, u6s, ,;µe-repos (which may appear in MedG, in texts from S. Italy, as !µfrepos), and vµhepos. These declined forms disappeared from spoken use in the first millennium,32 with the exception of some survivals in Asia Minor dialects, leaving only the "weak" clitic forms and the emphatic forms discussed in the preceding sections. When these residual possessive adjectives appear in texts of the period covered by this Grammar, they may either be features of a more formal or elevated style, or quotation from (or imitation of) older texts, especially biblical and religious ones. We give a few examples: 1st Person Singular
EK6l6c.>µ1 ~va eµov av(8pc.>)nov (ca. 1109, S. Italy, ROG NONI 2004: 28, 214.5) els TI'iv eµriv Kap61av Dig. G IV.445 • . . EK TOVS eµovs TOVS o-vyyeveis Chron. Mor. H 1880; µe TOV eµov O:EVTTJV 1b1d. H 4433 oeµoS Trv (1142?, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. V: 7,309.12) TES fiµhepes V.aies (1272, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 326,484.1) &6eJ\cpriv TJµETepav Dig. a 1.220 TO ,rapov riµhepov ypo:µµa (1331, Athos?, LEFORT et al. 2006: 72, 74.8) : els TT)V T)µETepav l61c.>TIKT)V TT)V T&V Kuirpalc.>v yM'>TTa Pist. kekoim. tit. Tf)s T)µETepas v-ftaou (1574, Corfu, AsoNITIS 1999/2000: 2, 167.3) TIµtc~mrrot Kai EuyEVECTTv (1142?, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. V: 7,309.12) TES fiµhepes V.aies (1272, s. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 326,484.1) &6eJ\cpriv TJµETepav Dig. a 1.220 TO ,rapov riµhepov ypo:µµa (1331, Athos?, LEFORT et al. 2006: 72, 74.8) : els TT)V T)µETepav l61c.>TIKT)V TT)V T&V Kuirpalc.>v yM'>TTa Pist. kekoim. tit. Tf)s T)µETepas v-ftaou (1574, Corfu, AsoNITIS 1999/2000: 2, 167.3) TIµtc~mrrot Kai EuyEVECTTacp1011 (1095, $. Italy/Sicily?, GurLLOU 1963: 2, 49.9) eis CXVTO TO KeMlov (1108?, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 57,298.6) CXVTo TO ;r&s TO Myovv Ptoch. IV 412 CXVTo TO CXAoyov Assizes B 445.17 TO CXVTO µovaaTT}pl (1469, Paphos, RICHARDIPAPADOPOULLOS 1983: 117, 56.9) cxliTo 8tk1 eiaTcxtv els hoiiTov TOIi Kepov (1611, Cyprus, CHASIOTIS 1972: 49, 82.32) av eiv' Kai K air' fKet, air' 641! > airo41e (PERNOT 1907/46: II 173-4). The earliest examples appear in literary texts from the 12th c. onwards. Initially aUToS is equivalent to a personal pronoun and used exclusively in conjunction with prepositional phrases; this remains its predominant function throughout the LMedG and EMO period. Among the rare cases of nominative pronominal and demonstrative adjectival uses, the prevalent form is the feminine auTI1, where the influence of the AG aiiT'Tl is still strong. The fonn appears mostly in verse texts, where the choice between auTos and aVTos must be, to some degree, determined by metrical considerations. For example, the 15-syllable verse has obligatory stress on the penultimate syllable, which makes the use of auTos instead of auT6s inevitable in this position, e.g. ol µev TflV poyav hra1pvcxv K' epxoVTT)crav µeT' avTov Chron. Mor. H 1392. The possibility that these pronominal forms with stress retraction are purely literary devices initially created for metrical reasons should be rejected, in view of (a) their presence in some modern dialects and (b) their syntactic behaviour in such dialects, which is similar to their medieval usage, i.e. overwhelmingly in conjunction with prepositional phrases (cf. PERNOT 1907/46: II 174, KARANASTASIS, Lex. s.v. aUTo, ILNE s.v. avT6s). Their presence in prose texts, albeit rather restricted, also argues against a purely literary origin, e.g. vex 6~euouv µET' avTov Diig. Alex. V 32.2; cm' avTo ibid. 29.6. In non-literary documents, the only attestations so far come from the Heptanese. Toe masc. nom. sg. avTos and the gen. pl. auTc.uv are extremely rare and therefore possibly artificial, and the neut. nom. sg. CXUTO has yet to be located. Personal Pronoun in Prepositional Phrases vex trai~ Ka\ µET' aui-011 GLYKAS, Stichoi 369 Els CXVTov 1'.mayaivEt Dig. E 9; Els au-rov KCXTEl3al11s1 ibid. 938 Ka\ avyxapcZ> µd CXVTO\I [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1804 Myi:1 0 Xp11rrs 'TTPoS CXVTO\I DELLAP., Epit. Thrinos 101 TltroTES 6EV eKep6iaEs cm' avTov Diig. Alex. F 154.18 (Konstantinopulos) cm' aUT(,,)11 Theseid 1.31,2 (Follieri) cnr' aihous O'TTOU KOµIIOUO"I\I TCX KACX'TTCuTCX Ptoch. 11190 µ' exooplO"E\I cnr' CXVTOUS Peri xen. 268 y{vETai µfyas tr6kµos, KCXTa:?wµbs ds aiiTous By... II. 520 ot trpWTOI cnr' aiiTous Deft. Par. 317 ivas atrauTOUS SANKTAM., Praxeis apost. 18.55-6 6foµai cruxoopeOT) cm' CXVTOUS (1640, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 189, 159.10) x1A1a6ss 6eKa ':A.yapf1110l e~ CXVTOUS lxcrlH)Kav DIAKR., Diig. Pol 875 Kal 6ieKp11ia Els CXVTTlll Ptochol. a 677 els CXUTfl\l BERGADIS, Apok. A 307 etroAEµflO"E µET• au-rES Theseid Prol. P 167 atr' avTES Theseid 1.31,8 (Follieri) rjaav Kal aMes mp1aaes &&>x6VTIO"O"ES µd au-res DELLAP., Erot. apokr: 2151 6ev ii~evpsv o lpflµos Els CXVTes Tl va trofOT), MoscH. THEOL., Wos Ag. Nik. 154 va 'Cuypa8cZ> PIKAT., Rima thrin. 19 ltrAaae µ' CXVTo TTJ yullT) P&N Diath. 1046
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
927
Personal Pronoun used as Subject/Object 6 KoVToO"TiT611, eµmxAG,)T6\I O"OU povxov ibid. 602 In non-literary texts, forms of aUTOS are very rare and always in prepositional phrases, excepting of course the ancient form cxiiT'Tl. In some cases one may be dealing simply with an erroneous, purely graphematic displacement of the accent, common in non-literary vernacular manuscripts: a,r' av-rous (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 27, 62.26) \l(X lepoupycZ> els aUTOII (1492, Venice, MAVROEIDI-PLOUMIDI 1971: 1, 127.5) µIT' aUTa (1523, Crete, KAKLAMANls/LAMBAKIS 2003: 81, 152.10) Els aUTT}\I TT)\I ayamiv (1540, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 79, 59.5) O'Jl'OloS i\8Ekv K PIKAT., Rima thrin. 19 ltrAaae µ' CXVTo TTJ yullT) P&N Diath. 1046
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
927
Personal Pronoun used as Subject/Object 6 KoVToO"TiT611, eµmxAG,)T6\I O"OU povxov ibid. 602 In non-literary texts, forms of aUTOS are very rare and always in prepositional phrases, excepting of course the ancient form cxiiT'Tl. In some cases one may be dealing simply with an erroneous, purely graphematic displacement of the accent, common in non-literary vernacular manuscripts: a,r' av-rous (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 27, 62.26) \l(X lepoupycZ> els aUTOII (1492, Venice, MAVROEIDI-PLOUMIDI 1971: 1, 127.5) µIT' aUTa (1523, Crete, KAKLAMANls/LAMBAKIS 2003: 81, 152.10) Els aUTT}\I TT)\I ayamiv (1540, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 79, 59.5) O'Jl'OloS i\8Ekv K Alfav. 11 23
On the homophonous form TCXUTOS in S. Italian documents see 5.5.1.11.
5.5.1.5
e6cx0Tos/6cx0TOS
This pronoun results from the prefixation of cxvTos with the deictic adverb eSe (< AG l8i, see KRIARAS, Lex. s.v.). Deletion of initial t- was caused through the frequent collocation with the prepositions µe, c:re. The earliest examples are dated to the 16th c., from both literary and non-literary texts. The overwhelming majority of instances come from the Peloponnese and the Heptanese. 34 The only case-forms attested are the acc. sg. and pl. The pronoun seems to be used similarly to cxv-ros: as a personal pronoun complement of prepositions.35 Masculine Accusative Singular µe 6cxiiTov 8e vex µelvc..>Alex. Rim. llO . eavvcxva8paq>T)KCX µe 60:iiTov (1575, Zakynthos, PANAYOTOPOULOU 1975: 6,352.69) hro:po:nove8T)aav elae 60:iiTov Chron. Tourk. Soult. 31.9; wµIAriae µe 60:vTOV ibid. 30.1 TjA.8E µe 6o:VTOV Nov. II 162.32 VO: unO:yT) elpT)II n6A1v µe 6avTOV (1621, Kefalonia, PAPADOPOULOS 1998/2000: 1, 66.34) TO 80:vµa onou ey{VT1KE O"E 6aiiTov Thavm. Nikon Metan. V 39-40 (ed. O"E 6' CXUTOV) Feminine Accusative Singular vex O"TO:ei) µe 60:VTT)V (1553, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 254, 153.20) µe OOVTT)V (1599, Zakynthos, ZOIS 1957: 56.5) &-rro 6CXVTT) (1617, Zakynthos, KONOMOS 1970b: 3,232.12)
34
35
The only example from a Cretan text comes from a stage direction in the second Interlude of Stathis (Inter. Il post v. 32), and could therefore be of Heptanesian origin. A single instance has been found in a document from Andros. However, a locative advei:b lSal'.rrou also occurs in a Cretan document: vex evp ~uAO 6irou vex lpxeroo
i6al'.rrou (1670, Crete, TSELIKAS 1986c: 3, 36.24). loakeim Kyprios's text is the only one to offer the forms 6aUT6v, Sav-ri)v with final accentuation, and the analogical forms Smmlvov, SaUTouvous, SCXUTouvous, which should be considered artificial, pending corroboration from other sources. Examples: va 1r&ye1 µe SaUTelvov IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 7913; KCXI o a6eJ,q,6sTOV µIi 6aVT6v ibid. 7399. Influence of the preposition j.11:Sl (itself a result of false segmentation from µt + 6aOTov, see KluARAS, Lex. s.v. µera) is possible, in which case the analogical forms at least should be considered the result of blurred word division.
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
929
hravaxwpa &no 60:VTT)V (1621, Kefalonia, PAPADOPOULOS 1998/2000· 1 66 17). Sev 1'Tave µe 60:VTT)V (1678, Zakynthos, VAYAKAKOS 1954: 24, 55.9) . ' . ,rcxlpvones &no 6CXVTT)V Diarh. Nikon Metan. 102-5 Neuter Accusative Singular µe 6cxVTO mpnCXTovµe Alex. Rim. 1668 yia 60:iiTo 6e ypaq>c.> els TTJV :t\vcmOAT) (1584, Italy, PAPADOPOULOS 1978· 1 318 22) els t6o:vTO (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 8, 34.8) . ' . · a,r' t6o:vTO (1644, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 4, 122.16) eivcx1 ae 60:iiTo (17th c., Kefalonia, TZANNETATOS 1965: 2, 123.4) ,r6 60:&ro 6ev eyMao:v loAKEIM KYPR., Pali 8637 &,rave.> ae 60:vTo Zinon 1.68 (did.) Masculine Accusative Plural Sia 60:UTOVS (1546, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 172, 111.8) lm6 6CXVTOVS (1617, Zakynthos, KONOMOS 1970b: 3,232.25) Stv ,rpETEVTEPEI Tlj3oTIS aMo o:no 60:UTOUS (1673, Zakynthos VAYAKAKOS 1954· 18 51 6) 61a 60:UTOVS (1694, Zakynthos, ZOIS 1940: 3, 184.4) ' . ' . Kai 6 8eos µe6' CXUTOVS / Kai 6 8eos µe 60:VTOVS Diarh. Nikon Meran. 150· O"I a I '6' • I cnµex els e6o:VTOVS ibid. 155-6 ' µ e s e avTous
lvas &no 60:vTovs Berto/dos 46.15 Feminine Accusative Plural elae 6cx0TES (1678, Kefalonia, ALEXOPOUL0U et al. 2009: 246,222.23); naacx µla ano 6o:iiTe (1661, ibid. 225,200.35) s Tov 6vµ6v µov 610 6aiiTes Berto/dos 21.30; ae 6o:iiTes ibid. 117.28 Neuter Accusative Plural \ICC 'f\ µ' e6CXVTO: (1542, Kefalonia, ZAPAN.DI 2002a: 115, 79:16) TllTOTE o:no 60:VTCX (1626, Andros, POLEMIS 1995a: 47, 199.10) cmo 6o:iiTo: (1640, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 189, 160.58) crno 6o:iiTa (1694, Zakynthos, Zo1s 1940: 3, 183.19) · O'E 6o:vTo: (1645, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 5, 123.12) . ~Tave &n&vov as 60:vTa KoµaVTCXVTES 6 rp1µCXIITIS MATESIS, Chron. 61 µs6o:0Tcx (1708, Lefkada, GRAPSA 2006: 11, 44.16) .
M~c. and fem. acc. forms with addition of final /e/ appear predominantly in the Heptanese, agam from the 16th c. onwards: µe 6o:vTove (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 252,347.20). foeae dae mhovs µe 6aVTOVE Nov. II 162.52 µe 6CXVTove (1575, Zakynthos, PANAYOTOPOULOU 1975: 6,352.73) llx1vcc yvplari elae 6aVTOVE Chron. Tourk. Soult. 65.16 e8uµw8T) npos e6avTove SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 41.37 \ICC CTT0:8ij µe 60:UTOVE (1668, Kefalonia, BALLAS 2001: 3, 175.3-4) &no 6CXVTove (1670, Kefalonia, MOSCH0POULOS 1981: 2,287.49) yicc 6cx&rove (1670, Zakynthos, VAYAKAKOS 1954: 11, 43.4) . ;\a~cxlve1 &-n-6 e6aUTOVE (1678, Kefalonia, ALEXOP0ULOU et al. 2009: 243,218.11) Sb lTpeTEVTEpe1 &JJ..o &no 6aUTOIIE (1709, Letkada, GRAPSA 2006: 10, 43.4) ll'OIOV ~EO'KIO"µov O"E 6CXVTT)VE VO: Kaµc.> SOUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. D4r.18 .. . . O"CXII ibid. 11207 avq>8iv1 / av-reivo1 (1487, Chios?, LEFORT 1981: 13, 77.21)41 airreivo1 etxav ,,;v &~1av Theseid 1.31,1 (Follieri) v~ exovv airreivo1 U1TOTayous BERGADIS, Apok. V 470 . 6uvaµ1v 6ev eixao-11TOTE a1heivo1 AITOLOS, Voev. 187 µ~n_av.eTvo1 µt')Te Ta ira1616 Tovs (1541, Thasos?, KRAVARI 1987: App. II, 341.27) CXUTEIIIOI ol apxovTES (1541, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 92, 66.4) 41
For the hypercorrection see I, 3.8.1.4.
l '
~r,,:::,;,sJi , ,-1, I , , - . : . . _ : t ! ' !k:~:i.i,1
:1, .
i
--
936
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
av-relvTJ eiv' ti A1iTpwo-1s VEST., Pro/. Theot. 227 Kal av-relvTJ ti µo{pa TTJS MONTSEL., Evgena 99 (Spadaro) fl CXV(,.)8ev KaAovyp16: av-re{Vl) (1686, Mykonos, KATSOUROS 1948: 8, 21.9) av-rovVTJ fl EAETjµoo-vVTJ DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2345 av-rovVTj ti o-rpcrra FALIEROS, Log. did. 153 av-rovVl) Mapyapwva Imb. Rim. 392 av-rovVl) 8EATJO"E VENDRAMOS, Istor. gyn. 231 Feminine Genitive Singular av-reivfis Ti\S tyyvtJTpcxs (1549, Crete, MARMARELI/DRAKAKIS 2009: 314,303.8) av-TTJVi'iS Diig. Alex. E 251.24 (Lolos) Ti\s tiµepcxs OUTTJVi'iS Ti\S aylas DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 2, a8v.4-5 av-re1vfis Ti\S Kep' i\yyeA{vas(l576, Naxos, VISVIZIS 1951: 81, 101.34) KOO av-re1vfis (1619, Crete, XANTHOUDIDIS 1912: 20, 66.28) avTTJvfiS 6e TO 6voµa [VLASTOS], Dig.PI 313.6 aUTTjvfiS Kai TWV 6ia66xwv TTJS (1663, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 1, 11.15) irou ~neouo-111 av-re1vfjs DIAKR., Diig. Pol. 166 TO 'IJ'ai61 Alex. Rim. 224 110: eva1 Kai au-r_eivo xap10-µa TTJS (1584, Kefalonia, PENDOGALOS 1976: 151.112 KCXµc:.>µa o-av avTEiVO CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.441 ) TO ,rai61v auTETVo FOSKOLOS, Fort. IV.561 airreivov Kai lraAalOV 1TOKaµ10-ov VENETZAS , ¼aT'.l• &'I,oas. 82.26 ~s , .L TO l~EO"KIO"µsvov ,,....,1.. , _ u 1a Tu µovav, ,,p111 av.e1vov (1670, Crete, TSELIKAS 1986c: 3, 36.9) vo: e.pc:.>yes a,hoiivov TO µeMv111 Ptoch. III 273.62 app. crit. (P) airrouvo eixao-1 ,roM Chron. Mor. T 2815 o-' aVTovvo '6ev µeTsxe1 Apo/l. Rim. V 535 a_v-roOv~ TO 1Tp0EIPTJ.µevov 8iv1 / av-reivo1 (1487, Chios?, LEFORT 1981: 13, 77.21)41 airreivo1 etxav ,,;v &~1av Theseid 1.31,1 (Follieri) v~ exovv airreivo1 U1TOTayous BERGADIS, Apok. V 470 . 6uvaµ1v 6ev eixao-11TOTE a1heivo1 AITOLOS, Voev. 187 µ~n_av.eTvo1 µt')Te Ta ira1616 Tovs (1541, Thasos?, KRAVARI 1987: App. II, 341.27) CXUTEIIIOI ol apxovTES (1541, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 92, 66.4) 41
For the hypercorrection see I, 3.8.1.4.
l '
~r,,:::,;,sJi , ,-1, I , , - . : . . _ : t ! ' !k:~:i.i,1
:1, .
i
--
Il Nominal Morphology
938
CXUTEIVOI f!p8cxv (1571, Mani, DOKOS 1972: 4,260.4) ,roO 'acxv o! µcxpTVpescxunivo1; SKORD. MARAF. G., Evang. 450.710 cxlholvoi, cmoO slvcx1 ,,y.c.:,Tcxl Tov N6µou MAX. PELOPON., Kata loud. 339.l va: Ta TeAE1wac., cxUTeivcx Rim. Sant. 30 cxUTeivo1 nive ,rcxlpvouve MONTSEL., Evgena 109 (Spadaro) CXUTOIVOI PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 2252 cxunlvo101 ,rp1n 110 µcxxT)OTI A CH ELIS, Malt. Pol. 491 CXUTWllc.> e6T1yovv.a P&N Diath. 2111; CXUTWllc.> a,rou ae µCXTIES 61:v lxou11e TT) XCXPTI KoRNAROS, Erot. n 1084 cm' CXUTOVVES Pol. Tr. 5778 app. crit. (C) CXUTOu11es o\ Aoycx6es FALIEROS, Log. did. 300 CXUTOuves TES 'ITOAITIKES, vex O"OV T11 (1554, Crete, ILIAKis/CHRONAKI 2002: 216, 191.28) sis TO ,rpaµcxv CXUTOVVWll (1562, Naxos, KARABOULA/ROOOLAKIS 2012/13: 130, 249.33) Kcxl cmcx11c., TOVS CXUTOUllWV MOREZINOS, Klini 32.18 vex auµ,ra&fias1 Kcxl CXUTOUllW (1630, Crete, VARZELIOTI 2000: 4,336.23) 1µcxlc..>11 Chron. Mor. H 6582 Tex 6116µCXTcx 8s lKpcx~e11 cxUTc.>11wv 6 ,rCXTtpcxs Tov Pent. Gen. 25.18 ft Ti'ls 8aMaaov i\ Ti'js yi'is CXUT611c.> 110 µcxxT)OTI A CH ELIS, Malt. Pol. 491 CXUTWllc.> e6T1yovv.a P&N Diath. 2111; CXUTWllc.> a,rou ae µCXTIES 61:v lxou11e TT) XCXPTI KoRNAROS, Erot. n 1084 cm' CXUTOVVES Pol. Tr. 5778 app. crit. (C) CXUTOu11es o\ Aoycx6es FALIEROS, Log. did. 300 CXUTOuves TES 'ITOAITIKES, vex O"OV Tales ApolL Rim. V 702 a1heves oi TaAcxhre.>pes P&N Diath. 249 a,heves ai 1TATJYES VEST., Pathi 579 aVTeves a1 6ovAE1es IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 5416 va eypo1KaTal yiaT' cnrr6ves (1581, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 8, 25.23) Kl cxuTeves TES V ypacp&v RooINOS, Vios lgn. 128.14; aliTovwv ibid. 113.30
Neuter Nominative/Accusative Plural Kl auniva EKACXIJIOV TOV Chron. Mor. P 7222 CXUTEiva 1TOV µe Tpw0-1 FALIEROS, 1st. On. 649 air' aVTElva Ta KCXAa ApolL Rim. A 1302 aliTeiva oAa 6elxvaa1 VENDRAMOS, lstor. Filarg. 21 cnrreiva µe EKCXIJlaV iroMa (1567, Venice, PATRINELIS 1992: 5,305.11) cnrreiva oAa (1584, Kefalonia, PENDOGALOS 1976: 149.37) eµe Ta Ms v ,ra16{e.>v (1684, ibid. 485, 711.34); TWV aliTe1v&v Mov ,ra16le.>v (1685, ibid.
610, 842.29) auTOVVWV TWV AEyoµeve.>v 0'1TITIWV (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 26, 31.21) auTOVVWV T(';.)v 11eyoµeve.>v Mo Tphe.>v (1549, Crete, MARMARELI/DRAKAKIS 2005: 154,
153.26) 6!a 1TOKToS auTovwv (1549, Crete, MARMARELIIDRAKAKIS 2005: 148, 147.8)
SVT09SVTOUV09SVTE!V09EVTOVO!i
The form euTos owes its initial /e/ to the analogy of tyC::,, tau, eKeivos (JANN ARIS 1897: 1556, 161; CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 504; PERNOT 1907/46: Il 175 and n. 2; PROMBONAS 2 1968: 375-6; HORROCKS 2010: 295). The first attestations of these forms, as a personal pronoun, come from papyri of the 3rd c. AD (GIGNAC 1976: 234), 42 but these are probably unconnected to the later phenomenon and should be attributed to special phonetic factors involving the pronunciation of the diphthongs /au/ and /eu/ in general (SCHWYZER 1939: 198). Although well attested in MG dialects (II.NE s.v. auT6s; THUMB 1912: 85), euTos is rare in LMedG and EMG texts. In the corpus examined, forms with initial e- seem to be limited to the Cyclades and the Heptanese (including the Heptanesian manuscripts of certain Cretan texts),43 a distribution which is corroborated by modern dialectal data. • OUT(,.)S EUTOS em!pva Byz. II. 590 av evat eliTos 6 Myos Diig. Alex. F 280.6 (Lolos) Tl 'vat euTa Ta ,rfjpes FALIEROS, Rim. Par. 247 app. crit. (L) TO exe1 Kcxl euTo µ1aap1Ko (1635, Naxos, KoRRES 1931: 3,274.13) · airo '8ev ITaovACX EUTT)VTJ (1663, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 14, 21.17); Tijs ave.>8ev 'EMVTJs EUTTJvfis (ibid. 153, 104.6)
61' aUToiiva Liv. E 877 cnrroiiva ou6ev Tpa (1715, ibid. 6, 123.12); eli-rOVTT1vilS (1713, Nauplion, LIATA 1998a: [II, 263.44); Eu-roiiTo 6,rov lKaµcx (1712, Nauplion, LIATA 1998b: 233.12).
940
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
IT Nominal Morphology
avTeves 01 apµaTe.>ales ApolL Rim. V 702 a1heves oi TaAcxhre.>pes P&N Diath. 249 a,heves ai 1TATJYES VEST., Pathi 579 aVTeves a1 6ovAE1es IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 5416 va eypo1KaTal yiaT' cnrr6ves (1581, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 8, 25.23) Kl cxuTeves TES V ypacp&v RooINOS, Vios lgn. 128.14; aliTovwv ibid. 113.30
Neuter Nominative/Accusative Plural Kl auniva EKACXIJIOV TOV Chron. Mor. P 7222 CXUTEiva 1TOV µe Tpw0-1 FALIEROS, 1st. On. 649 air' aVTElva Ta KCXAa ApolL Rim. A 1302 aliTeiva oAa 6elxvaa1 VENDRAMOS, lstor. Filarg. 21 cnrreiva µe EKCXIJlaV iroMa (1567, Venice, PATRINELIS 1992: 5,305.11) cnrreiva oAa (1584, Kefalonia, PENDOGALOS 1976: 149.37) eµe Ta Ms v ,ra16{e.>v (1684, ibid. 485, 711.34); TWV aliTe1v&v Mov ,ra16le.>v (1685, ibid.
610, 842.29) auTOVVWV TWV AEyoµeve.>v 0'1TITIWV (1549, Crete, DRAKAKIS 2004: 26, 31.21) auTOVVWV T(';.)v 11eyoµeve.>v Mo Tphe.>v (1549, Crete, MARMARELI/DRAKAKIS 2005: 154,
153.26) 6!a 1TOKToS auTovwv (1549, Crete, MARMARELIIDRAKAKIS 2005: 148, 147.8)
SVT09SVTOUV09SVTE!V09EVTOVO!i
The form euTos owes its initial /e/ to the analogy of tyC::,, tau, eKeivos (JANN ARIS 1897: 1556, 161; CHATZIDAKIS 1905/07: B 504; PERNOT 1907/46: Il 175 and n. 2; PROMBONAS 2 1968: 375-6; HORROCKS 2010: 295). The first attestations of these forms, as a personal pronoun, come from papyri of the 3rd c. AD (GIGNAC 1976: 234), 42 but these are probably unconnected to the later phenomenon and should be attributed to special phonetic factors involving the pronunciation of the diphthongs /au/ and /eu/ in general (SCHWYZER 1939: 198). Although well attested in MG dialects (II.NE s.v. auT6s; THUMB 1912: 85), euTos is rare in LMedG and EMG texts. In the corpus examined, forms with initial e- seem to be limited to the Cyclades and the Heptanese (including the Heptanesian manuscripts of certain Cretan texts),43 a distribution which is corroborated by modern dialectal data. • OUT(,.)S EUTOS em!pva Byz. II. 590 av evat eliTos 6 Myos Diig. Alex. F 280.6 (Lolos) Tl 'vat euTa Ta ,rfjpes FALIEROS, Rim. Par. 247 app. crit. (L) TO exe1 Kcxl euTo µ1aap1Ko (1635, Naxos, KoRRES 1931: 3,274.13) · airo '8ev ITaovACX EUTT)VTJ (1663, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 14, 21.17); Tijs ave.>8ev 'EMVTJs EUTTJvfis (ibid. 153, 104.6)
61' aUToiiva Liv. E 877 cnrroiiva ou6ev Tpa (1715, ibid. 6, 123.12); eli-rOVTT1vilS (1713, Nauplion, LIATA 1998a: [II, 263.44); Eu-roiiTo 6,rov lKaµcx (1712, Nauplion, LIATA 1998b: 233.12).
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners 942
943
II Nominal Morphology
syntactic behaviour and function; that is, it occurs as a pronoun or as a determiner, followed or preceded by the group definite article+ noun (e1pa!as Pol. Tr. 243
TTJII
eKe111i)s Ti;s K(A)vcrraVTlvov Chron. Mor. H 447 e1T}S TaT) EKElvijS 6€ µou 'val µ,ropeµevo Inpaµa Klavtlva CHORTATSIS, Erof. 1.317 Tf\s yv11a11611 TOV SKEIVOU eTxe TOIi 6 aoVATO:IIOS Chron. Toe. 1971 EKEIIIOU 01TOU El/I 6 Toixos Assizes A 111.11; EKEIVOU TOU avyyEIIOU TOU ibid. 138.10 TOU µaKaplov e1fo (1566, Venice, PATRINELIS 1992: 2,296.74) els TOIi T6nov eKei110 µfoa els TO lf'VXIKov eKei110 (1571, Andros, PoLEMIS 1995a: 7, 127.13) Kai €Kei110 TOIi ena116pe1f10 (1622, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 3, 53.164--5) TOIi 0avctµtl11os (1695, Ioannina, MICHAILARIS 1976: 1,250.11) EKEIIIOIIE eill~aa1 Chron. Mor. p 7867 K' eKel11011e ,rapCXK6 aou id., Thyest. II.395 ' . . , KE IIOIIE Tull TCXlTEll/0 K' eKel11011a11 OlTOV 6EIAICC~EI aTµa Liv. V 813 OTOII XOT~epe EKEl11011a Diig. Vefa 344 e1.a01s PAPA-LAVR., Diigisis (Meteoron) 112.13
nMa O"TOV Kooµov TOUTOVE 1TOU yeµe1 TCX cpapµaK1a TheseidIV.81,2 (1529); K' e!STOV 6puµ&va TOUTove ibid. V.37,8; .a (15th/16th c., Heptanese, MORGAN 1954: 60.1) ETOVTTJ eTvai iroMa cpp6v1µ11 Diig. Alex. V 33.24 ETOUTTJ Tl 6ta6TJKTJ (1550, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2002a: 237, 144.15) ETOUTTJ TJ auµq,opa Wos Aisop. I 281.16 ETOUTTJ ti µepa Chron. Tourk. Soult. 89.32 ti 6:q,opµfl ~TOV ETOUTI) (1663, Central Greece, STEFANis/PAPATRIANDAFYLLOU-TuEODORIDI
els Toi.iTove To q>6vo Zinon IT.97; hoOTove vex Kapcpw6eT ibid. V.262 yicrr et6a TOUTOVE IIEKp6 BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol 186.8
ft rrix.:>TTJ Kai U.la elvai ETOUTI) (1673, Sikinos, ZERLENDIS 1913a: 138.2) ETOTEI Tl cpfjAa6a / h6TI) ii cpuMcx6a (1690, Meteora, SOFIANOS 1986: 48, f.54v.1)
1992: 39, 136.16)
hoUTova Peri xen. 130 app. crit. (V) lrrr' Tov aeu6a houTova Diig. Vefa 426; µe Tov Tpoirov TOvTOva ibid. 1020
n
960
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
Nominal Morphology
Genitive
General
Restricted
TOVTI')S l ETOVTI')S
TaVTT)S l (e)TOVTT)VfjS l (e)TOVTOVi'jS l (e)TOVTOVVi'jS l (e)Tovvi'js
niv T®TTJS µox8rJplav Proch. I 26 Ti'js T®TT)S xwpas c5voµa Liv. E 2618 Ti'js Tvx11s T®TT)S vex e71Ema Veith. 436 lrrro Ti'js µT)Tpas yvvatKoS TaVTT)S Byz. n. 26 Ti'js yvvatK6S µov TaVTI')S Achil. 0 30 TCI TaVTI')S ,ravovpyeuµaTa Synax. gadar. 140 eveKa TaVTI')S (1559, Corfu, KAPADOCHOS 1990: 1,225.3) ol lrrro6p6o-avns cmo Tfis TavTT)S xwpas (1264 [17th c. copy], Kefalonia, TZANNETATOS 1965: 1, 99.1102) TaVTI')S Ti'js KOJV6TT)s (1663, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 28, 31.14) TOVTTJS Ti'js 611µTJyepo-las Pol Tr. 10076 Ti'js yaO"TEpas TOVTI')S ERMON., 1/ias 2.265 TOVTI')S Tfjs µ6:XT]S MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 292.33 Ti'js yevvrio-ews TOVTI')S KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 331.12 TOVTI'IS Tfis ,wfjs Cypr. Canz. 107.6 TOVTI'IS Tfis S Ti'js Koµeo-105 (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2006: 115, 94.9) TOVVfjs Ti'js O"ETEVT,1as (1549, Crete, MARMARELIIDRAKAKIS 2009: 316,311.194) TO" lyvo1as µ6vov hovvfjs CHORTATSIS, Erof. Il.370; Tovvfjs TO"fj v!KTJS id., Ero/. lnterm. III.124 hovviis Ti'js yvvatKOS MOREZINOS, Klini 61 .33 hovvfjs Tcrij 1T0pTES (1609, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 569,506.21) TOVVi'js Ti'js xwpas (1609, Crete, PENDOGALOS 1972: 2, 189.3); hovvfjs Ti'js xwpas ibid. 189.9 KE Tovvvs/ Kal Tovvfjs (1625, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 6, 80.60)
961
tTOVVf\S TO"fj ypa~f\s (1633, Crete, XANTHOUDIDIS 1912: 62, 164.9) TOVVf\S Teri! xwpas FOSKOLOS, Fort. Il.3; hovvfjs id, Fort. Interm. 11113; TOVVf\S TO"fj AEVTEPIO:S µas id. Fort. lnterm. N 126 Accusative
General
Restricted
Rare
TOVTT](V): ETOVTT)(V)
TaVTI')V I (e)TOVTI')VE l (e)TOVTT)VE
(e)TOVTT]Va I (E)TOVTT)VO(II) l (E)TOVTT)IITJV
O"TEPY"' TaVTT)V (1400, Patras, GERLAND 1903: 10, 194.17) n;v i'}µ10"T)V TaVTI')V (1414, Corfu, MALTEZOU 1991a: (1), 317.19) TTJV 6ovi.slav TauTT)V (1453, Thrace/Black Sea?, DARROUZES 1963: 4, 87.5) n;v "Tl"apovo-av µov TavTT)V 61a6T)KTJV (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 44, 75.6) 61pas Diig. Ala. Sem. S 1290 Tovvi'js Tc.>S Ti'js Koµeo-105 (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2006: 115, 94.9) TOVVfjs Ti'js O"ETEVT,1as (1549, Crete, MARMARELIIDRAKAKIS 2009: 316,311.194) TO" lyvo1as µ6vov hovvfjs CHORTATSIS, Erof. Il.370; Tovvfjs TO"fj v!KTJS id., Ero/. lnterm. III.124 hovviis Ti'js yvvatKOS MOREZINOS, Klini 61 .33 hovvfjs Tcrij 1T0pTES (1609, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 569,506.21) TOVVi'js Ti'js xwpas (1609, Crete, PENDOGALOS 1972: 2, 189.3); hovvfjs Ti'js xwpas ibid. 189.9 KE Tovvvs/ Kal Tovvfjs (1625, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 6, 80.60)
961
tTOVVf\S TO"fj ypa~f\s (1633, Crete, XANTHOUDIDIS 1912: 62, 164.9) TOVVf\S Teri! xwpas FOSKOLOS, Fort. Il.3; hovvfjs id, Fort. Interm. 11113; TOVVf\S TO"fj AEVTEPIO:S µas id. Fort. lnterm. N 126 Accusative
General
Restricted
Rare
TOVTT](V): ETOVTT)(V)
TaVTI')V I (e)TOVTI')VE l (e)TOVTT)VE
(e)TOVTT]Va I (E)TOVTT)VO(II) l (E)TOVTT)IITJV
O"TEPY"' TaVTT)V (1400, Patras, GERLAND 1903: 10, 194.17) n;v i'}µ10"T)V TaVTI')V (1414, Corfu, MALTEZOU 1991a: (1), 317.19) TTJV 6ovi.slav TauTT)V (1453, Thrace/Black Sea?, DARROUZES 1963: 4, 87.5) n;v "Tl"apovo-av µov TavTT)V 61a6T)KTJV (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 44, 75.6) 61 6ta,rOTa, TO T(,,)p111011 Ta~l6tv AchiL N 292 hoiiToll lTOUAflO"t TO (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 1119) TO Tponcip111 hoiiTo STAFIDAS, latrosof. 24.196 els hoiiTo TO typCllllaµev (1446, Adrianople, BABINGER/D0LGER 1956: 276.17) els hoiiTo (1493--4, Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1968: 36, 179.20) . hoiiTo TO ~TCX\11 FALIEROS, 1st. On. 45 npos hoiiTov Kalal µcxpTUpla1 (1500, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1995: 102, 179.18) Kal hoiiTo 6,rou TOUS em1pa~aµev (16th c., Macedonia?, LEMERLE 1988: App. IV C, 237.34) Kal hoiiTo hoiiToll TO KCXAOll OlTOU 'Kaµes (1508, los, PATRAMANI 1989/90: 2, 171.16)
!··
L I
n')v KCIAf,.)(TV\lfl\l TOVTT)Va Dig. Ve/a 848
Neuter Nominative/Accusative
.
I
Ii
I
aTTJ ~cip6!a TOUTT)Vt CHORTATSIS, Katz. II.79; 8es Kl' aMes; Na KCXl TOUTT)Vt! ibid. lli.539-40
ETOUTT)llTJll TI'}ll wpo:11 IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 1871; ibid. 458, 1142
-
Genitive
TOVTOU TOU xc.,pcxcp{ou (1227-50, Sicily, GUILLOU 1963: 20, 157.10) TOU Kaa-rpou TOVTOU Pol. Tr. 2460 ToVTou TOU Kaa-reM!ov AchiL N 481 Toii eVTpomaaµtvou ToUTou ,rpoawnou Vws Aisop. D
hoUTT)vav Peri xen. 237 (ms V)
;
l
55 Tou-rove To 8eµl!:>.to Pist. voskos I 2.369 should be considered a dubious reading. The neuter form TOVTOVE is otherwise unattested.
962
II Nominal Morphology
hovTT)v n')v ~ou]•d111 µou Spaneas Z 89 n')v O"VVTJ6e!CX\I !TOVTT)\I {16th c., Corfu, KARYDis/TZIVARA 1994/96: 4, 102.1) ~E~CXIW\IOU ETOVTT) (1562, Skyros, ANDONIADIS 1990: 9, 23.22) 'IT!" cpopo: ETOVTT) (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 283, 392.1) TT)\/ cpopcxv ETOVTT)\I (1590, Crete, VoURDOUMBAKIS 1915: 2,347.18) ETOVTT) TT)ll 0µ010:11 Kaµcxpa (1594, Naxos, KARABOULAIRODOLAKIS 2012/13: 152, 276.6-7) Tcxµillfl I eTxe TT)ll KCXKOp{~!Kfl ETOVTT) \10: TOU 6w011 CHORTATSIS, Katz. III.364-5 crrro TT)ll ypcxcpT)ll ETOVTT)\I (1616, Crete, ANGELO MA Tl-TSO UNG ARAKI 1996: 2, 361.30) hoVTT)ll n')v ua-rep1VTJV Kal TEAEUTalav µou 61a8TJKflV (1672, Milos, CHATZIDAKIS I. 1927: A, 299.1) Kave1 n')v ncxpcxyyEAlav houTT) (1676, Sifnos, SYMEONIDIS 1992b: 1, 123.14) els ETOVTT)ll µou TT)\/ 0:\/ayKflll (1696, Ioannina, MICHAILARIS 1976: 3 [r1, 254.11) ETOVTT)\I TT)\/ wpcxll (1699, Salona. DOKOS 1975: 12, 173.1) hoVTT)VE Peri xen. 237 app. crit (A)
n')v vvKTa TOVTflVE KoRONAIOs,Andrag. Bua Vl.216 ma, aTTJll n6A111 ToVTT)ve Theseid III.71,5 (1529); aTTJll µaxfl11 TOVTflllE ibid. V.44,3 110: TOVTflllE, Kal TOVTT)llf aMflv, I Kal TOVTflllE cxKoµTJ, Kal va-repa TOVTflll Pist. voskos III.3.1920 TOUTT)llE TT)ll CXVT1l VTO\ICXT~t6 (1646, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1968: 77, 194.10-11) ae TOVTT)\IE MONTSEL., Evgena 83
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
963
KCXl hoiiToll tµnouµlTA!KaplO"TI'} (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 289,407.23) els hoiiTOll 16111(,,) (1571, Andros, POLEMIS 1999a: 2, 11.6) . hoiiTo noTt µou 6e11 TO E~Ma els TO voii11 µou (1582, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a· 126 86 34) eToiiTo ,rou aA "Afy(,,) Diig. Alet. Sem. S 358 · ' · hoiiTov TO o-Ka116Mo11 6nou µtMe1110: ~ci\j/Tl (1615, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 7, 177.33) els hoiiTo l6(,,)0"a TT)ll oµoAoylcx µou (1661, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 11, 125.7) hoiiTo TO O"U\IO!KfolOII (1695, Corfu, KAPADOCHOS 1990: 110,306.20) :,
vex TOUTOVA TO xap1aµa! CHORTATSIS, Katz. III.467; TO Kpfos TOUTOllE ibid. IV.378 hoOToll~ TO O""TrfJAIO eiva1 61K6 µas Vosk. 19255 els TOUTOllCX \10: ,r& KCXl ~a)
va p1µapc., LIMEN., Than. Rod. 184 transcr. (Lendari) (Wagner: TOVTO .
-
General
Restricted
ToVTou : hovTou : (e)ToUTou1100
(e)Touvoii
hoVTou Tov nM8ous (1609, Cyprus, CHASIOTIS 1972: 33, 55.2) ToVTovvov Toii Kapa~lou (16th c., Unknown, DELATTE 1946: 500.13) hepov O"UllEYYIJSTOUTOU\IOV (17th c., Kefalonia, TZANNETATOS 1965: 2, 112.16); rrepo xc.,pacpl 1TAT}O"lo11 ETOUTOU\IOU (ibid. 116.4) ToUTou11ov Tov llflO"iou (1632, Naxos, KATS0UROS 1958/59: 8, 139.6-7) ITOUTOUllOU TOU xoplou I ITOUTOU\IOV TOU xc.,p{ou (1516, Corfu, LITSAS/LEONDIADOU 2011:
8, 38.16)
General
Restricted ·
Touvoii Tov lva-rpouµEVTOU (1538, Crete, MAVROMATIS 2009: 579,450.23) ·
ToiiTo(v): hoiiTo(11)
(e)TOUTOVt : (e)TOUTO\ICX
hov1100 Toii X(,,)ptoii (1583, Crete, MERTZIOS 1965: 61, 129.4) houvov Toii napov lva-rpouµl!nov (1598, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 31, 50.3) TOU llepov ETOU\IOV CHORTATSIS, Panor. II.145 hou11oii TOU 6e111ov ,ra8ous MOREZINOS, Klini 60.5 µe 6v11cxµT}ll houvov TOU cpavepov l11a-rpouµEVTOU (1603, Crete, VIOLIDAKIS 2006: 2, 265.12-13) houvoii TOU cpa11epov la-rpouµeVTOU (1608, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 36, 37.10) hou11oii TOii l11a-rpovµl!nov (1614, Crete, VARZELIOTI 2000: 1,331.11) hou11ov TOU X(,,)PIOV (1616, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1979: 2,221.82) houvoii µou Toii Tea-rcxµtVTov (1622, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1986: 3, 57.300) TOO 1Ta161ov ETOU\IOV Zinon II.420 ETOUllOV TOV \lflO"OU (1716-29, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 38, 96.6)
Kal ToiiTov ovK apea-rov Tc.I> 0e4') {1137, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. XIV: 8, 627.4) ToiiTov TO cxµntA1011 (1186, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 221,289.11) Kal 616: TOVTO O"~OUVTal ol Mflpovoµla1 (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 244.595) TOUTO\I 8tA(,,) TO ypciµµa (1420, Crete, MANOUSAKAS 1962a: 1, 39.24) els ToiiTo µas, c!> 6ta,rOTa, TO T(,,)p111011 Ta~l6tv AchiL N 292 hoiiToll lTOUAflO"t TO (15th c., Athos?, VASMER 1922: 1119) TO Tponcip111 hoiiTo STAFIDAS, latrosof. 24.196 els hoiiTo TO typCllllaµev (1446, Adrianople, BABINGER/D0LGER 1956: 276.17) els hoiiTo (1493--4, Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1968: 36, 179.20) . hoiiTo TO ~TCX\11 FALIEROS, 1st. On. 45 npos hoiiTov Kalal µcxpTUpla1 (1500, Athos, LEFORT et al. 1995: 102, 179.18) Kal hoiiTo 6,rou TOUS em1pa~aµev (16th c., Macedonia?, LEMERLE 1988: App. IV C, 237.34) Kal hoiiTo hoiiToll TO KCXAOll OlTOU 'Kaµes (1508, los, PATRAMANI 1989/90: 2, 171.16)
!··
L I
n')v KCIAf,.)(TV\lfl\l TOVTT)Va Dig. Ve/a 848
Neuter Nominative/Accusative
.
I
Ii
I
aTTJ ~cip6!a TOUTT)Vt CHORTATSIS, Katz. II.79; 8es Kl' aMes; Na KCXl TOUTT)Vt! ibid. lli.539-40
ETOUTT)llTJll TI'}ll wpo:11 IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 1871; ibid. 458, 1142
-
Genitive
TOVTOU TOU xc.,pcxcp{ou (1227-50, Sicily, GUILLOU 1963: 20, 157.10) TOU Kaa-rpou TOVTOU Pol. Tr. 2460 ToVTou TOU Kaa-reM!ov AchiL N 481 Toii eVTpomaaµtvou ToUTou ,rpoawnou Vws Aisop. D
hoUTT)vav Peri xen. 237 (ms V)
;
l
55 Tou-rove To 8eµl!:>.to Pist. voskos I 2.369 should be considered a dubious reading. The neuter form TOVTOVE is otherwise unattested.
964
II Nominal Morphology
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
Plural Masculine
eyyiJs Tc;w oiKc.>v TOVTc.:>v Dig. A 598 T~V CXTUXlav TOVTe.>V LtMEN., Velis. (I\) 247 TCXS cmocpaae1s TOVTC.:,V Synax. gadar. 86 TOVTc.:>V TWV xpovevv SKORD. MARAF. G., Evang. 438.340 6ta TOVTc.:>V Tc.>V iroMwv malvevv Chron. Ps.-Doroth. (1631) 232.41 Kai µETCX TOVTC.:,V 6 Mouaoup TOV Tapa-lTOU 6 uios [VLASTOS], Dig. p 405.10 6 ~6cxµ Kai 6 IT)8 KO:I o\ TOVTCt.>V a,royovot LANDOS, Geopon. 129.31
Nominative General
Restricted
TOVTOt : ETOVTOt
OVTOt : TOUTOIVla,av VouSTR., Chron. A 50.13 Ka\ Toi:iT01 ol l?>acrv.tol CHORTATSIS, Ero/. Pro!. 127 TOVTOI 8eAouv irciaa 6uo xp6vous (1615, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 6, 174.14) Kai TOVTOI 6,rou yup{,oua-1 Kai VUKTOirapc.:,povcrt KORNAROS, Erot. 1.685 hoi:iTot 6e apµV &veiAov Dig. G V.184 ol ToliTc.:,v KV NIKON, Logos 2 138.19 hovwv TWV 'EM,;vevv Theseid 1.78,6 (Follieri) holiTc.:>v T&v 6uaael?>wv AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 509
hoUTouvwv TWV iroVT)pwv DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 242; Tex µayta ToUTouv&v ibid 2703 ToUTouv&v Twv 'Ej?>pa{Cl)v KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 376.32-3; fl µ6:va TOUTouv&v ibid 355.27 hoUTouvwv T&v Myc.>v MAX. PELOPON., Kata loud. 316.29 1TES TO Aomov TOUTOUVWV Berto/dos 25.18 ETOUTOUVWV xapl,e1 Prol. Epain. Kef. 16 WO'CXV TO O"Toµa ETOVTOUVWV KORNAROS, Erot. V.150 app. crit (X) T&v av8pc.:.mevv hoUTevv&v Pent. Gen. 19.8
TOUTov&v GERMANO, Grammar 69.27 o-vµ-rr6:8T)ae Tovvwv P&N Diath. 3604 TOU\I~ Tc.:> 6uov o:yaq>TtKw CHORTATSIS, Panor. IV.300; Touv& T&v vi&v id, Ero/. IV.113 Touv& T& auµire8Epev Stathis ill.437 TOUTc..>v&ve PORTIUS, Grammar 68.12
Accusative General
Restricted
TOVTous:eTOVTOUS
(e)TOUTOUVOVS I (E)TOUTOVOVS
µfl mptKOirTT)S ToliTous Spaneas Va 484 µ~ -rrep1KOirTT)S ToliTous Spaneas P 242 TOVTOUS l6wv 6 6ovAos aou Proch. ll/ 243 µeTa TOVTOUS TOIJS ,rev-re xp6vous (1355, Palatia (Miletos), MANOUSAKAS 1962b: 1, 234.10) ToliTous Tous Myous elirev Chron. Mor. H 5894 o:.>.ous Tous Myous TOVTous Diig. terr. 119 noT10-ov TovTous STAFIDAS, /atrosof. 2.3 TOVTOUS Tous ,o:yavous (1489, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 20, 102.7) TOVTous Tous ,ralpvets eK TTJV yi)v PIKAT., Rima thrin. 352 TO'l yaµous TOVTOUS CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.5.374 . ~Clo-Ta TOVTOUS Tai 6auAovs ThysiaAvr. 740 TOVTOUS Tis Tpeis Myous (1637, Chios, PAPADOPOULOS 1989: 3, 95.11) \ICX O"TEKOUVTat µe TOVTOUS TOUS ,r6:Tous (1649, Mykonos, ZERLENDIS 1924a: [5], 19.13)
6ta ETOVTOUS TOUS KCXAOIJS TO\JS euyeveis O"TpCXTl&TES Chron. Mor. P 8937 houTous Tous Myous Diig. Alex. F 140.14 (Konstantinopulos) ETOUTOUS TOUS 6uo µfives CHORTATSIS, Katz. 1.294 ano TOIJS "TrOVT)pous 6ovAous ETOVTOUS MOREZINOS, Klini 48.34 ETOVTOUS Ta' l>µopcpous Kapirous KORNAROS, Erot. 2168 .
I 1: I t
I
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964
II Nominal Morphology
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
Plural Masculine
eyyiJs Tc;w oiKc.>v TOVTc.:>v Dig. A 598 T~V CXTUXlav TOVTe.>V LtMEN., Velis. (I\) 247 TCXS cmocpaae1s TOVTC.:,V Synax. gadar. 86 TOVTc.:>V TWV xpovevv SKORD. MARAF. G., Evang. 438.340 6ta TOVTc.:>V Tc.>V iroMwv malvevv Chron. Ps.-Doroth. (1631) 232.41 Kai µETCX TOVTC.:,V 6 Mouaoup TOV Tapa-lTOU 6 uios [VLASTOS], Dig. p 405.10 6 ~6cxµ Kai 6 IT)8 KO:I o\ TOVTCt.>V a,royovot LANDOS, Geopon. 129.31
Nominative General
Restricted
TOVTOt : ETOVTOt
OVTOt : TOUTOIVla,av VouSTR., Chron. A 50.13 Ka\ Toi:iT01 ol l?>acrv.tol CHORTATSIS, Ero/. Pro!. 127 TOVTOI 8eAouv irciaa 6uo xp6vous (1615, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 6, 174.14) Kai TOVTOI 6,rou yup{,oua-1 Kai VUKTOirapc.:,povcrt KORNAROS, Erot. 1.685 hoi:iTot 6e apµV &veiAov Dig. G V.184 ol ToliTc.:,v KV NIKON, Logos 2 138.19 hovwv TWV 'EM,;vevv Theseid 1.78,6 (Follieri) holiTc.:>v T&v 6uaael?>wv AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 509
hoUTouvwv TWV iroVT)pwv DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 242; Tex µayta ToUTouv&v ibid 2703 ToUTouv&v Twv 'Ej?>pa{Cl)v KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 376.32-3; fl µ6:va TOUTouv&v ibid 355.27 hoUTouvwv T&v Myc.>v MAX. PELOPON., Kata loud. 316.29 1TES TO Aomov TOUTOUVWV Berto/dos 25.18 ETOUTOUVWV xapl,e1 Prol. Epain. Kef. 16 WO'CXV TO O"Toµa ETOVTOUVWV KORNAROS, Erot. V.150 app. crit (X) T&v av8pc.:.mevv hoUTevv&v Pent. Gen. 19.8
TOUTov&v GERMANO, Grammar 69.27 o-vµ-rr6:8T)ae Tovvwv P&N Diath. 3604 TOU\I~ Tc.:> 6uov o:yaq>TtKw CHORTATSIS, Panor. IV.300; Touv& T&v vi&v id, Ero/. IV.113 Touv& T& auµire8Epev Stathis ill.437 TOUTc..>v&ve PORTIUS, Grammar 68.12
Accusative General
Restricted
TOVTous:eTOVTOUS
(e)TOUTOUVOVS I (E)TOUTOVOVS
µfl mptKOirTT)S ToliTous Spaneas Va 484 µ~ -rrep1KOirTT)S ToliTous Spaneas P 242 TOVTOUS l6wv 6 6ovAos aou Proch. ll/ 243 µeTa TOVTOUS TOIJS ,rev-re xp6vous (1355, Palatia (Miletos), MANOUSAKAS 1962b: 1, 234.10) ToliTous Tous Myous elirev Chron. Mor. H 5894 o:.>.ous Tous Myous TOVTous Diig. terr. 119 noT10-ov TovTous STAFIDAS, /atrosof. 2.3 TOVTOUS Tous ,o:yavous (1489, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 20, 102.7) TOVTous Tous ,ralpvets eK TTJV yi)v PIKAT., Rima thrin. 352 TO'l yaµous TOVTOUS CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.5.374 . ~Clo-Ta TOVTOUS Tai 6auAovs ThysiaAvr. 740 TOVTOUS Tis Tpeis Myous (1637, Chios, PAPADOPOULOS 1989: 3, 95.11) \ICX O"TEKOUVTat µe TOVTOUS TOUS ,r6:Tous (1649, Mykonos, ZERLENDIS 1924a: [5], 19.13)
6ta ETOVTOUS TOUS KCXAOIJS TO\JS euyeveis O"TpCXTl&TES Chron. Mor. P 8937 houTous Tous Myous Diig. Alex. F 140.14 (Konstantinopulos) ETOUTOUS TOUS 6uo µfives CHORTATSIS, Katz. 1.294 ano TOIJS "TrOVT)pous 6ovAous ETOVTOUS MOREZINOS, Klini 48.34 ETOVTOUS Ta' l>µopcpous Kapirous KORNAROS, Erot. 2168 .
I 1: I t
I
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5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
966
cmo TOVTOVVOVS Pol Tr. 8059 app. crit (BX) els ETOVTOVVOVSTOIJS K(ll(OirOIOVS av8pc.:movs Diig. Alex. E 171.3 (Lolos) TOVS cxv8p&movs ETOVTOVVOVS Pent. AI. 1.11 ivas a,ro TovTOvvovs Tovs ~aav.eis Vios Aisop. K 189.24 app. crit (SMT) ETOVTOVOVS TOVS xp6vovs PAPASYNAD., Chron. Proem.86 ETOVTOV\IOVS TOVS xp6vovs MATTHAIOS MYR., /st. Vlach. 2466 ETOVTOVVOVS TOUS av8pclmovs Berto/din. 94.12; lvas a,ro TOVTOV\IOVS TOVS Ka~a;\11/povs ibid.
137.29-30 els TOVTOVVOVS TOVS xp6vovs DIA KR., Diig. Pol 11
Feminine Nominative
General
Restricted
TOVTES : ETOVTES
TaVTES
TOVTES al Mo 6o0v Pol Tr. 13775 app. crit (AC) ETOVTES eT11a1 yvvaiKES 6,rov Ev TaVTaS 6 Be;\8av6pes Veith. 551 els TaVTQS Tas uiro8foe1s (1572, Achaia, VEIS 1956: 452.12) Tv T&v 8v01Cw MAX. PELOPON., Kata loud. 327.19 hoVTc-.,v&v T&v K£q>ClA&v CHIKAS, Monod. Sev. 37.114
Accusative
General TOVTES l ETOVTES
Restricted
967
Restricted TaiiTa
TavTa Ta avvopa (1142, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll V: 6, 303.25-7) lxcplT)µI TQV'Ta T&v Kopao-c!l TOVVc!l CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.294 hovvwv TWV 1Tpoo-Kalpc.,v 1Tpayµ6Tc.>v VENETZAS, VarL & Joas. 32.13-14;,; y1.vK6T1)S hovvwv ibid. 41.19
969
Other Forms
In several cases, lite~ary and non-literary texts contain forms of the pronoun ovTos/TouTos which present levelling of the stem form in the "wrong" direction. These should not be considered as regular variants of the pronoun, but as hypercorrections due to im~ec rfi t command of the hi gher registers of the language: -rrpOKaTetxe Kai iTTu)XOUS OUTOVS (1284, Athos?/Lemnos?, LEMERLE et al. 1977: 74, 25.34) ov-rai 6opal Tlves elo-lv Diig. Alex. M 4941 . oUT1) fJ opµao-la Assizes B 368.6 ov-res al 6uo o-uVTa~es Pol. Tr. 3889 app. crit. (A) TOV Kaipbv ouTov Spanos B 35 fJ mxpovo-a µov ouTfl YPO"E (1606, Nauplion, BROUSKARI 1982: 1, 175.14) TCX 6uo µlpl) TaVTa (1607, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1968: 3, 31.6) TWV onolwv Ta ov6µcrra elvai Tav-ra LANDOS, Kalok. 338.8 ToCiTa elo-lv Ta xo1p!6ta Ta EK1'1h41av (1133, S. Italy, TR.INCHERA 1865: 113, 151.25) Ta ToCiTa Kai TCX EKeiva; GLYKAS, Stichoi 280 Tovm elve Ta npovµoVT1ao-µcrra o-cxs MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 526.3 TOVTa TCX 6ev6pcx KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 335.36 TOVTa TCX EKaµa (1553, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2001: 116, 165.56) TOV cm0Kplvoµcx1v Kai els TOVTa (1564, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 132, 217.22) TOUTa 61.cx Ta AV'ITl)TEpa VAROUCHAS, Logoi 461 .29-30 TOVTa Ta Myia VENETZAS, VarL & Joas. 41.27 hoOTa yovv EKCXTT)p66fi 6 ~cxo-11.evs Kv6c!lv1os Porikol. I 174 foeis KCXAa TO t~eupETe hovTa (1481, Crimea, GRASSO 1880: 119, 169.4) cmo TCX µep1) hoOTa (1489, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 20, 103.9) hoOTa vex Ta Kplv,, LIMEN., Than. Rod. 262 Ta Pe~eVTcx eToCiTcx (1509, Syros, ZERLENDIS 1923a: [lJ, 6.21) Ta o-uvopa eTvcx1 hoOTa (1541, Thasos?, KRAVARI 1987: App. II, 341.30) TCX KeMla hoOTa (16th c., Corfu, KARYDISITZIVARA 1994/96: 4, 102.19) µfl 6elxvoVTCXS ETOVTCX (1565, Cythera, DRAKAKIS 1999: 283,392.1) ETOVTa aKouyoVTas ,; Tiµla eKelv,, MOREZINOS, Klini 43.1 ETOVTa TCX UO'Tepa (1602, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1987: 135: 149.13-14) hovTa Ta Tpla eTvai xwp10"Ta (1674, Skyros, ANDONIADIS 1995: 9,222.10) hoOTa eTvai TCX j,1~Aia onov XPe1a,oVTai (1681, loannina, VELOUDIS 1987: 10,308, f.lr.28) TCX onoia ov6µcrra eTvai hoOTa (1696,Andros, PoLEMIS 2001: 10, 110.14)
Genitive
General
Restricted
TOIJTC.,V : ETOIJTWV
ETOVTOVVWV : ITOVTOVWV : TOVVWV
Tov-rwv TWV TVnwµ6Twv Ptoch. 1129 ·Tov-rwv Twv np1YK111T6Twv Pol. Tr. 10600 els O"IV TOIJT(A)V (1446, Chios, MANOUSAKAS 1960: 270.6) crno T&v Epywv TOIJTWV [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 118 O"K6p6ov ii Kpoµµu6i ii a>J..o qxxyl Tov-rwv 0µ01ov LANDOS, Geopon. 183.33
TWV KaKWv houTwv RODINOS, Vios lgn. 74.5 houTc.>v T&v ,c:x.uv Berto/din. 112.9 Twv O"Kav661.c.>v houTwv SoUMAKIS, Rebelio 45.13 ITOVTWVWV TWV oupavlc.,v µvO'T1)p{u)V
MAX.
PELOPON., Kata loud. 326.7
hoVTovvwv Twv 6fi1.vKwv Bertoldos 35.27 Tc.> Kopao-c!l TOVVc!l CHORTATSIS, Panor. V.294 hovvwv TWV 1Tpoo-Kalpc.,v 1Tpayµ6Tc.>v VENETZAS, VarL & Joas. 32.13-14;,; y1.vK6T1)S hovvwv ibid. 41.19
969
Other Forms
In several cases, lite~ary and non-literary texts contain forms of the pronoun ovTos/TouTos which present levelling of the stem form in the "wrong" direction. These should not be considered as regular variants of the pronoun, but as hypercorrections due to im~ec rfi t command of the hi gher registers of the language: -rrpOKaTetxe Kai iTTu)XOUS OUTOVS (1284, Athos?/Lemnos?, LEMERLE et al. 1977: 74, 25.34) ov-rai 6opal Tlves elo-lv Diig. Alex. M 4941 . oUT1) fJ opµao-la Assizes B 368.6 ov-res al 6uo o-uVTa~es Pol. Tr. 3889 app. crit. (A) TOV Kaipbv ouTov Spanos B 35 fJ mxpovo-a µov ouTfl YPs lireae11 6 KOKKOS DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2921.
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
972
Kai o-u, 6 TotoiiTos av6pc,mos, 6 l~alpeTos 6 vfos Liv. V 240 EK0µ1TW8ev (1586, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010:
205, 172.8) ToiiTo µa, TO 8a0µa elvai TotoiiTov Thavm. Nikon Metan. I 11-12 TOIOVTOV Ka8ws eup{01v &n0Kp1cr1aplwv (1361, Constantinople, KODER et al. 2001: 262,554.55) TOIOUTc.>V µeya;\c.,v av8pwnwv Chron. Mor. P 1003 T(A)V TOIOUTc.>V µETavo11µeveuv elvat 11 ~acrwla TCuV ovpavwv ANDONIOS, Vios Sym. StyL 244.43 TWV TOIOVTc.>V EIVat Tl ~acrwla TOO 0eo0 KALLIOUP., Kaini Diath. Mark. 10.14 TWV TOIOVTCuV ayleuv AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 10
Accusative
General TOIOIJTOVS Tous TotoliTovs T6nous (1017, Athos, LEMERLE et al. 1970: 21, 165.15) EK TOUSTOIOUTOVS av8pw'TTOVS (1165, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 167,220.20) TOIOIJTOVS O'UVTp6q>ous Pol. Tr. 793; TOIOUTOVS xv.iovs eppfljlO:O'l ibid. 6018 app. crit. (X) TotoUTovs Myovs PARASPOND., Machi Vamas 106 TOIOUTOVS µapTVpas Assizes B 395.23 TOIOUTOVS apxoVTas KaAOUS Synax. gadar. 245 To101JTous Myovs Mye1 Diig. Alex. Sem. B 125
Feminine Nominative
Genitive
General
General
Rare
TOIOUTES
TOlOVTat
TOIOUTOU µfXPt ToO To101iTov pvaK1wlov (1324, Thessaloniki, LEFORT et al. 1994: 80,285.29) TOIOUTOV npayµa-rou Assizes B 448.30
Plural Masculine Nominative
General··.
Kal 0-UVTOµov as yevc.>VTO:I TOIO!VTat !aTpeia1 Ptoch. IV 569 To100Tes lv1 ol µapTvples Assizes B 485.1 &Mes 'TTOTi TOIOUTES 6ev ly1vav KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 418.28 To100Tes 6xa~16ves Bertoldos 62.8
Genitive
General TOIOVTCuV
TOIOUTOI
977
978
II Nominal Morphology 5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
Tixs oµolas TWII To1ov-rc.>11 Assizes B 413.20 TWII TOIOVTc.>11 xap{Tc.>11 (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 12, 48.10)
Accusative General
Rare
TOlav-ras : TOIOVTES
To1a0Tes : To1ov-ras
aq>pµixs 1rpopCU1AEaa1 To1av-ras Dig. G IV.476 xo;\as 1r0Mixs a,r;\iJpc.>TaS, To1av-ras 111 (1183, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. IX: 24,433.20) rwv To1ourc.>11 l?i.a'iKw11 6ev6pwv (1251, Smyrna region, MIKLOSICHIMOLLER 1860/90, vol. 4: 28, 81.10) . TWII TOIOVTc.>11 xwpacplc.>v (1264, Kefalonia?, TZANNETATOS 1965: 1, 38.123) TWII TOIOVTc.>111111alc.>v (1346-7, Beylik of Aydin. ZACHARIADOU 1962: 256.50) TWII KCXKWII 11"0lflµII TWII I/Cl 11"01TJ011 els KaM1111 C::,s yio11 vix EVT) 6ia Tiiv 111 xap1aµII Dig. A 3515 TWV To1ouTc.>11 ~c!>c.>v Assizes A 198.9
Hypercorrect Forms
o TOICXUTQS 6 &6e?i.cp6s µov (1135, s. Italy, ROBINSON 1930: 34, 17.14) o TOlCXVTOS ,rep1op1aµ6s (1264 [17th c. copy], Kefalonia?, TZANNETATOS 1965: I, 33.64) ToO To1auTov oiKov (1200, S. Italy, TRINCHERA 1865: 249,339.15)
General
Rare
TOIi TOICXVTOII Kf\11"011 (1162, s. Italy, GUILLOU 1963: 9, 98.28)
TOlavTa
To100Ta
111ae TOlavTa ,rpos TTJII &p16(,ov STAFIDAS, Iatrosof. 24.184 ho1ou KTJiroupoO KoRNAROS, Erot. III.76
Accusative .
µ! Tfro10 Tpo-rro CHORTATSIS, Erof IV.501 dpfro1ov µ66ov (1604-5, Cythera, MAVROEIDI 1978: 148.45) Tero1ov l~oxov i'}pC.1a BouNIALIS EM., Epain. Korn. 138 ds TETOIO\I Tpo1TO\I (1691, Corfu, KAPADOCHOS 1990: 95,296.16)
sis TOIi hfro1ov Tp6-rrov Chron. Mor. H 3589
u' fro1ov µeyaJ,.ov K!v6uvov ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 1833 ds ho10 T61To P&N Diath. 5173 ho1ov Sriaavp6v MOREZINOS, Klini 8.2 µ' ho10 86vcrro ThysiaAvr. 176; µ' ho10 ?,apv Kav6va ibid. 639 ho10 8uµo FOSKOLOS, Fort. IY.128 µt ITOIOV µ66ov (1625, Crete, VLACHAKI 1986: 22,447.30) µ' ETOIOV µ660 (1634, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 704,685.5) fro1ov o:youpo KoRNAROS, Erot. IV.1940
Feminine Nominative General
Restricted
Rare
Tero1a
Thota
hota : TET01ava
ey!VT)V Thota 1Tapavoµla MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 218.32 Tho1a cptA16 Fior 78.22 TETOla µaxTJ fylvrrov EKEl TT)V wpav TOVTTJV Pol. Tr. 10941 · Tero1a e!vai TJ -rrlµ11 µou FOSKOLOS, Fort. III.450 exc:'x8TJv ETOla IIIOTl'l KORNAROS, Erot. V.16
General
Restricted
Rare
Genitive
TEToto(v)
TITOIO\I
ho10(11): TtToiov: htro1ov
General
Restricted
Rare
Tero1as
(Tho1as): TET01avi'js
ho1as
Tho1ov ekyev aKoirov Log. parig. L 205 eis TITOtOV T61TOV ep11µov Liv. V 3276 Tho1ov oTov ,;ellAav Chron. Toe. 2697 -rlTotov 0:1TtAoyii8riKEV fl a16poK6~a Myov Veith. 986 Kai T6Te T!Totov Epc.:>Ta Kai &y61TT)V TOIOVTTJS K6PTJs Liv. S 2208 els T!To1ov o:v6pav 8avµmTTov LIMEN., Velis. (A) 37 's T!To1ov Atµlt:>vav Cypr. Canz. 107.16 eis nTolov µ66ov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 29.30 TET01ov 016(,ov STAFIDAS, Iatrosof. 24.184 ho1ou KTJiroupoO KoRNAROS, Erot. III.76
Accusative .
µ! Tfro10 Tpo-rro CHORTATSIS, Erof IV.501 dpfro1ov µ66ov (1604-5, Cythera, MAVROEIDI 1978: 148.45) Tero1ov l~oxov i'}pC.1a BouNIALIS EM., Epain. Korn. 138 ds TETOIO\I Tpo1TO\I (1691, Corfu, KAPADOCHOS 1990: 95,296.16)
sis TOIi hfro1ov Tp6-rrov Chron. Mor. H 3589
u' fro1ov µeyaJ,.ov K!v6uvov ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 1833 ds ho10 T61To P&N Diath. 5173 ho1ov Sriaavp6v MOREZINOS, Klini 8.2 µ' ho10 86vcrro ThysiaAvr. 176; µ' ho10 ?,apv Kav6va ibid. 639 ho10 8uµo FOSKOLOS, Fort. IY.128 µt ITOIOV µ66ov (1625, Crete, VLACHAKI 1986: 22,447.30) µ' ETOIOV µ660 (1634, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 704,685.5) fro1ov o:youpo KoRNAROS, Erot. IV.1940
Feminine Nominative General
Restricted
Rare
Tero1a
Thota
hota : TET01ava
ey!VT)V Thota 1Tapavoµla MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 218.32 Tho1a cptA16 Fior 78.22 TETOla µaxTJ fylvrrov EKEl TT)V wpav TOVTTJV Pol. Tr. 10941 · Tero1a e!vai TJ -rrlµ11 µou FOSKOLOS, Fort. III.450 exc:'x8TJv ETOla IIIOTl'l KORNAROS, Erot. V.16
General
Restricted
Rare
Genitive
TEToto(v)
TITOIO\I
ho10(11): TtToiov: htro1ov
General
Restricted
Rare
Tero1as
(Tho1as): TET01avi'js
ho1as
Tho1ov ekyev aKoirov Log. parig. L 205 eis TITOtOV T61TOV ep11µov Liv. V 3276 Tho1ov oTov ,;ellAav Chron. Toe. 2697 -rlTotov 0:1TtAoyii8riKEV fl a16poK6~a Myov Veith. 986 Kai T6Te T!Totov Epc.:>Ta Kai &y61TT)V TOIOVTTJS K6PTJs Liv. S 2208 els T!To1ov o:v6pav 8avµmTTov LIMEN., Velis. (A) 37 's T!To1ov Atµlt:>vav Cypr. Canz. 107.16 eis nTolov µ66ov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 29.30 TET01ov 01payi6a TETOIO\I ibid. 707 q>ii\lav .•• mo1av oiav PoL Tr. 4266 e1s TET01av Ta~1v TheseidVI.26,5 (Olsen) TET01av 0:11 E)(TJS DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 1649 ae TETOlaV e,rapxlav M0SCH. THE0L., Vws Ag. Nik. 95 TETOlall KaAOcniVTJ (1571, Mani, DoKOS 1972: 4,260.7) µTJ6E EXW TETOla 6iCXKp101'} (1582, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001a: 126, 86.35) TETOIOV wpav Diig. Alex. Sem. B 848 TET01a11 xaPTJ MoNTSEL., Evgena 858, TETOlaY vmwealav Vws Aisop. D 215.25 elae TETOIO ,ra1veµeVTj ,rpOaKUVTJOi}V (1684, Naxos, SIFONI0U-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 475,
699.1) exo11Tapho1av eiro1j1la11 (1691, Corfu, KAPAD0CH0S 1990: 95,296.18)
TITOIO\I oTov ~8ei\av Chron. Toe. 2697 TIT01011 iroMcx 1rapa~e11011 Veith. 326 µETc..>1TOV aairpo Tho1ov ws TOU x1011{ou KoµµCXTI\I Liv. s 1281 Tho1011 KaKov MACHAIRAS, Chron. O 22.39 va ylve1 Tho1ov KaKov V0USTR., Chron. A 34.2 Tho1011 q>ua1Kov Fior 75.12 va ,rolaw Tho1ov irpaµav Kai TITolav ,rapal3oui\lav VoUSTR., Chron. M 61.18
va y1vel TITolov KaKOv VousTR., Chron. M 35.2 TET01011 irpayµa Pol. Tr. 369 app. crit. (BEV) TETIOII irpayµa Anon. NaupL 52 TETOIO i\(yo xap1uµa CH0RTATSIS, Erof. Dedic. 37 TETOIO KopµI aKplµCXTlaTO Thysia Avr. 342 e!pfro1ov q>Tala1µ011 (1675, Corfu, KAPADOCHOS 1990: 43,256.47) 6nas ljlE06os TETOIOV ,rpaµa (1689, Corfu, KAPAD0CHOS 1990: 84, 288.35-36) Kai 1TOTE Va µ~v ey1ve TETOIO epyov (1690, Naxos, T0URTOGLOU 1985/1990: 1,251.13) Kai TETOIO ,raMTJKCXpl KORNAR0S, Erot. IV.1940 ETOIOII 8ei\TJµ1TOV aairpo Tho1ov ws TOU x1011{ou KoµµCXTI\I Liv. s 1281 Tho1011 KaKov MACHAIRAS, Chron. O 22.39 va ylve1 Tho1ov KaKov V0USTR., Chron. A 34.2 Tho1011 q>ua1Kov Fior 75.12 va ,rolaw Tho1ov irpaµav Kai TITolav ,rapal3oui\lav VoUSTR., Chron. M 61.18
va y1vel TITolov KaKOv VousTR., Chron. M 35.2 TET01011 irpayµa Pol. Tr. 369 app. crit. (BEV) TETIOII irpayµa Anon. NaupL 52 TETOIO i\(yo xap1uµa CH0RTATSIS, Erof. Dedic. 37 TETOIO KopµI aKplµCXTlaTO Thysia Avr. 342 e!pfro1ov q>Tala1µ011 (1675, Corfu, KAPADOCHOS 1990: 43,256.47) 6nas ljlE06os TETOIOV ,rpaµa (1689, Corfu, KAPAD0CHOS 1990: 84, 288.35-36) Kai 1TOTE Va µ~v ey1ve TETOIO epyov (1690, Naxos, T0URTOGLOU 1985/1990: 1,251.13) Kai TETOIO ,raMTJKCXpl KORNAR0S, Erot. IV.1940 ETOIOII 8ei\TJµf6a (1584, Kefalonia, PEND0GAL0S 1976: 150.92) TOO"fl 1trrpa (1587, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 182, 150.24) vex 'xe1 TOO"T)V XCl'.P1'JV Thrinos patr. 0 10 (Luciani) els TOO"T)V O"Tlµa (1631, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 591,565.11) vex ,r6:pouv TOO"fl Yfis (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 11, 36.27) µe ToO"flv ayvwa1cx TR01ws, RodoL Prol. Mell. 38 KO\j/E TOOTJV q>Aov6a, OO"fl eivmfJ ~µepT) oirou 8EAEIS v~ j3aA11S LAND0S, Geopon. 149.31 ..
T6ao1 yap foKoTwSriaav, i)60.av ouK i)80.av PoL Tr. 6836 TOOOI 1TpaµaTeUTa6es MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 182.30 T6ao1 eTva1 ol 18oiia1Alex. Rim. 1415 va q>avi Tooo1 cxv8pc.,~01 KARTAN0S, P&N Diath. 360.27 T6ao1 j,aa1A1ol CH0RTATSIS, Erof. 1.534
Genitive T~v Tooc.>v i)yovµevwv (1288, Kos, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIDOU 1980: 75,228.27) · T60-w11 Kali&v &v8pw,rc.,v Pol. Tr. 5631 Tl TOO"OVTT) TapaxTJ Tc7>V TOOc.>V TWV &v6pw,rc.>V Uv. a 862 (= P 522) T~v 1t6vwv µov Twv Tooc.>v Liv. V 52 Tc.>11 Toowv j3aO"!Mc.,v TheseidVI.68,6 (Olsen)
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
990
er! liT)aµov1a h6a1'} P &N Diath. 785 xcxpcxv h6aT) Stathis 11.322 &v,-1µ01!3i'jv h6aT) F0SK0L0S, Fort. Interm. W 104 µe ,rpomTElav h6a1'} KATSAITIS, Thyestis. Dedic. 21; µ' airoKoTiav eTOO"fl ibid. Dedic. 31
Singular
Masculine Nominative ouK rjTov Tooos 6 Aa6s Chron: Mor. H 407 TOOOS Aaos oA!yos Pol. Tr. 1792; ecnpas TOO"TJS Pol Tr. 10720 cmo TTlS xap&s Tfis TOOflS AchiL O 106 TfiS 6ovATJS aou Tfis TOOT)S CH0RTATSIS, Katz. Il.171 TO"fj TOOT)S 6oVAE\j/T)S µou F0SK0LOS, Fort. Dedic. 32
ToO Tooov Ka1-36, Peloponnese, SCHREINER 1975n9:
36.II, 29.6)
991
.
TOO"TJV {T)µ{av Kal KOKOV ACHBLIS, Malt. Pol. 646 TOO"fl O"Taq>f6a (1584, Kefalonia, PEND0GAL0S 1976: 150.92) TOO"fl 1trrpa (1587, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/DRAKAKIS 2010: 182, 150.24) vex 'xe1 TOO"T)V XCl'.P1'JV Thrinos patr. 0 10 (Luciani) els TOO"T)V O"Tlµa (1631, Crete, ILIAKIS 2008: 591,565.11) vex ,r6:pouv TOO"fl Yfis (1636, Ithaca, ZAPANDI 2002b: 11, 36.27) µe ToO"flv ayvwa1cx TR01ws, RodoL Prol. Mell. 38 KO\j/E TOOTJV q>Aov6a, OO"fl eivmfJ ~µepT) oirou 8EAEIS v~ j3aA11S LAND0S, Geopon. 149.31 ..
T6ao1 yap foKoTwSriaav, i)60.av ouK i)80.av PoL Tr. 6836 TOOOI 1TpaµaTeUTa6es MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 182.30 T6ao1 eTva1 ol 18oiia1Alex. Rim. 1415 va q>avi Tooo1 cxv8pc.,~01 KARTAN0S, P&N Diath. 360.27 T6ao1 j,aa1A1ol CH0RTATSIS, Erof. 1.534
Genitive T~v Tooc.>v i)yovµevwv (1288, Kos, NYSTAZOPOULOU-PELEKIDOU 1980: 75,228.27) · T60-w11 Kali&v &v8pw,rc.,v Pol. Tr. 5631 Tl TOO"OVTT) TapaxTJ Tc7>V TOOc.>V TWV &v6pw,rc.>V Uv. a 862 (= P 522) T~v 1t6vwv µov Twv Tooc.>v Liv. V 52 Tc.>11 Toowv j3aO"!Mc.,v TheseidVI.68,6 (Olsen)
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
992
T6acx xcxplaµCXTcx e6t6av TheseidVI.1,5 (Olsen) 6ev foc.,vcxv Ta T6acx irou a' E1toiKav FALIEROS, Thrirws 279 µe T6aa 1TATJ611 ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 623 61ex TOOCX 6-rrov EKaµev KV p,iya6c.>v Diig. Alex. Sem. B 588 yian TO aiµa aa xv6ei TOOc.> aKi\,ipa1v Twv riµepv (1574, Corfu, ASONITIS 1999nOOO: 2, 168.20)
61et neo-aOTa Assizes A 124.2 e~a?tev enoaaOTa np6:yµaTa Assizes A 178.17
µETa TOO-aVTc.>V AOytO'µwv [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 1817
Accusative Too-ouTous )(POVous Log. parig. L 597 TOVS TOO'OUTOUS 1mpaaµovs [ANDR. PALAIOL.], Kallim. 2105 Too-ouTous )(POVOUS DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 2304
997
Genitive TOO'Ol/T(1,)V yap TWV &yaewv Dig. G VIl.216
5.5.3.4
TTJAIKOVTOS
iµirpoaTEv heaav-rous µapwpas Assizes A 139.23 E1TEO'KEV ibid. 39.9 O'TE v
Plural Masculine Nominative oo-a1 yevfoe1s elo-1, ToaoOTot ~a8µol (ca. 1300, Cyprus, MARUHN 1981: 244.603) J,aa1Acis Too-oOTot Pol. Tr. 8828
aµµe OTEO'aiiTa op!~et TO 61Ka1ov Assizes B 426.5; 8e;\e1 vex TOO 6p1&ve (1655, Kefalonia, ZAPANDI 2001b: 2, 188.8-9) 6 TO 1 Theseid Prol. p 46 av 6E\I 16& CXTfl µov KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 331.5-6 eyw To ei6a &-r6s µov µe Ta µ6-ria µou PAPA-LAVR., Diigisis (Meteoron) 107 7 foijya CXTfl µou (1596, Crete, VLACHAKI 1994: 297.7) .. Kai 8c'x viroypaljlT) 1 TT) (c..>T) µou CHORTATSIS, Erof.1.278 ch6s µou, &-r6s µov e~yai\a TCX µ6-r1a Ta 611VTaS TT}V 8upav RODI NOS, \.ios lgn. 118.22 &-rl') TllS ,raye1 µt TIS ToupKOVS (ante 1662, Sifnos, TSELIKAS 1986c: 2, 32.48-9) eKe!Vll crr1') TllS (1684, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982/83: 428, 649.8) i;Tove &-r6s TOV µfoa er' auTo Chron. Tourk. Soult. 30.25 &-r6s TOV Jrodis III.253 1st Person Plural &-rol µas va iro8avwµe TheseidV.55,8 (1529) fi va erqiayoOµev CXTol µas [VLASTOS], Dig. P 322.25 2nd Person Plural c!>s TO ei&re CXTo{ eras Chron. Mor. H 5510 ecreis q,w{yne CXTO{ o-as Epain. gyn. 485 tcreis CXTot a-as iJ~Mirm Diig. Alex. F 286.3-4 (Lolos) &-rol a-as aq,iepc:,ercrre Ta µepT1Ka eras (1572, Achaia, VEIS 1956: 450.15) O,TI 8eAETE CXTO{ o-as (1574, Crete, ANGELOMATI-TSOUNGARAKI 2007: 147.9) tAm foeis &-rot o-as KALLIO UP., Kaini Diath. Mark. 6.31 tAm CXTo{ a-as Zinon, V.323 ,roO eia-reve CXTOI eras SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 56.37 3rd Person Plural CXTol Tovs e1ra1voiiVTai Chron. Mor. H 761 Ka8wsTo eiirov CXTO{ TOVS (1506, Corfu, PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI et al. 1997: 475,338.11) CXTo{ Tovs (1532, Macedonia, DELIALIS 1969: 249.44) (Ta ,&a ...) rjA8av CXTa TOVS KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 189.4 ,rprne1 ol ircrrepes mo! TOVS avxvex va 60K1µa,ovv Tex iraiSla SOFIANOS, Paidag. 113.21-2 KS µov id. Erof. IV.213 ' yvwpl,w TO a1TaTTJ µov KoRNAROS, Erot. 1.1613, IIl.199; ,ralpvw TO cmm6s µou ibid. JI.954 2nd Person Singular Kuvl')ya &-rrcrr6s aov FALIEROS, Log. did. 218 Ka8ws 8EAE1s TO emd Kai ancrr6s aov Varl. & Joas. (Pantel.) 307 '1m6TJ a,rcmi o-ov s8eAT10-es P&N Diath. 1150 yicrrl 6e11 eiaai Ks TO ei&re CXTo{ eras Chron. Mor. H 5510 ecreis q,w{yne CXTO{ o-as Epain. gyn. 485 tcreis CXTot a-as iJ~Mirm Diig. Alex. F 286.3-4 (Lolos) &-rol a-as aq,iepc:,ercrre Ta µepT1Ka eras (1572, Achaia, VEIS 1956: 450.15) O,TI 8eAETE CXTO{ o-as (1574, Crete, ANGELOMATI-TSOUNGARAKI 2007: 147.9) tAm foeis &-rot o-as KALLIO UP., Kaini Diath. Mark. 6.31 tAm CXTo{ a-as Zinon, V.323 ,roO eia-reve CXTOI eras SOUMAKIS, Rebelio 56.37 3rd Person Plural CXTol Tovs e1ra1voiiVTai Chron. Mor. H 761 Ka8wsTo eiirov CXTO{ TOVS (1506, Corfu, PAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI et al. 1997: 475,338.11) CXTo{ Tovs (1532, Macedonia, DELIALIS 1969: 249.44) (Ta ,&a ...) rjA8av CXTa TOVS KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 189.4 ,rprne1 ol ircrrepes mo! TOVS avxvex va 60K1µa,ovv Tex iraiSla SOFIANOS, Paidag. 113.21-2 KS µov id. Erof. IV.213 ' yvwpl,w TO a1TaTTJ µov KoRNAROS, Erot. 1.1613, IIl.199; ,ralpvw TO cmm6s µou ibid. JI.954 2nd Person Singular Kuvl')ya &-rrcrr6s aov FALIEROS, Log. did. 218 Ka8ws 8EAE1s TO emd Kai ancrr6s aov Varl. & Joas. (Pantel.) 307 '1m6TJ a,rcmi o-ov s8eAT10-es P&N Diath. 1150 yicrrl 6e11 eiaai KOVEVO'T), ,rolous vc'x VIKT]O'T) RODINOS, Vios lgn. 51.7 a' 1TOIOUS Eyi Ju/ (VASMER 1922: 129, TZITZILIS 1999: 84).·
1010
II Nominal Morphology
5 Articles, Pronouns and Detenniners
Sd~oo TOY ,ra-r~pa crou Tlvous &youpous exet Achil. N 1575. The latter form, an analogy based on the acc. pl. of nouns in -os, is corroborated by a similar instance in the homophonous indefinite pronoun TIS: els Ta &µnlAta Kai Tonous Ttvovs onov exoµev (1513, Corfu, KARABOULAIPAPARRIGA-ARTEMIADI 1998: 9, 28.3). An acc. sg. Tlvave with addition of final /e/ is attested from the 17th c. The pronoun appears in texts from all areas and periods, in both literary and non-literary
sources, although legal texts normally contain very few instances of interrogative clauses. Forms with a feminine referent are much less frequent than masculine and neuter ones. In general, Tl is the only form displaying high frequency, whereas all other case-forms are much less common than the synonymous pronoun noios (see 5.7.1.1). Masculine and Feminine
Neuter
Singular Nom.
TIS l Tlvas (masc. only)
Tl
Gen.
Tlvos
(Tlvos)
Acc.
Tlva(v): Tlvave
Tl
Plural Nom.
Tlves
Tlva
Gen.
Tlvc.vv
Tlvc.vv
Acc.
Tlvas
Tlva
Singular Masculine/Feminine Nominative -rls eia-ai ov6EV yvc.vpl~c.v GLYKAS, Stichoi 538 TIS Tl a6T]µovla; Dig. G VIII.45 TO rn 8appEis;it TO 4vKev as To ypoc.)Vais ,roMais Kai laxupais, TIVc.>v; KCXTc.>8ev µev TWV cnrOO'TOAc.>11 DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 9, 13v.29-30 · Masculine/Feminine Accusative Tl axfiµa xoopETlaµaToS, Tlvas Myovs va -niv efoc.> Liv. a 2338 app. crit. (P) Tlvas Myovs TT!" epwTT)aes Kai Tl ciq>11YYJµa -niv elms; Liv. P 2735 (f.78v) transcr. (Lendari) av 6ev T)~eupaµev ,rolo1 e!O"Tev Kat Tivas ,roAEµehe N OUKIOS, Ais. Myth. 88.3-4 Neuter Accusative KOO TIVa TOIi EO'UVTVXa Kai TI µe cnreKplST)v Iiv. a 2231 TIVa 6e TJTOv Kai aVTTJvfis Tex Myia; DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 1, T)2v.24-5 Meanings and Usage
The interrogative Tis is employed both as a pronoun and as a determiner. It introduces direct and indirect interrogative clauses, which may also be preceded by the neuter definite article, e.g. epc.,>TI1JO'Oµev OUTO~S TO Tl yivC.:,crKOUO'l (1095, S. Italy/Sicily?, GUILLOU 1963: 2, 50.2); To ,i &~C.:,11e1 TOOV 'aoSlc.>11 (1227-50, Sicily, ibid. 20, 157.10); rrplv i6wµev TO Tl 611llouv Ta a1ylM1a (1142?, Sicily, CUSA 1868/82: Coll. V: 7,307.21). KOO TIS vex TOUS TO D.eyev; Kai TIS va TO h8vµ1:iT011; Chron. Toe. 3025 Tivos CfOV q>aivETal OTI 6µ01a; Spanos D 664 TIS av8pc.>'ll'oS \l(l ·xev l6ei TOIi 8pT)VICfµov TOIi TOO'Oll SKLAVOS, Symf. 63 TIS MyoS vex TTJII 6tTJYTJ8i'i, ,rola Cllopa µe T)Mev TOV a8A1ov PAPASYNAD., Chron. I §23.40 CXiTO Tl TOiTOV epxeaa1 Kai ,roO TWpa 'Tl'1lyalve1s; MoNTSEL., Evgena 1050
Plural Masculine/Feminine Nominative vex i6(A) Tlves EVTVXOVV Kai ,roio1 CXTUXOVO'IV Log. parig. L 111 o j?,aalAevs TJpwTT)ae Tlves Kai ,ro8ev e!va1 Pol. Tr. 264 (EVX) Kai va µe ava8t6a~en Tlves Kai ,ro8ev elO'TE Liv. a 3031 KOO TIVES KaTETOAµT)O'aV TexS xwpas µov KOvpaeuovv; Achil. N 201 Tivis u1fiipxov ot O'lpoves TE VEOI Dig. A 3009 yopyov opl va µou el,rfis Tlves O'E avµ~vM,vav Chron. Mor. P 668 Tlves KOO 6,roiot KaTEAaxov TOTES (1513, Athos, OIKONOMIDES 1978: App. III {b), 104.24) Kat TIVES dval 01 ex8pol OiTOU µov Aeye1s VarL & /oas. (Pantel.) 114 vex µas ei,roOv TIIIES e!va1 TOUTOI KARTANOS, P&N Diath. 351.10 EP(A)Twµevos TI\IES l')aav 01 yovels TOV, D.eye Ta ovoµaTa TOVS LANDOS, Kalok. 341.39 Masculine/Feminine/Neuter Genitive 1:!xe TOV TOIOUTOV u6poµuAc.>va Kai ytVWO'lV EO'TI (1370, Constantinople, OIKONOMID~S 1984: 39,223.10) foavc.> 's TI\l(A)ll va iTECJTI,; v yove(A)v 1req>vKev as To ypoc.)Vais ,roMais Kai laxupais, TIVc.>v; KCXTc.>8ev µev TWV cnrOO'TOAc.>11 DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 9, 13v.29-30 · Masculine/Feminine Accusative Tl axfiµa xoopETlaµaToS, Tlvas Myovs va -niv efoc.> Liv. a 2338 app. crit. (P) Tlvas Myovs TT!" epwTT)aes Kai Tl ciq>11YYJµa -niv elms; Liv. P 2735 (f.78v) transcr. (Lendari) av 6ev T)~eupaµev ,rolo1 e!O"Tev Kat Tivas ,roAEµehe N OUKIOS, Ais. Myth. 88.3-4 Neuter Accusative KOO TIVa TOIi EO'UVTVXa Kai TI µe cnreKplST)v Iiv. a 2231 TIVa 6e TJTOv Kai aVTTJvfis Tex Myia; DAM. STOUD., This., Logos 1, T)2v.24-5 Meanings and Usage
The interrogative Tis is employed both as a pronoun and as a determiner. It introduces direct and indirect interrogative clauses, which may also be preceded by the neuter definite article, e.g. epc.,>TI1JO'Oµev OUTO~S TO Tl yivC.:,crKOUO'l (1095, S. Italy/Sicily?, GUILLOU 1963: 2, 50.2); To ,i &~C.:,11e1 TOOV 'aoSlc.>11 (1227-50, Sicily, ibid. 20, 157.10); rrplv i6wµev TO Tl 611llouv Ta a1ylM1a (1142?, Sicily, CUSA 1868/82: Coll. V: 7,307.21). KOO TIS vex TOUS TO D.eyev; Kai TIS va TO h8vµ1:iT011; Chron. Toe. 3025 Tivos CfOV q>aivETal OTI 6µ01a; Spanos D 664 TIS av8pc.>'ll'oS \l(l ·xev l6ei TOIi 8pT)VICfµov TOIi TOO'Oll SKLAVOS, Symf. 63 TIS MyoS vex TTJII 6tTJYTJ8i'i, ,rola CllEAEi 11a Ka6eo-at O"TO O"TC!Tl BERGADIS,Apok. V 209 av WXTJ vex yvooplo-c,:,µev i11Ta va q>EprJ q>D.os F ALIEROS, Thrinos 336 1a011 va f3pw PIKAT., Rima thrin. 11 Ina 6p6111011 va 1rola-ovvVousTR., Chron. A 86.19 . . incx f3ovA~ 11a 1Aa f3p!O"lEAEi 11a Ka6eo-at O"TO O"TC!Tl BERGADIS,Apok. V 209 av WXTJ vex yvooplo-c,:,µev i11Ta va q>EprJ q>D.os F ALIEROS, Thrinos 336 1a011 va f3pw PIKAT., Rima thrin. 11 Ina 6p6111011 va 1rola-ovvVousTR., Chron. A 86.19 . . incx f3ovA~ 11a 1Aa f3p!O"lpe aKVAOt, illTCX 'vat TOVTa (1688, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982183: 769, 1045.13) ei11Ta elvat avTes ol lx,roKoT1es AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 189 KOO 6ev T}~EVJ){,) Tl va ',rw µ1'15' ivTa 71.oyaptaCc..> VEST., Pathi 186 Kai 6e11 eyvwptCev 1TOTE iVTa 'vat T\ tcrrrepa PROSOPSAS, Peri tyfiou 156
TlvTCXlivTCX may be used both as a pronoun and as a determiner, and both in direct and indirect questions, as well as in exclamatory clauses. Its use exactly parallels that of the neuter interrogative Tl (see 5.7.1.3). TIVTa µ~t va yev11 Assizes B 403.18 ire µas! 111Ta C11TCXTE; VousTR., Chron. A 302.2 TEillTa ev1 fi irapa6etaos Kai fi K67'.aats Fwr 150.17 fyw TO KaTEXc..> ivw 6EAEt (1612, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 5, 173.34) ei11Ta TOIi 6e7'.oµev TOii 1TAOVTOV, 6ev 1,7'.eiro\/Tas vex TO\/ 6wpo0µev! Diig. Sant. 58.2.3 µou Ti11Ta ,rpaµav 6ek1s va ,rolaets! VOUSTR., Chron. A 142.3 Tin' o:61Ktex I vex klirc..> ',rou TCX 1TAayTl TTIS! Cypr. Canz. 125.39 illTa aqia7'.µa e\lat ETOVTO MOREZINOS, Klini 154.16 Et\/Ta TEAOS vcxxou11e ETOVTa TCX a,iµa6ta (post 1647, Crete?, SCHREINER 1975n9: 65.IV, 43.2-3) a' iVTa yKPEµ6, a' iVTa j,u8o ae ,raet TO ptCtK6 aou KORNAROS, Erot. III.152
,re
In indirect questions, it may be preceded by the substantivizing neuter definite article, e.g.: cm?.wvc..>, mavc..> TTJV ypaqi,;v, 8tc..>pw TO TEi\/Ta ypaq>Et Liv. E 1941 eCiJTTlaE\I TOUS ~UAf\11 TO TIVTa vex ,rola,i MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 160.33 vex aoO epµ,ivevaouatv TO TEiVTa 8ek1s ,ro{aet DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 86 eyvwpiaaµev To iVTa µos e!,yaTICet (1554, Crete, ILIAK1s/CHRONAKI 2002: 216, 191.23) • vex µa8c..> TO i11Ta ey{1111 KORNAROS, Erot. V.588
5.7.2
Quantitative/qualitative Interrogatives
5.7.2.1
Tr60"0S
Toe MedG pronoun and determiner Tr6cros, Tr6o-T), TC6crov is a direct continuation of AG Tr6cros. It is used throughout the period as the main quantitative interrogative pronoun and retains this role in MG. It inflects as a regular adjective in -os (see 3.2.1). No extended forms have.been located in the corpus examined. Very rarely, as an archaic survival, the pronoun cm6cros may be found, introducing direct exclamatory clauses, e.g.: 6n6crovs EK TOV Kfv6vvov TOUS lxeis AVTpc.)µevovs I Kl etcrt KOAOV Kai CXVCXTCOVO"lV TOIJS lxeis cxcpepµevovs DEFAR., Log. did. 763-4 ..
Masculine
Feminine
1017
Neuter
Singular
Nom.
,r6aos
ir6a,i
ir6ao(v)
Gen.
TTOOOU
ir6a,is
(n6aou)
Acc.
,r6ao(v)
ir6a,i(v)
ir6ao(v)
Plural
Nom.
ir6ao1
ir6aat : ir6aes
n6aa
Gen.
TTOOc..>V
ir6ac..>v
1TOOc..>ll
Acc.
,r6aous
ir6aas : ir6aes
n6aa
Singular Masculine Nominative Kai TrOOoS enape7'.aj,ev KMvos TOY Aoyiaµ6v µou Liv. a 2091 a, n6aos i')To11e i,aaus 6 T6iros 6 8?.tµµe11os, P&N Diath. 113 n6aos Kalp0S a,repaaev MATTHAIOS MYR., 1st. Vlach. 15 n6aos cia!,EaT11S Diath. Nikon Metan. 92 n6aos 7'.aos exaS,,Kev EKEi TTJV wpa Kel1111! BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 451.20 n6aos Aaos ,rpeµaCwµevos TPEXEt KORNAROS, Erot.11.1464 .. Masculine Genitive eµa8a TCX ypaµµaTtKCX 1TATjV µna K6iTOU ir6aou Ptoch. III 80 TO iTOOOU xP6vou 6taaT11µa ,rape6paµa 6ta aevaLiv. V 1143 Kai µETa ir6aov aTEvayµoO Kai µETCX ir6aou ir6vou [ANDR.. PALAIOL.], Kallim 1382 Kai TO ,ra16I ,r6aou KatpoO vex 'TOVE 0\ITE TO 'maaa; FOSKOLOS, Fort. IV.535 . Masculine Accusative n6aov ir68ov elxes Spaneas V 30 els n6aov 1111s! NouKIOS, Ais. Myth. 110.4 110 µeTpfiaet ir6aov elvat TO Kplµa Kai ,r6a,i elvat Tl eVTpom'i TOO o:6ei\qx,O TOU MoREZINOS, Klini 44.3 noo,, µeya7'.f1 Kat iroMfi elv' 11 yeµir6peoi't aou CHORTATSIS, Panor. IV.378
i
1016
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
6ia va cpalvmxt iVTa euplaKnat Tiiv oi'tµepov (1632, Naxos, KATSOURos 1958/59: 8, 141.52) yia va yeviis iVTa; VENETZAS, VarL & loas. 33.33 6e11 ~el)pe aKVAOt, illTCX 'vat TOVTa (1688, Naxos, SIFONIOU-KARAPA et al. 1982183: 769, 1045.13) ei11Ta elvat avTes ol lx,roKoT1es AGAP., Mart. Ag. Deka 189 KOO 6ev T}~EVJ){,) Tl va ',rw µ1'15' ivTa 71.oyaptaCc..> VEST., Pathi 186 Kai 6e11 eyvwptCev 1TOTE iVTa 'vat T\ tcrrrepa PROSOPSAS, Peri tyfiou 156
TlvTCXlivTCX may be used both as a pronoun and as a determiner, and both in direct and indirect questions, as well as in exclamatory clauses. Its use exactly parallels that of the neuter interrogative Tl (see 5.7.1.3). TIVTa µ~t va yev11 Assizes B 403.18 ire µas! 111Ta C11TCXTE; VousTR., Chron. A 302.2 TEillTa ev1 fi irapa6etaos Kai fi K67'.aats Fwr 150.17 fyw TO KaTEXc..> ivw 6EAEt (1612, Crete, CHAIRETI 1969: 5, 173.34) ei11Ta TOIi 6e7'.oµev TOii 1TAOVTOV, 6ev 1,7'.eiro\/Tas vex TO\/ 6wpo0µev! Diig. Sant. 58.2.3 µou Ti11Ta ,rpaµav 6ek1s va ,rolaets! VOUSTR., Chron. A 142.3 Tin' o:61Ktex I vex klirc..> ',rou TCX 1TAayTl TTIS! Cypr. Canz. 125.39 illTa aqia7'.µa e\lat ETOVTO MOREZINOS, Klini 154.16 Et\/Ta TEAOS vcxxou11e ETOVTa TCX a,iµa6ta (post 1647, Crete?, SCHREINER 1975n9: 65.IV, 43.2-3) a' iVTa yKPEµ6, a' iVTa j,u8o ae ,raet TO ptCtK6 aou KORNAROS, Erot. III.152
,re
In indirect questions, it may be preceded by the substantivizing neuter definite article, e.g.: cm?.wvc..>, mavc..> TTJV ypaqi,;v, 8tc..>pw TO TEi\/Ta ypaq>Et Liv. E 1941 eCiJTTlaE\I TOUS ~UAf\11 TO TIVTa vex ,rola,i MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 160.33 vex aoO epµ,ivevaouatv TO TEiVTa 8ek1s ,ro{aet DELLAP., Erot. apokr. 86 eyvwpiaaµev To iVTa µos e!,yaTICet (1554, Crete, ILIAK1s/CHRONAKI 2002: 216, 191.23) • vex µa8c..> TO i11Ta ey{1111 KORNAROS, Erot. V.588
5.7.2
Quantitative/qualitative Interrogatives
5.7.2.1
Tr60"0S
Toe MedG pronoun and determiner Tr6cros, Tr6o-T), TC6crov is a direct continuation of AG Tr6cros. It is used throughout the period as the main quantitative interrogative pronoun and retains this role in MG. It inflects as a regular adjective in -os (see 3.2.1). No extended forms have.been located in the corpus examined. Very rarely, as an archaic survival, the pronoun cm6cros may be found, introducing direct exclamatory clauses, e.g.: 6n6crovs EK TOV Kfv6vvov TOUS lxeis AVTpc.)µevovs I Kl etcrt KOAOV Kai CXVCXTCOVO"lV TOIJS lxeis cxcpepµevovs DEFAR., Log. did. 763-4 ..
Masculine
Feminine
1017
Neuter
Singular
Nom.
,r6aos
ir6a,i
ir6ao(v)
Gen.
TTOOOU
ir6a,is
(n6aou)
Acc.
,r6ao(v)
ir6a,i(v)
ir6ao(v)
Plural
Nom.
ir6ao1
ir6aat : ir6aes
n6aa
Gen.
TTOOc..>V
ir6ac..>v
1TOOc..>ll
Acc.
,r6aous
ir6aas : ir6aes
n6aa
Singular Masculine Nominative Kai TrOOoS enape7'.aj,ev KMvos TOY Aoyiaµ6v µou Liv. a 2091 a, n6aos i')To11e i,aaus 6 T6iros 6 8?.tµµe11os, P&N Diath. 113 n6aos Kalp0S a,repaaev MATTHAIOS MYR., 1st. Vlach. 15 n6aos cia!,EaT11S Diath. Nikon Metan. 92 n6aos 7'.aos exaS,,Kev EKEi TTJV wpa Kel1111! BOUNIALIS M., Diig. Pol. 451.20 n6aos Aaos ,rpeµaCwµevos TPEXEt KORNAROS, Erot.11.1464 .. Masculine Genitive eµa8a TCX ypaµµaTtKCX 1TATjV µna K6iTOU ir6aou Ptoch. III 80 TO iTOOOU xP6vou 6taaT11µa ,rape6paµa 6ta aevaLiv. V 1143 Kai µETa ir6aov aTEvayµoO Kai µETCX ir6aou ir6vou [ANDR.. PALAIOL.], Kallim 1382 Kai TO ,ra16I ,r6aou KatpoO vex 'TOVE 0\ITE TO 'maaa; FOSKOLOS, Fort. IV.535 . Masculine Accusative n6aov ir68ov elxes Spaneas V 30 els n6aov 1111s! NouKIOS, Ais. Myth. 110.4 110 µeTpfiaet ir6aov elvat TO Kplµa Kai ,r6a,i elvat Tl eVTpom'i TOO o:6ei\qx,O TOU MoREZINOS, Klini 44.3 noo,, µeya7'.f1 Kat iroMfi elv' 11 yeµir6peoi't aou CHORTATSIS, Panor. IV.378
i
II Nominal Morphology
1018
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
,roaT) µeyaATJ aµo:p·rlo: elvo:i fl ,ro:paKOVTJ PAPASYNAD., Chron. ID §27.14 . TCOaT) xo:pa ey!VT)KE\I EKEIVT)V TTI\I 11µJpav IOAKEIM KYPR., Pali 8403 Kal irOaTJ mp1616PaaTJ a' &A.11 TTl xcbpa ey{vTJ KoRNAROS, £rot. V.1458
Masculine Accusative ,r6aovs fcpepe 6ovi\ovs; Dig. G 11.61 ,r6aovs va irM~eu O"T!xovs Ptoch. /// 142 ,r6aous TETOIOVS C:,aav EC"€\/ EXEi aTTj\l e~ovalav TOv; Chron. Mor. H 3763 (JU SE, KCXAE vecbTepe, 1TOO"OVS Svvaao:i 1plas Dig. A 495; Kai Tt11as cxMovs avyymTs, Tovs a6EAcpous Tov Myc.> ibid. 1184 · exe1s µapTVpas Tlllas; Porikol. l 42 exETe µ6:pn,pas nvas vex 6el~eTe els ToiiTo Velis. x 50 elxe116wae11Tp0S TOIi 1Tap6YTa KVP Aa.~011 TOIi :fapaTT]y611 TIIICXS T67TOVS (1567, Corfu, VERRA et al. 2007: 328, 232.4) µmi f]µepas T1vas 'Wos Aisop. D 231.31 hrol11ae Ttvas f]µepas PAPA-LAVR., Diigis1s (Meteoron) 106.19 · aas ypacpw e6C> 1Tapeµ1Tp6s TIYCXS vov8ea{as LANDOS, Geopon. 173.17 ooa 6eAovY TVXEI "!TpctyµaTa Kal acptepc.,6oiiv 1'.mo TIIICXS XPICJTtavovs (1692, Santorini,
PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 49, 38.27) Kl OUK eixaa111 cxMovs TIYES CXIITPES EKEi µET' 11 xwpacplwv (1134, Sicily, CusA 1868/82: Coll. I: 4, 13.9) &T]plw11 T111w11 (16th c., Unknown, DELATTE 1927: [l], 68.15) ovxl 6e "ITAOUTOV gVEKa, OVTE TIIIWY XPTJµCXTWII Dig. A 2138 T1vw111Tpayµ6Twv Kai V"ITOCJTaTIKWII (1563, Corfu, VERRA et al. 2007: 246, 177.5)
The pronoun TIS functions both as a pronoun and as a determiner. Examples: Pronoun eav 6wC1Tj TIS Kai IJIVXIKOII cmo TOVS cp!Aoxplcn-ovs Proch. IV 142 OTave6 µov ou6e11 µoii eµIA11aa11, TIIICXS µ,; TO Kavx&Tat Dig. E 361 Kai µTj6ev Topµt'JC1TJ TIIICXS I/Cl ~T]µIIIWC1TJ TIIICXII MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 316.2 ' K6,rTet TWII YEWY TCXS KE /v/ (T{~OTES, Ti~OTaS, Ti~OTa, ni30TO"l, Ti~ETIS, Ti~mn) and change of /o/ > /e/ possibly on the analogy of ens/hcr1 (Timns, Ti(3ens, Ti~mn). A single attestation of TioTa (vex µriv T)µnopfi 1rAfov µT}TE hoiiTos µfJTe a.XAos vex 6!aaelaTJ TIOTa (1573, Andros, POLEMIS 1999a: 5, 17.7))derives from deletion of 1enitedintervocalic /v/. The forms in -T /e/ possibly on the analogy of ens/hcr1 (Timns, Ti(3ens, Ti~mn). A single attestation of TioTa (vex µriv T)µnopfi 1rAfov µT}TE hoiiTos µfJTe a.XAos vex 6!aaelaTJ TIOTa (1573, Andros, POLEMIS 1999a: 5, 17.7))derives from deletion of 1enitedintervocalic /v/. The forms in -TTCXtaa KCXl TITCOTIS PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1979 KCX\ Mxe1 TOVS TITCOTIS (1671, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 20, 91.13) 6ev µTrpoTEVTEpEl TCAEOV TITCOTIS (1674, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 83, 48.3) TITCOTIS cnr' o,TI TfiS f\8EAE eupe8fiv (1675, Amorgos, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 32, 25.9) µT}TE &Mo TITCOTIS (1688, Peloponnese, GRITSOPOULOS 1954: (4), 138.30) 6ev µoii e6u>KES TITCOTIS (1691, Sibiu, TSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 2011: A 17a, f.45v.30) . els xap6:Taw ft els aAAOV TITCOTIS (1692, Samos, IOANNOU 1992: 1,457.10) TITCOTI 61ex vex Tp&lyovv TITroTI Pol Tr. 2727 app. crit (R) ThrOTI ovx eup{aKEI Veith. 1138 yia vex TOU TCO:Pfl TITrOTl KORONAIOS, Andrag. Bua 1.82 . vex µ116ev i\8EAEV EXEi TITCOTI cmo Tex cxya86: µov (1524, Corfu, LITSAS/LEONDIADOU 2011: 135, 168.29) TOTE ~flT6lVTa 616:!311Ke TITron 1?>0118elav AcHELIS, Malt. Pol..580 vex TCOVAT}aouv TITCOTI (1615, Santorini, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 9, 5.48) j,Afue vex µt'lv aoil Kaµovve TITCOTI (1644, Chios, PAPADOPOULOS 1987: 25.8) TITCOTCX 6 TrCXTflP µou els CXVTex TITroTa ouK elxev (1042, S. Italy, GUILLOU 1967: 3, 44.10) vex µ116ev EXfl cx6etav vex aas cxvoxA-fJOTI TITCOTCX (1440, Rhodes, TSIRPANLIS 1995: 126,401.11) Ka\ µ6V1']V KOPflV EACXl3cx Kcxl TITroTa ou XPfl~u> Dig. E 1300 EACX vex TOY 16oiiµev I KCXl CXUTQS µii ~EUPfl TITCOTCX 61ex vex µas 6pµ11veu011 Liv. V 2525 ·Ka\ KAE'V11S TITroTcx vex q>as i\ TITroTcx vex !yyl011s Diig. tetr. 221 app. crit. (C) T{TCOTCX 6ev TOY ej?,Aaj?,ev Chron. Toe. 3260 gc.>S va µ6:81'] TITroTa 61' eKEivov TOY PouµmlpTov Chron. Mor. P 2234 ou6e TrlaTEUu) TITCOTCX EIS TOY crrraVTa Koaµov Theseid VI.69,4 (Olsen) els eao:s 6e 8eAC.> TITroTcx Nov. 11161.6 Ka\ T1vcxs vex µriv 6iaael011 TITroTcx (1543, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 239,225.26) xwp\s va TCAep&lvovv TITCOTCX (1571, Mani, DOKOS 1972: 5,261.23) vex µT)V TiTI'OTCX els e6cxiiTo (1661, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 11, 125.7) · ,i,roTaS TITI'OTCXS OOTCITIOV (1473, Corfu, KONIDARISIRODOLAKIS 1996: 18, 158.22) Els ,roMv cxKp1!36v Ka\ Trpmouµevov TliroTas µeyCXAEiov (1487, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 10, 66.12) Sev TOV TCX el30Aaa1 6~o6ov TITCOTCXS 610 TC! \leVTIKCI (15th c., Crete, KODER 1964: 48.31) KCXI av OUK T)~eupe1s Tl'Tl'OTCXS KCXi xave1s µe cnre TC.::,pa Flor. L 1013 TliroTCXS ouK EAEt'Vev aTeiv TrAfo Tl'Tl'ETIS (1672, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1971n3: 8, 170.18) Tll30TE 6x1 aMov Tlj)oTE (1512, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 32, 56.15) Tlj?,ons Ka\ 6Trou TOO ;\elm1 Tll3ons 1vap1 F ALIER OS, /st. On. 602 (ms A) . Tll3oTES 6ev eq>fjKes Rim. kor. A 116 eaTa81']Kev iroMv Ka1p6v, Tll30TES y1a vex µ6:8e1Apo/L Rim. E 1017 EpCuT1']8els Trapex TOO VOTaplov el 8EAC.> TCOIT}aEIV CXAAO Tlj)oTes (1515, Crete, KAKLAMANis/ LAMBAKIS 2003: 43, 75.18) 6 'l>.Ae~av6pos Tll?,oTes 8e vex Trol011 Alex. Rim. 2240 Kl OTCXV Kep6e011 Tll30TEs DEFAR., log. did. 99 e!Se Kai i;8e;\ev TrCXVTpEVTEi f\ Ka\ ~ETCEOTI nl30TES (1555, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/ DRAKAKIS 2010: 114, 89.8) Va µ116ev XPEu>aTei vex 6{611 Tll3ons (1576, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2008: 62, 126.14) VCI µT)V TOO ~ TCAEO\I Tll30TES (1593, Kefalonia, PENDOGALOS 1975: 18, 136.20) Tll30TEs Pist. voskos IV.8.55 µe q>u>Tles i\ µe ,rhpes i\ µe aAACX Tll30TES Chron. Tourk. Soult. 81.11 Tll30Ta 6ev µoO l6u>Kev Tll30Ta (1513, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 37, 64.44-5) µa TOVTO 6ev elv' Tll30Ta CHORTATSIS, Katz. 1.83 VCI µT)v TOUS Kaµ11 Tll30Ta Chron. Tourk. Soult. 118.11
1036
II Nominal Morphology
6ux vex µriv TrEOTI EIS TITCOTES aEA~CXI SoUMMAKIS, Past. Fid. D4r.24 TITCOVTIS TrAlO cnrov Tex aTCITla (1653, Skiathos, EVANGELIDIS 1913: 67.3) av TlXPEu>aToOacxv T!Trons poOxa (1664, Mykonos, TouRTOGLOU 1980/81: 3, 20.14-15) T{TCOTIS j,6:pos (1666, Corfu, KARLAFTI-MOURATIDI 2005b: 1, 91.19) a aou 'q>TCXtaa KCXl TITCOTIS PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 1979 KCX\ Mxe1 TOVS TITCOTIS (1671, Santorini, TSELIKAS 1985: 20, 91.13) 6ev µTrpoTEVTEpEl TCAEOV TITCOTIS (1674, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 83, 48.3) TITCOTIS cnr' o,TI TfiS f\8EAE eupe8fiv (1675, Amorgos, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 32, 25.9) µT}TE &Mo TITCOTIS (1688, Peloponnese, GRITSOPOULOS 1954: (4), 138.30) 6ev µoii e6u>KES TITCOTIS (1691, Sibiu, TSOURKA-PAPASTATHI 2011: A 17a, f.45v.30) . els xap6:Taw ft els aAAOV TITCOTIS (1692, Samos, IOANNOU 1992: 1,457.10) TITCOTI 61ex vex Tp&lyovv TITroTI Pol Tr. 2727 app. crit (R) ThrOTI ovx eup{aKEI Veith. 1138 yia vex TOU TCO:Pfl TITrOTl KORONAIOS, Andrag. Bua 1.82 . vex µ116ev i\8EAEV EXEi TITCOTI cmo Tex cxya86: µov (1524, Corfu, LITSAS/LEONDIADOU 2011: 135, 168.29) TOTE ~flT6lVTa 616:!311Ke TITron 1?>0118elav AcHELIS, Malt. Pol..580 vex TCOVAT}aouv TITCOTI (1615, Santorini, PAPADOPOULOS/FLORENDIS 1990: 9, 5.48) j,Afue vex µt'lv aoil Kaµovve TITCOTI (1644, Chios, PAPADOPOULOS 1987: 25.8) TITCOTCX 6 TrCXTflP µou els CXVTex TITroTa ouK elxev (1042, S. Italy, GUILLOU 1967: 3, 44.10) vex µ116ev EXfl cx6etav vex aas cxvoxA-fJOTI TITCOTCX (1440, Rhodes, TSIRPANLIS 1995: 126,401.11) Ka\ µ6V1']V KOPflV EACXl3cx Kcxl TITroTa ou XPfl~u> Dig. E 1300 EACX vex TOY 16oiiµev I KCXl CXUTQS µii ~EUPfl TITCOTCX 61ex vex µas 6pµ11veu011 Liv. V 2525 ·Ka\ KAE'V11S TITroTcx vex q>as i\ TITroTcx vex !yyl011s Diig. tetr. 221 app. crit. (C) T{TCOTCX 6ev TOY ej?,Aaj?,ev Chron. Toe. 3260 gc.>S va µ6:81'] TITroTa 61' eKEivov TOY PouµmlpTov Chron. Mor. P 2234 ou6e TrlaTEUu) TITCOTCX EIS TOY crrraVTa Koaµov Theseid VI.69,4 (Olsen) els eao:s 6e 8eAC.> TITroTcx Nov. 11161.6 Ka\ T1vcxs vex µriv 6iaael011 TITroTcx (1543, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: 239,225.26) xwp\s va TCAep&lvovv TITCOTCX (1571, Mani, DOKOS 1972: 5,261.23) vex µT)V TiTI'OTCX els e6cxiiTo (1661, Gortynia, GRITSOPOULOS 1950: 11, 125.7) · ,i,roTaS TITI'OTCXS OOTCITIOV (1473, Corfu, KONIDARISIRODOLAKIS 1996: 18, 158.22) Els ,roMv cxKp1!36v Ka\ Trpmouµevov TliroTas µeyCXAEiov (1487, Rhodes, LEFORT 1981: 10, 66.12) Sev TOV TCX el30Aaa1 6~o6ov TITCOTCXS 610 TC! \leVTIKCI (15th c., Crete, KODER 1964: 48.31) KCXI av OUK T)~eupe1s Tl'Tl'OTCXS KCXi xave1s µe cnre TC.::,pa Flor. L 1013 TliroTCXS ouK EAEt'Vev aTeiv TrAfo Tl'Tl'ETIS (1672, Naxos, KATSOUROS 1971n3: 8, 170.18) Tll30TE 6x1 aMov Tlj)oTE (1512, Crete, KAKLAMANISILAMBAKIS 2003: 32, 56.15) Tlj?,ons Ka\ 6Trou TOO ;\elm1 Tll3ons 1vap1 F ALIER OS, /st. On. 602 (ms A) . Tll3oTES 6ev eq>fjKes Rim. kor. A 116 eaTa81']Kev iroMv Ka1p6v, Tll30TES y1a vex µ6:8e1Apo/L Rim. E 1017 EpCuT1']8els Trapex TOO VOTaplov el 8EAC.> TCOIT}aEIV CXAAO Tlj)oTes (1515, Crete, KAKLAMANis/ LAMBAKIS 2003: 43, 75.18) 6 'l>.Ae~av6pos Tll?,oTes 8e vex Trol011 Alex. Rim. 2240 Kl OTCXV Kep6e011 Tll30TEs DEFAR., log. did. 99 e!Se Kai i;8e;\ev TrCXVTpEVTEi f\ Ka\ ~ETCEOTI nl30TES (1555, Cythera, CHAROU-KORONAIOU/ DRAKAKIS 2010: 114, 89.8) Va µ116ev XPEu>aTei vex 6{611 Tll3ons (1576, Kefalonia, VAYONAKIS et al. 2008: 62, 126.14) VCI µT)V TOO ~ TCAEO\I Tll30TES (1593, Kefalonia, PENDOGALOS 1975: 18, 136.20) Tll30TEs Pist. voskos IV.8.55 µe q>u>Tles i\ µe ,rhpes i\ µe aAACX Tll30TES Chron. Tourk. Soult. 81.11 Tll30Ta 6ev µoO l6u>Kev Tll30Ta (1513, Crete, KAKLAMANIS/LAMBAKIS 2003: 37, 64.44-5) µa TOVTO 6ev elv' Tll30Ta CHORTATSIS, Katz. 1.83 VCI µT)v TOUS Kaµ11 Tll30Ta Chron. Tourk. Soult. 118.11
1038
II Nominal Morphology
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
1039
Tl~mxs Tlf3nas Tl µir6pEO"T) Va 1..ehm Tl~rn (1662, Sifnos, MERTZIOS 1958a: 1, 107.16)
Ti~OTIS ii \ICX TOVS yvpEl.flCuµEv 1TAfo elae Tli?,oTtS (1524, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: I 9, 61.21) avev 1..11aµ6VT)aa (1529, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1978: 5, 25.30) cpo~Oµat \ICX µ,;v ir68T\ Tli?,OTIS (1584, Genoa/Italy, PAPADOPOULOS 1978: 1,318.10) TOUTT) TT)\I l°)pa Tl~TIS Topvfoa ea TOV cpayeu CHORTATSIS, Katz. I.352 µaVTOTO Tl~OTIS l..ehm Tl~rn (1662, Sifnos, MERTZIOS 1958a: 1, 107.16)
Ti~OTIS ii \ICX TOVS yvpEl.flCuµEv 1TAfo elae Tli?,oTtS (1524, Crete, MAVROMATIS 1994a: I 9, 61.21) avev 1..11aµ6VT)aa (1529, Crete, BAKKER/VANGEMERT 1978: 5, 25.30) cpo~Oµat \ICX µ,;v ir68T\ Tli?,OTIS (1584, Genoa/Italy, PAPADOPOULOS 1978: 1,318.10) TOUTT) TT)\I l°)pa Tl~TIS Topvfoa ea TOV cpayeu CHORTATSIS, Katz. I.352 µaVTOTO Tl~OTIS lS yivna1 iroM~evpos evas ,roO 8eAEt ,rp6:~ BOUBOULIS, Umbon. 121 evas K01TETCXIIIOS MTJAIC:,TTJs (1691, Cythera, KALLIGEROS 2001: 9, 41.2) evas )'laTPoS 'Of3paics Ellll e6&'> (1697, Thessaloniki, KATSANIS 2012: 4, 59.26) eµoJ,.ov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 546.19 elmv yeis \I (1713, Chios, LAMBROS 1910: 351,209.1)
Genitive For the gen. sg. evov, attested since the 12th c., see masc. above. The form µ1a1100 is formed on the basis of the feminine and is attested since the late 17th c.: in documents from the Heptanese. It occurs only in the sense of the numeral "one". ..
General .. e116s l (e)voO
. '
Restricted
(e)1100sf(e)11ous
,
Rare
'·
O\IOVS l µ101100
XEA166111a Tpla maae ..• Ka\ 6eae Kal els TO no6ap111 TOU naaa ElloS STAFIDAS, Iatrosof. 11.295 ej?>~aal\l V1TOKCXTW8E\I e116s 6e116pov NOUKIOS, Ais. Myth. 104.2 f\loS Kapa~tov XOVTpoO (16th c., Unknown, DELATTE 1946: 493.12) els evbs 6e116pov 01(1011 Wos Aisop. K 149 .18 e116s TOV aplov aapaK1'j111Kov MACHAIRAS, Chron. V 272.26 eµ,rMaa\l 'vou KCXTepyov q,AovpoVVTl\l{KOV VOUSTR., Chron. A 12.lf-15 vovs KaaTeM1oO AcHELIS, Malt. Pol 775 aTpCXTtwTT'l 'vovs Kopaaov CHORTATSIS, Erof. lnterm. II.112 . ~\la 6epµaTI I'vovs AIO\IT0p\OV KORNAROS, Erot. 11.349-50 nl\11pc.,µfls 6vous Ko111aµ6Tou (1623, Crete, X~NTHOUDIDIS 1912: 47, 126.7) m\laKlou µ101100 (1691, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 142, 82.1); µ101100 KaVTapEAIOU (1713, . ibid. 322, 211.2)
1051
ou6e{ s
5.8.6
The negative indefinite pronoun ov6ds is a direct inheritance from AG. It is quite co~on in LMedG and EMG texts, and has no connotations of archaism, although some inflectional forms which remain close to AG inflectional patterns are preferred in texts of a more formal register. Ou6eis competes with Kavels and Tts/nvas in vernacular texts, but is less common than either of these. In some instances it is difficult to distinguish (as in the case of ov6eKavds) the complex pronoun ou6eis, ou6evas, ou6eyels from the collocation of negative conjunction ou6e + indefinite pronoun ets, ivas, y-eTs, and editorial practice in this respect may vary. Ou6els develops a series of innovative inflectional forms, following the pattern of eTs/evas (for which see 5.8.5), but does not exhibit the full range of variants. The innovative forms of the pronoun ov6els first appear, as in the case of eTs/evas, in the 15th c. The forms with anaptyxis of intervocalic /y/ are restricted to Crete and appear from the 16th c. onwards. The neuter paradigm of the pronoun is very rarely attested in vernacular texts. The only form that appears with any regularity is the innovative variant ou6eva(v). The genitive ou6ev6s/ou6evo0 has not been located so far, and the inherited form of the nomJacc. sg. ou6ev lacks attestations because it evolves, during the MedG period, into a negative particle. Ou6ev functioned already in AG as a reinforcer of the main sentential negator ou, and came finally, in the MedG period, to replace it, following a frequent cross-linguistic path of evolution; for detailed textual, chronological and syntactic analysis see LANDSMAN 1988/89, KIPARSKY/CONDORAVDI 2006, CHATZOPOULOU 2012, WILLMOTT 2013.As a result, although the form ou6ev is abundant in vernacular texts, its meaning is that of a simple sentential negator, e.g Tis efom ou6ev yvc.>p{'c.) GLYKAS, Stichoi 538; ou6ev ey7\1Frc.)O'OV TIVes, µ6v11 ft q>Tc.>xoi\oyia Chron. Mor. H 4087. It is only in higher-register or more formal texts/contexts that the original pronominal meaning of the form ou6ev is to be found. Masculine
Feminine
Neuter
Nom.
ov6els l ou6e11as : ou6eyels
ov6eµla : ov6eµ1a
ou6e11: ov6e11a(v)
Gen.
ov6ev6s : ov6e1100 : ov6eve1100
ov6eµlas : ov6eµ10:s
(ou6e116s)
Acc.
ou6eva(11)
ov6eµia(v): ov6eµ1a(v)
ov6e11: ou6eva(11)
Masculine Nominative General
Restricted
ov6els : ov6evas
ou6eyets
Tl 6ay6A' as aKOAou8i'j, Kal ou6els OU µri ae ,eaa,, Dig. G 11.96 ov6els lx118pc.,ncs eµe111e11 µfoa TOU KOaTp0U /iv. E 2340 ov6els lxv8pwnos Tf\s au8eVTlas µou va µT]6e11 ToAµl'ja,, va noia,, ~11µia11 (1478-9, Constantinople, GILLILAND WRIGHT/MACKAY 2007: 269.25)
-
1052
II Nominal Morphology
ou6els cxv8pc,mos 1Te8ave xc.:ipls 1T1Kpfav TOU K6aµou Peri xen. 191 Kai ou6els 0:1TO TOUS &:.>6eKa iaxuae vex TOV phyT\ AchiL N 1557 'Tl'Af)V OUK eylvc.:iaKEV ou6els TOV 1TpWTOV TtiS lxpµa6as Velis. N2 100 ou6els aMos To fao1Kev el µfl ol aµapTles µas LIMEN., Velis. (/\) 814 ou6els EK Texs 1TapaTayas lmb. Rim. 27 ou6els TOVS 6ev e6vvnov 1Toaws vex U'Tl'OµEVT\ ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 1691 ou6els yap avaµapTT\TOS els TOV Tpoxov hoOTOV TzabL 105 exalpoVTav, eucppalvovwv ws ou6els aMos 's Kooµov Diig. Alex. Sem. B 1306 1TA€0V ou6els 6ev TOAµa vex hnxe1plaTEi (1651, Constantinople, TCHENTSOVA 2000: 403, f.3r.55) ou6eis evpe81"1 vex TOUS Kfl6EV011 (post 1666, Gortynia, YANNAROPOULOU 1972: 23,313.11) ou6els aMos Kaveis vex µf)v EXT\ vex KaµT1 (1685, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 245, 154.16) ou6els flTOV a~16Tepos MAKOLAS, !oust. 424.13 ou6evas 6ev lxn6µe1vev el µf) aUTTl Kai µ6VT1 Diig. tetr. 932 ou6evas els TflV xwpav TOU aTpe /u/ caused by the adjacent labial /ml (see I, 2.8.4), or to the analogical influence of ou6i. The fonns with anaptyxis of intervocalic /y/ are also restricted to Crete and appear since the 16th c. Editorial practice with respect to word division varies, and therefore some potential instances of the pronoun may appear as µ1]6' svas etc. As in the case of ou6els-ou6iv, the neut. sg. form of µ116efs, namely µri6iv, develops from the late Koine into a negative particle, but one that is used predominantly in subjunctive and imperative contexts (JANNARIS 1897: 425-7; KAPSOMENAKIS 1938: 71-2; CHATZOPOULOU 2012: 222-33), e.g. aea\JTf} trp6aexe, µ116tv Sfa-ra,e trepl tµov P.Mich. 8 491 (2nd c. AD); µT}Stv ouv µeptµvi;(s TrEpl fiµ&v P.Oxy. 56.3865.25 (5th c. AD). In LMedG, attestations of µT}Stv functioning as a negative are to be found among the earliest texts available, e.g. 11l36M11 MAX. PELO PON., Kata loud. 317 .31 ov6evas, µ116evasGERMANO, Grammar71.9 µa aUTol 01TOU O"OU A.EVE ,rC:,s eTva1 t\M6TOT)6es e6tKol O"OU, 6h eTvoo µ116evas (1644, Chios, PAPADOPOULOS 1987: 25.7) µ116evas cxMos Kapal30Kvp11s µou T01TIO"TEVyet (1648, Corfu, MANOUSAKAS 1965: 268.9) µ116e yeis 1TOTE O"TO vou TOU l36ve1 CHORTATSIS, Ero/. Prol. 69; µ116eyeis AOytCX~c.> 6e yvc.lpl~el id., Katz. ill.276 µT]6eyeis 6ev riµ,ropa µtATJOTI P&N Diath. 5190 µou6evas 61xc.>O"TCXS 0e6s va 'vat 6ev TOU TUXalvel CHORTATSIS, Panor. IV.220; µou6eyeis µ,ropa µou KOVTpaO"TCXPTJ id., Katz. IV.330 (ms µi6e)
Genitive
TOOOII crrrou µ'1)6eµla eµe1vev EA1T{s (1693, Bucharest, LEGRAND 1903: 11, 30.2-3). &ycx1TT) µou6eµ1a 6ev eTv' a-av Ti') 6tKTJ µou CHORTATSIS Katz. IV 188· 001' I 6e t O"Tp6Ta µov6eµ16: ibid. IV.278 • · ' ap a v eiv T
..!yov o-xe66v WVS vex TOV evoxAi'I (1687, Serres region, 0DORICO 1998: 88,212.7) Kai 1T11/(T&v 6tro1ai11): (TW\I 01TOlu>II)
Acc.
6,rolovs : Tous irolovs : Tous no1ovs : TOUS 6,rolous/(Tous 6tro1ovs) : TOUS 01TOIOVS
6,roifs : T£s/TCIS trolas/ noiEs : T£S nois : Tas/ T!s/-rls lmolas/6,roies/ (TisMs 61ro1es): Tis/ T£S OTrOIES
61roia : Ta Troia : Ta 1ro16 : Tex 6rroiaha: 6no1a : TO: ono1a
5.9.1.3.1
orrozor
As already mentioned, the pronoun oiroios in the function of a simple relative(= "who") first appears in ambiguous contexts in the 9th c., and seems to be more stabilized by the 12th, especially in higher-register texts. In vernacular texts it is attested since the 14th c.: &µ1TEA1a EXOVTES Tpia ... oiroia cxµirDua Kcd To mp{~oAov Kai ,rav ... rrwAouµev (1395, Patras, GERLAND 1903: 5, 181.13); Tex irpayµaTo: 6noia 6tAoµev rrapCXAa~et (1398, Corfu, ASONITIS 1993: 1, 19.14). It continues to be used up to the 17th c., but with gradually diminishing frequency. It often co-exists in the same texts with 6 6iroios, especially in Crete and the Heptanese. In Cyprus, only the masc. nom. sg. form is attested 104 and in view of the prevalence of the variant 6 iroios in this area, these attestations should also be interpreted as belonging to the latter. In general, if an author exhibits the variant 6noios only in the masc. nom. sg. while the other case-forms are articular (e.g. Tov iroiov, Tov 6noiov, Tl iro!a, Tl 6rroia), these instances of oiroios should be discounted.
Singular Masculine Nominative lvav euyevi'j, 5voµa 1mKep111111, 6noios eKarolKT)aev Chron. Toe. 835
-
Yj).6e11 6 µna'iAos Tfis UIJITIAOTTJT6s aov, 6troios eup{O'l(ETal els TOIi T01TO\I Tfis au6emcis µov
'
(1480, Constantinople, BOMBACI 1954: 6,310.7) 6,roTa I TO: noia : Ta TrOICX : TO: o,roia/TO: ono1a I TO: 01ro1a
TOIi B71atVTEUE\I Kl OUTC>S Chron. Mor. p 5976 0 TrPCilTOS µ6:v tra8r]TtK&v, 6iroTot 0ei\ovv To eTµai i\ To i;µovv SOFIANOS, Grammar 54.21-2; TG°>v AaKe6a1µovlc.,v, &rroto1e'"µfc.,aav ,rol-Ji.a L ·d Paidag. 96.10 ,.., a-Tuµe11a I ·•
Masculine Accusative
293 eyw 'µoo cmoios cpavepex TOV K6aµo 6iayovµl'ul P&N Diath. 9 imoios E1TOKTTJO"EV lva Xulpacp1v SAN KTAM., Praxeis apost. 11 .18 cmoios re&pyos oµ,ri\1yapeTal vex TOV o:cptiO"TJ vex crnelPTJ (1659, Paxoi, PETROPOULOS 1958: 14,
11.3)
1111
5.9.1.3.2
6 rroio~o rroz6>
The variant o1roios is first attested in 13th-c. documents from S. Italy. For its derivation see above. In the 14th c. there are a few attestations from Cyprus and Crete, while in the 15th c. the documentation becomes richer: the form is attested in Cyprus, Rhodes, Crete; and so far a single instance has been located in a document drawn up in Constantinople. There are two instances in Digenis Akritis B, which could be attrib~ted to the (possibly Cretan) scribe of the 15th-c. manuscript. In the 16th c. the distribution remains the same, with the addition of an isolated example from Kalymnos, although the overall frequency is receding, as the variant seems to be losing ground to 6 oT!'oios (especially in Crete). In view of this pattern of geographical distribution, the sporadic attestations from authors of different origin should be copsidered problematic. Cyprus is the only area where 6 T!'oios is the dominant variant. and which provides sufficient documentation for all case-forms. In general, if the J11 ) ,.I
-
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
1110
cmoios T01TOS V1Tapxe1 ,ri\:r1aiov TO hepov TOV crnh1 (1522, Corfu, LITSAS/LEONDIADOU 2011:
70, 99.8) 6 1TOTaµos 6 wp1vos 6 KaTaKEKavµevos, o,roios KaTej?,alve1 Spanos D 1779 lvav KVKAOV ets TOV oupavov, cmoics l6EIXVE &>crnep µ!av Kop6va KART ANOS, P&N Diath.
334.18-19 6 1TOITJTT}S EKEivos cmoios Elirev SOFIANOS, Paidag. 95.23 KapTepmv TOV aoq>bv KovpKOVTTjV Wa-TE vlxA0n, I 01TOioS T}TOV yepoVTas ACHELIS, Malt. Pol
·
lvas TovpKOS o:µTjp&s ••• 6,roioS els TO uanpo XPIO"Tla\lQS at yevTj PETRITSIS, Dig. 0 53 l:, ,ra,ra KVP LiTJµtiTPflS rpV1TOPflS 01TOioS Myst (1671, Mykonos, PETROPOULOS 1960: 1313,
775.3)
x1i\1a6es TpEi~ Kai 6eKa, I oiroio1 O"TT}\I Kap61av TOVS TOV 8a11aTO\I e0eKa ACHELIS, Malt. Pol. 200; µe Tov_s ~aaii\lcrKOVS TpEiS o:pxlcracrt \IC( KpoOaiv, I 6ir0To1 l36i\1a l3avaa1v i\np&v 61aKocrlul\l 1b1d. • L , , 2024; I TO cpuyt TW\I TovpKWII trtv,,....,,...e,.,,., ,-- '' 1' ,-- 0c.,po0µev , 11.-0-10 v,1 1, a-av uKOVaaTe, els op61v1av e~vav tr6?.eµov ibid. 2460 oirolovs aVTbs TJTTJO-aTO KANANOS, Diig. 191
Feminine Nominative TClS 6uo aej3aaµlas µovas, TT}\I ~y{av TTapaaKEVTjV Kai TO\I aAy1ov IT~cpavov, 01TOiES elcrlv els TO Xulplov Twv Bapv,rma6wv (1479, Corfu, KARYDIS 2001: 27, 61.13)
Feminine Accusative Kai Tl\las 6ovi\elas &rrolas 8ei\e1 6El~e1 trpos ea-as (1447,Adrianople, BABINGER/DoLGER 1952:
.
~1~
Masculine Accusative
cmoiov TO\I e80,aa-1v EXEi cnro iroo61ov I KAEµµevov ACHELIS, Malt. Pol 1194 vex µa0T)TEVO"Tj TO\I avTO\I 0o6ulpti ••• 6,roiov vex TOV EXT) µa0T)µevove eis )(PO\IOVS 1TEVTE (1666,
Corfu, KARLAFTI-MOURATIDI 2004/06: 1, 144.9-10)
Texs 6E a-Kevas Texs µey{a-Tovs EKelvas, o,rolas eixov Texs ei\trl6as KAN ANOS, Diig. 93
e~ 61rola1s ylvrr' 6 i\6yos SoFIANOs, Grammar 36.3 Neuter Nominative/Accusative
0:1TO Ta trpayµaTa oi\a, OtroTa l}aav TOU trOTE 0eo&:>pou (1398, Corfu, ASONITIS 1993: 1
Feminine Nominative oirola ypacpfl i'jTOV els TOVS ,acp1y', cp?.ej?,apfov ie' (1514, Zakynthos, MANOUSAKAS 1963b:
164.10)
.
ti cpua1s, cmola e6ulKE 6mi\6: r,v,{a TWV yvvatKWV SoFIANOS, Paidag. 99.22
18.9)
. cpi\ulp(a XPV0-0: cmoia e6c.,aa (1473, Corfu, KONIDARISIRODOLAKIS 1996: 57, 177.8-9) (, ~. 41, i\, µ, v, p, S, e~ 6iroia eiva1 6mi\6: Tpla, (, ~. 41 SOFIA NOS, Grammar 35.16-17
'
The variant 01ro1os with stress retraction, probably due to the analogy with oa.1s, o,TI, is rare and so far attested only in the Peloponnese and Lefkada. In view of its rarity, most attestations of this variant are dubious and may be due to scribal misplacement of the accent:
Feminine Accusative
ti &>pa, 6,rolav ey6> yivwa-Kul KANANOS, Diig. 246 Neuter Nominative/Accusative oiroiov o:µ,rei\iov Kal 1TO:V, eht 61KOOOV EXul b avT& (1397, Patras, GERLAND 1903: 6, 183.5) EK TOU IJIVXIKOU cmoiov Tois O:q>TJKEV (1398, Corfu, ASONITIS 1993: 1, 19.16) e6ulaev TO fiµtav ocrn(TIOV avwyiv Kai KaTWY1\I, cmoiov TO EXEi o:yopa, TO &rroiov TJTO TOV 1TaTpC>S i\Af~lov (1447, Corfu, EFSTRATIADIS 1925: 50.3-4) 1TpaKTIKOV TW\I o:iroypacpeulv, cmotov 8EASTE l6EiV (1448?, Lemnos, VRANOUSI 1980: 45, 321.9) vex µav0avulµEv T&\I vye1wv a-as, cmoiov EXulµev O:VayKaTov (1456, Patras, MALTEZOU 1983: 2,
22.15)
41ux1Kou oiro1ov Tois acpflKEv (1398, Corfu, AsoNITIS 1993: 1, 19.16) em616oµev 6crntT6T01TO\l lll ... 01TOIO\I ocrnlTIO\I i'jTov trpoi\ar,611 TOO 1TOTE Mapµa118ov (1428, Lefkada, MIKLOSICHIMOLLER 1860/90, vol. 3: 12,253.18); oiro10116atrnoT6mo11 fiµeis Tovs E(TJ$aµev (ibid. 12, 253.24)
The variant o1roios is first attested in 13th-c. documents from S. Italy. For its derivation see above. In the 14th c. there are a few attestations from Cyprus and Crete, while in the 15th c. the documentation becomes richer: the form is attested in Cyprus, Rhodes, Crete; and so far a single instance has been located in a document drawn up in Constantinople. There are two instances in Digenis Akritis B, which could be attrib~ted to the (possibly Cretan) scribe of the 15th-c. manuscript. In the 16th c. the distribution remains the same, with the addition of an isolated example from Kalymnos, although the overall frequency is receding, as the variant seems to be losing ground to 6 oT!'oios (especially in Crete). In view of this pattern of geographical distribution, the sporadic attestations from authors of different origin should be copsidered problematic. Cyprus is the only area where 6 T!'oios is the dominant variant. and which provides sufficient documentation for all case-forms. In general, if the J11 ) ,.I
1112
5 Articles, Pronouns and Determiners
II Nominal Morphology
variant 6 iroios appears only in the masc. nom. sg. in texts produced by a certain author, whereas the oblique cases all present forms such as 6irolou, Tou 6iroiou, 6irota, ,; 6Tro!a etc., such masc. nom. sg. attestations should be discounted as evidence for 6 iroios. 105 'O 1ro16s with synizesis is attested with certainty from the 15th c. through spellings which use to note the consonantization of the semi-vowel (see I, 2.9.4). Otherwise detection of the variant is difficult due to absence of accentuation in the manuscripts or the scribes' conservative spelling practices. For example, the manuscript of Assizes B has no accents. The only attestation so far, outside Cyprus and Crete, for forms with synizesis is a single neuter plural example from Alex. Rim.
Toii a:q,eVTT) µas ToO ,rofov eiµeanv Kp~ • ..i - Tov PT1y6s, ' ~,ovµe1101""'opKovMACHAIR s Ch V 44.34; TOV ;rrolov e11el311v Tov µey6:71T) ay6:1TT) ibid. 648 _6 " • ron. TOV iro{ov e6wKav Tov To Xc.>p16v VOUSTR., Chron. A 198.16 lKeT11os i\ eKehrr1 Toii iro100 lv1 EyyvT)TTJS Assizes A 70.I0· • 1 a, _ _ ibid. 202.20 'EKE VoS, 'I tKEIIITJ, TOV lTOIOV El/I ti~. lKelvov TOO no100 TJTOV Ta 1 ypa1j1e1v MACHAIRAS, Chron. 0 82.30-1 (Pieris/Nikolaou-Konnari) o 1To1os Kap-raepas i'}Tov l?,CX){AtwTT)S VousTR., Chron. A 140.12 flTOV els a:aKT)TT}S o iro16s i')0EAEV irolaEtV eVToAi'jv Fior 116.15 b xapos, olTOIOS EV KOVT