The building of Renaissance Florence: an economic and social history 9780801823428, 9780801829772

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The Building of Renaissance Florence

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work to keep their employment.** greements on the terms of employment were usually incorporated into a written contract if work was undertaken under any arrangement other than a irect labor system. These documents were made in two copies, one for each party (although what survive today are mostly copies entered as memoranda in o

34 Th bers in | Cardoso Mend Gi i, ini 1} € announcements are items no. 8 and 14 among loose papers in ledger A of the uilding accounts: Innocenti, ser. VII, I. The second of these is published by Manuel ardoso Mendes and Giovanni Dallai, ‘““Nuove indagini sullo Spedale degli Innocenti a Firenze,” Commentari, 17 (1966), doc. 16.

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the owner’s books of accounts), and they were signed and witnessed by one or more outside parties. Generally, however, they are not highly standardized, and they do not take on the form of well-formulated legal documents. As a rule labor contracts were not notarized (they were more likely to be notarized if drawn up in Florentine territory beyond the city walls). Florentines had abandoned the notary for most agreements that did not involve the transfer of property and money (hence in the absence of private documents other than notarial acts before the mid-fourteenth century, little can be known about the construction industry in the earlier period®®). Contracts were nevertheless

legal documents, and in the event that one of the parties went to court (at either the Mercanzia or a guild) to settle claims relative to a breach of contract, the contract constituted the major evidence, along with the parties’

account books and the judgment of any outside consultant who might be called in for an opinion. Characteristic of the legal informality of labor contracts in the construction

industry is the absence of penalty clauses, bonds, and sureties. Although examples of all these features can be found, they are rare, and they become rarer in the fifteenth century. In the 1427 Innocenti contract for the roof of the children’s residence hall, the waller Piero d’Antonio Cioffi produced a guarantor who also signed the contract, agreeing to be responsible for damages 35 Franek Sznura, L’espansione urbana di Firenze nel Dugento (Florence, 1975), p. 21. 141

142 ORGANIZATION OF WORK and shortcomings up to a value of roo florins.2® This exceptional arrangement (unique among the many Innocenti contracts) may be explained by the special precaution the orphanage’s building committee wanted to take in contracting for the roof of the central building in the complex where the children themselves were to reside. In the San Matteo contract of 1388 with three masons for additional buildings to that new hospital, a clause was added stipulating a penalty of 100 florins to be paid by either of the parties (the owner or the contractors collectively) in the event of failure to observe the contract (50 florins were to go to the other party and 50 florins were to be paid to the commune).?” On the Strozzi palace project the founder Andrea Frilli accepted a contract (after it had been turned down by another founder ) with a penalty clause holding him responsible for half the damage should any of the foundations collapse. In view of the enormous load his foundations were tO Cafty, it is perhaps not surprising that Filippo Strozzi added this stipulation, although one might wonder how he thought he could have col-

lected any damages from a man of Frilli’s modest financial status as an artisan.2® Sometimes penalty clauses were directed to enforce the full-time commitment of the waller to the job. In 1318 Lapo di Ricco, who contracted (apparently for a task fee) to keep three other wallers and laborers on the

job full time building a shop for a Calimala merchant, agreed to pay the owner 40 soldi for every day they did not work;®® in a 1399 labor contract for chapel construction at San Pancrazio, Vanni di Filippo from Rovezzano agreed not to take other work under penalty of 15 florins.*° The additional device of clamping down some kind of control on the waller by requiring an outside judgment of work completed, a common feature of artists’ contracts at the time, is rare in construction contracts. One example appears in the 1341

contract already cited between the confraternity of Orsanmichele and the waller Antonio for construction of a house, where a final clause names the waller Gherarduccio as judge of the quality of Antonio’s work.*!

In general, however, when Florentine owners made labor contracts, they did not seek to protect themselves by stipulating controls over the waller’s work such as penalties, sureties, bonds, and outside judges—all of which were characteristic, for instance, of English building practice in this period.*? It was nevertheless possible to have recourse to the courts whenever problems 36 Innocenti, ser. VII (building accounts), 2 (ledger B), fols. 180r—81r. 37 The contract is published by Sanpaolesi, ‘“S. Matteo,’ pp. 77-79; see pp. 367-68 herein. 38 Goldthwaite, ‘‘Strozzi Palace,” pp. 142-43. 89 Milanesi, Nuovi documenti, pp. 21-22. 40 Published by Marco Dezzi Bardeschi, “Il complesso monumentale di San Pancrazio

a Firenze ed il suo restauro (nuovi documenti),’ QOxaderni dell’Istituto di Storia dell’ Architettura, 13th ser., fasc. 73-78 (1966). 41 Milanesi, ‘““Documenti,” pp. 224—25.

42 Salzman, Buzlding, p. 52.

CONTRACTING FOR CONSTRUCTION 143 arose. In Modena legislation held the waller responsible for guaranteeing his product by requiring him to pay damages if the structure did not hold up for ten years, and the liability could be shifted to his workers if their negligence

in the matter could be established.*? In Florence the silk guild took such action in 1361 against the foreman Benci di Cione at their sponsored project of Orsanmichele: they petitioned the commune to appropriate and sell all of his property in compensation for his incompetence and defective workmanship on the job.4* Most cases involving disputes over contractual agreements, however, probably went before the masons’ guild. For instance, in 1543,

after looking over a written agreement and calling in other evidence, the consuls made a judgment against a waller for work on the roof of a house; in another appeal in 1548 they ordered a waller to live up to the terms of his contract and complete his work satisfactorily within a set time on penalty of reimbursing his client all the money already received in payment.*? Unfortunately, the guild deliberations contain only the final action by the consuls

and nothing of the background hearings and materials leading up to that action. To judge from the surviving deliberations of the sixteenth century, however, the consuls dealt with few such cases.

The labor contract was a document that existed primarily to commit the contractor to a project and to establish the financial terms of his agreement with the employer. It included other conditions, of course, but the document did not follow a highly standardized formula, and it is difficult to generalize about other kinds of clauses. A contract could be quite detailed in specifying what was to be built. In the San Matteo contract of 1385 with Romolo di Bandino and Sandro del Vinta, a complete set of measurements was included —for the depth of foundations and thickness of foundation walls, for the lengths and thickness of the buildings’ walls, for the vaults—and instructions were given about what materials were to be used and how walls were to be finished. It was not unusual that contracts for more ambitious buildings also included references to plans the wallers were to follow, a subject that 1s discussed herein with regard to architectural practice. If the owner provided building materials, it is usually specified that any material not left in the

building (as the formula put it), such as wood for scaffolding, was to be furnished by the wallers. Sometimes the length of time in which work was to 43 Melchiorre Roberti, “Il contratto di lavoro negli statuti medioevali,’ Révista internaztonale di scienze socialt, 40 (1932), 44. 44 Saverio La Sorsa, La compagnia d’Or San Michele (Trani, 1902), p. 104. 45 Fabbricanti 4, fol. 233v; 5, fols. 67v—68r.

46 For example: “e debba dare la detta badessa calcina, mattoni, pietre, ferrame, e concio e ongni cosa abbi a rimanere nel detto lavoro; e el detto Lorenzo debba mettere ponti, armadure di volte, taglie, canapi, e tutto quello bisongnia per detto magisterio’’;

ASF, Conv. sopp. LXXXII (S. Apollonia), 10 (building accounts), fols. 3v—4v (1429).

144 ORGANIZATION OF WORK be completed was stated, and some contracts required the masons to work full time on the project and to keep a certain minimum work force fully

employed on the site. In short, a wide range of possibilities existed for establishing contractual terms between employee and waller. Almost any

conceivable arrangement can be found; some, obviously, appear more frequently than others, while some appear to be completely eccentric within general practice (to judge from surviving examples). It is therefore difficult to make many generalizations about conditions of employment on the basis of contracts alone. To settle accounts for a contract that defined work in terms of measure and value, an outsider had to be called in to take all the appropriate measurements. This job was generally left to professionals, the teachers of commercial arithmetic (maestri d’abbaco), of which Florence had a plentiful supply.** They did their measuring in the presence of a witness for each of the two contracting parties, who then shared the cost of the measuring. The buildingcrafts guild—the Arte dei Maestri di Pietra e di Legname—also approved assessors (stimator:) for judgment of work in connection with settlement of accounts, and with the reorganization of the guild in the sixteenth century, an official post of assessor was created for this function. More is said about

this office in the discussion of guild activities. In the early fourteenth century, receipt of the employer’s final payment to the mason was sometimes

notarized; but in the fifteenth century, by which time the legal status of account books had gained universal confidence, masons simply signed a statement in the employer’s account book acknowledging receipt of payment. Whatever role contracts played in the professional practice of the Florentine

waller, no written document tells the whole story of the relations between him and the owner. Fortunately, building accounts go a long way toward filling

in the realities of the financial situation. These records indicate that wallers were limited in their ability to contract more extensively because they had little if any liquid capital at their disposal. Whether he committed himself to a comprehensive general contract or to a labor contract for a task or rate fee, the chances ate that he did not have the financial resources to see his way through his payroll obligations up to the final settlement of accounts. In two of the examples of comprehensive labor and supply contracts described previously—the Medici contract for a garden wall and the Nacchianti contract for remodeling of a house—the wallers could to no significant degree finance their operations; if the same detailed information existed for other projects let out on contract, we would probably find that this was in fact the situation in which all the wallers of Florence found themselves. Regardless of the terms of the contracts they made, therefore, wallers in47 Richard A. Goldthwaite, “Schools and Teachers of Commercial Arithmetic in Renaissance Florence,’ JEEcH, 1 (1972), 428.

CONTRACTING FOR CONSTRUCTION 145 evitably had to be given frequent advances against the eventual charges to their employers. This condition was written into the San Matteo contracts— one stipulating that payments were to be made at least once a month, another that they were to be made from time to time. Accounting evidence suggests, however, that periodic payments to contractors while work was in progress was such a standard procedure that there was no reason for inserting provisions for payment into the contract. Sometimes payments were made in rounded figures (so many florins, for instance, whose value in lire might not correspond to the value of payments due), sometimes they were calculated on the basis of the going wage rate for all members of the work crew. The usual procedure seems to have been for the owner, regardless of the terms of the contract, to assume the ongoing payment obligation for the work crew, including even the wages of the contractor, at the standard wage rates; his payments were considered credit against the settlement of accounts at the end of construction. For example, on the accounts of the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova for the building of a patients’ ward in the years 1414 and 1415 and a new chapter room and pharmacy in the years 1428 and 1429, the wallers

who contracted to do the work (for the former project there were four) and their work crews were paid regularly according to the current wage rates; at the end of construction the value of their work was calculated according to a schedule of task rates established in prior agreements, and the difference between this value and the accumulated totals of wages already received was given to the wallers to settle the account.*®

From the owner’s point of view this financial limitation on the part of the

waller meant that he could not contract away the obligation to meet the (usually weekly) payroll of the work force employed on a construction project. It is not surprising, therefore, that many projects, certainly most of the larger ones, were organized not by contracts but by a direct labor system

in which the owner became an employer of wage labor and the wallers worked as salaried employees. If the work force was small, consisting of no more than the crews of one or two wallers, the waller might be the intermediate paymaster between employer and laborers, but all payments were based on a wage rate. For unskilled laborers the time rate was always a day’s wages, and it was frequently so also for wallers, stonecutters, carpenters, and other skilled laborers. Given his inevitable responsibility for meeting the payroll, the owner found the daily wage contract the most convenient, for it gave him the flexibility he needed to deal with labor in an enterprise where

for many reasons employment was subject to frequent fluctuations. The direct labor system was preferable when the owner wanted building to go forward rapidly (one thinks of Filippo Strozzi) and therefore needed an Organization on a larger scale than any artisan could handle on his own. It 48S. M. Nuova 5046, fols. 27v, 36, 46, 93v, 101, 108, 119; 5047, fols. 9, 25.

146 ORGANIZATION OF WORK was also a more satisfactory procedure for those projects that, because of inadequate or sluggish financing, went forward too slowly to make a formal contract of any advantage to either party (and many institutional projects were of this kind). A labor contract based on a time rate rarely took a written form, not even when it was made with a foreman who was to work for a monthly or annual salary. A written contract was drawn up, however, for the building of Santa Maria delle Carceri in nearby Prato. In 1485 the building committee employed

Giuliano di Francesco da Sangallo as foreman for the new church, and the terms were written down, and even notarized.4® Sangallo was to receive a daily wage of 30 soldi for every day he actually worked on the site, and he agreed to see the work through to its completion, following all instructions from the building committee. Although he was assured that he could keep a waller and a stonecutter in continual employment, their wages as well as all arrangements with laborers were to be determined by the committee. The agreement was written out probably because Sangallo’s residence in Florence

taised some question in the committee's mind about the regularity of his attendance at the building site (and in fact, because of other commitments, he did not stay on the job long). Although it was not the custom for a mason who took on employment on the basis of a time rate to have the terms of his employment incorporated into written contracts, something of the nature of his informal agreement with

his employer can often be found in the entries of payments to him on the employer’s accounts. When Cronaca went to work on the Strozzi palace as head stonecutter with an annual salary, Filippo Strozzi made a memorandum

of their agreement that Cronaca was to hire stonecutters, supervise their preparation of the stone for the wallers, keep records of their work, and make designs and models for stonework; these terms were frequently repeated in the entries for his wages over the duration of his employment for the following fifteen years.5°° Cronaca worked as a salaried employee in a direct labor system, however, without a contract formally defining the mutual obligations of employee and employer. Most Florentine masons probably worked under similar informal arrangements. Thus the contract was an instrument that only to a limited extent served to relieve the owner of the organizational problem in a construction project. Contracts for supply helped to assure a schedule of delivery, and labor con-

tracts clarified financial terms and committed masons to the projects, but neither contract freed the patron from financial administration. For this reason labor contracts rarely offered advantages over a direct labor system. In 49 The document is published in G. Marchini, “Della costruzione di Santa Maria delle Carceri in Prato,” Archivio storico pratese, 14 (1936), 62. 50 Goldthwaite, “Strozzi Palace,” p. 124.

CONTRACTING FOR CONSTRUCTION 147 any case, whether an owner used a direct labor system or whether he let out construction work by contract, he could not avoid a close financial involvement in the operation—and, in the final analysis, he simply may not have wanted to relinquish complete financial control. He invariably had to keep detailed accounts, and it is thanks to the survival of those records that we know so much about how the industry operated. THE LIMITS OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP. Enough examples of various kinds of

contracts can be found for us to conclude that the entire range of contract possibilities was open to Florentine wallers. To the extent that they contracted at all, however, they contracted only on a small scale; the most realistic option was to contract to do work for a task rate on the basis of measure and value. For anything but the simplest construction project wallers were reluctant to concern themselves with supply of building materials. Moreover, their financial involvement was limited; they made virtually no investment in the enterprise, they assumed little financial control over the operation, and more often than not they ended up working on salary, sometimes despite the formal terms of a contract. Their work gangs were composed of only an apprentice or two and perhaps as many laborers, and they seldom made contracts where

they were responsible for a much larger labor force. At San Matteo, for instance, where two masons promised to keep a minimum number of other masons and laborers employed full time on a project that included everything from foundations to roofs for a sizeable hospital complex, probably no more than a dozen workers ever showed up for work at any one time. Few wallers, furthermore, could count on steady, long-term work on one job. Instability of employment was endemic to the construction industry, and the more enterprising waller-contractors were subject to the industry’s erratic rhythms only slightly less than day laborers. With the seasonableness of the industry, the problems of financing, and the play of various forces, political and otherwise, in the labor market, it was rare that employment on

a building project could be maintained at a constant level for more than several months. If the waller worked on a task contract, it was probably for a small job that did not for long relieve him of worry about where the next contract was to be found.

Wallers had little capital tied up in their work. They had their own tools, and when work was taken on contract they were generally prepared to supply the equipment they needed, such as scaffolding, rope, and smaller lifting devices. They did not work out of shops; no mention of shops is made in their tax returns, and none appear in the shop census of 1561. Although they often went into association with one another (as compagni) for purposes of specific projects, wallers are not known to have organized formal partnerships in the business sense of that term. Moreover, there is no evidence that they profited from their supply channels by investing in the building-material

148 ORGANIZATION OF WORK industries. Those who had property to report to the tax officials declared land and houses rather than kilns, quarries, or woods. Not many, however, made enough from their craft to invest in anything at all. Of the wallers who so identified themselves on their declarations for the 1427 Catasto, only

six had an estate worth more than 300 florins. After taking a generous deduction of 200 florins for each dependent, few of these men had much to worry about from the tax office. The waller who was best off was Francesco di Geri, who with his brother Antonio did much of the masonry work at the Innocenti. With a house rented out, Monte credits worth 340 florins, and other miscellaneous credits, Francesco declared an estate of 598 florins; his brother was worth only half that. Neither added significant real estate holdings to his estate over the next twenty-five years.°? Despite their modest profile as entrepreneurs, wallers often displayed quite considerable supervisory talent. Whether he worked as his own boss on a small project or as a foreman on a large one, he likely had responsibilities that went beyond the formal terms of his employment. Although he made no financial commitment to supply materials, he could assume the responsibility for selecting suppliers and controlling the quality of their products, thus serving as a consultant, if not indeed the agent, of the employer on these matters. When it came to supervising labor, the waller who was the general foreman of the works had supervisory powers not only over laborers and any other waller who might be employed on the project but also over other craftsmen, such as Carpenters, painters, stonecutters, and founders, even though they were employed on independent terms by the employer.

It was the task of the foreman of the works to coordinate the efforts of all these men into a reasonably efficient operation. Most foremen were wallers but it certainly was not unusual for a stonecutter to be selected for the job, especially, of course, if stone was a major material in the building. On the typical job the crew under a foreman was small, not much more than a dozen men and usually fewer, but there were those foremen, for instance at the new

sacristy at San Lorenzo and the Strozzi palace, who were in charge of a work force whose ranks on occasion swelled to over a hundred men. It is hard

to think of any other industrial enterprise in Florence organized as a direct labor system that required the coordination of a work force so large, so diverse, and so concentrated at one site as that necessary for a large construc51 Information about wealth comes from the survey of those taxpayers who declared their occupation represented on the printout by David Herlihy, “Census and Property Survey (Catasto) of the City of Florence, Italy, 1427 with Additions of 1428.” The references to the Catasto reports of Francesco and Antonio are 65, fol. 308; 76, fol. 246. Cf. their sons’ reports: Catasto 707 (1451), fols. 401 (Francesco’s sons) and 536 (Antonio’s sons). Antonio’s son Lorenzo was foreman at the Badia of Fiesole (see note 31 above); and another, Andrea worked at the chapel of the Portuguese cardinal in San Miniato and, along with his two sons, at San Bartolomeo.

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BRICKS AND LIME 181 for tax purposes of 100 to 200 florins and sometimes as high as 300 florins.1® These values represented the capitalization of rents, and the higher rents were as much as had to be paid for the most expensive premises in the city—for

instance, a prosperous cloth shop. A kiln property, however, most likely included not only the industrial establishment itself (the kiln) but also the raw material in the form of claypits; furthermore, the kilnman might live on the premises and may have been able to farm some of the land. Not all kilns were large structures. Kilns where only lime was burned were of much less value than brick kilns; in the tax records for Impruneta, an important center for the production of floor and roof tiles, the assessed value of most kilns was a modest 30 to 40 florins.16 The making of bricks was largely, though not completely, a rural industry.

The firing of bricks took place outside the city walls not only because of practical considerations of accessibility to clays (or limestone) and firewood but also because, for obvious safety reasons, communal legislation restricted

their location in the city7 Urban kilns were not altogether unknown, for unbaked bricks brought into the city (presumably to be baked) were explicitly exempted from gabelle charges.1® Streets at one time or another known as Via delle Fornaci were located toward the walls and away from the

populated center—a distant track of Via de’ Serragli, the last bit of Via Agnolo—and the current Via della Fornace lies just beyond Porta San Niccolo.

Some of the brick suppliers for the Bargello project of 1345 and 1346 are identified as residents of communal parishes.’® Later building accounts, however, show that brick and lime almost always came from outside the city. Few kilns are recorded in the tax returns of 1427 as being in the city, and the only two listed in the 1561 census of the city’s business establishments ( botteghe )

were both on the outskirts, in Via della Pergola and at the Porta San Pier Gattolini.2° There were, of course, kilns just outside the city gates, especially on the Oltrarno side. A 1590 government survey of clay pits in the immediate vicinity of the city lists seven: three outside the Porta San Niccolo, one at the Porta San Pier Gattolini, one at the Porta San Frediano, and two on the other side of the river.?! The greatest concentrations of kilns further away but still 15 Based on descriptions of eighteen kilns found in the 1427 Catasto records of nine gonfalont. 16 Catasto 723, fols. 1-175 passim (Impruneta, 1451).

17 Statuti (1325), p. 253; Statuta (1415), Il, 206-8. 18 Statuta (1415), MI, 210.

19 ASF, Balie 3 (building accounts for the Bargello, 1345-46). 20 Pietro Battara, “Botteghe e pigioni nella Firenze del 500: un censimento industriale e commerciale all’epoca del granducato mediceo,” ASI, 95 (1937), Ul, 15. 21 Gigi Salvagnini, ‘“Famiglie e mestieri fiorentini: gli Zuti, fornaciai di Ricorboli,” Granducato (osservatorio fiorentino di storia, arte e cultura), 2 (1976), 40-42. See the illustration on p. 182 herein.

ati .j. Sra) Kiln at Ricorboli, 1622

serving the city seem to have been to the south on either side of the Greve, between Impruneta and San Casciano, and to the west along both valley walls of the Arno downstream, from the Porta San Frediano to Lastra a Signa on the left bank and toward Sesto at the foot of Monte Morello on the right bank.

A few accounts have turned up for the construction of kilns that provide some details about the nature of them as structures. For one kiln built in 1465 there are payments for vaulting, an overhanging tiled roof, and a portico about 13 meters long and almost 4 meters high.?” For another, a “fornello da quociare chalcina,” 5,000 tiles were purchased for the roof of the kiln proper

(fornace), and 3,150 more for the oven (fornello) and portico.?*? These sizeable structures were possibly not very different from some old kilns still to be found in the environs of Florence, which for the most part, however,

date from after the sixteenth century. The main block of these buildings, themselves built of brick, houses the ovens and the fire chambers, and across the front is a vaulted area generally opened on the outside by high arched bays. Although the porticos described in the accounts for the construction of kilns might have been the drying sheds for bricks, the term may also refer to this partially opened work area where the fires were stoked and perhaps fuel stored. The remains of old kilns are usually located on hillsides with the fire chambers at the lower level in front, partly to help increase the draught, and with the ovens above therefore accessible for loading from the ground level higher up the slope in back. A communal statute of 1415 limits the height of

kilns to 914 braccia (about 514 meters), but this restriction was probably 22 ASF, Archivio Gherardi 326 (ledger of Andrea di Cresci di Lorenzo di Cresci, 1463-71), fol. 108 (with measurements of walls of the portico) and passim. The kiln was built as a donation to the convent of Santa Maria Maddalena at Caldine, a foundation of the Cresci family; G. Carocci, I dintorni di Firenze, 2 vols. (Florence, 1906-1907), I, 174-75. 23 §. Miniato 57 (accounts of S. Bartolomeo), fol. 14r. 182

So, eee eee fe I Fe Oo 0 nT directed to structures only within the city walls, where fire was a constant danger.”4

Kilns were the most prominent industrial structures drawn in on the maps made for an early seventeenth-centuty survey of the Florentine countryside (illustration p. 180). Some kilns survive that have great vaulted “porticos” reaching the full height of the building in front. A few at least three centuries old are still in operation, albeit with some modernization of the chambers, and others, now converted to different uses, abound. All together they constitute substantial material for archaeological study of this industry. Some precise information about production levels of these kilns is to be found in an inquest conducted by the government in 1568 in response to a complaint from kilnmen about price controls imposed on their products.?°

One of the experts called in to look into the matter, Piero Pagni, came up with a cost analysis of kiln operations to show that the current prices were not in fact unreasonable. In his report Pagni submitted production figures for a single firing of each of two kilns he was familiar with (table 2). Assuming that a kiln working full time would have sixteen firings a year, or about one every three weeks, he estimated that one kiln could produce 1,280 moggia of lime and 272,000 bricks (with 320 moggia of charcoal as a by-product),

and the other 1,440 moggia of lime and 160,000 bricks (plus 352 moggia of charcoal). He concluded that this level of production assured the smaller Operator an income of 80 ducats a year, enough (according to Pagni) to be happy, and the larger operator an income of 150 ducats, “which would be comfortable for anyone.” It is to be noted that the larger of these kilns had about the productive capacity of the kiln described in the Encyclopédie, but its maximum annual production of sixteen firings was less than half of a single firing of a Dutch installation in the seventeenth century. 24 Statuta (1415), II, 209. 25 ASF, Capitani di Parte (numeri neri) 272, item 205.

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