The Cabinet Politician: The Postmasters General 1829–1909 9780231892384

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clerks. Most of the changes were made in the New England states and New York—the stronghold of the group opposed to General Jackson and the home of Isaac Hill and Martin Van Buren.85 Not only did this contest for the spoils affect the whole postal system, but the Cabinet was even broken up due to the intrigues for the succession. Apparently the cause for the rift in the official family was the snub administered to Secretary Eaton's wife by the Calhoun supporters. Postmaster General Barry explained the political significance of this social quarrel in a letter to his daughter: Major Eaton is known to be the intimate friend of the President. T h e extreme jealousy of some of Mr. Calhoun's friends induces them to believe that Major Eaton is rather more friendly to M r . Van Buren than to M r . Calhoun. T h e y fear his influence will control the Executive patronage in favor of M r . Van B. T h e y want him to leave the Cabinet. . . . T o compel him to do so, is the cause of the attack on Mrs. E . . . . I am on good terms with all the members of the Cabinet. . . . M r . Van Buren and myself thought, and have acted, alike on this subject; so does the President. . . . I believe my course has endeared me to General Jackson; it has to Major E . , and some of Mr. Calhoun's friends are jealous of me, but I like General Jackson better than either, and will allow myself to think of no other candidate for the next presidential term but General Jackson, and this should be the language of all friends. 36

By 1831 the administration was definitely tending to recognize Secretary Van Buren as the probable successor to President Jackson. In March, Postmaster General Barry admonished Duff Green for an article in the Telegraph which criticized Mr. Van Buren. He said that "he did not see how any one could sustain the administration and assail one of the members of the Cabinet," and added that if the editor identified himself with Mr. Calhoun he "must abide the consequences." 87 By April the Secretary of State had worked out a clever scheme—a method of getting rid of most of the Calhoun members as well as the source of discord, Major Eaton. He realized that since a majority of i s U.S. Congress, 21st Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Doc., No. 106, gives 274 from New York and New England, J I in Ohio and 44. in the South. Jackson carried no New England state in 1828 and received a little over half of New York's votes: 23d Cong., 2d Sess., House Doc., No. 103: Globe, May 21, 1832. 38 American Historical Review, X V I , 334 (Feb. 25, 1830) ; see also Jackson Papers, Feb. 28, 1832, Samuel F. Bradford to W. B. Lewis. 37 Ambler, The Life and Diary of John Floyd, pp. 127-28 (Duff Green to Floyd, Mar. 10, 1 8 3 1 ) .

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the Cabinet supported Vice President Calhoun he had little hope of uniting the party in his own favor. H e suggested (to President Jackson) that he present his own resignation and that then the other Cabinet members should resign. T h e latter was very reluctant to lose M r . Van Buren, but the proposal was discussed with Postmaster General Barry, Major Eaton, and Major Lewis. T h e plan was kept secret, and on April 9 a confidential note was sent to Edward Livingston, asking him to come to Washington. When he arrived it was explained to him that he was to be made Secretary of State, since M r . Van Buren was resigning; "being a candidate for the Presidency, he ought not to remain in the Cabinet, where all the measures will be attributed to intrigue, and made to bear upon the President," he told his wife. 38 T w o months passed before all the changes had been made, but finally no one of the original Cabinet remained in office except the Postmaster General. Various reasons for his retention were given: "that M r . Barry is still wanted to carry on the system of 'national police,' in making the post office department subservient to the re-election of Andrew Jackson!"; that he had been so attacked that he should remain until he cleared himself; "that he was a weak man, and neither considered his presence important." 39 Barry's own explanation for his retention was given in a letter to his daughter: T h e President, [ w h e n Secretary B r a n c h asked him w h y B a r r y ' s resignation w a s not a c c e p t e d ] to save his feelings as m u c h as possible, instead of stating the real cause, that I had done n o t h i n g to forfeit his c o n f i d e n c e , rem a r k e d that I had been w a n t o n l y assailed, in a m a n n e r that no other m e m ber of the C a b i n e t had, and that if it w e r e proper for me to retire he w o u l d not consent to it, as it m i g h t be cause of triumph to m y unprincipled p e r secutors. . . . T o open the w a y for f r e e d o m of action on the part of the President, I o f f e r e d m y resignation. W h e n I did so he instantly said, " N o , there is no cause for r e t i r i n g ; I have reluctantly parted with my confidential friend, M a j o r E a t o n , and I w a n t you to remain w i t h me whilst I a m in office."

40

Postmaster General Barry now became the closest friend that President Jackson had in his Cabinet, but he exerted little influence on the policies of the administration. H e invariably supported the President. As a "relief" party man in Kentucky he had been opposed to the United 38 Hammond, The History of Political Parties in the State of New York, II, 365; Hunt, Life of Edward Livingston, p. 358. 39 Niles Register, May 14, 1831, quoting the Richmond Enquirer. American Historical Review, XVI. 331-33.

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States Bank. Nicholas Biddle, president of the bank, had tried to win him over and had written William B. Lewis that he would be liberal with Major Barry in the matter of his debt to the bank. He did not succeed, however, in obtaining Barry's aid.41 The Postmaster General believed that the bank was corrupting Congress and thought the President should veto the bill renewing its charter even though the Presidential election was imminent. He was sure that it would not cause Jackson's defeat, for he pointed out that any loss of votes in the urban areas would be offset by a gain in the country.42 In the contest of that year (1832) Barry refused to take any part in the selection of a Vice President j he was interested only in the re-election of President Jackson. He took some part in the campaign; helped Amos Kendall distribute the Extra Globe, and in the month preceding the election he made a journey West. His trip was unsuccessful, and to his mortification Kentucky "separated from the family of Democratic States in the Union," thus being no longer "the leading state in the West . . . Ohio takes her place." 43 Even though this first Postmaster General to be a Cabinet member was not a very active or clever politician, the National Intelligencer maintained that the postal service was being turned into a political machine and blamed the situation on the fact that the Postmaster General had been made a member of the Cabinet.44 That was an erroneous conclusion. The postmasters had been local politicians and had managed, either as officers or behind the scenes, the party machinery long before 1829. Not only did they have jobs to bestow, but also they comprised the largest class of Federal Government employees, and in most localities the postmaster was the only representative of the Government. Thus they were, as James Buchanan expressed it, "agents for disseminating information throughout the country"5 another Senator declared that each postmaster was "an electioneering outpost." 43 A disgruntled officeholder described how they controlled the party machinery in the Jacksonian period. The leading officeholders in the large city appointed 41

Catterall, The Second Bank of the United States, p. 1 8 2 ; Biddle, Correspondence Dealing urith National Affairs, ¡807—1844, p. 1 39. 42 William T . B a r r y , "Letters," in William and Mary Historical Magazine, XIV, 2 3 3 ( J u l y 4, 1 8 3 1 , to his daughter). 43 B a r r y Misc. ( L i b r a r y of Congress), J a n . 6, 1 8 3 2 , to E . J . M a l l e t t ; William and Mary Historical Magazine, X I V , 2 3 5 - 3 6 . 44 National Intelligencer, Sept. 28, 1 8 3 0 . 45 Curtis, The Life of James Buchanan, I, 3 7 8 ; National Intelligencer, Apr. 18, 1839.

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some man (frequently the postmaster) in every county of the state as chairman of the county committee, and he appointed the committee. This committee then appointed the chairman of the town committee, and so forth. These committees nominated the postmasters and other Federal officeholders in their district. They controlled the nominations of the elective officers by conducting the caucuses. At these meetings the chief officeholder rushed up to the Chair and wrote on the nominating list the name of the one previously decided upon, and anyone who opposed this nominee was considered a "marked man" and discriminated against in the distribution of favors. 48 Besides controlling the local nominations, the postmaster in the key cities usually was a member of the state central correspondence committee—frequently the chairman. Therefore postmasters were kept informed by other postmasters as to the proceedings of local caucuses, and they attended the state convention, after having planned the speeches and nominations to be made there. When the method of nominating Presidential candidates was changed from the Congressional caucus to a national convention, postmasters began to participate in these meetings also. The number who attended as delegates, however, was usually small compared to the total attendance; for example, at the first Democratic national convention, out of a total of 344 delegates there were sixteen postmasters present. One of these was Postmaster Niles, of Hartford, and he was made a member of one of the important committees. 47 T h e local postmasters very often directed the campaigns. They issued proclamations calling on the people to organize their district and town committees; they published electioneering pamphlets—one put out by Postmaster Flagg sold for only thirty-seven and a half cents and was very successful. One of his circulars suggested that an accurate list be made of all the voters in each town classified as to their votes in the previous election.48 Those who had voted "wrong" could then be appealed to by someone with similar interests; for example, it was suggested to Postmaster Niles that he get one of his "mariners" to convince 48

Derby, Political Reminiscences, pp. 13, 81-85, 93. U.S. Civil Service Commission, Official Register of the United States, 18¡1; Niles Register, May 21, 1832. Comparison of the names of the officeholders with the roll of the Baltimore Convention. 48 Welles Papers (Library of Congress), May 24, 26, 30, Sept. 6, 1840, Dec. 18, 1838 gives a circular sent out by the central committee and signed by Postmasters Flagg and Welles. 47

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a fellow seaman that he should join the Democratic Party. These postmaster-politicians obtained birth certificates for voters in order to prove their right to vote or arranged for the naturalization of the foreign born. They oversaw the printing of the ballots (for each party made its own ballots at that time), and in this connection it was suggested to a postmaster in Connecticut that they "be in fine style, and easily distinguishable from the Whig. Even our friends think if a good engraving with suitable border, etc. were reed, and ample number furnished it would not be in vain." 49 It was to the local postmaster that the politicians in Washington wrote when they wanted influence used on certain people, and they consulted the postmasters when they were in their vicinity. The fact that a certain Washington editor did not call on the Hartford postmaster was taken as an indication that he was breaking with the administration.50 Postmasters were distributors of partisan propaganda; newspapers and stacks of Congressional documents were sent to them to be given out where they would do the most good. No names or addresses were necessary. Mr. Abdy, on his tour in 1833-34, said that it was publicly asserted that "every deputy postmaster is directed to insert in his return the title of every newspaper received at his office for distribution." 5 1 Besides distributing their own party's campaign material and keeping the authorities informed on their opponent's propaganda, the postmaster was very frequently the editor of the local party paper. This relationship between the postmaster and the press dates from the colonial period, but it was particularly significant during President Jackson's administration. The National Intelligencer pointed out that twenty-four out of the fifty-seven editors who had been given Federal positions were postmasters, and some others were postal clerks.52 ExPresident Adams lamented in his Memoirs that the "appointments almost without exception, are conferred upon the vilest purveyors of slander during the late electioneering campaign, and an excessive disproportion of places is given to editors of the foulest presses." 5 3 The editor of the Richmond Enquirer wrote Mr. Van Buren: 49 Niles Papers, 1 8 3 1 - 3 5 , contain many letters from local politicians and postmasters to Niles when he was postmaster at Hartford; Welles Papers, 1839-+0, contain letters from Niles, then Postmaster General, and from the postmasters of the state to Welles, who was then postmaster at Hartford. 50 Niles Papers, Oct. 23, 1 8 3 3 , Isaac Hill to Niles, May 28, 1 8 3 1 , Niles to F . Blair. 51 Abdy, Journal of a Residence and Tour in the United States of America, I, 1 39. 52 National Intelligencer, Apr. 29, 1829, Sept. 27, 1832. 53 John Quincy Adams, Memoirs, V I I I . 138.

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W e l a m e n t t o see so m a n y of t h e E d i t o r i a l C o r p s f a v o r e d w i t h the p a t r o n a g e of the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n . A s i n g l e case w o u l d n o t h a v e e x c i t e d so m u c h o b s e r v a t i o n , b u t it r e a l l y l o o k s as if there w e r e a s y s t e m a t i c E f f o r t to r e w a r d E d i t o r i a l P a r t i z a n s , w h i c h w i l l h a v e the e f f e c t o f b r i n g i n g the v a u n t e d libe r t y of the P r e s s i n t o a s o r t of C o n t e m p t . 5 4

It was not only the commission of the post office (as this was frequently small) that acted as a valuable subsidy for an editor but also, as Postmaster General Barry explained to a postmaster, "the privilege of franking—exemption from military & jury services, & the convenience of receiving the earliest intelligence of passing events." 55 The editor of Niles Register complained of the advantage that postmaster editors had over others and said they "would gladly purchase for four or five hundred dollars a year [the franking privilege], could it be legally obtained by money." 58 If the local party papers were not subsidized by a postmastership, they were by Government printing. Instructions from the Postmaster General were specific on this point: " I will thank you to give the printing of your office to M r . Coleman j the editor of the Evening Post," he wrote the postmaster in New York. Those who favored other papers received a reprimand: Y o u r e c e i v e d the appt. of P . M .

u n d e r the f u l l impression that y o u

were

r e a d y a n d w i l l i n g to t a k e u p o n y o u r s e l f the e n t i r e responsibility of c o o p e r a t i n g w i t h t h e a d m i n i s t r a t i o n in its m e a s u r e s . I t appears, h o w e v e r , t h a t y o u p r e f e r advertising letters on

"News Letter"

hand

in a n opposition n e w s p a p e r

while

the

the s u p p o r t e r of the A d m i n i s t r a t i o n , is d e n i e d t h a t little

patronage.

When a protest was made that the circulation of a certain paper might not reach all, the reply was that "persons who do not read the paper will generally learn from those who do read it, when they have letters advertized." 57 Complaints against the political activity of the local postmaster were particularly widespread during President Jackson's administration. In Connecticut a friend wrote Mr. Welles that there was a growing discontent—jealousy of the officeholders' power—a desire to have some independence from "the Post Office influence" in the nominations of Jackson, Corresfotidence, IV, 17 ( M a r . 27, 1829). Postmaster General Letterbook, June 2, 1829, to Franklin Clark, P.M. The franking privilege had been given to all postmasters Mar. 2, 1799. 56 Sites Register, June 13, 1829. 5 7 Postmaster General Letterbook, May 11, 1829, to S. L. Gouverneur, July 14, 1829, to Daniel Worley, July 1 j , 1 S29, to Sereno Wright. 54

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that section. T h e President and his Postmaster General both officially denied any knowledge of party activity on the part of local postmasters. When some cases of interference by postal agents in the election were called to his attention, President Jackson asked Postmaster General Barry for his assurance as to the falseness of the accusation. T h e latter replied: " I am not aware that any person connected with this Dept., is, or has been engaged in exercising his influence 'for political' or 'electioneering purposes.' " 5 9 Of course, there was a great deal going on in the Department of which the Postmaster General was ignorant. President Jackson wrote to his friend William B . Lewis to inform a correspondent of his that as far as he knew neither he nor his officers "engage in electioneering—that, we leave to the people where it rightf u l l y belongs." 60 In spite of protests, party activity on the part of the "rank and file" in the postal service increased rather than diminished. A f t e r the 1 8 3 2 election, as the movement to make Martin Van Buren (by that time Vice President) President Jackson's successor gained impetus, the relations between Postmaster General Barry and the "kitchen cabinet," who were working for the above purpose, became strained. T h e latter began to attack the administration of the Post Office. Barry wrote a pitiful letter to his daughter describing his position: (February 22, 1 8 3 4 ) M y situation is not a pleasant one. I must necessarily be absent f r o m m y family the greater part of the y e a r . T h e office is an arduous one, full of responsibility, increasing in its perplexities, on account of the political state of the c o u n t r y . I must necessarily meet the attacks of the opponents of the Administration; this I a m prepared for, but I a m also subjected to a d a n g e r that no h u m a n foresight can g u a r d against, an inviduous attack of tended

friends.

T h e different aspirants

pre-

for the Presidency w a t c h m y course.

V a n B u r e n ' s partisans think I a m too friendly to C o l . J o h n s o n , etc., etc. T h e President is kind to m e , but he is g r o w i n g old and is irritable, acting upon impulses, listening to the stories of creatures and c o n f o r m i n g to the counsels of men w h o l l y u n w o r t h y of his association. Inferior m e n , too, by their f o r w a r d n e s s and impudence, have his ear and c o n f i d e n c e ; such men as M a j o r L e w i s , K e n d a l l , Blair, T .

P . M o o r e , etc., etc. T h e y

are m e r -

cenary and selfish, and are careless of G e n e r a l J a c k s o n ' s f a m e and honor. T h e y look already to his successor, and supposing it will be M r . V a n B u r e n , are catering to his ambition. T h e s e men do not w a n t me to remain w h e r e 58 s9 60

Welles Papers, Feb. 20, 1 8 3 3 , from William M . Holland. Postmaster General Letterbook, A p r . i , 1 8 3 5 , to Jackson. Lewis Papers, Sept. 1 8 3 3 , from Andrew Jackson.

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I a m , because of the honesty of my course and the independence of my c h a r a c t e r ; that I will not carry out M r . V a n Buren's lists of proscription against the original and fast friends of General Jackson, because they happen to be opposed to M r . V a n B u r e n . I have much to encounter in this w a y ; I shall act firmly whilst I remain, but the time may not be distant when I shall feel it my duty to retire.

Later he wrote, T h e idea that I intend leaving it impairs the power and influence of my station. Contractors, postmasters, and other agents, cease to respect the man who is about to quit, and look to the one who probably will succeed him in office. N o w , I want it understood by all my friends that I do not intend to quit my present station. 6 1

Barry was particularly open to attack. H e was an exceedingly poor business man, and many were the complaints of mismanagement, inefficiency, and failure of prompt delivery of mail. Every year, except one, of his administration the Post Office Department had a deficit. Setting an example for his successors, Postmaster General Barry gave as his excuse for the failure to balance his budget, "the extension and abuse of the franking privilege by Members of Congress and others who are entitled to it." 6 2 Congressmen were also jealous of his immense patronage power, in which they had no part, and so harassed the Postmaster General by passing resolutions asking for a statement showing the number of deputy postmasters that had been removed or by demanding the reasons for the removal of this or that postmaster. T h e Department officials were not at all tactful in their replies. One Senator flared up about this in the Senate debate. H e said: T h i s new fledged, or rather unfledged head of a recently created Departm e n t , did not condescend to answer the inquiry of a Senator, and I re81 William and Mary Historical Magazine, XIV, 237-40, Apr. 10, 1 8 3 1 , Barry wrote his daughter: " T h e rumor of my going to England is wholly unauthorized. At present I would not accept a mission abroad. It neither suits my circumstances in a pecuniary point of view, nor the condition of my family. Another motive would restrain me at present, I wish to remain in the Post Office Department, at least during the time of Andrew Jackson, to show that I can manage the Department. 82 Jackson Papers, Aug. 28, 1834, from W. T . Barry; Niles Register, Apr. 6, 1 8 3 3 ; National Intelligencer, May 1 3 , 1830, asserts that that was the first time in the history of the Post Office Department that an appropriation from the Treasury was needed to help it out. That is not accurate, for there had been small deficits in 1789, 1808, 1 8 2 0 - 2 3 , 1828.

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ceived a note from one of his subordinates w h i c h w a s in substance this: " I a m directed by the Postmaster G e n e r a l to inform y o u that you are not permitted to k n o w , s i r . "

A f t e r many such requests, and some of them asked for the original papers concerned in a postmaster's removal, the Postmaster General, in 1834, replied at length with a discussion of the constitutional separation of powers in the United States Government. H e observed: "That the power of appointment to office, is in its nature an executive power. . . . In the discharge of this duty, the legislative branch had no right to interfere or participate." 63 In 1 8 3 4 - 3 5 investigations of the Post Office Department in both the Senate and the House were instigated by the Whig leaders, Clayton, Ewing, and Grundy. These investigations brought to light much petty stealing and many corrupt contracts. It was found that the Postmaster General had borrowed a great deal from banks without authorization. T h e Senate committee . . . found affairs of the department in a state of utter d e r a n g e m e n t , resulting, as it is believed, f r o m the uncontrolled discretion exercised by its officers over contracts, and its f u n d s ; and their habitual evasion, a n d , in some instances, their total disregard of the l a w s w h i c h have been provided for their restraint.

Some wanted to institute criminal proceedings for fraud against the head of the Department, but instead a committee to reorganize the Department was set up. T h e supporters of Postmaster General Barry brought in a resolution that no evidence appears "which goes to impeach the private and official integrity of William T . Barry, Postmaster General." 04 In the House the report was made on February 1 3 , 1835, and the majority of the committee, all Democrats, reported that the Post Office Department was badly in debt, but that the deficit would be liquidated soon and that although the contract letting was in a bad condition, the blame should not be on the Postmaster General but on Congress. The minority, composed of Whigs, attacked the Postmaster General for his inefficiency and his partisanship and commented on the dangerousness of the Department's immense patronage: 03

U.S. Congress, Register of Debates, 21st Cong., 1st Sess., p. 3 8 8 ; Postmaster General Lctterbook, Oct. 1, 1 8 3 4 , to Hon. F . Grundy. 04 U.S. Congress, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Doc., V , No. 4 2 2 ; Congressional Globe, 23d Cong., 1st Sess., p. 42, 2d Sess., I I , 1 7 0 , 289.

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T h e postmasters, t h r o u g h their f r a n k i n g p r i v i l e g e , m a y be m a d e the o r g a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n of political parties. W h e n o r g a n i z e d into a political c o r p s , t h e y c a n g i v e facilities to the c i r c u l a t i o n of n e w s p a p e r s , extras, etc. f a v o r a b l e to their v i e w s , a n d t h r o w obstacles in t h e w a y of the c i r c u l a t i o n of those of a n opposite c h a r a c t e r .

. . .

T h e P o s t O f f i c e D e p a r t m e n t , f r o m its o r g a n i z a t i o n , in 1 7 8 9 d o w n t h e 4 t h of M a r c h , •political

to

1 8 2 9 , w a s n o t , in the partisan sense of the w o r d ,

department. T h e

P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l w a s n o t a m e m b e r of

a

the

c a b i n e t , n o r w e r e his a p p o i n t m e n t s s u b m i t t e d to the c o n t r o l of a n y p a r t y . U n t i l that d a t e p e r s o n s w e r e r e m o v e d o n l y f o r n e g l i g e n c e o r m i s c o n d u c t , f o r c a u s e , a n d n o t o n a c c o u n t of their political opinions.

. . . Since t h e

4 t h of M a r c h , 1 8 2 9 , the r e m o v a l s of p o s t m a s t e r s h a v e n o t f a l l e n m u c h s h o r t of 1 , 3 0 0 , a n d in a g r e a t m a j o r i t y of cases w i t h o u t t h e a s s i g n m e n t of

any

cause.65

One member of the House, a M r . Johnson, went so far as to question Barry's personal honesty. T h e Postmaster General, thereupon, sent him an invitation to a duel, but before it could be delivered, his son had challenged the Representative and preparations were made for the combat. A board of honor finally settled the matter by getting the member to acknowledge that he had not meant to "impute me corruption either as a -public officer or as a man," Barry wrote his daughter. 60 E v e n though his personal honesty was upheld, Postmaster General Barry's incompetency had become too much for the party to carry; so on March 21, 1835, on the premise that his "constitution had been somewhat impaired by the laborious duties of the Post Office Department," he resigned to become minister to Spain. 67 H e explained to Buchanan, " I have agreed to take it but do not leave my present office, until I receive the Commission in due f o r m — I remember your admonition on this subject." 68 Evidently his health actually was bad, for he died before he reached his new position. 69 86 88 81 88 89

U.S. Congress, 23d Cong., 2d Sess., House Doc., No. 103. William and Mary Historical Magazine, X I V , 240-41. Jackson Papers, Apr. 11, 1835, to Barry. Buchanan Papers, Mar. 23, 1835, from Barry. Niles Register, Oct. 17, 1835.

CHAPTER THE

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POLITICAL

II STRATEGIST

POSITION OF Postmaster General was now given to the outstanding politician of that period, the man who had done so much to bring about Martin Van Buren's advancement to the Vice Presidency in 1832—Amos Kendall. This young New Englander had made much progress and had served several different leaders since 1814, when he began his career in Kentucky as a tutor in Henry Clay's family. Even after he had left that job to become editor of the Frankfort Argus, one of the most influential papers in that region, and after most of the "new court" faction had joined the Jackson forces, he continued to support his old employer. In 1825, however, he wanted a new job, but the not "too laborious position" that Secretary Clay provided would have paid him only one thousand dollars.1 The editor considered that sum too small, so in 1826 he joined the forces of General Jackson, with whose principles he was much more in sympathy. Many have claimed the credit for inducing him to support the Tennessean. Joseph Deska said that his threat to establish a competitive paper in Kentucky in support of "Old Hickory" had forced Kendall to change. Deska concluded the letter in which he had reviewed the circumstances with: "Kendall, my dear fellow, you ought to thank me for drawing you out of your determined neutrality in relation to the Presidential contest. . . . Your engaging in the contest on the side of Genl Jackson brought you into general notice." 2 Kendall answered the letter, but he neither accepted nor denied this explanation. The biographer of the Blair family gives Francis P. Blair, rather than Amos Kendall, the credit for having brought out the Argus for General Jackson.3 It was Duff Green, editor of the United States Telegraph, however, who made the most specific claims. He related that he had visited Kentucky on his way home from the Hermitage and had heard that the editor of the Argus would join the Jackson forces as soon as he could repay 1 Clay Papers, Feb. 19, Mar. 23, Oct. 4, 1825, from Kendall; Van Deusen, Henry Clay, p. 2 1 7 . 2 3 Deska Papers, May 6, 1 8 3 1 . William Ernest Smith, Blair Family, I, 37.

THE

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FIRST

POLITICAL

STRATEGIST

Henry Clay the fifteen hundred dollars he owed him; Green maintained that he had advanced him the money. 4 No matter who was responsible, by 1826 Kendall was attacking President Adams in the columns of the Argus; the following year he began to correspond with General Jackson, for whom he did valuable work in the Presidential campaign of 1828. His family tells how he traveled with the General and advised him that a few Latin words included in his speeches could be relied upon to regain the attention of his hearers if it should have wandered. The Cincinnati Commercial, however, said Kendall met the President-elect for the first time in 1829, when he carried the electoral vote of Kentucky to Washington, after it had been intimated that he would receive a Government job. 5 H e had earlier refused the position of assistant editor of the United States Telegraph, as he explained to his wife: "There are many good reasons why I ought neither to have any partnership with General Green, nor in any way come into competition with him." H e was offered his choice between two Government jobs—a clerkship or an auditorship. T h e latter carried with it a higher salary, but it might be temporary: he accepted it, however, and said he would "run the risk of its abolition." 6 H e almost failed to receive his appointment, for the Senate deadlocked on the question of confirmation. The tie was finally broken by the vote of Vice President Calhoun, cast in his favor, it was said, because he feared the Kentucky editor might establish a paper in Washington which would compete with that of Duff Green (his protégé) if he did not receive a Government job. 7 Although only a "humble auditor," Amos Kendall became the most significant politician in President Jackson's administration—a prominent member of that little group of unofficial advisers called the "kitchen cabinet." Of the group he was the shrewdest—a brilliant writer and a voracious and unpretentious worker. H e soon came to 4

Green, Facts and Suggestions, pp. 28—29. Jackson Papers, Sept. 5, 1827, to Kendall; Cincinnati Commercial, Feb. 4, 1 8 7 9 ; visit with Mrs. Arthur Chester, Rye, New York, who is the granddaughter of Amos Kendall. T h e Autobiography, by his son-in-law, is silent on the period from December, 1827, to December, 1828. Kendall had a talk with Jackson in February, 1 8 2 8 , and there is no indication in his report of that interview that it was his first meeting with General Jackson, since he merely says, " I had a long conversation with General Jackson." 6 Green's Letterbook, Aug. IC, 1828, to R . M . Johnson, Sept. 1 7 , 1829, to Kendall, Oct. 2 1 , 1828, to R . M. Johnson; Kendall, Autobiography, pp. 278, 283. Kendall's family did not approve of the Autobiography, since they considered it inaccurate. One of the daughters even refused to have a copy in the house. 7 Jackson to Kendal), May 10, 1830-, in Cincinnati Commercial, Feb. 4. 1 789 ; Clay, Works, IV, 272. 6

THE

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23

be the President's right-hand man, if not the force behind the throne, and he practically lived at the White House. H e kept his eye on pending legislation, prepared reports on important bills for the guidance of the President, and helped write most of Jackson's speeches—notably his second inaugural address, his veto messages, and his annual messages to Congress. 8 Especially was he the publicity man for the administration, and at the request of the President he often prepared criticisms of measures for the papers, for, as Jackson once wrote: "it would have a good effect pending the electioneering campaign to bring the subject before the people." 9 The famous English traveler, Harriet Martineau, described him thus: I was fortunate enough to catch a glimpse of the invisible A m o s K e n d a l l , one o f the most remarkable men in A m e r i c a . H e is supposed to be the moving spring of the whole administration j the thinker, planner, and d o e r ; but it is all in the dark. D o c u m e n t s are issued of an excellence which prevents their being attributed to persons w h o take the responsibility of t h e m ; a c o r respondence is kept up all over the country for which no one seems to be answerable; w o r k is done, of goblin extent and with goblin speed, which makes m e n look about them with superstitious w o n d e r ; and the invisible A m o s K e n d a l l has the credit of it all. President J a c k s o n ' s letters to his cabinet are said to be K e n d a l l ' s ; the R e p o r t on Sunday Mails is attributed to K e n d a l l ; the letters sent f r o m W a s h i n g t o n to appear in remote country newspapers, w h e n c e they are collected and published in the Globe as demonstrations of public opinion, are pronounced to be written by K e n d a l l . E v e r y mysterious paragraph in opposition newspapers relates to K e n d a l l . . . .

he

is undoubtedly a great genius. 1 0

Another contemporary was not so complimentary. H e wrote: I t is generally believed in W a s h i n g t o n that . . .

the wretch of a printer,

A m o s K e n d a l l , fourth auditor of the Navy [h'c], has more influence with the President than any other m a n , he puts up and puts d o w n . T h e s e mis8 Donelson Papers, 5 boxes. These are full of various drafts of the President'« speeches. They have been arranged by Mr. D. H. Mugridge of the Manuscript Division staff and notes tell what parts of each message were written by the various advisers and how similar each part is to the message as delivered. Kendall participated in drafting the first, second, third, and sixth annual messages to Congress, the second inaugural address, the veto message on the bank bill, the nullification proclamation, the paper on the removal of the deposits which was read to the Cabinet, and the message to the Senate renominating the government directors of the bank. The first inaugural address and many messages to Congress are not included in the collection. 8 Lewis Papers, June 28, 1830, Aug. 9, 1832, from Jackson; Cincinnati Commercial, Feb. 4, 1879 (Mar. 5, July 23, 1832, Jackson to Kendall). 10 Martineau, A Retrospect of Western Travel, I, 1 5 5 - 5 7 .

24

T H E

F I R S T

erable reptiles, William

P O L I T I C A L

S T R A T E G I S T

B . L e w i s , J o h n Eaton, and Barry manage the

whole affairs of the United States. 1 1

Kendall was instrumental in establishing the new administration newspaper, the Globe. By the fall of 1830 it was obvious that a new official paper would have to be selected, because Duff Green, in the Telegraph, was serving primarily the interests of Vice President Calhoun, who was fast losing the favor of the President. In November, Kendall wrote that it was inevitable that another paper would be established in the Capital and that he thought it their duty to control it "so that it may produce the least possible harm" 5 1L> and with the aid of Postmaster General Barry, he arranged that Francis P. Blair, of the Frankfort Argus, should be the editor. It was not intended at first that the Globe should favor particularly the interests of Martin Van Buren; it "will be exclusively a Jackson paper and an administration paper," Kendall wrote a friend. 13 The paper prospered, since it received the Government printing contracts, taken away from the Telegraph, and the subscriptions of officeholders. That the postmasters were expected to co-operate in this project is shown by a letter received by the New York City postmaster, whose position was always in jeopardy because he was the son-in-law of ex-President Monroe, from a friend who advised him to see Mr. Blair, the editor, when he visited New York and to "pay him every attention and use your influence to swell the list of subscribers to the daily paper. If you wish to see the President sustained, this -paper must be helped, and real friends are now looked to [to] do this." 14 By 1831 Amos Kendall and the other members of the "kitchen cabinet" were inclined to favor Van Buren as the successor to President Jackson. The "Little Magician" had, as early as 1829, recognized the potential importance of this fourth auditor and was said to have been "very attentive to him" at the President's first state dinner. 15 There was no doubt in Vice President Calhoun's mind as to the side they were on j he observed at the time of the dissolution of the Cabinet that since 11 Ambler, The Life and Diary of John Floyd, p. 133 ( M a r . 26, 1 8 3 1 ) ; Barbour Papers, June 27, 1832, "Amos Kendall, John Campbell, Billy Lewis, Eaton and Mrs. Eaton (trustees for Van Buren) constitute the real Executive of the Nation." 12 Kendall Misc. (New York Public Library), Nov. 12, 1830, to N. Maxey. 13 Kendall Misc. (New York Historical Society), Nov. 26, 1830, to an unknown correspondent. 11 Gouverneur Papers, Mar. 9, 1 8 3 1 , from T . L. Smith, Feb. 18, 1 8 3 2 , from Daniel Jackson; W. G. Sumner, Andrew Jackson, p. 207. 16 Hamilton, Reminiscence:, p. 130 (extracts from a letter, April, 1 8 2 9 ) .

T H E

F I R S T

P O L I T I C A L

S T R A T E G I S T

there were at the Capital "Lewis, Kendal [1], Heyward, Smith all men of great influence with the President, and devoted to M r . Van Buren, you will readily see, that the ex-Secretary's presence [in the Cabinet] is no longer necessary to his control, tho' it might increase his responsibility." 16 Shortly after this the first concrete steps leading to Van Buren's nomination for the Vice Presidency were made. William B. Lewis suggested to the fourth auditor the innovation of a national convention instead of the congressional caucus to nominate a Vice President in 1832. H e wrote: M a n y of o u r friends ( a n d the most judicious of t h e m ) think it w o u l d be best for the republican m e m b e r s of the respective legislatures to propose to the people to elect delegates to a national convention, to be holden for that purpose, . . . .

T h a t point is preferred to prevent an improper interfer-

ence by M e m b e r s of C o n g r e s s . 1 7

Kendall started the movement by drawing up resolutions, which were passed by the New Hampshire legislature, with the help of Governor Isaac H i l l . T h e resolutions were given wide publicity, and other legislatures passed similar ones. Many have said the national convention method of nominations was introduced for the specific purpose of insuring the nomination of M r . Van Buren. T h e "kitchen cabinet," however, was not yet entirely committed to the New Yorker. T h e warning received at that time by the candidate, " T h e y are your friends but no further so than your popularity with the people and your political power will render prudent" describes their attitude. 18 T h e y were undoubtedly opportunists, but a political blunder by the opposition happened to increase M r . Van Buren's chances just at this time: his nomination as ambassador to Great Britain was rejected by the Senate. This was an excellent opportunity, and these politicians made the most of it; they manufactured a great outcry in the papers of the country. Van Buren became a martyr with the "rank and file" of the party, and the "kitchen cabinet" became his political managers. Plans had been so well made that when the national convention met in Baltimore in M a y , 1832, Martin Van Buren was over-whelmingly C a l h o u n , " C o r r e s p o n d e n c e , " in A m e r i c a n Historical Association, Report,

1899,

p. 291 ( M a y i 6, 1 8 3 1 , to James H. H a m m o n d ) . i;

James P a r t o n , Life

cited as P a r t o n , Ifl

of Andreiu

Jackson,

I I I , 382—84 ( M a y 25, 1 8 3 1 ) ; hereafter

Jackson.

L e w i s Papers, A p r . 22, 1859, to Van Buren. He said K e n d a l l had f a v o r e d P h i l i p

B a r b o u r f o r V i c e President in 1 8 3 2 ; Van Buren Papers, Dec. 3 1 , 1 8 3 1 , f r o m W e b b and Jas. W a t s o n .

26

THE

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nominated Vice President on the first ballot. Amos Kendall became his campaign manager—not as the candidate's selection or as chairman of a national committee, because there was no such committee—but as the unofficial director of publicity. He wrote a long campaign document in which he reviewed the party's activitiesj this really took the place of the modern party platform, as no declaration of principles had been drawn up in the national convention. This document and circulars containing the President's veto messages and speeches of Congressmen were distributed by Kendall throughout the country. In learned argumentative articles which were featured in the Globe he discussed the issues of the day, and in short newsy items printed in the country papers he anonymously appealed to the masses who had recently been enfranchised. These items were later collected and republished in the Globe as evidence of nationwide support of the Jacksonian party. 19 T o be sure that the candidate did not overlook his services, Kendall wrote to Mr. Van Buren and called his attention to the part he himself had played in the campaign, assured him of his loyalty to him, since "the moment of your rejection," and congratulated him as "the man who is destined to receive the mantle of our departing Chief." 20 In Kendall's opinion one significance of the election was that it meant the defeat of the United States Bank. H e had been a "relief" party man in Kentucky and a director of the state Bank of Commonwealth, so naturally he was an enemy of the United States Bank. H e had attacked it during the campaign of 1828, and the next year, along with Felix Grundy and James Alexander Hamilton, had submitted memoranda on the question to the President. In this, however, he had advised the President to go slowly: " I am not prepared to say that . . . [your plan] is the best that can be devised. I could wish . . . [it] might not as yet be thrown before the public." 2 1 He knew, however, that the President would not delay and is said to have informed the editor of the Courier-Enquirer that the President would come out against the bank in his first annual message to Congress.22 Kendall had 19 Kendall, Autobiography, pp. 296—303; Bowers, The Party Battles of the Jackson Period, pp. 128, 2 4 2 - 4 3 . 20 Van Buren Papers, Nov. 2, 10, 1 8 3 2 . 21 Fraser, Democracy in the Making, p. 3 1 , quotes a letter of Kendall to Jackson, Nov. 20, 1829, which is in the collection of the Ladies Hermitage Association, Nashville; James, Andrew Jackson, p. 559. 22 Parton, Jackson, III, 268.

THE

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27

helped to draft this message, which had thrown down the gauntlet to the bank forces by questioning the constitutionally of the bank's charter. Such an effective campaign to rouse public opinion against the bank had then been carried on by Kendall that the bank's friends had become alarmed and had introduced a bill to re-charter the bank, although the old charter had four more years to run. T h e President vetoed the bill (July 10, 1832) in a message which had been partly written—the political portion particularly—by Amos Kendall. 2 3 A f t e r the election Kendall made even more active attempts to destroy the bank. H e reasoned that if the Federal Government deposits were immediately removed from the United States Bank it could be seriously crippled even before its charter lapsed. Soon after the adjournment of Congress he wrote a long memorandum to the Secretary of the Treasury (which he also sent to the President) in which he stressed the political desirability of taking quick and decisive action in this respect. Secretary M c L a n e was opposed to his scheme, but he said he would carry it out if the President insisted. T h e Vice President, also, was not in favor of this move, so Kendall wrote him a long letter explaining his proposed procedure, which was finally adopted. H e began with the premise that the deposits would be removed and suggested that the Treasurer use funds now in the United States Bank for current expenses, but that all new funds be deposited in selected state banks. Thus, if the plan were soon put into effect the last dollar could be taken out of the United States Bank before Congress met. 24 Shortly after this, on the President's recommendation, the Secretary of the Treasury appointed M r . Kendall as the agent to make arrangements with the different state banks to receive the Federal Government's deposits. 25 T h e agent, in frequent letters to the President, told not only of his progress in winning support for the removal of the deposits but also of the political methods used by the United States Bank to oppose the move. H e reported gossip he had heard of the opposition of the Cabinet members to the plan—that Secretary M c L a n e (who had recently been shifted from the position of Secretary of the Treasury to 23

Basse», The

Taney,

Life

of

Andrew

Jackson,

I, 6 5 3 ; C a r l Brent Swisher, Roger

B.

pp. 1 9 4 - 9 5 , q u o t i n g T a n e y , " B a n k W a r M S S , " pp. 1 2 5 - 2 6 .

21Jackson

Papers, M a r . 1 6 , 1 8 3 3 . T h i s letter has no signature and no addressee,

b u t there a r e indications that it is f r o m K e n d a l l , a l t h o u g h it is not in his h a n d w r i t i n g j V a n B u r e n Papers, J u n e 9, 1 8 3 3 , f r o m K e n d a l l . 25Jackson

Papers, J u n e

17,

Secretary o f T r e a s u r y D u a n e .

1833,

t0

Andrew

Jackson, Jr., J u n e

26,

1833,

to

THE

28

FIRST

POLITICAL

STRATEGIST

that of Secretary of State) "had procured the appointment of Mr. Duane [as Secretary of the Treasury] and by so doing, placed himself at the head of two departments." H e added, "those men [McLane and Duane] are determined to prevent it [the removal of deposits] and will prevent it." 26 M r . Van Buren and M r . McLane suggested that the removal of deposits be postponed until January, when the matter could be laid before Congress. Kendall, suspecting them of suggesting delay in order to thwart the plan, insisted that there must be "immediate removal or [there would be] no removal." 27 The President reproached M r . Van Buren: " I counted on your support firmly, in taking the stand with me to remove the deposits on the first of October next, if M r . Kendall's report was favorable to the safety of the state B's." 28 In spite of a warning by the journalist James Gordon Bennett that this removal plan was a scheme to sacrifice the Vice President and give preference for the Presidency to Colonel Johnson of Kentucky,'-'9 Van Buren did not oppose the program. Kendall's report was presented to the Cabinet, and the removal was ordered by President Jackson for October i. When Secretary of the Treasury Duane refused to carry out the plan, he was removed and replaced by Roger Taney, who had been urged by Kendall to accept the position.:!0 Although the order for the removal of the deposits was put into effect October i, 1833, that was not the end of the issue. On December 26 Henry Clay introduced resolutions which declared that the President had gone beyond his constitutional authority in dismissing Duane and removing the deposits; these resolutions were adopted by the Senate on March 26. The President immediately appealed to Kendall for help and sent to him some notes, requesting that he "review and arrange" them for him to send in as a formal "protest" against this censure. The Senate refused to receive officially President Jackson's "protest," but it was given wide publicity in the Globe and other administration papers. 31 Later the censure was expunged from the journal. In the fall of 1833 and 1834, when many banks were failing, Kendall became alarmed at the possible consequences of the removal of the deposits. H e wrote the President of the Union Bank of Baltimore, advising him that the Secretary of the Treasury might be able 2

" Jackson Papers, Aug. 2, 1 i, 1833, from Kendall. Ibid., Aug. 14, 25, 1833. :o * Van Buren Papers, Sept. 8, 1 8 3 3 . Ibid., Sept. 25, 1 8 3 3 . 30 Kendall, Autobiography, pp. 379-88. 31 Cincinnati Commercial, Feb. 4, 1879 (Jackson to Kendall, n.d ) .

2

THE

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29

to help keep his bank open and adding, " W e can stand the stopping of other Banks, but if the 'Pets' begin to go, it is impossible to appreciate the consequences. . . . If there be the least danger to you, for Heaven's sake, fortify yourself, so that you can stand amidst ruin." 3 2 There is no doubt that on this most important political issue of the day Amos Kendall had been the President's right-hand man. In the summer of 1834 Kendall wrote the President that for financial reasons he needed a better position, and he suggested that he be appointed agent to manage the payments to be made under the Chickasaw Treaty. 33 Not long after that the President suggested that he would probably be made Postmaster General, since a change in that office had to be made. H e received the appointment May 1, 1835. 3 4 At first Taney, who had become Attorney General, was doubtful of the wisdom of this change, especially so near election time, but later he wrote to Van Burén, " I am now convinced that I was entirely mistaken— The appointment is popular—decidedly popular—with the great body of the people & even the quiet and business men of the opposition are well satisfied with it." 3r' Another correspondent of the Vice President suggested that if the president, in consideration of the onerous duties of the P M G e n e r a l & the necessity of giving his undivided attention to them, had announced that that officer would no longer be considered a Cabinet minister, the appointment so far from being very unpopular, would be the most popular he could have made. Such I believe was the situation of every postmaster geni, until Genl. Jackson came into office. 30

The opposition newspapers declared that the "Post Office Department, bad enough already will, under Mr. Kendall's management, be, perhaps, the greatest 'electioneering machine' ever built up and carried on under any government in the world." 37 Kendall, now a member of the Cabinet, continued to be the close adviser of the President. H e was asked to look over papers on many different subjects, to make drafts of his views on many questions to be used in the President's mes33

Taney Papers, Oct. 23, Dec. 19, 1 S3 3, Apr. 15, 1 834, to T . Endicott. Jackson Papers, Aug. 2 1 , 1834. 34 Kendal), Autobiography, pp. 3 3 5 - 3 6 ; Kendall Misc. (New York Public L i b r a r y ) , Sept. 20, 1 856, to J . Kennedy Furlong; Niles Register, May 2, 1835. 35 Van Buren Papers, Mar. 25, May 12, 1 8 3 5 . ** Ibid., May 8, 1 8 3 5 , from Richard Parker. National Intelligencer, Mar. 28, 1835. 33

30

THE

FIRST

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STRATEGIST

sages, and to give suggestions as to procedure to be taken to obtain the passage of administrative measures.38 When Martin Van Buren became President in 1837, Amos Kendall continued as head of the Post Office Department. There was an attempt to exclude the Postmaster General from a seat in the Cabinet, but it was unsuccessful. The National Intelligencer said Kendall was "the most influential man in the Cabinet, 39 and Representative Wise called him "the President's thinking machine! and his writing machine—ay, his lying machine!" 4 0 H e continued to be President Van Buren's political manager. H e kept in touch with local party leaders and made suggestions as to their political technique. For example, he wrote Postmaster F l a g g : " I t would, I think, have a good effect in your State to call on J . A. Clarke, Gates, and all the abolition-pledged men, day after day, to state why they made no attempt to redeem their pledges at the late session of Congress." 4 1 H e passed on to his Chief the reports he received on local "political affairs." A post office inspector "privately" reported the activities of Whig conventions,42 and exPresident Jackson kept him informed about the situation in the West. 43 In the fall of 1838 the Postmaster General made a trip through the Middle West on his way to visit the Hermitage; he reported on political conditions in those states. H e thought one thing was necessary to give the President "a tolerable smooth sea during an eight year voyage in command of the ship of state j and that is the passage of the Treasury Bill in almost any practicable shape." H e was confident it would pass, although with a "close vote." 44 In this case he was a poor prognosticator: the bill did not pass until near the end of his term, and President Van Buren's administration was to run anything but smoothly and for only four years. Although Martin Van Buren and Amos Kendall had been so closely associated with the removal of postmasters in President Jackson's administration, Postmaster General Kendall, soon after the beginning of " J a c k s o n Papers, Aug. 3 1 , 1835, from Kendall; Cincinnati Commercial, Feb. 4, 1879 (June 24, Oct. 31, Aug. 12, Dec. 8, 1836, Jan. 23, 1837, Jackson to Kendall). 39 National Intelligencer, Mar. 24, July 19, 1837. 40 McCormac, James K. Polk; a Political Biography, pp. 127-28». 41 Flagg Papers, Sept. 30, 1840. 42 James Brown, MS Diary, June 7, 1840. une 2 48 Cincinnati Commercial, Feb. 4, 5, 1879 (Aug. 18, 1839, J 3> 1837, Jackson to Kendall). 44 Van Buren Papers, Aug. 12, Oct. 20, Nov. 6, 1838, from Kendall; Biddle, Correspondence, p. 297 (Jan. io, 1838, from N. Newkirk).

THE

FIRST

POLITICAL

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3!

the new administration, issued a circular to postmasters and a letter to Congressmen and others stating that he would not remove postmasters, whatever their political opinions were, if they were faithful and quiet. But "Brawlers of any party, who make politics instead of attention to their official duties their constant occupation, I mean to cut adrift from the public service." 4 5 Several prominent postmasters were removed shortly after the N e w Yorker became President, but not very many of the "rank and file." T h e Postmaster General was now no longer as independent of Congress in the distribution of patronage as he had formerly been. F o r some time the Senate had been trying to encroach on the appointment power of the Executive. Several bills to effect this had been reported out of committee in 1820, and one—setting a fouryear term for certain officers—had been passed. Postmasters, however, had not been included. In every subsequent Congress there had been introduced bills providing that postmasters whose commissions were larger than a certain sum should be appointed by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate. Finally, J u l y 2, 1 8 3 6 , a bill to reorganize the Post Office Department was passed. According to this new law all postmasters whose commissions exceeded one thousand dollars were to be appointed by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, and were to hold office for four years; these came to be called the Presidential postmasters. A T h i r d Assistant Postmaster General was provided for, and the Second Assistant was given charge of appointments. 46 When the act was put into effect there were only eighty-seven so-called Presidential post offices out of a total of about eleven thousand. Congressmen now also wanted to be consulted with regard to the appointment of postmasters in their districts, and Postmaster General Kendall admitted that when the applicants were unknown the Department sometimes "relied on the late P . M . & the Representative in Congress." 47 Postmaster General Niles (his successor) complained to a friend that the calls of Congressmen consumed one-half of each day and that he hoped he would have " a little r e l i e f " when Congress adjourned. 48 A Representative, however, could not 45

Kendall Misc. (Library of Congress), May 13, 1835, to Caleb Butler; Kendall, Autobiography, pp. 43 3~3418 U.S. Congress, Congressional Debates, 19th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 672; Statutes at Large, 24th Cong., 1st Sess., V, 80. 47 Postmaster General Letterbook, Feb. 25, 1837, to J . F. Cleveland, Sept. 1 1 , 1837, to P. K. Richard. 48 Welles Papers (Library of Congress), June 2, July 2 j , 1840.

THE

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STRATEGIST

yet " d i c t a t e " on postmaster appointments—in fact the " a d v i c e " of prominent party leaders still had greater weight with the appointing power. 4 9 T h e Senators, however, had no official control over removals, and by the spring of 1 8 3 9 they were again complaining of proscription (they and the newspapers had been relatively silent on that issue for f o u r y e a r s ) . Resolutions asking f o r a report on the number of and reasons f o r removals of deputy postmasters were passed. Postmaster G e n e r a l K e n d a l l made a reply similar to that of Postmaster General B a r r y on the constitutional separation of powers. T h e Senators debated his answer and accused K e n d a l l of the political guillotining of those w h o had voted independently in the election of 1 8 3 8 . 5 0 H e and the President were attacked for removing postmasters who differed m e r e l y in their political views. M r . L e w i s , in a letter to General Jackson, discussed the removal of the postmaster at Washington and concluded : I have attempted to show that there could have been no reason of a public nature f o r his r e m o v a l , and that it w a s not upon the principle of rotation. I will venture the opinion that in neither E n g l a n d nor F r a n c e , is an e x ample to be f o u n d of a subordinate officer of G o v e r n m e n t h a v i n g been r e m o v e d f r o m office on account of his private

opinion.

'1

Postmaster General Kendall denied that removals were being made f o r differences of political opinion as the n u m e r o u s Postmasters remaining in office whose v i e w s are k n o w n to be hostile to the administration illustrates . . .

it is not the practice of the

D e p a r t m e n t to publish the cause of r e m o v a l by c o m m u n i c a t i n g them to the recent incumbent or his f r i e n d s ; f o r no public good is accomplished by it, a n d it w o u l d do much mischief.

It was, therefore, difficult to determine the reason f o r a removal. Senator A l l e n , of Ohio, defended the proscription policy by calling the attention of the opposing group to the fact that they were striving to put President Van Buren out of office: " A n d w h y was this? . . . It was because of a difference of political opinions and principles between 4B

Postmaster General Lctterbook, Mar. 5, 1836, to Niles. National Intelligencer, Feb. 2, Mar. 25, 1837, Mar. 23, 1 8 3 9 ; U.S. Congress, Congressional Globe, 25th Cong., 3d Sess., pp. 1 5 1 , 188, 225, 234; Niles Register, Mar. 9, 1839. 51 Lewis Papers, Oct. 6, 1839. Postmaster General Letterbook, Sept. /, 1837, to W. B. Calhoun.

THE

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33

them and him . . . [and yet] let one of their party be removed from a petty Post Office . . . the cry of proscription is raised!" 5 3 Although most of the postmasters were Democrats, as the election of 1840 approached there was clamor for changes in the offices in order to give others a chance to have a Government job. For this reason ex-President Jackson advised his old friend William B. Lewis to resign and come home. H e wrote, "rotation in office must from the great pressure of public opinion be adopted by the president. . . . There will be a great change made in the public offices in Washington soon as I believe54 The number of removals was increasing,—five times as many were made in the first two months of 1839 as in the same period in 1837, which is just the opposite of the usual trend. There is little accurate data on the removals of this administration. Postmaster General Kendall reported three hundred and sixty-three in the first two years. Out of the one hundred and twenty-two Presidential post offices, on which we now have an official report in the Senate Executive Journal, five appointments were made because of removals (so acknowledged), nine because the incumbent resigned, four after the expiration of the incumbent's commission, and in forty-nine instances no reason was given for the change. Most of the appointments in this last classification were made in 1840, just before the election.55 The National Intelligencer called the attention of its readers to the importance of patronage as a political weapon of the Postmaster General: It [the General Post O f f i c e ] is truly a mighty Engine! Its capacity for good or for evil is indeed enormous. F r o m being only a "distributor," it may become the regulator of light throughout our country. T h e "thirty-five thousand agents" acting under orders of the chief of this Department, may constitute a body of household troops whose united exertions it would be impossible to resist. T h e Postmaster General, at the head of thirty-five thousand postmasters, collectors, and contractors, would indeed be a formidable foe, or an all-powerful friend. His influence, thrown into either scale, would necessarily determine the balance in favor of the party he espoused. 58

The fear expressed by this biased newspaper was certainly exaggerated, but there is no doubt that the postmasters were being used to 53

Allen Papers, 184.0, draft of a specch. Lewis Papers, Aug. 1 3 , 1839, from Jackson. 55 U.S. Congress, 25th Cong., 3d Sess., Senate Doc., No. 292; Executive Journal of the Senate, 1837—1841; 28th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Doc., No. 399 (known as the Morehead Report) gives 15 removals and 14 not reappointed since July, 1836. 58 National Intelligencer, Sept. 28, 1839. 04

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bring about the renomination and re-election of President Van Buren. They were also being called upon to help finance the campaign, although requests for party funds were still local. Such voluntary gifts, however, were gradually becoming taxes or assessments. The system was defended even by such a party leader as Senator Niles, soon to be Postmaster General. He declared "it to be quite as justifiable as for any private citizen to use money for that purpose." Even as early as 1836 it was said that the officeholders in Boston "had been largely 'doomed' to pay a pro rata tax for the purposes of elections." 57 The investigation of the defaulting collector of New York, Samuel Swartwout, in 1839, brought out the fact that assessments for political purposes had been the usual practice for the last four or five years. The rate varied from 1 to 6 percent, and when an employee protested, he was usually asked if his fifteen hundred dollar job was not worth fifteen dollars. The collector of the general committee of Tammany Hall had a book which contained alphabetically the names of the employees and the amount each was required to pay.58 The American Whig asserted that the system reached perfection in President Van Buren's administration, when "every officeholder . . . was subject to a tax for election purposes." There is no evidence, however, that Postmaster General Kendall directed any of these assessments, and he even denied that persons holding office in the Post Office were "taxed for political purposes as the condition on which they are permitted to remain in office." 59 He did, however, expect them to help finance the campaign by obtaining subscriptions for the Extra Globey a campaign periodical. Just before he left the office of Postmaster General he issued an "Address to the People of the United States" and sent the following "confidential circular" to twenty thousand postmasters: Washington May 2c,

1840.

M y dear Sir: Having embarked, with consciousness of right and hearty good will, in defense of the Administration of which I have formed a part, I earnestly envoke your assistance in rendering my efforts effective by disseminating the enclosed address, and obtaining subscribers to the E x t r a Globe throughout your region of the country. E v e r y farmer, mechanic, and workingman should have one; and if they 87 88 M

Niles Register, Mar. 9, 1836. U.S. Congress, i j t h Cong., 3d Sess., House Report, No. 3 1 3 , pp. 249-52. American Whig, IX, 444; National Intelligencer, Mar. 19, 1839.

T H E

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35

cannot well spare a dollar each, two or more should unite to-gether to take one. Stimulated by an enthusiastic devotion to the pure principles of democracy, and by the daring efforts n o w making to conquer them, and to extinguish forever the beacon-light which our beloved country is holding up to mankind, I shall endeavor to take care that the true hearted men w h o may aid me in reaching the minds of honest people shall have no cause to repent their exertions. 6 0

This was sent out under his frank, and the postmasters were designated to take the subscriptions for the Extra Globe because they could send them to Washington without paying any postage. Subscriptions were sent to the Post Office Department, where a record of them was made before they were sent on to the Globe office.81 Most postmasters answered the call, and the subscriptions poured into the Department at the rate of four hundred a day. Kendall was criticized both for sending out this obviously political document when he was Postmaster General and for using the frank for political purposes in order to save campaign expenses. A resolution was introduced into Congress inquiring whether he was still Postmaster General when he issued this letter. H e had resigned, but he continued to manage the office until May 26, six days after the circular had been sent out to all postmasters.82 In the summer of 1838 Postmaster General Kendall intimated that he might have to resign his position on account of his health and suggested that he be considered for the ministership to Spain. By 1840 he felt that his strength was not adequate for the management of a large department and the President's campaign at the same time, so in the spring of that year he resigned to undertake the editorship of the Extra Globe, a campaign periodical which was to be published until the Presidential election. Ex-President Jackson regretted his resignation, but admitted: "Where he is going [he] will be a host to our cause." 63 Philip Hone, in his Diary, sarcastically presented the significance of this move: T h e head devil of the Administration, the actor of all the dirty w o r k , at once the tyrant and the slave of M r . Van Buren, as he was of his "illus60 Amos Kendall, An Address to the People of the United States, 1840 (pamphlet) ; Welles Papers (Library of Congress), M a y 20, 1840, gives copy of the letter sent to postmasters under the frank of the Postmaster General.

Welles Papers, M a y 24, 26, 30, 1840, from Niles. National Intelligencer, July 10, Sept. 26, 1840; John Quincy Adams, 88 Van Buren Papers, M a y 2 : , 1840. X , 196. 61

62

Memoirs,

THE

36

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trious predecessor," has resigned the office of Postmaster General and published a sort of manifesto to the people of the country, that they may keep themselves cool, the republic is safe, the United States may exist a while longer. Amos Kendall resigns because it is his pleasure so to do, not that he is dissatisfied with M r . Van Buren or his Cabinet: to prove which and to continue his valuable services to his obliged and honored fellow citizens he intends to enlighten them by writing articles for the Globe, to shew the party the way they should go. 6 4 S h o r t l y a f t e r the Postmaster G e n e r a l ' s resignation a contemporary reported that, " a i d e d by G e n e r a l Jackson and the ' m a c h i n e r y ' of the Democratic party, engineered by A m o s K e n d a l l , M r . V a n B u r e n secured for himself the re-nomination f o r the P r e s i d e n c y . "

63

A t K e n d a l l ' s suggestion J o h n M i l t o n N i l e s was invited by President V a n B u r e n to become Postmaster G e n e r a l . N i l e s had f o r some time opposed the p o w e r of the Federalist d y n a s t y in N e w E n g l a n d and had established and edited the H a r t f o r d Times to aid in that w o r k . H e had run for several offices, but had a l w a y s been d e f e a t e d . A f t e r his defeat as a candidate of the Jackson party f o r C o n g r e s s m a n in 1829 he had been appointed postmaster of H a r t f o r d . F r o m this position he had directed the reorganization of the D e m o c r a t i c party in Connecticut and represented his state at the national convention in 1832. H e had been appointed to the U n i t e d States Senate in D e c e m b e r , 1835, and here he had supported President V a n B u r e n and had advocated the Independent T r e a s u r y S y s t e m . H e had continued to be most interested in t h e organization of the party in Connecticut and had directed G i d e o n W e l l e s ( h i s successor as postmaster) to see that issues of t h e H a r t f o r d Times

were sent to various towns f o r free distribution and that special

attention was g i v e n by the correspondence committees to the local fluctuating

vote. T h e W h i g g r o u p was too p o w e r f u l , h o w e v e r , and

N i l e s had again been d e f e a t e d , w h e n at the expiration of his t e r m he had run f o r G o v e r n o r in 1839, and again in 1840; he was, t h e r e f o r e , f r e e to accept President Van B u r e n ' s appointment as Postmaster G e n eral. H e entered upon his new duties, M a y 26, 1840. 6 6 64

05 ae

Hone, Diary, i ¡211-185!, I, 482. Poore, Perley's Reminiscences, 1, 227. V a n Buren Papers, M a y , n.d., to N i l e s ; W e l l e s Papers ( L i b r a r y of

Congress),

Jan. 2 1 , 1 8 3 7 , M a y 30, 1840, f r o m N i l e s : " I have reason to believe that if I ain indebted to any one except the President it is to him

[ K e n d a l l ] " ; Papers r e l a t i n g to

W e l l e s , B o x 3 ; W e l l e s Papers ( N e w Y o r k Historical S o c i e t y ) , Dec. 3 1 , 1 8 3 7 , f r o m Niles.

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The new Postmaster General, therefore, had experience in both the postal and the political phases of his new job. As Philip Hone wrote in his Diary: "By our new fashioned party tactics the Postmaster General is expected to do all the dirty work, so Niles' appointment is tolerably fitting." 07 At first he was kept so busy with the perplexities of the Department that he had no time "to read newspapers or attend to politics"; but a little later he wrote: " I am so much engaged in business & politics that I have no time to write even to my wife." He was very active in the campaign of 1840; he attended conferences at the Blairs "to endeavor to roll back the tide of war." He was worried over the indifference of the political leaders and decided to talk "plain." He wrote his Hartford friend: "This is a new era in political warfare and the old modes of conducting campaigns being abandoned on one side and new weapons & new modes of fighting adopted, we are compelled to meet them with the same weapons or such others as their new tactics may require." He spent every evening in party organization meetings and then sat up until twelve and one o'clock in order to write political articles and editorials for the official organ, the Globe, because the real editors, Rives and Blair, were "asleep," he wrote. He received reports from the political workers in all states on local conditions and kept the nominee informed as to the progress of the campaign. News, however, was bad, and when word came that they had lost Kentucky, he prodded the Hartford postmaster: "Is Connecticut organized—thoroughly organized?" He complained about the great amount of corruption in the use of money, the buying of votes, the importation of voters, and debauching of voters with liquor by the other party.68 While the Postmaster General censured the Whigs for their use of corrupt methods, the opposition Congressmen deplored the great influence exerted by local Democratic postmasters and tried to limit 87

Hone, Diary, I, 482. Welles Papers (Library of Congress), June 2, July 12, 25, Aug. 9, 12, 1 3 , Sept. 6, 16, 17, 22, 24, 27, Oct. 5, 9, Nov. i, 1840, from Niles describing the political situation; Welles Papers (New York Public Library), Oct. 6, n , 16, 17, 2 1 , Nov. 21 3, 7, 15, 1840, from Niles. He comments on the Post Office Department: " T h i s Department is to be by far the most troublesome to manage & the one through which, a corrupt man will attempt to exercise the most influence. The contractors have been the most noisy and abusive partisans in the whole country and they will all come on here & expect to be paid in good jobs & contracts. This was the case to some extent when Gen. Jackson came in & was the ruin of poor B a r r y . " Van Buren Papers, A u g . 29, 1840, from Niles. 68

38

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their political activities. One Representative declared that "in point of influence, at a crossroads, they have more than any member of the Cabinet," 69 and a Senator described the postmaster in his own little village as " a most thorough electioneer, devoting his days and nights to that praiseworthy employment. . . . At the time of elections, his office is usually encumbered with electioneering pamphlets." 7 0 When the Congressmen tried to limit their political activities by law, they encountered difficulties. Postmaster General Kendall well stated what continued to be the problem up to the present Hatch Acts: O n the one h a n d , it is difficult to maintain by a r g u m e n t that a person a c cepting a public station

forfeits thereby

any

right

to canvass

f r e e l y , in

speeches or in w r i t i n g the claims of aspirants to office a n d the principles inv o l v e d in p e n d i n g elections, w h i c h he possessed as a private citizen. O n the other hand it is admitted that there w o u l d be d a n g e r to our institutions, should the g o v e r n m e n t support in those w h o receive honors & e m o l u m e n t s at its hands, a band of political leaders w h o should t h r o u g h their public stations assume to direct public opinions and control the results of elections in the g e n e r a l and state g o v e r n m e n t s .

. . .

I t w o u l d be d a n g e r o u s to h a v e our

eleven thousand post offices m a d e centres of electioneering operations directed by their incumbents a n d sustained by the r e v e n u e w h i c h they collect f r o m the people. . . . M y advice to P . M a s t e r s

. . . has been to keep as

clear f r o m the excitements of political strife as p o s s i b l e — t o shun m e r e political meetings, or, if present, to avoid taking a n y p a r t in their p r o c e e d i n g s — to decline a c t i n g as m e m b e r s of political c o m m i t t e e s or conventions

. . .

a n d to take especial care to treat all m e n alike in their official i n t e r c o u r s e . 7 1

In 1836 and thereafter bills to "secure the freedom of elections" (our first "Hatch bills") had been periodically introduced into Congress. Most of these bills were written by M r . Bell, of Tennessee, who although a Democrat had opposed M r . Van Buren in the election, or by Senator Crittenden, a W h i g from Kentucky. Representative Bell gave as the cause for his bill: "Complaints are also made that officers of the United States or persons holding office or employment under the authority of the same, are in the habit of intermeddling in elections, both State and Federal, otherwise, than by giving their votes." T h e bill would have prevented an officer from meddling in elections by giving money, using his frank, or by promising positions or by "threats or menaces" or "abuse of any other official privilege or function." It 69 70 71

U.S. Congress, Congressional Globe, 26th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 300. National Intelligencer, Apr. 18, 1839. Postmaster General Letterbook, Sept. 27. 1836, to Senator McKean.

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would also have prevented the officers from contributing money. The punishment was to have been removal from office and imprisonment.72 The bill introduced into the Senate in 1839 was more extensive} it declared that no postmasters, marshals, collectors, and others "shall by word, message, or writing, or in any manner whatever, endeavor to persuade any elector to give, or dissuade any elector from giving his vote for the choice of any person to be elector of President." The bill received only five votes in the Senate; Senator Buchanan had led the debate against the bill. 73 In 1840 it was Mr. Bell's turn to introduce the bill. Representative Watterson led the opposition to it, on the basis that it took away the constitutional rights of the officeholders, and he declared that the officeseekers were worse than the officeholders, since there were twice as many of them.74 None of these bills received much support, and in any event the influence of the postmasters was exaggerated. Control of the officeholding machinery might be enough to renominate, but even as early as 1840 it was not sufficient to elect an unpopular President. The Whigs won the election and for the first time obtained control of the Federal Government. Postmaster General Niles consoled himself by maintaining that "fraud and villany" had succeeded for a time, but that the Democrats would speedily recover themselves and "in two years force the traitors to surrender at discretion." 75 72

U.S. Congress, Congressional Globe, 24th Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 124, 127, 144, 146. 7 Ibid., 25th Cong., 3d Sess., p. 226. * Ibid., 26th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 300. 75 Welles Papers (New York Public Library), Nov. 3, 1840, from Niles. Interesting cartoon portraying the activities of Kendall and Niles in the campaign in Fraser, Democracy in the Making, p. 163. 73

CHAPTER REPRESENTATIVES

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FACTIONS

- E WHIG PRESIDENTS, in contrast to the preceding administration, did not give the Postmaster Generalship to a political manager (perhaps they had no one similar to Amos Kendall), but used the office to reward the less prominent men in the party. The party itself was not a unit; there was no one man to rally around, no one issue, and certainly no unified machinery. It was composed of those who had been opposed to President Jackson, and there were several candidates for leadership—ex-President Adams, Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster. They had been members of the old National Republican party. Another faction, whose members were particularly astute in political management and who probably could have really organized the party if given a chance, was made up of adherents of the old AntiMasonic party. This party originated in western New York, and although organized on the issue of secret societies it had soon become opposed to President Jackson and had often co-operated with the National Republican party. The political manager of the party had been Thurlow Weed, editor of the Albany Evening Journal; its perennial candidate for office, Francis Granger. He had been nominated for governor by the Anti-Masonic party in 1828, but since the National Republican party had selected him as the candidate for lieutenant governor he had refused to run for the higher office. In 1830 and in 1832 he was nominated for governor by both the parties.1 He had even hoped he might be the Presidential candidate when the Anti-Masonic party made its first nomination for that office in 1831, but Thurlow Weed had promptly squelched that movement. He wrote: " I won't 'grunt' about your being President any more than I am forced to— The men from this State who urged it are stark mad or I am an Ass— a four-legged long-eared ass." 2 Finally, in 1834, he was elected to 1

Thurlow Weed, Autobiography, pp. 298—304, 366, 3 9 1 - 9 2 , 4.13; McCarthy, " T h e Anti-Masonic Party," in American Historical Association, Report, 1902, I, 379 ; Granger Misc. (New York Historical Society), A u g . 30, 1828, to J . D. Hammond. 2 Weed Misc. (New York Historical Society), Sept. 1830, to Granger.

REPRESENTATIVES

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41

Congress, where he remained until 1 8 4 1 . H e was a distinguished candidate for this minor party, according to the description of William Henry Seward, also a leader in the party: He is "six feet and well proportioned" . . . handsome, graceful, dignified, and affable, as almost any hero of whom you have read . . . . he is intimately acquainted with politics, and with the affairs, interests, and men of the State. He is never great, but always successful. . . . His hair is ever gracefully curled, his broad and expansive brow is always exposed, his person is carefully dressed, to exhibit his face and form aright and with success. . . . He is a prince among those who are equals, affable to inferiors, and knows no superiors. 3

By 1833 the three New Yorkers realized that Anti-Masonry was not a big enough issue for a political party, so after a conference with other members outside the state the party had been dissolved. They then proceeded to help organize the new W h i g party. 4 Granger was still the favorite candidate of the Anti-Masonic wing of the new party, and they wanted to nominate him for President in 1836, but the National Republican group opposed this, and ex-President Adams sarcastically remarked: " T h e y would do well first to try their hands at electing him Governor of New Y o r k . " 5 They therefore nominated him for Vice President and gave General Harrison first place on the ticket. There was so little unity in the Whig party that they held no national convention that year, but different sections put up their own candidates: Daniel Webster was put forward by the Massachusetts legislature, and Hugh C. White was advanced by the "states-rights" Whigs, with John Tyler, of Virginia, as Vice President. The Virginian's son summed up the situation: " T h e fact is, the politics of the two rival candidates, Tyler and Granger, show the ruling elements in the Whig party, North and South—States rights and anti-masonry." 8 There were so many candidates for Vice President in 1836 that no one of them received a majority of the electoral votes. The Senate, therefore, for the only time in our history, had the deciding vote; they elected the Democratic nominee, Richard Johnson. Although M r . Granger, the Vice Presidential candidate, had received more electoral votes than the Presidential nominee, General Harrison, the campaign manager of the latter favored dropping him in the next campaign, 3 4 8

Frederick W. Seward, Autobiography of William H. Seward, I, 1 7 1 . 5 Weed, Autobiography, p. 425. Adams, Memoirs, I X , 1 7 0 - 7 1 . Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, I, 5 1 9 .

42

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FACTIONS

because he brought " n o strength in the only quarter where it was needed." 7 H i s suggestion was carried out in 1840, for John T y l e r was nominated to be the General's running mate, and Granger was sacrificed, in order to attract the dissatisfied Democratic voters of the South. 8 Granger, however, was active in the campaign. At first he merely carried on a brisk correspondence and received from different parts of the United States encouraging reports of the probable success of the Whigs.® Although his health was poor, he journeyed West in September to attend several political rallies in Ohio, at which he was called upon to speak. This trip did him so much good that he spent the rest of the time campaigning for the W h i g party in N e w Y o r k , which "two month's stumping have done me more good than all the calomel and learning of Washington doctors," he informed his party's candidate. 10 Very soon after the election Granger wrote at length to General Harrison, suggesting that he be in no hurry about making appointments in N e w Y o r k state, that only " a judicious application of the appointing power can prevent the E m p i r e State from falling back to the enemy." H e would be glad to advise him about the peculiar situation there. 1 1 A s usual there was a good deal of gossip about the probable composition of the new President's Cabinet. There is no doubt that Granger wanted and expected some position j he was always desirous of holding political office. Thurlow WTeed supported him in this ambition and wrote him soon after the election that he would probably be made Secretary of the N a v y , as N e w Y o r k was entitled to some representation in the Cabinet and he was the logical candidate. H e hoped he would not decline the o f f e r . 1 2 Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, also thought that he should have that office, because " N Y o r k with one sixth part of the House of Reps, should have one member of the Cabinet— Granger in my humble opinion is entitled to that distinc7

Coebel, William Henry Harrison; a Political Biography, p. 325 (Apr. 8, 1837, Todd to Harrison); Seward, Autobiography, I, 323 (Jan. 3, 1837, Seward wrote Weed: " I rejoice that Frank comes out of this, as he always has done out of all unfortunate political elections, with increased reputation and honor. I would rather enjoy his place than that of the Magician"). 8 Carroll, Origins of the Whig Party, p. 1 6 5 ; Granger Papers, Dec. 9, 1839, to Weed; Seward, Autobiography, p. 349 (Dec. 3, 1837, Seward wrote his wife: "It is important, as the candidate for the presidency must probably be a northern man, to have for the second place one whom the South will approve, and, of course, it is supposed a Southern man would be preferred." 9 Granger Papers, Jan. 24, Sept. 2, Oct. 18, Nov. 7, 1840, to Weed. 10 Granger Misc. (New York Historical Society), Nov. 9, 1840, to Judge Burnet. 11 Granger Papers, Nov. 25, 1840. 12 Barnes, Memoirs of Thurlovi Weed, II, 87 (Dec. 1 1 , 1 8 4 0 ) .

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13

tion." Shortly after the election the President-elect visited Kentucky and discussed the Cabinet selections with Henry Clay. He told Clay that he had decided on Webster as Secretary of State, Crittenden as Attorney General, and Thomas Ewing as Postmaster General. 14 Nothing seems to have been settled about the New Yorker's appointment, however, before General Harrison reached Washington early in February. There he consulted with Webster and Ewing, and since "none can be found on whom the Whigs would as readily agree," 1 5 the latter was made the Secretary of the Treasury and Granger, Postmaster General, which "except that it smacks of 'low descent,' it is as it should be," wrote Weed. 16 The prospective Cabinet was announced on the thirteenth of February in the National Intelligencer. Granger's appointment encountered considerable opposition from the southern Congressmen, because he was considered an abolitionist; so Weed cautioned him to be careful and not to arouse any antislavery feeling. 17 The Whigs had railed against the proscriptive policy of the Democrats and the political activity of their officeholders in the elections, so when they came into power in 1841 the titular head of the party immediately declared that "it is a great abuse to bring the patronage of the General Government into conflict with the freedom of elections, and that this abuse ought to be corrected." He, therefore, directed the heads of the Departments to inform their employees that: . . . partisan interference in popular elections, whether of State officers or officers of the G o v e r n m e n t , and for whomsoever or against whomsoever it m a y be exercised, or the payment of any contribution or assessment on salaries or official compensation for party or election purposes, will be regarded by him as cause for removal.

. . .

I t is not intended that any officer shall be restrained in the free and proper expression and maintenance of his opinions . . . but persons e m ployed under the government

. . . are not expected to take an active or

officious part in attempts to influence the minds or votes of others. 1 8

This was probably a sincere declaration on the part of President Harrison, but the clamor of Whig officeseekers drowned out all protestations. The leaders of the party gave in (probably not unwillingly). 13 15

14 Crittenden Papers, Jan. 7, 1 8 4 1 . Clayton Papers, Dec. 17, 1840. Ewing Papers, J a n . 4, 1 8 4 1 , to J . W. Allen; Clayton Papers, Feb. 12, 1 8 4 1 , from

Clay. 18 Barnes, Memoirs of Thurlouu Weed, I I , 89 (Feb. 19, 1 8 + 1 ) . 17 F l a g g Papers, Feb. 19, 1 8 4 1 , from C. C. C l a y ; John Quincy Adams, Memoirs, X , 434 (Feb. 27, 1 8 4 1 ) ; Barnes, Memoirs of T/mrlow Weed, II, 89 (Feb. 22, 1 8 4 1 ) . 18 U.S. Congress, Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, p. 1 2 5 5 .

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T h e Secretary of the Treasury, who was later to be nicknamed the "Butcher" because of the great number of removals he made during his administration, still felt he had to justify his inconsistency. H e explained it as follows: T h e r e w a s also a n o t h e r reason a n d a m o r e j u s t o n e f o r this opinion of t h e public a n d I m a y say mandate

of the p o p u l a r w i l l . I t h a d b e e n the policy

of the p a r t y j u s t thrust f r o m p o w e r , t o retain in o f f i c e n o n e but their political a d h e r e n t s ,

active

. . . a n d the p e r f o r m a n c e of official d u t y , w a s far less

requisite of t e n u r e of o f f i c e , t h a n e l e c t i o n e e r i n g s e r v i c e s . H e n c e the offices h a d b e c o m e f o r the m o s t p a r t filled w i t h b r a w l i n g o f f e n s i v e political p a r tisans.18

T h e Postmaster General was also a firm believer in the slogan "to the victor belongs the spoils," and he recognized that the Post Office Department could be an effective instrument in organizing the party; as he wrote M r . W e e d (using the same words as the National Intelligencer in his description, "it is a mighty engine for good or evil." Immediately after talcing office he took away from the Democratic Assistant Postmaster General all the work of making appointments and gave it to a W h i g clerk until a new Second Assistant could be selected. T h e office was finally given to an ex-New Yorker, Philo C. Fuller, Speaker of the Assembly of Michigan. H e was described thus by the Postmaster General to his friend, the Albany editor: " T h i s is the appointment Bureau. M r . F's manners, knowledge of men, etc., etc. made it the best possible appointment & the Journal may as well say so now. It will shew that while the P M G is cautious, he is moving." 20 Beginning with the first part of April long lists of "postmasters removed" appeared in the papers—those postmasters who had taken an active part in the election against President Harrison were to be removed, and those who had given of their "time and money freely" for the W h i g candidate were to be appointed. 21 Post office jobs were given in an attempt to build up a strong W h i g party. Under Weed's direction Granger tried in New Y o r k to unite the Locofocos (the reform wing in the Democratic party) with the W h i g party. 22 In Kentucky, Henry Clay was the "adviser," and he especially urged the reThomas Ewing, " D i a r y , " American Historical Review, X V I I I (Oct., 1 9 1 2 ) , 98. Granger Papers, n.d. 1841. 21 Ibid., Mar. 21, 1841, from Reverdy Johnson; Niles Register, Apr. 3, 1841, and so on almost every week. 22 Ibid., Mar. 11, 1841, to Weed. Granger wrote that he read most of the letters of application because "our folks mix applications and politics strangely together & 19

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moval of the Jackson postmaster at Lexington, on the ground that he was the " r a l l y i n g point f o r the party in Kentucky and in the W e s t . " Although he had held the position for twenty years to the satisfaction of the Department and the community, he was immediately removed at the Senator's request. 2 3 Some Whigs complained that the Postmaster General was too slow; one wrote his brother, the Secretary of the Treasury, that he had kept in one of the best offices in Pennsylvania the head of the leading opposition paper in the state. H e added, " I hope it [his r e m o v a l ] will not be long delayed, there is nothing to be gained by feeding the enemy, they are always ungrateful for favours thus retained." 2 4 T h e Postmaster General had just become well started on his policy of replacing Democratic postmasters with Whigs in order to organize into an effective party machine the officeholding group when President Harrison died. H i s successor, a "states-rights" W h i g , belonged to a faction different from that of the members of the Cabinet, and he soon broke with H e n r y C l a y , whom everyone had expected would now be the head of the administration, so blocked any move to unite the party. H e did not immediately change the Cabinet, nor did he forbid the heads of departments to make removals, since he did not want to bring matters to a head while the bank bill was pending. Once in a while he did prevent an appointment the Postmaster General wanted to make; for example, he refused to replace the postmaster of N e w York City by Philip H o n e , a prominent Whig.2-"' T h e Democrats gloated over the break that was developing in the W h i g party, although they feared the Cabinet might not resign, because of their desire to keep control of the offices. T h e y maintained that M r . Granger was continuing to remove postmasters, in direct contradiction to President T y l e r ' s rules, and that T h u r l o w W e e d , with the Postmaster General and the Secretary of State, was trying to organize a group to control the Government themselves.-" Democrats in Congress tried to hasten the break by attacking Postmaster General Granger on any excuse, and they dragged him into the debate regardless of the bill under discussion. Senator Buchanan started the assault, on June 17 [ 1 8 4 1 ] , by I must first sec the letters."; Weed Misc. (New York Historical May 14, 1 8 + 1 , to Granger; Granger Papers, May 1 1 , 1 841, from 23 Clay Misc. (New York Historical Society), May 8, 184.1. 25 - 4 Ewing Papers, June 5, 1 8 4 1 . Hone, Diary, p. 563 26 Flagg Papers, Aug. 12, 15, 23, 26, 1 8 4 1 , from Marcy; Van 27, 1 8 4 1 , from C. J . Ingersoll.

Society), Mar. 13, P. Kennedy. (Sept. 22, 1 8 4 1 ) . Buren Papers, July

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asking for a report on the number of postmasters removed since the preceding March. H e asserted that removals were being made at the rate of one hundred and thirty postmasters a week. "Amos Kendall, the late Postmaster General, never set such a precedent to his successor," he pointed out. T h e opposition piled up arguments in favor of the resignation of Postmaster General Granger: because he differed with the President; because he had made so many removals; but particularly because he had taken the place of Amos Kendall, "the best Postmaster General the country has ever seen." A Congressman from his own state attacked the competency of M r . Granger because of the deficit of the Post Office Department. " H e believed he neglected those duties to attend to the political operations of the office—that instead of applying himself to a careful management of the finances of his office, he had devoted himself to the wretched work of removals, of cutting off heads." Cave Johnson, who was later to have even a worse reputation in this respect said: " W e hear every day, from every quarter, of proscription. T h e best men in the country were driven from public office to make room for noisy partisans; and . . . for no better reason than that their politics did not suit his taste." 27 In the six months during which Granger held the office he did succeed in removing thirty-nine of the one hundred and thirty-three Presidential postmasters. T h e only record of the number of smaller offices which were filled with Whigs is given in a "House Document" in response to a resolution asking how many postmasters were appointed from April 4, 1 8 4 1 , to March, 1842. By September, [ 1 8 4 1 ] , almost twenty-five hundred postmasters had been appointed in minor offices. Undoubtedly most of these were caused by the removal of the incumbent, as the term of office was not limited. 28 Later, when Granger was in Congress, he boasted that he had removed seventeen hundred postmasters and "had he remained two weeks more three thousand would have been added to the list making 4,700 in all." 29 By August it was obvious that the Cabinet could not remain in power much longer, so the Albany journalist 27

James Buchanan, Works, IV, 4 5 1 , 4 5 5 - 6 1 ; U.S. Congress, Congressional Globe, 27th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 63, IOI, 3 7 1 , 374-75 (the resolutions were passed.) 28 U.S. Congress, 28th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Doc. No. 399, pp. 387-89. The report gives for the period from Mar. 4 to July, 1 8 4 1 , 33 removals and 3 not reappointed; Executive Journal of the Senate, V, gives 39 removed by Sept. 5, with 5 resignations and 3 not reappointed; 27th Cong., 2d Sess., House Doc., No. 228. 29 U.S. Congress, Congressional Globe, 27th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 701.

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urged Granger to "close up Post Office business as f a r as is proper. I wish Calhoun, of Oswego, could get his place. H e is the Editor of an influential paper." 3 0 There was not time enough to make this appointment before the Postmaster General was forced to resign. T h e overt issue which brought about the dissolution of the Cabinet was the plan of the Whigs to re-establish a central bank. Postmaster General Granger felt, however, that the issue was being overemphasized by H e n r y Clay and that he was losing "many friends by the hot haste with which he pressed the Bank Bill f o r e w a r d — [ H e ] spoke of the great imprudence of putting the Bank B i l l before the revenue bill, if he really desired that the Land Bill should be approved." M r . Granger had never followed the leadership of the Kentuckian, and with regard to the imminent question of the Cabinet's dissolution he favored resigning only if the President vetoed both the bank and land bills, as that would definitely indicate his opposition to W h i g party principles. Both bills were before the Cabinet on the same d a y ; the President signed the land bill, and on September 9 he vetoed the bill to establish the Fiscal Corporation of the United States. 3 1 T h e four Clay members of the Cabinet immediately resigned. T h e Postmaster General wanted to keep his job, but he could not very well do so after the N e w Y o r k members of Congress passed a resolution advising his resignation. H e presented it to President T y l e r on September i i . 8 2 Later the President's son declared that the Postmaster General had resigned, not because of the veto of the bank bill, but because he was not allowed to continue his proscription policy. 33 Philip Hone, in his Diary, said that Granger himself told him of the difficulties and mortifications to which he had been subjected in the discharge of his official duties by the faithless a n d w a y w a r d conduct of 30

Weed Misc. (New York Historical Society), Sept. 6, 1 8 4 1 , to Granger. Ewing, "Diary," American Historical Review, X V I I I (Oct., 1 9 1 2 ) , 106. See also Tyler, Parties and Patronage in the United Stales, II (Appendix), 1 i o - i 2; Curtis, The Life of Daniel Webster, II, 7 7 - 8 1 . 32 Granger Papers, Sept. 1 1 , 1 8 4 1 , to Tyler, Sept. 1 1 , 1 8 4 1 , from Fillmore, Thomlinson, Sept. 9, Fillmore wrote: "Since I saw you this morning I have learned with regret that 4 of the cabinet have determined to resign to-morrow at 1 2 — I think it is mistaken policy but it cannot now be prevented—and it therefore becomes necessary for you to say whether you will remain or go with the rest. I think the Cabinet should not divide on the question."; Millard Fillmore, "Papers," Buffalo Historical Society Proceedings, X I , 225-26 (Sept. 23, 1 8 4 1 , to Weed). 33 Tyler, Parties and Patronage in the United States, pp. 68-69. 31

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M r . Accidental President T y l e r . T o the embarrassment which this conduct has caused him, more than to the famous veto of the Bank bill, the resignation of the Postmaster General is to be attributed. 34

Thus the first time the W h i g party was in power it was "broken up effectually," and the administration was left in control of a President who inclined toward the Democratic party. T h e Secretary of State had hoped that the Postmaster General would remain, so that the two Whigs of "unimpeachable orthodoxy in the Cabinet" might be a nucleus around which the party could be reformed. 3 " 1 E v e n if the New Yorker had been permitted by party considerations to stay, and apparently he wanted to stay, probably he would not have been retained by President T y l e r . As early as August, N e w Y o r k Democrats remarked on the fact that "the Prest. is not only willing to get rid of him but is in truth dissatisfied with his course. . . . If he does not take leave to retire it will be given to h i m . " 3 6 E v e n before his resignation Duff Green, as a confidential agent for the President, had been to Kentucky to negotiate an alliance with the powerful Wickliffe family, the old enemies of H e n r y Clay. It was a member of this family whose nomination as Postmaster General was sent into the Senate September 1 3 . N o appointment could have more offended the leader of the W h i g party and have tended to ally the President with the opposition, especially with J o h n C. Calhoun, whose son had married the intermediary's daughter. 3 7 When Charles A . Wickliffe was a member of Congress, 1 8 2 3 - 1 8 3 3 , he was a follower of President Jackson, but he incurred the latter's displeasure when he invited several colleagues to discuss with him the Eaton affair. WThen he was then defeated for the United States Senate, he changed parties. H e was elected lieutenant governor of Kentucky on the W h i g ticket in 1 8 3 6 , and apparently he was on friendly terms with Clay and Crittenden as late as 1 8 3 8 . B y 1840, however, the " O l d D u k e , " as he was nicknamed, had become the leader of the faction opposed to the Senator's control. F o r that reason the W h i g s were alarmed when the President-elect, in November, 1840, visited the Wickliffe family—on business, he asserted—but they feared he would give one of the Wickliffes the office of Postmaster General. 3 8 What they had feared in 1840 now came to pass, and a man opposed 84

35 Hone, Diary, p. 563 (Sept. 2 2 ) . Poage, Henry Clay, p. 104. 37 Flagg Papers, Aug. 15, 1 8 4 1 , from Marcy. Poage, Henry Clay, p. 104. 38 Niles Register, Aug. 20, 1 8 3 1 ; McCormac, James K. Polk, p. 25; Crittenden Papers, Jan. 13, 1838, from Wickliffe, Nov. 30, Dec. 14, 1840, from Letcher; Clay Papers, Nov. 1, ! 840, from Harrison. 36

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to the Whig leaders was put in control of most of the patronage of a supposedly Whig administration. In fact, the new Postmaster General had little contact with members of that party. Governor Seward did call on him when he was in Albany and was "much pleased" with him; they had a "not unpleasant, but quite unprofitable discussion, of the condition and prospects of the Whig party," he reported.39 President Tyler himself said that the members of his new Cabinet were, "like myself . . . all original Jackson men and mean to act upon Republican principles." 40 President Tyler undoubtedly wanted to build up his own party not only in Congress so that his measures could be passed but also so as to bring about his election for another term. Although he had declared, in his inaugural address: " I will remove no incumbent from office who has faithfully and honestly acquitted himself of the duties of his office," he had left a loophole by adding, "except in such cases where such officer has been guilty of an active partisanship." 41 President Tyler's exception was broad enough to cover any removal he might wish to make. His new Postmaster General, Charles A. Wickliffe, wrote to one postmaster: " Y o u were placed in the office upon the ground that your predecessor had been a warm political partisan." In other cases he "tomahawked" (the word used at that time for a removal) the officer appointed by Postmaster General Granger and restored the former Democratic officer, because, as he wrote the discharged postmaster at Lexington, Kentucky: T h e President upon investigation of these facts felt that he had done i n j u r y to an individual w i t h o u t benefit to the public service. T h a t he had displaced a man with w h o m

the c o m m u n i t y w a s satisfied a n d approved one

who

tho qualified and capable a n d so f a r as he k n e w w h o discharged the duties w e l l yet a f f o r d e d n o g r e a t e r satisfaction than the other P . M a s t e r if indeed so m u c h . I n d o i n g justice to M r .

F e c k l i n , the public, and to himself, he

r e g r e t s if a n y injustice has been inflicted upon y o u . 4 2

Judging from the comment of the day, the number of removals was very large. In the fall of 1843 Niles Register observed: "The political wheel revolves rapidly at present, tumbling officers head over heels in 3 J

' Seward, Autobiograf/iy, I, 606 ( J u n e 3, 1 8 4 2 , to his w i f e ) . T y l e r Papers, Oct. 8, 1 8 4 1 , to T h o m a s A . Cooper. 41 U.S. President, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, I V , 38. 42 U.S. Post Office, Misc. drafts of letters, J u n e 1 3 , 1 8 4 2 , to postmaster at Cynthia, Kentucky, A p r . 3, 1 8 4 3 , t o Chittenden, A p r . 1 4 , 1 8 4 3 , to J . S. R e d d ; Postmaster General Letterbook, Feb. 6, 1 8 4 5 , t 0 W. E . Williams. 40

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rapid succession." Postmaster General Wicldiffe left few statistics as to the number of changes in post offices, but the Senate Journal indicates the number of and causes for the appointments made in the Presidential class—thirty-three on account of removals and twenty-three appointed "in place o f " the one whose commission had expired. Fourteen more resigned.44 Some of the resignations were at the request of the Postmaster General, who wrote, for example, to one postmaster: "The object of this note (which is private & unofficial) is to say to you that to me -personally it would be doing a great favour . . . if you would resign." 45 During his administration, therefore, changes were made in more than half the offices of that class. Many of these appointments were rejected by the Senate. A "House Document" shows that he made more than nineteen hundred appointments of postmasters in the minor offices during his first six months in office.48 This was not quite as bright a record as his predecessor. Although Postmaster General Wickliffe frequently consulted those Congressmen who supported the administration about the appointment of the postmasters in their districts,47 he resented any attempt at Congressional dictation and wrote one Representative who objected to three removals in his district: I have not desired the right to call for the reasons for y o u r Legislative action and I will not admit y o u r right to call for mine for a n y executive action. C o n g r e s s has not heretofore felt itself authorized to call for the reasons f o r E x e c u t i v e action in similar cases, and you will not I a m persuaded assume a higher prerogative on this instance than that claimed heretofore by the whole body of w h i c h you are a m e m b e r . 4 8 48

NUes Register, Oct. 7, 1 8 4 3 . U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, V I , gives 1 2 removals in 184.1, 1 in 1 8 4 3 , a n d 2 0 ' n ' 8 4 4 ; Carl Russell Fish, "Removal of Officials by the President of the United States," in American Historical Association, Report, 1899, I, 6 7 - 8 6 , gives same number of removals but less failures to reappoint. 45 U.S. Post Office, Misc. drafts of letters, Apr. 22, 1842, to H. Baker. 48 U.S. Congress, 27th Cong., 2d Sess., House Doc., No. 228. 47 Postmaster General Letterbook, June 16, 1842, to B. Y . Owsley. T h e Postmaster General wrote this Congressman: " Y o u say, that if the practice of advising Members of Congress of removals and appointments in their districts has been abandoned at the Department you claim no right that you should form an exception, etc. Y o u further add, 'if you are to be overlooked, and other persons consulted,' etc. T o all this, may I not appeal to M r . Owsley himself to bear me witness, that I have consulted him & desired his advice, in cases within his district? That I did not do it in this case, f o r the reasons stated, is true." 44

48

U.S. Post Office, Misc. drafts, A p r . 3, 1 8 4 3 , to T . C. Chittenden.

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During this administration we find the first protest against the bribing of Congressmen with offices. Silas Wright, a prominent Democratic Senator from N e w York, wrote a friend: Y o u have no idea of the extent to which Capt. T y l e r , by his offices, has been able to corrupt the members of the present House of Representatives. I have never seen a weaker House, and since its first organization there has not been any harmony, or any order, among the republican members. . . . E v e r y m a n , speaking comparatively, has been dipping in for little postoffices, and other offices and tacitly yielding his principles and his party for the little plunder for select friends, who he has supposed would help him re-elect himself. 4 9 N o President had declared more vehemently against political activity on the part of officeholders than had President T y l e r shortly after he became President. H e issued instructions to the acting Postmaster General as follows: T h e Post Office D e p a r t m e n t , in all its operations, should be conducted for the single purpose of accomplishing the important objects for which it was established. I t should in an especial manner, so far as is practicable, be disconnected f r o m party politics. . . . Ramified as it is, and extended to every neighborhood, the purity of its administration, and necessarily of its agents, should be particularly guarded. For a deputy postmaster to use his franking privilege . . . in scattering over the country pamphlets, newspapers, and proceedings to influence elections is to outrage all propriety, and must not for a day be tolerated. L e t this be left to the politicians. 80 A year later, when the Governor of Illinois protested that a post office agent was being used to influence postmasters against him (the agent denied the charge), Postmaster General Wickliffe wrote: O u r policy is to prevent, as far as we have a right to do, improper action by the agents of this government in the election of the people. W e claim no right to control the free exercise of political rights by the agents and officers of the Federal G o v e r n m e n t , at the same time we hold guilty all public officers who shall attempt by means of their official station to control public opinion in elections, state or Federal. 5 1 Y e t by 1 8 4 4 the Postmaster General was using the patronage weapon for the purpose of electing his chief. It was clear that neither of the 49 80

Gillet, The Life and Times of Silas Wright, II, 1518. Niles Register, Oct. 2, 1841.

51 Postmaster General Letterbook, J u l y 1 3 , 1842, to Gov. Duncan; Brown, M S Diary, J u l y 29, 1842.

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major parties would nominate President Tyler, so he was trying to build up his own third party from the "states-rights" Whigs and moderate Democrats. H e had already subsidized his own press. Due to the antagonism of the National Intelligencer, he had made the Madisonian his official organ and had supported it with executive patronage and by the compulsory subscriptions of officeholders. 52 In other places post office advertisements had been taken away from Whig papers and given to their competitors.53 In the first three months of the election year, more Presidential postmasters were removed than had been during the preceding two years of Postmaster General Wickliffe's term. Most of the new appointments were rejected, however, by the Senate. Tyler conventions had been organized in various states, and finally, on May 27, at the same time and in the same city as the Democratic national convention, a separate convention was held to nominate President Tyler. It was nicknamed an "officeholders' convention" and was certainly more of a mass meeting than an organized political convention. It was said that officeholders were assessed from the Capital for the purposes of the President's campaign. It was reported that in the New York post office, clerks were required to contribute ten dollars and each carrier twenty dollars, in addition to paying for a copy of President Tyler's portrait.54 The President was severely criticized for his attempt to secure election by these methods. Governor Crittenden's first reaction to the policy was anger, but Tyler's administration was so futile that he could not be resentful long. H e wrote his friend in Delaware: "There is something laughable in such a mockery of a President and administration as we now have— Proscribed itself by every honest man in the country, it seems to be busy only in works of petty mischief and proscription." 55 The postal service was being used so much for political purposes that one man predicted its disappearance as a national institution, because it was subject to "so many political abuses— for what are many post offices scattered about but many agencies to scatter selfish partizan trash at the expense of the people who are injured by the abuses." 50 Finally, August 20, President Tyler withdrew " W h i t r i d g e , "Political Assessments," in Cyclopedia of Political Science, 1 , 1 5 3 . 63 U.S. Post Office, Misc. drafts, Apr. 1 2 , 1 8 4 3 , to postmaster at Wilmington, Del., and other similar letters. 04 Whitridge, o f . cit., I, 1 6 0 ; Dorrnan Eaton, " P o l i t i c a l Assessments," North American Review, C X X X V (Sept., 1 8 8 2 ) , 1 9 7 . 55 66

Clayton Papers, Sept. 9, 1 8 4 3 . Crittenden Papers, Dec. 16, 1 8 4 3 , from C A. Davis.

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from the race. After this the number of removals decreased. The Postmaster General, in a letter to Buchanan, stated that he had suggested this policy to the President, but he was a little doubtful whether his advice would be taken.57 The fact that only five Presidential postmasters were removed after the election shows that the advice was followed. The President gave his reason for this lenient policy: "Too intensive a removal of public officers would cause me not only to be still more bitterly hated by the Whigs but they would be joined in their emnity by the Democratic clique whose friends would be disappointed." When the Democratic candidate, Mr. Polk, had been elected, Tyler wrote: "It is better that Mr. Polk should have free play— Let the fight take place among the partizans of the 'two horses' for the spoils. Each particular victory will increase the feud and the country will look to a third person for place." 58 He evidently still entertained hope. The Postmaster General personally may not have approved of President Tyler's independent candidacy, for reports were prevalent by May, 1844, that relations between the two were strained.59 After the President's withdrawal Mr. Wickliffe worked hard to elect Governor Polk. The latter's close friend wrote, "Wickliffe went the whole hog—spent his money largely & freely franked by carloads." Jeremiah Russell reported, "there is not a man within my acquaintance and I do not believe in our union who has done us more valuable service in our campaign than Hon. C. A. Wickliffe, P.M. Genl." They both thought he should be retained in the Cabinet, if "only on account of the shout of joy which the Clayites would raise over him," if he returned home jobless.60 Instead of being kept in the Cabinet, he was made the new President's confidential agent in Texas. 57

Buchanan Papers, Nov. 22, 1844. T y l e r Papers, Dec. 1, 8, 1844, to Alexander Gardner. 60 A'iles Register, June 17, 1843, May 18, 25, 1844; Crittenden Papers, May 10, 1844, Letcher wrote Crittenden, "Well, let Charley W. walk the flank. I want to see him out of office think he well deserved his fate if Tyler puts his foot on him." B0 Polk Papers, Dec. 5, 1844, Jan. 1, 1845, from A. V. Brown; 2d Series, Feb. 24, 1845, from Jeremiah Russell. 58

CHAPTER

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MANAGERS

O THE VICTOR belongs the spoils" was the keynote of President Polk's administration. Indeed the author of that slogan was given a position in the Cabinet, the President's personal campaign manager was selected to head the General Post Office, and the chairman of the national committee was made the Secretary of the Treasury. This is the first campaign in which there was a national committee. Nothing is known of its establishment except that Robert J . Walker wrote, in a letter to his constituents: " T h e National Democratic Convention of Baltimore appointed a central committee at this city [Washington] with a view to promote the election of Polk and Dallas. Of this committee I was chosen chairman and I consented to remain here and discharge the duties of the office." 1 At this time the candidate of the party was not necessarily in close touch with those who controlled the official party machinery; he usually had his own personal campaign manager, who directed his nomination as well as his election. T h e successful candidate in 1844, James K . Polk, had had as his campaign manager since 1825 Cave Johnson, a fellow Tennessean. In that year he had helped Polk win his election to the House of Representatives, of which he had later become the Speaker. In 1839, after a strenuous campaign, which had reclaimed their state from the Whigs and elected Polk Governor, 2 Cave Johnson had begun to sound out prominent Democratic leaders on the possibility that Polk would receive the nomination for Vice President in 1840. H e and Aaron V. Brown (the candidate's former law partner) had worked hard to bring this about, but there was so much bitterness and so many candidates for the office that 1 F a r l e y , History and Functions of the National Committee, p. 7. ( T h e W a l k e r papers are closed to students.) T h e proceedings of this convention as reported in the newspapers do not mention a national committee, and the official proceedings are not available. 2

Polk Papers, many letters from 1 8 2 1 on from Cave Johnson; McCortnac, K. Polk, p. 3 6 ; Abernethy, From Frontier to Plantation in Tennessee, p. 302.

James

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year that the convention made no nomination for Vice President. An independent campaign was carried on, but Polk lost.3 Cave Johnson was convinced that Postmaster General Kendall and the Globe had worked against the Tennessean. They had refused to come out for him, on the ground that the Baltimore convention had made no nomination for Vice President; but Cave Johnson was sure that the campaign biography which had coupled Richard Johnson, of Kentucky, with President Van Buren had come from the presses of the Globe office.4 This was the beginning of the break between the editors of the administration paper and Mr. Polk. In spite of their failure in 1840, Cave Johnson and Aaron Brown were determined that Governor Polk should be nominated for Vice President in 1844. Early in January of the election year they began a strenuous campaign to bring this about: a "Tennessean" was sent into the different states to contact the delegates and other local leaders, the support of several newspapers was obtained, and orators for the summer campaign were even selected. Johnson represented that this work was done only on his own initiative and without the candidate's knowledge, but in reality correspondence between the two was very brisk. It was Polk who directed Johnson to have an article presenting his claims for the Vice Presidency published in pamphlet form and sent to all the delegates and the Democratic Congressmen.5 Until the annexation of Texas became the issue, the second place on the ticket was the object of their campaign. In a long letter in February, in which he reviewed the contestants for the Presidential nomination, Johnson did not even mention Polk's name, and he urged the claims of Van Buren over all other Democratic leaders. Even after the New Yorker disregarded Johnson's advice to take a stand in favor of annexation and issued his letter, published April 28, in which he declared that he was opposed to the addition of any more slave territory,8 Johnson wrote that he would "stand by Van to the last as the most worthy," although he did not 3 Polk Papers, Nov. io, Dec. 4, 1839, Jan. i, Feb. 24, M a r . 12, 1840, from Cave Johnson. * Ibid., June 29, 1840, Kendall to C. Johnson, M a y 24, 1840, Johnson to Polk. 5 Laughlin, "Diaries," Tennessee Historical Magazine, II ( M a r . , 1 9 1 6 ) , 73-74! J. P. Heiss, "Papers," of. cit., II, 1 4 0 - 4 1 ; J. K . Polk, "Letters of . . . to Cave Johnson," op. cit., I, 2 3 2 - 3 4 ; Polk Papers, Dec. 15, 1843, Jan- 7> '3> ^44, from Cave Johnson. 6 Slavery Misc. (New York Historical Society), Feb. 21, 1844, C. Johnson to unknown person; Van Buren Papers, A p r . 13, 1844, Johnson to unknown person, A p r . 20, 1844, Johnson to Van Buren.

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think he could receive the two-thirds vote necessary for the nomination. 7 Very shortly thereafter came the first intimation that Polk might be selected for the first instead of the second place on the ticket. In M a y , soon after he had come out for annexation, Polk visited General Jackson at the Hermitage, and the latter declared his support of the annexation of Texas and his disappointment at the stand his successor had taken. (Jackson's letter urging immediate annexation, written in the preceding year to Aaron V. Brown, had just been published. It had created a furor and was considered part of the plot to defeat Van Buren.) Governor Polk wrote immediately to his manager about the conversation and declared that Jackson had said that "the candidate for the first office should be an annexation man, and from the Southwest." H e added, " I have never aspired so high and . . . in all probability the attempt to place me in the first place would be utterly abortive. . . . I am however in their [his managers] hands and they can use my name in any way they may think proper." H e was aware that only the state of distraction in the party would make possible his nomination for the Presidency, so he sent to his confidant in Washington a plan to bring unity out of the confusion. I suggest as a practicable plan [ h e w r o t e ]

. . .

to get one D e l e g a t e f r o m

each state w h o may be in attendance to meet in a r o o m at B r o w n ' s H o t e l or s o m e w h e r e else, and consult t o - g e t h e r to see if they c a n n o t hit upon a plan to save the party. If you will quietly and without a n n o u n c i n g to the public what you are at, undertake this with e n e r g y and prosecute with vigor, the plan is feasible, and I think will succeed. I f the preliminary m e e t ing of a D e l e g a t e from each state can agree upon the m a n , then let each see the other Delegates from his o w n State, and report at an a d j o u r n e d meeting the result. T h i s is the only way to receive efficient action. W h e n the Convention meets.

. . . Some one has to take the lead and no one c a n

do it with m o r e perfect success than yourself.

Later, when it was even more obvious that M r . Van Buren had no chance at success, Governor Polk suggested that the friends of annexation and his friends among the Van Buren supporters be brought together in support of himself. " I t will require judgment and delicacy in managing the matter," he wrote, so he recommended General Pillow, chairman of the Tennessee delegation, to carry out the details, 1

Polk Papers, May 5, 12, 1844, from Johnson.

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because, " H e is one of the shrewdest men you ever knew, and can execute whatever is resolved on with as much success as any man who will be at Baltimore." 8 When the national convention met, therefore, the Tennessee politicians were all prepared to take advantage of the confusion and to grasp the opportunity, if it should be presented, of nominating Governor Polk for the first, rather than the second, place on the ticket. Although Cave Johnson wrote his chief two days before the convention that we "will scarcely yield Van whilst he is kept up by his friends," 9 he did nothing to avert his defeat. When a Buchanan man was nominated for the position of chairman pro tem, he did not oppose his selection, although he knew the Van Buren group favored Governor Hubbard. This was cited by friends of the "Little Magician" as proof that Johnson was a traitor to the New Yorker. 1 " Johnson explained to Polk: " W e met to-day—Getil Saunders 20 minutes before the hour ( 1 2 ) called the Convention to order & nominated M r . Wright of Pa. Chairman pro tem. Of course we could not resist it . . . . from what we can learn, public opinion will not justify us giving our vote to Van." 1 1 The Tennessee delegation not only did not cast their votes for Martin Van Buren but also helped prevent his nomination by voting to retain the two-thirds rule, although it was apparent he could receive no more than a majority of the votes. T h e delegation had been instructed to vote for Governor Polk for Vice President, but had not been committed on the Presidency.'- For seven ballots they cast their votes for Lewis Cass, of Michigan (Johnson said because of the influence of A. O. P. Nicholson), 13 but on the eighth they changed to Governor Polk, and he was nominated on the ninth ballot. Silas Wright, whom Cave Johnson had earlier suggested as a running mate for Polk, was nominated as Vice President, but when he refused, "because he was fearful that he would be suspected of being connected with the intrigue to overthrow Van," George M . Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was selected. 14 T h e credit for nominating the first "dark horse" in Ameri8

Tennessee Historical Magazine, I, Johnson). 9 Polk Papers, M a y 25, 1 8 4 4 . 10 Hammond, Life and Times of Silas 11 Polk Papers, M a y 27, 1 8 4 4 . 13 Van Buren Papers, A p r . 20, 1 844, 14 Polk Papers, M a y 16, 25, 27, 29,

239-44 (May

Wright,

1 3 , 1 4 , 1 7 , 1 8 4 4 , Polk to C.

p. 469. Niles Register, June 1, 1844. from C . Johnson. 3 1 , 1 8 4 4 , from C. Johnson. 12

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can politics was later claimed by both General Pillow and George Bancroft, of Massachusetts. 15 It would seem, however, that Governor Polk first received the idea from President Jackson and then had had his suggestions carried out by the Tennessee delegation under the direction of Cave Johnson. Cave Johnson, although in poor health, took an active part in the campaign. H e worked in close co-operation with the Presidential candidate, who seems to have directed many of the details of the campaign. Johnson called a caucus in Washington to raise funds, and he arranged for an executive committee to frank out campaign material. Dissension arose between the northern and the southern Democrats, so the meeting accomplished nothing. H e worked out the details of the big Democratic rally held in Nashville, August 1 5 - 1 7 , invited all the outstanding party leaders of the country, and finally was elected president of the gathering. H e arranged with George Bancroft to write Polk's campaign biography, wrote letters to the Globe refuting charges made against Polk, kept in touch with the leaders all over the country as to the progress of the campaign, made many campaign speeches, and even made arrangements to prevent frauds in the election. 18 His work was rewarded by the election of his candidate, although the result was very close and the party did not carry Tennessee. After the election Cave Johnson went to Washington. From there, as the President-elect had requested him to do, he reported in many "confidential letters" the political gossip of the Capital and made suggestions as to the selection of the members of the Cabinet. The latter was a problem, because members of President Tyler's Cabinet expected to be retained, since changes were not usually made when a President succeeded another with the same political ideas. Governor Polk, however, wanted to have his own Cabinet, and also the Van Buren group and Thomas Hart Benton opposed the retention of the Tyler Cabinet —especially John C. Calhoun. " I t is the old difficulty between the northern and southern democracy—the Constitution & Mr. C's friends are using every effort to have the control of the Cabinet and appointments whilst the northern democracy think they are entitled to it," 15

P i l l o w , " L e t t e r s of . . .

to J a m e s K . P o l k , " American

( J u l v , 1 9 0 6 ) , 84.2-43 ( M a y 29, 1 8 4 4 , P i l l o w to P o l k ) ; dred 16

Years,

II,

Historic!

H a l e , Memoirs

Rriieu,

XI

of a

Hun-

61-62.

Polk Papers, J u n e 1 5 , 28, J u l y 2 1 , A u g . 1 0 , Sept. 1 , Oct. 4 , N o v . 2, 1 8 4 4 , f r o m

C . J o h n s o n ; Tennessee s o n ) ; M c C o r m a r , James

Historical K. Po'k,

Magazine,

I, 2 5 0 - 5 1

pp. 2 7 4 - 7 6 .

( O c t . 9, 1 8 4 4 , P o l k to J o h n -

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17

reported Mr. Johnson. New York presented another difficulty because of the growth of two factions there—one, led by Martin Van Buren, was opposed to the extension of slave territory and was nicknamed the "Barnburners" j the other, called the "Hunkers," was led by William L . Marcy. The best selection for the Cabinet would have been Governor Silas Wright, but he had declared that he could not resign the office to which he had just been elected. On the chance that he might reconsider, Johnson offered to go to Albany to talk with him. Although he did not make the trip, he did discuss Cabinet appointments with Preston King, a New York "Barnburner." 18 There were many candidates for the office of Postmaster General, an office which "excites some feeling on account of its patronage," Johnson explained. The Van Buren group wanted Governor Hubbard for that office, while the South looked to General Saunders and former Postmaster General Niles recommended his friend Gideon Welles for the job. 19 Governor Polk wrote his manager that all the newspaper reports of his Cabinet selections were "mere speculations. I would write you freely upon the subject, but for the danger that my letter might possibly fall into other hands before it reaches you." In February, however, ex-President Jackson wrote his old friend William B. Lewis that he believed Cave Johnson would be made Postmaster General. 21 That appointment was the first one made by the President-elect—for on February 17 he invited his campaign manager to take charge of the General Post Office. On the same day he asked James Buchanan to become Secretary of State, as Johnson had reported that this was the desire of Pennsylvania.-2 From New York he selected Governor Marcy for the War Department; the Van Buren group could hardly object, since he had first offered positions to Governor Wright and B. F. Butler, although the latter did not receive the position he had wanted. Bancroft was 17

P o l k Papers, Dec. i , 6,

18

F l a g g Papers, Dec. 4,

1844, Jan.

5,

1845,

184+. 1 8 4 4 , C . Johnson to J o h n F i n e ;

from Johnson;

Welles

Papers

(New

Polk Papers, Dec. 6,

York

Public

Library),

Feb. 2 2 , 1 8 4 5 , f r o r T i Niles, F e b . 25 [ 1 8 4 1 ; ] indecipherable signature. 19

Polk Papers, J a n . 2, 1 8 4 5 , f r o m C. J o h n s o n , Dec. 1 8 , 1 8 4 4 , from Niles.

-n Tennessee 21

Feb.

Ib'ul., 12,

Ill,

Historical 150

Magazine,

I, 2153-54

(Dec. 2 1 ,

1 8 4 j , Polk to J o h n s o n ) .

( F e b . 4, 1 8 4 5 , J a c k s o n to L e w i s ) ; see also Van Buren

Papers,

>845, B l a i r w r o t e : " a n d a man f r o m Tennessee probably C a v e Johnson,

PMG." --'Polk

Papers, Feb.

26,

1845,

from

C. J o h n s o n ;

Appointments to P o l k ' s O r i g i n a l C a b i n e t , " American .924),

76-84-

Learned, " T h e

Historical

Review,

Sequence of XXX

(Oct.,

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chosen as Secretary o f t h e N a v y , and t h e c h a i r m a n of the national c o m m i t t e e w a s m a d e Secretary of the T r e a s u r y , because the

West

w a n t e d h i m to h a v e t h e a p p o i n t m e n t of t h e land a g e n t s . 2 3 A n o t h e r p r o b l e m , w h i c h C a v e Johnson f e a r e d m i g h t cause the disruption of t h e administration, he a t t e m p t e d to settle b e f o r e President P o l k ' s i n a u g u r a t i o n — t h a t is, t h e selection of an e d i t o r f o r the official newspaper at t h e C a p i t a l . T h e Globe,

with Francis P . B l a i r as its editor,

had not supported G o v e r n o r P o l k in 1840 and had been rather lukew a r m e v e n in the e a r l y part of the recent c a m p a i g n . Besides, the South w a s opposed t o that p a p e r because there it was considered to be the o r g a n o f T h o m a s H a r t B e n t o n . It was, t h e r e f o r e , politically expedient t o find another editor. C a v e J o h n s o n suggested T h o m a s Ritchie, editor of t h e R i c h m o n d Enquirer,

and m a d e plans f o r a secret j o u r n e y to

R i c h m o n d to consult h i m . H e f e a r e d , h o w e v e r , that his trip m i g h t be noticed and the object guessed, since he was so closely associated with the President-elect. 2 4 T h e negotiations w e r e t h e r e f o r e l e f t to T h o m a s H . B a y l e y , a f r i e n d of the editor and a m e m b e r of C o n g r e s s . Ritchie at first r e f u s e d to take the editorship, since he d i d not w a n t to alienate F r a n k B l a i r but later, w h e n the Globe

editor was induced to sell out to

h i m , he accepted, but c h a n g e d the name of the paper to t h e

Union.-'0

C a v e J o h n s o n ' s a p p o i n t m e n t as Postmaster G e n e r a l was not w e l l rec e i v e d , especially by the opposition papers. Niles

Register

g a v e a scath-

i n g description of h i m : C a v e Johnson, one of the most malignant, narrow-minded, vindictive political partizans alive, and therefore just suited to the post office department, with thirty thousand subjects for the knife of party proscription, and the strengthening of the administration thereby. He has always exhibited the grasf of his understanding, by assailing little private claims. O n this account he was called by a member of Congress "the watch dog of the treasury." " O h Y e s , " says a n o t h e r — " a c u r . " He has never been able to deliver a single speech during some fifteen years service in Congress, on a single general subject of any magnitude. 2 6 H i s position was r e a l l y not so m u c h that of head of the G e n e r a l Post Office as political adviser and confidant of the P r e s i d e n t . H e often break23 24 25 26

McCormac, James K. Polk, pp. 295, 323. Polk Papers, Dec. 6, 12, 14, 1844, from C. Johnson. Ambler, Thomas Ritchie—a Study in Virginia Politics, Niles Register, M a r . 15, 1845.

pp. 246-53.

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fasted at the White House, was the President's usual driving companion, and frequently remained after Cabinet meetings to consult with the Chief Executive. His seven terms in Congress, 1 8 2 9 - 1 8 3 7 , 1839— 1845, well fitted him to act as liaison officer between the executive department and Congress: he kept the President informed as to the status of measures, their possible rejection, and gossip as to the attitudes of other Cabinet members on them. H e arranged compromises on legislative matters, especially on the tariff bill. H e visited Congressmen and told them how the President would like them to vote or what action he thought they should take. H e warned those who were taking a prominent part in the opposition that they were being "marked by the administration." H e made the appointments for Congressmen to consult with the President, and when some members became dissatisfied and wanted to go home at the very time their votes were needed on the tariff bill, he made all the arrangements for the President to persuade them to stay. When the President was busy, he helped organize his notes into a veto message, and he was consulted concerning the drafting of other messages, including the inaugural address. 27 Cave Johnson also acted as the intermediary between the President and other members of his Cabinet. H e interfered and persuaded both the President and James Buchanan that he ought to continue as Secretary of State rather than accept the Supreme Court justiceship. 28 H e was the patronage broker of the administration. Since the party had been out of office for four years, the President was besieged by officeseekers. H e often wished he had no offices to bestow, but since he had, he was going to give them to Democrats, and he was willing to remove Whigs to obtain more offices. The President's inaugural address had even omitted the customary promise that faithful officers would be retained. Regardless of the office—whether that of United States attorney, collector, Indian commissioner, diplomat, or field officer in the Army—the Postmaster General had a part in the selection of the man to fill it. H e investigated the political past of candidates, he sat in conferences of the President with Congressmen, and saw, or arranged for others to see, the would-be officeholders. H e went so far as to use the phrase "we should offer" in writing to the President, and others habit27 Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk during His Presidency (Hereafter The Diary), I, 336, 3 5 1 , II, 27, 36-40, 50, 67-68, I I I , 2 3 1 , 3 6 1 , IV, 2 8 2 - 8 3 ; Polk Papers, 2d Series, Oct. 5, 1847, from C. Johnson; Buchanan Papers, July 27, 1846, from C. Johnson. 28 Polk, The Diary, I, 492, H, 60.

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ually suggested that an applicant see either the President or Cave Johnson. 29 The Postmaster General was the President's messenger, even to inform Cabinet members of decisions regarding patronage distribution in their states.30 There were two big difficulties in the distribution of patronage during this administration. It was not enough to give the office to a Democrat. There were contests between the old and the young Democrats for the spoils, and between the different factions in the party. Cave Johnson presented the first problem in a letter from Washington, December 20, 1844: T h e r e is much feeling in the City as to removals and appointments. T h e young Hickory Club & the democratic association are now but cliques to serve themselves— T h e y all acted nobly in their salvation and will all be for •proscription up to the hub & will then quarrel among themselves for the loaves & fishes.31

James Buchanan recommended that Polk "rely chiefly upon the young, ardent & efficient Democrats who have fought the present fight. These ought not to be forgotten in the distribution of offices. The old officeholders generally have had their day & ought to be content." 32 President Polk was determined not to give preference to any faction in the party. He wrote Governor Wright: "In my appointments to office I resolved from the beginning to recognize & to know no division of the democratic party as the only means of keeping it united and preserving its strength. I was chosen by the United, farty & without such union we must have been defeated." 't3 In the Post Office Department the same policy was carried out: Whig postmasters were removed, but Cave Johnson tried not to remove Democrats or to give preference to any particular faction in the party. During his first two years in office more than half the Presidential postmasters were removed or others appointed "in place of the incumbent" when the latter's commission expired. This brought about the dismissal of most of the postmasters appointed by Postmaster General Granger. By 1847 there were many reappointments, since those whose commissions expired at that time had received their offices from Postmaster 20 Polk Papers, id Series, are full of letters of application and give the impression that there were many removals and appointments. J u l y i, Nov., 1845, May 23, Nov. 4, 1846, Feb. 8, Mar. 1 1 , Sept. 1, Oct. 6, Dec. 12, 18+7, Mar. 19, 24., 29, Apr. 23, Aug. 1 7 , 1848, Feb. 1, Mar. 15, 1849, from C. Johnson; n.d., 1845, from A. V. B r o w n ; Nicholson Papers, Dec. 25, 1846, Mar. 1 1 , 1847, from C. Johnson. 30 81 Polk, The Diary, I, 488. Polk Papers. 32 35 Ibid., Nov. 4, 1844. Ibid., J u l y 8, 1845-

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34

General Wickliffe, who had been a backer of President Polk. There had been some dispute over who should be selected to hold the office of Second Assistant Postmaster General. That officer had charge of the appointment of some fifteen thousand postmasters—those not requiring the consent of the President and the Senate (there had been no change made in the office of First Assistant since 1829). John N . Niles was anxious that Gideon Welles, his successor in the post office of Hartford, be given that office, since Connecticut deserved recognition. H e told the Postmaster General that Welles was "the man for that place above all others in the United States, that eight-tenths of removals & appointments would be north of here [Washington] & that he wanted in that office a man well acquainted with the politics & men in their minutest dimensions." Senator Allen of Ohio urged that his old friend William Medill be given that place. When Niles tried to persuade him to recommend the latter for some other position, since the Postmaster General himself was from the West, Senator Allen replied that "they had 14.00 postmasters in Ohio whom he wanted removed." 3 5 T h e western man received the position, and he vigorously carried out the proscription policy. By the end of the first year there were more than seven hundred removals from post offices which had no definite term of office, but were subject to the Postmaster General; during President Polk's four years in office there were more than 13,500 postmasters appointed, although the total number of offices in 1849 w a s o n t y sixteen thousand. Sixteen hundred of these changes were brought about by removals, and almost ten thousand because of resignations. Postmaster General Johnson explained the great number of resignations by the fact that the work of the postmasters had been increased and their compensation decreased. T h e loss of their franking privilege, according to the law of March 3, 1845, was probably of even greater importance, especially in the case of the smaller offices and of editors holding the position of postmaster. This privilege was restored in 1847 to 34

U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, V I I I j Postmaster General Letterbook, J u l y 19, 184.5, t o President Polk. One type of patronage which was taken away from the Post Office Department at this time was the Department advertising in newspapers as an act of 1845 directed that it must be given to the paper having the largest circulation. 35 Welles Papers (New York Public Library), Mar. 9, 10, 18+5, from N'iles. Mr. Niles was surprised when Cave Johnson said he had not decided if he would remove the incumbent. He told him: "that it would hardly be possible for him to get along with Dr. Miller, as he had been the instrument of filling the offices with the rotten materials of Tvlerism."

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the deputy postmasters whose compensation was less than $200. 3 6 The filling of these offices was a troublesome problem. Democratic Congressmen now considered it their privilege to nominate the postmasters in their districts. Their letters indicate what postmasters they wanted removed because they were Whigs, named their preferences among the applicants for the position, or gave advice concerning the procedure that would have the best effect in their district. In the case of the postmaster at Indianapolis, for example, the man running for Congress requested that the appointment be delayed until two or three days after the election so that there would be harmony at least until that time. 37 The Postmaster General, although he did not necessarily feel bound to accept their recommendations, did recognize the advisability of doing so, as may be seen from one of his few notes to the President. H e wrote: "Faran [the member-elect] was formerly speaker of the House 8c the Senate, is represented as a very prudent and cautious man & more reliable, Medil thinks, than anybody there—we had best rely upon his recommendation, if an appointment be now made." 38 T h e division of spoils between Representatives and Senators had not yet been entirely worked out. In Michigan, for example, the Senator usually recognized the claims of the Representative to name the postmasters in his own district, although the Senator frequently gave unsolicited advice. 39 In New York the factions caused Cave Johnson much anxiety. H e had "refused to interfere, wherever the P . M . was a democrat & performed his duty." 40 Attempts were then made to obtain charges against the official integrity of a postmaster whom a certain faction wished removed. This was successfully accomplished by the "Hunkers" in the 36 Postmaster General, Annual Report, 184.8, gives a summary of the appointments up to J u l v , 1848, making statements about the causes. T h e report of 1845 is the first one which gives the causes for the changes of postmasters. T h e Post Office Department has a pamphlet which gives the history of the franking privilege. 37 Polk Papers, 2d Series, June 17, 1845, from M r . Sturke, Apr. 21, Apr. 21, 1845 (memorandum), Stile of Georgia, May 15, 1845, from L. Moms; Polk, Diary, IV, 29, complained that "members of Congress have forgotten that they were sent »0 Washington by their constituents to legislate, & not to usurp the functions of the Executive or to dictatc to him in matters of appointment to office." 38 Polk Papers, June 19, 1845. 39 Cass Papers, M a r . 9, Apr. 21, 25, 1845, R- B . McClellan j see F l a g g Papers, Dec. 5, 1845, John A. Dix wrote: " I do not interfere with Post Office matters where there is a democratic representative in Congress from the District"; Polk Papers, M a y 28, 1846, Dix to Johnson. Polk Papers, 2d Series, Feb. ?S, 1846, from Johnson; see Polk, Diary, II, 276-79.

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Albany post office. Senator Dix was furious and secured the Senate's rejection of the new appointment. He asserted that he had supported the President on all sound public measures and that nevertheless the latter paid no attention to his wishes in even the smallest matters. He predicted that in "another session . . . he will feel the want of aid from those whose wishes he had wholly disregarded." Dix was sure that the President was leaning toward the "Hunkers" in state politics and would appoint Senator Dickinson's candidate to the Buffalo post office, which he did. 41 Finally Governor Wright wrote long letters to Cave Johnson and to President Polk protesting their appointment policy in his state. He declared that practically all the offices had been given to the other faction and that the general impression was that the national administration was trying to change the control of the state. President Polk denied this charge, but when Governor Wright was defeated for re-election that year, the "Barnburners" were convinced that the President had used his patronage against them at the instigation of William L . Marcy. Therefore they broke with the party.42 In Pennsylvania, James Buchanan expected to control the distribution of the post office patronage. He even dictated whom postmasters should select as their chief clerks and what papers were to receive the printing patronage. In 1845, however, the President refused to replace the postmaster at Harrisburg with another Democrat, in spite of several requests to do so. The President confided to his Diary: If I

were

to r e m o v e

him I w o u l d not feel inclined to appoint

Mr.

M c K i n l e y [ B u c h a n a n ' s m a n ] , because in his paper during the late election in Pennsylvania he had violently opposed that great measure of m y a d m i n istration, the modification of the tariff by the act of

1846.

I told

Mr.

B u c h a n a n that he had no claims to be r e w a r d e d by m e for opposing this leading measure of m y administration. . . . ministration I

I n the early part of m y

ad-

removed some democrats f r o m offices to m a k e places for

others, and did this in m a n y instances at the urgent request of M r .

Bu-

chanan. I am n o w satisfied that [ I ] ought not to have done so, and that m y administration has been greatly weakened by it. 4 3

The biographer of the "Sage of Wheatland" maintained that President Polk had taken away from him all control over patronage in order 41

F l a g g Papers, A u g . 1 3 , 184.6. - Polk Papers, Oct. 26, 1846, to Silas Wright, Oct. 30, 1846, from Wright. 43 Buchanan Papers, draft, June 24, 1845, to Chambers M c K i b b e n ; Polk, Diary, II, 2 0 1 - 2 . 4

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to bring about his own re-election. Thus in the two most populous states the Democratic party had been split over the issue of patronage distribution, even though President Polk's chief aim had been to unite the party, not to bring about his own renomination. By 1848 President Polk had decided to carry out his preelection promise not to be a candidate for re-election. H e predicted in his Diary, near the end of his term, that no President of the U.S. of either party will ever again be re-elected. The reason is that the patronage of the government will destroy the popularity of any President, however well he may administer the Government. The office seekers have become so numerous they hold the balance of power between the two great parties of the country. In every appointment which the President makes he disappoints half a dozen or more applicants and their friends, who, actuated by selfish and sordid motives, will prefer any other candidate in the next election, while the person appointed attributes the appointment to his own superior merit and does not even feel obliged by it." With regard to his stand on the Democratic Presidential nomination in 1848, Polk consulted with his Postmaster General rather than with the chairman of the national committee whom Johnson suspected of intriguing with General Taylor. 45 The Democratic party was badly split and the chances for the election of a Democratic President were slim, although Cave Johnson, when Polk consulted him in April, 1848, thought he might be "the means of harmonizing the party . . . [and would] be stronger than any other Democratic candidate who could be run by the Democratic party." The President, however, thought it would be better to abide by his letter of acceptance, in which he had declared for a single term. On May 13 he read to his Postmaster General the draft of an official letter addressed to Dr. J . M . G. Ramsey [postmaster at Mecklenburg, Tennessee] which he was to read to the national convention. In this he declared he was not a candidate for reelection. Only two other people saw the letter before it was read at the convention on June 12, just before the balloting for the Presidential candidate began. This convention nominated Lewis Cass, of Michigan.46 44

Polk, The Diary, IV, 314. Ibid., Ill, 361 ( McCormac, James K. Polk, p. 546. 48 Polk, The Diary, III, 421, 448; Democratic party, Official Proceedings of the National Convention of 1848, pp. 1 2 - 1 3 . 45

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Although they were much interested in the success of the Democratic party, neither the President nor his Postmaster General did much in the campaign. They had taken no part in the selection of the party's nominee and did very little to incite the officeholders to work for the election of Lewis Cass. T h e President did write the postmaster of Mecklenburg, urging him to do everything he could to see that the Democrats were victorious in his own state. "Next to carrying the general election I feel the greatest anxiety that Tennessee (my own state) should by her vote endorse her appreciation of my administration." 47 Tennessee, however, rejected his plea, and many Democrats followed the lead of the New York "Barnburners" and helped form the FreeSoil party, which nominated Martin Van Buren for the Presidency. This threw the Empire State to the Whigs, and General Taylor was elected President. No protest against the partisan activity of officeholders was made by President Polk or Postmaster General Johnson, and some of them evidently were active in the campaign, for a select committee was set up by the House of Representatives in 1850 to investigate their work against President Taylor. Of course, it was done chiefly for political reasons, but their conclusions were interesting. They found that several clerks in the Post Office Department had been reporters for Democratic newspapers and had made political speeches. The Second Assistant Postmaster General had been particularly active in the campaign} he had made speeches and contributed money. The committee recommended the adoption of these resolutions: R e s o l v e d : T h a t it is highly improper for officers of the G e n e r a l G o v e r n ment . . .

to attempt to control or influence the free exercise of the elec-

tive right. R e s o l v e d , T h a t the right of a n y officer to give his vote at elections as a qualified citizen o u g h t not to be restrained . . . but that officers of the G e n e r a l G o v e r n m e n t ought not to attempt to influence the votes of others, or to take any part in the business of electioneering, that being deemed inconsistent with the spirit of the Constitution and their duties to it. Resolved, T h a t it is a g r e a t abuse to bring the patronage of the G e n e r a l G o v e r n m e n t into conflict with the freedom of elections, and that payments of a n y contribution, or assessment on salaries or official compensation, for party or election purposes, is calculated to destroy and bring the patronage of the G e n e r a ] G o v e r n m e n t into conflict with the freedom of elections. 4 8 47

Polk Papers, M a r . 6, Oct. 1 7 , 1848, to Ramsay. U.S. Congress, Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, pp. 1 2 5 6 , 13 19-20. 48

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CAMPAIGN

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Although by 1849 proscription had become the recognized prerogative of the party newly coming into power, the Democrats had a little hope they might retain their offices, for General Taylor had many times declared himself opposed to political removals. Especially in the Post Office Department did the employees gain confidence, when Jacob Collamer was made Postmaster General instead of the one usually mentioned for the position, Thomas Ewing, who had been nicknamed the "Butcher" because of the great number of removals he had made in the preceding Whig administration.49 Judge Collamer was unknown politically—he was a Vermont judge and Congressman and had been defeated for the United States Senatorship because of his efforts in the campaign for President Taylor, so he said. His native state legislature had endorsed him for the position of Attorney General, and in a letter he himself had called Governor Crittenden's attention to the claim of Vermont for recognition "as the only uniform Whig State in the Union." H e had concluded his presentation of the case with, "if anything of value is to be offered to Vermont, should it not be offered to me?" 50 All he wanted was a job and a salary. There was difficulty in getting the Senate to confirm his appointment, because the southern Whigs declared that he was an abolitionist.51 H e was a nonentity in his job; he could do nothing to build up the Whig party organization. H e seems to have been noted only for his anecdotes; M r . Crittenden wrote his friend the Secretary of State about him, " H o w is it with my old friend Collamer's stories? His anecdotes used to keep me alive. Can it be that he even had been brought to his 'Wit's end'?" 5 2 In fact the whole Cabinet, according to Horace Greeley, was a "horrid mixture, just such as a blind man (or one blind-folded) would probably have picked up, if turned among three or four hundred would be magnates of the Whig party and ordered to touch and take." 5 3 Pressure for removal of Democrats in order to create offices for 48

Crittenden Papers, Oct. 18, 1848, from A. T . Burnley, P . M . ; Ewing Papers, Mar. 2, 1849, from Granger. The former Whig Postmaster General thought Ewing was just the man for the job as he wrote him "because, altho' you would be as 'blooody & remorseless' as one of your predecessors, you would make the hungry crowd of officeseekers, who are thronging the Capital stand back a little until you could view the whole ground." 50 Mrs. Chapman Coleman, Life of John J. Crittenden, I, 339 (Jan. 30, 1 8 4 9 ) . 31 Seward, Autobiography, II, IOJ. 62 Clayton Papers, June 24, 1849, from Crittenden. 65 Colfax-Greeley Papers, Mar. 1 7 , 1850.

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69

Whigs was very great, but at first the new administration resisted, and they did so little that Cave Johnson reported that "their friends are leaving in a bad temper." There was in the Cabinet a contest between those for proscription and the nonprescription members. The Postmaster General was evidently one of those most reluctant to make removals. When he took office he spoke against proscription and declared that he was going to retain the good officers, Whig or Democrat. He had even invited the outgoing Postmaster General to a conference with him with regard to the employees of the Department. Before this could take place, however, he was "so much pressed by M.C. [Members of Congress] that he was compelled to yield to the[ir] importunity" for jobs for their friends. 54 The Secretary of State reported to his Kentucky friend: "Our friend Collamer is behind j he is a glorious fellow but too tender for progress. H e has been often indeed at his wit's end, frightened about removals and aff ointments, but I cry courage to them all and they will go ahead, all, by and b y ! " 6 5 He evidently went ahead, for in June, Cave Johnson wrote Buchanan, " P . M . Genl has made more removals in this State than I did in 4 years & has in every instance except at this place [Clarksville, Tennessee] done the service injury." 58 He was in office less than a year and a half, yet there were one hundred and twelve changes of Presidential postmasters out of a total of one hundred and sixty-seven. In the Senate Journal he admitted to only one removal j the rest were made while the Senate was in recess and were called new appointments made "in place o f " the incumbent.67 In the sixteen thousand minor post offices there were nine thousand appointments made in the two years ending July, 1850, more than thirty-five hundred on account of removals and more than five thousand because of resignations. Several resolutions were introduced in the Senate in 1850, asking for the number of postmasters removed and the reasons for removal. The author of one resolution, Mr. Bradbury of Maine, opened the debate by telling how General Taylor had pledged that there should be no proscription. "Is it not notorious that, while it yet lingered upon the lips of him who uttered it, a sweeping system of removals commenced which has been steadily carried forward, until " P o l k Papers, Mar. 1 7 , 20, 1849, ^ r o m Johnson, Mar. 25, 1849, from Marcy. 08 Mrs. Chapman Coleman, The Life of John J. Crittenden, I, 344 ( J u l y 1 1 , 1 8 4 9 ) . 66 Buchanan Papers, June 1 7 , 1849. 87 U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, V I I I ; Prof. Fish cites 1 1 9 .

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70

C A M P A I G N

M A N A G E R S

it has swept over State after State, and extended to the remotest corners of the Union?" he said. 58 For the benefit of the new President the Postmaster General explained the process of "making postmasters." H e wrote, By

the l o n g established

papers relating

regulations a n d practice

to appointments are

referred

of this D e p a r t m e n t

to the

appointment

all

office,

u n d e r c h a r g e of the S e c o n d A s s t . P M G e n e r a l a n d are there endorsed, a r ranged and filed u n d e r the offices to w h i c h they b e l o n g , a n d they, thus prepared, are presented f o r the inspection of the P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l . S u c h as relate to a Post O f f i c e of the income of $ 1 0 0 0 or o v e r , a r e by the Cleric preparing the file, m a r k e d "Presidential"

on the f a c e paper of the file; a n d

such are reserved f o r the inspection and action of the President. A l l others are for the consideration of the Postmaster G e n e r a l . W h e n a n

appoint-

m e n t is m a d e by the P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l , a letter is issued by the S e c o n d Assistant P . M . to the appointee i n f o r m i n g him of his appointment by the Postmaster G e n e r a l a n d directing him as to his bond a n d official oath as in the f o r m hereto a n n e x e d m a r k e d A . W h e n the appointment is m a d e by the President, the letter is issued by the Postmaster G e n e r a l i n f o r m i n g the a p pointee of his appointment

by the President and directing him as to his

duty.59

Whig Congressmen were the advisers as to post offices in their districts; they suggested removals when the postmaster had been "an active partisan in opposition" to the Whigs. Their recommendations for new appointees were usually accepted. The procedure was now recognized. In a postscript to a letter from Congressman Abraham Lincoln to the Postmaster General asking for a new postmaster appointment, since the incumbent had "been an active partisan in opposition to us," he wrote: " T h i s office, with its delivery, is entirely within my district, so that Colonel Baker, the other Whig representative, claims no voice in the appointment." 60 T h e suggestions were no longer in the form of requests—they ressembled commands; for example, one Congressman wrote to another from his state, " T e l l Collamer to be cautious in making removals in our State." 0 1 Ex-Congressmen often continued to 68

Postmaster General Annual Report, 1 8 4 9 ; U.S. Congress, Congressional 31st Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 1 0 0 , 1 1 0 - 1 1 , Appendix, pp. 3 7 , 4 7 - 5 2 , 5 3 8 . 19

Globe,

Postmaster General Letterbook, M a r . 5, 1 8 5 0 . Lincoln, Writings, I I , 1 3 1 ( A p r . 7, 1 8 4 9 , to the Postmaster G e n e r a l ) . T h e appointment was made, J a n . 1 8 5 0 . 61 Toombs, " T h e Correspondence of . . . A l e x a n d e r H. Stephens and Howell Cobb," in American Historical Association, Report, 1 9 1 1, I I , 1 5 5 ( M a r . 2, 1 8 4 9 , Stephens to G W . C r a w f o r d ) . 80

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62

claim this privilege. The President sometimes interfered and insisted that a certain individual's advice should be followed—for example, that of his brother-in-law, and the Postmaster General explained to his friend Crittenden: "This I regarded as law for me. I am but a subaltern and obey." 63 A most interesting contest for the control of the patronage occurred between William H . Seward, Senator from New York, and Vice President Fillmore, a fellow New Yorker who expected to be recognized. They had formerly been friends, but the latter was a conservative and was opposed to the free-soil tendencies of Seward and Weed. The Senator finally convinced President Taylor that he and Weed were responsible for the Whig President's election (certainly as far as New York state was concerned), and he insinuated himself into the good graces of most of the Cabinet. Postmaster General Collamer evidently followed the Senator's wishes, for the Senator wrote of him in his Memoirs: "The Postmaster General, Judge Collamer . . . lost no time in appointing meritorious Whig Postmasters throughout the Union. New life was thereby infused into the Whig Party. The Whig press and people rallied with enthusiasm to the support of the administration." President Taylor avoided coming to a definite decision between the Vice President and the Senator, but he declared that it was "the State Administration at Albany that is to be strengthened, and the Governor is its acknowledged head." This was a victory for the free-soil group, as they controlled the state administration. Senator Seward wrote "Dictator" Weed: "Let Governor Fish now write to me when you have any advice to give the cabinet." 84 Fillmore's friends still did not give up hope and kept urging the Vice President to see President Taylor. His law partner and his personal political manager in Buffalo wrote him that the President ought to at least allow the Vice President to select the collector of his home city, to "shew you, and your friends, that your friends are not to be proscribed on that ground alone while Senator Seward's recommendation is sufficient to secure places for unworthy favorites." H e did not advise, however, an open rupture. Fillmore tried j his friend came down to Washington to see what he could do, 62 03

Woodbridge Papers, A p r . 2, 1 8 4 9 , t 0 Collamer. M r s . Chapman Coleman, The Life of John J. Crittenden,

I, 346 ( J u l y

i4i

1849). 01

Barnes, Memoirs

106-7.

of

TAurloiv

Weed,

I I , 1 7 5 - 7 6 ; Seward, Autobiografhy,

II,

72

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M A N A G E R S

but they succeeded in obtaining only one petty clerkship. Senator Seward had become "master of the Whig party in the North." 65 Just then President Taylor died, and the "proscribed" Vice President came into power. As far as those then in control of the Whig party were concerned, it might almost have been the opposite party coming into office. Out of courtesy the Cabinet resigned, although the Postmaster General, according to Seward, was "desponding below any degree of despondency I have ever touched." T h e New York Senator had hoped against hope that the former Cabinet would be retained. However the resignations of all its members were accepted, and President Fillmore's closest friend and his law partner, Nathan K . H a l l , a bitter enemy of the Weed-Seward group, was given the position of Postmaster General. Senator Seward wrote: " N o w , for the future, I prefer on no account, political or personal, to darken the porch of the P., or any of his ministers, unless called upon." 611 T h e work of organizing the party had now to be done all over again; the purpose this time was to build up a personal party to prepare for the nomination and the election of President Fillmore in 1852. The Postmaster General was in charge. H e was not at all well-known outside New Y o r k state. H e had held only two political offices: he had been a member of the state assembly and a member of Congress for one term ( 1 8 4 6 - 1 8 4 8 ) . H e was, however, devoted to the President's interests and was his chief adviser. In the matter of appointments—and his suggestions ranged from Cabinet ministers to army positions and local postmasters—he was always conscious of the political effect. 67 H e saw how necessary it was to keep the Secretaries of State and Treasury friendly to President Fillmore, so he suggested that it would be a wise move politically to invite Secretary of the Treasury Corwin to go to Norfolk with him. When Governor Corwin and M r . Webster wanted to resign, he urged their retention, even if it should be necessary to shift Cabinet positions to do so, because, as he wrote the President, if M r . W e b s t e r and M r . Corwin resign you lose the northern portion of your cabinet. T h a t I remain is of no importance for no one can be so ignorant as to suppose that my stay is to produce any favorable results. GS

Fillmore Papers, Nov. 2 1 , Dee. 2, 12, 13, 19, 22, 29, 1849, May 1, July 7, 1850. 68 Seward, Autobiography, II, 148-49. 67 Putnam, "Nathan Kelsey Hall," Buffalo Historical Society Publications, IV ( 1 8 9 6 ) , 285-98, X I , I O I J Fillmore Papers, Sept. 7, 10, 12, 14, Oct. 1, Nov. 1 1 , I 8 J C , Jan., n.d., 1 3 , May 23, Aug. 7, 1 8 5 1 , Mar. 13, June 12, 1852, from N. Hall.

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. . . A l l k n o w I a m neither statesman nor politician a n d I fear it will be very unfortunate if M r . W e b s t e r and M r . C o r w i n both g o out.

H e opposed giving a Cabinet position to a Pennsylvanian, because "no appointment from that state is likely, at present, to strengthen the administration or the p a r t y . " 6 8 The Postmaster General also kept the President informed as to political gossip, marked newspaper articles for him to read, gave advice on matters of policy, arranged for the distribution of the executive printing patronage, and even was in charge of the Government during the Lopez Cuban filibustering expedition of August, 1 8 5 1 , while the President was absent from the Capital. 60 It was the field of practical politics to which the Postmaster General gave most of his attention; he attended local caucuses in New York state to see that the President's friends were nominated for the state convention which met in Syracuse September 26. At this meeting the Fillmore faction, at the President's direction, walked out of the convention when it endorsed Senator Seward's speech opposing the Fugitive Slave Law. This group came to be called the "Silver Greys" because of the impression the silver-haired ex-Postmaster General, Francis Granger, made as he led them out. The Weed-Seward group was nicknamed the "Wooleys." H a l l kept track of and later reported to his chief concerning the stand taken by certain delegates. 70 H e was very bitter in his opposition to the free-soil wing of the party and urged President Fillmore to "beware" of Thurlow Weed when he visited Washington. H e insisted that he take a decided stand against their policies, because, as he wrote: " T o go with them . . . may gain you supporters but not friends. It will lose you both and though the question of what shall be done is one of equal embarrassment & great difficulty it has got to be met & the sooner the better. I believe your course should 68 Fillmore Papers, A u g . i j , 20, Oct. 6, 1 8 5 1 . Governor Corwin wanted to resign because of the pending Gardiner claims. These were some claims against Mexico which the United States had assumed under the treaty of 1848. Corwin was the lawyer and had bought a share in the claims but had disposed of it before he became Secretary of the Treasury. T h e claims were later found to be a fraud, but Corwin had made money out of his share (Rhodes, I, 2 9 8 ) . Hall wrote concerning it: " Y o u are aware that his desire to retire grows out of his strong conviction that there is some impropriety in his remaining in his present cabinet position while this Gardiner controversy is pending. His sensitiveness in this respect is honorable to him, even though we may consider it extreme." 69 Ibid., A u g . 6, Nov. i i , 1 8 5 0 , J a n . n.d., Jan. 1 3 , M a y 2 1 , 23, A u g . 7, i o , 24., Sept. 16, 1 8 5 1 , Feb. 1 3 , 1 8 5 2 , from N. Hall. 70 lbid had succeeded in breaking the W h i g control of the state, but, like his f o r m e r law partner, he had failed to be re-elected in 1 8 4 7 . H e had not retired f r o m politics, h o w e v e r , but had been a prominent member of the Nashville Convention of 1 8 5 0 , where he had drawn up the " T e n nessee p l a t f o r m " which declared that the Compromise of 1 8 5 0 should be given a chance by the South. T h i s had failed of passage and had brought about a split in the Democratic party of that state: Nicholson and Brown became the leaders of the opposing factions. 40 In 1 8 5 1 they had both been candidates f o r the United States Senate, and in the convention of 1 8 5 2 they had supported different candidates. At that convention B r o w n had been chairman of the platform committee and had tried to obtain the Vice Presidential nomination for his brother-in-law, General P i l l o w . F o r this reason he had supported first D o u g l a s and then M a r c y for the Presidency rather than Buchanan. C a v e Johnson had explained the circumstances to the " S a g e of W h e a t l a n d " and had said that he was sure B r o w n would join him in support of Buchanan in 1 8 5 6 , 4 1 which he had done. So now he received his reward of a Cabinet position, but he made little impression 011 the administration. Although he was f r o m the South, he did not particularly emphasize the interests of that region. In fact, one of the President's correspondents wrote before his selection, " h e hardly seems to be regarded as preeminently a representative of the States Rights School." It was under President Buchanan that the spoils system with its at3B

Polk Papers, Dec. 5, 9, 2 3 , 1 8 4 4 ; Nicholson Papers, Dcc. 16, 1 8 4 4 , Feb. 28, 1 8 4 5 , from A . V . B r o w n who wrote: "that Tennessee nor Clarksville will not be unrepresented in it—a very safe selection (always excepting that unfortunate proclivity toward the Albany rcgfency." '"' Polk Papers. J a n . 5, 1 8 4 5 ; Sioussat, "Tennessee and National Political Parties, 1 8 5 0 - 1 8 6 0 , " in American Historical Association, Report, 1 9 1 4 , I, 2 5 2 - 5 3 . 41 Buchanan Papers, M a r . 30, 1 8 5 1 , Apr. 4, M a y 6, June 8, Nov. 18, 1 8 5 2 ; Buchanan, Works, V I I I , 426 (Dec. 3, 1 8 5 1 ) . '-'Buchanan Papers, J a n . 1 5 , 1 8 5 7 , from John Appleton.

go

L O C A L

D E M O C R A T I C

P O L I T I C I A N S

tendant evils of Congressional bargaining, of "pernicious political activity," and of compulsory assessment of officeholders reached its apex in the Democratic party. It was the President who directed the patronage weapon, and his Postmasters General were only his agents. H e was perfectly frank about his belief in the spoils system—in fact he announced a more extreme proscription policy than he carried out. H e declared that he believed not only that offices should be given only to Democrats, even (later) only to those who supported his policies, but also that he accepted the doctrine of "rotation," that is, the removal of even the Democratic officeholders to give others a Federal job. This is the first time that a President ever enunciated such a policy. The clamor for offices was great, and President Buchanan was desirous of being reelected. T h e famous spoilsman William L . Marcy commented in his Diary about the so-called "Buchanan rule," or the "figure four-4," as it was nicknamed: A l l d e m . o f f i c e h o l d e r s are to be r e m o v e d at the e n d of jour

y e a r s , in o r d e r

to b r i n g t h e D e m . party to the c o n c l u s i o n t h a t the m a n w h o this r u l e o u g h t to c o n t i n u e in his office Eight than M r .

years. A

establishes

less p r o f o u n d

B u c h a n a n w o u l d h a v e c o n c l u d e d t h a t the m a n w h o

u p o n the four

man

practiced

y e a r rule w o u l d be likely t o h a v e it applied to himself.' 1 3

According to the Congressman from Iowa, General Jones, the President wanted to put into effect the rotation policy, but his Cabinet opposed it. 44 T h e First Assistant Postmaster General, Horatio King, who feared at first that he would be removed, especially as rumors were prevalent that he was a free-soil sympathizer, also differed from the President on this question. In his papers there is a very interesting memorandum on the subject, which he had prepared for the administration newspaper, the Union: W e a r e w e l l assured that in each case in w h i c h the i n c u m b e n t of one of these offices [ s m a l l e r o n e s ] is k n o w n to h a v e d i s c h a r g e d his official duties w i t h fidelity a n d to h a v e used his best e f f o r t s as a c i t i z e n in support of d e m o c r a t i c m e a s u r e s a n d m e n , it is n o t t h e i n t e n t i o n of t h e

Department

to m a k e r e m o v a l s . W e c o r r e c t this m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the D o c t r i n e of rotation in o r d e r to save m u c h animosity 8c b i c k e r i n g a b o u t t h e s m a l l post offices & below

Presidential

appointments w h e r e

there

r e m o v a l s w i t h o u t special cause. 43 44

Marcy, M S Diary, Mar. 17, Apr. 6, 1857. Parish, George Wallace Jones, pp. 185-88.

is no intention of

others making

LOCAL

DEMOCRATIC

POLITICIANS

9i

Written on the back of this is the statement, " N o t approved by the President." 4 9 T h e principle was certainly not extensively used among the Presidential offices, f o r there were more reappointments during this term than at any other time, almost half were continued in office. A m o n g the twenty-eight thousand smaller offices only about four thousand postmasters w e r e r e m o v e d , but more than eighteen thousand resigned. T h i s is the largest number of resignations in the history of the Post Office so far—perhaps the publicity given the doctrine of rotation encouraged them to resign. 4 0 B y this time the right of a Democratic Congressman practically to dictate the postmaster appointments in his district had been established. T h e r e was now even a f o r m on which the Representative's opinion concerning an appointment was recorded before the case was submitted to the President. 4 7 F o r the first time this " r i g h t " was discussed by a Postmaster G e n e r a l ; the letter was written by First Assistant Postmaster G e n e r a l K i n g (later Postmaster G e n e r a l ) , who had been in charge of the appointment office since 1 8 5 4 . H e wrote to a Congressman w h o m he considered a little too dictatorial: T h e r i g h t w h i c h y o u s e e m to c l a i m of c o n t r o l i n g the a p p o i n t m e n t s in y o u r district has n o e x i s t e n c e in f a c t . E x c e p t i n g the c o m p a r a t i v e

f e w cases in

w h i c h the l a w i m p o s e s this d u t y on the P r e s i d e n t a n d the S e n a t e , the p o w e r of

appointing

the o f f i c e r s of

Postmaster G e n e r a l , w h o

the

Department

a l o n e is responsible

with

the

f o r its p r o p e r e x e r c i s e .

rests e x c l u s i v e l y

By

c o u r t e s y , the m e m b e r , w h e n a g r e e i n g politically w i t h the

administration,

is v e r y g e n e r a l l y c o n s u l t e d in respect to a p p o i n t m e n t s in his d i s t r i c t ; his a d v i c e is by n o m e a n s c o n s i d e r e d b i n d i n g on the D e p a r t m e n t ;

but

n o r is

the P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l p r e c l u d e d e v e n by c o u r t e s y , f r o m m a k i n g r e m o v a l s or a p p o i n t m e n t s o n s a t i s f a c t o r y i n f o r m a t i o n , as in the p r e s e n t i n s t a n c e , e x c l u s i v e l y f r o m o t h e r reliable s o u r c e s . W h e n the m e m b e r is politically

op-

posed to the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n it is n o t usual to c o n s u l t h i m . 4 " 45

K i n g Papers, memorandum, spring of 1 8 5 7 ; Nov. 5, 1 8 5 6 , from Tames Camp-

bell. 46

U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X , X I ; Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1 8 5 7 - 1 8 6 1 . 47 Ford Misc. ( N e w Y o r k Public L i b r a r y ) , P. O. Dept. Appt. Office, M a y 1 3 , 1 8 5 7 . T h e part in italics is the form. "Joseph Evans, the Postmaster at Falls of Schuylhill County of Philadelphia, State of Penna. has resigned in favor of William L . Morrison. Before submitting this case to the Postmaster General I have to request the favor of any information you may -possess, or be able to obtain, respecting it."; K i n g Papers, J u l y 18, 1 8 5 7 , from Cass; Buchanan Papers, Jan. 18, 1 8 5 9 , from Rep. Stuart. 48 Postmaster General Letterbook, Feb. 27, 1 8 6 1 , to G. A . G . Jenkins.

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N o w t h e C o n g r e s s m a n ' s support in r e t u r n was emphasized, and more o p e n l y than e v e r b e f o r e patronage was used as a weapon to bring into line recalcitrant C o n g r e s s m e n . T h e relationship was w e l l expressed by t h e postmaster of N e w Y o r k in a " s t r i c t l y private l e t t e r " to the F i r s t Assistant P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l : " A n y t h i n g you can consistently do to conciliate him

[Congressman

Haskins]

will be m o r e than

repaid

by his w a r m & enthusiastic support o f any of y o u r measures in the House."

49

T h e most i m p o r t a n t administration p r o g r a m was the admis-

sion o f Kansas u n d e r t h e L e c o m p t o n Constitution. T h e E n g l i s h bill provided f o r this, and P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l B r o w n , a l t h o u g h he personally t h o u g h t t h e administration should keep its hands off the Kansas slavery dispute, let it be g e n e r a l l y known that a reconciliation would be made with f o r m e r party rebels if t h e y supported this bill. H e sent t h e chief clerk o f an O h i o post office to t h e R e p r e s e n t a t i v e of his district ( e v e n t h o u g h t h e y were a n y t h i n g but friends, since the favorite of t h e C o n g r e s s m a n had been r e m o v e d to make a place for the clerk's father-in-law) to t e l l him t h a t t h e administration w o u l d be grateful if he voted f o r t h e bill. H e did vote for it, and s h o r t l y afterward a change desired by t h e C o n g r e s s m a n was m a d e in t h e C o l u m b u s post office. R e p r e s e n t a t i v e C o x denied that t h e r e was any connection between his v o t e and t h e a p p o i n t m e n t . I n a n o t h e r case t h e Postmaster G e n e r a l suggested to an officeseeker that " t h e public business was much delayed and n o t h i n g will be done and if I had any influence with the m e m b e r s of t h e O h i o delegation he hoped I would use it to secure the passage of the E n g l i s h b i l l . " E n o u g h votes were finally won by the administration, and t h e E n g l i s h bill was passed. Kansas voters, howe v e r , t u r n e d down t h e proposal for i m m e d i a t e a n n e x a t i o n . 3 0 T h e outstanding D e m o c r a t who refused to " f a l l into l i n e " was Stephen A . D o u g l a s , and t h e patronage weapon was used against him with all its force. E v e n b e f o r e the vote on the bill t h e " L i t t l e G i a n t " had felt he was being discriminated against and had requested the immediate r e m o v a l o f a disbursing agent who had boasted that he had obtained t h e position " w i t h o u t the aid of the delegation in C o n g r e s s . " 40

King Papers, J u n e 22, 1 8 5 7 . •'"U.S. Congress, 36th Cong., 1st Scss., Mouse Report, N'o. 64S (Covodc Report), pp. 226, 2 3 1 . A pamphlet issued by tile Republican Congressional Campaign Committee remarked on this point: " H o w running in that celebrated intriguer, Postmaster General B r o w n ( A a r o n Vicarious, as Benton called h i m ) to send, as the peacemaker, 'he son-in-law of the man put in the post office . . . for the express purpose of arming him tn destroy Cox in his district."

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"Herewith I am compelled to make a distinct issue," Senator Douglas wrote to Horatio King, "to ascertain whether the administration recognizes him or me as the organ of the Party." 5 1 By December the break was complete, and on February 16 (two weeks after President Buchanan had submitted the Lecompton Constitution, with his endorsement, to Congress) the Douglas postmaster in Chicago was replaced by the notorious politician, Isaac Cook, editor of the administration newspaper, the Chicago Times, and chairman of the state central committee. The Senator tried to hold up the confirmation of his appointment by introducing a resolution investigating the accounts from his previous postmastership; the auditor's report of these was sent in and was evidently satisfactory, for the appointment was confirmed March 9. 52 The postmaster then became the "medium through which petitions for removals and appointments" were forwarded to the Departments. He took the lead in organizing all opposed to the "Little Giant." 53 Those who had formerly been disappointed by Douglas, the new Federal appointees, and the newspaper editors who could be bribed by jobs or contracts rallied around him. They took the name National Democratic party, but were nicknamed the "Buchaneers" and the "Danites." When they found themselves in a minority at the state convention, which'had been called early (April 2 i ) by the Douglas men, they called their own convention for June. The majority of the people of the state were for Douglas, although the conservatives in "Egypt" supported the administration. The postmaster called on the President for "all aid and assistance which your administration in its wisdom can afford us previous to June 9," the date on which they were holding their state convention to nominate an opponent to Douglas.84 Not a great number of postmasters were removed before June (only six), but during the Congressional recess the "heads of the Illinois postmasters fell rapidly." The names of twelve Presidential postmasters to be removed were sent to the Senate that December. Altogether, 51

King Papers, Oct. 8, 1 8 5 7 ; Philip Gerald Auchampaugh, " T h e BuchananDouglas Feud," Journal of Illinois State History, X X V (Apr., 1 9 3 2 ) , 19, maintains that the rivalry between Douglas and Buchanan date back before the Lecompton Constitution to the convention of 1856, when they were both candidates for the Presidency. fz U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X , 308, 328, 3 3 7 - 3 8 . 53 Buchanan Papers, Sept. 29, 1858, from I. Cook. 54 Ibid., May io, 1 8 5 8 ; King Papers, Apr. 24, 1858, I. Cook to Postmaster General Brown; see Milton, The Eve of Conflict, pp. 289, 295, 3 0 1 , 351 ; Cole, The Era of the Civil War, pp. 1 5 8 - 6 2 .

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more than half the officers of this class in that state were removed. 5 5 In spite of these removals and the appointment of a special mail agent, who threatened other officeholders with immediate removal if they did not support the administration party, the vote the "Danites" polled in the election was inconsiderable. T h e y then tried to hold up the proceedings in the state legislature, which at that time elected the United States Senator, to prevent the election of any Senator during that session rather than allow Douglas to be elected. T h e y did not succeed. T h e Senator's supporters replied with an attempt to obtain the removal of Isaac Cook on the charge that he was a defaulter. President Buchanan wrote to the Postmaster General: " I t would be most unfortunate if any real cause existed for the removal of Cook. If it did he certainly should be removed, but it would be extremely mortifying to myself & the true friends of the administration." T h e President believed that the whole prosecution or persecution as he called it was a strategic move on the part of his enemies to put him in a false position by retaining Cook. 5 8 Both the House and the Senate had before them in the spring of i 8 6 0 resolutions concerning the accounts of the Chicago postmaster. H e was not removed, however, until Abraham Lincoln became President. T h e administration continued to use the proscription weapon against Douglas. A l l that was necessary to secure the removal of any postmaster was a letter accusing him of working against the administration, and he was removed. It did not take l o n g ; in one case the complaint was received on the nineteenth and the postmaster's "head was o f f " by the twenty-second. 57 Immediately after the election of Douglas to the Senate, Isaac Cook began a campaign to obtain control of the next state convention, which would elect delegates to the national convention. W h e n the Douglas group also succeeded in dominating this convention, the " D a n i t e s " withdrew and held a convention of their own, at which the Buchanan administration was endorsed and a contesting delegation was elected to go to Charleston; this delegation was headed by Isaac Cook, the Chicago postmaster. 58 It failed to be seated, however. 55 U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X , X I ; Congressional Globe, 35th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 3 0 5 5 - 5 7 . 59 Holt Papers, J u l y 27, A u g . 4, 1 8 5 9 . " Buchanan Papers, Nov. 1 7 , 22, 1 8 5 9 , from J . Holt, Feb. 18, 1858, Edmund Burke to Jesse N . Bright. 58 Ibid., N o v . 28, 1 8 5 8 , J a n . i i , i 8 6 0 , from I. C o o k ; Fitc, The Presidential Campaign of i860, p. 234.

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The postmasters in two other large cities were especially active in politics, and neither President Buchanan nor Postmaster General Brown frowned on this auxiliary occupation of theirs. In New York City the postmaster was the only Federal officeholder of the Pierce administration to be reappointed by President Buchanan, "but why he should have been spared no one can, or rather will tell," commented Secretary Marcy. 59 Senator Dickinson, an ambitious "hard," had protested this appointment, because he said the New York postmaster was the President's political enemy and was "the center of a Douglas, Walker clique." 60 The local leader of the "hards" was Fernando Wood, mayor of the city. In the spring of 1857 Grand Sachem Fowler defeated the Wood group in Tammany. This club and the post office were closely allied: the first assistant postmaster later became a Sachem, several clerks on the pay roll whose only duties were political were Tammany men, and other clerks were given leave of absence at election time in order to work for the party. With this machinery Postmaster Fowler put up a "reform" candidate, who defeated Wood as mayor that fall. This gave him control of most of the Federal and all the enormous city patronage. H e also wanted control of the custom house patronage and promised to use his power "to sustain Mr. Buchanan's administration." 6 1 The President, however, was reluctant to put him "at the head of affairs in New York" as Albert C. Ramsay, the intermediary, urged him to do. The latter, in Washington, kept the postmaster informed as to movements in the Capital. In November, 1858, he suggested that President Buchanan was going to attack Stephen A. Douglas and that the New York postmaster must be sure not to support him in any way, and if possible he should get Tammany to pass a resolution "denouncing as unconstitutional the doctrine of 'unfriendly legislation' when applied in territories to slavery." Ramsay also eulogized his friend to the President. He wrote him: H e has not only the position and c o m m a n d i n g influence but w h a t is m o r e , he can be trusted as true to y o u . . . . M r . F o w l e r will unquestionably have the control of the N . Y o r k delegation at the convention of

i860,

59 Marcv, "Diary and Memoranda," American Historical Review, X X I V ( 1 9 1 9 ) , 646 (Mar. 25, 1 8 5 7 ) . eo Buchanan Papers, Dec. 26, 1857. 81 Ibid., Nov. 26, 1856, Isaac Fowler to A. C. Ramsay, Jan. 8, 1857, Sept. 29, 1858, Fernando Wood, Aug. 6, 1857, Henry Wickoff, Sept. 8, 1857, D. F. Sickles, to Buchanan. See Myers, The History of Tammany Hall, pp. 146, 163, 183-90.

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and you can have the control of him if you think proper. He desires this for your mutual benefit. Later, when Postmaster General Brown died, Ramsay urged that F o w l e r be made Postmaster General to harmonize N e w Y o r k . " T h i s is your last chance to prevent the Democracy of N e w Y o r k leaving the administration. . . . Y o u have now too many fossils around you. T a k e one live man who can wield the politics of the E m p i r e state." 6 2 E v e n though Fernando Wood had been returned to the office of mayor of N e w Y o r k City in 1859, the " s o f t " delegation from the city was seated by the state convention and Postmaster F o w l e r was elected a delegate to the national convention. N o post office better illustrates the evils of the spoils system. In M a y it was discovered that the office had been embezzled by the postmaster to the sum of $ 1 5 5 , 0 0 0 because the postmaster had incurred such large expenses from his political activities. H i s bill at the New Y o r k H o t e l , which he had made the Democratic headquarters, was $25,000 for one year. 0 3 J o h n A . D i x , who took over the N e w Y o r k post office when M r . Fowler fled to Mexico to escape arrest, reported that he had had to remove Postmaster General Brown's nephew because he received a salary of $800 but came to the office only once a week for three-quarters of an hour, a Sachem of T a m m a n y , who received $ 1 , 4 0 0 for "performing none but political duties," and several lazy clerks. 04 In Philadelphia the postmaster was the agent of discord in the party, according to the friends of President Buchanan. H e had been appointed by Postmaster General Campbell in spite of the protest of Buchanan. T h e mayor complained that he was "unfortunately in a position of far too much power for the harmony or the moral force of the party." or' T h e President's agent there was the collector of customs, and both he and his brother kept the President informed as to nominations and the trend of the campaign and received Buchanan's instructions. T h e post office, although "at outs" with the administration, inter62 Buchanan Papers, Nov. 27, 1 8 5 8 , M a r . 8, 1 8 5 9 , from A . R a m s a y ; Ramsay Misc. ( N e w Y o r k Historical Society), A u g . 1 1 , Oct. 3 1 , Nov. 6, 10, Dec. 5, 1 8 5 8 , Feb. 1 8 , 1 8 5 9 , to I. F o w l e r . 63 Myers, The History of Tammany Hall, pp. 2 3 0 - 3 3 ; U.S. Congress, 36th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Doc., No. 48, pp. 1 - 2 ; Congressional Globe, 36th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 1 5 8 9 ; Holt Papers, A p r . 10, 1860, from H. K i n g . 84 K i n g Papers, J u n e 8, A u g . 7, 1860, from D i x ; Buchanan Papers, M a y 1 4 , J u n e 4, 1 8 6 0 , from D i x . 65 Buchanan Papers, J u l y 24, 1 8 5 7 , from Richard V a u x .

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fered in the nominating conventions and was defeated in its efforts. Correspondents of the President remarked on "the folly of a handful of Federal officeholders attempting to control the nominations in a city like this" and recommended the "non-interference on the part of the Federal officers" in the local elections.00 T h e President thought differently, however, and wrote M r . Baker that "the Federal officers ought to act with promptitude and energy in supporting and electing Vaux & the ticket." M r . Vaux was defeated for mayor, and at the same time a new postmaster was appointed—Mr. Westcott, whom Buchanan had tried to get Postmaster General Campbell to appoint in 1855. The appointment was unfortunate, since he refused to cooperate with other Federal officials under the leadership of Collector Baker. In preparation for the congressional nomination in the fall of 1858 M r . Baker complained of the number of votes the post office could control and that it was difficult to accomplish anything with the division among the officeholders. H e suggested that there ought to be "unity of action among the Heads of the national officeholders—during the last administration, I am told they were a unit—one of them was made the leader by the President and the others compelled to sustain him." The President replied: " A f t e r the present conflict, the Federal officers in Philadelphia shall be unanimous in their efforts to support the administration or at least they shall not oppose it . . . I shall deal with them after the election as they deserve." Mail agents were used in the campaign and were instructed to work with the officeholding group. Those who were opposed were removed (including the postmaster), and subservient ones were appointed.07 Both the collector of the port and the new postmaster of Philadelphia were delegates to the national convention. According to the estimate of the Douglas managers there were 507 Federal officeholders present at the Charleston convention in May, i860. The votes controlled by President Buchanan (especially in the delegations from Pennsylvania, New York, Massachusetts,68 New Jersey, California, and Oregon), when joined 69

Ibid., Sept. 14, 1857, from J . B. Baker, Jan. 31, 1858, from J . C. Van Dyke. " Ibid., Sept. 14, 1857, Aug. 16, 1858, Oct. 1 j , 1859, from Baker; drafts, Apr. 22, Aug. 17, 1858, to Baker. 69 ¡bid., Aug. 4, 1859, to W. C. H. Swift: " [ I ] am, therefore, anxious that the Delegation from Massachusetts should be composed of sound national men who will act in unison in accomplishing this great & patriotic object. It would neither be prudent nor proper for me to interfere in what belongs exclusively to yourselves; but if the Massachusetts Convention should select either Mr. Whitney or yourself or both 6

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with those of the South, were sufficient to enact the unit and two-thirds rules and to interpret the latter to mean two-thirds of the total after many of the southern delegates had withdrawn. This meant that Senator Douglas could not be nominated at this convention.69 Later he was nominated at the Baltimore convention, and Senator Breckinridge was put up by the southern wing of the party and later supported by President Buchanan. The result, therefore, of the use by the President of patronage to defeat an opponent was a split in the Democratic party and its ultimate defeat. A committee had been set up in March [ 1860] by the House of Representatives to investigate the abuse of patronage by President Buchanan and Postmaster General Brown. For three months this Covode Committee, as it was called, because John Covode of Pennsylvania had introduced the resolution creating it, held hearings to see "whether the President, or any other officer of government has sought by improper means to influence the action of Congress." They also investigated the distribution of the printing patronage and the giving of sinecure jobs in the local offices to people who did only political work or who were connected with the administration newspapers. They found that of the forty thousand dollars appropriated to print post office blanks, thirty thousand was a clear profit for the political friends who received the printing contracts. Little could be done to substantiate the charge of sinecure jobs, since the people holding the jobs asserted that they worked very hard. The majority report censured the President and the Postmaster General severely, but the minority felt that the investigation had been incomplete and that the testimony obtained was worthless because of the character of the witnesses who testified. There was not enough evidence to form a basis for impeachment proceedings, but it made good campaign material. The Republican congressional committee sold, at $1.50 a hundred, a pamphlet entitled the Ruin of the Democratic Party, containing extracts of the report and their comments.70 as delegates to the Charleston Convention, I shall be perfectly satisfied with their choice." See Milton, The Eve of Conflict, pp. 375, 4 0 3 - 7 . 88 Milton, The Eve of Conflict, p. 4 2 8 ; Wilson, History of the Rise and Fall of Slave Power in America, II, 674; Democratic Party, Official Proceedings of the National Convention, i860. T0 U.S. Congress, 36th Cong., 1st Sess., House Report, No. 648; Ruin of the Democratic Party (pamphlet published by Republican Congressional Campaign Committee, i 8 6 0 ) .

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This Covode Committee also investigated the system of political assessments and found that they were quite widespread in certain Federal offices—especially in the post office, customhouse, and navy yard of Philadelphia—and with the knowledge and tacit consent of the President. Far from protesting against compulsory party contributions, the administration newspaper in Washington, the Union, had announced in 1858: I f there is a person in the g o v e r n m e n t service w h o does not

voluntarily

contribute the a m o u n t , at least, of t w o dollars and a half a year on each thousand dollars of his salary to support the cause of d e m o c r a c y he should be dismissed a n d his place filled by one w h o is patriotic and liberal e n o u g h to double his c o n t r i b u t i o n . 7 1

Postmaster Fowler had testified before the Covode Committee that he had given one thousand dollars, himself, toward President Buchanan's campaign in 1856 and that the employees of his post office were approached by the general committee of the county for contributions for political purposes usually once a year. H e denied that they were forced to contribute by any regulation or by any order of the President or Postmaster General. It was tacitly understood, however, that if a clerk refused to pay the percentage set, he might lose his job. T h e only protest raised against the practice was by his successor, the " r e f o r m " postmaster of N e w Y o r k , General Dix. W h e n the chairman of the Democratic general committee asked permission to assess the subordinates of his office to raise funds for the Union ticket in the campaign of i860, he replied: I may say of a m a j o r i t y of t h e m ( t h e clerks in this o f f i c e ) that the assessments (proposed to b e ) m a d e on t h e m cannot be paid w i t h o u t p i n c h i n g their families, w h o are entirely d e p e n d e n t on their salaries. . . .

I cannot

consent to be the instrument of w r i n g i n g f r o m them their necessities m e a n s indispensable to their daily w a n t s . I think, h o w e v e r , that this system of assessing subordinates in public offices for political purposes, w h e n

they

have for the m o s t part n o m o r e than is necessary to give their families the c o m m o n necessaries of life, is all w r o n g . . . . L e t m e a d d , that m y contributions are made by m e as a private citizen, and that I do not r e c o g n i z e the right of any committee to assess m e as a federal officer f o r political 71

Washington

Union,

Appointing

Power

I (No. j ) ,

375.

of

purposes.

A u g . 12, 1 8 5 8 , quoted in L u c y M . S a l m o n , " H i s t o r y o f the the

President,"

in A m e r i c a n

Historical

Association,

Pafers,

IOO

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I deem it proper to add that I k n o w nothing more degrading to our public offices, & those w h o fill them, than the practice, which has existed, of sending political taxgatherers to the doors of the payroom to levy contributions on the clerks as they emerge with their hard earned stipends, I cannot allow this office to be so dishonored. 7 2

E v e n though he sent a copy of this letter to the Post Office Department, nothing was done about it and the system continued in operation. T h e Postmaster General now in office was Joseph H o l t , for Aaron Brown had died in March, 1859. H o l t had been only an obscure commissioner of patents, and the circumstances connected with his sudden promotion to a Cabinet position caused a bitter controversy which lasted for twenty-five years. T h e Secretary of Interior, Jacob Thompson, asserted that President Buchanan, in discussing the necessity of obtaining a new Postmaster General, had declared: "Brown was a good officer but he was too good a man. T h e Department has suffered on account of his kindheartedness, and we must find a man who has no heart." Several men, including Edwin Stanton, were suggested. T h e n Thompson maintained that he had said: " M r . President, I have a man who exactly fills your description. H e has not a friend in the wide world that I know of, and he has no heart—no soul. I mean my commissioner of P a t e n t s — H o l t . " For several weeks the appointment was held up (according to Thompson), and then H o l t was finally appointed. In a pamphlet published in 1883 Joseph H o l t attacked this story and declared that he had received the appointment because of some service which he had done for the President while he was commissioner of patents. It would seem that Thompson's story had some flaws, since Postmaster General Brown died unexpectedly on March 7, and H o l t was nominated for the office two days later. There was not much time for a contest such as Thompson described. 73 Joseph H o l t , although he was an abie administrator, was a very poor politician, since he was taciturn and vindictive. W h e n he distributed the patronage he made even those whom he appointed discontented, as he assented "in such a silent and ungracious manner . . . If he refused, he never condescended to palliate the refusal by any kind explanations." 74 It was during the crisis of i860 that H o l t came into K i n g Papers, Oct. 15, i 8 6 0 ; see M . D i x , Memoirs, I, 329-30. Philadelphia Press, Sept. 17, 1883; Reply of J. Holt to Certain Jacob Thompson. 1 4 Buchanan, Works, X I I , 93n. 72 13

Calumnies

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prominence as a Cabinet member. Although he had been a resident of both Mississippi and Kentucky and was a lifelong Democrat, he became rapidly anti-southern as the crisis developed. H e was a leader of the radical Unionists in Kentucky, and he opposed its neutrality, wanting it to join with the Union. 7 5 W h e n South Carolina made preparations to secede, after the election of Abraham Lincoln, Postmaster General H o l t thought action should be taken to reinforce the Federal forts in Charleston harbor. Most of the Cabinet members were pro-southern, and President Buchanan, although he did not believe in secession, was not willing to take a forceful policy for fear it would mean war. Nothing, therefore, was done. In protest, L e w i s Cass resigned, although the Postmaster General tried to convince him "that it was the duty of every man who is loyal to the Union to stay and do his best to save the Union." 7 6 H e came near resigning, however, when the President prepared too sympathetic a reply to the South Carolina commissioners when they protested M a j o r Anderson's move from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. Due to the efforts of Secretary of State Black, Attorney General Stanton, and the Postmaster General, this reply was amended, and the President promised to defend Fort Sumter. Several southern Cabinet members had resigned, and Secretary of W a r F l o y d finally left his office on December 29, although he had been requested to do so earlier. T h e Postmaster General was asked to take over this position, and it was under his instructions that the warship Brooklyn was ordered to get ready to take supplies to M a j o r Anderson. At the last minute a merchant vessel, the Star of the West, was substituted for the warship, for fear the latter would not be able to enter the harbor; the result, as is well known, was that the merchant vessel returned after it had been fired on. M r . H o l t , now officially Secretary of W a r , was insistent that Fort Sumter should not be given up; he wanted to try again to send reinforcements, but there was a truce while attempts at reconciliation were being made. 7 7 It was undoubtedly due to the efforts of the Postmaster General, as well as those of Black and Stanton, that 71

Coulter, The Civil War and Readjustment in Kentucky, pp. 9 3 - 9 4 , 96. Rhodes, History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the Final Restoration of Home Rule at the South in iSjy, I I I , 1 3 1 , 1 8 3 ; Philadelphia Press, Sept. 2, 1 8 8 1 . ''''Philadelphia Press, Sept. 1 0 , 1 8 8 3 , Black's description of the last days of the administration; National Intelligencer, M a r . 5, 1 8 6 1 , letter of Holt in answer to letter of the former Secretary of the Interior in regard to the Star of the West episode; Buchanan, Mr. Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion -, Nicolay and H a v , Abraham Lincoln, a History, I I I , 89. 78

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President Buchanan's policy became at all firm in i860. The South Carolina commission had foreseen this firmness, for they had wired when Postmaster General Holt became Secretary of War, " H o l t succeeds Floyd. It means war." 78 T h e First Assistant Postmaster General, Horatio King, was selected to perform the duties of Postmaster General for the remaining two months of President Buchanan's administration. This was the first time a man from the ranks of the Post Office Department had been promoted to the position of Cabinet officer as Postmaster General. For twenty years King had worked in that Department, beginning as clerk at $ 1,000 a year under Postmaster General Kendall. H e was formerly an editor of a Jacksonian Democratic newspaper in Maine, but he sold out in 1838 and went to Washington to apply for a job. In February he was informed that there was no vacancy for him, but in the following month a clerkship was given him. H e moved up the scale until in March, 1854, he was made First Assistant Postmaster General. 79 H e was an ardent Unionist and at first did not approve of President Buchanan. H e wrote many letters to political leaders, especially to the postmasters of New York and Boston and to ex-President Pierce, urging them to use their influence with the President to support the Union. H e repeatedly urged the President to take some action against the administration organ, the Constitution, because of its disunionist activities. T h e President finally did discontinue the Government advertising in the paper in January, 1861. 8 0 When Secretary of War Floyd finally resigned, Horatio King was sent on a secret mission to see Postmaster Dix about becoming Secretary of W a r ; later Dix was made Secretary of the Treasury instead. 81 On January 1, 1 8 6 1 , Holt was confirmed as Secretary of War, and on February 12 Horatio King was made Postmaster General. Although King had never been very friendly with the President and had "fallen out" with him twice, they became rather intimate after the President's retirement—exchanged visits, corresponded frequently, and worked together on the account of Buchanan's administration. 8 78

U.S. War of Rebellion, Official Records, I, ch. i , 252. '"Buchanan Papers, Feb. 5, 1868, King sent clipping from Ne ' 4 5 -

Gurowski, Diary, II, 182 ( A p r . 1 6, 1 8 6 4 ) . ' Dennett, l.incoln and the Civil War, p. 200.

57

r 8 59

Nathaniel Banks Papers (private collection), Feb. 6,

Ashman.

1864, from George O.

A "JACKSONIAN"

REPUBLICAN

119

Now that Chase was out of the running, the "Radical" Republicans turned to the party's first standard-bearer and at a mass meeting on May 3 1 nominated John C. Frémont for President. No "Radical" hated the Blairs more. They had formerly been close friends; Frank, J r . , and Montgomery had been protégés of Frémont's father-in-law, and Montgomery had been an attorney for Frémont for many years. It was the elder Blair who had promoted the nomination of the "Pathfinder" in 1856, and Montgomery Blair was undoubtedly responsible for his selection as Commander of the Western Department in 1 8 6 1 . Frémont had delayed going West, and when there had given contracts and jobs to his friends from California rather than to Frank's friends in St. Louis. The General was a poor administrator, and on August 30 he had issued, in a very high-handed manner, a decree confiscating the property of rebels and emancipating their slaves. The President had insisted that he annul this decree, because he did not want the border states alienated. The split in the party is foreshadowed at this time, as Sumner and Chase supported Frémont. Shortly after this Frank wrote to Montgomery that he thought Frémont ought to be relieved of his command. Because of this letter the President had sent Montgomery, as a friend of the Frémonts, to Missouri to try to straighten out the situation. H e evidently had not realized how serious the break was between Frémont and Frank Blair, because he was astonished when Mrs. Frémont assailed him for sending to St. Louis "their enemy." As the biographers of both the participants agree, Missouri was not big enough for both Frémont and Frank Blair, since each wanted to dominate the state. On his return to Washington the Postmaster General recommended Frémont's removal. T h e latter replied by putting Frank in jail, but when shortly afterward he filed charges against Frémont, the "Pathfinder" was removed (October 22, 1 8 6 1 ) . 8 0 As a result of all this, the General disliked Lincoln and hated the Blairs. There is no doubt of Montgomery Blair's loyalty to President Lincoln. H e did everything he could to bring about his renomination and re-election. H e wrote many letters defending the policies of the President. In one to the editor-postmaster of Chicago he explained: T h e t h e o r y of t h e P r e s i d e n t , w h i c h I a d v o c a t e , a v o i d s all these p e r p l e x i n g q u e s t i o n s c o n n e c t e d w i t h state r i g h t s — s e c u r e s t h e f r e e d o m of the s l a v e s — a n d propitiates o u r n a t u r a l allies in the S o u t h , t h e real 00

republicans—the

Rhodes, History of the United States, I I I , + 77 ff.; William Ernest Smith, The Blair Family, II, 67 tf.j Dennett, Lincoln and the Civil War, p. 1 3 3 , gives a very in-

120

A "JACKSON1AN"

non-Slave-holding

whites. . . . M y

REPUBLICAN

purpose . . .

operation in f u r t h e r i n g a plan f o r re-establishing

is to invite y o u r

co-

national authority

by

f r a t e r n i z i n g with the non-slaveholders a n d saving the liberty of n e g r o e s , r a t h e r than by M r . W e e d ' s plan of f r a t e r n i z i n g with the slaveholders a n d yielding up the liberty w e h a v e p r o c l a i m e d . 6 1 T h e P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l used the postmasters to g i v e h i m information w h i c h m i g h t aid h i m in p r e p a r i n g the w a y f o r P r e s i d e n t L i n c o l n ' s renomination. A m o n g his papers are t w o v e r y interesting books dated A p r i l , 1 8 6 4 , a n d containing i n f o r m a t i o n about and f r o m

Maryland

postmasters. T h e latter w e r e e v i d e n t l y asked to send to the P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l lists of p r o m i n e n t m e n of their t o w n s with descriptions of their character. W h e n a postmaster h a d sent in his list, a check w a s put a f t e r his n a m e . T h e names of U n i o n m e n w e r e put in B o o k I . C o m m e n t s such as the f o l l o w i n g w e r e m a d e about the m e n : Treasurer

of

the C o . — H a s

great

opportunities f o r u s e f u l n e s s — A

de-

cided E m a n c i p . — H i s store the H d . Q r s . of our party friends f r o m the country. V e r y p r o m i n e n t m a n — I n the L e g i s l a t u r e several t i m e s — l a r g e i n f l u e n c e — g r e a t talker. I n f a v o r of U n i o n — " N e g r o or no N e g r o . " Is a C o . C o m m r . — I n

f a v o r of E m a n c i p .

H a s 9 s o n s — a l l in f a v o r of

Emancipation. A b o u t the postmasters t h e m s e l v e s it w a s said: A g o o d office to send d o c u m e n t s f o r distribution. A v e r y active party m a n . A l e a d e r in his district 8c a very decided E m a n c i p . I n B o o k I I are listed the U n i o n D e m o c r a t i c a n d C o p p e r h e a d politicians. T h e postmasters m a d e such c o m m e n t s as: T h e r e are but jew pathizers.

Names

Democrats

of a jew

whom

in this district the P.M.

and thinks

they

are

will

pass.

Rebel

Sym-

I r e g r e t that altho' this E l e c t o r a l D i s t . borders on P e n n a . , it is the strongest copperhead one in this Count)-'—-but, I rejoice to say that e v e r y union m a n is f o r maintaining the U . S . P . M . sends a list of people w h o receive mail w h o m he believes to be l a w abiding & union m e n — I s himself a f o r e i g n e r & cannot say that he k n o w s sufficient to give a description of t h e m . teresting comment on the Blairs made by Lincoln; Nevins, Fremont, the West's Greatest Adventurer, II, 534, 5 7 4 - 8 3 ; see also Fremont, Pathmaker of the West, ch. xxx. 41 Blair Papers, Aug. 4, 1863.

A

" J A C K S O N I A N "

R E P U B L I C A N

121

Emancipationists—Go in for M r . Lincoln as next President . . . men w h o watch which way the cat jumps, and jump a c c o r d i n g l y — w h o live and breathe thro' D r . C a r r o l l , and if he were to die they w o u l d die too. 6 2

T h u s was information obtained which would aid the Postmaster General in his preparations for a Union convention in 1864, which was to rally both parties to the support of President Lincoln. In June the convention which Secretary Chase said would "not be regarded as an Union Convention, but simply as a Blair-Lincoln Convention," 63 met in Baltimore. It was said to have been engineered by and composed of officeholders. Postmasters held important positions on the country and state central committees, and they had arranged who should be elected as delegates by their state conventions. One postmaster asked for and received a special agency commission from the First Assistant Postmaster General "so that you can visit our official jriends in the state so far as you deem it necessary," the latter had written. This commission saved railroad fare. T h i s same postmaster had arranged it so the First Assistant Postmaster General (a former Democrat) could be a delegate-at-large to the national convention and later he had been called on to bring with him many outsiders to exert pressure on the convention if necessary. 64 T h e convention enthusiastically renominated President Lincoln, but they were not as much under the domination of the Postmaster General as the "Radicals" maintained, for they seated the anti-Blair delegation from Missouri and adopted a plank which called for the punishment of the rebels. Both the Postmaster General and his First Assistant were very active in the campaign 6 5 — t h e y traveled, made speeches, and the former contributed five hundred dollars toward the expenses of the campaign. H e also expected all officeholders to do their part toward the reelection of President Lincoln. W h e n Secretary W e l l e s was reluctant to force similar co-operation from the employees of the N a v y Department, the national committee sent Blair to see him. T h e Secretary complained (in his Diary) : " T h e y would remove any man who is not openly with us and of our party organization." M r . Welles also objected (the only Cabinet member who did) to the general assessment 62

Ibid.,

63

W a r d e n , An Account

Chase, 64

t w o books headed

"Maryland."

of the Private

and Public

Services

of Salmon

Portland

K e y e s Papers, F e b . 20, M a r . 1 6, M a y 20, 1864, f r o m R a n d a l l ; Feb. 27, M a r . 14,

A p r . 30, 1864, to R a n d a l l . 65

Life

p. 593.

Ibid.,

Sept. 25, 1 8 6 4 , f r o m R a n d a l l .

1 22

A "JACKSONIAN"

REPUBLICAN

levied on all officeholders by M r . Harlan's committee under the direction of the national committee. H e wrote: L i k e l y the s c h e m e w i l l n o t be s u c c e s s f u l as a n t i c i p a t e d f o r the d e p r e c i a t i o n of m o n e y h a d b e e n s u c h that n e i t h e r c a n a f f o r d to c o n t r i b u t e . G o o d

clerks

a r e s o m e w h a t i n d i f f e r e n t a b o u t r e m a i n i n g , a n d so w i t h m e c h a n i c s . I c a n n o t , f o r o n e , c o n s e n t to be an i n s t r u m e n t in this business, a n d I think they m u s t go elsewhere for funds.

When the N e w York post office employees, who had been called upon to give 5 percent of their salaries for party purposes, wrote Postmaster General Dennison (Blair's successor) asking to be relieved of the assessment, he replied he thought it was right for them to be so taxed. 89 President Lincoln took no position against this political activity or against the assessing of officials. H e merely refused to allow coercion when it was called to his attention. H e told one postmaster to content himself "with the cxcrcisc of his own rights as a citizcn and a voter and to allow his subordinates to do the same," and he rebuked the Philadelphia postmaster because his employees "displayed suspicious Republican unanimity." When a Congressman wanted the "active political assistance" of a postmaster and complained to the President about the postmaster's opposition, Lincoln refused to bring pressure to bear on him. 67 As the last and most important contribution toward the re-election of President Lincoln, Postmaster General Blair, "with generosity and patriotism, made the sacrifice" of giving up his office so that the President might receive the support of the " R a d i c a l " Republicans. T h e Blairs had become very unpopular. T h e "Radicals" differed with them on the treatment of the South after the W a r while others had long been jealous of the great influence that family had with the President. T h e Postmaster General had been very tactless, and his blunt speech had made many enemies. John H a y ' s Diary has many references to visitors of the President who were " v e r y bitter" against Montgomery Blair. Late in 1863 there had been attempts to have him ousted from the Cabinet. Politicians had told Lincoln that as a "necessary condition of re-election a reorganization of the cabinet must be made." 08 T h e national convention passed a resolution which declared, " W e 66

Welles, Diary, I, 534, II, 1 3 6 - 3 7 , 1 1 1 , 3 8 0 - S 1 . Lincoln, Complete Works, II, 558 ( A u g . 4, 1864.) ; Nicolay ami Hay, Lincoln, I X , 3 6 1 - 6 3 ; Morse, Abraham Lincoln, II, 290. os Dennrtt, Lincobi ami the Cnil War, pp. 1 14, 1 2 9 - 3 0 . 67

Abraham

A " J A C K S O N I A N "

REPUBLICAN

123

deem it essential to the general w e l f a r e that harmony should prevail in our national councils, and we regard as worthy of confidence and official trust those only who cordially endorse the principles in these resolutions," specifically that part of the platform which called f o r the suppression of the rebellion and the punishment of the rebels and traitors. I t was obvious that this clause had been directed against M o n t gomery B l a i r . T h e President had ignored the resolution at that time. 6 9 In J u l y [ 1 8 6 4 ] Secretary Stanton presented a letter f r o m General Halleck demanding the dismissal of Postmaster G e n e r a l B l a i r because he had called the A r m y officers "poltroons" a f t e r the B l a i r f a m i l y home at S i l v e r Springs had been burned by the rebels. President L i n coln replied in a letter which he read to the whole Cabinet that he was the sole j u d g e as to when and why a member of the Cabinet should be dismissed. 7 0 Pressure became greater, and many politicians called to tell the President how many votes he was losing by retaining Blair. B y this time Lincoln was convinced that he should be re-elected to finish the job he had begun. H e was afraid, however, that he would be defeated, and on August 23 signed a memorandum to that effect. E a r l y in August Senators W a d e and Davis made their vehement attack on the President, and on August 28, when things looked darkest, General M c C l e l l a n was nominated by the Democratic party. T h e Blairs had tried to persuade him not to run against the President. T h e Postmaster G e n e r a l , through a Copperhead leader, had tried to bribe M c C l e l l a n , with an army appointment, to give up politics. L a t e r the father of the Postmaster G e n e r a l , at his son's request, had gone to see the General to attempt to persuade him not to accept the Democratic nomination. Neither had been successful. 1 1 On the first of September President Lincoln wired M o n t g o m e r y Blair to return f r o m N e w H a m p s h i r e ; this request was made more urgent two days later, 7 J a f t e r the President had conferred with Zachariah Chandler and had evidently promised that Blair would be sacrificed for the sake of harmony. T h e following day the President had a long talk with F r a n k B l a i r , S r . ; the old editor felt that other Cabinet changes would be more effective, but he declared that both of his sons " " H o l l a n d , The Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 4.74; Nicolay and Hay, Lincoln, I X , 69—70. 70 Lincoln, Complete Works, II, 5 + 7 - 4 8 ; Welles, Diary, II, 7 7 ; Browning-, in Illinois State Historical L i b r a r y , Collections, X X ( 1 9 2 5 , I ) , 6 7 7 ; Bates, in American Historical Association, Report, 1 9 3 0 , IV, p. 347. 71 Myers, MtClellan, p. 4 3 3 . '-'Lincoln, Complete Works, I I ,

Abraham "Diary," "Diary," 571.

124

A "JACKSONIAN"

REPUBLICAN

were willing "to make any sacrifice to serve you & and the cause." 73 Chandler saw the other "Radical" leaders and told them of Lincoln's promise j Senators Wade and Davis thereupon consented to support the Baltimore ticket, and later they campaigned for Lincoln. On the fourteenth Chase announced that he would take the stump for the President. Meanwhile Chandler had approached General Fremont and his friends in New York. On September 22 the "Pathfinder" withdrew from the race. Chandler claimed the credit of bringing about a "bargain"—the General's withdrawal in return for Blair's removal from the Cabinet.74 Professor Nevins says the "bargain" was rejected and that Fremont's withdrawal was "an act of pure patriotism." 7 5 Fremont evidently realized he had no chance of being elected. Since General McClellan had ignored overtures made by an agent supposedly "authorized by Fremont to make any arrangements which the Democrats determined to be best in regard to running or withdravAng from the presidential contest" the "Pathfinder" withdrew in favor of the Republican candidate.76 Gurowski wrote in his Diary, September 2 1 , "In a few days Postmaster General Blair will be thrown overboard by Lincoln. A victory by the radicals." 77 Two days later, much to Blair's surprise, as he thought "the opposition to him was dying out," his resignation was requested by the President. The Postmaster General himself thought he was "a peace offering to Fremont." 78 H e gave his resignation very graciously, and as the President told his secretary, " H e [Montgomery Blair] is going up to Maryland to make speeches. If he will devote himself to the success of the national cause without exhibiting bad temper towards his opponents, he can set the Blair family up again." H e did succeed in carrying Maryland for the Union party in 1864. 79 His successor as Postmaster General, William Dennison, of Ohio, had evidently been selected before Blair resigned, for on September 24 Hay was told that the latter had resigned, and he merely asked, " H a s Dennison been appointed to succeed him?" Lincoln replied that 73

Blair Papers, Sept. 5, 1864, F. P. Blair to Lincoln, to Montgomery. Harbison, "Zachariah Chandler's Part in the Re-election of Lincoln," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, X X I I (Sept., 1 9 3 5 ) , 2 6 7 - 7 5 ; Detroit Post and Tribune, Zachariah Chandler, ch. XV. 78 Kevins, Fremont, Pathmaker of the West, p. 579. 79 Myers, McClellan, p. 4+8; Charles R. Wilson, "New Light on the Lincoln-BlairFremont Bargain of 1864," American Historical Review, X L I I (Oct., 1 9 3 6 ) , 75. 77 78 Gurowski, Diary, III, 357. Welles, Diary, II, 156. 78 Dennett, Lincoln and the Civil War, p. 2:6. 74

A

" J A C K S O N I A N "

R E P U B L I C A N

»*5

he had wired Dennison, " M r . Blair has resigned and I appoint you Postmaster General. Come on immediately." 80 There were several reasons for his selection: since the resignation of Secretary Chase, Ohio had had no member in the Cabinet, and this was a good opportunity to recognize that state, of which Mr. Dennison had been the "war Governor." He was a close friend of the Blairs, had frequently spent the night in their home in Washington, and had even been recommended by the elder Blair to Lincoln for a Cabinet position. Yet he was also very acceptable to the "Radical" Republicans, since he had formerly been a Whig and one of the leaders in the organization of the Republican party in Ohio. He had been very active in the movement for the renomination of President Lincoln in the very state where the Secretary of the Treasury had been so strong. He had been the permanent chairman of the Union convention of 1864 and head of the committee which had notified the President of his nomination.81 The New York Times, whose editor was chairman of the Republican national committee, approved the selection in an editorial: "Gov. Dennison . . . is a gentleman of high character, and well known to the whole country as a politician and public man. He has ability, energy and industry, and will maintain to the full extent the efficiency of the Department. H e was orginally a Whig." 82 Governor Dennison continued his political activities after he became Postmaster General. After the unfavorable October elections he was sent by President Lincoln to Philadelphia to talk over the situation in the critical state of Pennsylvania. The result of the conference was that the Pennsylvanian soldiers were furloughed so that they might go home to vote, and Lincoln carried the state.83 After President Lincoln's re-election some politicians began to agitate for "rotation." Fear of this is well expressed in a letter from the postmaster at Madison, Wisconsin, to the First Assistant Postmaster General: W i l l the incoming administration have a -policy in reference to the reappointment of postmasters [he asked]. Either to [ t h r o w ? ] them out generally, or to retain them generally. If so what will it be. If they are to be retained do they hold over like " a tenant at w i l l " or necessarily have to 80

Ibid., p. 216 i Stephenson, Autobiography of Lincoln, p. 433. Dennett, Lincoln and the Civil War, pp. 9 9 - i o o j Nicolay and Hay, Lincoln, I X , 342-43, 67-68, 7 5 ; William Ernest Smith, The Blair Family, Welles, Diary, I, 509. 82 New York Times, Sept. 26, 1864. 83 McClure, Abraham Lincoln and Men of War Times, p. j 8 j . 81

Abraham II, 1 5 3 ;

126

A

" J A C K S O N 1 A N "

R E P U B L I C A N

be commissioned [ a g a i n ? ] . In the cities of Janesville, Beloit, W a t e r t o w n , F o n d du L a c , Appleton & others I understand the "outs" are moving trying to get "in" and the "ins" are striving to prevent being put out. T h e C o n g r e s s m e n w a n t e d r o t a t i o n a n d t r i e d to h a v e c h a n g e s m a d e in t h e offices. T h e y w e r e s u c c e s s f u l in a f e w cases, a n d in o t h e r instances postmasters kept their jobs only with great difficulty. T h e

method

r e c o m m e n d e d to this s a m e p o s t m a s t e r is v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g : In your o w n case it is best to be prepared for accidents. T h e President will give mc the control of the office where I live. T h e Convention decided that I lived in Madison and I so decide. T o make good footing get for me rec. of the state officers and such others as you choose for vour reappt. I can manage the rest. I w a n t that to fall back upon and to sustain me in case the Member makes a pass at you. . . . I send you a prospectus of an oil C o . , in which the P . M . G e n l . takes an interest. Y o u take a little stock. T h r e e dollars a share will buy one—-after the middle of M a r c h thev will be raised. T h e $ 3 will buy a full paid share of $ 7 . 5 0 . It is a good thing a n y w a y but I w a n t you to take a little stock in it. W r i t e to the Secy, at N e w Y o r k . . . . In writing to the Secy, tell him w h o you are. P . M . at Madison, W i s e . 8 4 P r e s i d e n t L i n c o l n h a d h a d e n o u g h of o f f i c e s e e k e r s in his first a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , so h e d i d not f a v o r r o t a t i o n , a n d t h e h e a d of t h e P o s t O f f i c e a p p o i n t m e n t office a n n o u n c e d t h a t p o s t m a s t e r s w o u l d be r e a p p o i n t e d u n l e s s t h e r e w e r e g o o d reasons f o r a c h a n g e . 84

Keyes Papers, Dec. 24, 1864, to Randall, Feb. 3, 1 0 , 1 1, 1 8 6 5 , from Randall.

CHAPTER

FIRST

NATIONAL

VII

COMMITTEE

CHAIRMAN

E PRESIDENT'S DEATH one month after the inauguration and the succession of a former Democrat, Vice President Johnson, substantially changed the patronage situation in the Post Office Department. The effect was not felt immediately, for President Johnson retained all the members of President Lincoln's Cabinet, although his friends advised him to make some changes so that the administration might "be marked in American history as yours . . .[not] a mere continuation of Mr. Lincolns," wrote one.1 The policy of reconstruction of the South was soon to bring about changes in the Cabinet. According to President Johnson's plan (which was very similar to that of President Lincoln) the "loyal" citizens of a southern state could organize a Government, abolish slavery, and immediately send representatives to Congress. When this program was discussed in a Cabinet meeting, May 9, 1865, it received the support of all of the members, although Postmaster General Dennison and Secretaries Speed and Stanton had wanted provision made for Negro suffrage. 2 The plan was immediately put into effect, and by the time Congress met in December "loyal" governments had been established in almost all the southern states, and their Representatives were present and expected to be seated just as if there had been no war. The "Radicals" in Congress were resentful and refused to allow the Representatives to be seated, proposing their own reconstruction program. Postmaster General Dennison was personally more in sympathy with the aims of the "Radicals" in Congress than with the President, but he thought he might be able to prevent a break between the two. Therefore he publicly defended the President's veto of the Freedman's Bureau bill at a large Johnson rally at Cooper Union in February, 1866, and, in an open letter to friends in New Hampshire he urged support of the Union Republican ticket. H e proposed that he and the Secretaries of Treasury and Navy 1

Johnson Papers, May 8, 1865, from Lewis D. Campbell. Welles, Diary, II, 301, 4 1 9 ; Beale, The Critical Year, p. 3 5 ; Dennison Misc. ( L i brary of Congress), Au^r. 10, i 8 6 i , to E. M c D o w e l l . 2

128

FIRST

NATIONAL

COMMITTEE

CHAIRMAN

"consult with the President in regard to the welfare of the Republican Party and endeavor to bring about a reconciliation with the factious majority in Congress." Secretary Welles thought such a conference would be useless, as there was no basis for agreement. T h e President could not "abandon his honest, rightful convictions, and to approach or attempt to approach these Radical leaders in their present state of mind would be misconstrued and retard rather than promote the work," he wrote in his Diary. T h e breach was widened when President Johnson, against the advice of his Postmaster General, vetoed the Civil Rights bill, which declared the freedmen to be citizens of the United States. E v e n the moderate Congressmen joined the "Radicals" in overriding this veto, so in legislative matters the President was now almost powerless. 3 Johnson's friends began to organize so they could gain control of the patronage and try to disarm Congress. 4 They particularly wanted to replace Postmaster General Dennison with one of their own members, because he had appointed as postmasters the men recommended by the members of Congress. T h e President and Secretary Welles had protested because he accepted the "advice" of "Radical" Congressmen; they thought he should know "who was who, and what we were doing to fortify or weaken ourselves and the cause of right." 5 T h e ambitions of some of the leaders, particularly of First Assistant Postmaster General Randall, may have added incentive to the movement to bring about the resignations in the Cabinet. E v e n before the death of President Lincoln Randall had had a scheme whereby Dennison could be appointed to the vacancy in the Interior Department, and then he could be made Postmaster General. 8 It had failed, and James G. Blaine was convinced that President Johnson's mind had been poisoned against Postmaster General Dennison by his First Assistant because the latter wanted to be promoted to the headship. 7 Randall organized the Union Johnson Club in his office March 8, and it combined in M a y with the National Union Johnson Club, made up of certain Democratic leaders, notably Montgomery Blair, to form the National Union Club. 8 T h e y "Welles, Diary, I I , 446, 3 5 5 - 4 6, 399. 4*9. 4*5> 434, 45«Johnson Papers, Dec. 7, 1865, from O. P. Morton. 6 ' Welles, Diary, II, 399, 443. Keyes Papers, Feb. 23, 1865, from Randall. T Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, 1860-1880, II, 2 1 8 - 1 9 . 8 Johnson Papers, Mar. 6, 1866, from Randall and others; New York Times, May 24, Aug. 18, 1866 j Winston, Andrew Johnson, Plebian and Patriot, p. 353. 4

FIRST

NATIONAL

COMMITTEE

CHAIRMAN

129

made plans for a serenade, which it was hoped would "smoke out" of the Cabinet the members who supported the "Radicals." Their scheme failed, because Secretary Speed "ran away," Harlan "would not show himself," Stanton gave a carefully prepared speech in which he said nothing offensive to the President, and the Postmaster General declared that "everything was lovely"—that he did not think the differences between the President and Congress were irreconcilable, since they "relate solely to the time and manner in which the Southern States shall be readmitted to representation to Congress." 9 Orville Browning characterized M r . Dennison as "wishy washy and vacillating" and did not give him credit for his attempts at mediation. 10 Since the serenade had failed, the leaders of the National Union Club decided to form a new party—the National Union party—and to hold a national convention (a unique idea) to prepare for the congressional elections of that fall. Alexander Randall, James R . Doolittle (a Senator from Wisconsin), and Orville Browning presented their plan to President Johnson on June 1 1 and received his support, because he wanted "to bring all the States back to their proper relations to the general government. . . . H e did not believe this could be done whilst the Congress was in the hands of the radicals." H e promised "all the influence he had as Chief Executive. The patronage of the government . . . could be used by the true friends of the Country to accomplish the desired results," he added. 11 On the twentieth Secretaries Welles and McCullock joined the conference, and the place and time of the convention and the terms of the call were decided upon. There were arguments concerning who should issue the call and whether a pronouncement against the Fourteenth Amendment (which has just been passed by Congress) should be included. Senator Doolittle wanted the invitation signed by the Cabinet members, but the Secretaries of the Treasury and the Navy doubted the expediency of that plan; Randall wanted a very general statement. The call was finally written by the Senator from Wisconsin and issued in the name of the executive committee of the National Union party by the authorization of Alexander W. Randall, president. It was addressed to all electors 3

Welles, Diary, II, 5 1 3 ; New York Times, May 25, 1866. Browning, "Diary," in Illinois State Historical Library, Collections, X X , II, 75 (May 2, 1866). 11 Ibid., II, 79. 10

i3o

FIRST

NATIONAL

COMMITTEE

w h o sustain the Administration

in maintaining

the States under the Constitution

CHAIRMAN

unbroken

the

Union

of

. . . and w h o agree in the following

proposition, v i z : the U n i o n of the States is, in every case, indissoluble, and is perpetual.

. . . T h e rights, the dignities, and the equality of the States

in the U n i o n , including the right of representation in C o n g r e s s are solemnly g u a r a n t e e d by that Constitution.

It invited them to elect delegates from congressional districts to meet in a national convention at Philadelphia on August 14. 1 - The editor of the New York Times, who was chairman of the Union party's national committee, supported the call, but, as the Nation remarked, neither he nor any other m e m b e r of that committee had signed the call for the Philadelphia assemblage.

. . . Such an instance of self-abnegation

is not often k n o w n in politics. . . . Instead of this, the existing party o r ganization is ignored, and t w o or three officeholders, in the present or in prospective, issue a c a l l . 1 3

Since one of the reasons for the call for a convention had been to obtain control of the Cabinet, they sent letters inviting to the convention the members of the Cabinet, in the expectation that they would either accept, and thus ally themselves with the President, or resign. This time the plan succeeded in the case of Mr. Dennison, for when he felt he could not support the convention and be a good Republican, he presented his resignation (July 1 1 , 1866). Secretary Welles said that Dennison chose the "Radical" Republicans because he was very ambitious and "has a wife more ambitious than himself." The President felt that the resignation was supposed to be just a gesture to show his adherence to the party and not intended to be accepted.14 It was, however, accepted and three days later Governor Randall's name was sent to the Senate for the position of head of the Post Office Department. 15 12

E d w a r d McPherson, The Political History of the United States of America .luring the Period of Reconstruction, p. u 8 ; Browning, " D i a r y , " in Illinois State Historical Library, Collections, X X , II, Si ; Welles, Diary, II, 5 3 3 - 3 5 ; Doolittle Papers, June 20, J u l y 1, 1866, to his w i f e , J u l y 10, 1866, contains copy of the " c a l l " ; New Y o r k Times, J u l y 2, 1866. 13 New Y o r k Nation, J u l y 1 2 , 1866. 14 Welles, Diary, II, 577, 553, 5 5 5 ; Johnson Papers, J u l y 1+, 1866, to Dennison. 15 New Y o r k Times, J u l y 1 5 , 1866 j Joseph Schafer, " A l e x a n d e r Randall," in Dictionary of American Biography. Randall had spent most of his adult years in Wisconsin. He had been appointed a local postmaster by President Polk. He became a freesoil Democrat and in 1859 was elected governor of Wisconsin, which position Carl Schurz had expected. He became a noted " w a r governor" and in 1862 was sent as

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Postmaster General Randall now became the President's political adviser in the Cabinet. He was very close to him, had access to him at all times and considerable influence with him. He spent most of his first months as head of the Post Office Department in organizing a new party for the support of the President. He sent out to the postmasters a copy of the call and asked their help in preparing for the convention. One postmaster had the nerve to write the President that he knew his tenure of office rested on his approval or disapproval of this call, but he explained in seven long pages why he could not approve it. 16 An executive committee, consisting of Alexander Randall, Lewis D. Campbell, and Montgomery Blair, had been set up to promote the convention. This committee corresponded with state political leaders concerning the selection of delegates and the setting up of state executive committees.17 They met in the Postmaster General's office to discuss ways and means of raising money for the campaign and to perfect the details of the convention.18 On August 1 1 , Randall, accompanied by Orville Browning, now Secretary of the Interior (Harlan had finally resigned), went to Philadelphia to see about the accommodations for the convention and the reception of the delegates. The Postmaster General reported to President Johnson: "Delegates and outsiders are coming in swarms. Better than all there is a universal feeling of good will toward yourself. Cropping out everywhere. Everything looks well." Shortly afterward the appearance of Vallandigham, the notorious Copperhead, caused a "ripple," but Randall wrote that he hoped: "V. will be magnanimous enough yet to stand aside." His hope was realized, and the embarrassing groups led by Vallandigham and Fernando Wood were finally persuaded to withdraw without a scene.19 At twelve noon, August 14, Postmaster General Randall, as chairman of the executive committee, called to order the "bread and butter convention," as the New York Tribune nicknamed this meeting, because the leaders had already had their bread buttered by the President, and the Minister to Rome. He returned the next year to take the position of First Assistant Postmaster General. 16 Johnson Papers, Aug. 4, 1866, from John A. Martin. 17 Doolittle Papers, July 7, 1866, Fernando Wood to Randall, July 20, 1866, Randall to Doolittle j Browning, " D i a r y , " in Illinois State Historical Library, Collections, X X , II, 84.. 18 Browning Papers (Illinois State Historical L i b r a r y ) , July 30, 1866, from S. S. Cox; Browning, " D i a r y , " in Illinois State Historical Library, Collections, X X , II, 86-90. " J o h n s o n Papers, Aug. 1 1 , 12, 1866, from Randall.

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delegates hoped soon to be fed. T h e convention went off as planned: Senator Doolittle was elected permanent president, an executive committe was selected, and a "Declaration of Principles" supporting the President's reconstruction policy was adopted. An address to the people was then issued, in which the convention called upon the people in each congressional district to "secure the election of members who, whatever other differences may characterize their political action, will unite in recognizing the right of every state in the Union to representation in Congress, and who will admit to seats in either branch every loyal representative from every state in allegiance to the government." 20 In a special ceremony on August 1 8 , attended by Secretaries Welles, McCullock, Browning, and Postmaster General Randall, the proceedings were presented to the President. T h e latter made a speech in answer to those made in the presentation, and these were put together by the Postmaster General in a pamphlet to be used in the campaign. 21 Randall continued unofficially to oversee the campaign j he wrote to his friend " B o s s " Keyes, the postmaster at Madison, Wisconsin, that "there is but one thing to do to save the country and ourselves and that is support of the President and his administration and only such members of Congress as will sustain him." 2 2 T h e Postmaster General accompanied the President on his campaign tour, unprecedented in a congressional election. H e occasionally left the party to tend to official Post Office Department business. 23 T h e new Postmaster General now began to answer the numerous appeals for removals which the President had been receiving for some time. A Maryland politician wrote to Johnson: O u r three most important officers as far as patronage and influence are concerned are Collector of Customs, P Master, and Assessor of 3rd Dist. ( S t e w a r t ) . E a c h of these offices has a large number of men under him filling responsible positions & daily coming in contact with the people of the city. If all of these officers were sincere and earnest friends of the 20 New York Tribune, Aug. 16, 1 7 , 20, 1866, calls it the "Randall-Doolittle Convention"; New York Times, Aug. 14, i j , 1866, contradicts the Tribune which had said that Randall "sold the Republican Party for the P.M.Gship."; Oberholtzer, History of the United States since the Civil War, I, 388-89. 21 Browning, " D i a r y , " in Illinois State Historical Library, Collections, X X , II, 89905 Johnson Papers, Aug. 19, 1866, from C. M. Denninger; Oberholtzer, History of the United States, I, 391. 22 Keyes Papers, Aug. 2 1 , 1866. 28 Welles, Diary, II, 5 8 7 - 8 8 ; William Best Hesseltine, Ulysses S. Grant, Politician, p. 72.

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P r e s i d e n t , a c t i n g in c o n c e r t in p o l i t i c a l m a t t e r s , t h e r e w o u l d b e n o d i f f i c u l t y in c o n t r o l l i n g t h e city a n d s t a t e .

. . . W i t h proper m a n a g e m e n t

will send a full delegation to the n e x t

House

to support the

we

President,

a n d also a S e n a t o r in p l a c e o f C r e s w e l l . 2 4

Congressman Blaine feared that this "formidable weapon in the hands of the President . . . could be so used as to annoy or help every Republican representative in Congress—so used, indeed, as to prevent the election of many who were peculiarly offensive to M r . Johnson." 26 Postmasters were removed at the request of officers of Johnson or National Union clubs throughout the country, and since the Senate was in recess there was no opposition. During the six months of 1866 when Randall was in office more than two hundred and twenty-six Presidential postmasters were removed. In only ten cases was the cause for the appointment given in the Executive Journal as the removal of the incumbent, but since the reason for a vacancy was carefully stated when it was due to death or resignation, it is safe to assume that in the instances for which no explanation was given the vacancy was the result of a removal. There were more than one thousand removals in the fourth- and fifth-class post offices (non-Presidential). In a report that the Postmaster General made to the House at their request, more than sixteen hundred removals for the period from July 28 to December 6 were listed; "political reasons" were given as the cause in almost thirteen hundred cases. The southern states were the only ones in which other reasons were given in the great majority of cases. T h e states having the largest percentage of removals during these months were Michigan, Illinois, New York, and Pennsylvania. 26 T h e New York Tribune commented: Rapidly and almost imperceptibly the supporters of C o n g r e s s h o l d i n g office u n d e r the G o v e r n m e n t

are t a m p e r e d

with, and

failing to sacrifice

their

2 4 Johnson Papers, June 9, 1866, E. H . Webster to Edmund Cooper, secretary of the President, A u g . 2, 1866, W . P. Power wrote Johnson: " I could not understand how you could expect to succeed while the entire horde of Federal office-holders in the North were either opposed to your policy or too craven to openly and manfully labor to support and defend it. I am glad to see that the work of removing such men has begun." 25

Blaine, Twenty

Years in Congress, II, 1 2 4 - 2 5 .

U.S. Congress, 39th Cong., 2d Sess., House Doc., No. 96; Executive Journal of the Senate, Vol. X I V , Pt. I I ; Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1866; Johnson Papers, Sept. 29, 1866, from G . W . Bustend; New Y o r k Nation, Sept. 6, 1866; Chase Papers, June 20, 1866, from W . A. Brownlee. 28

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political opinions, are being e x c o m m u n i c a t e d , a n d the f r i e n d s of the

"My

P o l i c y " delusion are being appointed to fill all such vacancies.

In making appointments President Johnson's "chief executioner" 27 took the advice of such ex-Democrats as Senator Doolittle of Wisconsin, Congressman Randall of Pennsylvania, and Horatio Seymour of New York. The Republicans, therefore, complained that rebels and Copperheads were receiving all the offices and that the President was putting himself at the head of a party made up of disloyal elements. 28 The opposition had had a head start, and in too many states the situation was the same as that described by one correspondent of President Johnson who wrote: "The entire federal patronage of this State is in the hands of your enemies." - 9 Removals and new appointments could not be made fast enough to affect materially the congressional election of that year. The chairman of the Young Men's National Union Club, at Washington, therefore, wrote President Johnson: "Instructions are respectfully asked, to be given to the heads of various Departments to the effect, that none but the friends of good cause be allowed to go home before the date of the coming elections." 30 Postmaster General Randall tried to help along the cause by giving out to his political friends special agents' commissions, and he gave so many that the Tribune commented: "Whenever the Postmaster General wanted to oblige a friend, or send some striker to cook up a convention, or manipulate a caucus he made him a Special Agent without pay. The commission was simply a universal railroad and steamboat pass." 3 1 Even these maneuvers were unsuccessful, and the "Radicals" gained a clear two-thirds majority in Congress, so they could easily override the President's vetoes and put into operation their own reconstruction policy. The Nation observed that the leaders who "undertook to transfer the Republican party to Mr. Johnson . . . received a terrible rebuke. The places in which Messrs. Seward, Randall, and Doolittle live have all largely increased their majorities for the Republican party." 3 2 New York Daily Tribune, Aug. 20, 1866. Johnson Papers, Aug. 8, 1866, from Doolittle, Dec. 12, 1866, T . O. Howe complained to the President "that the patronage has been placed in Senator Doolittle's hands."; Aug. 16, 1867, from S. J . Randall; Beale, The Critical Year, pp. 1 1 7 - 1 8 . '-'"Johnson Papers, Mar. 22, 1866, from E. R . Chase, Mar. 28, 1866, P. H. Agar to M. Blair, June 19, 1866, Edmund Burke to Johnson; Doolittle Papers, Mar. 29, 1866, from R. P. Baker; Welles, Diary, II, 464, 543. 30 Johnson Papers, Sept. 30, 1866, from Owen Thom. 31 32 New York Tribune, Mar. 20, 1869. New York Nation, Nov. 15, 1866. 28

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After the election the President could do little; at first, on the advice of friends who recommended that "every officeholder who had in this election voted against your policy of reconstruction should be immediately removed," his Postmaster General quickened the action of the "guillotine." In the next two months 130 Presidential postmasters were removed, but the Senate rejected one hundred nominations and refused to act on forty-three more. 33 Secretary Welles remarked: N o appointments or nominations to office made by the E x e c u t i v e w h o w a s bound to see the l a w s executed, w e r e confirmed by the Senate, except the nominees w e r e

first

r e c o m m e n d e d or endorsed by Radical M e m b e r s of

Congress. Some of the C a b i n e t

under those circumstances

surrendered

and made terms.

Among these he classed Postmaster General Randall, who thought it was best to nominate only such Republicans as would be confirmed. T h e Secretary of the N a v y maintained that the latter's appointment was confirmed only because of his pledge to appoint "Radicals" to office. H e complained: " H e gives in, trims, lacks vim and strength, if nothing else," that he left his job too frequently, and that if one postmaster were rejected, another, of a different character, was nominated. Randall was a practical politician and probably did carry out such a policy. H e was faithful to the President, but thought he might accomplish more by compromising when necessary than by fighting. Welles did not like the Postmaster General, perhaps because he did not make the removals W e l l e s had requested in Connecticut. 34 Not content with merely rejecting nominations, the "Radicals," since they controlled two-thirds of Congress, passed over the President's veto the Tenure of Office Act, March, 1867. It forbade removals and new appointments without the consent of the Senate. O f course this act affected very few of the postmasterships—only seven hundred out of some twenty-five thousand. In the minor post offices there were more than eighteen thousand changes; one-third of these were on account of removals. T h e y reached their height in the year 1867 with 3,500 removals, chiefly in the states of N e w York, Illinois, Michigan, Indiana, and Ohio. In the larger offices, for which the consent of the Senate was 3 3 U.S. Congress., Executive Journal of the Senate, XV, 325 ; Johnson Papers, Nov. 8, 1866, from D . S. Seymour. 3 1 Welles, Diary, II, 426n, III, 52, 64, 83, 161 (part of this description of Randall had been added in the manuscript c o p y ) ; Welles Papers, Oct. 23, 25, 1867, from J. F. Babcock.

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required for appointments, during the two years after the passage of this act there were thirty-three cases of removals with no cause given and fourteen cases for which causes such as "failure to put up bond," "married," and "embezzlement," were listed. Including the appointments made "in place o f " or where no data was given, the total was only 91. However, during this period the Senate rejected 290 appointments and did not act on 1185 this total is almost equal to the number confirmed.35 The Senate, therefore, prevented the proscription policy from being effective. From the point of view of friends of President Johnson the Federal offices remained filled with his enemies. Horatio Seymour wrote: " I admire your boldness in removing some of your defiant enemies at the seat of government . . . but earnestly submit that some influence should be brought to bear upon the Heads of Departments at Washington to insure a selection of subordinates who are not your enemies." 38 A New Orleans post office official wrote: "Just at this time, as the time for selecting a candidate for the Presidency is approaching, your heart friends feel more sensibly impressed, than ever, of how unfortunate it is that so many of the most lucrative Fed eral offices, in this region, are filled by men who are at heart, the enemies of the President and his administration." 37 Throughout the last two years of President Johnson's ineffectual administration the Postmaster General stood by him. He was one of the President's closest friends and often remained after Cabinet meetings, either by himself or with two or three others, to discuss with the President some peculiar political problem. It had been suggested to President Johnson that a change in his Cabinet, especially the substitution of Horace Greeley as Postmaster General, might help to bring him into closer relations with Congress and prevent the passage of their extreme reconstruction measures. Even though Johnson felt that some such measure might be successful, he refused to consider it, because "such a course would occasion hard feelings on the part of some of the cabinet officers who would thus be relieved, and to some of whom he was much attached." 38 President Johnson continued to veto all the congressional reconstruction measures, and Randall upheld him, al35

Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1 8 6 7 - 6 8 ; U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X V , X V I . Ordinarily one volume of the Journal covered one administration; it took four volumes to cover President Johnson's administration; Johnson Papers, Aug. 2 1 , 1867, from Randall. 38 37 Johnson Papers, Nov. 9, 1867. Ibid., Dec. 28, 1867, from W. M . Danly. 3 ' Moore, M S Diary, Feb. 14, 1867.

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though he sometimes suggested that the message be soft-pedaled, for he considered it "inexpedient to arouse the Radicals any more than necessary." There was still one recognized "Radical" in the Cabinet, Secretary of W a r Stanton. Randall had written a friend as early as May, 1865, that he thought there would "be a new man in his place after a little," but still no change had been made. Other friends of the President, especially the Blairs, were suspicious of the Secretary of State. Secretary Welles was sure that the Postmaster General was merely a tool of Seward and maybe a friend of Stanton; he thought that he was not treacherous to the President, but that he had bad associates. T h e President certainly had every confidence in him and took him and the Secretary of State on trips to North Carolina and Boston in the summer of 1867- 39 It was Randall who tried to solve the Conover conspiracy, which was brought about by the attempts of Congress to impeach President Johnson. A resolution directing the House Judiciary Committee to investigate Johnson's actions in order to find grounds for impeachment had been passed, but it was difficult to find adequate grounds, so Congressman Ashley of Ohio, a rabid enemy of the President, decided to attempt to show that Johnson had had something to do with the assassination of President Lincoln. One of his tools was Charles A. Denham, alias Conover, who was in the Old Capitol Prison awaiting transfer to the Albany prison on grounds of perjury in the Jefferson Davis trial. Congressman Ashley and others had conferences with this perjurer and promised him a pardon if he would implicate Johnson in the Lincoln assassination plot. When no pardon was forthcoming Conover became impatient and his wife presented to President Johnson certain papers describing Ashley's scheme. The matter was discussed with four of the Cabinet members after the regular meeting on J u l y 29. Some additional testimony was needed to complete the case, so Randall offered to go with Mrs. Conover to New York, as Conover had meanwhile been transferred to Albany, to try to obtain the names of certain witnesses to the agreement made by Ashley that Conover had referred to in his papers. She refused to go unless her husband was first pardoned so, after another Cabinet meeting, it was decided to publish these papers they had on hand. This was done on August 10 and the movement 39

Welles, Diary, I I I , 5 - 6 , 4 3 , 5 7 , Peter Lawson to R a n d a l l , A u g . 26, Johnson ( S e w a r d did resign but the Rhodes, History of the United. States, to Vernon Tichenor.

IOI, 1 1 4 , 2 5 1 ; Johnson Papers, J u n e 1 2 , 1 8 6 7 , 1 8 6 7 , M . Blair, Sept. 7, 1 8 6 7 , F . P. B l a i r to President did not accept his resignation). See V I , 6 9 ; private letter, M a y 19, 1 8 6 5 , Randall

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was so discredited that the attempt to impeach the President on these grounds f e l l through. 4 0 Soon a f t e r this the President decided to bring matters to a head, and on August 5 , he asked f o r the resignation of his Secretary of W a r , the last of the " R a d i c a l s " in his Cabinet. W h e n the latter refused, the President asked the Cabinet members their opinions as to the extent of his power of suspension or removal under the T e n u r e of Office Act. Since one of the main objects of Congress in passing this act had been to prevent the r e m o v a l of Secretary Stanton, one provision said that heads of departments were to hold office f o r the term of the President by whom they were appointed and one month thereafter, subject to removal only with the consent of the Senate. I f a suspension was made when Congress was not in session it was to be reported to the Senate within twenty days a f t e r the opening of the session; if they disapproved the suspension, the official was to keep his position. Of the Cabinet the Secretary of N a v y and the Postmaster G e n e r a l upheld the President's right to r e m o v e Stanton; the others a g r e e d that he could be suspended. O n August 1 2 the President suspended Secretary Stanton and appointed General G r a n t , w h o was also popul ar with the " R a d i c a l s , " as Secretary of W a r ad interim. In accordance with the act, this procedure was reported to the Senate when Congress met in December. F i n a l l y , J a n u a r y 1 3 , the Senate committee declared that they did not concur in the suspension of the Secretary of W a r . G e n e r a l G r a n t did not want to become liable to the penalties of the T e n u r e of Office Act by remaining longer in the position, so he immediately l e f t the office. T h e General had had a conference with the President two days before and had agreed, according to the letters of the other Cabinet members, "either to remain at the head of the W a r D e p a r t m e n t and abide any judicial proceedings that might f o l l o w the non-concurrence by the Senate in M r . Stanton's suspension; or, should he wish not to become inv o l v e d in such a controversy to put the President in the same position with respect to the office that he occupied previous to General Grant's appointment, by returning it to the President in time to anticipate such action by the Senate." T h i s he had not done, but had let Stanton take over the office and had thus prevented the President f r o m testing the T e n u r e of Office Act in the courts. T h e Cabinet confirmed the Presi40 DeWitt, The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson, pp. 2 7 8 - 8 1 ; Welles, Diary, III, 1 4 3 - 4 6 ; New York, Times, Aug-. 10, 1 8 6 7 ; Browning, " D i a r y , " II, 1 5 2 5 3 ; Johnson Papers, [Aug. 2 1 , 1 8 6 7 ] from Randall.

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dent's statement of the circumstances: and condemned General Grant. Randall remarked: " I did not suppose that a man occupying his position would so sneak and so prevaricate. H e knows now that we all know that he lied and played the sneak. That is the unadorned English of it."41 The President then removed Secretary Stanton and thereby gave the "Radicals" grounds for impeaching him on the basis of violation of the Tenure of Office Act. T h e House lost no time in adopting a resolution that the President be impeached. T h e Senate organized itself for the trial on March 5 and began proceedings which lasted two months. Only Secretary Welles and Postmaster General Randall of the Cabinet were called to the stand, and they were allowed to testify only on minor matters as the ruling of the Senate did not allow the introduction of evidence of Cabinet members respecting the advice they had given to the President or of his intentions.42 Randall was merely questioned about the suspension of a postmaster. H e was furious. A fellow Wisconsinian, reminiscing many years later, told how he had called at the Post Office Department after Randall had finished testifying: I found R a n d a l l pacing his room like a w o u n d e d tiger, and indulging in some expressions of disgust at B u t l e r ' s

[ o n e of the m a n a g e r s selected by

the House to conduct the i m p e a c h m e n t ] treatment of him that he never learned at S u n d a y School. " I f the — old villain had given me three minutes to explain the c i r c u m s t a n c e s " said the irate G o v e r n o r , " I could have justified m y c o n d u c t , but n o w I a m held up before the country as a M e m b e r of the C a b i n e t w h o has been m a k i n g removals f r o m office contrary

to

law!"43

The Postmaster General was confident that the President would be acquitted j 011 M a y 1 1 he declared that the vote would be at least 22 to 32. In spite of the intrigues of the "Radicals" the impeachment trial failed to convict the President by a vote of 19 to 35 (Randall's guess had certainly been very close). 44 T h e Postmaster General was responsible for the raising of funds for the impeachment trial and he had persuaded 41

Browning, " D i a r y , " in Illinois State Historical Library, Collections, X X , II, 1 5 5 1 Johnson Papers, J a n . 1 7 , 1868, notes on Cabinet meeting by the private secretary of the President; Feb. 6, 1868, from R a n d a l l ; Moore, M S Diary, Appendix, 37, 42, 8 1 84, 93-9542 Browning, " D i a r y , " in Illinois State Historical Library, Collections, X X , II, 1 9 3 ; Dunning, Reconstruction. Political and Economic, pp. 1 0 1 - 7 . 13 Milwaukee Sentinel, N o v . 1 4 , 1897, "Reminiscences of A . M . T . " 44 Welles, Diary, I I I , 3 4 0 ; Oberholtzer, History of the United States, II, 126.

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Cornelius Wendell, formerly a member of the National executive committee of the Johnson Union party, to advance the money. Later Wendell had difficulty getting the remainder of the amount and had to call on Randall and others for additional money. Randall gave a considerable sum (one source says $5,000) toward it, but his colleague Secretary Browning ignored the request, and Secretary Welles avoided Secretary Seward the day he thought he was going to ask him for a contribution.45 T h e President wanted a second term in vindication of his policy. H e did not see why the Democrats, since they professed to accept his measures, should not nominate him. The Postmaster General was optimistic concerning the popularity of President Johnson and his chances of success. After visiting Boston and New York shortly before the meeting of the Democratic convention of 1868 he reported to his chief: " E v e r y man I have seen says President Johnson is very strong with the people. I understand full well that the result of this coming convention may be anything else than what we desire, but I somehow am hopeful that you will be nominated." H e worked untiringly in the President's behalf at the convention in New York, and on the first ballot Johnson did receive the second largest number of votes, most of them coming from the southern states. There was much opposition to him, however, and his name disappeared on the fourteenth ballot. 48 T h e President continued to entertain hopes that the convention would finally compromise on him. These hopes were dashed when he heard, about noon on J u l y 9 that Horatio Seymour, the presiding officer of the convention, had been nominated. 47 Randall was not enthusiastic over the Seymour-Blair ticket, and it was sometimes reported that he might throw his support to the Republicans. It was suggested that the Presidential candidate make overtures to him, as that might make him better satisfied. 48 Another correspondent wrote: T h e y are agoing to tax the clerks in the N e w Y o r k post office on the 3 1 s t of this month for Political purposes 1 Y 2 per cent on salaries over

$1,000

and 1 per cent on smaller Sums. I think it your duty to endeavor to get some of this money & if G o v 45

Johnson Papers, Mar. 3, 1869, from C. Wendell; Browning Papers (Illinois State Historical Library), Apr. io, 1869, from C. Wendell; Welles, Diary, III, 372. 48 Johnson Papers, June 28, 1868, from Randall, July 5, 1868, from W. W. Warden, July 7, 1868, from Edward Cooper. 47 Moore, MS Diary, July 3, 5, 7, 9, 1868. 48 Charles H. Coleman, The Election of 1868, p. 284.

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Randall was informed of the Circumstance I think he would obtain a good share of the spoil so I hope you will draw his attention to the fact. 4 9

The ticket was very unpopular, however, and when the September and October elections resulted in increased "Radical" majorities, there was a movement to get the Democratic national committee to bring pressure to bear to persuade Seymour to resign. Randall wanted Tilden to interfere, "to get Seymour out of the w a y " and have President Johnson nominated, but he refused. Randall was even willing that Chase be the nominee, for as far as he was concerned it was anyone who could beat Grant, against whom he was so bitter that when the General was elected he declared that he would not remain in the Cabinet one moment after the termination of President Johnson's administration. 80 49 50

Horatio Seymour Papers, Aug. 25, 1868, from C. J . Palmer. Welles, Diary, I I I , 4.53, 533.

CHAPTER

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0ENE RAL GRANT, in 1869, ignored the advice of the leaders of the Republican party and selected his own Cabinet. The only member of it who had been frequently mentioned in the "slates" which appeared between the election and inauguration and who was in any sense a politician and acceptable to the "Radical" Republicans was John Angel James Creswell. He had been a close friend and follower of Henry Winter Davis, the old enemy of Montgomery Blair, and had, early in the Civil War, allied himself with that part of the Republican party which favored drastic action against the South. As a member of the Maryland House of Delegates, his first public office, he had helped keep that state in the Union. 1 In 1863 he had been "Davis's chief lieutenant" in the emancipation movement in his state, and, although they differed as to the method of emancipation, President Lincoln had encouraged his efforts. 2 After two years in the House of Representatives, where he made no impression, he had been selected, due to Davis's management and much to the surprise of the Maryland Republicans, to fill out the unexpired term of Senator Thomas H . Hicks. H e had served for only two years, 1865-1867, for President Johnson used Federal patronage to defeat him, since he had become the leader of the "Radicals" in his state after the death of his chief. H e had been chairman of the Maryland delegation to the reccnt national Republican convention, where, over his protest, his delegation had nominated him for the position of Vice President. But he had received only fourteen votes.3 After the election Vice President Colfax, former Vice President Hamlin, and Senator Wade recommended him for a Cabinet position, and on March 1 a southern delegation called on the President-elect and suggested that either Creswell of Maryland or Maynard of Tennessee "would be acceptable to southern Republicans." The Cabinet, as an1

Grimes, John Angel James Cres-well, Postmaster General (unpublished Master's essay) j Steiner, Life of Henry Winter Davis, p. 217. 2 Lincoln, Complete Works, II, 492 (Mar. 7, 1864). 3 Mvers, The Republican Party, p. 1 8 5 ; New York Times, Nov. 6, 1869.

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nounced on March 5, was a surprise to the Republican leaders, for, as the Tribune remarked, "Messrs. Washburne and Creswell are looked upon as the only politicians of national reputation among those selected." 4 The President treated his Cabinet as any Army officer might treat his subordinates j he would tolerate no insubordination in any of his officers. T h e Postmaster General responded to orders, but he also had great admiration for the President. H e wrote his mother in 1 8 7 1 : " G e n ' l Grant is so good and pure that all he needs for his perfect vindication is simply that the people shall know him and his works. T h e more I see of him, the more devotedly do I admire and love him." 5 On most matters, also, he agreed in principle with the President. Like his Chief, Creswell was an expansionist in foreign affairs. According to the Secretary of State he was the only member of the Cabinet "thoroughly in favor" of the annexation of Santo Domingo. It was the Postmaster General whom General Raasloff, the Representative of the Danish Government who had been managing the sale of the islands of St. Thomas and St. John to the United States, tried to win over. H e urged Senator Doolittle, who in 1867 had assisted in the negotiations and who had helped win support for the treaty in the Senate, to be sure to bring Creswell to dinner, as the treaty was to come up in the Cabinet shortly. 6 Their work was unsuccessful, for President Grant refused to use administrative pressure to obtain the Senate's assent to ratification of this treaty. In 1870, when the American public becamc aroused at the Spanish treatment of the revolutionists in Cuba and President Grant wanted to add to the excitement by such a vigorous attack on Spain in his message to Congress that it probably would have led to war, the Postmaster General supported him. When fuel was added to the fire by the capture of the Virginius, flying the American flag, and the execution of eight members of the crew, Creswell was opposed to the moderate demands of the Secretary of State. H e hoped for war.7 In most cases the Postmaster General merely sustained the President, but on one question he may have exerted a decisive influence—that is, Grant's veto of the inflationary bill which would have increased both the greenback and the national bank note circulation. Pressure for signing the bill was very ' New York Tribune, Mar. 1 , 6, 1869; New Y'ork Times, Dcc. 24, 1891. 6 'Creswell Papers, Oct. 24, 1 8 7 1 . Doolittle Papers, Mar. 23, 1869. 7 Nevins, Hamilton Fish, pp. 2 7 1 , 5 1 1 .

r

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great, and Creswell and Secretary Fish were the only ones in the official family who urged the President to veto it. According to the Postmaster General's story, the President wrote two messages, and an hour before Cabinet meeting he read the one supporting the bill to M r . Creswell. When Creswell expressed his surprise and distress over it, Grant read him his veto message. The Postmaster General exclaimed with enthusiasm, " M r . President, if you will use that, it will put the substantial sense of the country under lasting obligations to you." 8 His veto did turn out to be one of the few measures of President Grant's administration that has been generally approved. B y this time the spoils system, with all of its ramifications—proscription, political appointments, congressional dictation of local selections, partisan activity, and party assessments of subordinates—was in full operation. After Postmaster General Randall's administration of the Department the postal service needed some "purifying" to make it acceptable to the "Radicals." Shortly after M r . Creswell took office it was announced that the Postmaster General favored " a clean sweep of all men who do not heartily support the Republican candidates." The postmasters flocked to Washington to recommend themselves for reappointment and were "demoralized" when the announcement was made that their presence at the Capital would be considered as proof they were neglecting their duties. At first Creswell made so many removals that a Democratic paper commented: "McCormick's reaper, which is covered all over with medals and stars, would leave twenty heads standing where Creswell leaves one." 9 In the first two months he removed one-fifth of the Presidential postmasters and replaced more than one hundred more with his own appointees. Altogether he made many removals, although not "an unusual change or general sweep of all official incumbents," as Secretary Welles asserted. 10 Almost half the postmasters served their full four-year term, and a large number of those appointed by Postmaster General Dennison were reappointed. 11 As his first assistant Creswell appointed his former law partner, George Earle, in place of St. John B. L . Skinner, who had been removed in March, 1869. H e had charge of the appointment of the fourth- and fifth-class postmasters; more than seven thousand were removed and 8

Century Magazine, July, 1897, p. 474 (letter of John P. Draper). Baltimore American, Mar. 20, May 7 (quoting Hagerstown Mail), 1869. 10 Welles, Diary, III, 576. 11 U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, XVII, XVIII, XIX. 9

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three times that number resigned during the five years of Postmaster General Creswell's incumbency. 12 Therefore, practically all the offices of these classes had a change of postmaster. Postmaster General Creswell recognized the right of Congressmen to have a share in the distribution of patronage. Since he had been a member of Congress himself, he knew how to answer them if their demands became too great. When some Representatives wanted additional clerkships for their friends, even though the appropriation for the Department had been cut, he warned them that their requests were being tabulated and that when the time came for the vote on the Post Office Appropriation bill he would let the people know whose requests were inconsistent with their votes. 13 When Speaker Blaine particularly wanted a good friend of his to receive a clerkship in the San Francisco office, he replied: "But do not fail to secure this for me, if I have to insure an increase in your next Appropriation Bill to pay the salary." 14 Representatives, if they were Republicans, nominated the postmasters in their districts. Frequently they sent along the petitions of all the applicants, but their attached notation " I recommend" on one of them insured that applicant's appointment. Sometimes in the smaller towns an election was held to determine who should be made the postmaster, and the Representative then felt that he was "instructed therefore to recommend" the one who received the most votes. 15 In the districts represented by Democrats the "advice" of the former Republican Representative or the United States Senator was taken. The Senator also recommended the postmaster in his "home town" and in other places when controversies arose. Thus Senator Sherman insisted that he be consulted concerning all removals and appointments in his section of Ohio so that they could have "Peace" among the Republicans there. 16 When there were dissensions concerning several appointments in Little 12

Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1 8 6 9 - 7 4 . New York Tribune, M a r . 16, 1869. 14 Creswell Papers (Pennsylvania State L i b r a r y ) , June 7, 1869. 15 Garfield Papers, M a r . 10, Apr. 5, J u l y 2 1 , 1869, and many similar papers. 16 Sherman Papers, Apr. 2, 1869, from St. John, B . S. Skinner, A p r . 5, 7, 1 8 6 9 , J a n . 28, 1 8 7 1 , to Creswell; Harris, Public Life of Zachariah Chandler, 18 $ i-iSy$, p. 1 1 2 , says that Chandler "dominated the whole Michigan delegation in Congress and every appointment and removal was one directed or authorized by h i m " ; Hitchcock Misc. (New York Public L i b r a r y ) , J u l y 8, 1 8 7 2 . He wanted to postpone f o r awhile the selection of a permanent postmaster in his home town so that he could " d o the best that could be done for the harmony of the party and the advancement of the common cause." 13

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Rock, Ark., the President's secretary requested the Postmaster General to meet the Senators from that state in the Attorney General's office " t o hear and to examine the claims of the contesting Ark. officials for the places of Marshal, Dist. Attorney, and Postmaster of Little Rock." 1 7 T h e only real interference with this system of congressional "recommendations" came from President Grant, who was always on the alert to reward old soldiers or others who gained his attention. General Sherman told William F . Vilas how the Postmaster General happened to remove the postmaster at Hagerstown; the latter visited the White House, "minus an eye, a crippled arm, and a leg tortured and twisted by half a dozen musket bullets in the Wilderness— H e simply inquired why he had been removed to make place for a man who kept a L i v e r y Stable and controlled a dozen votes. Grant was simply dumfounded and finally concluded he must give A . B. a better place which he did." 1 8 In another case an old soldier was sent to the Post Office Department with a card on which the President had written: " T h e Postmaster General will appoint this man if he has to discharge a Democrat to do it." 1 9 T h e widow of an A r m y officer wanted to be postmistress in a place where she was not a resident. T h e fact that it was illegal did not bother President Grant, for he directed that the papers be made out for her appointment there immediately.-" In circumstances like these, political considerations were overlooked. Usually the local politicians were appointed as postmasters, and the fact that postal officials devoted a great deal of their time to party work rather than to post office business was accepted as the customary practice. Speaker Blaine wrote to Postmaster General Creswell in a "Private —not for your files" letter that he must have "not for personal ends— but f o r party purposes" the appointment of William H . Bigelow as special agent—a job worth $ i , 6 o o and traveling expenses. H e is the "best political worker in N e w E n g l a n d , " he wrote, so " D o n ' t talk about deficiency of appropriation or anything of that sort." - 1 One of the most picturesque of these postmaster-politicians was Elisha W . Keyes, or " B o s s " Keyes, as he was usually called. H e was appointed postmaster in Madison, Wisconsin, in 1 8 6 1 and immediately became active in Republican politics} later he finally controlled that party in the state. H e 17

Grant Papers, J a n . 29, 1 8 7 2 .

18

Vilas Papers, J u n e 2 1 , 1 8 S 5 .

19

Crook, Through Five Administrations, p. 1 6 3 . 20 Postmaster General Letterbook, Feb. 7, 1 8 7 6 , to K. J . D a v i s ; J . L . R i n g w a h , Anecdotes of General Ulysses S. Grant, pp. 7 9 - 8 1 . 21

Creswell Papers (Pennsylvania State L i b r a r y ) , Nov. 1 6 , 1 8 7 3 .

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was elected chairman of the state central committee in 1869 and continued in that position throughout Grant's administration. At one time four of the five members of this committee were postmasters. Keyes expected other postmasters to be his agents in managing the local machine, and he opposed the appointment of a certain man, saying: " I am emphatically opposed to filling these offices with know nothings, do nothings and drones. . . . These Post Offices should be filled by men who are competent to run the Party machine in their vicinity." H e used them to arrange and call political meetings, to attend caucuses to make nominations, and to report to him the names of the nominees. Postmaster Keyes sent out posters and speakers, directed conventions, wrote platforms, and practically dictated the nominations of Governor, Congressmen, and even United States Senators, and then managed their campaigns. He contradicted the Congressmen from his own state when they said that plenty of campaign material had been sent to Wisconsin by the national committee. "The committee is doing the work of the campaign in this State," he wrote, "and is responsible for the result. The aforesaid Congressmen are doing comparatively nothing." H e was also the intermediary between the state and Federal party machinery. H e corresponded with national leaders and reported how the Wisconsin delegation would vote in the national conventions. H e chartered a "palace car" to take the Republican delegation to the national convention in 1 8 7 2 . " The situation in Wisconsin was probably not unusual, very likely it was typical at that time. Carl Schurz declared that in the election of 1872 "the whole civil service of the country from the Cabinet minister down to the meanest postmaster, is converted into a vast political agency to secure the president's re-election." - 3 Postmaster General Creswell did his part in this campaign. H e wrote Whitelaw Rcid, who was a close friend of his, that he was "grieved to the soul" at the attitude the New York Tribune was taking toward the General. The latter replied: "you and the president's other official advisers seem to me to fail in drawing the distinction between supporting the administration, which we have always cordially done, and the claim of the Head of the Administration for re-nomination, which we have --'Keyes Papers, M a y 1 1 , 1 8 7 1 , to Senator Carpenter, Oct. 1 3 , 1 8 7 1 , to the postmaster of Evansville, Wis., and many similar ones, Sept. 8, 1 8 7 2 , to Payne; His activity in the 1 8 7 6 campaign is shown by: J u l y 1 0 , 1 8 7 5 , t 0 J e w e l l , Feb. 6, 1 0 , 24, 1 8 7 6 , to Blaine, Sept. 1 4 , 1 8 7 6 , to Z . Chandler, Dec. 25, 1 8 7 6 , to Hayes; Barton, " O l e Bull and His Wisconsin Contacts," Wisconsin Magazine of History, V I I , 4 4 1 . Schurz, Speeches,

Correspondence

and Political

Papers,

II, 405.

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24

always as consistently opposed." In the fall of 1871 Creswell accompanied the President in his triumphant New England excursion. H e described the "enthusiastic reception" that "the President everywhere received" and declared: " I t would appear now as if his re-election were certain beyond all possibility of failure." 2 5 H e made several speeches in the campaign} in some of them he found it necessary to defend himself for his action in the so-called Chorpenning claims. These claims had been bothering the Department since 1850, and in 1870 Congress finally passed a law providing for their settlement. Creswell thereupon awarded the contractor $443,000 for the "extra services he had performed as a mail carrier." The amount actually due him was only $ 176,000. When Congress met it attacked the Postmaster General for following the law which they had hurriedly passed. 26 That year (and three other times, once after he had resigned) Congress also investigated the practice of "straw bidding," which had become prevalent during his administration. The law required the Postmaster General to accept the lowest bid offered for carrying the mails, but these bids were often made by irresponsible persons, frequently in collusion with the ones then performing the service. Therefore, after the bid had been accepted and when it was discovered that no contract could be made because of the financial irresponsibility of the bidder, the Postmaster General had to make temporary arrangements, usually at excessive rates. E v e n though the majority report, presented by his party colleagues, vindicated him and said he was doing all he could "to break up and punish straw bidding," these investigations did discredit him. Postmaster General Creswell maintained that these attacks had been made on him purely for political reasons so as to bring about President Grant's defeat} but in that they were unsuccessful, for the President received all but sixty-six of the electoral votes. 27 At the time when the Republican officeholding machine was being perfected and the supporters of the spoils system had become confident (since there had been few attacks on the system for a quarter of a century) certain intelligensia, notably George William Curtis and Carl 24

Creswell Papers, June 15, Sept. 2, 24, 1 8 7 1 . Ibid., Oct. 24, 1 8 7 1 , to his mother. 26 New York Timet, Sept. 4, 1 8 7 2 ; U.S. Congress, 43d Cong., 1st Sess., House Report, No. 6 2 2 ; Congressional Globe, 41st Cong., 3d Sess., pp. 841, 846; Oberholtzer, History of the United States, III, 70. 27 U.S. Congress, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.., House Report, No. 38; 44th Cong., 1st Sess., House Report, No. 8 1 4 ; Grimes, Crssti-ell, pp. 4 3 - 5 1 . 25

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Schurz, began to agitate for civil service reform. Harfer's Weekly, the Nation, and other papers took up the issue, which had already received some attention in Congress. This group formed the Liberal Republican party, which had, in 1872, nominated for the Presidency Horace Greeley, whom the Democrats had also endorsed. These "reformers," although they had little effect on the election, had made an impression on President Grant and had forced him to accept, for awhile, some of their suggestions. Bills providing for a board of examiners and competitive examinations for selection of officers had been introduced as early as 1864 by Charles Sumner and in 1865 by Representative Jenckes of Rhode Island. The New York Times had commented on the latter bill: " W e fear [it] is too good and too much in advance of our civilization to pass as yet." The editorial pictured how different the postal system would be if post office officials had to take competitive examinations in order to obtain a position. W e might reasonably believe that a good man would be selected. A f t e r he is selected, he is left in office till the department is dissatisfied with his management, and his political opinion (unless decidedly disloyal) shall be no cause for dismissal. H e thus acquires skill and experience, and each year becomes more valuable to the public. W h a t a different thing would our post offices become in a f e w years with such a system. T h e

public

machinery would soon have all the smoothness and ease of private, and w e should begin to approach the perfection of the British Postal S y s t e m . 2 8

Quite a different attitude had been taken by an Illinois Republican, who thought the reform movement was a trick to overthrow the Rep. party. . . .

It takes labor

and money

to

successfully work any Political Party [he had written President G r a n t ] . I f there is to be no r e w a r d , or hope of reward for services rendered and

money

expended—by appointment to some official position, do you, or can a n y one suppose, that this necessary labor and money

will come to the Party

freely or in any other manner? N o , Sir, not an honest l a b o r — n o r a

dollar

in money would be had with such a " C i v i l Service" L a w as by them proposed. 2 9

Representative Jenckes and others continued their efforts in subsequent Congresses. Many bills had been introduced, and long reports on the evils of the spoils system had been made. Finally, in 1 8 7 1 , a 28 28

New York Times, Jan. 18, 1866. Grant Misc., (New York Public Library), Dec. 27, 1 8 7 1 , from M . P. Norton.

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small appropriation was obtained to set up an Advisory Board, which was to draw up certain rules for appointments. T h e President appointed an excellent Commission, which drew up a set of rules which were adopted in December, 1 8 7 1 . These rules provided for a Board of Examiners of three people in each Department to conduct the examinations and to certify to the appointing power three applicants eligible for the office. One of the rules forbade the levying of assessments by Government officials and the payment of them by employees of the Federal Government. ( I n 1870 a law had been passed forbidding the solicitation by or giving of contributions or gifts to superior officers.) These rules were finally put into operation April, 1 8 7 2 . T h e regulation providing for competitive examinations affected very few in the postal svstem—only the employees in the Department in Washington and those in the post office in New Y o r k City. 3 0 Postmaster General Creswell, however, announced that he would follow the spirit of the law, and the number of removals of postmasters did decrease. A decrease is usual by the fourth year a n y w a y / " T h e President was willing to give the experiment a fair trial; he appointed a good Commission and refused to replace some officials, notably the Philadelphia postmaster, with machine politicians. :l A f t e r the election the enthusiasm of the Republicans in Congress for reform declined, and they refused to renew the appropriation which was necessary for the existence of the Commission. President Grant, however, continued for awhile to support the cause, and in several of his messages to Congress (the last one in December, 1 8 7 4 ) he requested the revival of the appropriation. In 1874 he appointed to the office of head of the Post Office Department a man who had the reputation of being a civil service reformer. This change in the Postmaster Generalship was very sudden and entirely unexpected. Without any explanation he announced Postmaster General Creswell's resignation to the Cabinet on J u n e 24. It was a complete surprise to the Cabinet and to Republican leaders. Ben Butler told Secretary Fish later that it was an even greater surprise to Creswell himself. :i:! Certainly none of the l\S. Congress, 39th Cong., 2d Sess., House Report, No. 8; 40th Cong., 2d Scss., House Report, No. 47; 451! Cong., ist Scss., House Executive Document, No. 221; Senate Executive Document, No. 53; Congressional Globe, 40th Cong., 41st Cong., 421I Cong., Index. 31 Postmaster General Letterbook, Feb. 24, 1872, to Rep. J. E. Seeley. 3a

New York A'ation, Nov. 21, 1X72.

Creswell Papers, June 24, 1874, to Grunt; Grant Papers, June 24, 1874, to Creswell; Nevins, Hamilton hish, p. 719.

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Postmaster General's friends had any inkling of it. Newspaper correspondents were suspicious that the change had more significance than was acknowledged, but the Postmaster General refused to say any more than "that the officer who fills the place acceptably leads a dog's life j that he is worn down and tired of it, and wants to devote himself to his profession." His declaration that he desired to go into private business seems to have been merely an excuse, because shortly after his resignation he accepted the position as counsel for the Government in the settlement of the Alabama claims. Once he had resigned, however, he was impatient to be released from his job. If he had had a quarrel with the President, it did not affect his loyalty, for he was one of the group of politicians who tried to obtain Grant's nomination for a third term in 1880; according to the scheme, he was to be the presiding officer of the convention. 34 At first Eugene Hale was appointed as Creswell's successor. This led to considerable speculation by the politicians and newspaper men, for surely a change in the Cabinet two years before the election had political significance. T h e Representative from Maine was a close friend of Speaker Blaine, and some thought this meant that the latter was the President's choice as his successor. Others, suspecting General Grant of a desire for a third term, were sure that this was the President's method of propitiating Zachariah Chandler, the father-in-law of the newly selected Postmaster General. All these speculations were in vain, however, for Congressman Hale soon withdrew his acceptance when his plea for a short vacation before taking over the job had been refused by the President. 33 There was a rumor that a nephew of Simon Cameron was to be appointed, but too many factions in Pennsylvania Republicanism prevented this. 36 The President then cabled Marshall Jewell, his minister to Russia, to come home and take the position. Jewell was very much surprised at his appointment, and he wrote Elihu Washburne: " I don't know yet why Creswell left or why they want me, but believing in Grant I propose to go when he calls." 37 Since it would take him two months to arrive in Washington, the First Assistant Postmaster General, James W. Marshall, was made Postmaster General, because an appointment ad interim could not continue for more than ten days. 31

New York Tribune, June 26, J u l y 23, 1 8 7 + ; Baltimore American, June 25, 27, 1874.; Hoar, Autobiography of Seventy Years, I, 384, 389, 392. 35 New York Nation, J u l y 2, 1 874; Z. Chandler Papers, July 2, 1874, from Creswell. 38 37 New York Tribune, J u l y 4, 1874. Washburne Papers, July 6, 1874.

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The appointment of Jewell, as had that of Representative Hale, gave recognition to New England, for Marshall Jewell had been Governor of Connecticut from 1869-1873. H e had called on President Grant to recommend a friend of his for the ministership to Russia and was given the position himself. Although he had been a member of the Republican national committee (since 1872), he was primarily a business man, and a successful one. Therefore his appointment was considered a "ref o r m " appointment, similar to the recent appointment of Benjamin H . Bristow to the Secretaryship of the Treasury.' 18 Jewell had been a friend of the President for some time. Nellie Grant had visited in his home in Hartford, and the newly appointed Postmaster General stopped in London to see her on his way back to the United States. 39 H e visited and studied European postal systems on his way home, so that he did not take the oath of office or begin his work until September 2. The New York Times was enthusiastic over the appointment and asserted that although he "has played ere now an important part in political life . . . he is not likely to 'run' his office as a political machine." The removal of several postmasters in the South, especially those appointed on Senator Flanagan's insistence and for whose appointment the postal agents reported he had actually received sums of money, caused a little opposition in the Senate, but the appointment was confirmed on December 15. 4 0 Shortly after the appointment of Postmaster General Jewell he wrote (October, 1874) his friend Elihu Washburne: I a m r u n n i n g the D e p a r t m e n t strictly within the rules of the civil service. I found the President meant business by it, and really w a n t e d to have it carried o u t . — S o w e follow the rules strictly, and find they w o r k

well—

and the more I see of it the more I like it. I like m y office first rate, lots of w o r k , and I have a great deal of fun with it all, and it is a very independent office too, w h e r e a man can do exactly as he l i k e s — m y decisions are

final,

with nobody to overrule me but the President, unless C o n g r e s s m e n investigate m e , which all C o n g r e s s m e n threaten to do if they don't get all they want.41

Throughout his term he did follow a reform policy. H e refused to allow any removals, except for just cause, to be made by the Depart38

Robert E. Moody, "Marshall J e w e l l , " in Dictionary of American Biography, X. Grant Papers, Oct. 4, 1 8 7 0 , Apr. 1 1 , 1 873, to J e w e l l ; Hesse]tine, Ulysses S. Grant, p. 3 6 6 . 40 New Y o r k Times, Sept. 2, 3, Dec. 7, 16, 1874. 11 Washburne Papers, Oct. 1 7 , 1 8 7 4 . 38

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ment; only sixty-four Presidential postmasters were removed during his two years in office. That was, however, a few more than Postmaster General Creswell had made in the preceding two-year period. In the small offices, where the term was indefinite, there were also comparatively few removals—less than one thousand a year. 42 When a postmaster's commission had expired, Jewell was willing that changes be made. H e wrote one postmaster that "the incumbent stands upon the same footing with other applicants." 43 The record shows, however, that more than half his nominations were reappointments. While he recognized that a Congressman (provided he was in harmony with the administration) had the privilege of recommending persons for the post offices in his district, yet he gave the patrons of the office also a right to be heard. H e said that after receiving the opinion of both he would select the one most acceptable to the people and the best qualified, "giving also due weight to the wish of the Representative." 44 There were some very good removals; the New York Nation, a reform paper, praised the change made by Postmaster General Jewell in the Boston post office, where a politician postmaster was discharged. There were even some cases in which postmasters who had been removed for obvious political reasons were restored when M r . Jewell discovered it.4"' Although a "reform" Postmaster General, Jewell was interested in the success of the Republican party. However, his methods differed from those of the "practical politicians." He felt that the party needed to improve in order to meet the spirit of the times, and he thought that possibly a "little punishment" would be beneficial. But a Democratic House of Representatives as a result of the elections of 1874, he thought too much. His own state also went Democratic in the spring election of 1875» a n d he felt that for these defeats the President's ambition for a third term was somewhat responsible.40 He was also worried over the tendency of the South to become solidly Democratic; he thought the Democrats, Secessionists, and White Leagues were behaving very badly in crowding out the colored people. The Republican party in that region, he said, seemed to consist of "mere place seekers." H e thought 42 I ' . S . Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X I X , X X ; Postmaster General, Annual Kefcrt, 187+—76. 43 Postmaster General Lctterbook, Nov. 7, 1 8 7 4 , to D. B. Barnard, P . M . 41 ¡bid., M a r . 25, 1 8 7 5 , to D . W . Gardner, Nov. 2 1 , 1 8 7 4 , to Rep. J . H. Milburn. 43 New Y o r k Nation, Dec. 9, 1 8 7 5 ; New Y o r k Times, Nov. 8, 1 8 7 5 . 40 Washburne Papers, Oct. 1 7 , Dec. 5, 1 8 7 4 , Apr. 23, 1 8 7 5 , from J e w e l l .

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this could be remedied if the President would send some good men South and would protect the rights of the colored voters. Unless this were done they would "lose most of the fruits of this tremendous war" and lose all of the electoral votes of the South. 47 He thought the party's only chance of winning the election of 1876 was by making " a strong effort in the direction of a pure administration." Therefore he spent most of his time trying to clean up his Department, but was sorry that some of the politicians could not "see the importance of the cleaning out process." 48 The reformers even talked of Jewell for the Vice Presidency on the Bristow slate, and the managers of Governor Hayes's campaign approached him with the offer of second place on their ticket. It was for the Presidency, however, that he was nominated by the delegation from Connecticut, but he received only one vote from another state. After the withdrawal of his name most of the votes of Connecticut went to his Cabinet colleague, Benjamin H . Bristow. 48 Shortly after the convention the resignation of the Secretary of the Treasury was requested by the President; Jewell's turn was to come next. There had been continual opposition to Postmaster General Jewell, and rumors of his resignation had been prevalent almost from the time of his appointment. These stories of resignation, the New York Times declared, could "be safely set down as signifying that Governor Jewell has made his management of the Post Office very unpleasant for straw bidders, fraudulent contractors, and dishonest Postmasters wherever they have been discovered." r,° The politicians, opposed to reform, finally gained the confidence of the President; they said they did not want the Post Office run as a "factory" and the Postmaster General was not compliant enough in using the organization to perpetuate the Republican party. By the spring of 1876 the President had again begun to interfere in appointments. Postmasters were removed, not because of any complaint against their work, but because General Grant "wishes to give the office to another person upon the representation of several friends as to the necessities of the case." 3 1 The history of the St. Joseph, 47

Fairchild Papers, Dec. 29, 1 8 7 + , from J e w e l l . Washburne Papers, A p r . 23, 1 8 7 5 , from J e w e l l . 49 Keycs Papers, M a r . 19, 1 8 7 6 , to B l a i n e ; Williams, The Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, I, 4 4 5 - 4 6 . 50 New Y o r k Times, Nov. 1 5 , 1 8 7 5 , J u n e 25, 1 8 7 6 . Evidently the rumors of his resignation or removal annoyed him, because later he sympathized with Carl Schurz when it was reported many times that he was resigning the Secretaryship of the Interior ( H a y e s Papers, J a n . 18, 1 8 7 S ) . 31 Harper's Weekly, A p r . 29, 1 8 7 6 ; New Y o r k Nation, J u l y 20, ¡ 8 7 6 . 46

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Missouri, office illustrates the effect of such a policy. Due to the strife among the Republicans in that district, there were in three years three postmasters removed without good cause except that they acted with the wrong faction. Postmaster General Jewell complained to the new Presidential nominee about the situation: " H a v i n g some old fashioned business notions that public offices should not be used for private benefit or gain, I have been pained not a little to watch the progress of events during the last three or four months." 5 2 According to William Crook, the President's bodyguard, a quarrel over the distribution of patronage caused the Postmaster General's dismissal. President Grant frequently scribbled on slips of paper the names of men to be appointed and sent them to various department heads with the applicants. One came back from the Post Office Department and told how the Postmaster General had said, "Grant hasn't any influence in this department." 3 3 T h e President investigated and found that several of his recommendations had been ignored, so he called the Postmaster General to him and greeted him with, " M r . Jewell, I would like to receive your resignation," thus turning him out of the Cabinet "with as little ceremony as if he had been a serving man in the President's household." 5 4 T h e unexpectedness of the request reminds one of what Jewell himself said at the time of Bristow's appointment regarding Grant's actions, " h e runs himself so entirely that his left hand docs not know what name his right hand is going to write." 5 1 After Jewell's retirement from the Cabinet he took an active part in the campaign as a member of the executive committee of the Republican national committee. H e corresponded with the Presidential nominee, Governor Hayes, and invited him to make the Jewell home his headquarters while in New England, cooperated in raising money for the campaign, made speeches, and oversaw the campaign in his native state, for he believed the Republican nominee represented the reform elements. 5 0 Meanwhile President Grant had gone over entirely to the support of the practical politicians. T h e two "reformers," Bristow and Jewell, were out of the Cabinet; the chairman of the national committee was 52

Hayes Papers, J u n e 1 7 , 1 8 7 6 ; Postmaster General Lctterbook, M a y 1 5 , 1 8 7 8 , to

Hayes. 1(3 Crook, Through Five Administrations, pp. 1 9 4 - 9 5 . 84 Badeau, Grant in Peace, p. 1 5 7 ; New Y o r k Times, J u l y 1 2 , 1 8 7 6 . 55 Washburne Papers, J u n e 7, 1 8 7 4 . 50 Hayes Papers, J u n e 2 1 , Oct. 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 8 7 6 , from J e w e l l , Sept. 14, 1 8 7 6 , from R . C. M c C o r m i c k .

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the Secretary of the Interior; and in Jewell's place he appointed ( J u l y 1 3 ) an able tool of the politicians, James N . T y n e r . H e had no objection to making removals for political reasons at the request of party managers or others, but he made only twenty-five (all for just cause) in the larger offices during those six months. Although the new Postmaster General had had considerable experience in the Post Office Department—he had been a special agent of that Department from 1 8 6 1 to 1866, had been a member of the sub-committee on appropriations which had charge of the Post Office bills when he was a member of Congress from 1869 to 1 8 7 5 , and had been made Second Assistant Postmaster General at the end of his congressional term—he was more of a politician than a business man. As a contemporary writer phrased it, " H e was appointed not to see that the mails were carried, but to see that Indiana was carried." 3 7 H e was a native of that critical state, a lieutenant of the local "boss," Senator Morton, and had been one of the delegates-at-large to the Republican national convention in 1876. H i s friends asserted that T y n e r was in many ways responsible for the nomination of Governor Hayes as President. When Indiana dropped its favorite son, both the Bristow and the Blaine managers sought these votes. Naturally T y n e r would oppose the reformer, Bristow, and it was said that he " k n i f e d " Blaine because the latter had not made him chairman of the committee on post offices and post roads when he was Speaker of the House. T h e story is told that T y n e r had insisted that all outsiders leave the caucus of the Indiana delegation and had then persuaded most of the delegates to declare for Governor Hayes/' 8 D u r i n g the few months during which he was Postmaster General he seems to have spent most of his time working on the campaign. H e accompanied Chairman Chandler when he consulted with Simon Cameron on raising money for the campaign. H e took some of the money to Indiana and made arrangements for its use there, and when he had to return to the Capital he left as his agent on the ground John W . Foster, former chairman of the state committee. T h e latter made arrangements f o r prominent Greenbackers to speak for the Republican party in order to lessen the influence of that movement, which was dangerous in the M i d d l e West. H i s requests for money and reports of the progress of 57

Cooley, "Administration of President G r a n t , " International Review, IV ( 1 8 7 7 ) , 1 6 0 i N e w Y o r k Nation, A p r . 28, 1 8 8 1 ; New Y o r k Times, J u l y 1 2 , 1 8 7 6 ; U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X X . r8 ' C l a r k , My Quarter Century of Amerit an Politics, I, 2 0 5 - 6 ; Hayes Papers, May 1 , i 880, from J . L . Evans, M a y 30, 1SS0, from I. R. G r a y .

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the local campaign were addressed to the Postmaster General. T h e October elections in that state were unfavorable to the Republicans, so M r . Tyner himself went out to help in the last-minute campaign. H e reported to the chairman of the national committee on his activities: I have the apportionment of funds made out, & have selected my runners to all distant localities. I want to be cautious and discreet, and yet I believe ten more could be judiciously and profitably expended. I have telegraphed in cipher to J a y Gould asking him to consult you. . . . N o t a dollar will go for anything but use next

Tuesday

[election d a y ] . So far as

it is now distributed, it is in the hands of men who don't steal. . . . adopted the plan of using most of the funds

I have

where we have the election

boards; and a large floating population— In strong Democratic counties, we will use enough to insure a full pole [sic]

of our vote and to pay broad-

shouldered fellows to stand at the polls—and occasionally make conditional bargains with Democrats to give so much if the count is so and so. I can't give you all the details but I am doing the best I can. 8 0

The cipher they used in their correspondence later caused them some trouble. Instead of asking the national committee chairman, who was also Secretary of the Interior, for $5,000, Tyner substituted the word "Indian agent" so that when the telegrams were read it sounded as if the patronage of the Interior Department was being used by the Postmaster General for political purposes. The Democrats, to offset their own cipher telegrams, later tried to make a scandal out of this, but it resulted in a farce. 61 The system of political assessments reached its height at this time. The work of raising funds for the campaign had been begun the year before, when the secretary of the national committee (also postmaster at Washington, D . C . ) had sent out the following circular, with an attached note reading, " I t is particularly desired that in replying to this letter the name of the Post Office and State together with the date and name of the writer should be written clearly and legibly, in order that credit may be properly given." June 15,

1875.

Washington,

D.C.

Dear Sir: In view of the approaching presidential campaign and the State elec5S

Hayes Papers, Aug-. 25, 1876, from R. C. McCormick, Sept. 2, 30, 1876, from Tyner. 80 61 Z. Chandler Papers, Nov. 1, 1876. New York Times, Jan. 28, 30, 1879.

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tions which are to occur the coming: a u t u m n , this committee has been directed to provide for the immediate and thorough rc-organization of the Republican party, and the circulation of such documents as will he essential for the w o r k . Assuming you to be a Republican, desirous of maintaining the ascendancy of the Republican party, and thus securing the benefit of Republican principles and that to do this, you are willing to contribute, to a reasonable extent, in providing the necessary and legitimate means to support the R e publican party, both in the f o r m of personal e f f o r t and in the contribution of money, w e hope you may be willing to send to the Committee ( 4 0 ) F o r t y [written i n ] dollars to be expended as above indicated. T h e Committee desire to enter upon their duties at once, and it is of the utmost importance that they be able to make up the list of contributors and those w h o will take an active part in the w o r k and to j u d g e the extent of the means to be at their disposal by the First day of the coming month. Please reply under cover of the enclosed envelope and greatly oblige the Committee . . . J . M . E d m u n d s , Sec.

The protests made at this time by the recipients of this request for funds were, not against the practice of making assessments on officeholders, but against taxing "Federals" in one state " f o r the benefit of somebody else." Postmaster Keyes, as chairman of the Republican state committee, replied: Y o u r circular letter of 1 5 t h J u n e calling upon me for 4 0 $ for the uses of your committee is at hand. I respectfully decline to respond and take this occasion to frotest against this action of yours, in this squeezing out of our Federal officials in this state, that little which w e so much need in our own campaign. I have protested before but without avail. I shall advise all our officials with w h o m I may chance to come in contact, not to respond. Wisconsin may be set d o w n as an opposition State as last y e a r — s h e was not fully redeemed on the popular vote. It is simply an outrage to thus d r a w out of us our political life blood for circulation elsewhere or for uses of no use to us. W e expect nothing from your C o m . & w a n t nothing. K e e p your attempts at home, we will prepare such as we need for circulation here. 0 2

Before the presidential election of 1876 a bill to prohibit contributions from employees of the Government for political purposes had been introduced in the House of Representatives. It had been amended 82

Keyes Papers, J u n e 1 5 , 1 8 7 5 , f r o m Edmunds, J u l y

1 4 , 1 8 7 5 , to E d m u n d s , A u g .

1 9 , 1 8 7 5 , to c h a i r m a n of the R e p u b l i c a n State C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of P e n n s y l v a n i a .

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in the Senate so as practically to destroy its effectiveness. T h e act, as passed in A u g u s t , read as follows: T h a t all executive officers or employes of the United States not appointed by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, are prohibited from requesting, giving to, or receiving from any officer, or employé of the government any money or property, or other thing of value for political purposes; and any such officer or employé w h o shall o f f e n d against the provisions of this section shall be at once discharged f r o m the service of the United States; and he shall also be deemed guilty of misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be fined in a sum not exceeding $ 5 0 0 . 6 3 T h i s act did not apply to the Presidential postmasters

(numbering

about 1 , 5 0 0 ) , who were the most active group politically, and also did not forbid solicitation even of fourth-class postmasters and other postal officials by party committees if the request was not made by a Federal officeholder. I n the campaign of that year requests for " v o l u n t a r y " contributions f r o m officeholders were made by the Republican national committee. C a r l Schurz reported that the clerics in the post office at Washington on pay day had been requested by some official to step into a certain room where they found a gentleman connected with the party organization who told them they w e r e expected to contribute 2 percent, of their yearly salary to the campaign fund, and that the money was obtained from them. A general circular was evidently sent out to Federal employees outside the Capital on the fifth of September by the secretary of the national committee. O n exactly the same day Schurz reported to the nominee that Secretary McCormiclc had told him "that if assessments are levied, it is done without his k n o w l e d g e . "

64

Postmaster Keyes wrote

to the Secretary protesting the unfairness of being assessed $ 1 5 0 . 0 0 , with a salary as postmaster from October 1st of $ 2 3 0 0 . 0 0 . T h i s , in view of the fact that my whole time is devoted to the labors of the canvass and all the responsibility of the same resting on my shoulders, and at an outlay, so far, from my own pocket of over $ 6 0 0 . 0 0 . . . . If w e are active and aggressive in the matter of campaign funds it is barely possible that we may skin out of our friends in the federal service $ 3 , 0 0 0 . 0 0 but no prospect for any more. 6 5 03 64

U.S. Civil Service Commission, Fourth Annual Report, 1888. 05 Hayes Papers, Aug. 14, Sept. 3, 5, 1876. Keyes Papers, Sept. 7, 1876.

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Former Postmaster General Jewell complained, " B u t our folks are spring poor. Local Com. short. Officeholders want to contribute direct to their locations." 6 6 T h e Republican Presidential candidate disliked assessments. " T h e y are all wrong, and are sure to do more harm than good—officeholders, like other people, should be left free to contribute or not as they choose." On September 8 Governor Hayes wrote to the secretary of the national committee that assessments were incompatible with his letter of acceptance and ought not to be allowed. General McCormick replied: P . S . I had not s h o w n your letter about assessments to a n y o n e and will not do so w i t h o u t y o u r p e r m i s s i o n — I a g r e e with you in the main and yet it is so difficult to raise m o n e y this y e a r t h a t I do not k n o w h o w w e c a n secure e n o u g h f o r perfectly legitimate c a m p a i g n purposes unless the federal officers c o n t r i b u t e — B u t no o f f e n sive assessment has been m a d e by authority of the C o m m i t t e e — I enclose a copy o f the only c i r c u l a r issued and that is sent not only to officeholders but to all parties w h o m it is supposed will be willing to subscribe. 0 7

H e might protest that contributions had been only "voluntary," but as Carl Schurz wrote Governor Hayes, " W e know from experience how 'voluntary' they are." T h e officeholders who received the requests also did not consider them voluntary. One letter carrier was very worried; he had been assessed sixteen dollars by the national committee and had paid five of it, but he was later notified he still owed eleven dollars. His salary was only eight hundred dollars, and he had a family to support and could not afford to pay such an amount. " H e wanted to know if there was any danger of his losing his place," wrote a friend who lived on his route to the Presidential candidate's relative.®8 Postmaster General Payne of Milwaukee wrote, " T h e Federal officials have been bled until I am ashamed to ask for more." 0 9 T h e r e did not seem to be anything else that the candidate could do at that time, but he said if he were elected he would adhere to the text, " N o political, no partisan duty (if such things can be called duties!)—at any rate no partisan or personal services shall be required, or allowed to be required of 6S

Z . Chandler Papers, Sept. 18, 1876. Hayes Papers, A u g . 10, 1876, to William Henry Smith; [Sept. 1 1 ] from McCormick (no signature but in his handwriting). 98 Ibid., Oct. 16, 1 8 7 6 , T . Donaldsen to Webb Hayes. 89 Ibid., film of letters to William Henry Smith, Oct. 30, \ 876, Pavne to A. C. Botkin. 6T

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public officers" and the "whole assessment business will go up, 'hook, line and sinker.' " 7 0 When the returns from the election came in, on November 8, it appeared that the Democrats had won; but the managers of the Republican campaign saw a chance of picking up enough electoral votes from the three southern states, where they controlled the boards of election, to win the election. Immediately five special post office agents and the Second Assistant Postmaster General, another of Senator Morton's lieutenants, were sent down to oversee the canvass of the votes in these states. Postmaster General Tyner directed their activities 7 1 and reported progress to the Republican Presidential candidate. The result of this finagling was that two sets of electoral votes were returned by these states. Such a critical situation had never before arisen. Finally Congress decided to set up an Electoral Commission, to which the disputed electoral votes would be referred. The counting of the ballots began February i . The first state to have its votes referred to the Commission was Florida, where the Republican set of electoral votes was declared valid. T h e same thing was done with the returns from Louisiana, Oregon, and South Carolina. The Postmaster General wrote that he was spending his time in the House "insisting on a 'fair count' " and trying to get advance information from the " H i g h Joint" to report on the progress to Governor Hayes. All the disputed returns were decided in favor of the Republicans, and Governor Hayes was declared elected March 2. Having spent most of his term as Postmaster General campaigning, James N. Tyner thought he deserved to be retained in his Cabinet position. 72 70

Hayes, Diary and Letters, III, 355—57. U.S. Congress, 45th Cong., 3d Sess., House Report, No. 140, pp. 21, 140; Kent, The Democratic Party, p. 2.57. 72 Hayes Papers, Nov. 14, 1876, Feb. 12, 1877, Tyner to General N. S. Conby, Nov. 17, 1876, W. Dennison to Conby. 71

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OUGHOUT the next few administrations the Presidents acknowledged the strength of the reform sentiment by selecting the head of the Post Office Department for geographical or other considerations; but the position of First Assistant, the officer who had charge of patronage distribution, was given to a "practical politician." President Hayes, in his choice of Postmaster General, certainly repudiated the politicians who had manipulated his election, but he had had nothing to say about their selection. He had wanted the chairmanship of the national committee to be given to his friend Governor Edward Noyes, but the members of the committee had been committed to the selection of Zachariah Chandler.1 No man could have been more out of sympathy with the nominee's ideas on civil service reform, and evidently no letters passed between the two during the campaign. The politicians, especially the New York machine, wanted Thomas C. Piatt selected for the important patronage Cabinet position of Postmaster General, but the President-elect avoided this predicament by the selection of another New Yorker as Secretary of State.2 Senator Morton, as spokesman for the Indiana politicians, wrote that he would be "personally and politically obliged" if James N. Tyner could be retained in that office.3 Governor Hayes, however, was desirous of putting this office into the hands of the "reform" group, and he asked Carl Schurz to take the position of head of either the Interior Department or the Post Office Department. Schurz accepted the former and recommended Grant's reforming Postmaster General, Marshall Jewell, for the other position.4 Another element that President-elect Hayes wanted represented in his Cabinet was "the South." Both groups in the Republican party recommended the recognition of this region, but for different reasons 1

Hayes Papers, July 26, 1876, from R. C. McCormick. Conkling, The Life and Letters of Roscoe Conkling, p. 529; Chidsey, The Gentleman from ffe877. 2

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—the practical politicians for the purpose of building up the Republican party in the South, the "reform" group in order to demonstrate the new administration's "sincerity of . . . good will toward all classes of the Southern people." The new President's aim "was to wipe out the color line, to abolish sectionalism, to end war and bring peace." 5 President Hayes really owed his election to the South. T h e Representatives from that region could have prevented the count from being completed before the fourth of March if they had carried out the filibustering tactics that some had suggested. After a conference with some friends of Governor Hayes they had made a bargain that they would not support the filibuster if the new President would restore self-government in the South. Some southerners suggested a supplementary "bargain"— that five southern states could be induced to support the Hayes administration if former Senator Key were made Postmaster General. T w o Tennesseans, who had been prominent in preventing the filibuster scheme, particularly urged his appointment. Andrew J . Kellar wrote to William Henry Smith, a friend of the President-elect, February 19: G o i n g into the E x e c u t i v e M a n s i o n u n d e r its [ C o n g r e s s ] r u l i n g s of its H i g h C o m m i s s i o n & assuming the duties of the P r e s i d e n c y by the acquiescence of both parties, he is peculiarly fortunate. W h y

should he be embarrassed

by strict party influences? W h y c a n he not invite e x - S e n a t o r K e y of T e n n e s see to take a seat in his C a b i n e t ? take the aggressive and w a r m l y

. . . w e r e K e y in the C a b i n e t , I could [ w o r k ? ] w i t h G o v . H a y e s to help to lead

the conservative national citizens of T e n n . A r k a n s a s & T e x a s to a higher p l a t f o r m & to a better era in politics.

It was to Kellar that Key wired on March 5 his acceptance of the President's invitation to come to Washington, 6 and when he arrived he was offered the position of Postmaster General. President Hayes succinctly explained this appointment to M r . Smith in 1 8 8 1 : "But a place for some Southerner was in my mind Johnston was not preferred and Key was. This is all there is of it. But I beg you to let it rest.—H." 7 The politicians were furious that President Hayes had put at the head of such a political department as the Post Office a southerner, an '-Ibid., 26, 1 8 7 7 , from Joseph M e d i l l ; Haves, Diary

and Letters,

III, 595.

6 Hayes Papers, M a r . 5, 1 8 7 7 , D- M . K e y to K e l l a r , Feb. 1 7 , 1 8 7 7 , W . H . Smith to Hayes; film of letters from the W. H. Smith Papers, Dec. 1 9 , 2 1 , 1 8 7 6 , Feb. 1 9 , 1 8 7 7 , A . J . K e l l a r to Smith. 7 Hayes, Diary and Letters, I I I , 6+1 ( J a n . 27, 1 8 8 1 ) .

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ex-confederate, and a lifelong Democrat. H e was not at all w e l l known in the N o r t h . H e had been a member of the U n i t e d States Senate only during the unexpired term f r o m 1875 to 1877, and only his work in securing f u l l citizenship for the colored people and his vote (the only Democratic one) for the Mississippi investigation had brought him any notice. 8 H i s appointment was the first step in President Hayes's policy of conciliating the South. In A p r i l the President ended northern control of the governments of South Carolina and Louisiana by withdrawing the Federal troops. T h a t summer he made a tour of that region, accompanied by some members of his Cabinet—notably Postmaster General K e y , who made many speeches in an attempt to reconcile the North and the South. H e made his most fervent appeal when it appeared that the Democrats would have a majority in both Houses of Congress in 1879 a n c ^ rnight reopen the question of the validity of President Hayes's election. H e urged the southern Democrats to have nothing to do with such a scheme, as the "question of title was irrevocably settled by the last Congress," and he reminded them how often the northern Democracy had betrayed them. 9 T h i s unusual procedure— the inclusion of a Democrat in a Republican Cabinet—was not successful. " A s an essay at conciliation, the appointment was a dead failure," declared the N e w Y o r k Times. " T h e Southern W h i t e s thought no more of the President, and less, if possible, of M r . K e y . " 10 In 1880 President H a y e s had the opportunity of giving his Postmaster General a more congenial and a lifetime position—the United States district judgeship for eastern Tennessee. Horace M a y n a r d was made J u d g e K e y ' s successor. A l t h o u g h from the same state, the new Postmaster General had had quite a different background and was more acceptable to the Republican leaders. H e was a native of Massachusetts, and his antecedents were W h i g . H e was one of the few southern Congressmen w h o had remained faithful to the Union and had continued to represent his state at the national Capital even after it had seceded. W i t h A n d r e w Johnson he had tried to get President Lincoln to send a Union army to protect the loyal citizens of East Tennessee. W h e n that section had been "reconstructed," M a y n a r d had been sent to Congress as its Representative; but he had been refused admission. A f t e r the war he had been defeated for the position of United States Senator New Y o r k Times, M a r . 8, 1877. Ibid., A u g . 20, 22, 29, M a y 29, 30, 1877, June 1, 1878) N e w York Nation, M a y 30, 1 8 7 8 : Williams, The Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, II, 154, 242. 1 0 New Y o r k Times, Oct. 31, 1881. 8

8

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by President Johnson's son-in-law, but later had served another term in the House of Representatives. H e had then been appointed minister to Turkey by President G r a n t . 1 1 Being a sound Republican, he greatly regretted the condition in the South and had written Governor Hayes soon after his nomination: " T h i n g s are not well there; they have been wretchedly managed; else it would not today present a solid Democratic vote. Naturally the Republicans should carry half the Southern States with as little trouble as Ohio." A f t e r the election he wrote: " F r o m this time forth a Republican in the South will be treated as an outlaw, as were anti-slavery men before the w a r . " 1 2 If Maynard had been made Postmaster General in 1877 there would have been less opposition to him than there was to J u d g e K e y . President H a y e s had pledged himself to follow civil service reform principles and had devoted two paragraphs of his inaugural address to this question. H i s Postmasters General were in sympathy with this policy, and immediately after he took office K e y announced that no changes would be made in the postal service except for cause, that new appointees would be selected mainly on the grounds of fitness and character, and that postmasters who had given satisfactory service for four years would be retained for another term. T h e " r e f o r m e r s " were disappointed when he added that eight years would be the maximum time of service if an equally capable successor could be found, for they thought a man should keep his position as long as he did efficient work. 1 3 As f a r as the number of removals is concerned, the record of this administration was excellent. Not since complete records had been kept had there been so few changes. Only sixty-seven Presidential postmasters were removed during those four years and most of them were " f o r cause." M o r e than half the postmasters were reappointed when their commissions expired. E v e n among the fourth-class offices the number of removals was small (only 2,500 of the 40,000 offices). 14 President Hayes confided in his Diary ( A u g . 5, 1 8 7 7 ) : 11 Temple, Notable Men of Tennessee, from 1833-1875, pp. 1 3 7 - 4 9 ; Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, II, 434—35; Winston, Andrew Johnson, pp. 194, 2 1 7 , 309, 4 9 7 ; Johnson Papers, Apr. 3, May 2, 6, J u l y 26, Aug. 9, 1865, from Maynard, May 12, 1865, from S. Mulligan. 12 Hayes Papers, June 26, Nov. i t , 1876. 13 New York Times, Mar. 12, Apr. 4, June 19, 1 8 7 7 ; Williams, The Life of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, II, 76; Postmaster General Letterbook, Dec. 3, 1878, to M . S. Mahoney. 14 U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X X I , X X I I ; Postmaster General, A nnual Report, 1877-81.

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g r o w m o r e conservative every day on the question of r e m o v a l s .

On

e x - p a r t e statements, I h a v e m a d e mistakes in r e m o v i n g m e n , w h o , perhaps, o u g h t to have been retained, and in appointing w r o n g m e n . N o t m a n y r e m o v a l s h a v e been m a d e . L e s s than by any n e w administration since J o h n Q . A d a m s . B u t I shall be m o r e cautious in f u t u r e ; m a k e r e m o v a l s only in clear cases and appoint men only on the best and fullest evidence of fitness.12

In spite of these promises of reform there were several violations of the spirit of the movement in the Post Office Department. The most obvious was the selection to head the appointment office of that practical politician, the protégé of notorious spoilsmen, James N. Tyner. His job was to reconcile the Republicans to a Democratic Postmaster General, so he was given entire charge of the distribution of patronage in the North. Speaker Blaine said that " M r . Key delicately refrained from even hearing" the consultations on party questions which took placc between Republican Congressmen and his First Assistant.10 Even in the South it was announced that "preference will be given to a Republican, all other things being equal," 1 7 and President Hayes admitted that the selection of a Democrat as postmaster at Louisville might be a mistake, although, he wrote, "an occasional Democratic appointment will not hurt." 1 8 The New York Times and Nation maintained that nearly all the departures from the civil service reform program occurred in the Post Office Department. 19 Evidently Postmaster General Key tried sometimes to oblige the spoilsmen and at the same time to follow the President's rule of "no removals except for cause." T o one well-recommended applicant, sponsored by his own brother, he wrote : I should be very glad to oblige you and to g r a t i f y these friends. T h e trouble in m y w a y is that there is no vacancy in the office, a n d no charges of official misconduct or negligences are made against the incumbent. . . .

I f you

o r any other reliable party will, in w r i t i n g , show any state of facts which w o u l d j u s t i f y the r e m o v a l of the incumbent, and the facts shall be sustained upon investigation, it will give me great pleasure to r e m o v e him and appoint y o u . 2 0 15

Hayes, Diary and Letters, III, 441. Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress, II, 597; Hoar, Autobiography, II, 2 6 - 2 7 ; House, "President Hayes' Selection of David M. Key for Postmaster General," Journal of Southern History, IV (Feb. 1 9 3 8 ) , 87-93. 17 18 New York Times, Mar. 20, 1877. Hayes, Diary and Letters, III, 436. 18 New York Nation, May 10, 1877; New York Times, June 4, 1877. 20 Postmaster General Letterbook, Mar. 15, 1878, to Isaac Brown. Itt

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Some appointments were so bad, among them the reappointment of the Washington postmaster, that even George William Curtis doubted the President's loyalty to reform. President Hayes replied: "Loss of confidence in those who lose a fight, or even a skirmish, is common, but I hope it will not be, in this case, permanent." H e therefore asked his advice on what reforms he should propose in his next message to Congress.21 President Hayes was particularly opposed to "congressional usurpation of the executive function of patronage distribution." H e first referred to it in his inaugural address when he called public attention to the necessity for reform in the civil service. Prominent among the notes he made in preparation for his annual messages to Congress was the issue of the "divorce [of] the appointments from legislative control, except the power of confirmation by the Senate." In three of his messages he asked for an appropriation to bring back into operation the commission established during President Grant's administration, but Congress did nothing about it. There seemed to be little public support for civil service reform, and President Hayes realized that Congress "would enact no useful legislation on the subject unless actually driven to it by force of public opinion, as long as the offices of the Government are mainly under the control of Members of Congress." H e wrote in his Diary: "The offices are regarded as part of their perquisites—by far the most important part, in the case of Senators—of the emoluments of their offices. They will not voluntarily give up that part of the compensation of their offices which they most highly prize." Without congressional action and appropriations it was difficult to establish another means, except the advice of Congressmen, of obtaining reliable information about the applicants for postmasterships. The President had "neither time nor authority, neither means nor men, to gather the information required to make appointments and removals," Hayes wrote. Petitions had been found worthless.22 Postmaster General Key early in his administration interpreted the rule against congressional dictation as follows: I understand it simply to mean that the members voice shall not p e r e m p torily [h'c] control the D e p a r t m e n t in the appointment, but whilst this is so, it does not prevent the D e p a r t m e n t or the m e m b e r of C o n g r e s s f r o m 21 22

Hayes, Diary and Letters, III, 457; New York Nation, Jan. 17, 1878. Hayes, Diary and Letters, III, 448, + 5 1 - 5 1 . 467. 4 7 J . 477~78, 5 2 ' > 575. 608-9,

61 2-1 j.

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consulting and advising with each other in r e g a r d to the proper appointm e n t s to be m a d e . 2 3

More and more, however, he took the report of the special agents with regard to postmaster appointments—even over the recommendation of a United States Senator. If the agent could not recommend a postmaster, he suggested reliable Republicans in the district who could do so j these might be judges, Federal officers, or chairmen of state central committees.-4 President Hayes prided himself on the fact that the "practice of congressional appointment is for the time being largely abandoned." " I t is generally conceded," he recorded in his Diary, "that Senators and Representatives ought not to seek to dictate appointments and only a small minority in practice now undertake even to influence appointments." - 5 Even Harfer's Weekly agreed that "Congressional dictation has been largely broken up." 20 President Hayes's reappointment of Thomas L . James as postmaster of New York brought about important reforms in the local post offices. James had first received the position when M r . Jewell was Postmaster General, and, although a friend of Chester A. Arthur and Roscoe Conkling, he had made an exceptionally fine head of an office which since 1829 had been notorious in its tie-up with party management. James explained his program to George William Curtis in a letter which the latter sent on to President Hayes: T h e Post O f f i c e is a business institution and should be run as such, and it is m y deliberate j u d g m e n t that I and my subordinates can do more f o r the party of our choice by giving the people of this city a good and efficient postal service than by controlling primaries and dictating nominations.

H e declared that in his office removals were made only for cause, but that appointments to subordinate positions were usually given to Republicans, but on the basis of ability and experience. Promotions were based on merit, and were given after the candidate had taken a competitive examination. These regulations of the New York postmaster were made the basis for "Rules governing Appointments and Promotions in the New York Post Office" which were approved by the Presi23

House, "President Hayes' Selection of David M. Key for Postmaster General," Journal of Southern History, IV (Feb. 1 9 3 8 ) , p. 91 (letter from Key to Representative Wright). 24 Hayes Papers, June 24., Sept. 12, 1879, from Tyner; Postmaster General Letterbook, Mar. 7, 1878, to Senator Coke. 25 26 Hayes, Diary and Letters, III, 473. Harper's Weekly, Jan. ¡8, 1879.

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dent and Postmaster General late in 1878. 27 These rules were then sent to postmasters of other large post offices, with a view to adoption in their offices. Most of them replied that they would put them into effect, although they suggested various changes. Many postmasters replied that the post office had not for years been so free of political influence; they knew such an answer would please the President.28 These reforms in the large post offices were a great improvement, although they were done only on the basis of a Presidential decree and had no legislative basis. They could be easily rescinded or quietly dropped by the next administration. President Hayes and Postmaster General Key also tried to divorce the postal service from party management and to abolish political assessments. Post office employees evidently were not aware there was to be a change in this respect, for one special agent wrote to Postmaster General Key soon after he took office and complained that his duties were becoming too arduous, that he had expected his activities to be limited to his own state and to "building up an Administration party" there. Postmaster General Key replied: "You were appointed to do the work of the Post Office Department. You serve your party best by doing that work, and I shall take great pleasure in removing an agent and reducing the force when I discover he has time to attend to party organization." He was not removed, however, and although the papers praised Key's reply, the Nation was cynical enough to end its article with: "All this shows that the President and Mr. Key are honestly desirous of reforming the civil service, but, as we have all along feared, it shows, too, that the "wicked partners" do not allow Mr. Key full liberty of action yet." 29 President Hayes issued a general order to the heads of all Departments on June 22. The order read: N o officer should be required or permitted to take part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns.

Their

right to vote and to express their views on public questions, either orally or through

the press, is not denied,

provided it does not interfere with the dis-

charge of their official duties. N o assessments for political purposes on officers or subordinates should be allowed. 3 0 27 Hayes Papers, July i 1, 1878, James to Curtis, July 29, Aug. 20, 1878, Curtis to Hayes, Nov. 7, 1878, C. Forrester to James. 23 Ibid., May 19, 1879, E . S. Tobey, P.M., to Postmaster General Key (many similar letters); Nov. 5, 1879, John P. Loge, P.M. to Hayes. 29 New York Nation, June 2 1 , 1 8 7 7 ; New York Times, June 18, 1877. 30 U.S. Post Office, Postal Laws and Regulations, 1879, p. 323.

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T h i s order caused consternation among the party managers, for a great many of them were F e d e r a l officeholders. T h e y doubted if the party machinery could be kept up without the aid of the postmasters. T h e Nation was sarcastic: " W h o ever dreamed," it scoffed, " w h e n the Government first undertook the carriage of letters, that the postmaster could come to play this proud role in the political history of the AngloSaxon race; that they would hold the destinies of great parties and great peoples in their hands." 3 1 Immediately the Postmaster General was flooded with inquiries as to the extent of this order—asking whether it meant that the postmaster could no longer remain on party committees or attend conventions as delegates. Postmaster Keyes wrote: T h e recent order of the President relegates to the rear four of the m e m b e r s of our R e p . State E x e c . C o m .

five

. . . T h e query is, can the rele-

gated m e m b e r s act in calling the [state Republican] convention & can the c h a i r m a n & secy, attach their n a m e s to the call. W i t h o u t violating the spirit of the order, unless w e can do so w e are rather in an a w k w a r d

fix.32

T h e problems presented were discussed at several Cabinet meetings, and it was decided that officers should merely resign their political positions as soon as possible without upsetting the regular party machinery and that where officeholders had been elected as delegates to state conventions before the order was published, they could continue to serve. T h e Post Office Department interpreted the executive order in the following official ruling: " A postmaster cannot hold a position on a 'county central committee,' or a 'town central committee,' nor can he take part in the management of political organizations, caucuses, conventions, or election campaigns." 3 3 T h e next year it was declared that a postmaster could not attend the national convention as a delegate. 3 4 At first President H a y e s thought that the order need not affect the officeholding members of the national committee, since their political activities took comparatively little of their time. Finally it was decided at a Cabinet meeting that the order should be interpreted to include them also, so the committeemen had to choose between their political and their offi31

New York Nation, Oct. 25, 1877. Keyes Papers, June 30, 1877, to Tyner. Similar letters in the Hayes Papers, e.g. J u l y 6, 1877, J . A. Howells to Hayes. 33 New York Times, J u l y 7, 1 8 7 7 ; U.S. Post Office Department, Postal Guide, IV; Rulings of the Post Office Department, June x to Sept. i, 1877, Par. 70. 34 Postmaster General Letterbook, Aug. 16, 1878, to J . A. Hubbell. 32

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cial jobs. 3 5 President H a y e s concluded that his order had disrupted the party at first, but that before long volunteers had replaced the postmasters on the committees and that the elections were evidence of the popularity of his reform. In A u g u s t , 1878, he boasted: I t is plain t h a t t h e C i v i l S e r v i c e r e f o r m has m a d e s o m e p r o g r e s s .

1.

No

a s s e s s m e n t s o n o f f i c e h o l d e r s are n o w a l l o w e d . I f it is c h a r g e d in a n y case, the o f f i c e r c o n c e r n e d hastens to d e n y it. E v e n the e n e m i e s of r e f o r m in t h e p a r t y n o w g i v e it u p . 2. O f f i c e h o l d e r s h a v e in g r e a t d e g r e e c e a s e d to i n t e r f e r e in p a r t y m a n a g e m e n t . I f a c c u s e d of it, t h e y d e n y i t . 3 6

President H a y e s was very naive if he really believed that his executive order had changed the management of the party or had freed officeholders from political assessments. In M a y , 1878, G e o r g e C . G o r h a m (secretary of the Senate), as secretary of the Republican congressional campaign committee, sent to all Federal employees receiving more than $1,000 a year a circular asking for a contribution of not less than 1 percent of their salaries for the coming campaign. 3 7 T h i s circular differed in no respect from the circulars issued before the law of 1876. O f course the contribution was said to be " v o l u n t a r y " (no circular had ever used the word compulsory assessment), and voluntary gifts were technically legal. T h e Post Office Department that year ruled: T h e r e is n o a s s e s s m e n t u p o n p o s t m a s t e r s f o r political purposes k n o w n

to

o r r e c o g n i z e d by the Post O f f i c e D e p a r t m e n t . T h e salary of a p o s t m a s t e r is fixed by l a w a n d w h e n he has e a r n e d a n d received it, no one but himself c a n d i r e c t the disposition t h e r e o f . H e is at liberty to d e v o t e as m u c h of it as he pleases t o political purposes, a n d he m a y r e f u s e to pay a n y t h i n g t h e r e f o r e , w i t h o u t a f f e c t i n g his t e n u r e of o f f i c e , so l o n g as he d i s c h a r g e s , f a i t h f u l l y , the d u t i e s imposed upon him by the L a w s a n d R e g u l a t i o n s . 3 8

Y e t in that year the committee succeeded in raising $106,000 of which $93,000 came from Federal officials. 39 A select committee of the Senate was set up to investigate the frauds of this election; the majority (Democrats) claimed that G e o r g e C . Gorham had violated the law of 1876, since he, an officeholder, had asked other officeholders for contributions. T h e y favored the passage of a bill which would have made New New S8 U.S. 39 Civil 102-3. 3;l

37

10 Hayes, Diary and Letters, III, 495. York Times, July 17, 18, 1877York Nation, July 20, 1878; Harper's Weekly, Nov. 22, 1879. Post Office Department, Postal Guide, VI, 613. Service Record, II (Sept., 1882), 29; Overacker, Money in Elections, pp.

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it unlawful for any person holding a Federal office to make any contribution for political purposes. T h e minority (Republicans) maintained that there had been no violation of the law because M r . Gorham had stated that the money was to be sent to non-officeholders and that the evidence did not show that pressure had been used to obtain the contributions. Nothing was done: M r . Gorham was not indicted, and no effective law was passed. 40 Again, in 1880, the Republican congressional campaign committee asked officeholders for contributions and raised more than one hundred thousand dollars. One contemporary related that a " N e w Y o r k police justice took a room at the Astor House, took off his coat, sent for all the clerks in the post office across the street, and levied a tax on each." 4 1 W h a t could President Hayes do when even the Presidential candidate of his own party sanctioned this practice? Garfield wrote late in August to the chairman of the finance committee of the congressional campaign committee: "Please say to Brady [Second Assistant Postmaster General] that I hope he will give us all the assistance he can. I think he can help effectively. . . . Please tell me how the Departments generally are doing." 42 In 1878 and 1879 there were many complaints that post office employees had taken an active part in the nominating conventions. Even the Postmaster General wrote to a local postmaster that he thought "it would be a handsome thing for him to support Jorgenson for Congress." 43 Although many of the officeholders resigned their political offices, they continued to control the party machinery behind the scenes. O n e of these was "Boss" Keyes, still postmaster at Madison, who had resigned as chairman of the Republican state committee; as the Nation commented, " T h e Ring of which he was the chief still keeps their hold on the party, and have secured the renomination of all the corrupt Wisconsin representatives in this late disreputable Congress, while the Boss is not very secretly bargaining with them for the place in the Senate." 44 Postmaster Keyes was not removed from his Federal job, and his letters show that he used the same tactics in managing the 1879 and 1880 campaigns that had been effective before President Hayes's execuU.S. Congress, 46th Cong., 2d Sess., Senate Report, No. 427. Keyes Papers, June 17, 1880, from J. T . Smith; Wheeler, Sixty Years of American Life, p. 263. 4 2 Garfield Papers, A u g . 22, 1880. 4 3 Hayes Papers, A u g . 15, 1878. Complaints are found in letters, A u g . 7, 1879, from T . L . Y o u n g , Sept. 5, 1879, from G . W . Curtis, and Hayes, Diary and Letters, III, 590. 4 4 New York Nation, Sept. 19, Dec. 28, 1878. 40 41

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tive order. In a dictatorial tone he wrote Senator Carpenter insisting on the selection of good politicians as postmasters. 4 5 H e still received reports f r o m postmasters as to nominees f o r local offices, and he directed t h e m concerning the selection of delegates to the party conventions. O n e wrote that he was coming to Madison because " i t is so long since I had any hints or directions about political affairs that I must g o o v e r and see what a f e l l o w must do during the year of grace ( A. D.) 1 8 8 0 . " 4 8 K e y e s asked Assistant Postmaster G e n e r a l T y n e r f o r a certain special agent because he wanted him f o r his canvass f o r Senator. " H e is a v e r y capable agent, a shrewd politician; he knows what to do and how to get at what is going o n . " F o r too long, Wisconsin has not had an agent " w o r t h a continental damn outside of the h u m d r u m of his c a l l i n g , " he wrote. In a later letter he added, " I have need of a g o o d deal of careful management or Wisconsin's delegation will be against G r a n t . " T h i s second ranking official in the Department replied that the remark was " t i m e l y " and that " i f m y good friend to w h o m I address this note should be on the delegation the 'management' might be inaugurated on him, f o r he is not suspected of being enthusiastic f o r the ' G r e a t Captain.' " 4 7 T h i s personal letter was just a year and a half a f t e r M r . T y ner's public letter declaring that postmasters should not attend the national convention as delegates. L a t e r in the spring the candidate f r o m M a i n e wrote the " B o s s " a private note, and the latter replied, " W i s consin 'heads' f o r B l a i n e . " 4 8 It was the Wisconsin delegation, however, who by their shift of votes to J a m e s A . G a r f i e l d , when the convention was in a deadlock between Grant and Blaine, brought about his nomination on the thirty-sixth ballot. F o r the first time the Presidential nominee selected the chairman of the national committee w h o was to direct his campaign. H i s choice was limited, however, because it was customary to select the officers f r o m members of the national committee, and they had been elected before the nomination for President had been made. G a r f i e l d suggested f o u r men, any one of w h o m , he wrote, " I can feel free to entrust with m y interests." 4 0 One of these, M a r s h a l l J e w e l l , Postmaster G e n e r a l under 10

Keyes Papers, Dec. 28, 1879. Ibid., Jan. 7, 1880, from Charles Seymour. Many similar letters from postmasters in 1 880 campaign. 47 Ibid., Oct. 6, Dec. 28, 1879, t o Tyner, Jan. 3, 1880, from Tyner, Dec. z8, to Senator Carpenter. iH Ibid., May 19, 1880, from Blaine, May 25, 1880, to Blaine. 40 Garfield Papers, June 29, 30, 1880, to C. Foster. Ili

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President Grant, was elected at the meeting of the committee on J u l y i. His acquaintance with the political situation in the Northeast, which was considered a critical section, influenced the committee in their selection. H e was, however, -persona non grata to the friends of General Grant, who had been disappointed at the failure of their third-term movement. T o reconcile them, Senator S. \V. Dorsev was selected to be the secretary of the committee and the practical manager of the campaign. 50 The candidate kept in close touch with both his managers. Also he did not object to political activity on the part of officeholders. H e had disapproved of President Hayes's executive order forbidding political activity, because it not o n l y i n t e r f e r e s w i t h the l a w f u l rights of citizens, but it brousrht o d i u m upon t h e m , by putting upon t h e m the b a d g e of political disability.

This

has been v e r y keenly felt in all the c o u n t r y d i s t r i c t s — i n none m o r e so than in the 1 9 t h w h e r e there is a hearty support of civil service r e f o r m . ' 1

T h e First Assistant Postmaster General was particularly active in the campaign; he still hoped to be promoted to the headship. H e flattered the Republican nominee by declaring that the Democrats had chosen "their strongest man to head their ticket." H e thought, however, that with Garfield as their candidate and by means of some clever organization the Republicans could even break the "solid South" and carry at least South Carolina and Florida. H e suggested that the best northern political strategists be sent to those two states to urge the southern Republicans to vote and that they "have a corps of tally clerks at each voting precinct to take down the name of every Republican voter, and to have the voter announce '1 vote for Garfield'. . . [as] a certain antidote to tissue ballots." Of course Indiana was his particular concern, and he had as his agent there an officeholder who was only an honorary member of the state committee, because (as he wrote the nominee) that was "as near the sacred precincts of that body as he can get because of Civil Service Order No. 9." H e promptly made post office appointments when the Presidential nominee considered them a "good thing." H e saw railroad presidents, who promised him that nothing would be left undone in Indiana to bring about the success of the Republican party. Tyner stopped to discuss Indiana affairs with Garfield on his way to his native state, where he personally took part 50 Theodore Clarke Smith, The Life and Letters of James Abram Garfield, Chidsey, Gentleman from Neic York, p. 303. 51 Garfield Papers, July 25, 1880, to B. A. Hiindratc.

II, 1000;

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in the campaign as it entered its last month. By October he was able to report a successful state election and to prophesy a greater victory in his state in November. 82 In the selection of the members of his Cabinet President-elect Garfield ignored his political managers. Neither the national committee chairman 8 3 nor First Assistant Postmaster General Tyner were included in his official family. T h e latter had made strenuous efforts after the election to bring about his own promotion. Items in which his appointment was recommended appeared in local newspapers whose editors, in many cases, were postmasters who had been appointed to office by Tyner. These notices were then sent by his friends to the Presidentelect. H e himself wrote S. Dorsey a letter presenting Indiana's claims for representation and the names of the men suggested. In the latter part of the letter, however, he made objections to most of the men mentioned except himself. 54 Geography was the important factor in the Cabinet selections of 1 8 8 1 , and New York's appointment caused the most difficulty. In order to win the support of the Grant group, which was important, since James G. Blaine had been offered the position of Secretary of State, the man selected ought to be a follower of Senator Conkling. Yet if Garfield wanted to be re-elected, it would be unwise to give one of the large patronage offices, the Post Office, Treasury, or Interior Department, to Grant's friends. T h e Senators from the Empire State urged that Senator Levi Morton be made the Secretary of the Treasury and maintained that he had been promised this position at the conference between Garfield and the "Stalwarts" of New York in August. Garfield, however, insisted that he had come away from that conference with "no trades, no shackles" 3r' and that he did not want to give this position to a Wall Street man. However, he was willing to give the Senator either the W a r or the Navy Department. By January 16 he had on his "slate" for New York either Morton or Thomas L . James."'® T h e latter had been recommended by many for the position of Postmaster General because he had for eight years been 52

IbiJ., June 4, J u l y 15, Sept. 10, 1 3 , 22, Oct. 13, 1880, from Tyner, Aug. 17, 1880, to Tyner. 51 Coolidgc, An Old-Fashioned Senator: Orville H. Piatt of Connecticut, pp. 495-96. 54 New York Times, Feb. i, 1 8 8 1 ; Garfield Papers, Feb. 3, from J . J . Todd, Feb. 4, 1 8 8 1 , from A. C. Bearss, Feb. 4, 1 8 8 1 , Tyner to Dorsey. 55 Garfield Papers, July 24, 29, Aug. 30, 3 1 , 1880, from J e w e l l ; Theodore Clarke Smith, The Life and Letters of James Abram Garfield, II, 1 0 0 9 - 1 5 . 5S Ibid., Dec. 20, 1880, from Senator Plumb; Garfield, MS Diary, Dec. 1 3 , 1880, Jan. 16, 1 8 8 1 .

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such an excellent " r e f o r m " postmaster in New York City. H e had refused that Cabinet position when it had been offered him by President Hayes after the resignation of Judge Key, because it was so near the end of the Hayes administration.37 He had been Conkling's lieutenant and had held many positions in the New York customhouse under Collector Arthur. The President-elect consulted Dorsey, Blaine, Sherman, and Whitelaw Reid about the selection of James. The first three strenuously objected to his appointment, as they were sure the "political umbilicus" tying him to Conkling was too strong. Whitelaw Reid called on M r . James and reserved judgment. 58 Meanwhile two other New Yorkers were considered: Judge Folger was offered both the Secretaryship of the Treasury and the Attorney Generalship, but he refused. Edwin D. Morgan, former chairman of the national committee, might have been politically available, but he was se%'enty years old. 59 Finally Senator Morton accepted appointment as Secretary of the Navy, but when the New York Senators heard about it and protested, he withdrew his acceptance 60 and thus left the New York appointment still undecided until two days before the inauguration. Whitelaw Reid felt there was a chance of detaching James from Conkling and that the appointment of the former to a Cabinet position could be chalked up to the credit of the "Gentleman from New York." The Tribune editor had sounded out James earlier in the week and was confident that the scheme would work; Blaine was won over, and on March 3 Whitelaw Reid and Charles Emory Smith, who later became Postmaster General himself, took James secretly to see General Garfield. The latter asked him if he were so connected with the New York politicians that he would not give his " f u l l and first support" to the administration. His answer met with approval, and he was sent back to New York. 8 1 The Empire State politicians were furious when they learned that New York was to receive only the Postmaster Generalship and that the selection had been made without consulting them. Secretary Dorsey made an even more violent protest against the appointment; he de57

New York Nation, May 6, 1880; Garfield, MS Diary, Jan. 16, 24, 28, Garfield Papers, J a n . 2 1 , 1 8 8 1 , to Blaine, Jan. 24, Feb. 18, 1 8 8 1 , to Reid, Jan. 18, 1 8 8 1 , to Sherman. 58 Ibid., Feb. 23, 1 8 8 1 , to Folger; Garfield, MS Diary, Feb. 19, 1 8 8 1 . 40 Garfield, M S Diary, Feb. 27, Mar. 1, 2, 1 8 8 1 ; Garfield Papers, Feb. to Blaine, Feb. 26, 1 8 8 1 , to Morton. 81 Garfield, M S Diary, Mar. 3, 1 8 8 1 ; Garfield Papers, Mar. 5, 1 8 8 1 , M a r . 6, 1 8 8 1 , from James; Cortissoz, The Life of Whitelavi Reid, II, 55. 58

29, 1880. Whitelaw

18, 1 8 8 1 , to James,

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dared, " I would no more speak to him or recognize him than I would the vilest wretch I ever knew or saw. I beg you not to do it." 6 2 Maybe he feared a "reforming" Postmaster General. Although the appointment was hailed by the " r e f o r m " papers as an admirable one, because it put at the head of the Post Office Department a man well fitted for the position, an able administrator for a change, it had important political consequences. It began the break-up of the Conkling-Platt-Arthur-James machine. T h e new Postmaster General liked his position and was grateful to President Garfield for the appointment. The promotion of his former assistant (and son-inlaw) to the New York City postmastership further alienated him from his former colleagues, because this appointment removed all Conkling's chances of again turning the post office into his political machine. 83 T h e breach was widened by the fight over the collectorship of New York. At first the Postmaster General joined with the New York politicians in their protest against the appointment of Robertson, on the basis that it had been made without consulting the Senators from New York. As soon as the appointment was announced, James said to the President that "he was regretfully compelled to resign in order to make his friends understand that he was not a party to the appointment." T h e President, according to James, put his arm around his shoulder, said that was not necessary, and agreed to have a conference with the Senators. T h e Postmaster General also signed the formal protest drawn up by the New York Congressmen and Vice President Arthur. That is as far as he went, however; he may have become disgusted with the senior Senator when Conkling refused to have a conference with the President, or his earlier remonstrances may have been a matter of form. 64 H e received a long letter from the old Whig "boss," Thurlow Weed, telling him he could not "serve two masters"; he must either stand for Senator Conkling and then resign from the Cabinet or support the President wholeheartedly." 5 James stood by the President, and when the two New York Senators resigned, he did not join them as they a

- Garfield Papers, Mar. 4 ) 1 8 8 1 . New York Nation, Mar. 10, 17, 1 881 ; Eaton, The Spoils System and Civil Service Reform in the Custom House and Post Office at New York. liJ George Frederick Howe, Chester A. Arthur; a Quarter Century of Machine Politics, p. 14.1 ; Garfield, M S Diary, Mar. 25, Apr. 6, May 3, 1 S 8 1 ; Chidsey, Gentleman from New York, p. 3 3 4 ; Garfield Papers, Mar. 25, 1 8 8 1 , from James, Arthur, and others. 05 Garfield Papers, Apr. 9, 1 8 8 1 , copy, Thurlow Weed to James. e3

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had expected him to do. T h e Nation remarked on "what a real calamity his retirement would have been," intimating that there was little loss to the Nation in the resignation of Senators Conkling and Piatt. 8 6 T h e activity of the Postmaster General in prosecuting the "star route" frauds did not make him any more popular with the "Stalwarts." T h e chief official implicated was Second Assistant Postmaster General Brady, who had been appointed to that position by President Grant. It had been customary to let the bid for carrying the mail at a low figure and then later to get an additional appropriation from Congress to expedite the service. It was in this "expediting of the service" that large sums of money were spent for carrying small amounts of mail, and certain favored families received the contracts. T h e most favored person was S. W . Dorsey, who had been made secretary of the national committee in 1880 to reconcile the "third termers." T h e result of the investigation under James was reduction of appropriations, removal of Brady from office, and the trial of both the politicians, who were acquitted, however. 6 7 Postmaster General J a m e s had spent so much of his time investigating these mail contracts that he had had little to do with the distribution of the patronage. T h e r e were very few removals} only twenty-three Presidential postmasters were removed (all f o r cause) and twenty-four suspended during his nine months in office. 68 Most of the patronage distribution was taken care of by First Assistant James N . T y n e r , although he does not seem to have had the confidence of the administration and was frequently in danger of losing his job. Once, when rumors were very prevalent, M r . T y n e r protested to the President: T o d e m a n d m y place n o w , w h e n investigations of alleged corruptions are pending against my late official colleague, w o u l d be unjust and cruel in the e x t r e m e . A l l " t h e clean bills" that you and the Postmaster G e n e r a l could w r i t e , w o u l d not protect me forty-eight hours f r o m the m u r d e r o u s assaults of a portion of the press of the country.

H e described as follows his service to the Department: I have stood f o r f o u r and a half years in the D e p a r t m e n t as a sentinel upon the Republican outposts, g u a r d i n g the post offices in my " b a i l w i c k " f r o m 96

New York Nation, May 19, 1881. ' N e w York Times, Apr. 26, Dec. 12, 1 8 8 1 ; Hayes Papers, Nov. 2, 1 8 8 1 , from K e y ; Caldwell, Janus A. Garfield, Party Chieftain, pp. 3 5 4 - 3 5 ; U.S. Congress, 48th Cong., 1 st Sess., House Misc. Doc., No. 38. 69 U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, Vol. X X I I I . 6

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the possession of Democrats, and all the members of that party know it. . . . M y business has been to deal with the minor postoffices—42,000 in all, and with about 5 0 0 0 other offices, while the Postmaster-General ( M r . J a m e s , I mean) only looks to the larger ones—less than 1 9 0 0 , of which he has aided you to fill only about 2 5 0 since he came in. 6 9

This appeal may have had some effect} at least First Assistant Postmaster General Tyner kept his office until Chester A. Arthur became President. Postmaster General James had little opportunity to put into effect in the Post Office Department any real system of civil service reform similar to that in the New York post office. At one time he was said to be considering a plan which would allow Congressmen to nominate candidates, who would then be subjected to an examination. The "reform" papers opposed this suggestion.70 President Garfield also felt that the Executive could not get along without the aid of the Congressmen in making selections among the applicants for office. He thought the President should outline a bill fixing tenure of office and prescribing grounds for removals and then, with a message supporting it, "concentrate the weight of public opinion upon Congress." 7 1 He was shot by a disappointed officeseeker before anything could be done. On September 10 the Postmaster General reported to President Garfield that he and Windom (Secretary of the Treasury) "were establishing a Civil Service examination system," 7 2 but nine days later the President died and, shortly afterward Postmaster General James's resignation was accepted by President Arthur. This completed the break in that New York "ring," and Mr. James withdrew from politics. In his only Annual Re-port he enunciated what Harfer's Weekly called "the soundest principles of reform as desirable for the greater efficiency of the service as well as the general public welfare." He suggested some impartial tests for the selection of the minor officials which would divorce their appointment from personal or partisan influence. He also recommended that they be given tenure of office so that they would be removed only for official misconduct.73 69

Garfield Papers, June 25, 1881, from Tyner, June 24, 1881, to Tyner. New York Nation, July 28, 1881 ; New York Times, Aug. 14, 1881. 71 Garfield Papers, July 22, 1880, to Carl Schurz, June 29, Dec. 19, 1880, to Blaine, July z i , 1880, to Sherman. 72 Theodore Clarke Smith, The Life and Letters of James Abram Garfield, II, 1195. 10

73

Harper's

P- 55-

Weekly,

Nov. 18, 1882; Postmaster General, Annual Report,

1881,

i8o

POLITICIANS

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ASSISTANTS

For his Postmaster General, President Arthur selected Timothy O. Howe, a faithful "third termer," who was very well described by the Nation as a man who "has the peculiar power . . . of impressing himself on every administration as a person who must be 'provided for.' " 74 That seems to have been the only reason for his appointment, for he had practically outlived his public usefulness. He had represented Wisconsin in the United States Senate for eighteen years, but by 1879 he was not so popular in that state because of his activity for the election of General Grant. Wisconsin politicians had tried to persuade General Garfield to give him a Cabinet position, and at one time he had been considered for the position of Secretary of the Treasury, because "he was nearer sound on the financial question than most of the Western Senators." His name had been dropped from the Cabinet "slates" because Senator Sherman had written that he lacked business ability. 75 When the New York Senators heard of James's appointment, they suggested that Senator Howe be made a Cabinet member instead. It was therefore not surprising that soon after the "Stalwart" Arthur became President the newspapers forecast the appointment of Howe to the Cabinet—in the position of Attorney General. The chief objection to such an appointment was that his son-in-law was lawyer for the defense in the "star route" cases, and as head of the Government law office Senator Howe would have had to direct the prosecution. Two months later he was made Postmaster General. 70 This appointment indicated little interest in civil service reform on the part of the new President. The Postmaster General, when Senator, had been notoriously out of sympathy with the movement. He had been ridiculed when as a member of the committee investigating the New York customhouse he had listened to testimony making about 800 pages concerning political removals, interference in politics, and party assessments and still could see nothing wrong with the office. In February, 1879, he had voted against the removal of Arthur from the position of collector of the port of New York. He also had made a very violent attack on the reform activities of Carl Schurz when Schurz was Secretary of the Interior. 77 11

New York Nation, Dec. 22, 1 8 8 1 . Garfield Papers, Jan. 1 8, 1 8 8 1 , to Sherman, Feb. 8, 1 8 8 1 , from Sanderson, Payne and others; Garfield, MS Diary, Feb. 10, 1 8 8 1 . 70 New York Herald, Oct. 22, 26, 28, 1 8 8 1 ; New York Times, Oct. 25, Dec. 2 1 , 75

1 881. 77

III,

New York Tribune, V)t.

June 12, 187+; Schurz, The Reminiscences of Carl

Schurz,

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Newspaper men predicted that Howe would not have much to do with the running of the Department, and that seemed to be true. The First Assistant Postmaster General continued to have charge of the distribution of the patronage. President Arthur received much praise when he asked for the resignation of the "Stalwart of the Stalwarts," as Tyner was called,78 but his appointment of Frank Hatton to the vacant position was considered not much of an improvement. He was a young Iowa newspaper man who had made the Burlington HawkEye one of the most important Republican organs in the Middle West; he was recognized as a skillful politician, and his newspaper had been outspoken in attacking civil service reform. He had come into prominence as a Grant supporter when he had persuaded the General to visit Burlington on his way home from his "world tour." For his aggressive support of Grant he was given this position in the "minor cabinet." 79 For the way in which he ran the Department while Howe was Postmaster General he was widely criticized. He had taken over a Washington newspaper, through which he attacked the civil service reform movement, and he used the Post Office Department to increase the circulation of his paper. H e was the "practical politician" of the early eighties, as Tyner was during the seventies.80 There were more removals during President Arthur's administration than there had been during that of President Hayes, but there were not more than one hundred in the Presidential class. Even in the minor post offices, where the term of office was indefinite, there were altogether less than twenty-five hundred removals.81 Republican Congressmen again controlled appointments in their districts, and the United States Senators governed the selection of the postmasters in their home towns and in districts represented by Democrats.82 The jobs were given to "Stalwarts," and there were many protests as to the character of the new appointees. Senator Sherman wrote to former President Hayes: It seems the purpose of this Adminis. [is] not only to undo all you did, but to remove from office all your appointees. . . . T h e Democratic Senators 78

New York Times, Oct. i 8, 1881 ¡ New York Nation, Oct. 21, 1 8 8 1 . Ragatz, "Frank Hatton," in Dictionary of American Biography; Gresham, Life of Walter Ouintin Gresham, II, 573. 80 Folger Papers, Oct. 1, 1882, from J . B. Butler; New York Nation, Jan. 4, 1 1 , Mar. 29, 1883; New York Times, Oct. 14., Nov. 20, 1883. 81 U. S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X X I I I , X X I V ; Postmaster General, Annual Reports, 1883, 1884. 82 Keyes Papers, Feb. 8, 1882, Angus Cameron (Senator) wrote: " Y o u know the 79

I 8 2

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AS

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s u p p o r t A r t h u r in e v e r y instance nnd a r e paid f o r it bv p e r s o n a l

appoint-

m e n t s in their interest.

Former Postmaster General Key protested: T h e n e w a d m i n i s t r a t i o n has quietlv r e m o v e d f r o m office those w h o w e r e opposed to S t a l w a r t i s m w h e r e v e r it d a r e d .

. . . G e n . W i l d e r w a s super-

seded by an o b s c u r e n e w s p a p e r m a n as p o s t m a s t e r h e r e .

. . .

Ever)-change

w a s f o r the w o r s e a n d the people of T e n n e s s e e w e r e so d i s g u s t e d that in o u r election ten o r candidate.

. . .

fifteen

t h o u s a n d r e p u b l i c a n s voted f o r the

I take it that like causes o p e r a t e d

e n d i n g in the terrible d e f e a t w e h a v e r e c e n t l y

all o v e r

democratic the

country

seen."3

This defeat must have impressed Republican Congressmen, for they quickly passed a Civil Service bill, which became a law January 1 6 , 1883. Hence, in the administration of a President who had always been associated with the spoils system at its worst, the first act which began to encroach 011 the political weapons of the Postmaster General was passed. T h e act hardly affected the great patronage of the Post Office Department at first, as the 47,000 postmasters were not included. It was, however, a beginning. Competitive examinations were to be used in selecting the clerks for the Post Office Department in Washington and in post offices which had more than fifty clerks. It thus limited the power of local postmasters in large towns. It also declared that no person in the public service was under any obligation to render any political service and that no one should use his official authority or influence to coerce the political action of any other person. In addition, it extended the restrictions of the act of 1876 to all Federal officers (Congressmen and those appointed by the President with the consent of the Senate were no longer excepted) and forbade solicitation in any Federal office building. It also declared that no person in the public service was compelled to contribute to any political fund and that he would not be removed from office for refusing to do so. 84 Political assessments had already received its first legal blow in this administration, although they were by no means abolished. In 1882 an employee of the Treasury Department, who had also been treasurer of the New Y o r k Republican state committee, was convicted of violating the law of 1876. T h e Sumen that govern appointments to office ¡n Wisconsin. When a Congressional district is represented by a Republican, the local officers in the district are controlled by him." 83 Hayes Papers, J u l y 2, 1882, from Sherman, Dec. 3 1 , 1882, M a r . 3, 1 8 8 3 , from Key. 84 U.S. Congress, Statutes at Large, X X I I , 403.

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preme Court upheld the constitutionality of the law, but pointed out the narrowness of its scope by stating: T h e m a n a g e r s of political campaigns, not in the employ of the United States are just as free n o w to call on those in office for money to be used for political purposes as ever they w e r e , and those in office can contribute as liberally as they please, provided their payments are not made to any of the prohibited officers or employes.

President Arthur refused to pardon the man convicted, although urged to do so. 85 T h e reformers were also delighted when Walter Quintin Gresham was appointed Postmaster General in April, 1 8 8 3 , after the death of M r . H o w e . It was a surprise appointment because J u d g e Gresham was completely unknown in national politics. H e had been a member of the Indiana state legislature and had been a delegate-at-large to the Republican national convention in 1868. A f t e r being twice defeated for Congress, he had been made a United States district judge in 1869, which position he was holding when invited to join the Cabinet. 86 H e had become the nucleus of the opposition in his state to Benjamin Harrison, and since the latter was a candidate for President the appointment of his local political enemy to the office of Postmaster General was largely to block his campaign and thus better the chances of President Arthur's own nomination. 87 President Garfield had also considered the appointment of Gresham to his Cabinet, but he had been opposed by T y n e r , Dorsey, and other "practical politicians." 88 T h e appointment was well received, and J u d g e Gresham was praised as being " 'head and shoulders' above any of the men with whom he is associated." 80 H e did not, however, take the postal service out of politics. H e was very anxious to secure the Presidential nomination for his Chief, or, if that were impossible, his own selection for that office. H e appointed postmasters, 85 U.S. Civil Service Commission, Fourth Annual Report, 1888, pp. 5 4 3 - 4 6 ; ex parte Curtis, 106 United States, 3 7 3 ; Arthur Papers, June 29, 1882, from E. D. Morgan in an attempt to persuade Arthur to pardon Curtis. se

T y n e r , "Walter Q. Greshain," Indiana

Magazine

of History,

X X IX

(Dec.,

• 9 3 3 ) , 297-33887 Greshain Papers, Apr. 1 i, 1883, from O. O. Stealey, quoting J . C. New as saying that Gresham's "appointment completely flattened out Harrison," Feb. 16, 1884, from N. Butler, "it virtually settled the Presidential aspirations of Senator Harrison."; Michener Papers [ 1 9 1 3 ] Memorandum for M r . Parker. 38 Garfield Papers, Feb. 5, 1 8 8 1 , from E . H. Chapman. 88 New Y o r k Times, Apr. 5, 1883.

184

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especially in Indiana, who were good party workers. 90 H e would have liked to have the opportunity of making even more appointments there by increasing the number of removals, and he complained that the President was "exceedingly cautious" in this respect." 1 H e recognized the importance of the party machinery in the selection of delegates in the South, so did not remove a postmistress whom he thought dishonest, because her husband was chairman of the Republican committee of her district. 92 Far from discouraging the political activity of postmasters, he told them that there was nothing to prevent them "from taking a part in primary conventions or serving on a political committee," unless the committee was receiving contributions from Federal officers for political purposes."' H e urged postmasters to be active in the caucuses and conventions which were selecting the delegates to the national convention and even suggested that some of them be candidates for the positions themselves. From the fall of 1883 to M a y , 1884, he carried on a very active personal correspondence with postmasters and other officeholders, especially those in Indiana and in the South. H e wrote: " W h y don't you go to the Convention yourself?" and " I hope you will give some attention to your county Convention and see that proper persons go as delegates to the State and District Conventions." 94 H e received their reports as to the political situation. One wrote: Y o u r s of the 1 4 t h r e c e i v e d — y o u are correct in assuming that I will exert myself in e v e r y w a y to secure h a r m o n y a n d energetic action f o r the c o m i n g campaign. . . . M y

whole aim and e n d e a v o r has been and will be, to

s t r e n g t h e n the hands of the administration.

A post office inspector reported: I t is impossible to tell at the present time w h o will be the t w o delegates f r o m this District. . . .

I hope w e will be able to select t w o good m e n .

Later he wrote: 90

Gresham Papers, July i, 1883, from N. C. Butler, July 14, 1883, from C. T . Daxey, Jan. 30, 1884, from J . C. New. 91 Ibid., June 14, 1884, to R. Graham. 9 - Ibid., Mar. 5, 25, May 19, 1884, to C. C. Binkley, Mar. 8, 1884, from C. C. Binkley. Many similar letters, e.g., Oct. 22, 1883, to E. Jeffords. 93 Ibid., Aug. 8, 1884, to W. H. Hart, P.M., Jan. 5, 1883, to W. D. Lewis, P.M., and many similar letters. 9i Ibid., Feb. 27, 1884, to J . V. Hadley (many identical letters) addressed to others), Mar. 8, 1884, to S. Stansifer.

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I w a s a delegate in the C o n v e n t i o n that elected them [ d e l e g a t e s ] , and had the positive assurance f r o m both of them that they w e r e for y o u , if there should be any chance for an I n d i a n a m a n .

Party committees were again composed of officeholders. T h e Baltimore postmaster wrote: T h e State C o m m i t t e e is considered the best w e have had for years, a m o n g them you will find familiar n a m e s — s u c h as C o l . E . H . W e b s t e r , C o l l e c t o r of the P o r t of B a l t i m o r e — C a p t . S . C . Naill, S u r v e y o r — a n d y o u r humble servant.95

A member of Congress reminded the Postmaster General that the chairman of the district committee was the postmaster at Frankfort, "one of the best working, sharpest, shrewdest men in our district." 96 T h e Philadelphia postmaster urged the Postmaster General to find time to come there for a few days as " I wish you to meet . . . one of the delegates at large to the Chicago Convention." 5,7 One postmaster explained why he did not receive an official dispatch from the Postmaster General, "There was to be a meeting of the two republican committees—and I went to see a man to arrange a place for it." 08 T h e only limitation that Postmaster General Gresham made was that the postmasters of the first and second classes should "give their personal attention to their offices and not absent themselves without written consent first obtained from the Postmaster General." Prominent Senators, for example Nelson W . Aldrich, objected to even this restriction. Leave, however, for political activities was not difficult to obtain, and those who neglected to obtain leave were not severely reprimanded." No wonder the editor of the New York Times commented: " T h e Federal officer is again neglecting the work which he was hired to do, and is engaged in the old work of manufacturing delegates." 1 0 0 "Voluntary" contributions were also requested in this preconvention campaign of 1884. The Republican national committee avoided any violation of the law by setting up a special finance committee of five members, none of 05 Ibid., Sept. 15, 29, 1 8 8 3 , from Postmaster Aclreon, M a r . 23, M a y 25, 1884, from A . C. Bearss. Great number of similar reports from other officeholders. 06 Ibid., Nov. 1 5 , 1883, from C. T . Daxey. 07 Ibid., M a y 28, 1884, from W . S. Hindkofer. 98 Ibid., M a r . 23, 1884, from Postmaster Bryant. 99 Postmaster General Letterbook, J u n e 2 1 , 1883, to Nelson W. Aldrich, Oct. 17, 1883, to R . P. M o r r i s ; Gresham Papers, Sept. 3, 1 8 8 3 , from A. R. Bingford. lu0 New York Times, Apr. 23, 1883.

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w h o m w e r e G o v e r n m e n t e m p l o y e e s . T h e y sent out circulars which m e r e l y said: " O n and a f t e r this date we will be p r e p a r e d to receive and receipt for such sums as persons m a y wish to contribute to the campaign fund."

101

P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l G r e s h a m refused to allow circulars to

be distributed to e m p l o y e e s in t h e office buildings, but he made no other m o v e to stop t h e practice of political assessments. T h e Civil Service C o m m i s s i o n r e p o r t e d that t h e r e had been v e r y few and only m i n o r violations of t h e law with r e g a r d to political assessments and that only about one-fourth to o n e - h a l f t h e a m o u n t usually obtained f r o m officeh o l d e r s had been raised in this campaign. T h e secretary of the national c o m m i t t e e also c o m p l a i n e d that so little m o n e y had been r a i s e d . 1 0 2 P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l G r e s h a m did not g o to Chicago for the convent i o n ; no Cabinet m e m b e r went, not even Zachariah C h a n d l e r , who was a m e m b e r of t h e national c o m m i t t e e . F r a n k H a t t o n , F i r s t Assistant P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l , and J o h n F o s t e r ( w h o s e leave of absence from his position o f minister to Spain had been obtained by G r e s h a m for this p u r p o s e ) w e r e t h e P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l ' s chief agents at the convent i o n . 1 0 3 M r . H a t t o n was supposed to be the leader o f the A r t h u r " b o o m , " but e v i d e n t l y he was a p o o r strategist. G r e s h a m wrote of h i m : " I t h i n k t h e P r e s i d e n t ' s case was miserably m a n a g e d in Chicago. T h e r e was no i n t e l l i g e n t head or direction to it. A n a r m y without efficient comm a n d e r w i l l s t r a g g l e . H a t t a n will do f o r some things, but he was out of place at C h i c a g o ; t h e u n d e r t a k i n g was too big for h i m . "

101

Grcsh-

a m ' s i r i e n d s still wanted to place his name in nomination, but he refused to a l l o w that to be done as l o n g as the P r e s i d e n t ' s name was b e f o r e t h e convention. G r e s h a m did feel that " w h e n t h e fact was demonstrated ( a s it was by t h e first b a l l o t ) that the P r e s i d e n t was not supp o r t e d by a m a j o r i t y f r o m his own state, he should have been withd r a w n . " H i s n a m e was not w i t h d r a w n , and G r e s h a m ' s name was not presented to the convention. H i s friends then wired him to suggest his "

,f

Chit

Senile

Record,

I V , i i , j S ( T l i c y oven said that officeholders w o u l d not be

violating' the l a w by c o n t r i b u t i n g ) ; G r e s h a m Papers, Oct. i 7, 1 8 8 5 , f r o m J . F . D e z e n d o r f . One a g e n t sent f o r employees of the post office to ipake an assessment on them f o r p o l i t i c a l purposes. T h o s e w h o did not h a v e the m o n e y « e r e required to p h e a thirtv d a y note. See J a n . 8, 1 8 8 4 , froiri A . C . H a r r i s o n . 102

Postmaster G e n e r a l L e t t e r b o o k , J a n . S, 1 8 8 4 , to S p e a k e r of the House.

103

G r e s h a m P a p e r s , F e b . 2 7 , M a r . 20, 1 8 8 4 , to J o h n Foster, M a y

30, 1 8 8 4 , to M .

McDonald. 101

Ibid.,

J u n e 1 2 , 1 8 8 4 , to J . M . B r o w n , M a y 29, 30, 1 8 8 4 , f r o m H a t t o n , J u n e S,

1884, from J . Mason Brown.

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nomination for the Vice Presidency, and he answered, " I do not want the place." He explained his answer to a friend afterwards: I telegraphed

F o s t e r and others that I did not w a n t the n o m i n a t i o n

for

the V i c e - P r e s i d e n c y ; M o r e than this, I could n o t say. If I had said I w a n t e d the n o m i n a t i o n , I w o u l d have been in the attitude of a

candidate—liable

to be defeated and humiliated. W h e n I said I did not w a n t it, I w a s c a n d i d , but, of c o u r s e , no Republican would decline the n o m i n a t i o n o n c e

made.105

Gresham was not enthusiastic over the Presidential nominee of the Republican party, James G. Blaine, but he was so situated that he was compelled to support the tickct. However, he avoided taking any part in the campaign, on the basis that he might go on the bench in the fall and it would, therefore, be better if he kept off the stump. 106 For some time Gresham had wanted the place held by Judge Drummond of the Circuit Court of the Indiana district, who had frequently talked about resigning. 107 When he finally did resign, the President promised Gresham the position, but requested him to take for a short time the office of Secretary of the Treasury, made vacant by the death of Judge Folger. H e held the latter position for less than a month and then became Judge of the Seventh Circuit, when the Treasurership was handed over to Secretary McCullough. 1 " 8 T o fill out the remaining few months of his administration President Arthur promoted Frank Hatton to the position of Postmaster General. Under the old "Stalwart" theory he deserved it, "as a reward for his well meant but not very efficient service in looking after Mr. Arthur's i ntcrests in the campaign preceding the Republican National Convention," as the New York Times put it. 1 0 9 105 Ibid., June 2, 6, 1884, to Foster, June 2, j , 4, 1884, from Foster, June 9, 1884, to M . McDonald. lu6Ibid., Sept. 22, •884. 107 Ibid., Feb. i i , 1884, to D. D i \ is (similar letters to others), Feb. 15, 1884, to E. B. Martindale, Feb. 2 1 , 1 8 8 1 , from N. C. Butler, J u l y 10, 1884, to A . C. Harris. , o s Ibid., Sept. 1 5 , 1884, to N. Butler, Sept. t6, 1884, to J u d g e Woods. 109 New Y o r k Times, Oct. 1 5 , 1 884.

C H A P T E R

DEMOCRATIC

X

GENTLEMAN

LAWYERS

i 885 the Republicans lost control of the Federal Government, which they had had for twenty-five years, because the " M u g wumps," as the advocates of civil service reform were nicknamed, refused to support the "Plumed Knight" and voted for the Democratic candidate. They anticipated great progress in the reform movement, as Governor Cleveland, in his letter of acceptance, had endorsed their program and had repeated these assurances of support in letters, October 24 and December 25, to George William Curtis, president of the National Civil Service Reform League. In these letters he had declared that there were certain subordinate positions w h i c h a r e so d i s c o n n e c t e d w i t h the policy of a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , t h a t the r e m o v a l t h e r e f r o m of p r e s e n t i n c u m b e n t s , in m y o p i n i o n , should not be m a d e d u r i n g the t e r m s f o r w h i c h they w e r e a p p o i n t e d , solely on partisan g r o u n d s , a n d f o r the p u r p o s e of p u t t i n g in their p l a c e s those w h o a r e in p o litical a c c o r d w i t h the a p p o i n t i n g p o w e r .

H e left the door open for some removals, however, by adding: B u t m a n y n o w h o l d i n g such positions h a v e f o r f e i t e d all j u s t c l a i m to r e t e n t i o n , b e c a u s e they h a v e used their p l a c e s f o r p a r t y p u r p o s e s , in d i s r e g a r d of their d u t y to the p e o p l e , a n d , b e c a u s e i n s t e a d of

being decent

servants, they have proved themselves o f f e n s i v e partisans and m a n i p u l a t o r s of local p a r t y

public

unscrupulous

management.1

In the Post Office Department, where most of the appointments did not require the attention of the President, little could be accomplished unless the Postmaster General were also sympathetic to the reform movement. The New York Times rejoiced, therefore, that the new Postmaster General, Mr. Vilas of Wisconsin, tended "in his disposition to put himself squarely in accord with the reform sentiments of his chief." 2 1

Cleveland Papers, Oct. 24, Dec. 25, 1884. New Y o r k Times, M a r . 6, 1 8 8 5 ; Schurz, Speeches, IV, 3 0 1 . Letter of Carl Schurz to Cleveland, Dec. io, 1884, stresses the necessity of selecting for head of the Post Office Department someone who also supported the reform movement. 2

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Since the Democratic party had been out of office f o r a quarter of a century, it was difficult f o r President Cleveland to find men of national reputation to fill his Cabinet. M r . Vilas was little known outside the M i d d l e W e s t . H e had gained some f a m e as an orator because of his speech at the banquet given f o r ex-President Grant in Chicago in 1 8 7 9 . H e had been a delegate to the Democratic national conventions and, since 1 8 7 6 , the Wisconsin member on the national committee, but he had held no G o v e r n m e n t position. 3 H e had refused to run f o r Congress in 1 8 8 0 even though the chairman of the national committee had u r g e d him to do so, on the plea "that nothing that w e know of could be done to encourage the Democracy of the State more than this w o u l d . " 4 H e was a successful l a w y e r , comfortably fixed financially, and politics to him was a hobby rather than a career. H e had, however, played a prominent part in the campaign of 1884. H e had been a member of the committee which made the arrangements f o r holding the convention in Chicago. A firm believer in " f r e e t r a d e , " he had helped write the plank f a v o r i n g revision of the tariff which his state convention had adopted, and he had then been selected to head his state delegation to the national convention. 5 H i s prestige was enhanced by the skill with which he, as permanent chairman, had presided over the turbulent proceedings of that national convention. 6 A s chairman of the committee to notify the Presidential nominee of his selection, he had first made the acquaintance of G o v e r n o r C l e v e l a n d ; 7 this was the beginning of a very intimate and lifelong friendship. Vilas had been a member of the small executive campaign subcommittee of the national committee, which had continued to be headed by W i l l i a m B a r n u m , although the nominee had f a v o r e d Daniel M a n n i n g f o r the position, 8 and Vilas had been made chairman of the special committee of six members set up to advise on political conditions in the M i d d l e W e s t . H e had raised money f o r the campaign and had been a very popular speaker throughout that region and in his own state, where during the 3 Jones, "William Freeman Vilas," in State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Proceedings, 1908, pp. 1 5 5 - 6 4 . 4 Vilas Papers, J u l y 24, 28, Aug. 1 1 , 26, 1880. 3 Ibid., Feb. 28, 1884, from J . Sterling Morton, Apr. 4, 1884, from W. A. Anderson; New York Times, May 29, 1884. f ' Vilas Papers, Mar. 2 1 , 24, May 2 1 , 1884, from W. H. Barnum; Democratic Party, Official Proceedings of the National Convention, 1884. 7 Cleveland Papers, J u l y 14, 1884, f r o m V i l a s ; New York Times, July 30, 1884. 8 Vilas Papers, J u l y 19, 1884, from Marvin H. Bovee.

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last two months of the campaign, he had been scheduled to appear at least two or three times a week. 9 B y the end of the campaign Vilas had become recognized as one of the younger leaders of the Democratic party. Immediately after the election G o v e r n o r C l e v e l a n d began to receive letters urging that this Wisconsin l a w y e r be included in his Cabinet as the representative of the Northwest. Congressmen of Minnesota and Wisconsin sent formal letters recommending appointment of Vilas as Secretary of W a r , Attorney G e n e r a l , or Secretary of the Interior, and A . E . Stevenson asserted that the Illinois politicians desired his selection for the Cabinet. 1 0 T h e movement was entirely without Vilas's instigation, although he was aware of it and was " w i l l i n g to take his place if called upon, but is not persistent," a mutual friend wrote the President-elect. In a conference on J a n u a r y 3 0 G o v e r n o r Cleveland asked B . G . Caulfield what he thought of M r . Vilas, and the latter wrote the Colonel that he inferred he was "uppermost in his mind f o r the Interior Department." 1 1 Not until F e b r u a r y 2 7 , however, did he receive any invitation and then L a m o n t m e r e l y wired him, "Washington direct Tuesday morning." 1 2 T h e Cabinet selections were sent into the Senate on M a r c h 5 and unanimously assented to the next day. Vilas was the sole representative of the W e s t . T h e M i l w a u k e e Sentinel, an opposition newspaper, declared the appointment was "dictated by the hope that he would be able to deliver up Wisconsin bound and captive to the Democracy two years hence." 1 3 With a President pledged to reform and a Postmaster General who was not at all a "practical politician," conditions seemed auspicious for 9 Ibid., A u g . 8, Sept. i , 26, Oct. 1 7 , Nov. m , 1 8 8 4 , from W . H. Barnum, A u g . 1 : , 1 6 , Sept. 1 1 , 1 8 8 4 , from B . B . Smalley, A u g . 1 2 , 1 8 8 4 , from S. Corning J u d d , A u g . 29, 1884, from A . A . B r o w n , Sept. 1 , 1884, from J . E. Neal, Sept. 1 , 1 8 8 4 , from A . G . T h u r m a n , Sept. 2, 1 8 8 4 , from D. M . Dickinson. ,0 Cleveland Papers, letters to Cleveland recommending M r . Vilas for a Cabinet position: Nov. 18, C. Flanncr, Nov. 27, Minnesota Congressmen, Nov. 27, W. Richardson, Dec. 1 , W . S. R y a n , Dec. 9, L . VV. Small, Dec. 22, 1884, J . B . Cassidy, J a n . 3, Pres. of R . R . Shareholders Ass.oc., J a n . 19, Wisconsin Congressmen, J a n . 26, T . C. Pound, J a n . 28, W . S. Marshall, Feb. 1 2 , F. MacVcagh, Feb. 1 3 , B. J . H i l l , J . A. Reynolds, Feb. 1 6 , S. S. Kepler, Feb. 27, 1 8 8 5 , D. C. M c M i l l a n .

"Ibid., Feb. 19, 1 8 8 5 , from M . H. Bovee; Vilas Papers, J a n . 30, 1 8 8 5 , from B . G . Caulfield. T h e f o l l o w i n g letters told Vilas of the movement to have him made a Cabinet member: Nov. 1 5 , Dec. 1 2 , 1884, A . E . Stevenson, Dec. 30, 1884, P. H. K e l l y , J a n . 30, 1 8 8 5 , J . S. Morton, Feb. 20, 1 8 8 5 , B. Jones, Feb. 20, 24, 1 S 8 5 , A. Barclay. 13 ' - V i l a s Papers, Feb. 27, 1 8 S 5 . Milwaukee Sentinel, M a r . 6, 1 8 8 ; .

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the reform movement. These executives, however, had been too idealistic in their promises. T h e party had been out of office since the Civil War, and now that it had won, party workers naturally expected some of the spoils—if not a clean sweep of the Republicans from office. Such letters as these received by Vilas represented the attitude of thousands of " g o o d " Democrats: I w a n t your assistance, I desire the Post Office of the City of Oshkosh and think I am entitled to it. I have spent my time substance and money since 1 8 5 8 working for the Democratic party. I never had an office save one. . . . I need the Post Office. I think my services to the Democratic party entitle me to it [Baraboo post office], [ w r o t e another Wisconsin D e m o c r a t ] . I have published the

Demo-

crat at a pecuniary loss for the past four years and if I could get the Post Office I would be able to continue it.

Another correspondent of the Postmaster General said he agreed in principle with George William Curtis, but wrote: T r u e civil service R e f o r m means fairness in the offices with c o m p e t e n c y — non-partisanship— F o r 2 4 years one party has been in p o w e r — f o r 1 6 years it has drilled its officeholders and made of them the regular a r m y of the party and required them and taught them to make their offices partisan institutions— In this section every country Post Office is Republican headquarters— R e f o r m means purification. 1 4

Postmaster General Vilas himself realized that there must be some removals to satisfy the party workers and was not too unwilling to be the one to make them, for he wrote to Daniel Lamont: "Nothing could be more agreeable than to assist the President to make Democratic Postmasters, in an official way, this Evening, unless to decapitate some of the 'other fellows.' " 1 5 On March 3 1 he wrote to a member of Congress from Texas that he had not entirely decided on his policy with regard to removals. H e thought that there might be different applications of principles in different states and that he would consider the removals in "each state by itself upon some conference with the leading men and proper representatives." H e added: 14

V i l a s P a p e r s , N o v . 1 6 , 1 8 8 4 , f r o m E . P. F i n c h , D e c . 1 2 , 1 8 8 4 , f r o m J . G . F o r d ,

N o v . 2 1 , 1 8 8 4 , f r o m A . T . McN'eal. T h e r e are a g r e a t number o f s i m i l a r letters in the V i l a s P a p e r s — a l l of them a s k i n g f o r a post office. A n o t h e r correspondent ( C . A . de G r a f f , J a n .

19,

1885),

recommending

the editor of their l o c a l p a p e r as

post-

master, w r o t e : " I t is g e n e r a l l y conceded that the Post Office and p a p e r in o u r t o w n should g o t o g e t h e r , the t w o m a k i n g a business, p r o f i t a b l e in a s m a l l d e g r e e . " 15

Lamont Papers, A p r . 1 3 ,

1885.

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I do not expect to remove an officer merely because he is a republican, at least until after the consideration of other causes of removal and determination of principle of action to be taken on them. . . . M y expectation is that in order to obtain a removal, cause must be shown and if that cause be political it must charge the incumbent with special activity as a partisan, showing him to have participated in caucuses, stump speaking, newspaper work, or some other form of special advocacy of partisan politics going beyond the exercise of his right of citizenship in voting. H e prophesied that there w o u l d be enough cases of this type to give a considerable number of r e m o v a l s — e n o u g h for " a proper reconstruction of the rightful influence of the successful Democratic party in the offices of the c o u n t r y . " M e a n w h i l e Postmaster G e n e r a l Vilas was v e r y busy filling the 2 , 2 0 0 vacancies; this work d e v o l v e d on him because of the illness of the First Assistant Postmaster G e n e r a l , w h o usually took care of the fourthclass postmasters (those receiving less than $ 1 0 0 0 a y e a r . )

16

T h e for-

mer head of the party, Samuel T i l d e n , reminded the administration of the value of these offices:

T h e importance of the little postmasters is very great. In many of the purely rural districts, there is one to every hundred voters. T h e y are centres of political activity. T h e y act as agents and canvassers for the newspapers of their party, and as local organizers. T h e immense power of this influence is now wholly on the side of the Republicans. T o allow this state of things to continue is infidelity to the principles and cause of the Administration. T h e w r o n g should be gradually corrected. 1 7 It was with regard to these minor offices, for which " t h e commissions run during pleasure," that Postmaster G e n e r a l Vilas sent to the Congressmen of Ohio, Indiana, Virginia, and N e w Y o r k , on A p r i l 2 8 and 2 9 , his notorious "confidential circular." I n it he suggested that the time had now come when he could assist the people in securing relief f r o m partisan postmasters. Since he could remove f r o m 1 5 to 2 5 percent of the postmasters, he suggested that the Congressmen pick out the " m o s t obnoxious and offensive partisans in each c o u n t y . "

I will require no more proof of the partisanship in these selections than the affirmation of knowledge on the part of a Representative or Senator that the Postmaster has been an active editor or proprietor of a Republican newsle 17

Postmaster General Letterbook, M a r . 3 1 , 1 8 8 5 , to S. W . Lauham. T i l d e n Papers, J u n e 9, 1 8 8 5 , to M a n n i n g .

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paper, printing offensive articles, easily s h o w n by slips, or a stump speaker, o r m e m b e r of a political c o m m i t t e e , or officer of a c a m p a i g n club, or o r g a n i z e r of political m e e t i n g s , o r , that his office has been m a d e the h e a d quarters of political w o r k , or that his clerks h a v e been put into the perf o r m a n c e of political d u t i e s . 1 8

Of course there would be no hearing, and the charges were to be kept secret—"star chamber" methods, declared the Washington Post. This circular was received with derision and dismay by the "reformers." "Vilas seems to be a perfect ass," wrote Theodore Roosevelt, "his circular was really phenomenal; I should think it would awaken even the grovelling imbecility of the Independent mind to a sense of the true state of affairs." 1 0 The New York Times thought the Postmaster General was too innocent to be a good politician; "there was no surer means of publicity" than to label the letters "confidential," the editor wrote, and to take a Congressman's word as to the "offensive partisanship" of a Republican postmaster was "almost childlike." Harper's Weekly reluctantly admitted that, " M r . Vilas' circular and the general sweep of the post offices were blots upon the late administration." 20 Another concession to the spoilsmen of the party was the appointment of Adlai E . Stevenson to the office of First Assistant Postmaster General as a successor to Mr. Hay. He had been a Congressman, had been active in the campaign of 1884, and was perfectly willing to remove Republican postmasters. Even William L . Wilson, who later as Postmaster General opposed political removals, rejoiced at this change. He wrote in his diary: T h i s has been a great relief to the m e m b e r s . T h e

1st Asst P . M . G .

makes

appointments of all 4 t h C l a s s P . M . ' s , a n d the l o n g absence of M r . H a y a f t e r his qualification, his ill-health, and his reluctance to m a k e r e m o v a l s except upon strong a n d c o m p e l l i n g e v i d e n c e , m a d e o u r w o r k v e r y slow and b u r densome. I n M r . S . w e h a v e f o u n d a m a n w h o s e service in C o n g r e s s t a u g h t him h o w

to understand our position. H e

is naturally

prompt,

energetic,

and accommodating.21 18

Postmaster General Letterbook, A p r . 28, 1 8 8 5 , to H. B . Payne and many identical letters. 18 Roosevelt, Selections from the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, ¡884-1918, I, 3 1 . Hereafter referred to as Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence. 20 New Y o r k Times, M a y 1 5 , 1 8 8 5 ; Harper's Weekly, M a r . 30, 1889. 21

William L . Wilson, M S D i a r y , A u g . 3 1 , 1 8 8 5 .

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In contrast to the Postmaster General, who had the reputation of being the hardest executive in Washington to contact, he was so accessible to visitors that Vilas's secretary complained, when the First Assistant took over the Postmaster General's office in his absence, that "his policy of receiving all callers at all hours has already turned my office into a Bear Garden." 22 Later he came to be called the "Headsman" and the "official ax-man who beheaded Republican officeholders with the precision and dispatch of the French guillotine in the days of the Revolution." 23 The number of removals in this type of post office was greater then than during any other administration up to this time. More than one-fourth of them were removed, which is about the proportion that had been removed in Presidents Lincoln's and Grant's administrations. Twice as many resigned as were removed, so there were more than forty thousand changes during these four years. The removals reached their peak in 1886, when almost ten thousand "heads fell into the basket." Senator Ingalls (Republican) estimated that the postmasters were being removed at the rate of one every fifteen minutes. In his last Annual Re-port (1887) Postmaster General Vilas stressed the fact that 39 percent of the fourth class postmasters remained from the last administration. According to his own figures that percentage is slightly exaggerated, and another 14 percent were taken care of the following year, leaving less than one-fifth of the former Republican postmasters in office in 1889. The Civil Service Record was generous in its estimate when it concluded, "it is something of a sweep though far from a clean sweep." 2 i With regard to the Presidential post offices, of which there were more than two thousand, President Cleveland, shortly after his inauguration, described his policy as follows: M y idea has been that these officials w h o have held their places f o r f o u r years should as a rule give w a y to g o o d m e n of o u r p a r t y , that those w h o h a v e been guilty of offenses against our political code should go without r e g a r d to the time they have served and that w e should gladly receive all resignations o f f e r e d us and fill the vacancies thus created with our f r i e n d s . 2 5 22

Vilas Papers, Aug. 13, 1885. Clark, My Quarter Century of American Politics, I, 262; Barry, Forty Years in Washington, p. 1 9 1 . 24 Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1 8 8 5 - 8 9 ; New York Times, Apr. 4, 1886; Rhodes, History of the United States, VIII, 248. 25 Cleveland Papers, June 20, 1885, to Manning. 23

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A great many Republican postmasters resigned, but not enough to satisfy the hungry Democrats. Very few were like the postmaster who, a N e w Y o r k e r wrote to Lamont, "not desiring to embarrass the new administration very considerately died." 28 Postmaster General Vilas explained to a Congressman that definite proof of obnoxious partisanship on the part of a postmaster of this class must be furnished so that the President could justify his removal before the Senate and not be accused of being inconsistent with his "letter of acceptance." F e w removals were made in March, when the Senate met in special session, but by December President Cleveland was sending to Congress the names of many postmasters appointed to replace those suspended under the provisions of the Tenure of Office Act. H e used the phrase "suspension" or "removal for cause," because "removal" had to be consented to by the Senate before a new appointment could be made. During the first year these professed reformers succeeded in changing more than half the Presidential postmasters, 15 percent by removals and another fifteen percent on account of resignations. In many cases President Cleveland had to renominate his postmaster, as the Republican Senate refused to act on their suspension until the Republican postmaster's term had expired. A f t e r March, 1887, postmasters were "removed" rather than "suspended," for the old Tenure of Office Act, passed during the Reconstruction period, was repealed. In spite of the reform declarations of President Cleveland, the total number of removals in these offices was almost six hundred, more than one-fourth of the total. By 1889 practically all the Republican postmasters had been replaced, as there were only twelve reappointments during these four years (Postmaster General Vilas says twenty-two in his report of 1887). 2 7 T h e most important of these was the reappointment of M r . Pearson (Republican) to the post office in N e w Y o r k City. M r . Pearson had been an excellent postmaster, and the "Independents" wanted him retained. T h e y hesitated to sign a paper endorsing him, however, for fear it would look like a division of the spoils, with the N e w Y o r k office as the reward for their support in the campaign of 1884. Y e t President Cleveland demurred making the appointment on his own initiative because of opposition within his own party. W h e n the postmaster's Vilas Papers, Mar. 4, 1885, from Lamont, enclosing letter from I. C . Maynard. Postmaster General Letterbook, M a r . 31, 1885, to H. A . Hubert; U.S. Congress, Executive Journal of the Senate, X X V , X X V I . 2e

27

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term expired and no appointment was made, Carl Schurz, in the name of the "Independents," wrote several letters urging the reappointment as a test of President Cleveland's policy, not as a "recognition," since their support had been given as " a free offering." By the last of March ( 1 8 8 5 ) the appointment was made. 28 President Cleveland did not believe in delegating responsibility even in such small matters as the appointment of postmasters. H e insisted on going over the papers in the case of each appointment to be made by him and of many of the fourth-class offices. Beginning with the day after inauguration and for months thereafter he had conferences with the Postmaster General at least once a week. "Can we grind out any postmasters to-night," the President wrote, and Colonel Vilas was always ready, sometimes requesting that a servant he sent to pick up the bundle of papers (the applications, letters of recommendations, and so forth)— "So as not to attract the attention that may possibly be drawn to my carrying it." Even when the President invited Vilas on fishing trips the Postmaster General was told "to put up a package of papers to take along," and when the President made his western tour in the summer of 1887 he suggested that Vilas have "three or four bundles of postmaster appointments on hand" so they could work on them on the train. A smaller office frequently consumed an hour. There were so many papers to study: letters of application, long petitions from citizens, memoranda of conversations of the Postmaster General with interested politicians, and, of course, letters from the Congressman of the district, county or state chairmen, and sometimes national committeemen. 29 T h e President insisted on weighing them all. H e was not willing to accept the Congressman's dictation. Of course the latter's recommendation was important and frequently did outweigh all other considerations. Postmaster General Vilas, however, wrote one Representative: " A Congressman's recommendation will receive all the acknowledgement to which it is entitled and the greater when it appears to be made with reference to the interest of the service rather than his own." 30 President Cleveland would not even appoint a friend of his own unless there were papers on file. H e wrote an interesting letter to George W . Hay ward: 28

Schurz, Speeches, I V , 350, 3 6 0 - 6 7 . Vilas Papers, M a r . 8, 22, 29, A p r . 6, 1 3 , June 7, 25, 1 8 8 5 , A p r . 1 0 , J u n e 25, 1 8 8 6 , J u l y 20, 1 8 8 7 , from Lament, M a r . 3 1 , 1 8 8 5 , from Cleveland and many similar letters; Cleveland Papers, M a r . 2 1 , 1 8 8 5 , Vilas to Lamont and many similar letters. 29

so

Postmaster General Letterbook, M a y 2, 1 8 8 5 , to E . Gibson.

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Y o u r letter was received and I immediately became an office-seeker. I applied in the most approved style to the Postmaster-General and thought my chances were good. T o - n i g h t he brought me some papers by which it appeared that t w o applicants had filed petitions, one a man endorsed by considerably more than a hundred citizens and a number if not all of the local Committee, another a w o m a n with over a hundred signers. T h e r e was not a word in all the papers for my candidate. O f course I suppose I have the power to do this thing but it seems to me that there ought to be a little local support. If M r . L — has friends to come to you for help those friends ought to appear in the papers. I do not say I will not do it, but to make an appointment in the face of the wishes of the people of the place as they are expressed here seems a little high-handed for a man w h o believes this is the People's Government. I will examine the matter further, and in the meantime would it not be well to intimate to the friends of M r . L — that he is not represented by any papers on file? 3 1

Postmaster General Vilas's position in the Cabinet was that of close friend, loyal supporter, and adviser of the President. H e was in no sense a political strategist. T h e President became more attached to this Wisconsin gentleman than to any other member of his official family. H e was frequently invited to the White House, both to "make postmasters" and to play cards; he was included in the President's stag parties on the Corsair and at Oak View. W h e n Vilas stopped in Buffalo, President Cleveland wrote his former law partner, Wilson S. Bissell, that he hoped he would meet M r . Vilas, whom he considered "one of the most complete men, mentally, morally, and politically I ever met." 32 T h e Postmaster General was on his way home, Governor Rusk maintained, "to whip in law and order Democrats who had announced their intention of voting for me." 33 H e was the only Cabinet member asked to go on the trip which President Cleveland made through the Middle West in the'fall of 1887. T h e President planned to visit the Postmaster General's beautiful home in Madison, and then he suggested that M r . and Mrs. Vilas join his party for the rest of the return trip to Washington; the party was to be composed only of close friends rather than political associates, so no one could call the 3 1 July 21, 1885, to G. W . Hayward, from Hayward collection of autographs by courtesy of Professor Nevins. S 2 Cleveland Papers, A u g . 14, 1886, to Bissell; Vilas Papers, June 25, Sept. 20, from D . S. Lamont, Feb. 1, A u g . i , Sept. 9, 14, 1886, from Cleveland. 3 3 Rusk Papers, Nov. 15, 1886, to Gov. Foster.

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trip a "swing around the circle." T h e Postmaster General feared that Cleveland's enemies might attempt to make political capital of it if he and his wife accepted, and therefore he suggested that he should return directly to Washington after the Clevelands left Wisconsin. H o w e v e r , Lamont, the President's secretary, wired Vilas: " [the President] thinks you should make the full trip." Vilas mapped out the train connections and oversaw the preparations being made for the President's reception in many of the middle western towns, sent him, when possible, copies of the addresses to be made " a t " him, and suggested the character of his replies. Vilas called the President's attention to little things which might have political significance; for example, he told him there was some criticism because he had not responded to invitations. H e enclosed newspaper clippings showing him the effect he was making. H e congratulated him because, as he wrote the President: " Y o u are giving the poor fellows nothing to lay hold of but the crumbling edges of the decayed old roof of Republicanism." T h e trip was very succcssful, and the President was enthusiastically received in the M i d d l e West. 3 4 T h e Postmaster General encouraged the President to send the famous message to Congress, in December, 1887, in which he came out f o r a tariff for revenue only. Vilas had long been for free trade, but there were many in the Democratic party who supported protection because of the manufacturing interests of their districts. Others felt that it was unwise to raise such an issue with an election in the offing, especially as there was no chance, with a Republican Senate, of reducing the tariff. Colonel Vilas, however, felt, that if the first Democratic administration had failed, thro' d e f e r e n c e to " p o l i c y , " to bravely meet the responsibility of leading that attack, the party should n e v e r be trusted again, and that it w a s f a r better to go to d e f e a t in that w a y than to strive by temporizing to retain a power that w a s useless to the great interests of the humanity in charge of our g o v e r n m e n t .

H e added in 1 8 9 1 , in a letter to J u d g e Endicott, that if it had not been for that message, they would still be a mere opposition, carping at our adversaries, picking flaws to excite popular feeling, but not at all as n o w , a great, united, cohering body aligned on well defined principles, m o v i n g to ends as just, and as justly a w a k e n i n g popular support, as any that ever guided a triumphant political o r g a n i z a t i o n . 3 5 34

Cleveland Papers, Sept. 17, z i , Oct. 1, 1887, from Vilas; Vilas Papers, Sept. 14, 1887, from Cleveland, Sept. 20, 1887, from Lamont; Nevins, Crover Cleveland, p. j 14. 35 Cleveland Papers, May io, 1891, to Judge Endicott.

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That same fall it was decided to transfer Postmaster General Vilas to the Interior Department, since Secretary Lamar was to be made an associate justice of the Supreme Court. Arrangements were made early in September, but Mr. Vilas suggested that it would be more expedient to wait until Congress met in December to make the changes, especially since he wanted to finish his annual report, which would occupy his time until November. He was somewhat reluctant to leave the Post Office Department, because "for so many years [it] has not had a postmaster general long enough in his place to thoroughly comprehend its proper requirements, or invent the desirable remedial measures due to its highest advantage and utility." The plans for the changes were kept secret, because the President did not want to promote to the headship First Assistant Postmaster General Stevenson, the logical selection, and yet he "couldn't be made to understand," Cleveland wrote, why he should not be made a member of the Cabinet.38 When the announcement of the appointment of Vilas to the Interior Department was made, November 8, there was considerable speculation as to the reasons for the change. The Herald ingeniously suggested that the President wanted Vilas to be the Vice Presidential nominee and that if he were to be the candidate it would not be proper for him to remain at the head of a department with as large a patronage as the Post Office.37 It seems more likely that the transfer was made simply because Lamar preferred an associate justiceship to a Cabinet position. President Cleveland felt that the Interior Department, if well administered, could "do so much for the success of the administration," and Colonel Vilas, a western man well acquainted with the land problems (since he had received much of his fortune from the timber lands of Wisconsin), should be an efficient head. T o succeed Vilas as Postmaster General, President Cleveland selected another middle western lawyer, but an even shrewder and more experienced politician, Donald McDonald Dickinson, of Michigan. His political career had been entirely within the field of party management. He had entered local politics when very young, and in 1872, when he was only twenty-six, had been secretary of the Democratic state central committee. He had been so disgusted at the lack of support the party gave Horace Greeley in that campaign that he had declared 36 ¡bid., (c. Sept. 1 ) , 1887, from Secretary Lamar, Sept. 17, 1887, from Vilas; Vilas Papers, Sept. 14, 1887, from Cleveland. 3 7 New Y o r k Herald, Nov. 8, 1887.

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he was going to break with the party; instead, in the next national election he became the chairman of the committee. H e entered national politics as Michigan's member on the national committee in 1880. 3 8 H e was a member of the "subcommittee of the West" in the campaign of 1884 and practically directed his own state's campaign. H e was sure that if he managed properly Michigan's electoral vote would not go for Blaine. As evidence of the unpopularity of the Republican candidate, he described to a fellow committee member "the presence of the Circus here, with the Great American duplex eliptic liar as the main feature. His progress through our streets yesterday was made in literally dead silence. It was like a funeral and Blaine looked as livid as a corpse." 39 H e was too optimistic, however, for Michigan gave its thirteen electoral votes to the Republican party; the Senators were Republicans, as were four of the eleven Representatives. Soon after the election Committeeman Dickinson called on the President-elect (evidently their first meeting), and thereafter Dickinson was recognized as titular head of the party in his state and was consulted on all matters of state patronage. H i s influence in this respect was so great that he was nicknamed "Boss D o n " and "the President for Michigan." H e obtained so many good positions for Michigan Democrats (for example, the chairmanship of the new Interstate Commerce Commission) that the old party leaders in the state were astonished. 40 From the political standpoint his suggestions on patronage distribution were sound. In his letters to the President he stressed that fitness should be the first consideration and that then the one who "would give satisfaction to the greatest number in the locality to be affected" should be appointed. H e urged that wherever possible the Congressmen's recommendations for postmasters be carried out, because this procedure would work for better relations between Congress and the administration. T o obtain the votes of the Greenback party he favored giving them "one good appointment." In general he upheld the President's civil service reform attitude, because of the reputation it would give the Democratic party when contrasted with the machine methods used by the " O l d Guard" Republicans. H e suggested that even though the "small men in Congress" were fighting for the spoils system, the peo38

New York Times, Aug. 1 5 , 1886, Dec. 7, 1887. Vilas Papers, Aug. 27, Oct. i, Nov. 6, 1884, from Dickinson. 40 Vilas Papers, Dec. 1 3 , 1884., (rom J . S. Whitcomb; New York Time!, 1885. 39

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pie were for reform, so it might be "wise to go to the people on this . . . in the autumn." 4 1 Dickinson tried his best, by skillful patronage distribution and by effective organization work, to win control of Michigan for the Democrats. H e described their great odds to the President's secretary: "The Republicans of the United States are overrunning our state. Gov. Alger, who expects to be on the Presidential ticket with John A. Logan in '88, and his brother millionaires are opening an hundred barrels. We are making a game fight and a noble one single handed and alone." 42 They were unsuccessful, for the Republican Senators kept their positions and only five Democratic Congressmen were elected. In November, 1887, when Dickinson was persuaded to accept the position of Postmaster General, Republican newspapers commented: "The President is determined to win the electoral votes of Michigan next year if such a thing is possible. He admires the manner in which the Hon. Don. M . Dickinson conducted the campaign last year and in consequence he had determined to force him into the cabinet if possible." 43 There was so much delay in the Senate's confirmation of his appointment, because of the opposition of some of the Senators to Secretary Lamar's appointment to the bench, that in January Dickinson placed at the disposal of the President his declination of the nomination to be used if it could ease the situation.44 It was not used, and "the Michigan boss" was commissioned as Postmaster General, January 16, 1888. The Democrats now had skillful party strategists in the highest two positions of this political department. The Detroit Tribune commented: " I t is expected that he will turn the post office department into a vast political machine." 45 Michigan Democrats were worried about a successor to Dickinson in the national and state party organization. They need not have been apprehensive, for Dickinson continued to participate in political affairs, although his work now took place chiefly behind the scenes. He felt, however, that his efficiency was "encumbered by this harness on my back." He even wished he could escape the "yoke," since the President felt that Michigan was so important to the party. He secured an editorial writer on a Michigan newspaper to send out "sturdy, concise, and 41

Cleveland Papers, Mar. 15, Apr. 27, May 13, July 15, Oct. 7, 14, Dcc. 12, 1885, Jan. 2, Mar. 19, n.d. 1886. 42 Ibid., Oct. 22, 1886. 43 Dickinson Scrapbook, clipping, Grand Rapids Telegram Herald, Nov. 6, 1887. 44 1S Cleveland Papers, Jan. 6, 1888. Detroit Tribune, Jan. 17, 1888.

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readable lessons" on the President's tariff message every day until November, to inform the people of that state. H e kept in close touch with Ira M . Weston, the chairman of the state central committee, sent him money to get out the vote in the spring elections, and even directed its expenditure. His suggestions on the platform, delegates, and the instructions of the delegation on the Presidential nomination were followed by the Michigan convention. The convention had wanted to endorse him for the office of Vice President, but he insisted that the Michigan delegation should be uninstructed as to their vote on the Vice Presidency, since that was to be the important work of the convention.46 The Postmaster General helped in the preconvention campaign in other states also. H e discussed the establishment of a Democratic paper in Chicago and directed the distribution of printed campaign material. As a measure that would appeal to the lumbermen of the border states, he suggested that the Secretary of State make some statement that the administration was working toward the removal of the export duty on logs brought from Canada. It "would be of immense service to us politically," he wrote.47 Instead of resigning from the national committee, he gave his proxy to Mr. Weston and through him kept in constant touch with the plans for the national convention. The national committee was chiefly under the President's control, for seven of the members were officeholders appointed by his administration. Due to the civil service reform pronouncements of President Cleveland, it was considered better form for Secretary Vilas and Postmaster General Dickinson to remain away from the convention. The latter, however, had a " f u l l talk" with his proxy before the latter left to attend the convention and was kept "minutely informed of the movements at St. Louis." 48 The postmasters also were absent from this convention; even the Nation remarked on their scarcity.49 President Cleveland had taken a decided stand against the political activity of the "rank and file." On July 14, 1886, he had issued specific instructions, and these had been included in the postal regulations, because Postmaster General Vilas 46

Dickinson Papers, Jan. 23, 1888, to Quimby, Jan. 28, 31, May 3, 5, 1888, to Weston. 47 Ibid., May 8, 1888. 48 Ibid., Feb. 4, 1888, to Weston, May 18, 1 888, to M. H. Chamberlain, June 1 1 , 1888, to J. G. Parkhurstj Cleveland Papers, Feb. 16, 1888, H. A. Hurlbut to Lamontj Dickinson Scrapbook, clipping from Evening Nevis, Feb. 21, 1888. 49 New York Nation, June 14, 1888.

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said they had "peculiar application to postmasters. . . . T h e y are servants of the people in that branch of governmental service which ministers most to their immediate personal convenience and interest and comes in closest contact with all." These instructions remained in the regulations until 1 9 0 2 ; they read in part: Officeholders are the agents of the people—not their masters. Not only is their time and labor due to the government but they should scrupulously avoid in their political action as well as in the discharge of their official duty, offending by a display of obtrusive partisanship their neighbors, who have relations with them as public officials. . . . T h e influence of federal officeholders should not be felt in the manipulation of political primary meetings and nominating conventions. . . . Individual interest and activity in political affairs are by no means condemned. Officeholders are neither disfranchised nor forbidden the exercise of political privileges, but their privileges are not enlarged nor is their duty to party increased to pernicious activity by office holding. 5 0 Of course the circular did not immediately take all postmasters out of politics. Some had protested that they did not want "to quite yet quit politics" and some continued to act on county committees. T h e y were usually a little apprehensive, however, that they might be charged with "offensive partisanship." Asking if he could keep his position on the national committee, one postmaster wrote: If you think federal officers on that Committee would subject the administration to criticism, and it is thought best to keep us in the woods, behind the trenches, will you please telegraph me upon receipt of this, as follows: " T w o is enough," and sign it. Jones. I will understand and aid in securing some absolute friend in getting the p l a c e / 1 H e did not remain on the committee. Postmaster General Dickinson replied to the numerous requests from postmasters: In times past American citizenship was debauched, free expression of the people at caucus, convention and election throttled, and the public service scandalized by the direct and corrupt influence of Federal officials at meetings of the people called for nominating purposes and at the succeeding Federal, State, county and even municipal elections. . . . 80

it is not and has not been the sentiment of anyone connected with

U.S. C i v i l Service Commission, fourth Annual Report, 1 8 8 8 , pp. 5 4 1 - 4 2 ; Cleveland Papers, J u l y 1 4 , 1 8 8 6 , to heads of departments. 81 Cleveland Papers, Feb. n.d., S. M . Thurber, P . M . , M a y 1 0 , W . W . Armstrong, P . M . , M a r . 1 3 , 1 8 8 8 , to Lamont. Other similar letters.

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the Administration that because a man holds a Federal office he is thereby deprived of any of the privileges of citizenship or practically disfranchised. H e is expected to exercise the plain and simple rights of an American citiz e n . . . „ W h i l e there is no policy forbidding his attending a caucus or a convention of his party . . . yet, in view of the disgraceful abuses heretofore adverted to, it is a matter which suggests itself to the good taste and j u d g m e n t of sensible men whether the indecencies heretofore practised should even seem to be imitated by the appearance of Federal officials of this administration at conventions. 5 2

There was one activity to which the reformers made objection in this campaign—the postmasters were requested to send to the party managers lists of the voters who received mail at their offices indicating their party allegiance. These lists would facilitate the distribution of campaign literature. In Wisconsin they shortened the process by mailing franked documents to the postmaster and asking him to address them and distribute them. 5 3 With regard to political assessments also the record of this administration was good. The postmaster at Chicago was accused by Senator Cullom (Republican) of having collected money from his employees. H e denied it in a long letter to President Cleveland. H e said some employees had been asked to contribute to party funds, but that the contributions had been purely voluntary and that he had made it very clear that their contributions or their failure to contribute would make no difference in his treatment of them. With pressure removed, officeholders did not contribute very freely. 54 The chairman of a Democratic county committee complained that he had raised little money. "This money does not come from officeholders," he wrote Lamont. " I am sorry to say they do not respond as they should." 55 The Postmaster General wrote an inquiring postmaster: " I have to advise you that no official under this administration is liable to assessment for political purposes, nor will he be prejudiced in his position for failure to respond to demands for political contributions." 56 T h e Postmaster General was also inconspicuous in this campaign. 82

Dickinson Papers, May io, 1888, to Senator Pasco. Other similar letters. New York Times, Feb. 28, 29, Mar. 1, 1888; Harper's Weekly, Mar. 10, 17, 31, Apr. 7, 28, 1888. 54 Cleveland Papers, Sept. 3, 1888, from S. Corning Judd. 85 IbidOct. 16, 1888, from William Foyle, chairman Democratic County Committee. 84 Harfe^s Weekly, Oct. 20, 1888. 53

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H e was, however, very active; in fact, some complained that he was trying to run everything. H e held conferences with the official leaders of the campaign, suggested changes in the publicity material, and even contributed his own private secretary to help prepare it. As usual, he assisted in the Michigan campaign; he suggested wide circulation of the Graphic and advised concerning arrangements to be made for meetings, for which he obtained prominent speakers. H e felt that the national campaign was being subordinated to the Michigan state campaign, and he wanted the formation of a lay campaign committee to take care of the interests of the national ticket. H e himself spoke in his native state during the last part of the campaign, concentrating his attack on Blaine. When the Democrats failed to win the election, he was not discouraged, but felt that the party was more united and would be able to make a "come back" in the next election.57 In this election the "Mugwumps" had divided—the eastern group, George William Curtis, Carl Schurz, and Dorman Eaton, had continued to support President Cleveland, but those of the Middle West, especially in Indiana, were convinced that the Democratic President had not lived up to his pledges, and they threw their influence to Benjamin Harrison, who had also run on a civil service reform platform. They cited the report made by William Dudley Foulke, president of the Indiana Civil Service Reform Association, which had charged that the new Democratic postmasters in Indianapolis and other cities of Indiana had immediately replaced the Republican clerks by members of their own party.™ It is interesting to learn that some of the information for this attack had been furnished by Benjamin Harrison from reports sent him by his campaign manager. Senator Harrison described the reports as "rich in good material . . . I hope to make a bad showing for the Dem. party in our state," and added that he expected the "result of such a showing . . . will undoubtedly shake the support the President has been receiving from the Eastern Mugwumps and may do us indirect benefit in that way. The direct effect in Indiana of proving that he is a spoilsman would perhaps not be very injurious." 59 The 57

Cleveland Papers, J u l y 7, 1 8 8 8 , from J . H. Reagan, A u g . 1 8, 1 8 8 8 , f r o m G . F . Parker, Oct. 2 3 , 24, 1 8 8 8 , Dickinson to Lamont; Dickinson Papers, A u g . 28, N o v . 1 2 , 1 8 8 8 , to Brice, A u g . 29, Oct. 1 7 , 1888, to Weston, Sept. 1 4 , 1 8 8 8 , to O. M . Barnes, Nov. 1 6 , 1888, to M o o r e . M a n y other similar letters. 58 Foulke Papers, Sept. 1 5 , 1 8 8 5 , from G . W . Curtis, Oct. 8, 1 8 8 6 , an address of M r . Foulke. 59 Michener Papers, Feb. 20, M a y 26, J u l y 1 2 , 1886.

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Republican Senate of the Fiftieth Congress had set up a committee to investigate the operation of the civil service and had reported that the Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Indianapolis post offices especially had been used for partisan purposes—that there had been removals for political reasons, manipulation of the examinations so that only Democrats received jobs, political activity on the part of officeholders, and the levying of political assessments."0 The Civil Service Commission's Annual Refort of 1887, however, had absolved the Post Office Department of any violation of the Civil Service Law in the cases of the Philadelphia and Chicago post offices. It declared that the examinations had been conducted fairly and that, although most of the successful candidates were Democrats, it was due, not to any violation of the administration of the law, but to the "feeling in the community that the chances of securing appointments were vastly in favor of democrats as against republicans." It decided that there had been violations in the Baltimore, Newark, and Indiana post offices.01 With the exception of the postmaster appointments, President Cleveland's record in civil service reform was good. The most important advance made in the postal service came after the election, when the personnel of the railway mail division was included in the classified service. In December, 1888, Postmaster General Dickinson was instructed by President Cleveland to make arrangements for this change, and the rules were approved January 4, to go into operation March 15, 1889. The Civil Service Commission declared that this was one of the "most important changes made in the rules." 62 60

U.S. Congress, 50th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Report, No. 2373. U.S. Civil Service Commission, Fourth Annual Report, 1888, pp. 93-97. 92 Cleveland Papers, Dec. 5, 1888; U.S. Civil Service Commission, Sixth Refort, 1890, p. 3. 61

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C.7 OR THE FIRST TIME in the history of this Republic a place in the cabinet of the President was given for a pecuniary consideration," wrote Carl Schurz, in indignation over the news of the probable selection of John Wanamaker, of Philadelphia, as Postmaster General by President-elect Harrison. 1 H e did not know, however, that the position had practically been promised to the Philadelphia merchant before he undertook to raise the money for the Republican campaign. Two days before the meeting of the national convention negotiations for a Cabinet position for Pennsylvania had been carried on between the "boss" of that state, Matthew S. Quay, and the manager of Benjamin Harrison's campaign, Louis T . Michener. The latter had written the candidate that although Pennsylvania's votes on the first ballot had been promised to John Sherman, if it were seen that he could not win, Quay could be induced to transfer those votes to the Indiana candidate. He merely wanted for his state the promise of any Cabinet position except that of Attorney General, and he wanted to be consulted about the selection of the appointee. He added: " H e [Quay] is rather 'practical' as you know and wanted something in writing"; he enclosed a draft of a letter with the recommendation that Mr. Harrison sign it.2 The letter evidently had not been signed, for Quay kept more than fifty of Pennsylvania's sixty votes faithful to Senator Sherman until the last ballot. The other ten had been swung, after a complimentary vote for the Mayor of Philadelphia, to the support of Benjamin Harrison by Charles Emory Smith, editor of the Philadelphia Press. These negotiations between Quay and Michener had taken place before John Wanamaker was even considered. Wanamaker had just made his first appearance in politics—as a delegate to the national convention of that year. On his return from the convention he had declared publicly "that Harrison's prospects were not good unless the 1 2

Schurz, Sfeec/ies, V, 1 3 ( F e b . 1 5 , 1 8 8 9 , to Oscar Straus). Michcncr Papers, J u n e 1 7 , 1888 (typewritten c o p y ) .

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party woke up. The outworn methods of compaigning which party leaders seemed disposed not to change, he predicted, would fail." 3 Negotiations for his financial help began shortly afterward, with Editor Smith acting as the intermediary. The editor had hurried out to Indianapolis to talk with Mr. Michener before the meeting of the national committee. Evidently terms were not entirely clear, for early in August Mr. Smith wrote again to the nominee's manager asking for further assurances. Since the letter was important, he used code names for the participants, and a Cabinet position was referred to as "charter." Smith wrote: T h e revival of the plan c a m e f r o m A t l a n t i c [ Q u a y ] . A s thus presented it involved the u n d e r t a k i n g of the w o r k simply for A t l a n t i c , and not upon any other call. A t l a n t i c sought the cooperation both of M a r y

[Wanamaker]

and F r a n c e s [ T h o m a s D o l a n , President of the M a n u f a c t u r e r ' s c l u b ] , and in the conferences it w a s F r a n c e s and A t l a n t i c that suggested C h a r t e r [ C a b i net position]. A t l a n t i c so fully r e c o g n i z e d the vital importance of the w o r k that he w a s unhesitating and unreserved in his expression. I t w a s regarded not so m u c h as an individual r e w a r d as a matter of State interest in which all could unite. . . . B u t it c a m e to be felt on reflection that the whole matter should be made k n o w n to Sunrise [ H a r r i s o n ] , not to secure any e n g a g e m e n t f r o m him, but in order that if the w o r k proceeded on that understanding there m i g h t be nothing in his mind f r o m any other source to conflict with it . . .

Michener replied immediately, and the Philadelphia editor wrote again on the sixth of August: Y o u r g r a t i f y i n g letter of the 4th reached me this morning and it w a s precisely w h a t I had expected. It not only seemed to me all that could be asked, but I am able to say a f t e r a conference that it is entirely satisfactory. It indicated exactly w h a t I had understood all a l o n g , but w h a t w a s not quite so clear to associates w h o had not had the same opportunities as m y self to k n o w just w h a t w a s meant and implied. T h e

w o r k will now be

pushed with e n e r g y and I fully believe that the results will justify the wisdom of the action. 4

Mr. Wanamaker became chairman of an advisory committee—really the finance committee—of the Republican party. It was composed of business men—the first time business men had actively participated in 3

Josephson, The Politicos,

4

Michener Papers, June 29, Aug. 2, 3, 6, 1888.

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any political campaign, said M r . Michener—and was very successful.8 T h e committee raised four hundred thousand dollars; the chairman gave ten thousand dollars himself and persuaded other business men to contribute the rest. H e convinced them that a gift to the Republican campaign could be considered a premium on an insurance policy which would protect the business man from any reduction in the tariff rates and prevent a general depression. M r . Dudley Foulke asserted that railroad men, whom the Philadelphia merchant approached, said that the latter promised "assurances of the control of the Department of the Interior which would in that event be favorable to their roads," in return for a contribution of $300,000. M r . Henry Villard, who told this story to M r . Foulke on February 28, added that he did not believe Wanamaker was "conscious of making a corrupt proposition, that he was inexperienced, had never raised money before, was of low political instincts, wanted the money, and held out this inducement to get it." • The use made of the money caused much adverse comment j it was generally believed that votes had been bought, especially in Indiana and New York. A letter written by the treasurer of the national committee in which he said "Divide the floaters into blocks of five and put a trusted man with the necessary funds in charge of these five and make him responsible that none get away and that all vote our ticket" was widely publicized, but it was denounced as a forgery by the Republican leaders. In 1897 Wanamaker asserted that he had consented to raise the money only on condition that his "committee should have some supervision of the use of the money," but that he knew nothing of any illegitimate expenditures. H e blamed such accusations on the fact that Democrats are so hurt that they can scarcely tell w h a t it is that has done the business and they are vainly

floundering

about. . . . T h e atmosphere

ought to be cleared of some of this cloud of corruption money n o w . F o r the sake of the future of the party there ought to be a judicious touch & n o w , on this p o i n t — Some of 11s are in a good position to overthrow all such nonsense. 7

The editor of Harper's Weekly, commenting on Wanamaker's selection as a Cabinet member, concluded that even if Wanamaker were ignorant of the illegitimate use of money, still his Ibid., Mithener's own description of the campaign. Foulke Papers, Feb. 25, 1889, memorandum written A p r . 26, 193 1. 7 Michener Papers, Dec. 4, 1888, from W a n a m a k e r ; Wanamaker, The Speeches of Hon. John Wanamaker on Quayism and Boss Domination in Pennsylvania Politics, 1898, p. 163. 5

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sole appearance in public life, as f a r as w e k n o w , is as a p u r v e y o r of m o n e y to be used in an election by M r . Q u a y and M r . D u d l e y

. . . and p u r v e y i n g

l a r g e sums of m o n e y to be used in an election by these gentlemen is not a proper reason f o r M r . W a n a m a k e r ' s appointment to a public office of the highest trust and dignity. 8

Immediately after the election the question of the Cabinet position again came up. Wanamaker's friends on the national committee endorsed his appointment, and Republican newspapers began to emphasize the wisdom of having a business man at the head of one of the departments. As early as October 19 the New York Times said that it was understood that Wanamaker wanted the office of Secretary of the Treasury} others suggested the Navy Department. The relation of the chairman of the national committee to this appointment is still puzzling. Many writers say that the inclusion of M r . Wanamaker in the Cabinet was M r . Quay's only request of the President-elect. The Philadelphia merchant said he had nothing to do with it, and Alexander McClure, a friend of the "boss," declared that this appointment was the "first cloud that came up on the then brilliant political horizon of Senator Q u a y . " 9 Before the election there had certainly been agreement concerning a Cabinet appointment. Negotiations unknown to the chairman of the national committee, however, had been carried on, for M r . Smith, November 10, reminded Michener "of the importance of not letting Atlantic [Quay] know of the movements that were made outside of his knowledge." H e urged that the matter of the Cabinet position be settled soon, since M r . Wanamaker was going to Europe. H e suggested it would be a good thing if " M a r y " were invited to Indianapolis shortly. 1 0 It seems evident that the Pennsylvania boss was willing that the Philadelphia merchant be given a Cabinet position, but that he did not want him to be made Postmaster General. H e wanted that office for James S. Clarkson, vice-chairman of the national committee, who was familiar with party leaders and who, as one Congressman put it, "knows all the political obligations incurred to individuals during the campaign, and who could regulate with justice and wisdom that feature of patronage distribution." 1 1 Taking into consideration 8

Harfer's Weekly, Feb. z, 1889. Dunn, From Harrison to Harding, I, 85; New York Times, Oct. 19, 188 8 j Mclure, Old Time Notes of Pennsylvania, II, 572; New York Nation, Nov. 29, Dec. 13, 1888. 10 Michener Papers, Nov. io, Dec. 15, 1888, from C. E. Smith. 11 New York Times, Feb. 5, 1889. 9

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the work expected of a Postmaster General, M r . Clarkson certainly deserved the position. H e had been postmaster of Des Moines, Iowa, for six years and had been prominent in political management for some time. H e had attended the conventions of 1880 and 1884 and had become a member of the national committee at the most recent one. Harrison's campaign manager gave him much credit for the nomination of the Indiana Senator. The Iowa delegation had been pledged to Senator Allison, but in a conference a few weeks before the convention Clarkson and Michener had each promised to support, as second choice, the other's candidate. When the time came for the Iowa Senator to withdraw, Clarkson had persuaded the delegation to vote for Harrison and their twenty-two votes had turned the tide toward his selection. The Iowa politician had been the national committee's choice for chairman 5 but M r . Harrison had been opposed and had sent Michener, as his representative, to the meeting of the committee. Michener had succeeded in having Matthew S. Quay elected chairman. As vicechairman James Clarkson had worked hard in the campaign, and although he had declared, when it was obvious he was not to be selected for a Cabinet position, that for his part he "had no ambition," he had hoped to be rewarded. 12 It was not until January 17 that Mr. Wanamaker was invited to Indianapolis. Exactly what took place at this conference, of course, we do not know. The two Presbyterians evidently took to each other at once, and the offer of a Cabinet position was made at that time. T h e laudatory biographer of the Philadelphia merchant, Professor Gibbons, said that M r . Wanamaker was first offered the Secretaryship of the Navy, which he declined, and that he refused to accept appointment as Postmaster General until James S. Clarkson had been given the opportunity of accepting or refusing it. According to this account Clarkson was equally generous and not only declined the office so that M r . Wanamaker could be a member of the Cabinet but also offered to take a subordinate position—as First Assistant Postmaster General. 1 3 Yet a month after this meeting took place Mr. Clarkson did not even know that the Philadelphia merchant had been offered any position. H e complained to Michener that 12 Michener Papers, Feb. 16, 1889, May 19, 1 9 1 5 , from Clarkson. Memorandum of Michener on the campaign. J u l y 3, 1890, to S. B. Elkins (copy) ; notes from a conversation with Professor Volwiler who has used the Harrison Papers. 13 Gibbons, John Wanamaker, I, 264-65.

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those [ w h o ] worked hardest and sacrificed the most [were] passed by & those who opposed, or were indifferent, or loafed away the campaign were taken up. . . . But . . . it is setting the current against him [ M r . Harrison] to have it said M r . Alger, Wanamaker, & Piatt, & all who worked except Blaine are to be ignored. 1 4

Also, it was with great difficulty that this political strategist was induced to become First Assistant. This was finally accomplished, according to Professor Volwiler, who has used the Harrison correspondence, at a conference held soon after the inauguration, which was attended by the President, the Postmaster General, and the chairman of the national committee. It took much persuasion, and he finally consented only on condition that he could relinquish the position as soon as he had distributed the patronage.15 The appointment was sent to the Senate, and was confirmed on March 14. These two appointments, Postmaster General and his First Assistant, received more criticism than any other appointment President Harrison made. The former was attacked because it was made for financial reasons, and Mr. Clarkson's appointment because of his reputation as a spoils system politician and as an unscrupulous person who had been charged with being an accessory before the fact in the crime of stealing the subscription list of a Prohibition paper. Neither of these appointments strengthened the Harrison administration; indeed the Nation made much of the fact that the Republicans lost ground in the elections in the fall of 1889, particularly in those states from which these men came. The attacks on Mr. Wanamaker continued throughout his term of office, and rumors of his resignation were frequent. Carl Schurz thought that something should be done about the Postmaster General, but he expressed his doubt that "Mr. Wanamaker's hold upon the President [can] be shaken." The New York Times was particularlyscathing in its remarks, so the Postmaster General tried to punish the newspaper by withdrawing from it the advertisements of the departures of foreign mails and copies of the paper were excluded from the reading rooms of the Philadelphia Y.M.C.A. The editor replied: "We shall persevere in our endeavors to get out of Wanamaker as much harmless amusement as possible during his term in office. There is a world of fun in him." 18 Mr. Wanamaker did make an efficient Post14

Michener Papers, Feb. 16, 1889, from Clarkson. Letter from Professor Volwiler to writer, Dec. 19, 1933. 16 New York Times, Mar. 1 5 , 12, 1S, 1889s New York Nation, Nov. 14, 1889; Foulke Papers, Feb. 25, 1890. ,a

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master General, however, and speeded up the activities of the Department. His successors, Democrats, did not think very highly of him because "he brought too many of the methods of his department store to the management of a great Department. . . . His methods of self advertising were also offensive to an upright man like Bissell," wrote Postmaster General Wilson in his diary. 1 7 Wanamaker was primarily a business man; he only sporadically dabbled in politics. As far as the Post Office Department under his administration was concerned, there might never have been any civil service reform movement or a pledge by President Harrison that "fidelity and efficiency should be the secure tenure for office." Professor Gibbons declares that it was fortunate that the Philadelphia merchant was so practical and "was able to prevent his chief from making the irreparable blunder of accepting the drastic program of the civil service reformers" and therefore destroying the party organization. 18 Even Theodore Roosevelt believed the President himself was for reform, but that he would not force the Postmaster General to change his policy. In any case, the old spoils system with its proscription, its congressional dictation of appointments, the selection of newspaper editors and party workers as postmasters, and the participation of these officeholders in nominating conventions and campaigns was in force as it had been before President Hayes's administration. T h e "guillotine" went into action almost at once, and "heads fell into the basket" even more rapidly than during the preceding administration. The total number of postmasters removed was not much greater than the number removed in the Democratic administration; but the Republicans put their system into operation sooner. Among the Presidential postmasters the percentage of removals (labeled thus) was about 30 percent—slightly higher than the percentage admitted by Postmaster General Vilas. However, in the first two years alone there were almost five hundred resignations. 10 Many of them, undoubtedly, were brought about by methods similar to those used by Representative Dolliver from Iowa, who wrote: " W i l l you have the kindness to forward to me to be filed in the Dept. your 17

18 Wilson, M S Diary, Jan. 20, 1 896. Gibbons, John Wanamaker, I, 299. Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1889-93. These reports for the first time (except for an isolated instance under Postmaster General Vilas) gives statistics also on the Presidential postmasters. Civil Service Chronicle, I, 1 4 1 , lists the great number of editors who had been appointed postmasters and commented: " I think there is scarcely a newspaper man, I mean Republican, who has not been rewarded in some way." 19

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resignation as P . M . at Fort D o d g e to take effect on the appointment of your successor? P . S . If this is done your successor will not be named until J u l y 7th." 2 0 B y 1 8 9 1 most positions in the larger post offices had been filled with Republicans. T h e Postmaster General frankly told a Congressman that he refused " t o recommend to the President the appointment of a Democrat unless it is clear that there is no Republican to fill the place." 2 1 First Assistant Postmaster General Clarkson was also even more efficient than M r . Stevenson in removing the fourth-class postmasters. It was estimated that his average was one removal in every three minutes while the Democratic Assistant Postmaster General had averaged only one every fifteen minutes. At the rate of more than seven thousand removals and more than eight thousand resignations a year, the postmasters in more than half these offices, where there was no definite term of appointment, were changed during the one year he was in charge.-- M r . Clarkson, in contrast to the President, was a frank spoilsman and boasted that he had made almost a clean sweep of the Democratic postmasters and that when his year was up there would be little left to be done along that line. H e thought that civil service ref o r m was "the toy of a child, the trifling thing of hobby riders." H e explained that the United States Government was " a political, not a business machine"; that the "genius of our political progress lies in the active interest taken in our government by the people"; and that " t o keep the people active their personal individual interest must be kept aroused." " I f they are taught," he said, " t o consider that there is not only public but personal advantage to be gained, they will work, and f o r working they will be rewarded." - 3 A committee of the National Civil Service R e f o r m L e a g u e investigated these removals and resignations and found that the rumors of their extent had not been exaggerated. T h e i r report stressed the difference between the professions of the President and the actions of the Post Office Department officials. Y e t , they concluded: " I t is not the Postmaster General and his First Assistant, who in the last analysis is responsible. It is the President, who appointed Wanamaker and Clarkson, and who permitted these things Foulke Papers, Mar. 14, 1889, J . P. Dolliver to M . P. Cain (copy)) National Civil Service Reform League, Investigation in 1891, p. 3 1 , cites many similar letters. Foulke, Fighting the Spoilsmen, p. 64. 22 Foulke, Lucius B. Swift, pp. 4 0 - 4 1 ; Postmaster General, Annual Re fort, 1889—93. 23 New York Nation, May 22, 1 8 9 0 ; Michener Papers, May 29, 1890, from Clarkson.

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to be." 24 Harfer's Weekly said: "There was never in our history a grosser violation of distinct promises and pledges than the partisan devastation of the post offices under this administration." 25 The Republicans were even able to obtain many of the railway mail service positions because of the delay in putting into effect the civil service classification ordered by President Cleveland for March 15. Commissioner Lyman (Republican) reported that the list of eligibles could not be ready before May 15, so twenty-three hundred of the five thousand clerks were removed, and Republicans were appointed j this, therefore, equalized the party members in that service. After the law was put into effect, partisan dismissals and appointments ceased. According to Theodore Roosevelt, under the spoils system each Congressman had had the appointment of five railway clerks, and the rest had been given to influential politicians.2® Postmaster General Wanamaker also officially recognized the Representative's right to name the postmasters in his district. H e said it was "our imperative duty" to accept their recommendations, and he refused to appoint an applicant recommended by the prominent Pittsburgh steel millionaire as he explained that "all the traditions are fixed that the Congressman must have the casting vote in making the postmasters within the district that he represents," because "he is chosen as the representative of the people of his district." 27 Even a United States Senator could not interfere with this privilege of the Representative in his state; he did have the say, however, in districts represented by Democrats. 28 The National Civil Service Reform League, investigating the system of congressional dictation, estimated that it took from one-third to threefourths of each Congressman's time to make these postmaster recommendations. On the average there were 250 postmasters in a district for which there were some 1,700 applications. In spite of the labor required, the Representatives were not willing to give up this "prerogaFoulke, Fighting the Spoilsmen, pp. 60-64. Harfer's Weekly, Dec. 20, 1890. 2 8 Roosevelt Scrapbook, M a r . 1 7 , 1890, Speech by Roosevelt on civil service reform. Misc. Letter (Roosevelt L i b r a r y ) , from John T . Doyle, Feb. 8, 1894, Roosevelt to Hon. Case Broderick; Roosevelt Papers, film of correspondence when C i v i l Service Commissioner, Sept. 24, 1889, to President Harrison, protesting some of these appointments, especially some made on A p r i l 29. 2 7 Postmaster General Letterbook, N o . 28 ( 1 8 8 9 - 9 0 ) contains a great number of letters from Wanamaker to Congressmen in regard to postmaster appointments. See Apr. 1, June 19, 1889, to Frick, June 24, 1889, to William Russell. 24 25

28

Keyes Papers, Mar. 10, 1890, from Senator Spooner.

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tive," and they refused to pass any bill which would change the method of selecting fourth-class postmasters. Senator Lodge introduced a measure which would establish postal districts under a post office inspector, who would give public notice when a vacancy occurred. Applicants would file papers on the endorsement of three citizens not holding office, which the inspector would grade. From this certified list the Postmaster General would select the postmaster; he would be required to give reasons for his appointment if he did not take the one highest on the list. 29 Civil Service Commissioner Roosevelt supported this measure and tried to get President Harrison to back it, but without success. Roosevelt complained to the author of the bill that the President's "one anxiety is not to have anything [to do] with us or the Civil Service L a w . " 3 0 More attention was focused on the violations in the postal service of the Civil Service L a w than would ordinarily have been the case, because the new Civil Service Commissioner was Theodore Roosevelt. The latter entered wholeheartedly into his job and was not loath to publicity. Soon he came into conflict with the head of the Post Office Department. Shortly after his appointment he made a whirlwind trip through the Middle West to investigate post offices. According to his account he "administered a galvanic shock that will reinforce his virtue for the future," to Edgar Wallace, the "well meaning" new postmaster at Indianapolis, who had replaced the notorious Aquila Jones (Democrat). Commissioner Roosevelt found that considerable violation of the law was being carried on by the Milwaukee postmaster, a Cleveland appointee, who had manipulated the list of eligibles in such a manner that the men he wanted could be appointed. H e was said to be backed by a prominent Republican Congressman. M r . Roosevelt wanted him immediately and publicly removed as an example; but the President refused to interfere, and at first, according to the Commissioner, showed signs of "telling me that the law should be rigidly enforced where people will stand for it, and gingerly handled elsewhere." Finally the President weakly allowed this postmaster to resign, after telling him he would be removed if he did not resign. 31 29 Harper's Weekly, Mar. 22, 1890; Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1890, p. 59; New York Nation, Apr. 17, 1890. 30 Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, I, 104. 31 Ibid., I, 78-80, 82, 84, 86, 89; U.S. Civil Service Commission, Eleventh Annual Report, 1895, p. 270; Roosevelt Papers, June 22, 1889, to Wanamaker. At first the Civil Service Commission recommended, not removal, but censure, because his com-

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The Commissioner had a great number of other "run-ins" with the Postmaster General. T h e Baltimore case received the most notoriety. At the beginning of President Harrison's administration there were complaints that a "clean sweep" of this office had been made by the Democratic postmaster. Postmaster General Wanamaker wanted the Civil Service Commission publicly to recommend his removal. In 1889, when the Cleveland appointee had been replaced by a Republican postmaster, the same activities were carried on. Within less than a year the new postmaster changed about 50 percent of the employees in the classified service and practically all those not thus theoretically protected by civil service rules. All his appointees were Republicans, and the unclassified positions had been apportioned among the ward politicians. T h e Civil Service Commission investigated the office in the spring of 1891 and found that the Civil Service L a w concerning political assessments had also been violated and that the post office had been used to influence the spring primary election. M r . Roosevelt was surprised to find that the officeholders took it for granted that it was their business to manage primary elections. Shortly before the election the post office and the customhouse employees held meetings in each ward to make plans for the primaries. There they raised money, either directly for election expenses or under the guise of club dues. This was a violation of the law, since one of the group acted as treasurer and received money for political purposes from his fellow officeholders. Commissioner Roosevelt recommended the removal of twenty-one employees of the post office and a reprimand for the postmaster, because even though he had not used the office himself for political purposes, because he had been out of the city, it was used with his knowledge and he had done nothing to prevent it. 3 - A copy of the report was sent to the President and to the Postmaster General; but it was pigeonholed. With a "Damn M r . Wanamaker," Roosevelt exploded at the meeting of the Civil Service Reform Association and asked their advice about publicizing the report. Carl Schurz suggested that he instigate an investigation by the House Committee on Civil Service. 33 The House, mission had expired. It was possible for the postmaster to control the local examining board, since it was made up of custom and post office officials who were dependent upon the local postmaster and collector of customs for their jobs. See letter, June 2 1 , 1 890, to Herman Lehback. 32 Eleventh Annual Report, 1895, pp. 2 3 0 - 6 3 . 33 Roosevelt Misc. Letters (Roosevelt L i b r a r y ) , "Memories of a Publisher" by George Haven Putnam.

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now in control of the Democratic party, was not adverse to accusing a Cabinet member of endorsing violations of a law. They held the investigation and called both Postmaster General Wanamaker and Commissioner Roosevelt before them to testify. The former appeared and presented as evidence a report of his postal inspectors whom he had sent to Baltimore the previous October to " 'prove the falsity' of my report," Roosevelt wrote to his Massachusetts friend. "Now that fool Wanamaker is quite capable of trying this," he added in the same letter, "for his sloppy mind will not enable him to see that his case is weak} if he does try it I shall certainly lay him out as completely as I have already done twice: so he will gain nothing by it, but he may involve me against my will, in such a mess that the President will have to turn me out simply because he can't turn out Wanamaker." 34 The inspectors' report acquitted the men whose removal Roosevelt had recommended and disparaged the motives of the Commission. Before the committee Roosevelt explained his report; he said that "it was impossible that his conclusions should be upset, for they were based on the confessions of the accused persons made at the very time that the events took place." At Wanamaker's second appearance he reported that his postal inspectors had stated that Commissioner Roosevelt's report had been "unfair and partial in the extreme." The House committee made its report in June, 1892, and upheld the Civil Service Commission's investigation. The three minority members (Republicans) straddled—they approved the course taken by the Postmaster General and yet did not censure that of the Commission. Nothing was done to the postmaster or his employees, however.35 Although Postmaster General Wanamaker had repeated President Cleveland's letter against political activity (May 10, 1890), since nothing was done to those who disobeyed, postmasters were again active in the local and even in the Presidential campaigns. The New York postmaster was a member of the Republican state committee and was praised by the party organ (the New York Tribune) for the way he was managing the state campaign. The appointment of Cornelius 34 Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, I, 1 1 8 ; Roosevelt Papers, Dec. 22, 1891, to Herbert Walsh, May 17, 1892, Roosevelt wrote the President enclosing a letter he had just written Postmaster General Wanamaker and said: " I have used every effort to avoid a conflict with the Post Office Department. Tt has now become merely a question of maintaining my own self-respect and upholding the civil service l a w . " 35 U.S. Congress, 52d Cong., 1st Sess., House Misc. Doc., No. 289; House Report, No. 1669.

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Van Cott to the New York post office after it had been free from politics since the 1870's, especially considering that President Cleveland had retained a Republican in that office, had aroused great indignation. Theodore Roosevelt wrote that it certainly was "an awful black eye to the party here: a criminal blunder. Piatt seems to have a ring in the President's nose as regards New York." 38 The comment of the editor of the Nation was: It would

have been bad to displace Pearson

f o r a respectable

business

m a n , but V a n C o t t is one of the v e r y bad " B o y s , " w h o m w e have been fighting

f o r years. A n d I confess w h e n I r e m e m b e r that the g e n t l e m a n

w h o [ t h r u s t ] this on us is a loudly professing C h r i s t i a n it makes it v e r y difficult to express myself about it in moderate t e r m s . 3 7

In the fall of 1891 this postmaster came into conflict with the Civil Service Commission on the charge that he had been levying political assessments contrary to the law. Circulars carrying the postmaster's name among the list of the committeemen at the top had been sent to most Federal officeholders asking for money for the campaign. Commissioner Roosevelt went to New York to investigate Postmaster Van Cott's activities, but the latter denied that he had had anything to do with preparing or sending out the circulars. The Commission concluded that there had been no violation of the law, since the letters had been sent to the employees' homes, not to the office, and no pressure had been exerted. Cott, however, resigned from the state committee in December, 1891. 3 8 The Presidential nomination of the Republican party in 1892 was a contest between those who had controlled the party machinery (the national committee) and the administration with its corps of officeholders. By 1890 the party managers had broken with the President, chiefly because of disagreements over patronage distribution. Piatt of New York had expected a Cabinet position; Senator Quay (chairman 3

37 ® Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, I, 76. Foulke Papers, Apr. 5, 1889. Postmaster General Letterbook, Nov. 27, 1891, to G. W. Curtis; Eleventh Annual Report, 1895, p. 263; Roosevelt Papers, Oct. 30, 1891, to L. Swift, Nov. 23, 1891, to G. W. Curtis. Roosevelt wrote that he had just been to New York, but that the evidence in regard to the political assessments was not very strong so he thought it would be a bad incident to use as a test case. He added: " I am very clear in my mind that if a man allowed his name to be printed at the head of a circular soliciting contributions he's as guilty as if he had personally solicited. I do not know that we could take action in such a case, unless we could establish a strong presumption that he personally knew that his name was thus printed." 38

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of the national committee) had not liked the appointment of Cyrus Field as postmaster of Philadelphia, and Vice-chairman Clarkson (who had just resigned his position as First Assistant Postmaster General) thought he had been made the goat of the administration, for he had received all the blame whenever the civil service reformers had complained. In J u l y , 1 8 9 1 , rumors of a reorganization of the national committee were prevalent, and the President wrote Clarkson about the changes to take place. H e declared he had no persons to recommend and emphasized that the committee should be organized, not around a particular candidate, but to bring unity to the party. The following month, shortly after Quay's resignation as chairman of the committee (there was a rumor that the Postmaster General had been sent by the President to obtain that resignation), 30 M r . Clarkson, now acting chairman, was summoned by the President to his summer home. T h e New York Times maintained that the invitation had been extended to the former First Assistant in order to learn whether the national committee was going to support Secretary Blaine or himself for the Presidential nomination. It must have been a very important visit, for President Harrison even stayed home from church, and the Postmaster General participated in the conferences.40 Even though they did not succeed in obtaining the support of the party committee leaders, the administration controlled the convention. Officeholders had been prominent in the state conventions, especially in Pennsylvania, Indiana, Iowa, and Georgia, 4 1 which had elected delegates to the national convention, and at that meeting, M r . Foulke asserted that more than 140 delegates were Federal officeholders and that they were "held in line" by the London consul general, who was the President's floor manager. Among those present were Postmaster Johnson, of Baltimore, with a club of officeholders, Postmaster Thompson, leader of the Indianapolis delegation, and Van Cott, of New York. 4 - The Fourth Assistant Postmaster General (a position created in March, 1891, to have charge of the fourth-class postmasters) was a member of the " L o w Water Mark Committee" which made the preparations for the Market H a l l meeting (a secret gathering held just before the convention), at which 521 30 New York Nation, Apr. 30, July 23, Aup. 6, 1 8 9 1 ; Professor Volwilcr's notes from Harrison Papers, July 27, 1 8 9 1 , to Clarkson. 40 New York Times, Aug. 1, 9, 10, 1 1 , 1 8 9 1 ; Michcncr Papers, memorandum, Feb. 9, 1 9 1 2 to Col. Healford; Dunn, From Harrison to Harding, I, 85. 41 New York Times, Dec. 27, 1891, May 22, 1892. 42 Foulke, Fighting the S-poilsmen, p. 88; Foulke Papers, an address, Sept., 10, 1892.

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delegates were counted for the President.43 This insured his nomination on the first ballot. In spite of the ease of his nomination, Republican leaders did not think he could be elected, and no one wanted to direct the campaign. Since the national committee had been opposed to Harrison's selection, the Presidential nominee took the initiative in obtaining a campaign manager. He first offered it to his personal manager, Louis T . Michener, who refused. Finally Thomas H. Carter, of Montana, inexperienced in political management, was induced to accept.44 This is the first time that someone who was not a member of the national committee was made chairman. The campaign was badly managed, and most of the experienced politicians were apathetic. Although the postmasters had been active in the preconvention campaign and at the convention, they did little in the campaign. The attention of the Civil Service Commission was called to several instances when postal employees had been used for political purposes. The New York state committee sent out circulars—one asked for contributions and another asked the postmasters to submit "names of from eight to twelve of the most active, earnest, discreet and trustworthy young Republicans who get their mail at your Post Office." The latter were then asked to send the names of Democrats whom they thought might "be induced to vote the Republican ticket this fall."45 In Michigan the Republican state committee sent out a blankbook with the request that the postmaster "Furnish a canvass of the patrons of his office with information as to their former and present politics and as to the papers they take, together with a recommendation as to what papers should be sent them, etc." This practice was called to the attention of the Postmaster General} he replied that it was against the postal regulations for postmasters to furnish such lists, and this rule was called to the attention of the postmasters.40 There were several similar cases, but Civil Service Commissioner Roosevelt remarked: "Even Wanamaker has acted promptly, and very creditably, on our letter calling attention to the attempt to use postmasters for political purposes." The Civil Service Commission, itself, had no authority over political activity of postal employees as 43

Michener Papers, Sept. 30, 1892. ** Ibid., 1892 memorandum, June 13, 1892, from Garrett A. Hobart. 49 New York Nation, Sept. 29, 1892. 49 Civil Service Chronicle, I, 376; Postmaster General Letterbook, Oct. 12, 1892, to Civil Service Commission, Nov. 1, 1892, J . Louis Bell to Lyman; New York Times, Oct. 12, 1892.

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their actions did not violate the Civil Service L a w but merely an executive order of President C l e v e l a n d , which Roosevelt wrote, " i s still nominally in force, but which, as f a r as I know, never has been in force actually since the day it was p r o m u l g a t e d . " 4 7 F o r the first time during a Presidential campaign the Civil Service Commission took action with regard to political assessments. O n J u l y 27 it issued a letter calling public attention to the provisions of the C i v i l Service L a w relating to contributions f o r the campaign. I t emphasized that G o v e r n m e n t employees were f r e e to contribute or not as they wished and said that the Commission w o u l d see that t h e law was enforced. T h e r e were many reports of violations during this camp a i g n ; the Commission investigated these cases, but found that in most cases the solicitation had been made by nonofficeholders. In such instances the Commission could only publicize the fact. W h e r e officeholders w e r e i n v o l v e d , the Commission presented the papers to the Attorney G e n e r a l . O n e postmaster was actually convicted f o r violation of the law in this campaign. 4 8 Civil Service Commissioner Roosevelt (remembering that he was a Republican) contrasted the two administrations as f o l l o w s : I wish to say that I know these [political assessments] went on more extensively under the Democrats in 1888 and that the difference is that we have put them down; and it is our action, contrasted with the Democratic inaction, that makes the difference. T o use a coarse illustration, the boil was worse under the Cleveland people; with us it is not as bad, and u;e have lanced it; whereat the idiots yell as if it was the lancing, not the boil— the cure, not the disease—which reflected discredit on the people who did it. T h e Commissioner, however, f e l t that political assessments could never be entirely broken up until " i t is made a penal offence f o r any person 47 Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, I, 1 2 7 ; Roosevelt Papers, Nov. 6, 1891, to Herbert Walsh. 48 U.S. Civil Service Commission, Ninth Annual Report, 1893, pp. 3 - 5 ; Eleventh Annual Report, 1895, pp. 264-69, 302; Roosevelt Papers, Oct. 23, 1890, to Charles V. Lloyd requesting envelope in which he had received a letter requesting contributions. Many letters in regard to political assessments, e.g., Dec. 22, 1 8 9 1 , to James T . Beach, May 12, 1892, to D. M. Long, Dec. 15, 1 8 9 1 , to Civil Service Commission. In this last letter he comments on the case he has been investigating: "But the climax of iniquitous absurdity is certainly reached when an attempt is made to collect money from Government employees by a Democratic campaign committee on the ground that, thanks to the operation of the civil service law, these same employes have been kept in office nearly four years under a Republican administration."

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whatsoever to solicit a political contribution from a government employee in any place whatsoever." 49 Throughout President Harrison's administration the Civil Service Commission tried to persuade the President to make improvements in the rules, but as the young crusader wrote his friend: " [ H e ] will not even consider changes to which there is no opposition, and which would merely simplify and expedite business; throughout the interview he was of course as disagreeable and suspicious of manner as well might be." In vivid and tactless language he told of how hard he had worked to accomplish something in civil service reform, how he had had to battle with everyone, with "the little gray man in the White House looking on with cold and hesitating disapproval." No one gave him any aid in his "great work"; the President had too "little backbone," and the Senators had "flannel legs," he grumbled. 50 Finally, at the end of Harrison's administration (after he had been defeated for reelection) he extended the classified service to all free delivery post offices and thus added to the service some 548 offices, employing almost eight thousand persons. This left to the postmasters very little patronage, and their political prestige began to be lessened. Commissioners Roosevelt and Lyman in their tenth Annual Report said: "This is, perhaps, the most important extension that has ever taken place under the civil-service law." 5 1 It is interesting to note that President Cleveland accepted the viewpoint of the Democratic Commissioner who condemned the reform on the ground that: W h e n s u c h a n e x t e n s i o n is o r d e r e d by a n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d g o e s into e f f e c t shortly

b e f o r e the g o v e r n m e n t

is t u r n e d o v e r to a n o t h e r

of d i f f e r e n t political faith a n d p a r t y affiliation, k n o w n

administration

t o be f r i e n d l y

to

the c a u s e of civil service r e f o r m , it is d i f f i c u l t to r e c o n c i l e it t o f a i r - m i n d e d m e n of all parties as a n o n - p a r t i s a n

measure.52

Yet the classification of the railway mail service had been put into effect just at the end of President Cleveland's term. 4 8 Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, I, 127; Roosevelt Papers, Nov. 23, 1891, to G. W . Curtis. 50 Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, 1, 101, 1 1 4 - 1 5 ; Roosevelt Misc. Letters (Roosevelt L i b r a r y ) , Feb. 1, 1891, to Mrs. Robinson (copy). 8 1 U.S. Civil Service Commission, Tenth Annual Report, 1894, p. 1. 5 2 McElroy, Grover Cleveland, II, 12.

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SPITE OF the defeat of President Cleveland in 1888, most of the leaders of the Democratic party, especially both his Postmasters General, felt that he was the only possible standard-bearer for the party in 1892. At first, however, the President was reluctant to run. " T o put it bluntly," he wrote to Colonel Vilas, " I want my discharge from public and political life." He was tired of being misrepresented and lied about, and he did not consider himself indispensable.1 The activities of the Hill-Tammany group brought him back into state politics in 1891, for, as he wrote his old law partner, Wilson Shannon Bissell, the "only way for a decent Democrat to live in New York and maintain his self-respect and at the same time stand by his party, is to break this thing up." He even hoped Bissell might defeat Governor Hill for the Senatorship.2 In February of that year he regained national attention by the publication of a letter in which he declared it was a "dangerous and reckless experiment" to attempt free coinage of silver. Many Democrats thought this would mean the end of a political career for President Cleveland because of the strength of the silver movement in their party, and he himself thought he was now "removed from the list of Presidential candidates." His former Postmasters General thought otherwise; Vilas called the letter "great, big, sound, wise politics." He had sounded the keynote for the campaign, and as far as they were concerned his "hat was in the ring." 3 Therefore they began to make plans for the organization of the coming convention. In December former Postmaster General Dickinson called on ex-President Cleveland to discuss the political situation. The national committee met in January, 1892, to select the date and place for the meeting of the national convention. Dickinson feared that the Hill group would try to have it held in New York City, so he urged 1

Vilas Papers, A u g . 1 7 , 1 8 9 0 . Cleveland Papers, Dec. 1 2 , 1 8 9 1 . Similar ideas in letters, Nov. 8, 1 7 , 1 8 9 0 , J a n . 27, M a r . j , J u n e 30, Sept. 8, Dec. 4, 1 8 9 1 . s Ibid., Feb. 1 5 [ 1 8 9 1 ] , from Vilas; Vilas Papers, Feb. 18, 1 8 9 1 , from Cleveland. 2

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Vilas to unite the delegates from the West and the South on some western city, preferably Chicago. Senator Vilas, for he had just been elected Senator, preferred Milwaukee, but finally, on the fifteenth ballot, Chicago was selected.4 The foremost opponent to the renomination of President Cleveland was Governor Hill, and the New York delegation was a crucial factor. The selection of the place for the national convention brought the intrigues of this group into the open, and Governor Hill immediately called the New York state convention to meet at the very early date of February 22 to elect the delegates to the national convention. This "snap convention," as it came to be called, carried out the dictates of the machine politicians and elected Hill delegates.5 It brought to public attention, however, the methods used by this group and led to a protest movement, which resulted in a May convention at which Cleveland delegates were elected. On the very day that the "snap convention" met, President Cleveland, at Dickinson's invitation, addressed the students of the University of Michigan (and indirectly the people of the United States) and emphasized the value of honesty rather than political cunning.8 After that address pressure on Cleveland to announce definitely that he would be a candidate became so great that finally, in a letter to General Bragg on March 9, President Cleveland declared that although he personally did not want the position, he was anxious for the success of the Democratic party: This was taken to mean that he was a candidate for the nomination.7 Merely the announcement of his candidacy was not enough: strenuous efforts to stem the tide of the silver movement, especially in the South and West, were needed. Congressman Wilson of West Virginia took the lead in combatting this issue, although he knew it might mean his own defeat. He wrote an article for the April, 1892, Forum on the "Presidential Campaign," trying to show the South that it was throwing away all it had gained by "running after an issue that would insure irreparable disaster." He urged Senator Vilas to have the Northwest come out emphatically against inflation to show the southern Democrats that it was a losing issue throughout the North, and then, as chairman of the executive committee of Democratic clubs, he toured 4

Vilas Papers, Jan. 17, 1892; Milwaukee Sentinel, Jan. 12, 1892. Dickinson Papers, Jan. 31, 1892, from Vilas; McElroy, Graver Cleveland, I, 325-28. "Parker, Recollections of Crover Cleveland, p. 145. 7 Cleveland Papers, Mar. 1, 1892, to Bissell; McElroy, Graver Cleveland, I, 332. 5

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the West, speaking against free silver. H e joined the President's two former Postmasters General and ex-Postmaster Harrity, of Philadelphia, at a conference held at the Whitney residence on June 9 to work out the final details of the preconvention campaign—the organization of the convention, the seating of contesting delegates, the nominating speeches, and so forth. This group became the steering committee to manage the ex-President's nomination. At Chicago it was enlarged to include Bissell and other New York friends of Cleveland. 9 Their plans in the main were carried out: Congressman Wilson was elected permanent chairman of the convention and was escorted to the chair by Don M . Dickinson. In his keynote speech he stressed tariff reduction rather than a "tariff for revenue only," and this principle was also followed in the report of the resolutions committee, of which Senator Vilas was chairman. T h e minority resolution, favoring the more extreme position, was adopted, however. It was a dull convention, lasted only three days, and Cleveland was nominated on the first ballot. On the next day Adlai E . Stevenson, the "headsman" of the first administration, was nominated as Vice President. 10 T h e organization of the national committee caused some difficulty. T h e Presidential nominee, who now had much to say in the selection of the chairman, was very desirous that Whitney be, at least nominally, in charge. H e asked Dickinson, Vilas, and Bissell to use their influence to persuade him to accept. T h e New Yorker did not want the office, however, and felt that he could do more good without an official position. T o facilitate the carrying of New York State he favored conciliating the Tammany group, and for awhile it even looked as if Calvin Brice, a H i l l man, would be retained in the chairmanship. 11 Cleveland opposed this policy, and finally, on July 2 1 , the national committee elected William F . Harrity, ex-postmaster of Philadelphia, as its chairman, but they put in charge of a campaign committee former Postmaster General Dickinson. Whitney carried on much of the campaign work in New Y o r k ; he raised money and tried to win over the H i l l 8 Cleveland Papers, Mar. 15, 22, 29, 1892, from Wilson, Apr. 16, 1892, from L. Gardner; Vilas Papers, Mar. 16, 1892, from Wilson. " Vilas Papers, [May 1 ] June 12, 1892, from Dickinson; Parker, Recollections of Grover Cleveland, p. 156; Cleveland Papers, June 1 1 , 1892, to Bissell. 10 Democratic Party, Official Proceedings of the National Convention, 1892, pp. 45, 63, 76; Clark, My Quarter Century of American Politics, I, 474. 11 Cleveland Papers, June 30, July 24, 1892, to Bissell; Vilas Papers, June 30, July 24, Aug. 9, 1892, to Vilas; Dickinson Papers, July 13, 1892, from C. H. Jones, July 18, 1892, from Vilas.

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and Tammany groups. H e finally persuaded Cleveland and his campaign chairman to meet at a dinner the leaders of the state machine, and although the Presidential nominee refused to make any pledges to them, they promised their support in the campaign. 12 New York was carried by the Democratic party, and Cleveland was elected by 277 electoral votes. Dickinson had all along been confident of the success of their campaign, and as W . C. Ewing, who had "been near enough to the camp of the great Commanders to know," wrote him immediately after the election, to no one more than the ex-Postmaster General "is due the credit for our wonderful triumph." 1 3 T h e Michigan politician who had managed so well Cleveland's "unprecedented restoration" did not desire any recognition. H e had reluctantly accepted the office of Postmaster General in Cleveland's first Cabinet and did not want to enter public life again. Since in his campaign work he had become well acquainted with the party leaders throughout the country, he was consulted by the President-elect on the question of Cabinet selections. H e was sent to persuade Walter Q . Gresham, a former Republican Postmaster General, to accept the position of Secretary of State; he succeeded. 14 It was his law partner, Henry Thurber, who became the President's confidential secretary. Cleveland later wrote that "of all the things you have done for me I regard your suggestion of his selection as Private secretary the most useful and fortunate." 16 Dickinson continued to watch the distribution of patronage, to be sure that those who had done good work in the convention "should not feel that the service is forgotten." 16 There was some talk that M r . Harrity, chairman of the national committee, would be made Postmaster General, but instead, that position was finally given to President Cleveland's old law partner, Wilson S. Bissell. T h e Buffalo lawyer evidently feared that again (he had wanted a position in Cleveland's first Cabinet) he was going to be 1 2 Cleveland Papers, July 29, 1892, from Whitney, Sept. 13, 1892, from Dickinson ; Dickinson Papers, Sept. 5, 1892, from Cleveland; Official Proceedings, 1892, Appendix, pp. 188, 189, 200, 203.

Dickinson Papers, Nov. 9, 1892. N e w Y o r k Times, Dec. 19, 1892, Jan. 27, Feb. 1, 2, 1893; Matilda Gresham, Life of Walter Quintin Gresham, II, 6 7 8 - 7 9 ; Dickinson Papers, Jan. 5, 1893, from L. T r e e . 13 14

" C l e v e l a n d Papers, Feb. 18, 1896. 1 6 Lamont Papers, June 26, 1893, from Dickinson (several other letters on the same s u b j e c t ) ; Cleveland Papers, 1893, include many letters to Dickinson about patronage distribution and many letters from Dickinson on the same subject.

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passed over, for in December he wrote Lamont about his embarrassing situation, for everyone was congratulating him on his selection, yet he had heard nothing. " O f course, I appreciate that it is still early," he concluded, "and it may, and probably will, be some time before anything definite is decided upon—meanwhile the days pass rather slowly for me under the heavy cross of examination to which I am subjected." 1 7 This was purely a personal appointment, having little or no political import. Bissell and Cleveland had formed a law partnership in 1874, which lasted until Cleveland entered politics as mayor of Buffalo in 1 8 8 1 . Bissell had helped his friend in his local and later in his state campaigns, and when Cleveland was in Washington Bissell had kept him informed of local political conditions. 18 As we have seen, he had been included in some of the conferences of the political managers in the preconvention campaign of 1892, and during the fall he had written the nominee: " I am not allowing business to interfere with my campaign w o r k . " H e was, however, merely a layman in politics and had held no office; he was considered to be a representative of the silkstocking interests, because he had been counsel for many corporations as well as a director of several of them. H i s practice was very large, and newspaper men were surprised that he was willing to take the position of Postmaster General. 1 9 Civil Service Commissioner Roosevelt, although a Republican, praised his appointment as the best that had been made to that office for several administrations. 20 Postmaster General Bissell soon found himself in a difficult position j he sincerely favored civil service reform and had praised President Cleveland's stand on that issue in 1885, 2 1 yet the pressure for removals to create jobs for Democrats was overwhelming. H e was told that the President was losing the support of the party because he left "offensive Republicans in nearly all our country Post Offices—the very officials they meet almost daily." 2 2 Finally, after considerable study he thought of a straddle: under the guise of consistency he declared that fourth-class postmasters could be removed after they had held their 17

Lamont Papers, Dec. 6, 1892; New York Times, Nov. 17, 1892. Cleveland Papers, Sept. 29, Dec. 9, 1885, Feb. 28, 1888, from Bissell, Oct. 24, 1886, Dec. 1, 1887, June 17, July 17, 1888, to Bissell, June 4, Aug. 30, Oct. 3, 15, 1888, Bissell to Lamont i Nevins, Graver Cleveland, p. 238. 19 New York Times, Apr. 16, 1885, Feb. 12, 1893; Cleveland Papers, Sept. 21, 1892. 20 Perry, Richard Henry Dana, i8si-igii, p. 249. 21 Cleveland Papers, Sept. 29, 1885. 22 Ibid., May 23, 1893, from T . L. Morgan. Many similar letters, e.g., one to Mr. Wilson from J . Sprigs (Nov. 10, 1894). 18

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office for four years. The reformers were indignant, for they had always opposed this old "four-year rule." 28 T o take charge of these offices Robert A. Maxwell, a close friend of President Cleveland, an anti-machine Democrat who had been removed by Governor Hill from his position as Superintendent of the New York Insurance Department, was appointed Fourth Assistant Postmaster General. 24 Soon the reformers were protesting against the reported operations of the "guillotine" and the "executions" in the Post Office Department. Horace White wrote: "The quadrennial St. Bartholomew's day for fourth class postmasters must be abolished." H e suggested that the offices be divided almost equally between the two parties and that then the President suggest legislation for a different method of selection of these officers.25 Carl Schurz, now president of the National Civil Service Reform League, made the same suggestion and begged the President to put a stop to these disgraceful removals, especially since there would be so many foreign visitors in the United States for the World's Fair. Are they to read day after day in their morining papers that the guillotine in the General Post Office is lustily at work and that the heads are falling at the rate of a hundred or a hundred and fifty a day? Are we to treat them to a full view of our spoils carnival, and that, too, under a President whom they know to have been elected as the strongest representative of the reform sentiment?

The President, in his reply, pointed out that there had really been comparatively few removals in the twenty-four days of his administration. But quantity is not the really important factor, retorted Mr. Schurz, and in an address on April 25 he declared that the "fifty removals made by Mr. Maxwell now, whatever explanation may be given, causes a far more powerful sensation, than five hundred removals made by Mr. Clarkson did four years ago. The national pride begins to be stung by a feeling of shame." 26 Maybe the number of removals in the spring of 1893 did not justify, as President Cleveland maintained, the accusation that "the guillotine is lustily at work," but by the end of the four years Maxwell's record was only one thousand short of that made by :s Ibid., Apr. 10, 1893, from C. Schurzj Dickinson Papers, June 26, 1893, from Bissell. 24 New York Times, Jan. 27, 1893; Dunn, From Harrison to Harding, I, 209. 20 Cleveland Papers, Mar. 29, 1893. 28 Schurz, Speeches, V, 136, 138, 139, 140, 1 7 1 5 Roosevelt Papers, Aug. 9, 1893, Roosevelt wrote Carl Schurz in praise of Bissell as the best friend of civil service reform in the Cabinet in spite of the removals of fourth-class postmasters.

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Assistant Postmaster General Clarkson. With two thousand more resignations in these offices than during the preceding administration, there was practically a "clean sweep" of Republicans from the minor post offices. In Mr. Bissell's last Annual Re-port (1894) he expressed the wish that the Postmaster General could be relieved of the job of selecting postmasters, and since the power rested on a legislative basis, he called the attention of Congress to the Lodge bill, which had been before them, and hoped that "using the bill which is now before it as a basis, or substituting one which it is satisfied is better, will lose as little time as possible in coming to the relief of the Department." 27 Carl Schurz wrote Bissell that this was "the weightiest and bravest utterance that has ever come from the Post Office Department and cannot fail to do great good." 28 The Presidential post offices (some 3,500) were still a matter of great concern to the President and the Postmaster General. Even though the Democrats would, during this administration, have an opportunity at all these offices, because they had a four-year term, yet the officeseekers were impatient and clamored for removals. Postmaster General Bissell gave in and removed almost five hundred in the first two years.29 President Cleveland still considered it necessary to study the papers in all these postmaster cases. He called this activity a "work of charity," but sometimes it would be two o'clock in the morning before he had finished with them.30 Occasionally after an applicant had been chosen someone would protest that he had always voted the Republican ticket or was a free silverite, and then the Senator from his state would be requested to hold up the appointment until the matter could be investigated.31 Congressional recognition was made conditional. In the first place a Congressman's recommendation had to be 27

Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1 8 9 3 - 9 7 ; Roosevelt Papers, Dec. 3, 1 8 9 2 , Roosevelt in a letter to W . M . Smith prophesied a clean sweep: " T h e fourth class post offices are not under the civil service l a w . . . . Under this administration practically all the Democratic fourth class postmasters whose positions were desired by Republicans were turned out. I fear that the same course w i l l be f o l l o w e d by the Democrats now, as it was when M r . Cleveland was last in office." 28

Schurz, Speeches, V , 249. Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1893—97. 30 Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, Dec. 2, 1 8 9 5 , to Oscar S. Straus, mentions several hundred post office cases "through each of which I must plod my weary w a y , and then consult the President as to final a c t i o n . " ; Wilson, M S D i a r y , J a n . 1 3 , 1 9 , Feb. 1 6 , M a r . 1 , 8, A p r . 3, 6, 1 7 , M a y 4, 8, 20, J u n e 29, 1 8 9 6 , Feb. 1 9 , 1897 mentions those conferences. 29

31

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accompanied by a certified petition signed by the residents of the town showing that a fair proportion of the patrons of the office favored the candidate. 32 T h e n the Congressman must support the measures advocated by the administration, or his recommendations would be ignored. President Cleveland wrote his Secretary of the Treasury: One thing may as well be distinctly understood by professing democrats in Congress, who are heedless of the burdens and responsibilities of the incoming Administration and of the duty our party owes to the people. They must not expect me to "turn the other cheek" by rewarding their conduct with patronage. 33

Some South Carolina Congressmen protested that they had been "blacklisted as to our right to make nominations f o r postmasters" because they were members of the "Alliance" ; they assured the President they were good Democrats. Several other Senators who had supported the silver movement also protested that their recommendations had been ignored. 3 4 This was not an accident, for the President had instructed his secretary, who had prepared a list of Senators classified as silver or anti-silver men, that if there were any nominations which those Senators " w h o are inclined to be mean as well as opposed to what we want" especially desire, they should be held up until he returned. H e added: " I t is, however, my judgment that we ought not to incur too much fatigue in our efforts to gratify at this time those who bitterly oppose our political attempts to help the country and save our party." 3 5 Probably due to the fact that many districts were represented by Republicans or anti-administration Congressmen, the recommendations of Democratic national committeemen or chairmen of the state central committees became more numerous j they sent in long lists of suggested postmaster appointments to President Cleveland and to the First Assistant Postmaster General. T h e latter desired a recognized system in each case so that there would be no misunderstanding regarding who had this right to " n a m e " the postmaster. H e suggested one of the three methods that were in operation in the Department: first, the national 32

Postmaster General Letterbook, Apr. 15, 1895, to F. M. Asquith. Cleveland Papers, Jan. 22, 1893, to Senator Carlisle (copy made by Professor Nevins). 34 Cleveland Papers, M a r . 28, 1893, A. C. Latimer, T . J . Strait to Cleveland; Wilson, M S Diary, Apr. 1 1 , 1896, Postmaster General Wilson resented it that the silver Senators just took it for granted that they would be allowed to nominate their men for postmasterships. 35 Cleveland Papers, Aug. 20, 1893. 33

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committeeman or the chairman of the state central committee or both; secondly, the chairman of the county committee; or, thirdly, some reliable man in each district recommended by the national committeeman. 36 T h e increasing use of the party machinery by the Post Office Department in the selection of postmasters is interesting as a step leading toward a closer alliance which finally resulted in the national committee chairman being rewarded with the office of Postmaster General. Democratic party workers were not willing to be deprived of even the crumbs of the patronage—the eight thousand local post office jobs which had been classified by President Harrison's "midnight" executive order. T h e Attorney General obligingly found a loophole in the order and gave his opinion that classification did not take place in an office until after an examination had been given at that particular office. Preparations for examinations took considerable time, so the new Democratic postmasters, taking advantage of the delay, made a "clean sweep" of their offices. In Terre Haute, Indiana, the postmaster had to work fast. T h e examination had already been delayed a week, due to complaints against the local board, and on the very day before it was to be held the Democratic postmaster, having just received his commission, forcefully took over the office; he replaced almost all the Republican clerks by Democrats. T h e Civil Service Commission examined the case and reported the conditions to the Postmaster General j the old clerks were reinstated, and the men who had tried to seize the clerkships illegally were not allowed to be even on the eligible list. 37 B y J u l y all the offices had been classified, and the Commission reported that there was now " v e r y much less trouble with sweeping removals of this kind, although in several instances complaints of removals for partisan reasons have been made." T h e system worked much better in the large than in the small offices, although even in those it was better than the old spoils system. T h e chief defect in all the offices was the great number of places still excepted from classification on some pretext or other. For instance, it was stated that a clerk who handled money and therefore had to be bonded could not be selected on the basis of competitive 36 Cleveland Papers, May 27, 1893, R. A. Maxwell to F. W. McCutcheon (copy). Many letters from committee chairmen to Cleveland, e.g. May 27, 1893, from A. E. Stevenson; Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, July 16, 1895, to J . H. Huling mentions the "referee" system for the fourth class postmasters. 87 Foulke, Fighting the Spoilsmen, pp. 96, 98; Foulke Papers, May 3, 1893, from Roosevelt, New York Nation, June IJ, 1893; Roosevelt Papers, May 3, 1893 to W. D. Foulke and L. B. Swift.

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examination, but only on political endorsement. The Commission recommended that these exceptions be abolished. This was done in November, 1894, when almost all the "excepted places" in the postal service were included in the classified service.38 One of the glaring defects of the Civil Service Law was the Commission's lack of control over dismissals. According to Commissioner Roosevelt the law was "clumsily framed, merely stating . . . that no man shall be dismissed for declining to be coerced in his political service." The Commission attempted to extend it so that a man could not be dismissed "because of political opinions and affiliations" and wanted authority to investigate these removals. In many post offices, especially those in Indiana, employees were dismissed, it would seem, for partisan reasons, but since the charges were secret, little could be done about it. Finally, on June 28, 1894, Postmaster General Bissell ordered the postmasters to report any removal they made to the First Assistant Postmaster General and said that they could remove no carrier without filing written charges and giving the accused a chance to be heard.89 Shortly after this he wrote the postmaster at Troy, New York, that he had requested his removal for having made removals for political reasons. He wrote: "The inequities that may exist between the two political parties in the present application of the civil service law, is a matter which neither you nor I need concern ourselves about. The law is as we know it to be, and it is your duty and mine to be bound by it." 40 In 1896 the Commission reported that the rule was working very well and was "evidence of the strong desire of the Post Office Department to make removals only when they should be made for the good of the service." 4 1 As far as the classified service was concerned the record of President Cleveland's second administration was good. Even the Re38

U.S. Civil Service Commission, Tenth Annual Report, 1894, pp. 1 - 4 ; Eleventh Annual Re-port, 1895, pp. 1 6 - 1 7 , z7i~7739 Foulke Papers, Feb. 10, 1894, from Roosevelt; Foulke, Fighting the Spoilsmen, p. 99j Foulke, Lucius B., Swift, pp. 5 4 - 5 5 ; Eleventh Annual Report, 1895, pp. 19, 3 7 ; Roosevelt Papers, while Civil Service Commissioner, contain many letters in which he complains about the lack of power of the Civil Service Commission over dismissals, e.g. J u l y 2 1 , 1 8 9 3 , to C. A . Boutell, Jan. 4, 1890, to James A . Sexton, postmaster at Chicago. He wrote: "President Harrison, like President Cleveland, does not believe in requiring written cause to be assigned when a man is discharged. Personally, however, and not speaking for the Commission, I think that in the end we will have to demand that every appointing officer furnish full reasons, in writing and file them whenever a man is discharged." 40 Postmaster General Letterbook, J u l y 1 1 , 1894. 41 Thirteenth Annual Report, 1897, p. 20.

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publican Civil Service Commissioner wrote : " T h e Post Office Department is very much better than it was under Wanamaker and of course this is the department with which we really have most to d o . "

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master General Bissell himself remarked about the increased efficiency of the divisions of the Department which had been brought into the classified service. 4 3 Postmaster General Bissell, soon after taking office, reiterated the warning against political activity of postmasters and conscientiously tried to see that it was carried out. Y e t in all the big cities he had appointed as postmasters men who were prominent in the Democratic party machinery. F o r instance, in Chicago the postmaster selected was the one recommended as the best appointment "politically" by an adviser, who summed up the situation as follows: T h e result sought to be accomplished by the Cleveland democrats through the agency of the democratic party must be worked out if at all by the democrats who are elected to office. Before such a Democrat can have a chance to be elected to office, he must get a nomination. T h e nomination must be obtained from the delegates to party conventions. Officeholders can and do have influence in returning delegates to party conventions. Therefore, we desire that the Federal officeholders in Chicago shall be men who as far as they exert any influence in politics shall exert it in returning to party conventions delegates who are in sympathy with Cleveland democrats. 44 T h e Postmaster General seemed to expect these politicians to cease their party activities as soon as they took office. H e investigated the cases of political activity of postmasters which came to his attention. H e was severe with those who were reported to be running as delegates to the national convention, called their attention to the order of President Cleveland, and added, " I f you violate it I will ask the President for your r e m o v a l . " H e explained his attitude: " M o r e o v e r , as a business proposition, I feel that you cannot be as good a postmaster as this Department desires, if your attention to that extent is given to political conventions." H i s orders against political activity were the most specific of any Postmaster General up to that time. 4 5 Foulke Papers, Oct. 19, 1893. Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1894, and quoted in U.S. Civil Service Commission, Eleventh Annual Report, 1895, p. 9. 44 Cleveland Papers, Nov. 4, 1893, from A . W. Green. "Ibid., May 23, 1894, circular repeating that of J u l y 14, 1886; Postmaster General Letterbook, Aug. 29, 1894, to H. W. Clark, P.M., and J . C. O'Donnell, P.M., 45

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The door was opened wider to political assessments during President Cleveland's second administration by an opinion of Attorney General Olney (April, 1894) that solicitation by letter was not forbidden by the law. H e said: Nothing in it [the Civil Service L a w ]

conveys the slightest suggestion

that the sending of a letter to any person w h o happened to be in the building or room, or to have his mail addressed to it, w a s intended to be included. Y e t Congress must have felt, as fully as the Commission or I can, that money could be solicited and received by mail and that the general object in view w a s not wholly accomplished so long as the mail service could be thus used. T h i s seems to be one of those instances where the personal liberty of the citizen and the inviolability of his private letters have been deemed of higher importance than the complete success of an enactment.

The Civil Service Commission noted that in 1894 there was more solicitation by letter than there had been in any recent nonpresidential campaign. Circulars sent out by Democratic state committees said that since the recipient was an officeholder he was naturally desirous that the present administration be perpetuated. Would he, therefore, call at a certain office during certain hours and contribute 2 percent of his salary? T h e Commission called these requests "blackmail" and tried to counteract them by issuing a letter reminding employees that they were under no obligation to contribute. This letter undoubtedly encouraged many in the classified service to refuse to contribute, but there were many positions still unclassified, and the holders had received them as a reward for political work and could be replaced if the Democrats lost the election. There were many investigations into violations of the Civil Service L a w and the Commission reported that the Post Office Department had fully co-operated with the Commission and had removed postal officials whom they had found guilty. 48 By 1895 Bissell had become tired of his position; his "political ambitions had been fully satisfied," he wrote his colleague in the War DeJ u l y 16, 1894, to Civil Service Commission; Roosevelt Papers, Jan. 10, 1895, to W. P. Flint in regard to the case of the Pittsburgh post office in which the Commission had recommended the postal official's removal because of his political activities and the Post Office Department had agreed to do so but he had not been removed. 46 Eleventh Annual Report, 1895, pp. 2 2 - 2 5 , 1 1 6 - 1 7 ; Thirteenth Annual Report, 1897, pp. 2 2 - 2 3 ; Roosevelt Papers, Feb. 13, 19, 1894, to H. R . Russell, Feb. 19, 1894, to F. J . Brown, Feb. 24, 1894, to Walter Goddard, concerning a political assessment circular in Connecticut.

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partment, so on February 27 he tendered his resignation. 47 T o succeed him President Cleveland appointed one of the numerous "lame ducks" left by the election of 1894. This title was no reflection on William L . Wilson, the new Postmaster General, for he had been an outstanding member of the Fifty-third Congress and the man outside the Cabinet in whom the President had put the most confidence. H e had the courage of his convictions: he had openly favored a low tariff, even though he represented a district which wanted protection for its industries. Since his ideas agreed with those President Cleveland had presented in his startling tariff message of 1887, the two men had become close friends, and one of the best speeches in the tariff debates of that Congress had been made by this West Virginian Representative. In the campaign of 1892 he wrote articles on this issue for the St. Louis Refuilic.*8 B y 1 8 9 3 he had become chairman of the WTays and Means Committee and therefore had charge of framing the low-tariff measure desired by this Democratic administration. It passed the House, but was so amended by the protectionists in the Senate that it was almost unrecognizable. It was to Congressman Wilson that President Cleveland directed his public letter lambasting the measure as it was finally passed in the Senate} it is said that Wilson wept when he received it. 49 Even though the tariff act was a disappointment to the administration, it helped defeat the framer of it in the House, because, as his son said, he got coal put on the free list. H i s stand on another question also alienated his constituents. In the special session of 1893, he took the lead in obtaining the repeal of the Silver Purchase Act, although he knew his district favored free silver. Although he was pretty sure he would be defeated that fall ( 1 8 9 4 ) , he entered the campaign. President Cleveland expressed a desire to help him by contributing some money toward the expenses of the campaign} the Congressman was himself assessed $ 1 0 0 by his county committee.150 A f t e r his defeat he hoped that the President would send him as ambassador to Mexico, 47

Lamont Papers, Aug. i6, 1895; Cleveland Papers, Feb. 27, 1895. H. Parker Willis, "William L. Wilson," Putnam's Magazine, II (July, 1907), 4 6 2 - 7 1 ; William H. Wilson, "William Lyne Wilson," in Publications of the Sout/urn Historical Association, V (July, 1 9 0 1 ) , 2 6 3 - 9 1 ; Parker, Recollections of Grover Cleveland, pp. 1 8 1 - 8 2 . 49 Clark, My Quarter Century of American Politics, I, 350-55; II, 95. ,0 Wilson Papers, Sept. 28, 1894, Mineral Co. Executive Committee to Wilson; Cleveland Papers, Oct. 2, 1894, to Lamont. 48

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but he would do nothing to obtain the position j instead he was offered the Cabinet position. 81 Wilson's selection was very well received. T h e N e w Y o r k Times said: "Since he has not been re-elected to Congress, it is a matter of public congratulation that the country shall have the benefit of his services in the Cabinet." 5 2 T h e President had also felt that his services were needed by the country, for he is quoted as having said to his private secretary: I am going to have him with me, not as a Cabinet officer, but as my confidential adviser and assistant. I will pay him a Cabinet officer's salary myself, and have his services in investigating law questions, advising me on them and other matters, and in helping me to decide on and prepare papers. 5 3

This seems to have been the type of service he performed during the years 1 8 9 5 - 1 8 9 7 , but as a member of the Cabinet. H e was consulted as to the administration's policy on matters as different as the Cuban situation, the Armenian atrocities, the floating of the bond issues, and control of "trusts." H e interviewed Dr. Daniel C . Gilman, President of Johns Hopkins University, and obtained his consent to act on the commission to investigate the Venezuela boundary. In fact Wilson commented in his diary that President Cleveland "has seldom put out a paper since I have been in the Cabinet without reading it over with me first, and inviting suggestions as to contents and language." 84 T h e new Postmaster General was even more of an avowed friend of civil service reform; he had publicly declared that it was the most important problem before the country next to tariff reform. In his diary he wrote: " I want it [my administration] to stand out as the time in which the foundation of a better business administration of the service & the foundation of a civil service reform were laid, which should mark an epoch in the history of the Department." 5 3 E v e n in this third year of the administration there were ofEceseekers hoping for jobs. Wilson complained to Isidor Straus: A s I have nothing to give and nothing to promise, I hope to get through with that disagreeable, but not novel, experience before long. . . . W h a t 51 Cleveland Papers, Feb. 26, 1895, from Wilson; Willis, "William Lyne Wilson," Putnam's Magazine, II, 471. 53 " N e w York Times, Mar. 1, 1895. Wilson, MS Diary, Nov. 25, 1896. " Ibid., Jan. 1, Feb. 14, Nov. 24, Dec. 1, 1896. " Ibid., Jan. 23, 1896.

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a p e r v e r t e d idea of g o v e r n m e n t that it is expected to take care of a n d e m ploy in a g r e a t business d e p a r t m e n t all the poor, u n e m p l o y e d , w o m e n , the n e ' e r - d o - w e l l , a n d the penniless, with never a t h o u g h t of their efficiency o r fitness f o r service. H o w could vou c a r r y on y o u r business if it w e r e a m e r e pension r e f u g e f o r the poor and distressed, not a busy hive of active labor.

H e replied to all applicants for positions that the former Postmaster General had filled all vacant jobs and therefore he had none to dispose of. 5 6 T h e record of Postmaster General Wilson with regard to removals was g o o d ; of course there are usually fewer removals made during the last two years of an administration. When in January, 1896, the Senate passed a resolution asking for the number of removals, Postmaster General Wilson commented in his diary: T h e m o v e r of the resolution evidently believed that he would m a k e a good a m o u n t of political capital out of these statements. S o f a r as the P . O . D e p t . is c o n c e r n e d he will be sadly disappointed. Bissell w a s a courageous foe to the spoils system, a n d I have a record absolutely clear of partisan color in the f e w changes I have m a d e — a l l for c a u s e — i n m y incumbency of the P . M . G . ' s office.57

H e had a new plan for the selection of fourth-class postmasters, about which he consulted the Civil Service Commission. H e suggested that the smaller offices be consolidated so they would be merely branches of the larger central offices. T h u s the postmasters in charge of the former would become clerks and therefore subject to selection from the eligible lists made up by the Civil Service Commission. T h e Postmaster General wrote a friend: " T h e rescue of post offices from the spoils system, as f a r as it is possible to do it, would be the crowning triumph of civil service reform in this country." T h e system he proposed was similar to the English plan and had been suggested to Postmaster General Wanamaker, but the latter " h a d replied, 'That is not politics, that is business, and I can't do it.' " 3 8 T h e President made the first step toward this reform in November, 1 8 9 5 , when he amended the civil service rules to provide for the inclusion in the classified service of the postmaster of any office when it becomes consolidated with a " W i l s o n Papers, Apr. 3, May 1, 1895. 87 Postmaster General, Annual Report, 1895, 1896; Wilson, MS Diary, Jan. 8, 1 897. • 8 Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, Nov. 19, 1895, to H. P. Knight, Aug. 2, 1895, to R. A . Dana; Wilson, MS Diary, May 1, 1896.

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larger one. M r . Wilson tried out his plan in a few places, but little more could be done without the action of Congress, since they controlled appropriations. T h e Postmaster General requested, therefore, an increase in the appropriations for clerk hire and a decrease in the pay rolls of postmaster salaries in order to put his plan into operation. Not only was his request disregarded in the House, but the appropriation for clerk hire was reduced. " T h i s is sheer partisan politics of the lowest kind," he wrote in his diary, "and due to the fear of the Republicans that I would cover in under Civil Service a few thousand Democrats." H e had tried to win them over by telling them he could not possibly put his plan into general operation in the short time he had left in office. An even more vigorous attack was made in the Senate, where Senator Gorman succeeded not only in defeating the Wolcott amendment, which would have allowed the payment of clerks' salaries out of appropriations for postmasters' salaries, but also in getting an amendment included which forbade the establishment of stations of a post office outside the city limits. This would, of course, destroy everything Postmaster General Wilson had so far accomplished. H e remarked bitterly: " T h e spoilsmen were not willing to have a few post offices taken out of their reach." H e was very much disappointed that he would leave " n o memorial" behind him. 60 H e could not devise any plan by which the President could include fourth-class postmasters in the civil service without the consent of Congress. T h e Civil Service Commission had suggested that fourth-class postmasters might be brought into the classified service by executive order, as other offices had been, but Postmaster General Wilson did not think that method practical." 1 T h e Postmasters General in President Cleveland's second administration were not politicians and had no official relationship with the party machinery. Wilson had been a delegate to state and national conventions, but never had been a member of the national committee. In fact, he seemed to feel that it was usually made up of men out of sympathy with the best element in the party and was sure that the majority of the 1895 committee were anti-administration and probably favored 59

New York Times, July 29, Nov. 9, 1895; Harper's Weekly, Nov. 23, 1895. Wilson, MS Diary, Feb. 29, Apr. 7, and other examples, Mar. 12, 31, Apr. 2, 6, 8, 9, June 8, 9, 1896. 81 Ibid., Mar. j , 6, 1896; Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, Jan. 6, 1897, to T . R. Craig, J r . 80

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free silver.®2 This was coming to be the chief issue. "The silver question seems on us, and on us with a vengeance," wrote the Postmaster General to Mr. Straus. "Our hope is that it precipitates the struggle time enough to meet and balk it." He did his best to try to stem the tide of this cheap-money movement—wrote letters to politicians in various states encouraging them in the fight against it and in conferences with his Cabinet colleagues and some southern Congressmen mapped out a propaganda campaign against "free silver" to be used in that region. He prophesied the overthrow of the movement by a return of prosperity, but feared that it might not come before the defeat of the Democratic party.63 He did not attempt to meddle in the selection of delegates to the national convention, and he did not allow postmasters to do so. He called their attention to the order of the President. In one case he said: " I recognize the importance of the fight in Kentucky, but I should deem it unfortunate if the coming State Convention should, to any large extent, be made up of, or attempted to be dominated by Federal officials." H e also discouraged postmasters from being delegates to the national convention. He wrote: W h i l e in one or t w o special cases it might not attract attention or censorious c o m m e n t for F e d e r a l officeholders to be members of that convention,

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a m forced to the conclusion from the number of letters that I have received, that it would be wise for those in the postal service to refrain from such candidacy. T h e question is always a difficult one to decide in individual cases, yet the active participation of F e d e r a l officeholders in political c o n ventions is contrary to the orders heretofore issued by the President and M r . Bissell. 6 4

Only in West Virginia did he try to prevent the election of a freesilver delegation. He wrote many letters to politicians in that section and sent them literature for distribution—especially speeches of the Secretary of the Treasury against the silver issue. He emphasized that the silver craze would mean "only disaster for the Democratic party and a long banishment from power and influence in the country should it secure any great hold upon the party." These letters were published in the New York World and Pittsburgh Dispatch, and the chairman of 62

Wilson, MS Diary, Jan. i+, 1896. Wilson Papers, May 1, 1895, to Straus; Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, Apr. j , 1895, to W. W. Sorens, Apr. 29, 1896, to J . J . McDermott and many similar ones; Wilson, MS Diary, Mar. 8, 1 3 , 1896. * 4 Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, June 2 1 , 1 8 9 J , to G. A. Denham, P.M., Apr. 14, 1896, to J . 0 . Hutchins, and other similar letters. 83

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the national committee, Mr. Harrity, tried to get them included in the Philadelphia papers, hoping they would do some good in that section. People were not ready for reasoned arguments} these were still "hard times," so his state sent a free-silver delegation to the national convention that June. 85 Since President Cleveland had never wanted his Cabinet members to attend the national conventions, Postmaster General Wilson did not go to Chicago. The Postmasters General of Cleveland's first administration, however, played an important, although unsuccessful, part in the pre-convention campaign. They were both sound-money men and were as anxious as the President to see the party take the "right" attitude on that question. Early in the election year President Cleveland wrote to Mr. Dickinson concerning the seriousness of the situation: " I do not think we can survive if we have fastened upon us as an authoritative declaration of party policy, the free coinage of silver." H e asked if Michigan could not send a majority of sound-money delegates to the convention. This the former Postmaster General assured him he would try to do, although he had declared a few weeks before that he would have nothing to do with the campaign because of the dilatoriness of the Cleveland managers. H e replied that since it was so late (April) it might be difficult, but "we will buckle to and do our duty from now on as you see it." By the last of the month he was able to telephone the President's secretary that the Michigan state convention had elected a sound-money delegation. This was the opportune time, thought Postmaster General Wilson, for President Cleveland to issue a statement that he was not a candidate for a third term but Don Dickinson intervened and the statement was not issued.66 Dickinson also entered the fight in other states} he urged his predecessor in the Post Office Department: "Put some sandy floor fighters on your Wisconsin delegation." 67 H e requested the present Postmaster General to let him know on whom in the West Virginia delegation they "may count and which is stronger for floor work or for leadership." 68 He visited New York and talked to some members of the state com65

Ibid., Feb. 1 3 , 1896, to W. E . Chilton, Apr. 4, to J . W. Gilkes, Apr. 14, to F. O. Turley, M a y 28, to M . Peck, J u l y 6, 1896, to G. D. Heston and many similar letters; Wilson, M S Diary, May 1 7 , 26, 1 8 9 6 ; Wilson Papers, June 4, 1896, from Harrity. 48 Cleveland Papers, M a r . 25, May 1 , 1896, to Dickinson, M a r . 3 1 , May 15, 1896, from Dickinson; Wilson, M S Diary, Apr. 29, 30, J u l y 30, 1896. 87 88 Vilas Papers, May 16, 1896. Wilson Papers, May 26, 1896.

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mittee and reported that that state would not "compromise on the money question." H e received reports from politicians of many other states, and when he heard of the results of the Illinois state convention he advised the sound-money Democrats to call an anti-Altgeld convention to send a contesting delegation to the national convention. H e urged the chairman of the national committee to have an informal meeting of national committee members who were sound on the issue to perfect the plans for the convention. H e also suggested that measures be taken to have present a large number of sound business men as visitors to influence the delegates at Chicago to vote correctly. President Cleveland approved of this plan and immediately started to put it into effect. H e ran into opposition, for many Democrats felt that nothing could " b e done to stem the tide of Silverism at Chicago." Dickinson was not so discouraged, since the national committee was with them and he banked on the outside delegations to do more good than the " f r e e silver shouters." Dickinson met the chairman of the national committee in Chicago several days before the convention. H e helped the national committee to make the arrangements f o r the convention; he urged the President to get all national committeemen to send their proxies, since most of the men were "sound," having been selected before the meeting of the state conventions. Arrangements were made to seat the sound-money delegations, to make Governor H i l l of N e w Y o r k chairman of the convention, and to secure a compromise on the silver question. 09 Although the free-silver group had little influence in the national committee, they had enough power in the convention to defeat H i l l as chairman and to seat the "silver delegates" wherever there were contests. They replaced four " g o l d delegates" from Michigan with "silver delegates," thus giving the latter a majority of the delegation. They then proceeded to adopt a financial plank favoring free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to the Wisconsin Senator, William F . Vilas, brought in the minority plank, and although his own state and New York State voted for it the Michigan and West Virginia delegates opposed it. T h e n came the famous "cross of g o l d " speech, and the convention went entirely out of control and nominated the speaker, William Jennings Bryan j the sound-money delegates refused to vote. 70 69

Cleveland Papers, May 22, June 12, 20, 1896, from Dickinson, May 28, 1896, copy of letter of Dickinson to Tree, June 10, 1 7 , 1896, to Dickinson. 70 Democratic partv, Official Proceedings of the National Convention, 1896; Bryan, The First Battle, pp. 188, 195, 2 1 4 - 1 8 .

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The "gold" men bolted and retired to another building, where they made plans to hold another Democratic national convention. Senator Vilas was a prominent member of this group and was later favored by many for the Presidential nomination. It was difficult to build up entirely new party machinery. Mr. Bynum, later chairman of the new national committee, wrote to the Postmaster General requesting information as to reliable sound-money men in certain states to complete the new national committee, which was to hold its first meeting on August 7. Only one man could Wilson recommend, since there were "so many lightning changes just now that many men are one thing to-day and another thing to-morrow." 7 1 H e himself was perplexed, as he wrote a friend who asked his advice: " A s yet I am keeping 'in the middle of the road,' avoiding the slough of protection on the one side and the foul pit of repudiation on the other." The third-ticket movement grew, however, and there was some talk that the Postmaster General himself might be made the standard bearer. He opposed this because it might be said that he was using the patronage of the Department to elect himself and wrote in his diary he was going to direct attention to General Palmer. The latter was nominated at the national Democratic convention held in Indianapolis early in September.72 Although President Cleveland wrote Senator Vilas that he was "delighted with the outcome of the Indianapolis convention and as a democrat I feel very grateful to those who have relieved the bad political atmosphere with such a delicious infusion of fresh air . . ." he was doubtful as to what stand he should officially take. "But why is anything more needed from me to make known my position?" he asked Vilas. " F o r years officially and unofficially I have, in season and out of season, declared my opinions on the subject of sound money and democracy." 7 3 President Cleveland also opposed the participation of the members of his Cabinet in the campaign outside their own states. Postmaster General Wilson therefore refused all invitations to make political speeches, and they were numerous, because, as he wrote in answer to one request, " I am daily engaged in the disagreeable duty of dealing with complaints against postmasters for partizan activity, that I fear 71

Wilson Papers, J u l y 26. 1 8 9 6 ; Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, J u l y 28, 1 896, to Bynum. 72 Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, J u l y 28, 1896, to O. S. H a l l ; Breckinridge Papers, J u l y 30, 1896, from Wilson; Wilson, M S Diary, J u l y 1 3 , 28, Aug. 3, 1896. 73 Cleveland Papers, Sept. 5, 1896.

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my admonitions and my discipline of them will not be effective if I take a very active part in the campaign." Near the end of the campaign he did talk in his home town, Charlestown, West Virginia. There he was received better than he had expected, but that was not very well. 74 The postmasters who favored free silver and therefore were opposed to the administration were much more active in the campaign than the administration officeholders. Postmaster General Wilson was puzzled to know what action to take with regard to them. Finally he laid down a rule that the Department would not inquire into or interfere with any reasonable activity on the part of its appointees which did not transcend their instructions f r o m this Department, but that I would summarily discharge anyone holding the President's commission, or my commission, w h o w e n t out of his w a y to indulge in open abuse of the President, or indecent criticism upon his administration. W h i l e w e are restraining our o w n friends in office from undue activity it is not proper that full license should be granted to our enemies.

Later, in his diary, he noted the anarchy among the postmasters and their disobedience concerning his rule, and he added: "The postmasters have evidently believed that Bryan was to be the next President and that their chances of remaining in office were dependent on their open and zealous activity on his behalf." 75 Both former Postmaster General Dickinson and Postmaster General Wilson decided it would be better to remove very few postmasters—only those who neglected their post office duties.76 In a few cases political assessments were made during Postmaster General Wilson's administration. H e had become involved in an embarrassing predicament in this respect himself. A circular had been sent out by the executive committee of the National Association of Democratic Clubs, on which his name appeared as chairman inviting people to join the organization as contributing members. When he heard of it, he had immediately tendered his resignation from the committee and had asked that the circular be withdrawn, because "pressure might be brought to bear on Postmasters by unthinking or worse people with 74

Wilson, M S Diary, Sept. 25, Oct. 1 7 , 1 8 9 6 ; Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, Oct. 8, 1896, to R . Stalmaker. 75 Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, July 17, 1896, to J . W. Orr, and several similar letters; Wilson, M S Diary, Sept. 23, Nov. 2 1 , 1896. 76 Wilson Papers, Nov. 7, 1896, from Dickinson; Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, Nov. 9, 1896, to Dickinson.

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such certificates." T h e Civil Service Commission investigated several violations of the rules against political assessments by postmasters in the campaign of 18965 two of these were brought before grand juries, but they were dismissed for lack of evidence.78 It was still difficult to obtain penalties any more severe than removal or warnings for violation of these regulations against political contributions. Public opinion did not favor severity. Even an officer as much in favor of the reform movement as Postmaster General Wilson was reluctant even to remove a postmaster who had received money from employees of his office. " A n ardent party man, he had not thought he was doing anything serious in collecting money for his candidate," he wrote in his diary. 78 Also the law was so drawn that most requests for contributions to party funds were not legally violations. Even though the same politicians who managed the successful campaign of 1892 were in charge of the "gold" Democratic campaign, they did not make much headway. They carried no state, but the silver issue had split the party, which was enough to keep them out of power for four administrations. This was what Postmaster General Wilson had prophesied. They had helped elect the Republican President, and in return for this service it was suggested that they be given "recognition." Dickinson replied, " w e 'assisted' the country, and that if any democrat put the smell of pelf upon us by listening to—much more by accepting —such suggestions—he would be less acceptable as our representative and fellow, than a [two words censored by the writer] . . . Bryanite from Goofdom." 80 77

Postmaster General Personal Letterbook, Nov. 21, 1895, to L. Gardner, Nov. 25, 1895, to H. C. Wallace, Sept. 30, 1896, to Dickinson. 71 U.S. Civil Service Commission, Fourteenth Annual Report, 1898, pp. 395-97. 78 Wilson, MS Diary, June 1 3 , 1X96. 80 Dickinson Papers, Oct. 6, 1896, from Abram S. Hewitt; Lamont Papers, Nov. 25, 1896, from Dickinson.

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PR ACT ICE of rewarding a high officer of the national committee by appointing him Postmaster General was almost inaugurated in 1897. T h e Republican Presidential nominee, William McKinley, had had his own campaign manager, Mark Hanna, elected chairman of the national committee. Like his predecessor Hanna also had not been a member of that committee. After an overwhelming victory the President-elect wanted the national committee chairman to become the Postmaster General. Hanna declined a Cabinet position, because he wanted to be a United States Senator, and he recommended as Postmaster General the vice-chairman of the national committee, Henry C. Payne, of Wisconsin. 1 The latter had had a long and brilliant career in the field of political strategy. H e began his work in 1872 in Milwaukee, where he formed a Young Men's Republican Club which helped swing that city into the Republican ranks. From the club had developed the Republican county committee of which Payne had been secretary until 1882. In 1876 he finally accepted the postmastership of the city (it had been offered to him in 1 8 7 3 ) , and he held that position until 1885, when he was removed from the office by President Cleveland for "pernicious activity" as a politician. In his case the accusation had certainly been true, since as head of the "postoffice clique" in Milwaukee he had, in 1 8 8 1 , replaced "Boss" Keyes as chief of the state Republican party. At that time he was secretary of the state central committee, and later he became its chairman. 2 In 1888 M r . Payne became the Wisconsin member of the Republican national committee} this position he held until his death in 1904. At the time of his election a Milwaukee banker wrote to the Vice Presidential nominee: "Our state's leading political manager is M r . Henry C. Payne of Milwaukee—unknown to prominent official position—he is now a member of the National Committee and will rank with John 1

MeKinley Papers, Feb. iS, 1897, to Hanna; Stoddard, As I Knew Them, p. 247. Wight, Henry Clay Payne, pp. 1 - 1 7 ; Haugen, "Pioneer and Political Reminiscences," Wisconsin Magazine of History, X I , 291 ; Keyes Papers, 1 8 8 0 - 8 1 . 2

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C. New, McKeadle and the best of them all—as a political manager." 3 That year he managed the campaign in several of the northwestern states. H e was mentioned both for a Cabinet position and for the office of First Assistant Postmaster General, and although he admitted that he was flattered, he wrote "Boss" Keyes that he was "quite content to remain a high private—until I can get a little ahead in the world financially." 4 In 1892, although he had opposed the renomination of President Harrison, he was again in charge of the campaign in the Middle West, but he was disgusted with the inactivity of the national committee and was not surprised at the defeat of the President. 5 H e believed the return of the Republican party to power was inevitable and was in the foreground in the campaign of 1896. H e was now a member of the executive committee, so he was present at all the preconvention conferences and presided over the series of meetings at which the famous "gold plank" was drawn up. 6 A f t e r the convention Payne, now vice-chairman of the national committee, took charge of the Chicago headquarters. While Chairman Hanna raised the money for the campaign, Payne took charge of the details—the sending out of literature and speakers where they were most needed. T h e Presidential nominee tried to have him removed from the executive committee and wrote M r . Hanna that Payne was "peculiarly obnoxious to the labor element." H e remained in his position, and after the election the three officers of the committee, Chairman Hanna, Vice-chairman Payne, and Secretary Osborn, had a conference to plan the future organization of the Republican party. 7 It was obvious that this Wisconsin politician deserved recognition, and M r . Hanna forcefully presented his claims for a Cabinet position to the Presidential nominee, but M r . McKinley did not like the vice-chairman. H e remembered that Payne had been a lobbyist for the Northern Pacific Railroad when he was a member of Congress. 8 The fact that another Wisconsin man was mentioned for 3

Levi Morton Papers, June 28, 1888, from R. H. Camp. Milwaukee Sentinel, July 8, 1888; Keyes Papers, Nov. 8, 1888, from Payne; New York Herald, Feb. 2 1 , 1889. 5 New York Times, July 25, Nov. 16, 1892-, Keyes Papers, Sept. 3, 1892, to Weeks, Nov. 13, 1893, from Payne. • More than any other one man Payne was responsible for the framing of this "gold plank." See Mott, Myron T. Herrick, pp. 6 7 - 7 1 ; Wight, Henry Clay Payne, pp. 93-97; Croly, Marcus Alonzo Hanna, pp. 194.-200; Beer, Hanna, p. 143. 7 McKinley Papers, July, 1 896, to Hanna; New York Times, July 20, Nov. 15, 1896. "McKinley Papers, Nov. 28, 1896, Pres. of Workingman's Republican Club of Cook Co., Chicago. Illinois to Hanna; Olcott, The Life of William McKinley, I, 330-31. 4

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a Cabinet position (as Secretary of Agriculture) gave the Presidentelect an excuse to refuse to include anyone from that state in his Cabinet, on the basis that it "would not be good politics to take one of two candidates from the same state." As late as January Payne was sure that he would receive the position of Postmaster General and that this opposition by a group of Republicans in his own state would have no influence on M r . McKinley. The Wisconsin Senator, John C. Spooner, went down to Canton, and Payne wrote, "everything has been done in my behalf that it is fit or proper to do." A l l this pressure had no effect on the President-elect, for he absolutely refused to include M r . Payne in his Cabinet. Later he offered him the choice of several diplomatic positions, but the Wisconsin politician refused to leave the country.® Shortly before his inauguration, having failed to convince his campaign manager that he should become Postmaster General, William McKinley offered the position to James A. Gary, of Baltimore. This appointment had no political significance. It was made for geographical reasons, in order to give some sort of recognition to the South, since Judge Nathan Goff, who had been slated for the position of Attorney General, had on January 23 written that it was "absolutely impossible" for him to take the position. 10 M r . Gary was primarily a business man with extensive commercial and manufacturing interests in Baltimore. T h e retiring Postmaster General noted in his diary that he need have no fear of being overshadowed by the new appointee, because he thought the Postmaster General "should at least have a legal training, although that is strictly a business department. Wanamaker shook it up badly with his department store, advertising manner of conducting it." 1 1 The newly appointed Postmaster General had been interested in the Republican party in Maryland since the Civil War and had run for several offices, but the state was hopelessly Democratic. H e had been a delegate to many national conventions and had been on the national committee from 1880 to 1896. In that campaign he was a member of an auxiliary advisory committee of twenty members. In this election Maryland for the first time since the end of the Civil War cast its electoral votes for the Republican ticket. Since the Republicans had also carried the state legislature, it was expected that this Baltimore busi9

Keyes Papers, Nov. 21, 2?., 1896, Feb. 1, 1897, »0 Payne, Nov. 22, 1896, Jan. 9, Feb. 17, 1897, from Payne. 10 McKinley Papers, Feb. 18, 1897, to Hanna, Jan. 23, 1897, from N. Goff, Feb. 23, 1897, from Rittenhouse; New York Times, Dec. 12, 1896, Feb. 2, 20, 1897. 11 Wilson, MS Diary, Feb. 20, 1897.

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ness man would be elected to the United States Senate. However, he had made no effort to obtain his own selection, so the politicians had forgotten his services and elected someone else. The President-elect had known Mr. Gary for some time and now gave him his first official political position.12 The editor of the New York Times thought that the new Postmaster General could handle the business activities of the Department effectively, as he had been accustomed to deal with large numbers of employees, but that the patronage distribution might cause him trouble. 13 This function was taken off his hands, however, by the chairman of the national committee and by the new First Assistant Postmaster General, Perry S. Heath. The latter had the usual qualifications for that position ; he had been a newspaper man and had had charge of the publicity at the 1892 convention. Later he converted the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette into a McKinley organ and was very active in his pre-convention campaign. He had charge of the press division at the Chicago headquarters and next to Mark Hanna he was probably closest to the Presidential nominee during the campaign.14 The Ohio Senator was undoubtedly the patronage broker of this administration. He wrote the Postmaster General to hold certain positions open, since he had someone he wanted "taken care of." A certain man should be made postmaster, because "he is one of the men I used on the stump in '96," he directed, and at another time he wrote the President: "Have just heard that the Postmaster at New Orleans is dead. I will talk to you about his successor—after the funeral." He discussed with party leaders of various states the workers who should be given the various post offices, even the small ones. The President's letterbooks are full of letters to Hanna asking his advice on appointments. Hanna's biographer credits him with unusual success in organizing the patronage so that it redounded to the advantage of President McKinley. 15 Mr. Gary made little impression either on the party or on the Post 12 Winchester, Men of Maryland since the Civil War, I, 1 59-62 ; McKinley Papers, J u l y 8, 1896, from Hanna. ,s New York Times, Feb. 2 1 , 1897. 14 Ibid., Nov. 6, 1896, M a r . 2 1 , 1 8 9 7 ; McKinley Papers, Jan. 6, 1899, memorandum of telephone call from Perry Heath, Feb. 6, 1899, July 8, 1 9 0 1 , Heath to McKinley, J u l y 19, 1899, Porter (sec.) to Heath. 15 Private Correspondence, M a y 6, n.d., Mar. 24., 1897, Hanna to Gary; McKinley Papers, June, 1897, May 25, Aug. 1, 1899, Jan. 29, Feb. 9, 1900, Feb. 26, 28, J u l y 9, 1 9 0 1 , from Hanna and many similar letters from McKinley to Hanna asked advice on appointments; Croly, Marcus Alon-zo Hanna, pp. 297-98.

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Office Department, for he held the office for only a little more than a year. In the spring of 1898 the situation in Cuba became so serious that April 1 1 the President asked Congress for authority to use force to establish a stable government there. A week later the Postmaster General tendered his resignation, because he opposed the declaration of war by the United States. As his reasons for withdrawal from the Government he gave ill-health and the fact that he thought the Cabinet should have in it younger men who could better endure the strain of running a wartime Government. 16 The nomination on April 21 of Charles Emory Smith, of Pennsylvania, as Postmaster General came as a great surprise, since few even knew there was to be a change in that office. The general opinion was that the administration gained by the change not only in having a more flexible man at the head of the Post Office Department but also by having a man of more political experience and ability in the Cabinet counsels.17 M r . Smith had been in newspaper work since 1865, when he became editor of the Albany Express and later of the Albany Evening Journal. In 1880 he became the editor and part owner of the Philadelphia Press, a position which he held at the time he entered President McKinley's Cabinet. As a very young man he was interested in politics, and he had been active in the New York state conventions from 1874 to 1880; because of his editorial training his forte was the writing of party platforms. As delegate to the Republican national convention of 1876 and New York's member on the committee on resolutions he was selected as secretary of the small subcommittee which had finally written the platform. Although he had always been considered a Conkling man when in New York and as such had presided over the state convention of 1880 1 8 in 1884 he brought out the Philadelphia Press for James G. Blaine and worked in close touch with the nominee. As we have seen, he supported M r . Harrison in the convention of 1888 and was very active in that Presidential campaign. After the election he was so impatient because the appointment of his friend James G. Blaine as Secretary of State was not announced that he helped send a "round robin" to the nominee requesting his selection. When the appointment was finally made (January 1 7 ) , the Philadelphia editor was rewarded with the ministership to 1,1

McKinley Papers, Apr. iS, 1898, from Gary, Apr. 2 1 , 1898, to Gary. New York Times, Apr. 22, 23, 1898. " B l a i n e , Twenty Years in Congress, II, 5 6 9 - 7 0 ; Hayes Papers, June 22, Sept. 25, 1876, from Charles E . Smith; Chidsev, The Gentleman from .VCTO York, p. 280. 17

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Russia. 19 Just before the President's campaign for renomination M r . Smith resigned and returned to his journalist activities to help in the 1892 campaign. 20 Senator Foraker, chairman of the resolutions committee in 1896, gives Editor Smith credit for writing much of that year's platform, with the exception of the money plank. In the spring of 1897 there were some rumors that M r . Smith might be made a member of the Cabinet, but Senator Quay opposed the appointment. 21 Evidently the position of Postmaster General had been offered to the Philadelphia editor as early as March, 1898, but he had replied that it was impossible for him to get away within the next two or three weeks. M r . Smith was suddenly called to the Executive Mansion on April 17, and on the following day Postmaster General Gary tendered his resignation. 22 M r . Smith became the press agent of the administration. H e defended the conduct of the war and replied to the attacks of the antiimperialists. H e not only used his own organ, the Press, but also wrote articles for other papers and magazines, consulted with other editors as to material to be released, investigated opposition newspapers, and kept the President informed as to important articles. Especially he had published in the Press long articles describing the work of the W a r Department—all of it, of course, to its credit. W h e n the famous "round robin" criticizing the conduct of the war in Cuba appeared in the dispatches of the Associated Press, he immediately got in touch with Melville E . Stone, General Manager, and expressed to him his indignation. M r . Stone replied that the "round robin" had not been inspired by any officers of the Associated Press and that the correspondents had signed it without his knowledge. H e explained that he allowed its release because it would have been published throughout the country anyway. H e declared he had no desire to embarrass the administration and had "sacrificed everything in the way of news to the needs of the Government." 23 This administration marked the first backward step in the civil service reform movement since the passage of the Pendleton Act. President 19

S t o d d a r d , As I Knew

20

N e w Y o r k Times,

Them,

pp. 52, 1 7 4 ; Harper's

Weekly,

F e b . 22, 1890.

21

F o r a k e r , Notes

22

M c K i n l e y Papers, M a r . 3, 1898, to Smith, A p r . 1 7 , 1898, Porter (sec.) to S m i t h ;

M a y 5, 10, 1892.

of a Busy Life,

I , 463, 4 6 8 - 6 9 ; N e w Y o r k Times,

J a n . 16, 1 8 9 7 .

M a r . 1 5 , 1898, f r o m Smith. 23

¡bid.,

M a y 1 5 , 1 7 , J u l y 13, A u g . 12, 1 8 9 9 , J u l y 4, 1900, f r o m Smith, A u g . 7,

1899, copy o f letter of M e l v i l l e E . Stone to Smith, J u l y 29, 1898, f r o m R e i d .

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McKinley had never been very enthusiastic over the movement, but he had promised in his letter of acceptance of the nomination that there would be no retrogression. The National Civil Service Reform Association had given him their support in the campaign of 1896, for they considered him the lesser of two evils. At the beginning of the administration, with the selection of a business man rather than a "practical politician" as Postmaster General, the situation looked favorable for reform. M r . Gary had immediately announced that the "general policy of this Department will be to allow all postmasters to serve out the time for which they were commissioned by the President." 24 H e had carried out his promise during his one year in office and had removed very few Presidential postmasters (only 129) ; there were even fewer resignations, (70) which was unusual after a change of party control. Charles Emory Smith, however, was more of a "practical politician," and the removals from these offices were tripled during his first year in office as Postmaster General. The actual number of removals in this administration was greater than the record made by Postmaster General Wanamaker, but the percentage was less even than that made by Postmaster General Vilas. In the case of the fourth-class post offices (they comprised three-quarters of the jobs which had not yet been classified) there were even more proscriptions.25 Shortly after the inauguration one reformer wrote: " I hear that among the fourth class postmasters removals are going on at about the rate of 200 a day, very much the same as four years ago." 26 The new Fourth Assistant Postmaster General was J. L . Bristow, and although he received little notoriety for his activities, more "heads" were removed than fell under the guillotine of either James Clarkson or Robert Maxwell. Most of those removed in President McKinley's administration had served four years in accordance with Postmaster General Gary's rule which gave them the same term as other postmasters. Since legally they had no definite term, these changes had to be called removals. For the first time the Postmaster General's Annual Refort distinguished between postmasters removed after they had served four years and those removed after shorter terms. There were, as there had been many times in the past, even charges that the post office commissions were being sold. These " P o s t m a s t e r General Letterbook, A p r . 17, 1897, to Rep. J. A . T a w n e y . Similar statement in M c K i n l e y Papers, A p r . 2, 1897, J. Boyle (Sec.) to G . Mallon. * B Postmaster General, Annual Refort, 1897-1901. 2 * Foulke Papers, M a y 7, 1897, to Schurz.

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were made by John Wanamaker, who was trying to defeat the party boss of his state, Senator Quay, for the Senatorship in the spring of 1898. Such an accusation would not be surprising—although it was a little amusing, coming from such a source—except that it was taken up and repeated by the Philadelphia Press, whose editor was the new Postmaster General. The Nation's comment was that such a cash basis was the natural outcome of the recognition that the post office appointments belong to the Congressmen.27 It was during President McKinley's administration that the system of congressional "advisers" was perfected and regularized. The files of appointments, catalogued according to cities, from that date until the present can be seen at the Post Office Department. At the top of the blank is the heading, "First Assistant Postmaster General's Office." On the form is given the congressional district and the "adviser" of that district; below, there is space for the names of the candidates and their recommendations. A study of some of these briefs, selected at random, shows that by this time the successful candidate was the one recommended by his Representative in Congress or, in the case of large cities, by the Senator. Other candidates might have more support from the patrons of the office, but the Congressman's applicant almost always won. A Wisconsin Representative's letter to a postmaster bears this out. He wrote: In talking about the matter some days ago with M r . Sauerhering I learned that he was of the undoubted belief that you would be recommended by Senator Spooner, and if so, it would hardly do for the President to listen to intermeddlers who have no right to say anything in the matter. T h e administration recognizes the absolute right of the member to name the Postmasters, but as you reside in Senator Spooner's home city, M r . Sauerhering in conformity with a courtesy which has heretofore prevailed accords the Senator the right to name the Postmaster at the place of the Senator's residence. In view of this it would seem to me that Senator Spooner's decision could not be questioned. 28

When the President, for political reasons, was forced to select someone other than the Congressman's applicant for the postmastership, he wrote him one of his famous "soothing" letters, explaining why the " New York Nation, May 5, 1898. 28 Keyes Papers, Jan. 20, 1898, from Rep. Griffins; see also McKinley Papers, Apr. 13, 1897, Porter (sec.) to Rep. Wadsworth, J u l y 1 1 , 1898, Porter to Smith, July 3, 1899, Cortelyou (sec.) to Smith.

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other appointment had been necessary. H e wrote the Delaware Representative that it was "very painful to me that you do not agree upon whom should be postmaster at Wilmington," but that since Colonel du Pont would probably be a candidate for the Senatorship, it was vital that his advice be taken.29 William Dudley Foulke criticized the revival of this old system of congressional dictation and thought it was a proper object of attack. " Y e t my impression is," he wrote Carl Schurz, "that by confining our activités wholly to the classified service we shall do our best work." 3 0 In 1897 and 1898 the Civil Service Reform Associations, although they condemned President McKinley's attitude toward offices outside the service, praised his policy in carrying out the Civil Service Law. They particularly approved his rule, published July 27, 1897, which forbade any removal from a position in the classified service except for cause, upon written charges, and only after the accused should have an opportunity to make defense. 31 Shortly after this the President was also being criticized for allowing abuses even in the classified service. Two practices in the Post Office Department received the most censure —the system of appointing political applicants to post offices just before they were classified (when free delivery servicê was established). These clerks then became members of the classified service when the office was put under civil service rules and as such could be transferred to any post office formerly classified. In other cases appointments were made without competitive examinations on the basis that the positions were only temporary or of the class called "laborers." The latter appointees were used, however, for clerical work. In 1901 there were one hundred such cases in the Post Office Department. In the fifteenth and sixteenth Annual Reforts of the Civil Service Commission these practices are criticized and the President is urged to change the rules. 32 The local political workers feared the effect changes might have on elections, but those in the President's confidence knew they would not be too severe. The chairman of the Republican congressional campaign committee wanted them published before the fall campaign, because "we need something to create more interest than we have now." The only place where criticism might be adverse, he 29 McKinley Papers, Aug-. 8, 1898, to Rep. Morse and similar letter Feb. 5, 1898, to Rep. Smyser. 50 31 Foulke Papers, May 7, 1S97. Schurz, Speeches, V, 447. 32 Foulke, Fighting the Spoilsmen, p. n o ; U.S. Civil Service Commission, Fifteenth Annual Report, 1899, pp. 2 1 - 2 2 , 24-25^ Sixteenth Annual Report, 1900, pp. 198, 305.

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wrote, is Massachusetts, and "they can vote nothing but the Republican ticket there." 3 3 Two weeks before the orders were issued, Mark Hanna threatened never to come back from Europe if the President didn't get the orders out in time to "fix things" in Ohio. After they were issued, May 29, 1899, he wrote: "Now that your 'old Civil Service' order is out and the boys have found out there is nothing in it. I can come back again and go to work for them to get a grist out of State Politics." 34 President McKinley's amendments merely made only minor changes in several of the rules: they gave the appointing officers more freedom, made permanent the temporary officers who were serving at that time, and classified the laborers who had been performing work of the type usually classified. They did prevent the use of laborers for that purpose in the future. There were also additions made to the list of "excepted positions"} only about two hundred of these were in the Post Office Department, more than two thousand in the Department of Interior.35 The New York Times declared that "the direct effect of the order has been to strengthen the hands of the spoils seekers and the spoils mongers, to promote political favoritism in appointments and promotions, to lessen the equality of opportunity in the service, and to add to the cost while diminishing the efficiency of it." 30 Early in 1901 Mr. Foulke called on the President to try to persuade him to add an amendment to the rules which would limit the transfers from newly classified post offices; he wrote that as usual "it was an extremely pleasant" interview, but that nothing was done to remedy the situation.37 President McKinley was the first President since the law had been passed who did not extend the classified service; in fact, Richard Henry Dana said his administration marked the first backward step in the competitive merit system. H e and William Dudley Foulke prepared a report condemning this administration's policy, but due to the assassination of President McKinley it was never published.38 Not only in the method of patronage distribution but also in the lax enforcement of the rules against the political activity of the "rank and file" of postal employees and the law against political assessments this administration was retrogressive. In the elections of 1898 and 1900 Republican committees took full advantage of the loophole in the law made by the ruling of President Cleveland's Attorney General and 33

McKinley Papers, Oct. 7, 1898, from J . W. Babcock. 35 Ib'tJ., May 1 33> 3 j , 3 6 ; Roosevelt Papers, M a y 16, July 9, 14, Aug. 1, from Payne, Aug. 20, 1903, from Bristow; Harper's Weekly, Aug. 1, 1903.

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of Tullock's charges that the Washington post office had been used "for political and personal purposes to an extent which left the authority of the Postmaster but little more than nominal." T h e Report mentioned that Perry S. Heath was in charge of the department responsible for these abuses. Former Postmaster General Smith publicly answered these accusations. H e said that Tullock had made similar charges when he was Postmaster General and that when they had been investigated it had been found that there was a satisfactory reason for each one. Extra employees had been put into the Washington post office, not for political reasons, but to take care of the increased demands brought about by the war. Many of these employees had not taken civil service examinations, but had been transferred from laborers' to clerical positions, as the law allowed and as all Cabinet members had done at times in order to get the work done. H e said only one position had been filled by a personal appointee of his. H e accused M r . Proctor of the Civil Service Commission of going "out of his way—needlessly and wantonly as I think—to attack the Department while I was head of it." 84 On June 17 Bristow's preliminary report (the final report was published October 24) brought the secretary of the national committee directly into the scandal and even intimated that Postmaster General Smith had been aware of the situation. President Roosevelt urged that something be done with regard to the charges against Perry Heath, but it was impossible to obtain evidence enough to indict him, and he even remained secretary of the Republican national committee until 1904. By July the Post Office Department had been practically cleaned out: four bureau heads and many subordinate officers had either resigned or been removed. The Attorney General's office then took charge, and they obtained thirty-odd indictments, including those against the four former bureau heads and against the men who had bribed these officers. Finally Machen and Beavers and some "small grafters" were convicted. 35 President Roosevelt congratulated Postmaster General Payne, in an open letter, upon the success of the prosecutions in this case [ w h i c h ] , as compared with previous experiences in prosecuting G o v e r n m e n t officials w h o have been guilty of 34 New Y o r k Nation, June 18, 1903; Roosevelt Papers, July 17, Oct. 26, 1903, from Smith. " R o o s e v e l t Papers, A u g . 3, 6, Sept. 15, Oct. IJ, 1903, to Payne, Sept. 8, 1903, from Payne, Jan. 20, 1904, Bristow to P a y n e ; U.S. Congress, 58th Cong., zd Sess., House Report, No. 383; Senate Doc., No. 151 (Bristow's report—about 500 pages).

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malfeasance or misfeasance is as noteworthy as it is gratifying. . . . W h a t has been accomplished by you, by those w h o have worked under you in your Department, and by the Department of Justice, redounds to the credit of our whole people and is a signal triumph for the cause of popular g o v ernment. 3 8

T h e Nation did not agree with the President and declared: " T h e r e will be general agreement that one man should go at once—Mr. Payne. To-day he stands revealed more clearly than ever as the miracle of incompetence." 3 7 Congress was drawn into the scandal, for the Bristow report showed that 150 Congressmen had asked favors of M r . Beavers, chief of the salary and allowance division. T h e y had requested that rents on leases of post offices which they or their friends held be raised and that the allowances for clerk hire for their favorite postmasters be increased. Evidently Postmaster General Payne had not wanted to incur the hostility of Congressmen by reducing these allowances when their fraudulent character was discovered, but the President wrote him: " W e can a hundredfold better afford to incur the hostility of any politician than to give the slightest ground for belief that we are managing the Department primarily as a political machine." 38 H e said if any Congressman objected, send him to the W h i t e House. T h e allowances were disallowed. T h e House Committee on Post Offices and Post Roads became alarmed at these charges and the cancellation of the allowances, so they requested the papers of the investigation. President Roosevelt said that all except those of a confidential nature which were necessary for the prosecution of certain offenders by the Department of Justice should be given them. W h e n the list of the cases of disallowance and cancellation of leases was given to Postmaster General Payne to turn over to the committee, he was "nonplussed" at the number of Congressmen involved. H e therefore directed that the "cases," without the names of the men who had obtained the favors, be sent to the House committee. T h e latter insisted, however, that the names of the men involved also be sent them, and this was done. Later, when the list was published, Congressmen accused Postmaster General Payne of trying to blacken their reputation. A special committee of five was appointed March 7, 1904, to investigate the actions of the Congress3 7 N e w Y o r k Nation, Dec. 3, 1903. " New Y o r k Timet, Feb. 29, 1904. " B i s h o p , Roosevelt and His Time, I, 253 (Sept. 4, 1 9 0 4 ) .

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men. The report whitewashed the charges against the Congressmen, and the committee recommended that the resolution be laid on the table.3» The Nation, the Postmaster General's most severe critic, blamed the frauds in the Department on the fact that Mr. Payne was chosen "purely as a politician, not as an administrator," and declared that he "was devoting all of his energies to making smooth the path of renomination." 40 This was an unfair accusation, because the frauds had all occurred before he took office. Mr. Payne was, however, primarily a politician—he was invited, as we have seen, into President Roosevelt's Cabinet for that reason. He continued to hold the office of vice-chairman of the national committee^ and he carried out the usual political activities expected of such a Postmaster General, although more openly than had previous Postmasters General because of his party office. He frequently lunched with the President. Even though President Roosevelt had declared he was not a politician, he was extremely sensitive to any little disturbance which might have an adverse political effect. He called on his Postmaster General in those cases: he requested him to arrange for the withdrawal of certain "mischievous" political circulars or to counteract their effect in some way 5 he begged him to assist the congressional campaign committee in 1902 to raise funds for the election of Republican Congressmen. Payne was called into the conferences on the coal strike of that year because of the possibility of political repercussions. The President wanted Payne to arrange that the Associated Press be given the franking privilege to send out the President's messages and similar documents, because he thought they should be given the widest circulation.41 Postmaster General Payne was used by President Roosevelt, especially, to pave the way for his renomination. He sought endorsements from certain "key" state conventions. Even before he had accidentally been made President, Mr. Roosevelt had managed to have the Illinois convention endorse him as the next nominee. Then, in 1902 the Pennsylvania Republican state convention 39

Roosevelt Papers, Dec. 10, 1903, Mar. 16, 1904, from Payne, Dec. 1 1 , 25, 1903, to Payne, Mar. 12, 1904, Wynne to Payne, Jan. 13, 2 j , 1904, Overstreet to Payne, Jan. 24, 30, Feb. 5, 1904, Payne to Overstreet; U.S. Congress, 58th Cong., 2d Sess., House Report, No. 1395. 40 New York Nation, Apr. 30, 1903. 41 Roosevelt Papers, Mar. 22, June 2, Aug. 19, 27, 1902; Milwaukee Sentinel, May 23, 1903.

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adopted in its platform a Roosevelt endorsement plank understood to be written by Postmaster General Payne. 4 2 Chairman Hanna was the President's greatest bugbear, since Roosevelt was sure the Ohio Senator wanted to be President. Even though the Postmaster General and Secretary Cortelyou assured President Roosevelt that M r . Hanna would not be a candidate, he was not entirely convinced, and he insisted that the endorsement of the Ohio convention, since it was the chairman's own state, was vital to his campaign. Senator Hanna demurred and said that "the Ohio Republicans could not with propriety at this time take the action." President Roosevelt was then thoroughly alarmed, so his friends interfered, M r . Hanna retracted, and Ohio endorsed M r . Roosevelt. 43 Mark Hanna died February 16, 1904; this not only relieved the President of any anxiety he might possibly have but also put the entire management of the campaign into the hands of his Postmaster General, who now became acting chairman of the national committee. President Roosevelt, however, liked to direct his own campaign and so discussed with M r . Payne practically all the details of the forthcoming convention. H e made suggestions as to the membership of the advisory committee, the persons who should second his nomination (whether it would not be well to have one colored delegate do so), about planks in the platform, and especially about the seating of contested delegations. One of the most serious contests was that of Wisconsin, Payne's own state. F o r some years Robert M . LaFollette had been leading a movement to take away the control of the Republican party in that state from the so-called "Stalwart" group, now led by Senator John C. Spooner. By 1904 LaFollette had won the governorship and with the aid of the university football boys had controlled the state convention which elected four "Insurgent" delegatesat-large. T h e "Stalwarts" had held another convention and had also elected four delegates-at-large. LaFollette called on the President, but received no support from him, and the "Stalwart" delegates were seated by the national committee. This was to be expected, since Chairman Payne had been leader of that group in his state. In spite of an apoplectic stroke on June 15 M r . Payne opened the national convention on June 21 and introduced the temporary chairman. Everything went 42

Busbey, Uncle Joe Cannon,

p. 2 0 3 ; Moore, Roosevelt

and the Old Guard,

pp.

55-5743

Bishop, Theodore Roosevelt, I, 1 5 4 ; C r o l v , Marcus Alonzo Hanna, pp. 4 1 6 , 4 3 7 ; Roosevelt Papers, M a y 27, 1 9 0 3 , to Clarkson, M a y 2 3 , 1 9 0 3 , to P a y n e ; Meyer Papers, June 1 1 , 1 9 0 3 , from Lodge.

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off as had been planned by the President and his Postmaster General} the permanent committees concurred in what the national committee had decided, and Roosevelt was nominated unanimously.44 Many thought that the Postmaster General would be made the new chairman of the national committee. His poor health, however, would have made that impossible, even if the President had not had other plans. For the first time the Presidential nominee insisted that he alone ought to select the chairman. The President first asked Elihu Root to take the chairmanship, but when he refused Roosevelt decided on George B. Cortelyou, his former private secretary, whom he had made the first head of the Department of Labor and Commerce. The "Old Guard" politicians, Don Cameron, T . C. Piatt, and Senator Aldrich, were furious when the President's choice was announced late in May—even before the convention had met. They were determined to resist. They did not like this assumption of authority on the part of the President, and they particularly opposed the selection of this inexperienced (as they thought) politician. H e had never even been a member of a party committee j he had never managed campaigns; he had merely risen from the ranks of departmental service from the position of secretary to the Fourth Assistant Postmaster General to that of private secretary to the President. H e had only recently become a Cabinet minister. The President insisted upon his selection, however. H e wrote to Senator Lodge's friend the national committeeman from Massachusetts: Please wire me in full about opposition to Cortelyou. People may as well understand that if I a m to run for President that Cortelyou is to be C h a i r man of the National Committee. I will not have it any other w a y . Please give me the names of people opposed to h i m ; and you are welcome to tell each of them w h a t I have said. . . .

I regard opposition or disloyalty to

M r . Cortelyou as being simply an expression of disloyalty to the republican party.

The President was so sure that he would have his way that he sent Cortelyou out to Chicago on June 17 to be ready to take office. H e was right, for Cortelyou was unanimously elected chairman of the national committee on June 23 at a very unexciting meeting. The same day he resigned his position as head of the Department of Commerce and 44 Roosevelt Papers, May io, 14, June 17, 1904, to Payne, June 15, 1904, wire from E . Payne; New York Times, June i , 20, 1904; Republican Party, Official Proceedings of the National Convention, 1904, p. 44.

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Labor/* The press was surprised at the selection of such an inexperienced person to head the Republican organization. The New York Times commented: T h i n k of M r . Cortelyou " b u y i n g m u l e s " ordering a resort to " s o a p , " organizing "blocks of

five"

or even " f r y i n g f a t . " Dismissing from the dis-

cussion the forbidden and abhorrent practices in this list as being altogether impossible for a man of M r . Cortelyou's probity and judging his qualifications only by the test of the last-named function—that of raising campaign f u n d s — i t will be borne upon the candid mind that the criticism of the President's choice by the practical minded Republicans like Senator Aldrich and Senator K e a n is well grounded. . . . W e doubt whether M r .

Cor-

telyou would be sufficiently imposing, either in manner or speech, to work a trust magnate up to the contribution pitch. 4 6

As subsequent events showed, they were mistaken in their characterization. When J . Hampton Moore (a Pennsylvania Republican), voicing the "Old Guard's" fears, suggested to Cortelyou that he might lack practical experience, he quoted him as replying: "Who more seasoned or 'practical' as you say, . . . than a man who has served under three Presidents and who because of that service has come to know the 'practical fellows' in every State?" 47 Cortelyou even refused to put on the executive committee men who had been prominent in the party campaigns for decades; he omitted from the committee Postmaster General Payne, who had since 1892 been a member of it. The new chairman explained to him that he felt no member of the Cabinet should also be a member of the committee, but he was sure "there were ways in which he could properly and effectively be of assistance." He also told the President that the men suggested by Payne were, not the Postmaster General's own suggestions, but those made by himself in an earlier conversation. Relations seemed to be slightly strained between these two former colleagues.48 The new chairman proved to be an excellent party manager. Many contemporaries maintain that no party manager ever kept in closer touch with the innumerable details of the campaign. He had a great 45 Meyer Papers, Nov. 30, 1903, Mar. 2, 1904, from Lodge; Thayer, John Hay, I I , 3 j 3 , 3 7 6 ; Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, II, 79, 80, 84; Roosevelt Papers, June 1 7 , 24, 1904, to Cortelyou, June 23, 1904, from Cortelyou, June 1 7 , 1904, to Meyer, June 18, 1904, from Meyer. 48 New York Times, May 28, 1904. 47 Moore, Roosevelt and the Old Guard, p. 1 1 7 . 48 Roosevelt Papers, July 19, 1904, Cortelyou to Loeb.

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capacity for work and is said to have devoted every working hour from the time of his appointment to the election day on the campaign. Sometimes those working hours lasted until two or three in the morning. 49 T h e President kept in such close touch with his manager that many assert that he was the real director of the campaign and that the chairman was merely his agent. At one time the candidate wrote to his chairman: " I wonder whether President McKinley bothered Hanna as I am bothering you." Chairman Cortelyou insisted that the campaign be conducted on a high plane and was indignant when President Roosevelt implied that he might be bargaining with businessmen in connection with the Northern Securities case. H e replied that he thought he "had a fair degree of moral fiber, certainly enough to measure up to the requirements of this Northern Securities case." H e explained that he had some information which would help M r . Moody in the case and so had a conference with him when he was in New York, but that "there was no weakening, no let down." T h e President "bothered" his campaign manager about such different matters as replies to be made to newspaper articles, his notification address, methods of obtaining the Methodist support, help for the congressional committee by the national committee, and sending speakers to forward the national campaign in the doubtful states.80 One of the chief difficulties in the campaign was to avoid taking sides with either one of the factions in the party which had arisen in several states. T h e Vice Presidential candidate was always getting into trouble in that respect j in one case he agreed to be the house guest of a Senator who had bolted the state ticket; at another time he arranged to speak under the auspices of one of the factions in Delaware. 5 1 T h e faction situation was particularly bad in New York and Wisconsin. President Roosevelt was very worried because the issues in New York State had shifted from national to state and the Republicans were fighting a defensive campaign. Cortelyou replied that he was working toward offensive action, but could do little before the nominee for Governor had been notified. H e had induced Senator Piatt to send out 4 " Louis A. Coolidge, "George B. Cortelyou," American Review of Reviews, X X X (Dec., 1904), pp. 684—85; Dunn, From Harrison to Harding, I, 395, 401. 50 Roosevelt Papers, Aug. 12, 1904, to Cortelyou, Aug. 12, 1904, from Cortelyou; July 18, Aug. 1, 4, 1 1 , 13, 15, 17, 29, Sept. 13, 19, Oct. 14, 21, to Cortelyou, July 21, 22, Aug. 17, 18, 26, 31, Sept. 3, 1904, from Cortelyou, show how they worked together. 51 Ibid., Sept. 16, 1904.

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personal appeals to his friends—some forty or fifty thousand of them. He planned to shift many prominent speakers to the East, among them Elihu Root and John Hay. A plan was mapped out after consultation with the acting managing editor of the New York Tribune and Whitelaw Reid, so the chairman was sure they would win the fight there; and they did. 52 The Wisconsin situation was a continuation of that which presented itself before the national convention, where they had had two sets of delegates-at-large. There were now two state tickets. The "Stalwart" group had been recognized by the national committee, and its leader, Senator Spooner, was a close friend of the President. The state supreme court finally upheld the LaFollette ticket as the regular one, so the President advised his chairman that "there must not be any kind of favoritism shown by us towards the 'stalwarts'" as they were a bolting state committee. H e thought Senator Spooner should withdraw their ticket. The "Stalwart" nominee for Governor finally withdrew from the race and the rest of the ticket was badly defeated.53 The President himself would have liked to take an active part in the campaign, but the chairman from the very beginning insisted on following the practice of President McKinley in the preceding campaign. He favored plenty of publicity in papers and magazines and even requested the candidate to allow himself to be photographed playing tennis and riding horseback but opposed his making personal appearances. In October the nominee again told his campaign manager that he was "perfectly willing when the time comes to appear in the campaign myself, either by speech or letter." At that time the latter replied: " I think you should go on doing just as you have done. If anything should happen that would warrant your appearing either by speech or letter, I will let you know, but I certainly hope no such occasion will arise." 54 During that month the occasion did arise, due to the attack on Chairman Cortelyou with regard to campaign funds. This was brought about by Mr. Pulitzer on his return from Europe. He had opposed the selection of Cortelyou as chairman and had tried to arouse the Democratic candidate to take the offensive in the campaign. On October i, in an editorial in the World, he asked the President how i2

lbid.,

Sept. 29, Oct. 1 , 1904, to Cortelyou, J u l y 22, Sept. i 6, 1 7 , Oct. 2, 1904,

from Cortelyou. 63 Ibid., Sept. 1 3 , Oct. 6, 1 9 0 4 , to Cortelyou, Sept. 1 6 , 1 9 0 4 , from Cortelyou. 54

Ibid., Oct. 1, 1904, to Cortelyou, Oct. 2, 1 9 0 4 , from Cortelyou.

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much the "trusts"—Beef, Steel, Tobacco, and others—had contributed to Mr. Cortelyou. This was the beginning of the only exciting month in the campaign. The papers had earlier attacked Senator Aldrich and claimed that he had given pledges to the "trusts" when he obtained their contributions. The case of Chairman Cortelyou was "more scandalous," proclaimed the New York Times, because he had been head of the Department of Commerce, in which there is a Bureau of Corporations. The editorial continued: N o man w o u l d have the hardihood to assert that any other than private and political ends are served w h e n the C h i e f of the D e p a r t m e n t

which

has become the custodian of corporation secrets is put at the head of the partisan committee w h o s e principal function is to collect campaign

con-

tributions w h i c h come chiefly f r o m great corporations.

How different was the attitude expressed in the same columns at the time of the chairman's selection! By giving these contributions the "corporations think they are buying the President." The latter wrote his Massachusetts friend that Cortelyou had just told him that "if I won I would find myself unhampered by a single promise of any kind, sort, or description." To the opposition such a statement meant nothing, for as the New York Times replied, naturally no verbal promises were made, but they certainly were implied when Mr. Cortelyou accepted any check drawn by the head of a big corporation.55 On October 26 President Roosevelt insisted that if the Standard Oil Company had given a large sum of money to the committee that it should be returned directly. W e cannot under a n y circumstances a f f o r d to take a contribution

which

can be even improperly construed as putting us under an improper obligation, and in v i e w of m y past relations with the Standard O i l C o m p a n y

I

fear such a construction will be put upon receiving any aid f r o m them.

He was informed that the company had given no money, although certain individuals had contributed. In 1908 he discovered that the contribution had been made under the authority of the executive committee of the company and had not been returned. Two days before this letter the Democratic candidate, Judge Parker, had taken up the issue and made a violent attack on the Republican nominee and his 85 Seitz, Josefh Pulitzer, pp. 1 5 8 - 6 7 ; New Y o r k Times, Oct. i , 5, 19041 Roosevelt and Lodge, Corresfondence, II, 1 0 2 ; Roosevelt Papers, Oct. 1, 1904, to Cortelyou.

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chairman. The President feared his statements were having some influence and wanted an attack made in return on Tom Taggart, Parker's own chairman, and his methods of spending money. He worked out a reply to be used if necessary and suggested that Secretary Root be consulted about it. Chairman Cortelyou and the Secretary of State made several changes in the letter, and it was published on the 5th of November. In this the President declared that the Democratic candidate lied when he said that the Republican managers had blackmailed the trusts into contributing to their fund. 56 The New York Times commented: " T h e President's statement is not a denial, it is not a refutation. It is a confirmation, and it is a national humiliation." These charges had little effect, for the Republican party candidate was overwhelmingly elected.57 Later investigations showed that the Republican party had received large sums of money from corporations, but such practices were at that time perfectly legal. President Roosevelt presented his attitude on this point in a letter to his chairman: I t is entirely l e g i t i m a t e to accept contributions . . . with the explicit u n d e r s t a n d i n g that they w e r e g i v e n a n d received with no thought of a n y obligation o n the p a r t of the N a t i o n a l C o m m i t t e e or of the N a t i o n a l

more Ad-

ministration t h a n is implied in the s t a t e m e n t that every m a n shall receive a square d e a l . 5 8

Whether the corporation officers took the attitude that acceptance of a contribution was an implied promise would be difficult to say. There seems to be no truth in the "blackmail" charge, however. Mr. Creelman, in Pearson's Magazine, June, 1908, brings out the point that the Bureau of Corporations had not been well enough organized by the time Mr. Cortelyou resigned to have investigated many corporations.59 Mr. Cortelyou had suggested the same point as a possibility for Presi56

Roosevelt Papers, Oct. 26, Nov. 1 , 1904, to Cortelyou, Nov. 3, 1904, from Cortelyou; Bishop, Theodore Roosevelt, II, 98. 97 New York Times, Nov. 5, 1904. 58 Roosevelt Papers, Oct. 7.6, 1904, to Cortelyou. 58 James Creelman, " M r . Cortelyou explains President McKinley," Pearson's Magazine, June, 1908, pp. 5 6 8 - 8 5 ; Pringle, Theodore Roosevelt, pp. 354 fF. Clapp Committee investigation showed that over 70 percent of the Republican campaign fund was from corporations. The first annual report of the Bureau of Corporations was December, 1904 and covered the period from its establishment to June, 1904. The report deals entirely with legal matters—the extent of the power of the Bureau and state corporation laws. There is no indication that they had obtained any data about corporations by that time.

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dent Roosevelt's reply of November 5, but added that then they would be attacked because it had not been organized and in operation earlier. On November 6 the chairman gave out the statement that the campaign fund was made up of contributions from more than four thousand people and was about one-half as large as the fund raised in 1896. 60 There were some cases of assessment of officeholders by state or local party committees, but these were frowned on by the administration. The most notorious case was in Ohio, where circulars soliciting contributions from officeholders bore the name of Congressman Dick as one of the officers. President Roosevelt wrote Cortelyou to have the circular withdrawn lest Dick should get into trouble. H e had been involved in a similar situation during the congressional campaign of 1902, when the Attorney General had handed down his opinion (October 1 7 ) that circulars "should not be sent to Federal officials, or else they should not bear the names of public officers and employees designation in the act." President Roosevelt had at that time warned Federal officials "that the provisions of the law as herein construed are to be by them obeyed and enforced." 0 1 Several minor postal employees were removed from office for soliciting campaign funds in the campaign of 1904. There were also some complaints that there was undue party activity on the part of postmasters and that party committees, especially in the South, were composed mainly of officeholders. When his attention was called to one case the Postmaster General wrote: " I n having so many Federal officers on the Committee, the limit of good taste in the matter of political activity on the part of officials, has been passed. I bring this matter to your attention that you may take such steps as will prevent further complaint." In other cases he reprimanded postmasters, for he had heard they were "giving [the] whole time to-day at the polls influencing voters and that post office clerks are driving teams carrying voters"} and making the post office "a place of central meeting, and . . . rendering yourself extremely objectionable to that portion of the community which does not agree with you on political matters." 82 40 Roosevelt Papers, Nov. 3, 1904, from Cortelyou; New York Times, Nov. 6, 1904. See also Overacker, Money in Elections, p. 132. 81 New York Times, Oct. 19, 1902; Roosevelt Papers, Oct. 4, 1904, to Cortelyou; Postmaster General Letterbook, Aug. 29, 1904, acting Postmaster General to E. B. Palmer, and many similar letters. 02 New York Times, Nov. 6, 1904; Postmaster General Letterbook, e.g., Oct. 8,

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W h e n P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l P a y n e died, O c t o b e r 4, the position of Postmaster G e n e r a l w a s o f f e r e d , as a matter of course, to the chairman of t h e national committee. E v e n b e f o r e M r . P a y n e ' s death the President h a d e v i d e n t l y p l a n n e d this " r e w a r d " f o r his campaign manager, but t h e vacancy c o m i n g b e f o r e the e n d of the c a m p a i g n made the situation a little embarrassing. U n d e r t h e law t h e office had to be

filled

w i t h i n thirty d a y s ; that w o u l d mean that C o r t e l y o u w o u l d have to be appointed on N o v e m b e r 3, five d a y s before the election. President R o o s e v e l t suggested that if he took the Postmaster G e n e r a l s h i p and also kept the chairmanship f o r e v e n five days that the Democratic papers w o u l d " y e l l . " H e also felt that C o r t e l y o u s h o u l d have a good vacation b e f o r e b e g i n n i n g a n e w j o b , but l e f t the decision up to him." 3 F i n a l l y , t h e office of P o s t m a s t e r G e n e r a l , f o r t h e remainder of that administration, was g i v e n to t h e F i r s t Assistant Postmaster G e n e r a l , R o b e r t J . W y n n e . T h e N e w Y o r k Times

hailed this appointment as a

" r e w a r d of m e r i t " because of his w o r k in bringing to a head the postal investigation w h i c h had just been successfully c o m p l e t e d . H e had never been in politics; " h e had no p u l l ; he could d e l i v e r no d e l e g a t e s ; he had no s t r e n g t h , " it declared. H i s first public office (except that of private secretary to t h e Secretary of the T r e a s u r y in P r e s i d e n t H a r r i s o n ' s administration) had been t h e first assistantship, t o w h i c h he had been appointed in A p r i l , 1902. H e was t h e f o u r t h man in the history of the P o s t Office D e p a r t m e n t thus to be p r o m o t e d to t h e position of Postmaster G e n e r a l . H e carried on m e r e l y the business activities of t h e Dep a r t m e n t until M a r c h , 1905, and then he was sent to L o n d o n as consul general.84 1904, Wynne to J. R . Crupper, Sept. 11, 1904, acting Postmaster General to G. T . Hodgman, Oct. 10, 1904, Wynne to postmaster of Silver City, Idaho, Nov. 30, 1904., Wynne to W . H. Mosby. 8 3 Roosevelt Papers, Oct. 4, 1904, from Cortelyou, Oct. 5, 1904, to Cortelyou. • 4 New Y o r k Times, Dec. j , 1904.

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George B. Cortelyou became head of the Post Office Department, in March, 1905, the precedent was established for a practice which has by now (1940) become generally recognized—that is, the rewarding of the chairman of the national committee with the Cabinet position of Postmaster General. Mr. Cortelyou had spent the months between the election and the inauguration winding up his political duties—finding positions for his subordinates in the campaign. H e had many conferences with the President to advise him which party workers deserved to be rewarded with a diplomatic position, a judgeship, a high departmental office, or even a position as public printer.1 H e worked out with the President a "list of advisers for the different states"—those to be consulted in the distribution of the local patronage.2 In most cases he stressed the qualifications of each man for a particular position, but he did not lose sight of the service done by the candidate in the recent campaign or the political effect of such an appointment. T w o of his party lieutenants were given positions in the Post Office Department: Frank Hitchcock, the assistant secretary of the Republican national committee became First Assistant Postmaster General, and Peter Degraw, a newspaper correspondent at the national convention, became the Fourth Assistant. When Mr. Cortelyou took over the office of Postmaster General, he announced that he would retire as chairman of the national committee as soon as certain business matters could be disposed of. It took almost two years, evidently, to take care of these details, for he did not resign until January, 1907, and by that time he had been selected for the position of Secretary of the Treasury. 8 While he was head of the Post Office Department, he continued his political activities; he filled vacancies on the national committee, recommended "strong Republicans" for various Federal jobs, and even interfered in 1 Roosevelt Papers, Dec. 17, 1904, to Senator Spooner, Jan. 2, j , 28, Mar. 1, 1905, from Cortelyou. ' Ibid., Jan. 5, 1905, from Cortelyou. 4 Private collection of papers of M r . Cortelyou, releases to the press, Mar. 7, 8, 1 j , 1905, Jan. 7, 1907.

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state politics at the direction of the President. It was through him that President Roosevelt informed the leaders of up-state N e w York that Charles E . Hughes should be nominated for governor. 5 When the Postmaster General finally resigned as chairman of the committee, John C. N e w took that office. T o fill the position of Postmaster General when M r . Cortelyou was transferred to the Treasury Department, President Roosevelt selected a friend of Senator L o d g e , George von Lengerke M e y e r , of Boston. H e was a prosperous business man, a graduate of H a r v a r d in the class preceding that of President Roosevelt, and had been prominent in local politics since 1889, when he became a member of the city council. Besides holding positions in the state legislature, he had also been associated with the party machinery, first as a member of the state central committee and after 1898 as Massachusetts' representative on the national committee. H e is supposed to have advised Theodore Roosevelt to accept the nomination for Vice President in 1900, when he said, " T h e y ' r e trying to bury you, but with your luck, they won't be able to do it." 6 President McKinley had appointed M e y e r United States ambassador to Italy. In 1904 there had been some opposition to his holding both the office of ambassador and membership on the national committee, so at the end of the convention he had given up his seat on the committee to W . M u r r a y Crane. H e became treasurer of an auxiliary committee for the N e w England states and succeeded in raising more than $ 1 2 5 , 0 0 0 . 7 President Roosevelt had hoped to include him in his Cabinet as Secretary of the N a v y , at the beginning of his second term, but since the expected changes did not materialize, he sent him as ambassador to Russia. 8 T h e Massachusetts diplomat was disappointed, f o r he wrote Senator L o d g e : " I should have been prouder to have held a place in this Cabinet than any Ambassadorship." 9 H e accepted the position, 4

Roosevelt Papers, May 7, 1905, May 8, 15, 1906, from Cortelyou, July 25, 1905, Mar. i, 1907, to Cortelyou; Postmaster General Letterbook, Dec. 4, 1905, to W. F. Craft. 5 Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, II, 236, 251. 6 Mark A. De Wolfe Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, pp. 20—21, 26-27, 9093 (contains references from Mr. Meyer's diary, which has since been lost). 7 Meyer Papers, Apr. 27, June 13, 1904, from Lodge, Sept. 30, Nov. 17, 1904, from Bliss, July 29, 1904, to Roosevelt. 8 Mark A. Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, pp. 95, 1 1 1 ; Meyer Papers, Dec. 26, 1904, from Roosevelt, Dec. 27, 1904, from Lodge. • Meyer Papers, Nov. n.d., 1904.

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however, and played a very important part in the negotiations leading to the Portsmouth Conference. A l l the time he was there it was emphasized that this position was just temporary and that he would be included in the Cabinet as soon as there was a vacancy. When Secretary of the Treasury Shaw proposed to resign, both Senator Lodge and Nicholas Murray Butler suggested Meyer for that position because of his financial training and because he was an eastern man. 10 Instead, several shifts were made in the Cabinet, so that M r . Cortelyou became the Secretary of the Treasury and the ambassador to Russia became Postmaster General. In his diary M r . Meyer commented: "Postmaster General outranks Secretary of the Navy, but I do not believe it will be as interesting." H e took office on March 4,1907. The reputation of that office had even spread abroad, for when the King of Italy congratulated Meyer on his appointment he remarked: " I understand that it has more political influence than any other Cabinet office." M r . Meyer assured him, however, that he believed it should be run on business principles in order to give the best service. 11 H e even thought the name of his office a misnomer and suggested to the President that it be changed to that of Secretary of the Posts. " T h e head of the [Post Office] Department is no longer in any sense a postmaster," he wrote the Chief Executive. " H e has the administration of this enormous Department. . . . T h e Postmaster General's present title results in his being designated chiefly as 'General.' " 1 2 A long article in the Washington Post by Charles Willis Thompson, July 7, 1907, declared that M r . Meyer merely received the title and emoluments of the Postmaster General and that the real head of the Post Office Department was the First Assistant, Frank Hitchcock. T h e rest of the article described the latter's rise in politics. M r . Hitchcock was very much disturbed by the article, and he wrote the President: I want to say about M r . Meyer that in every respect he measures up to the position of Postmaster General. From the time he assumed charge of this Department he devoted himself most earnestly to the duties of the position, as you well know, and the record he is making will prove beyond question the wisdom of his appointment. 13 10 Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, II, 124, 130, 136; Meyer Papers, Feb. 14, 1906, Meyer to Lodge. 1 1 Mark A . Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, pp. 312, 341. 1 2 Meyer Papers, Sept. 23, 1907 (copy). 1 8 Roosevelt Papers, July 7, 1907.

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As a member of the Cabinet the new Postmaster General became an important political adviser of the President. Not long after he took office the latter wrote him: " Y o u are one of the Cabinet Ministers upon whom I lean. You always spare me trouble, you never make a mistake, and you are a constant source of strength to the administration." 14 H e was a member of a sort of subcommittee of the Cabinet} the other members were usually Root and Cortelyou. They remained after Cabinet meetings to discuss matters of importance: the President's messages, the foreign situation, the fortifications in case of war with Japan, and especially the financial difficulties brought about by the Panic of 1907. 15 The chief extracurricular activity of the Postmaster General during the two years he held office was the preparation for the nomination and election of a successor to President Roosevelt. Judging from his personal correspondence, that would seem to have consumed all his energies j but we know that as Postmaster General he accomplished much for the Department by making the plans which later led to the establishment of postal savings banks and the parcel post system. By the spring of 1907 the Postmaster General and his First Assistant, Frank Hitchcock, were already busy with the preconvention campaign, although the "crown prince" had not been definitely selected. Some doubt of the First Assistant's loyalty to President Roosevelt's probable choice (Secretary T a f t ) was expressed, but M r . Meyer assured the President that "when the time comes he would do whatever Mr. Roosevelt wanted him to do." 1 6 T h e choice of a candidate was discussed by the President, Secretary T a f t , and Postmaster General Meyer at a series of conferences held at Oyster Bay in August and September, 1907. There were three prominent candidates: Governor Hughes of New York, Secretary Cortelyou, and Secretary Taft. The first was seriously considered, since he was an important political factor, but "he would not carry out the so-called Roosevelt policy because it was known as Roosevelt's." None of them thought that the movement of the Secretary of the Treasury for the nomination was serious, although he had excellent contacts with the national committee and through them could win many delegates. 17 It was also said that Frank Hitchcock was using his influence for his former chief, and that the Ibid., July io, 1907. Mark A. Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, pp. 361, 363, 372-76. 1 4 Roosevelt Papers, July 18, 1907. 1 7 Mark A. Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, pp. 364-65; Meyer Papers, Aag. 7, 1907, from T a f t . 14

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President and the Postmaster General were a little afraid of this is shown by the fact that in several cases in the South they had overridden the selection pf "post office conferees" that he had made because the latter were considered to be anti-Taft. 18 The situation was also embarrassing because the President hated to tell M r . Cortelyou that he ought not to be a candidate. At a conference in September M r . Meyer thought that circumstances might force the President to run for another term to prevent Bryan's election. The matter was brought to a head in December, when the national committee met in Washington, for it decided that the national convention should meet in Chicago. Rumors were prevalent in the Capital that the decision was a victory for M r . Cortelyou over M r . T a f t and that the officeholders of the South had been organized by First Assistant Postmaster General Hitchcock, ostensibly in favor of the renomination of President Roosevelt, but really for Secretary Cortelyou, and might be easily delivered to him if the President refused at the last minute to be a candidate. After consulting with Postmaster General Meyer and Secretary Root, President Roosevelt decided to squash for all time the "third term" talk, and he repeated the statement he had made November 8, 1904, adding, "Under no circumstances will I be a candidate for or accept another nomination." This was published on December 12, 1907. It was embarrassing that there were two Presidential candidates in the Cabinet} at one time the President considered asking both to resign or compromising on Secretary Root. 19 Gossip said that the Secretary of the Treasury was still in the race in January, 1908, since he had a conference with Frank Hitchcock and others in New York early in the new year. H e was supposed to have formally withdrawn from the contest a week after the President's refusal to accept a nomination.20 The Secretary of War was by now openly in the race as the recognized candidate of President Roosevelt for the nomination. The Postmaster General advised him to obtain the services of Frank Hitchcock for the management of his preconvention campaign. A meeting between the two took place late in January, when it was decided that the latter should resign his position as First Assistant Postmaster General to take charge of the task 18 Meyer Papers, Dec. 14, 1907, from J . G. Luce, Dec. 16, 1907, from Loeb, memorandum, Mar. 28, 1908, Jan. 28, 1908, from Loeb. 19 Mark A. Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, pp. 379—80; New York Timet, Dec. 7, 8, 12, 13, 1907; Barry, Forty Years in Washington, p. 187. 20 Meyer Papers, Jan. 1 1 , 13, 1908, from Eugene.

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21

of lining up delegates for M r . T a f t . Hitchcock is said to have had b y that time the southern delegates "in the bottom of his hand," and there were enough of them to cast one-half the votes necessary for the nomination. On March 20 he made his first prophecy concerning the probable number of votes his candidate would receive in the convention; he was too conservative by one hundred and fifty votes. H e is the first of the campaign managers to receive a reputation for his card index system. 22 Meanwhile the Postmaster General, who had always favored the nomination of M r . T a f t , did not resign his position, but also took an active, if not conspicuous, part in the preconvention campaign. H e was accused of using the patronage of the Department to obtain delegates for the Secretary of W a r . President Roosevelt denied this in a letter to William Dudley Foulke, February 7, 1908, and the latter investigated and declared that the charge was untrue. 23 Y e t as early as March, 1907, the President instructed his Postmaster General: " I n any appointments of importance in Ohio, I think it advisable now that the judgment of Secretary T a f t should be obtained; and if there is any difficulty with either of the Senators you might mention that by my direction M r . T a f t is to be consulted." T h e Senators did attempt to block confirmation of these appointments. There had evidently been some hitch in the Department, for shortly thereafter Governor T a f t protested to the President's secretary that a certain postmaster had been removed without his knowledge. T h e President had then suggested to the Postmaster General that he deal directly with the Ohio situation. T h e jealousy between T a f t ' s Ohio manager and First Assistant Postmaster General Hitchcock, head of the appointment office, had been responsible for that error. T h e Postmaster General had finally ordered the latter to carry out either T a f t ' s or Vorys's wishes in all Ohio appointments. 24 Later orders had been issued that the Presidential candidate was also to be consulted on appointments in other states. 25 In the South the "post office con21 New York Tribune, Jan. 29, Feb. 8, Mar. 21, 1908; Roosevelt Papers, Feb. 15, 1908, to Hitchcock, Feb. 17, 1908, from Cortelyou. 22 Stealey, 130 Pen Pictures of Live Men, pp. 2 1 1 - 1 5 ; Pringle, The Life and Times of William Howard Taft, I, 347. 23 Foulke, Fighting the Sfotlsmen, pp. 207, 209. 24 Roosevelt Papers, Mar. 16, 1907, to Meyer, Jan. 20, 1908, Loeb to Meyer; Meyer Papers, July 20, 1907, from Loeb, July 17, 1907, Taft to Loeb, July 21, 1907, Meyer to Taft. There are many letters from Meyer to Vorys in regard to patronage, e.g., Apr. 7, 1908. " Meyer Papers, Dec. 24, 1907, from Loeb, Jan. 1908, memorandum of advisers

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ferees" were selected with Mr. Taft's nomination in mind, and the "referees" already selected who could be relied upon were carefully called to the Postmaster General's attention by the President. T h e "referee" system was now well recognized. Postmaster General Cortelyou had even announced to the press the name of a new "referee" after the former one had died.26 A First Assistant Postmaster General indiscreetly used the word in a letter to a Senator in 1908, and President Roosevelt then suggested that the word "referee" should not be used in official memoranda or in letters from the Department, especially not in letters to Senators. It gives the impression, he said, that the department establishes "small dictatorships in the Southern States for the distribution of offices." T h e First Assistant explained that under the old system the name of the "referee" was on the outside of the jacket "simply for the convenience of the reviewing clerk to show that the appointment is properly recommended." H e said they would change the system and file all papers of a political or confidential nature in a separate jacket, "which will not be shown to anyone outside the Department or referred to in correspondence." 27 Besides distributing the patronage of the Department for the benefit of Secretary Taft, Postmaster General Meyer kept in very close touch with the political activities of the postmasters, especially those in the South and in his own state (Massachusetts). President Roosevelt had directed the Postmaster General to inform his employees that they were not to advocate his renomination or to accept the "selection as a delegate for that purpose," 28 but there was nothing in these instructions to prevent them from working for other candidates, especially the one selected by President Roosevelt to be his successor. T h e postmasters were active in their districts; they were discouraged from being officers of the conventions or of the committees, but they could work behind the scenes and could also attend, as delegates, the national convention. Postmaster General Meyer worked particularly to obtain favorable delegations from North Carolina, Alabama, and Missouri. In those for Virginia, Jan. 27, it, 1908, from Loeb, Feb. 8, M a r . i o , A p r . 26, 1908, from Taft. 2 8 Private collection of papers of M r . Cortelyou, release to the press, A p r . 25, 1905 ; Postmaster General Letterbook, Oct. 25, 1905, to L . L . Bebout describing the system. 2 7 Roosevelt Papers, July 6, 18, 1908, to M e y e r ; Meyer Papers, J u l y 9, 1908, Grandfield to Roosevelt's secretary, A u g . j , 1908, Grandfield to Meyer, July 10, 1908, Meyer to Roosevelt ( c o p y ) . 2 8 Roosevelt Papers, Nov. 19, 1907.

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states Federal officeholders were, as one wrote him, "at your command to act in full accord with any suggestions you may make." T h e y advised with him in Washington and went back to the field to organize their committees to obtain T a f t delegates. There was a movement in North Carolina to obtain votes for Speaker Cannon through a mysterious M r . Wilson with a "five million fund." T h e Postmaster General investigated M r . Wilson and found that he was a broker, but could not find out what interests he represented. A f t e r several hard contests in the state, the internal revenue collector was able to report to M r . M e y e r , " 2 4 delegates from the State will be solid for the Secretary of W a r . " 29 It was the postmaster of St. Louis who reported for Missouri that "there is no fight on Taft. A l l delegations are for him" 30 Alabama had a factional fight between the national committeeman and the state chairman which caused much trouble. T h e former disliked M r . Hitchcock, so his loyalty to M r . T a f t was questioned. M r . M e y e r called on Booker T . Washington to aid him. H e favored M r . Thompson, the state chairman, and asked that the administration support him. H e reported the votes of the various district conventions in favor of M r . T a f t . H e finally sent the receiver of public moneys in Montgomery to consult with the Postmaster General. T h e national committeeman opposed an instructed delegation for T a f t . T h e result was two delegations from that state, but the T a f t delegation was seated. 31 O f course the Postmaster General kept in close touch with the situation in Massachusetts. In January he visited the state on private business, although he said the opposition would say the trip was to "bulldoze postmasters." H e had been a member of the Republican state committee for some time and president of the political club of his county. H e knew, therefore, which candidates for the positions of delegate to the national convention favored the Secretary of W a r , and he wrote to his friends: "Please do what you can with your friends at Topsfield to vote for the first two named men, as I really believe it to be important." 32 H e wrote a possible delegate from his state: "Can2 9 Meyer Papers, Jail. 22, Feb. 8, Apr. 24, 1908, from G. W . Brown, Feb. 13, 1908, to Brown and similar letter, Jan. 13, 1908 to A. E. Holton. 80 Ibid., Feb. 3, 1908, memorandum, Feb. 10, 1908, from Postmaster Wyman. 31 ¡bid., Feb. 7, 22, 24, 1908, from B. T . Washington, Feb. 29, 1908, to B . T . Washington, Feb. 24, 1908, Washington to Loeb, Dec. 14, 1907, T . H. Scott to Meyer. 82 Ibid., Jan. 27, 1907, to Curtis Guild, Feb. 10, 1908, to J. M . Meredith. Other letters regarding Massachusetts politics, Feb. 14, 1908, to Postmaster Mansfield,

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not you run down to Washington? I would like to have you meet him [ M r . T a f t ] because you will find him all that I claim." H e then enumerated the good qualities of the Secretary of W a r in contrast with Speaker Cannon, whom, he said, was " 7 2 years of age, bigoted, coarse, and narrow in vision." H e arranged for the meeting and wrote the Presidential candidate to "give him one of your cordial greetings as it will please him." 3 3 In April the Postmaster General went home to preside over the state convention; he had, meanwhile, written the postmaster at Boston for suggestions as to what state issues should be discussed in this opening address as chairman. Before the meeting of the convention there was a long conference with Senator Lodge, M r . Draper, and others, at which it was decided, for the interests of harmony, not to pass any instructions for the delegates. 34 T h e Postmaster General remained in Washington during the meeting of the national convention, although he said that he would go if needed. A l l the proceedings of the convention had been mapped out at the Capital before the convention met. T h e platform had been perfected at a meeting held in the President's library on J u n e 8; the candidate and the Postmaster General were present. T h e latter, remembering his official position, insisted that a plank supporting the postal savings banks be included in the platform; this was done. 35 Frank Hitchcock, since he was not a member of the national committee, used a proxy to sit in on the meetings, and thus when there were contesting delegates he succeeded in having those for T a f t seated. Because of his success in overriding all opposition he was nicknamed "Steam-roller Hitchcock." There was great enthusiasm when the President's name was mentioned, and there was a little fear lest this might lead to his renomination. T a f t ' s campaign manager was prepared to forestall any such move, since he had taken with him to Chicago a letter written by the President, which he was to show to any delegates who were weakening in their support of the Secretary of W a r . These delegates fell into line and gave the Roosevelt candidate 702 votes on the first ballot, Mar. 4, 1907, to J . N. Peterson, Mar. 1 1 , May 28, to Postmaster Longam, Mar. 10, 1908, front Longam. ss Ibid., Feb. 19, 1908, to H. C. Gallagher, Mar. 3, 1908, to Taft, Mar. 2, 1908, to Draper. M Ibid., Mar. 14, 1908, to Postmaster Mansfield; Mark A. Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, p. 387. 85 Meyer Papers, June 4, 1908, to Lodge, June 6, 12, 1908, to Hitchcock, June 8, 1 1 , 12, 1908, from Hitchcock.

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two less than his "human card index" campaign manager had claimed the week before. 3 6 T h e National Civil Service Reform League estimated that one-tenth of the delegates at that convention were Federal officeholders and that the ratio reached one in three in case of the southern delegates, but they pointed out that the officeholders were for different candidates. Most of the southern delegates, however, voted for Secretary Taft. 3 7 After the convention there arose a contest over the selection of the chairman of the national committee. By this time it was understood that the Presidential nominee would choose his campaign manager. Early in June it was reported in the papers that the Postmaster General was to be selected. H e found that back of these rumors was the President, who had told his Secretary of W a r that " i f he were running again for President, he should want me, of all men, to manage the campaign for him." T h e Postmaster General opposed his selection for several reasons. H e wrote his wife: I told the President that in my j u d g m e n t it would be a political mistake. T h e r e had been talk that the Post Office had been used for political purposes for T a f t ' s nomination; and n o w , if, on top of that, having made Hitchcock m a n a g e r before the Convention, I should resign from the Cabinet and go in and take the Chairmanship and run the campaign with Hitchcock as an assistant, it would be impossible to make the public believe that we had not been using the Post Office D e p a r t m e n t all along: also that I felt that the work I had been putting in on postal savings banks and parcel post would be lost if I went out of the Cabinet at this time. 3 8

These arguments did not entirely stop the movement to make him chairman. T h e chief candidates for the position were Arthur I. Vorys, Taft's Ohio manager, and Frank Hitchcock. Harry S. New also hoped he would be retained as chairman. Finally the national committee chose a subcommittee to settle the problem, but in reality the "snarl" was settled by the nominee after conferences with politicians not members of the committee, especially with the Postmaster General, who acted as an intermediary between Secretary T a f t and M r . Hitchcock. A conference at H o t Springs on July 8, at which M r . Meyer was present, settled the problem. Frank Hitchcock was made chairman of the 38 Roosevelt and Lodge, Correspondence, II, 295-96; Roosevelt Papers, June 1, 9, 17, 20, 1908, to Hitchcock. 87 New York Tribune, Apr. 5, 1909. 38 Meyer Papers, June 5, 19, 1908, to his wife.

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committee, but the entire charge of the Ohio campaign was left to Arthur I. Vorys. M r . Meyer's report to his wife is interesting: W e l l , Hitchcock is Chairman & Geo. Sheldon of N . Y . Treasurer. I did not feel equal to settling down in N . Y . and working all day & night until Nov. 6th with an occasional visit to Chicago. O f course if I had done it, T a f t would have been under such obligation there would have been nothing hardly that he could have refused me. Hitchcock is of Mass. Will probably land T a f t as President & want to be in the Cabinet. W h a t effect that will have [on another] man from Mass. in the Cabinet remains to be seen. T a f t is exceptionally friendly & refers many matters to me (so far) , 3 9

Throughout the campaign their relations continued close, and they corresponded frequently and played golf together, "talking politics between the holes." T o the Postmaster General the nominee confessed his misgivings about the "steam-roller" methods used by his campaign manager. H e was displeased because Chairman Hitchcock seldom consulted anyone, even the candidate. T h e appointment of M r . du Pont to the executive committee and as chairman of the speaker's bureau particularly worried him. T a f t spoke to Hitchcock about this appointment, but nothing was done about it. Finally, September 23, President Roosevelt wrote the chairman and insisted that he let M r . du Pont resign, because the "Powder Trust" with which he was connected was being investigated by the Department of Justice j he resigned the next day. Hitchcock continued to be independent, until finally the Postmaster General persuaded his former assistant to call a meeting of the executive and advisory committees so that they could know of his plans. 40 Another service which the Postmaster General performed was in connection with the banking issue. T h e Democratic candidate, William Jennings Bryan, had come out for a plan providing for the Government guarantee of bank deposits. M r . T a f t called on the Postmaster General for campaign material opposing this program and for his interference to prevent the Banker's Association from endorsing the Bryan program. M r . Meyer proposed the postal savings bank system instead of the Government guarantee; he considered the latter entirely unsound economically. H e had dinner with A. B. Hepburn, president of the Chase •• Ibid., July 2, 6, 12, 1908, to his wife; June 29, 1908, to Roosevelt; New York Tribune, June 20, 21, 30, July 9, 1908. 4 0 Myer Papers, Aug. 4, 13, 25, 1908, from T a f t , Aug. 10, 1908, to T a f t ; Roosevelt Papers, Sept. 23, 25, 1908, to T a f t , Sept. 23, 25, 1908, to Hitchcock; Mark A. Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, pp. 402-3.

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National Bank, and mapped out the program for the banker's convention and a plan to get the bankers in the western states interested in the issue. H e communicated with many other bankers, giving them data against the Bryan scheme. The result at the convention was the passage of resolutions not only against Bryan's deposit guarantee but also opposing the postal savings banks. 41 M r . Meyer was consulted by the treasurer of the committee concerning methods of obtaining more money. During the last part of the campaign he also went into the field and made speeches in Ohio, Maryland, New Jersey, and Massachusetts. 42 H e was rewarded by being the only man of President Roosevelt's Cabinet to be retained by President T a f t ; he was made Secretary of the Navy. Newspapers asserted that the real campaign manager in 1908 was President Roosevelt rather than Chairman Frank Hitchcock. Of course that was an exaggerated impression, although the President frequently gave his advice, probably unsolicited, on many matters in the campaign. H e passed on to the chairman information he had received through his correspondents and recommended the speakers and issues to be presented in various parts of the country. H e favored sending out Taft as a speaker and particularly recommended men to appeal to the working classes and the East Side of New York City. Another matter on which he gave advice was the issue raised by the American Protestant Association with regard to the nominee's religion. T h e latter had been attacked for being a Unitarian and for his supposed partiality to the Catholics when he was governor of the Philippines. M r . Hitchcock replied that measures were being taken to counteract these attacks and that they would not be as serious as had been feared. Most of the early part of the campaign was spent in settling the various factional disputes in the party, because Hitchcock believed in letting his opponent exhaust himself and his campaign material early in the fight. In October the country was flooded with Republican campaign material, and speakers were sent throughout the United States; the campaign culminated with an extensive tour by the candidate himself. T h e card index for which the chairman was famous again furnished a fairly accurate forecast of the vote: he had prophesied that T a f t would recieve 325 electoral 41 Meyer Papers, Aug. 4, 27, 1908, from Taft, Aug-. 26, 1907, to Johnson, Sept. 2, 18, 30, Oct. 3, 1908, to Taft, June 17, 1908, to F. B. Kellogg. 42 Ibid., Sept. 10, 1908, to Roosevelt, Oct. 8, 1908, Loeb to Meyer, Oct. 9, 1908, from Sheldon; Mark A. Howe, George von Lengerke Meyer, p. 412.

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43

votes, which was four more than he received. Three weeks after the election it was announced that M r . Hitchcock would be appointed Postmaster General. 4 4 This surprised no one, since it had now become the custom to reward the successful campaign manager with that office. Y e t , just as this alliance between the chairmanship of the national committee and the Postmaster Generalship was becoming established, the postal system itself was being divorced from the party machinery because of the efforts of the civil service reformers. T h e employees in the classified service were no longer active in politics. On J u n e 1 5 , 1 9 0 7 , President Roosevelt issued a general order concerning their behavior: "Persons, who by the provisions of these rules are in the competitive classified service, while retaining the right to vote as they please, and to express privately their opinion on all political subjects, shall take no active part in political management or in political campaigns." This order gave the Civil Service Commission power to investigate all cases of political activity in the classified service. 45 At first they had found a great many violations, but had been rather lenient and had merely warned the offender; but in March, 1908, the Commission informed the President that they thought the order should be well enough understood now and so they were going to inflict more severe penalties. T h e y recommended that the head of each Department inform his employees that "any man violating the provisions of the rules in question renders himself liable to punishment by removal." This was done, 48 and although during the campaign of 1909 there were many complaints of violations of this rule, more of them concerned Federal officials outside than inside the postal service. With regard to the cases in that Department the Postmaster General accepted the recommendations of the Civil Service Commission; in five cases the postal employees were warned, one employee was removed, three resigned in response to suggestion, and three had their salaries reduced. In some cases the employees had resigned in order to carry on political activities and had expected to be reinstated; but the Civil Service Commission refused to issue a certificate permitting that practice. By 1909, by means of execu43

Roosevelt Papers, Aug. 2 1 , Sept. 5, 1 1 , Oct. 9, 14, 23, 1908, to Hitchcock, Nov. i, 1908, from Hitchcock. 44 New York Tribune, Nov. 28, 1908. 45 U.S. Civil Service Commission, Tvienty-fourth Annual Report, 1908, p. 9; Foulke, Fighting the Spoilsmen, pp. 204-5. 48 Twenty-fourth Annual Refort, 1908, pp. 139 ft.

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tive orders, the political activity of subordinate postal employees was being effectively curbed, and those who did become too active were punished. 47 Not until 1939 were laws, the Hatch acts, definitely limiting political activity of Federal officeholders passed. T h e situation was the same with regard to political assessments. The loopholes in the law had been finally closed by court decision. Whether solicitation by letters sent to employees in their offices constituted solicitation in Government buildings was settled in March, 1908, when the Supreme Court, in the case of the United States versus Edward S. T h a y e r (209 U . S . 3 9 ) declared that solicitation by letter or circular addressed and delivered by mail or otherwise to an officer or employee of the United States at the office or building in which he is employed in the discharge of his official duties, is a solicitation "in the room or building," within the meaning of section 12 of the Civil Service Act, the solicitation taking place where the letter was received. Since the law had been clarified, the Civil Service Commission had been able to obtain enforcement of it, and the result was the removal of the violators, if not always their conviction. There had been violations in all Departments in 1908, but there had been no more in the Post Office Department than in the others. Compulsory assessments by Government officials or in Government buildings had by 1909 practically ceased. Of course employees were still "asked" to contribute, but by the state committees j the national committee seldom sent out soliciting circulars any more. Probably some pressure was successfully used on members of the nonclassified service, but it is apparent that those selected under the rules of the Civil Service Commission were practically free from any feeling of compulsion. T h e Commission felt that "the practice of levying political assessments on government employees . . . is now very rarely resorted to. H e r e and there contributions are made by government employees, but the Commission seldom received any well-founded complaint of actual compulsion." 48 47

Twenty-sixth Annual Report, 1910, pp. 25, 27, 1 4 7 - 5 2 ; Twenty-fifth Annual Report, 1909, pp. 9 - 1 2 . Postmasters were active in the campaign as is seen by the many letters in the Meyer Papers, e.g., Oct. 23, 1908, from Postmaster Longam. Several letters also called the attention of the postmasters to the circular against too much political activity, Oct. 9, 1908, to W. H. Feikes. 48 Twenty-third Annual Report, 1907, p. 2 ; Twenty-sixth Annual Report, 1910, p. 28} Meyer Papers, Oct. 9, 1906, J . W. Weeks wrote Meyer that he was returning his check to the campaign fund, since he was a Member of Congress and therefore could not receive money from other officeholders. He advised sending it to the state

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Of course the biggest blow against the political weapons of the Postmaster General had been the growth of the classified service—the only really effective remedy against political activity of the "rank and file" and political assessments. By the time of President Roosevelt's administration almost all the officers of the Post Office Department, with the exception of the high administrative officials and the postmasters, were in the classified service. It was the postmasters, especially the fourthclass postmasters, who comprised the chief patronage of the Postmaster General. E v e r since the beginning of President Roosevelt's second administration the trend had been toward classifying them. Soon after Cortelyou had taken office as Postmaster General, he said in an address to the National League of Postmasters of the Fourth Class: " T h e postmasters of the country should not be appointed by any party primarily as rewards for political activity rather than primarily on the basis of fitness for the work and regard for the wishes of the communities they serve." 4 9 In 1907 their own convention passed a resolution in favor of the inclusion of these offices under civil service regulations, and President Roosevelt, in his annual message of December, 1907, recommended a law to carry this out. Of course Congress did nothing, and President Roosevelt let the matter rest until after Secretary T a f t was elected President. Then, after a consultation with his successor, he promulgated, November 30, 1908, a rule which included in the competitive classified service the fourth-class postmasters of New England, the Middle States, and the Northwest territory (the most populous sections of the country)—some fifteen thousand offices. 50 This was done as an experiment, but it marked the beginning of a movement which committee and added: " a l l federal officeholders in and about Boston have sent to the State Committee." 49 Private collection of papers of M r . Cortelyou, release to the press, Oct. 27, 1 9 0 5 . 50 Foulke, Fighting the Spoilsmen, p. 2 1 2 ; Twenty-sixth Annual Refort, 1910, p. 2 3 . T h i s meant that President Roosevelt had included in the classified service more offices in the Post Office Department than all the preceding Presidents: Twenty-fifth Annual Refort, 1 9 0 9 , pp. 1 5 8 - 6 2 . Arthur Approx. 200 Cleveland 6,1 20 Harrison 8,110 Cleveland 34* McKinley '.67Î 16,245 Total 22,299 President Roosevelt

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was finally to take away from the Postmaster General the rest of his patronage power. T h e rest of the fourth-class postmasters were classified by President T a f t j and then the Presidential postmasters, at first by executive order (March 3 1 , 1 9 1 7 ) and finally by law (June 25, 1 9 3 8 ) , were brought under civil service rules and given an indefinite term of office. Shorn of his patronage weapon, his employees forbidden to participate actively in party management or be assessed for campaign funds, the Postmaster General may become, like his British counterpart, merely the head of a large business organization rather than the political adviser of the Chief Executive. This peculiarly American practice of selecting a prominent politician to head the Post Office Department was begun shortly after the office had been included in the President's Cabinet. At that time his patronage, even though small, was larger than that of other Cabinet members. Before the W a r between the States many Postmasters General had been political strategists and the personal campaign managers of the new Presidents; but they had not necessarily had any connection with the national committee (even after that body had been finally organized). Neither had the Presidential nominee. Later the campaigns had been run chiefly by the national committee, and the nominee had not had a separate manager or any say in the selection of the chairman of the national committee. During this period the Postmaster General had been selected for geographical or other considerations, and a minor but clever political strategist had been made First Assistant—the office which had charge of the distribution of the patronage of the Department. By the 1880's it had become the custom to consult the nominee's preferences as to chairman, and by 1892 it was he who chose the chairman. H e could even select someone who was not a member of the committee for that position. By the time of President Roosevelt's administration the practice of having the candidate's own personal campaign manager—the one who had managed his preconvention campaign for the nomination—selected as chairman of the national committee and then rewarding him with the office of Postmaster General had become established. Throughout this period it was almost always the Post Office Department which received the politician of the party. From 1848 (when there was the first organized national committee) to 1909 (when the association had become regularized) eleven Postmasters General had been members of the national committee j this was true of only five other Cabinet members during the

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same period. A Secretary of the Interior had once been chairman of the national committee, but there had been during the same period six Postmasters General who headed their party committee. From 1909 to 1940 every Postmaster General has been a member of the national committee, and all but two have held the position of chairman. During the same period only eight other Cabinet members have even been members of that committee, only two have been chairman, and not one has managed a national campaign. It is therefore evident that whenever a President felt the need of a political adviser in his Cabinet he appointed his choice to the office of Postmaster General and that after the party organization had become definitely established, that position was given to the chairman of the national committee.

APPENDIX POSTMASTER

REMOVALS

Unless otherwise stated, the statistics on the Presidential postmasters are found in the Senate Executive Journal (after 1 8 3 6 ) and for the non-Presidential in the Postmaster General, Annual Report (after 1 8 4 5 ) . The reports cover the period from July to July, so the figures above are a little misleading.

A ¿ministrations

Total Number of Postmasters

President Jackson Barry, P M G , 1829 Kendall, P M G , May 1 , 1 8 3 J President Van Buren Kendall, P M G , 1837

Niles, P M G , May 2 6 , 1 8 4 0 President Harrison Granger, P M G , 1841 President Tyler Wickliffe, P M G , Oct. 1 3 , 1841 President Polk Johnson, PMG, 1845

President Taylor Collamer, PMG, 1849

President Fillmore Hall, P M G July 23, 1850 0

8,004

Removals 491 543

Resignations

1

1,844

>o,777

Non-Pres. 11,669 Pres. 98 Non-Pres. 13,346 Pres. 122

•.363 5

e

6.575 2

49

Non-Pres. 13,545 Pres. 13 3

39

Non-Pres. Pres.

33

>4

'.598 42

9,308

140

Non-Pres. 16,582 Pres. 167

3.547 i

5,383 9

Non-Pres. 18,224 Pres. 193

908

6,377

3

10

ï.415 '

'.937'

Non-Pres. 14,043

Pres.

Changes Where Data It IncomfUte

21

T o Mar., 1830. U.S. Congress, 21st Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Doc., No. 106. " T o Oct., 1 8 3 1 . The Globe, May 2 1 , 1832. c To Mar. 1, 1839. U.S. Congress, 2jth Cong., 3d Sess., Senate Doc., No. 292. a U.S. Congress, 27th Cong., 2d Sess., House Doc., No. 226. e Statistics for 1856 are missing.

'5

3 O6

A P P E N D I X POSTMASTER

REMOVALS

(Continued) Changet Where Data Is Incomplete

Total Number of Postmasters

Removals

Non-Pres. 22,045 Pres. 255

5.177 '17

Non-Pres. 2 6 , 1 1 8 Pres. 368 Non-Pres. 28,122 Pres. 417

2

>*79 50 '.552 41

9.3 62 34 8,853 21

President Lincoln Blair, P M G , 1861

Non-Pres, 2 8 , 1 5 1 Pres. 434

8,624 37*

12,389 44

President Johnson Dennison, P M G , i86j Randall, P M G , J u l y 25, i86£

Non-Pres. 19,838 Pres. 712 Non-Pres. 2 3 , 1 1 9 Pres. 709

9*5 30 5>7°3 •34

3.575 2 9 12,765 54

President Grant Creswell, P M G , 1869 Jewell, P M G , Sept. 1, 1874 Tyner, P M G , J u l y 1 3 , 1876

Non-Pres. 26,126 Pres. 980 Non-Pres. 32,886 Pres. 1,408 Non-Pres. 34,815 Pres. 1,568

7> i o 3 311 1,884 64 '.°45 20

21,299 246 11.37' 98 5,140 28

President Hayes Key and Maynard, P M G , 1877

Non-Pres. 35,948 Pres. 1,397

»,57« 67

21,866 162

69

Non-Pres. 42,659 Pres. 1,863

',958 2 3

6,217 46

Î4

Non-Pres. 44,280 Pres. i ,951 Non-Pres. 45,720 Pres. 1,143

1,021

7.346 94 »4.999 '47

A ¿ministrations President Pierce Campbell, P M G , i«53 President Buchanan Brown, P M G , 1857 Holt, P M G , Mar. 14, 1859 and King

President Garfield James, P M G , 1881 President Arthur Howe, P M G , Jan. 5, 1882 Gresham, P M G , Apr. 1 1 , 1883, and Hatton President Cleveland Vilas, P M G , 1885 Dickinson, P M G , Jan. 17, 1888

31 1,218 31

Resignations

'

1 2,091 • 72

Non-Pres. 49,019 2 2 Pres. > 33

11,506 15 +

22,633 509

Non-Pres. 54,888 Pres. 1,488

1,244 26

6,521 80

339

26 36 9

2

5

55

Suspensions 414

APPENDIX POSTMASTER

307

REMOVALS

(Continued)

Total Number of Postmasters

Removals

Resignations

President Harrison Wanamaker, PMG, 1889

Non-Pres. 56,315 2,684 Pres.

>6,953 860

3«.9°* 451

President Cleveland Bissell, PMG, .893 Wilson, PMG, Apr. 4, 1895

Non-Pres. Pres. Non-Pres. Pres.

65,043 3,360 66,429 3.635

12,164 493 3.3'3 '41

I9.Ï73 No data >5>3i° 77

President McKinley Gary, PMG, 1897 Smith, PMG, Apr. 2, 1898

Non-Pres. Pres. Non-Pres. Pres.

67,260 3,762 69.754 3,816

5,115 129 »5.3»» 767

7,299 70 22,683 270

President Roosevelt Payne, PMG, Jan. 15, 1902 Cortelyou, PMG, Mar. 7, 1905 Meyer, PMG, Mar. 4, 1907

Non-Pres. Pres. Non-Pres. Pres. Non-Pres. Pres.

72.479 4,466 62,478 5, 6 53 56,345 6,314

6,774 180 2,385 '45 1,803 161

34,334 265 15,609 »99 14.909 432

Administrations

Changes Where Data Is Incomplete

MANUSCRIPTS PAPERS

OF T H E

PRESIDENTS

AND T H E

POSTMASTERS

GENERAL

Arthur, Chester A . Library of Congress. Very few papers. Bissell, Wilson S. Library of Congress. Blair, Montgomery. Library of Congress and miscellaneous letters in New York Historical Society Library. Buchanan, James. Pennsylvania Historical Society. Campbell, James. Pennsylvania Historical Society. Few letters. Cleveland, Grover. Library of Congress. Coolidge, Calvin. Library of Congress. Creswell, John A . J . Library of Congress and Pennsylvania State Library, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Dickinson, Don M . Library of Congress and some in possession of the family, Detroit, Michigan. Fillmore, Millard. Buffalo Historical Society. Garfield, James A . Library of Congress. Correspondence and diary. Gary, James A . A few papers in possession of his daughter. Granger, Francis. Library of Congress and miscellaneous letters in New York Historical Society. Grant, Ulysses S. Library of Congress. Very few papers. Gresham, Walter. Library of Congress. Hall, Nathan K . Library of Congress (a few) and Buffalo Historical Society. Hayes, Rutherford B. Hayes Memorial Library, Fremont, Ohio. Holt, Joseph. Library of Congress. Jackson, Andrew. Library of Congress. Johnson, Andrew. Library of Congress. Johnson, Cave. A few letters, classified under "Slavery Miscellaneous," New York Historical Society. King, Horatio. Library of Congress. McKinley, William. Library of Congress. Meyer, George von Lengerke. Massachusetts Historical Society. Niles, John N. New York Public Library. Pierce, Franklin. Library of Congress. Polk, James K. Library of Congress. Postmaster General Letterbooks, 1 8 2 9 - 1 9 0 6 . Post Office Department.

3io

MANUSCRIPTS

Roosevelt, Theodore. Library of Congress and a few letters and film of his correspondence when Civil Service Commissioner, Roosevelt Memorial Library, New York City. Taylor, Zachary. Library of Congress. Very few papers. Tyler, John. Library of Congress. United States Post Office, Miscellaneous collection of drafts of letters. Library of Congress. Van Buren, Martin. Library of Congress. Vilas, William F . Wisconsin Historical Society. Wilson, William L . West Virginia Historical Library. Papers and diary. P A P E R S OF

CONTEMPORARIES

Allen, William. Library of Congress. Barbour, James. New York Public Library. Breckinridge, William C. P. Library of Congress. Brown, James (an inspector). M S Diary. Post Office Department. Cass, Lewis. Burton Collection, Detroit Public Library. Chandler, Zachariah. Library of Congress. Chase, Salmon P. Library of Congress. Clay, Henry. Library of Congress. Clayton, John M . Library of Congress. Crittenden, John J . Library of Congress. Deska, Joseph. Library of Congress. Donelson, Andrew Jackson. Library of Congress. Doolittle, James. Wisconsin Historical Society. Ewing, Thomas. Library of Congress. Fairchild, Charles. Wisconsin Historical Society. Flagg, Azariah C . New York Public Library. Folger, Charles J . New York Public Library. Foulke, William Dudley. Library of Congress. George, J . H. New Hampshire State Historical Society (courtesy of the librarian). Gouverneur, Samuel. New York Public Library. Greeley, Horace and the Greeley-Colfax. New York Public Library. Green, D u f f . Library of Congress. Keyes, Elisha. Wisconsin Historical Society. Lamont, Daniel S. Library of Congress. Lewis, William B. New York Public Library. McClelland, Robert B. Detroit Public Library. McLean, John. Library of Congress. Marcy, William L . Library of Congress.

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3*3

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INDEX Abdy, Edward Strutt, 15 Acheson, Ernest Francis, 268 Adams, John Quincy, 1, 4, 5, 66; quoted, 1 5 ; attacked by Kendall, 22; opposition to Jackson, 40 "Address to the People of the United States" (Kendall), 34 Aldrich, Nelson W n 185, 279, 280, 283 Alger, Russel A., 201 Allen, William, 32, 63 Allison, William B., 2 1 1 American Protestant Association, 298 American Whig, 34 Anderson, Robert J., 1 0 1 , 1 1 1 Antietam, battle at, 1 1 2 Anti-Masonic party, 40 Anti-masonry, a ruling element in Whig party, 41 "Anti-popery" prejudices, 79 Appointment, power of, see Patronage Argus, Frankfort, 2 1 , 24 Army of the Potomac, 1 1 2 Arthur, Chester A., 1 7 7 ; succeeded to Presidency, 1 7 9 ; little interest in civil service reform, 180; associated with spoils system at its wont, 182; number of officers included in classified service, 301 Ashley, James Mitchell, 137 Assessments, political: under Van Buren, 34 5 under Tyler, j i ; under Pierce, 86; in Federal offices, 99; Welles's objection to, 1 2 1 f . ; Lincoln's stand, 1 2 2 ; in the 1868 campaign, 140; levying of, by Government officials forbidden, 1 5 0 ; system at its height, 1 5 7 ; bill to prohibit contributions from employees, 158; act as passed, 1 5 9 ; Hayes's efforts to end, 160, 169 ff.; Federal employees asked to contribute to campaign fund, 171 ; first legal blow, 182; "voluntary" contributions requested, 185 ; only minor violations of law, 186;

Dickinson's record good, 204; violations during Harrison's administration, 219, 222; first action of Civil Service Commission, 222 (see also Civil Service Commission) ; door opened wider to, 2 3 5 ; employees reminded that they need not contribute, 2 3 5 ; difficult to obtain severe penalties for violations, 245; McKinley's administration retrogressive in, 255 ; frowned on by Roosevelt, 285; loopholes in law closed by court decision, 300; see alio Officeholders; Postmasters; Post office employees Associated Press, "round robin" criticizing conduct of war in Cuba, 251 Attorney General's office in charge of Post Office Department, 275 Babcock, George R., 75 Baker, Edward Dickinson, 70 Baker, J . B., 97 Baltimore, investigation of post office, 217 Bancroft, George, 58; Secretary of the Navy, 59 Bank bill, vetoed, 47 Bank deposits, Bryan's plan for Government guarantee of, 297 Banker's Association, Taft's effort to prevent, from endorsing Bryan's plan for guarantee of deposits, 297; convention opposed deposit guarantee and postal savings banks, 298 Bank failures, 28 Bank of the United States, see United States Bank "Barnburners," J9, 65, 67 Barninger, Minister at Madrid, 81 Barnum, William, 189 Barry, William T . , 1 4 ; first Postmaster General in Cabinet, 4 ff. ; quoted, 6n, 8, 9, 1 1 , 12, 17, 1 8 ; attitude toward

326

INDEX

Barry, William T . (Con tintad) proscription, 8, 9, 1 8 ; retention in office, 1 2; opposed to United States Bank, 1 2 ; political activities, 1 3 ; relations with "kitchen cabinet," 1 7 ; as a business man, 18 i answer to Congress re removal of postmasters, 1 9 ; resignation: death, 20 Bates, Edward, 104, 105, 1 1 5 , 1 1 7 Bayley, Thomas H., 60 Beavers, George W., 273, 27j> Congressmen asked favors of, 276 Bell, John, 38 Benedict, Lewis, 74 Bennett, James Gordon, 28 Benton, Thomas Hart, 58, 60, 104 Berrien, John McP., 2 Biddle, Nicholas, 13 Bigelow, William H., 146 Bissell, Wilson Shannon, 224, 267, 269; work for Cleveland's re-election, 226; Postmaster General, 227; favored civil service reform, 228; pressure for removals, 228; Roosevelt's praise of, 229} wish to be relieved of job of selecting postmasters, 230; removal of Presidential postmasters, 2301 ordered postmasters to report removals, 2 3 3 ; warning against political activity, 234; resignation, 236 Black, Jeremiah S., 101 "Blackmail" charges against Republican managers, 284 Blaine, James G., 128, 133, 145, 1 5 1 , 156, 1761 200i requested appointment of politician as special agent, 146; offered position of Secretary of State, 1 7 5 1 Presidential nominee, 1 8 7 ; Secretary of State, 2 j c Blair family, influence, 104, 109; kept two border states in Union, 1 1 1 5 meddled in military matters, 1 1 1 ¡ influence diminishing, 1 1 5 ; relations with Fremont, 1 1 9 ; attitude of "Radical" Republicans toward, 1 2 2 ; home burned, 1 2 3 ; suspicious of Stanton, 137 Blair, Francis P., Sr., 2 1 , 24, 37, 1 2 3 ; as editor of Globe, 60; influence in founding Republican party, 103} relations with Lincoln, n o , 123 Blair, Francis P., J r . (Frank), 104 s kept

Missouri loyal, 1 1 1 ¡ candidate for Speaker, 1 1 8 Blair, Montgomery, 103, 104, 128, 1 3 1 ; desire for Cabinet position, 104; Postmaster General, 105 ; harassed by officeseekers, 106 j extensive work of proscription, 106; quoted, 108, 1 1 9 ; ability, 109; relief of Fort Sumter, i n ; desire to advise on Army subjects, i n ; in conflict with Scott, 1 1 1 ¡ attitude toward McClellan, 1 1 2 , 1 1 3 5 regretted Trent affair: opposed admission of West Virginia, 1 1 3 ; plan to colonize Negroes and to confiscate rebel estates, 1 1 4 ; feared political effect of emancipation proclamation, 1 1 5 ; "Rockville Speech" on reconstruction, 1 1 6 ; at odds with colleagues, 1 1 7 ; loyalty to Lincoln, 1 1 9 ; sacrificed his office to aid Lincoln's re-election, 1 2 2 1 enemies, 122 j resignation asked by Lincoln, 124} carried Maryland for Union party, 124 Bonaparte, Charles J . , 271 Border states, influence of Blairt in keeping two in Union, 1 1 1 ¡ Lincoln's hope that they would take action on slavery question, 1 1 5 ¡ effort to hold loyalty of, 1 1 9 Bradbury, James Ware, 69 Brady, Thomas J., 172, 178 Branch, John, 2 Breckinridge, William C. P., 98 Brice, Calvin, 226 Bristow, Benjamin H., 152, 154, 156) investigation of Post Office Department, 273} preliminary report, 2 7 j Bristow, J . L., proscriptions, 252 Brooklyn, warship, 101 Brown, Aaron V., work for Polk's nomination, 54 ff., 88 { Postmaster General, 87; broke Whig control in Tennessee, 89; death, 96, 100; committee to investigate abuse of patronage by, 98 Browning, Orville, 129, 1 3 1 , 132, 140 Bryan, William Jennings, "cross of gold" speech: nomination, 242; votes for, 263; plan for Government guarantee of bank deposits, 297 Buchanan, James, 13, 39, 78} assault upon Granger, 45 ¡ Secretary of State, $9,

INDEX 61 ; advice re distribution of offices, 6 2 ; expected to control patronage, 6 5 ; promotion of Campbell, 7 9 ; conflict with Campbell, 8 4 ; quoted, 84, 9 4 ; Forney's support o f , 8 j ; nominated f o r Presidency, 8 7 ; spoils system reached apex in Democratic Party under, 89 ; votes controlled at Charleston convention, 9 7 ; committee to investigate abuse of patronage by, 98 "Buchanan rule," 9 0 "Buchaneers," 93 B u l l Run, 1 1 2 Bureau of Corporations, 2 8 4 Business men, first active participation in a political campaign, 208 "Butcher," see E w i n g , T h o m a s Butler, Benjamin F., J 9 , m , 1 3 9 , IJO Butler, Nicholas M u r r a y , 289 Bynum, W i l l i a m Dallas, 2 4 3 Cabinet, Postmaster General's entrance -into, 1-20; Jackson's, 2 ; Van Buren's scheme for getting rid of Calhoun members, 11 ; attempt to exclude Postmaster General, 3 0 ; Harrison's, 43} issue which brought about dissolution of Tyler's, 4 7 ; Polk's, j 8 ; resignation of T a y l o r ' s , 72) Pierce's, 7 8 ; responsibility of members for appointments, 835 most of Buchanan's pro-southern, 1 o 1} Johnson's, 1 2 7 ; Grant's, 1 4 2 ; Hayes's, 1 6 2 ; Garfield's, 1 7 5 ; place in, given for pecuniary consideration, 207 ; Cleveland's second, 227 Calhoun, John C., 2 2 ; Vice President, contest for presidency, 2 ff. ; Van Buren's scheme f o r getting rid of supporters o f , 11 ; supported by majority of Cabinet, 12 ; friendship with Green, 22, 24 j attempt to a l l y T y l e r with, 48 ; retention in Cabinet opposed, 58 Cameron, Don, 2 7 9 Cameron, Simon, 1 5 1 , 1 5 6 Campaign funds, see Assessment, political Campbell, James, 78, 7 9 , 8 0 ; Postmaster General, 81 ff.; quoted, 82, 8 7 ; method of making appointments, 8 3 ; conflict with Buchanan, 8 4 ; effort to win support f o r Picrce, 85; work for Buchanan, 87

327

Campbell, Lewis, D . , 131 Cannon, Joseph, 2 9 4 , 295 Carriers, see Postmen Carter, T h o m a s H., 221 Cass, Lewis, 7 9 ; candidate f o r Presidency, 5 7 ; nomination, 6 6 ; resignation, 101 Catholic vote, appointment to appease, 79 Caulfield, B . G., 1 9 0 Chandler, Zachariah, 1 2 3 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 6 , 1 6 2 Chase, Salmon P., 1 0 3 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 1 assailed by Blairs, 1 1 7 , 1 1 8 ; chance* for nomination ruined: resignation, 1 1 8 ; plan to campaign f o r Lincoln, 124

Chase National Bank, 2 9 7 f. Chicago post office, 93 ff., 206 Chorpenning claims, 1 4 8 Cincinnati Commercial, 22 Civil Rights bill, 128 Civil service, a vast political agency, 1 4 7 ) classified service, 182; railway mail division included, 2 0 6 ; free delivery o f fices included, 2 2 3 ; first backward step in system, 2 5 5 ; rural free delivery included, 2 6 9 ; rules revised and sy>tematized, 2 7 0 ; only effective remedy against political activity and assessments in postal service, 3 0 1 ; fourthclass postmasters included, 301 Civil Service Commission, absolved Post Office Department of violation of C i v i l Service L a w in Philadelphia and Chicago, 2 0 6 ; investigation of Baltimore post office, 2 1 7 ; had no authority o v e r political activity of employees, 2 2 1 ; first action re political assessments, 2 2 2 ; examination of removals, 2 3 2 ; lack o f control over dismissals, 2 3 3 ; reminds employees that they need not contribute, 235; suggested bringing fourth-class postmasters into classified service by executive order, 2 3 9 ; investigation of violations of rules against assessments, 2 4 5 ; decision that law had not been violated, 2 5 6 j in conflict with Post Office Department, 2 5 7 ; simplicity and innocence of, 2 5 8 ; rarely removed violators of rules, 2 5 9 ; praised Payne's policy, 2 6 7 ; re removal of Greenwood postmistress, 2 7 1 ; re rule against political activity of postmasters, 2 7 1 ; re-

328

INDEX

Civil Service Commission (Continued) port of investigation of Post Office Department, 274; power to investigate political activity in classified service, 299 Civil Service Law, 182, 260, 300; re contributions for campaign, 222; defect, 23 j -, violations investigated, 235 ; McKinley's policy re, 254} Roosevelt's policy re, 269 Civil Service Record, 194 Civil service reform, 76, 188; agitation for, 149} Hayes pledged to, 165 ; attitude of Arthur and James toward, 180; attached by Hatton, 181 ; Cleveland's stand, 188; Harrison's position, 2 1 3 ; opposition to "four-year rule," 229; first backward step in movement, 251 Civil Service Reform Associations, 2J4, 260 Clarke, J . A., 30 Clarkson James S., 210, 229, 230, 252, 265; First Assistant Postmaster General, 2 i i ( reputation, 2 1 2 ; removal of postmasters, 2 1 4 ; resignation, 220 Clay, Henry, j , 43 j relations with Kendall, 2 1 , 22; resolutions censuring Jackson, 28 s opposition to Jackson, 40} urged removal of Jackson postmaster, 445 Tyler's break with, 455 pressed bank bill forward, 47; Wickliffes the enemies of, 48 Clayton, John M., 19 Clerks, Government: classification, 76; see also Post office employees Cleveland, Grover, 218, 219, 222, 223, 260, 2 7 1 ; President, 188 ff.; re removal of officeholders on partisan grounds, 188; pledged to reform, 190; policy re Presidential post offices, 194; quoted, 197, 231, 237; friendship with Vilas: their trip through Middle West, 1 9 7 ; advocated tariff for revenue only, 198; stand against political activity of postmasters, 202; effort to prove him a spoilsman, 205 ; record in civil service reform, 206, 233; reluctant to accept renomination, 224; University of Michigan address: announcement of candidacy, 225; nomination: campaign, 2 26; elected President, 227; Cabinet,

227; left Republicans in country post offices, 228; studied papers in all postmaster cases, 230; first step toward reform, 238; re free coinage of silver, 2 4 1 ; opposed Cabinet participation in national conventions, 241, 243; postal rules laid down by, 259; number of offices included in classified service, 301 Cochrane, John, 87 Cockrell, Francis Marion, 268 Colfax, Schuyler, i o j , 1 1 7 ; Speaker, 1 1 8 1 Vice President, 142 Collamer, Jacob, Postmaster General, 68 ; sweeping system of removals, 69; quoted, 70 Commercial Gazette, Cincinnati, 249 Competitive merit system, see Civil service Compromise of 1850, 75, 89 Congress, request for information re removal of postmasters, 18 ; effort to limit political activities of postmasters, 38) committee to investigate postmasters' work against Taylor: resolutions, 675 power to limit power of appointment of heads of Departments, 76; right of every state to representation in, 127, 1 3 2 ; Radicals refused to allow Southern Representatives to be seated, 127 i effort to wrest control of patronage from, 1 2 8 ; effort to take out of hands of Radicals, 1 2 9 ; Radicals gain majority, 1 3 4 ; reconstruction measures vetoed by Johnson, 1 3 6 ; attempts to impeach Johnson, 1 3 7 ; investigation of straw bidding, 148; usurpation of patronage distribution opposed by Hayes, 167; dictation of, largely broken up, 168 ; House Committee on Civil Service, 2 1 7 ; drawn into Post Office Department scandal, 276 Congressmen, first consulted on postmaster appointments, 31 ; bribery of, 5 1 ; considered it their privilege to nominate postmasters, 50, 64, 70, 83; right to dictate appointments established, 91 ; system of recommendations regularized, 107, 108, 253; agitation for rotation, 1 2 6 ; controlled appointments in their districts, 145, 167, 1 8 1 , 196, 200, 215, 253 i time required to make postmaster

INDEX recommendations, 1 1 5 ; Cleveland's attitude toward anti-administration, 2]t ; Payne's use of Congressional "recognition" in distribution of patronage, 266; Roosevelt's orders re "recognition" of, 1671 complaints that classified service was dictating to, 269 ; involved in Post Office Department scandal, 1 7 6 ; charges against, whitewashed, 277; see also Patronage) Postmasters Conkling, Roscoe, 175, 176, 178 Connecticut, Niles's political activities, 36 Conover conspiracy, 1 J 7 Constitution, separation of powers, 19, 3 2 ; efforts to amend to permit election of postmasters, 77; Fourteenth Amendment, 129 Constitution, 102 Cook, Isaac, 93, 94 Cooper Union, Johnson rally, 127 Copperheads, 1 3 1 , 134 Corporations blackmailed into contributing to campaign funds, 284 Cortelyou, George B., 278, 290, 3 0 1 ; chairman of national committee: opposed by "Old Guard," 279; strained relations with Payne, 280; attacked re campaign funds, 282; Postmaster General, 287; transferred to Treasury Department, 288} candidate for Presidency, 290 Corwin, Thomas, wanted to resign as Secretary of the Treasury, 72, 73» Courier-Enquirer, 26 Covode, John, 98 Covode Committee, 98, 99 Coz, Samuel Sullivan, 92 Crane, W. Murray, 288 Creelman, James, 284 Creswell, John Angel James, 142) Postmaster General, 143 ; foreign policy, 143} removals, 144; part in Grant's campaign for re-election, 1 4 7 ; discredited investigations of "straw bidding," 148; resignation, 1 5 0 ; loyalty to Grant, 1 5 1 Crittenden, John J . , 38, 52, 68; Attorney General, 43 Crook, William, 155 "Cross of gold" speech, Bryan's, 242

3*9

Cuba, 1 4 3 ; situation in, 250; "round robin" criticizing conduct of war in, Cullom, Shelby, 204 Curtis, George William, 148, 167, 205 Dallas, George M., 54; nominated as Vice President, 57 Dana, Richard Henry, 255 Daniel, John Warwick, 268 "Danites," 93, 94 Danly, W. M., quoted, 136 "Dark horse," 57, 78 Davis, Henry Winter, 105, 1 1 6 , 142) attack on Lincoln, 1 2 3 ; campaigned for him, 124 Davis, Jefferson, 84, 137 Degraw, Peter, 287 Democratic Party, spoils system, 8; split over patronage distribution, 66, 98) long out of office, 189, 191 ; split by silver issue, 245 Democrats, difficulty between northern and southern, 58; contests between old and young for spoils, 62; local politicians, 78-102; effort to stem tide of silverism, 240 ff. Denham, Charles A., alias Conover, 137 Dennison, William, belief in assessment of employees, 1 2 1 ; Postmaster General, 124; wanted Negro suffrage, 1 2 7 ; effort to prevent break between "Radicals" and Johnson, 1275 move to replace, 1 2 7 ; resignation, 130 Deska, Joseph, 21 Dick, Charles W. F., 285 Dickinson, Daniel S., 65, 95 Dickinson, Donald McDonald, Postmaster General, 199 ff.; participation in political affairs, 201, 205; quoted, 203 ; work for Cleveland's re-election, 224 ff.; watched distribution of patronage, 227; in pre-convention campaign, 2 4 1 ; quoted, 245 Dispatch, Pittsburgh, 240 Dix, John A., 65, 96; protest against political assessments, 99; Secretary of the Treasury, 102 Dolan, Thomas, 208 Dolliver, Jonathan P., 213 Doolittle, James R., 129, 132, 134, 143

330

INDEX

Dorsey, S. W., 174, 176, 178, 183 Douglas, Stephen A., contest for Presidency, 87, 89; patronage weapon used against, 92, 94; elected to Senate, 94; Buchanan preparing to attack, 9 5 ; nominated for Presidency, 98 Draper, Eben S., 295 Drummond, Judge, 187 Duane, William John, Secretary of the Treasury: removed from office, 28 DuPont, Henry Algernon, 254, 297 Earle, George, 144 Eaton, Dorman, 205 Eaton, John, 3, 11, 24 Eaton, Peggy, 11 Editors, appointed postmasters, 213« Edmunds, J. M., quoted, 157 f. Electioneering pamphlets, 14 Election frauds, committee to investigate, '71 Elections, tax for purposes of, 34; efforts to insure freedom of, 38, 43, 67; for postmasters, 145 Electoral Commission, 161 Ely, Alfred, 108 Emancipation proclamation, 112; reaction of Cabinet to, 115 English bill, 92 Enquirer, Richmond, 60 Evening Journal, Albany, 40, 250 Ewing, Thomas, 19; Secretary of the Treasury, 43 ; nicknamed the "Butcher," 44, 68 Ewing, W. C., 227 Examinations, competitive, 149, 150 Examiners, Board of, 150 Express, Albany, 250 Extra Globe, 13, 34, 35 Faran, James John, 64 Federalist dynasty opposed by Niles, 36 Field, Cyrus, 220 "Figure four-4," 90 Fillmore, Millard, quoted, 47; Vice President's contest with Seward for control of patronage, 715 succeeded to Presidency, 72; effort to build up a personal party, 72; faction walked out of Syracuse convention, 73; failure to obtain renomination, 74; administra-

tion helped obtain passage of Compromise Measures and enforced Fugitive Slave Law, 75 Fiscal Corporation of the United States, 47 Fish, Hamilton, 144, 150 Flagg, Azariah C., 14 Flanagan, James Win right, i j 2 Florida, votes referred to Electoral Commission, 161 ; belief that Republicans could carry, 174 Folger, Charles J., 176, 187 Foraker, Joseph B., 251 Forney, J. W., quoted, 80, 81, 8 j Fort Sumter, 101, 110, 111 Forum, 22j Foster, John W., 156, 186 Foulke, William Dudley, 205, 209, 220, 254, 2 j j , 292; quoted, 2j8, 260; effort to extend classified service, 269 Fowler, Isaac, 86, 96, 99 Fox, G. V., n o ; quoted, 108 Franking privilege, extension and abuse of, 16, 18, 20, 51, 53; postmasters' loss of: partial restoration, 63 Freedman's Bureau bill, 127 "Free silver" movement, 224 ff., 240, 245 Free-Soil party, 67, 71, 73 Free trade, 198 Fremont, John C., first Republican Presidential candidate, 103 f. ; nomination, 1 1 9 ; relations with Blairs, 1 1 9 ; withdrawal from Presidential race, 124 Fugutive Slave Law, 73, 75 Fuller, Philo C., 44 Gardiner claims against Mexico, 73*» Garfield, James A., 172, 183; nominated for Presidency, 173; selection of Cabinet, 175; death, 179 Gary, James, Postmaster General, 248; resignation, 2jo, 251; few removals, Gates, S. M., 30 General Post Office, important source of patronage, 7 Gibbons, Herbert A., 211, 213 Gilman, Daniel C., 237 Globe, 10, 24, 26, 28, 37; editor's break with Polk, 55 j name changed to Union, 60

INDEX Goff, Nathan, 248 Gorham, George C., 1 7 1 Gorman, Arthur P., 239 Granger, Francis, 40; nominated for Vice President, 4 1 ; sacrificed, 4 2 ; as Postmaster General, 43; replaced Democratic postmasters with Whigs, 44 ff.; attacked by Democrats in Congress, 4 5 ; deficit in Post Office Department, 46; resignation, 4 7 ; dismissal of most of his appointees, 62 •, led Fillmore faction out of convention, 7 3 ; quoted, 76 Grant, Nellie, 152 Grant, Ulysses S., 1785 Secretary of War ad interim: failure to keep agreement, 1 3 8 ; condemned by Cabinet, 1 3 9 ; elected President, 1 4 1 ; Cabinet, 1 4 2 ; treatment of Cabinet, 1 4 3 ; foreign policy, 1 4 3 ; veto of inflationary bill, 1 4 3 ; on alert to reward old soldiers, 146; converted civil service into political agency for his re-election, 1 4 7 ; electoral votes received, 148; civil service reform, 149; sudden change in Postmaster Generalship, i j o ; efforts to obtain nomination for third term for, 1 5 1 , 1 5 3 j interference in appointments, 1 5 4 ; support of practical politicians, 1 j 5 Graf hie, 20 j Greeley, Horace, 68, 149; warning to Republicans, 105 ( quoted, 1 1 8 } suggested for Postmaster Generalship, 136 Green, Duff, 5, 215 blamed for introduction of proscription, 7; effort to promote interests of Calhoun, 1 0 ; admonished for criticism of Van Buren, 1 1 ; protege of Calhoun, 22; serving interests of Calhoun, 24; negotiated alliance with Clay's enemies, 48 Greenback party, 156, 200 Greenwood, Del., removal of postmaster, 270 Gresham, Walter Quintin, 227; Postmaster General, 183-7 Grundy, Felix, 19, 26 Gurowski, Adam, 1 1 1 ; Diary, 124

Haggott, Warren A., 268 Hale, Eugene, 1 5 1

33»

Hall, Nathan K., Postmaster General: Fillmore's chief adviser, 72; quoted, 7*. 73> 73«. 74) interest in politic«, 73; made removals, 75; appointed U.S. District Judge, 76 Halleck, H. W., 123 Hamilton, James A., 2, 3, 26; quoted, 4 Hamlin, Hannibal, 142 Hanna, Mark, 246, 255, 261, 263} patronage broker, 249} proposed tour of Middle West, 2 6 1 ; Roosevelt's greatest bugbear, 278; death, 278 Harlan, James, 122, 129 Harper's Weekly, 149, 168, 179, 193, 215, 264; excerpt, 209 Harrison, Benjamin, 247; candidate for President, 1 8 3 ; effort to prove that Cleveland was a spoilsman, 205; appointments criticized, 2 1 2 ; difference between professions of, and actions of his appointees, 2 1 4 ; anxiety not to have anything to do with Civil Service Law, 216 j break with party managers, 219) nomination: campaign manager, 220; "midnight" executive order, 232} offices included in classified service, 301 Harrison, William Henry, 4 ; Presidential nominee, 4 1 ; Cabinet, 43) quoted, 431 death, 45 Harrity, William F., 227, 2 4 1 ; chairman of Democratic national committee, 226 Haskin, John Buning, 92 Hatch acts passed, 38, 300 Hatton, Frank, 1 8 1 , 186; Postmaster General, 187 Hawk-Eye, Burlington, 181 Hay, John, 122, 193, 282 Hayes, Rutherford B., supported by Jewell, i j j j nominated for Presidency, 156; effort to abolish political assessments, 160, 169 ff.; elected President, 1 6 1 ; Cabinet, 162; wanted South represented, 162; debt to South, 163; policy of conciliating South, 164 ff.; pledged to civil service reform, 165 ff.; quoted, 166} excerpts from Diary, 165, 167, 168, 1 7 1 ; general order to heads of Departments, 169 Heath, Perry S., First Assistant Postmaster General, 249, 259, 260, 261; Tullock's charges against, 274; brought

332

1N D EX

visers, 23»; removal of Federal deposits from United States Bank, 28; resolutions censuring, protested: expunged, *75 28; attacked for removal of postmasHepburn, A. B., 297 ters, 32; support of annexation of Herald, 199 Texas, 56; "dark horse" idea credited Hicks, Thomas H., 142 to, j 8 ; motto, 79 Hicks, Thomas L., 260 "Jacksonian Republican," 103-26 Hill, David B., 224, 242; opposition to James, Thomas L., 175; quoted, 168; renomination of Cleveland, 225 Postmaster General, 1765 resignation, Hill, Isaac, 10 1 7 9 ; sound principles of reform, 179 Hill-Tammany group, Cleveland's desire Jewell, Marshall, 160, 1 7 3 ; Postmaster to break up, 224 General, 151 ff., 162; quoted, 1 5 a ) reHitchcock, Frank, First Assistant Postform policy, 152, 1 S3 j talked of for master General, 287 ff.; quoted, 289; Vice Presidency: nominated for Presimanager for Taft's campaign, 291; dency, 1 5 4 ; turned out of Cabinet, card index, 292, 298; made chairman i j 5 ; on Republican national commitof national committee, 2965 "steamtee, i j 5 , 160; recommended for Postroller" methods, 297; appointed Postmaster Generalship, 1 6 2 ; chairman namaster General, 299 tional committee, 173-75 Hobbic, Sclah R., 83 Jewett, S. B., 86 Holt, Joseph, Postmaster General, 100; Johnson, Andrew, succession to PresiSecretary of War, 101, 102 dency: retained Lincoln's Cabinet, 1 2 7 ; Hone, Philip, 4 5 ; Diary, excerpts, 3$, 37, plan for reconstruction of South, 47 127 ff.; bills vetoed by, 127, 128, 135, House Committee on Post Offices and Post 1 3 6 } overridden, 128, 1 3 j ; movement Roads, 273, 276 to bring about resignations in Cabinet, Howe, Timothy O., Postmaster General, 1 2 8 ; reconstruction policy adopted by 180 f f . ; out of sympathy with civil service national convention, 132; Federal ofreform, 180; death, 183 fices filled with enemies of, 136) atHubbard, Henry, 57, 59 tempts of Congress to impeach, 137, Hubbard, Samuel D., Postmaster General, 1 3 9 ; asked for Stanton's resignation, 7 6 ; quoted, 84 1 3 8 ; power of removal under Tenure Hughes, Charles E., 288; candidate for of Office Act, 1 3 8 ; impeachment trial: President: would not carry out Roosefailure to convict, 1 3 9 ; hope for revelt policy, 290 nomination dashed, 140 "Hunkers," J9, 64, 65 Johnson, Cave, 46, 87, 88, 89; Polk's Illinois state convention, endorsement of campaign manager, 54 ff.; suggestions Roosevelt, 277 re Cabinet, 58; Postmaster General, 59 ( Indiana Civil Service Reform Association, opposition to, 60; adviser of President 205 Polk, 60, 66; patronage broker, 61 j Inflationary bill vetoed by Grant, 143 quoted, 62 Ingalls, J . J . , 194 Johnson, Richard, Vice President, 28, 41, Ingham, Samuel D., 2 JS Irish-Catholic vote, 79 Johnson, W. W., 220 Jones, Aquila, 216 Jackson, Andrew, included Postmaster Jones, George Wallace, 90 General in Cabinet, j j Cabinet, 2 proJorgenson, Joseph, 172 scription policy, 3 ff. j Barry his closest friend in Cabinet, 1 2 ; Kendall most significant politician in administration, Kansas, admission: proposal for immedi2 2 ; parts of messages written by adate annexation rejected, 92

Heath, Perry S. (Continued)

into Post Office Department scandal,

INDEX "Kansas affair," 2 2 9i 23> Secretary of the

Interior, 1 6 2 ; reform activities attacked, 180; disapproved (election of Wanamaker as Postmaster General, 207; suggested investigation of his endorsement of law violation, 217 Scott, Winfield, 80, n o ; nominated for Presidency: defeated, 76; in conflict with Blair, 1 1 1 Secessionists, 1 5 3 ; see also South Senate, Clay's resolutions censuring Jackson, adopted, 2 8; protested: expunged, 28; effort to encroach on appointment power of Executive, 3 1 ; asked for report on removals of deputy postmasters, 3 2; cast deciding vote for Vice President, 4 1 ; prevented Randall's proscription policy from being effective, .36 Senate Executive Journal, 33, 50, 69, 133 Senators, elcctcd by state legislature, 94; selected postmasters in their home towns and in Democratic districts, 145, 181, 21 j j recommendations of free silverites ignored, 231 Sentinel, Milwaukee, 190 Serenade, 129 Seward, William Henry, quoted, 41, 42», 48, 72, 1 3 4 ; contest with Fillmore for control of patronage, 7 1 ; opposition to Fugitive Slave Law, 7 3; peace policy, 1 1 0 ; defeated, 1 1 1 ; action in Trent affair, 1 1 3 ; Blair suspicious of, 117 Seymour, Horatio, 85, 87, 134, quoted, 1 3 6 ; nominated for Presidency, 140 Shaw, Leslie M., 289 Sheldon, George, 297 Sherman, John, 176, 180, 207; desired to be consulted re postmasters in his district, 145; quoted, 181 Sherman, William Tecumseh, 1 1 1 , 146 "Silver Grey" papers, New York, 74 "Silver Greys," 73 Silver movement, efforts to stem tide, 224 ff., 240; Democratic party split by, Silver Purchase Act, 236 Sinecure jobs investigated, 98 Skinner, St. John B. L., 86, 144 Slavery question, 1 1 4 ; compensated emancipation discussed, 1 1 j

INDEX Slave territory, opposition to extension °f> 55» 59 Slidell, John, 11 3 Smith, Charles Emory, 176, 207, 210, 267, 269, 270; quoted, 208; Postmaster General, 250; press agent of McKinley's administration, 251; removals of postmasters, 252; permitted evasions of law, 260; prominent part in campaign to renominate McKinley, 260; Tulloch's charges against, 274; answer to accusations, 275 Smith, William Henry, 163 Soldiers, Grant's desire to reward, 146 South, post offices suspended, 106; Blair's plan to confiscate rebel estates, 114; reconstruction question, 116; bill for congressional reconstruction pocket vetoed, 117; resolutions passed in Union conventions calling for punishment of rebels, 121, 123; Johnson's plan for reconstruction, 127 ff. j "Radicals" refused to allow Representatives from, to be seated in Congress, 127 ff.; tendency to become solidly Democratic, 153; Hayes's desire to have, represented in Cabinet, 162; Hayes owed election to, 163; belief that Republicans could break solid South, 174; reform of Republican party through regeneration of post offices suggested, 264; Clarkson sent to capture delegates for Roosevelt's nomination, 265; effort to make a Republican party in, 266; officeholders organized for Cortelyou, 291 j delegates in Hitchcock's hand, 292} post office conferees selected with Taft's nomination in mind, 292 f. South Carolina, commissioners, 101, 102; votes referred to Electoral Commission, 161; Federal troops withdrawn from, 164; belief that Republicans could carry, 174 Spain, treatment of Cuban revolutionists, 1+3 Speed, James, 127, 129 Spoils system, see Patronage Spooner, John C., 248, 253, 278, 282 Stalwarts, 175, 178, 180, 181, 182; in Wisconsin, 278; delegates seated by na-

341

tional committee, 278, 282 i defeated, 282 Standard Oil Company, 283 Stanton, Edwin M., 100, 101, 112, 129; Blair's dislike of, 117; wanted Negro suffrage, 1275 a "Radical," 137$ resignation requested: refuted, 138) suspended, 138; removal used as grounds for impeaching Johnson, 139 Star of th* West, 101 " S u r route" frauds, 178 States rights, a ruling element in Whig party, 41 Stevens, Thaddeus, quoted, 116 Stevenson, Adlai E., 190; First Assistant Postmaster General, 193, 1991 nominated Vice President, 226 Stone, Melville E., »51 Story, Joseph, 7 Straus, Isidore, 240 "Straw bidding," 148 Suffrage, property qualifications abolished, 7 Sumner, Charles, 119; resolution re reconstruction question, u 6 ¡ introduced bills providing for competitive examinations, 149 Swann, Thomas, 116 Swartwout, Samuel, 34 Ta ft, William Howard, candidate for President, 29off.} Meyer's preconvention work for, 291 ff.; votes on first ballot, 295; opposed Bryan's plan for Government guarantee of bank deposits, 297; attacked for being a Unitarian, 298; classification of postmasters, 302 Taggart, Tom, 284 Tammany, 341 and post office closely allied, 95; Cleveland's desire to break up Hill-Tammany group, 224 Taney, Roger, 28, 29 Tariff, for revenue only, 198} Wilson's speech for reduction, 226 Tariff act, 236 Taylor, Zachary, elected President, 67} select committee to investigate postmasters' work against: resolutions, 67; declared himself opposed to political removals, 68, 69; sweeping system of removals, 69; Whigs rallied to support

34*

INDEX

Taylor (Continued) of, 7 1 } death, 72; resignation of Cabinet, 72 Telegraph, United States, 3, j , 1 1 , 22, 24. Tennessee, reclaimed from Whigs, 54; work of delegation for Cass and Polk, 57 i Free-Soil party, 67; always a closely contested state, 88; political situation, 89 Tenure of Office Act, 135, 138, 139, 195 Texas, annexation issue, 55 Thayer, Edward S., United States versus, 300 Thompson, Charles Willis, 289 Thompson, Edward P., 220 Thompson, Jacob, 100 Thompson, Joseph O., Alabama state chairman, 294 Thurber, Henry, 227 Tilden, Samuel, quoted, 192 Times, Chicago, 93 Times, Hartford, 36 Times, New York, 152, 154, 164, 166, t 8 j , 187, 188, 193, 210, 220, 237, 249, 255, 265, 284, 286; excerpts, 149, 276, 280, 283; Wanamaker's efforts to punish, 2 1 2 Treasury Bill, 30 Trent affair regretted by Lincoln and Blair, 1 1 3 Tribune, Detroit, 201 Tribune, New York, 147, 282; excerpts, 1 3 3 1 party organ of Republican state committee, 218 Tulloch, Seymour W., 274 Tyler, John, Vice Presidential candidate, 41 5 nominated, 42; succeeded to Presidency, 45; opposed removal of postmasters, 45; issue which brought about dissolution of Cabinet, 47; vetoed bank bill, 47; dissatisfied with Granger's course, 48; alliance with Wickliffe family, 48; condemned political activity of officeholders, 5 1 ; effort to build his own third party, 5 1 ; separate convention held to nominate: withdrawal from race, 5 2; strained relations between Wickliffe and, 53; Cabinet expected to be retained by Pope, $8 Tyner, James N., 183; Postmaster Gen-

eral, First 174; tion,

156 ff., 161, 162; quoted, 1 5 7 ; Assistant Postmaster General, 166, quoted, 178; patronage distribu178; resignation, 1 8 1 ; record, 273

Union, 60; excerpts, 90, 99 Union convention of 1864, Baltimore, 121 Union Johnson Club, 128 Union League of Philadelphia, slight to Blair, 1 1 6 United States Bank, Barry opposed to, 12 f.; Kendall's campaign against, 26; removal of Federal deposits, 27; political methods used to oppose move, 27 United States Telegraph, 3, j , 1 1 , 22, 24 United States versus Edward S. Thayer, 300 Vallandigham, Clement Laird, 131 Van Buren, Martin, Secretary of State, contest for Presidency, 2 ff.; blamed for introducing spoils system into Government, 7; believed to be head of proscriptions, 10} scheme for getting rid of Calhoun's supporters, 1 1 j resignation, 1 2 ; nomination as ambassador to Great Britain rejected by Senate, 25; nominated Vice President, 26; President, 30; postmasters accused of striving to put out of office, 32; administration: charged with taxing officeholders for election, 34 j re-nomination for Presidency, 36; opposed extention of slave territory, 55, 59; claims for Presidential nomination urged, 5 5; faction working against, 57; followers oppose Polk's retention of Tyler Cabinet, 58; nominated for Presidency, 67 Van Cott, Cornelius, 219, 220 Vaux, Richard, 97 Vermont, only uniform Whig State, 68 Vilas, William F., Postmaster General, 146, 188 ff., 202, 213, 242, 252, 267; quoted, 192; "confidential circular," 192; general sweep of post offices, 193; friend and adviser of Cleveland, 197; quoted, 198; transferred to Interior Department, 199; work for Cleveland's re-election, 224 ff.; work

INDEX in convention of 1896, 242; favored for Presidential nomination, 243 Villard, Henry, 209 Virginia, consented to formation of West Virginia, 11 3 Virginius, capture of the, 143 Volwiler, A . T . , 212 Vorys, Arthur I., 292, 296, 197

Wade, B. F., 108, 142; attack on Lincoln, 123; campaigned for him, 124 Walker, Robert J., 54 Wallace, Edgar, 216 VVanamaker, John, Republican business man, 207-23, 234, 238, 248, 260, 263, 267, 269; question of Cabinet position for, 207 ff.; methods used to raise campaign funds, 209; Postmaster General, 2i2 ff.j attacks on, 212} Roosevelt's "run-ins" with, 217 j removals exceeded by Smith's, 252; charge that post office commissions were being sold, 252 f. Washburne, Elihu, 117, 143 Washington, Booker T . , 266, 294 Washington post office, charges that employees were put in for political reasons, 274 Watterson, H. M., 39 Webster, Daniel, opposition to Jackson, 40 j Presidential candidate, 4 1 ; Secretary of State, 43; wanted to resign: retention urged, 72; identified with Compromise Measures, 75; believed he could have been nominated for Presidency if Fillmore had withdrawn, 76 Webster, E. H., 185; quoted, 133 Webster, Sidney, 87 Weed, Thurlow, 40, 42, 45, 71, 73, 1 7 7 ! opposition to Blair, IOJ Weed-Seward group, 73 Weeks, J. W., 300« Welles, Gideon, 36, 59, 63, n o , 128, :29, " j o , 131. 137. «44! Diary, excerpt, 1091 reluctant to force co-operation from employees or to assess officeholders, 121, 122; quoted. 135 Wendell, Cornelius, 140 West, conflict between debtor and creditor groups, 4

3+3

Westcott, Gideon G., postmaster at Philadelphia, 84, 97 Weston, Ira M., 202 West Virginia, secession from Virginia: admission to Union opposed, 1131 admitted, i i 4 s effort to prevent election of free silver delegation, 240 Whig party, candidates for leadership, 40; lack of unity, 411 ruling elements, 4 1 ; post office jobs given in attempt to build up, 44; break developing in, 4 5 ; broken up effectually, 48; successor, 103 Whigs, 37; attack on Barry, 19; plan to re-establish a central bank, 47; rallied to support of Taylor, 7 1 ; supported by Know-Nothing Party, 81 White, Horace, 229 White, Hugh C., 3, 41 White Leagues, 153 Whitney, William C., 226 Wickliffe, Charles A., 63; Postmaster General, 48; quoted, 49, 50, 5 1 ; removal of postmasters, 49; patronage weapon used by, 51 j strained relations with Tyler, 53; Polk's confidential agent in Texas, 53 Wilder, John T . , 182 Wilkes, Charles, 113 Wilson, broker, 294 Wilson, William L., 213; quoted, 193, 2 37» 2 38; efforts to stem tide of silver movement, 225, 240; Postmaster General, 236; Cleveland's confidential adviser, 237; friend of civil service reform, 237; record of removals good, 238; plan to consolidate smaller offices, 238; request re appropriations disregarded, 239; did not meddle in selection of delegates to national convention, 240; mentioned for Presidential nomination, 243; refused to make political speeches, 243; rule re postmasters who abused President, 244; embarrassing predicament, 244 Windom, William, 179 Wisconsin, movement to take control of Republican party from Stalwart group, 278; faction situation, 281 Wise, H. A., 30

344

INDEX

Wolcott amendment, 139 Wood, Fernando, 95, 96, 1 3 1 "Wooley»," 73 World, New York, 240, 282 Wright, Silas, 57, 59, 65 5 quoted, 51

Wynne, Robert J . , Postmaster General, 286 Young Men's National Union Club, 134 Young Men's Republican Club, 246