The Broken Shield: The Birth of Dayakism 9834369506, 9789834369507

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THE BROKEN SHIELD Tke Birtk of Dayakism Joseph Tawie

General Libr^^n* System University of Wisconsin - Madison 728 State Street Madison. W1 53706-1494 U.S A.

Copyright © Joseph Tawie 2007 1st Floor, Lot 307, Sublot 3, Section 60,

Jalan Sekama, 93550 Kuching, Sarawak. Email: [email protected]

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including

photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system,

without permission in writing from the author.

The Broken Shield — The Birth of Dayakism

ISBN: 983-4369-50-7

First published 2007

Printed by

C.A. Manufacturer (Sabah) Sdn. Bhd. (247554-T) P.O. Box 14587,

88852 Kota Kinabalu, Sabah.

Note:

The author is not responsible for possible damages, which could

be a result of content derived from this publication.

All photographs are by courtesy of Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS)

fy>e wA

This book, is d/^dlarlxd, to yryj

liosoLinoC

Bcbvm^ victor,

oTuLj^rvm.

Jor their love, u^ndcrstiMllTtg,

crtcoiAragcrYicYit emd ynotlvailtm. and to the 'me'mo'r;^

pare-wts,

Tan/le and ^Mln-

Jor their Inspiration, and Love.

CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

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PREFACE

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INTRODUCTION: SARAWAK IN BRIEF

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CHAPTER 1 ~ THE FORMATION OF SNAP

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The formation of Malaysia Ningkan forms the first State Government Ningkan sacked as Chief Minister First State and Parliamentary Elections Second State and Parliamentary Elections Ningkan resigns as President

CHAPTER 2 * SNAP JOINS THE BARISAN NASIONAL The 1979 State Election

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Rahman threatens to resign The formation of new State Cabinet

CHAPTER 3 - THE SNAP CRISIS

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Endawie resigns as DCM Endawie resigns as SNAP President Tajem appointed as DCM Wong to Moggie: Form your racial party Showdown between Moggie and Wong Wong wins the presidency Wong's victory: How and why? Implications of Moggie's defeat Wong drops Moggie’s men Showcause letter for Tajem Looking for scapegoats SNAP postpones crucial meeting Decision to sack Tajem postponed again SNAP sacks Tajem BN leaders worried about SNAP’s problems

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CHAPTER 4 ~ THE BIRTH OF PBDS New party forms various sub-committees PBDS to be Dayaks’ political vehicle Ben joins PBDS PBDS faces first election Battle for hearts and minds of the Dayaks PBDS contests in 15 seats Election results What do the results indicate? SNAP's formidable tasks

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CHAPTER 5 ~ THE FALL-OUT WITH TAIB NCR land issues The 28 February 1987 TDC Dayaks should aspire to be Generals Dayaks are unhappy Moggie and Tajem criticised

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CHAPTER 6 ~ THE MING COURT AFFAIR

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The beginning of Ming Court affair Wealth .. .The Dot of the problems Whispering campaigns Tajem's version of the Ming Court affair The so-called resignation surprises Tajem The ultimatum to Taib The dissolution of the State Assembly The 1987 State Election The results of the 1987 State Election Five betray PBDS PBDS in dilemma Balan and Ben join PBB Why the Malays and Melanaus reject PERMAS? Why the Dayaks reject PESAKA? PBDS in the opposition Gramong and Mikai defect to PBB Lainus resigns from PBDS PBDS prepares for the 1990 Parliamentary Election

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The 1990 Parliamentary Election The 1990 Parliamentary Election results Four independent MPs join PBDS PBDS prepares for State Election How BNS tries to weaken PBDS PBDS forms Chinese panel The 1991 State Election The PBDS Manifesto The BNS Manifesto The BN strategies Defections further weaken PBDS The 1991 State Election results are shocking The reasons for the setback

CHAPTER 7 - PBDS REJOINS STATE BN

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BN rejects PBDS’ application Adenan sings PBDS’ obituary Focus on PBDS' extraordinary delegates conference Formation of interaction teams First meeting between BNS and PBDS Second meeting of interaction committee The long and hazardous road to BNS PBDS' return accepted in principle Are SNAP and SUPP sincere with PBDS' re-admission? SNAP absent from final meeting PBDS officially rejoins State BN

APPENDICES

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PBDS Supreme Council Members for 1997 - 2000 PBDS Members of Parliament and State Assembly

LIST OF REFERENCES

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ince I started writing this book in 2000, my list of those to whom I

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am truly indebted for their invaluable advice and assistance has

increased so much so that I am unable to write each and every one of their names here. Nevertheless, I would like to give a special mention to Datuk Seri Daniel Tajem, who gave me some of his letters and copies of his speeches; Mr. Jimmy Adit, Editor of The Borneo Post for editing the

book; Dr. Dusit Jaul for his suggestions and comments; Mr. Desmond Leong, former Editor of Vanguard, Mr. Henry Ling of Sabah, Mr. Yu Loon Ching of Singapore, Mr. Tedewin Ngumbang and many friends who have

helped towards the writing of this book. To them I say a big thank you.

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

PREFACE his book is written based on my experience.. .from what I read, I did, I wrote, I saw and what I heard as well as from my discussions with civil servants, reporters, friends and politicians. This is my ' memoir, my record. I was among the lucky ones to have witnessed and recorded so many historical and political events that occurred between the times of Sarawak gaining its independence from the British in late 1963 to the present day Sarawak in the Federation of Malaysia - a period of more than 40 years. As Assistant Press Officer with the Information Department between 1965 and 1975, my duties had not only endeared me to people of all walks of life, but had also taken me to almost every comer of Sarawak. With Sarawak just obtaining its independence by joining Sabah, Singapore and Malaya to form the Federation of Malaysia, the State Information Department played a leading role in explaining the concept of federation, in uniting the people of various races, in making people aware of development programmes as well as in projecting the image of the Malaysian leaders. Being an Iban, I was assigned to cover the visits of VIPs to remote areas of Sarawak where other reporters could not go. I became both a reporter and a photographer. And my stories and photographs became the official versions of government press releases and statements. Among those whom I covered were Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Dr. Ismail, Tan Sri Ghazali Shafie, Tan Sri Sardon, Tan Sri Musa Hitam, Datuk Stephen Kalong Ningkan, Datuk Penghulu Tawi Sli, Datuk Abdul Rahman Yakub, Datuk Abdul Taib Mahmud, Tan Sri Temenggong Jugah, Simon Dembab Maja, Leonard Linggi Jugah and Dunstan Endawie.

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Ute Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

It was during such visits that I had seen and witnessed numerous events such as demonstrations, general elections, political crises, rallies and meetings and launching of various development programmes. For example, I had seen the downfall of Ningkan Government, the swearingin of Tawi Sli as Chief Minister as well as the premature swearing-in of Rahman as Chief Minister, the merger of Parti Bumiputera and Parti Pesaka, Sarawak National Party (SNAP) crisis (1981--1983), the formation of Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS), the Ming Court affairs, deregistrations of SNAP and PBDS, the registrations of Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP) and Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) as well as being involved in the formation of the proposed Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC). Towards the end of 1975,1 left the Information Department for the Police Department as the Press Liaison Officer. My duties in the department were similar to those in the Information Department. The only difference was that my efforts were concentrated on Police activities. Here again I had the privilege of accompanying Commissioners of Police during those visits to other divisions, where we were briefed on security, crime and political situations in the State. Giving those briefings were senior Criminal Investigation and Special Branch officers. Some of my political knowledge came from these briefings by the Special Branch officers. I served nine Commissioners of Police during my 22 years and 10 months in the Police. As a retired civil servant, I look back to the time when I joined the government with a feeling of nostalgia, especially when reading some of the files and paper cuttings on politics that I had collected since 1965.1 wrote many of these political articles for The Sarawak Tribune, The Borneo Post, The Borneo Bulletin, The Sun, The Borneo Sim and The Malaysian Today. I had to use nom-de-plumes, because as a civil servant I was not allowed to contribute political articles to the newspapers. My job was only to write government press releases. The extra money I earned through writings helped me to send my four children to universities. It was during this reminiscence that I decided to vmte a book. Some of the articles that I wrote decades ago are being included in the book I now call "The Broken Shield ". This book attempts to cover political events from my perspective and knowledge. This book is about a journey or a "roadmap" of Dayak political unity from the day Sarawak gained

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independence until this present day political scenario. Along the journey, the Dayak unity was persistently being undermined. Their hopes and struggles were constantly being frustrated either by the Dayaks on their own out of personal greed and jealousy or they worked in collaboration with others, whose interests were detrimental to the Dayaks' political struggles. You may ask why "The Broken Shield"? The shield is more than a Dayak warrior’s weapon of self-defence against all weapons of enemies; it is an instrument that symbolizes the unity, strength, struggles and hopes of the Dayak community and depicts their culture and their day-to-day life. And for this reason, the shield has been incorporated in the logos or symbols of all Dayak-based parties like SNAP, SPDP, PBDS and PRS. Even PESAKA, which merged with Bumiputera to form Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), to this day continues to retain the shield as its emblem to reflect its aim of protecting Dayaks' interests in PBB. Figuratively speaking, the shield breaks into pieces in its efforts to protect the Dayaks’ unity, interests and rights, and its bits and pieces have been scattered all over the place and along the road of the Dayaks political journey to an unknown destination. Translated into modem day politics, "The Broken Shield" reflects the Dayaks' profound disunity while its fragments figuratively represent each and every one of the Dayaks who are divided and scattered among the existing political parties in the State, namely PBB, SUPP, SNAP, SPDP, PRS, STAR and in the proposed Malaysian Dayak Congress (MDC). "The Broken Shield" is divided into two volumes: Volume One - The Birth of Dayakism and Volume Two - The Dayak Dilemma. My intention of writing this book is to let the future generations know, study and perhaps learn from the failures, misgivings and misfortunes of their forefathers. And although for now it is impossible to unite the Dayaks under one political umbrella, it is hoped that the future generations may be more successful in forging unity among the Dayaks. The possibility of the broken shield being pieced together again is not impossible. God willing, with political will and sacrifice, I may even live to see it happens.

Joseph Tawie Kuching, Sarawak September2007

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

INTRODUCTION: SARAWAK IN BRIEF ARAWAK, KNOWN as the Land of the Hornbills, is the largest State in the Federation of Malaysia occupying an area of 124,449 sq. km (48,612 sq. miles). It is perhaps the richest State with abundant natural resources.. .petroleum, liquefied natural gas, agricultural produce, timber and other forest products. For over 100 years, Sarawak was under the rule of the Brooks, who were known as the White Rajahs. James Brooke came to rule Sarawak, when Raja Muda Hashim gave him as a reward the government of Sarawak for putting down a revolt in September 1841. Following his death in June 1868, Charles Brooke was proclaimed the second Rajah. For 49 years, he ruled Sarawak and when he died on 17 May 1917, Vyner Brooke was then proclaimed the third Rajah until the Japanese came in December 1941. After the Japanese surrendered on 14 August 1945, Sarawak was ceded to the British Crown. Sarawak gained independence from Britain, when she joined Sabah, Singapore and Malaya to form the Federation of Malaysia on 16 September 1963. (Singapore left the Federation in August 1965) Under the concept of Federalism, Sarawak is regulated by two separate Constitutions.. .the State Constitution and the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. The Head of State is the Yang di-Pertua Negeri, who is appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong of Malaysia. The State Legislative Assembly or the Dewan Undangan Negeri is made up of a Speaker and 71 Members who are elected through a general election every five years. The State cabinet, which is chosen among them, consists of the Chief Minister and not more than nine or not less than five

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

other Ministers. The Constitution also has provision for the appointment of not more than 18 assistant ministers. In Sarawak there are four component members of the Barisan Nasional ... Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), the Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP), Sarawak National Party (SNAP) (until November 2002), Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak (PBDS) (until 21 October 2004) and Sarawak People's Democratic Party (SPDP), which replaces the SNAP (from November 2002) and Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS), which replaces PBDS (as from 21 October 2005). PBB is the backbone of the government since 1970 and is the one that provides the leadership of the government. Sarawak is divided into divisions, each of which is headed by a Resident. Each division is sub-divided into districts, where the District Officer is the administrative head. Each district has its own Local Coimcil which works very closely with the District Office. In fact some small Councils have the District Officers as their chairmen.

POPULATION ACCORDING TO the 2000 Census, Sarawak has a population of 2,071,506 people consisting of 27 distinct indigenous ethnic groups that speak 45 different languages and dialects. The Ibans, numbering 603,735 (29.1%), form the largest number of the ethnic groups. Once the legendary warriors of Borneo and the most feared of the headhunting tribes, the Ibans have now settled for a peaceful agrarian lifestyle, of whom the majority have become Christians. The Chinese come next with 537,230 (25.9%) and they are mostly involved in trades and businesses. And they own big business concerns. The Malays, who are third in term of population of 462,270 (22.3%), are seriously competing with the Chinese in the public and private sectors as well as in other professions. But for those living in coastal villages and along riverbanks, they are mostly farmers and fishermen, with some finding work in the timber industry. Like the Ibans, the Bidayuhs with a population of 135,595 (8.0 %) live in the interior and they are mostly found in the Serian and Bau regions. Other colourful tribes are the Kayans, Kenyahs, Kelabits, Lun Bawangs, Punans and Penans, who are good hunters as well as experts in making

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beads and handicrafts. Collectively known as the Orang Ulu with a population of 117,690 .(5.7%), they are mostly found in the interiors of Belaga, Ulu Baram and Ulu Limbang. Together the Ibans, the Bidayuhs, the Orang Ulus and other non­ Muslim natives are known as the Dayaks of Borneo. Coming next are Melanaus who are mostly found in the heartland of Mukah. Numbering about 112,984 (5.5%), they have abandoned living in their traditional tall houses and have moved to coastal areas living in villages in Malay style. Some have embraced Christianity, while others have taken the Islamic faith. And they live happily and harmoniously with one another. According to the census, non-Malaysian citizens and others form about 3.4% (70,841) of the State population.

Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

THE FORMATION OF SNAP he formation of the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) in Sarawak on 10 April 1961, the third party to be formed after the Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) and Parti Negara Sarawak (PANAS), opened the way for Dayaks' active participation not only in the efforts to prepare Sarawak's independence, but also to be fully involved in political activities. Although there were Dayaks in SUPP and PANAS, which were and are essentially and basically Chinese and Malay in character and in their objectives respectively, the Dayaks' interests in the two parties were secondary and their roles minimal. Thus the Dayaks, particularly the Ibans felt that they might be left behind in the decision making of Sarawak that was desirous of becoming an independent country, if they did not have a party of their own. So SNAP was born in Belong, Second Division, and its formation was greatly welcomed by the vast majority of the Ibans, who formed one-third of Sarawak's population then. Among the founders were Stephen Kalong Ningkan, who became its secretary-general, T.S. Tinker (chairman), Edward Howell, Edwin Howell, Ivory Kedit, Mathew Dana Ujai, David Lawrence Usit, Nyipa Julin and Lionel Bediman anak Ketit. The first general assembly of the party was held on 29 April 1961 at Munggu Bangkit, Belong, where the party was born. It became the party headquarters. About 300 people throughout Sarawak attended the

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

assembly. Soon after the assembly, Ningkan and Tinker went to the First, Fourth and Fifth Divisions canvassing for membership and at the same time forming branches and sub-branches. It took them three months before returning to Betong. Edward Jeli who joined the party later canvassed for membership in Miri. Others concentrated in the Second Division. After serious thoughts, SNAP accepted non-Dayaks as party members in 1963 with James Wong as the first Chinese to join as a member. Others who later joined the party included Wee Hood Teck, Wee Boon Ping and Ho Ah Chon. Abang Othman bin Datuk Abang Haji Moasili was the first Malay to join the party. Wee Hood Teck and Wee Boon Ping became the main financiers of the party. Their presence and that of other non-Dayaks made SNAP a multi­ racial party, although the bulk of its members were Dayaks. In August 1962, another party came into being in Sibu to cater for the Ibans of Batang Rajang. Its promoters refused to join SNAP, which they said, only catered for the Ibans from Saribas. The party was known as Parti Pesaka Anak Sarawak (PESAKA) and among the initiators were Penghulu Masam anak Radin, Pengarah Banyang, Penghulu Chundi anak Resa and Penghulu Umpau. Temenggong Jugah, Temenggong Oyong Lawai Jau and Jonathan Bangau joined later. While Jugah and Oyong Lawai Jau were incipiently members of. PANAS, Bangau was from SUPP. Other Penghulus from other divisions such as Penghulu Tawi Sli (Second Division) and Penghulu Abok anak Jalin (Bintulu) also joined PESAKA. PESAKA was, therefore, known as the Penghulus' party. But the person who actually mooted the idea of forming PESAKA was Thomas Kana, a former dresser at Kuala Belait. He was made the first secretary-general of the party. Incidentally, Ningkan, a SNAP founding member, was also a dresser at Kuala Belait. During their days in Kuala Belait, Ningkan and Kana greatly disliked one another and often threw insults at one another. When they returned to Sarawak, Ningkan formed SNAP and Kana formed PESAKA and both started to sow the seeds of disunity among the Ibans of Sarawak principally between the Ibans of Batang Rajang and the Ibans of Saribas. They refused to compromise as both wanted to become "big" in a party and in the government. As far­ fetched as it may be, Dayak unity as we know it today took roots in the major differences and personal animosity of these two men.

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Chapter J: Ihe Formation OfSNAP

THE FORMATION OF MALAYSIA AFTER THE Second World War, Britain was forced to give up its colonies of Sarawak and North Borneo in the face of an increasing tide of opinions against her. Initially there was a move to federate Sarawak and North Borneo into an independent nation out of fear of the threat of commimisnv which was very real especially when it had already taken roots in Sarawak. But a much bigger threat was the "domino" theory that came about as a result of China and its neighbours embracing communism. The general fear was that communism might spread down to Thailand, Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo. The theory sent shivers down the spines of these countries especially when there would be a vacuum left by the departure of the British colonialists. British and Malayan governments then discussed the possibility of forming a bigger federation partly to counter the spread of communism and at the same time to give independence to the British colonies in this region. On 27 May 1961, Tunku Abdul Rahman, Prime Minister of Malaya, announced for the first time in public the concept of the Federation of Malaysia, which should consist the 11 States in the Federation of Malaya, Singapore, North Borneo (later changed to Sabah), Sarawak and Brunei. Singapore liked the idea, but Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei strongly objected to the concept. In an open letter to Tunku Abdul Rahman dated 7 July 1961, Donald Stephens said: "Please do not pursue the idea of making Brunei the 12* State, Sarawak the 13* State and North Borneo the 14* State of the Federation. We are frankly not interested." Two days later, Ong Kee Hui of Sarawak, A.M. Azahari of Brunei and Donald Stephens held a meeting in Jesselton (Kota Kinabalu). In their joint statement, they said: "It was agreed that a United Front should be taken on this important matter and that the British government should be advised that so far as the wishes of the people of the three territories can be ascertained, any plan in accordance with the pronouncements made by Tunku Abdul Rahman in Brunei and Sarawak would be totally unacceptable to the people of the three territories." However, during a Commonwealth Parliamentary Association meeting in Singapore, delegations from North Borneo and Sarawak proposed the formation of Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

(MSCC). The members of the committee were Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo. Brimei was given an observer status. Sabah delegates to the MSCC were O.K.K. Datu Mustapha bin Datu Harun (leader). Pang Tet Tshung and Lai En Kong. Representing Sarawak were Yeo Cheng Hoe (leader), Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng, Pengarah Montegrai anak Tugang, Dato Abang Haji Openg, Ling Beng Siew, James Wong and Remigius Durin anak Nganau. Malaya was represented by Mohd. Khir Johari (leader), V. Manickavasagam, Dr. Burhanuddin bin Mohd. Noor, Lee Siok Yew, Syed Esa bin Alwee and Abdul Ghani bin Ishak. Singapore representatives were Lee Kuan Yew (leader), Ahmad bin Ibreihim, S. Rajaratnam and Dato Abdul Hamid bin Haji Jumat. The Brunei delegation (given observer status) included Dato Setia Pengiran Ali bin Pengiran Haji Mohd. Daud (leader), Dato Setia Pengiran Haji Mohd. Yusuf, Haji Jamil bin P.LF.K. Awang Haji Umar, Dato Temenggong Lun Cheng Choo and Dato Abdul Aziz bin Haji Mohd. Zain. The committee with Donald Stephens as chairman was given the tasks of collecting and collating views and opinions concerning the creation of Malaysia, disseminating information on the question of the proposed federation, initiating and encouraging discussions on the proposal. The MSCC was also to foster activities that would promote and expedite the realisation of Malaysia. By now Donald Stephens was a firm believer of the Malaysian concept as this was the best for both North Borneo and Sarawak, provided certain safeguards were included in the constitution of the new Federation. Four meetings were held each in Jesselton, Kuching, Kuala Lumpur and Singapore and their recommendations were submitted to the InterGovernmental Committee (IGC). Meanwhile, both the British and Malayan governments decided to set up a commission known as the Lord Cobbold Commission as they were worried about the views of people in Sarawak and North Borneo. Lord Cobbold became the chairman of the commission with Anthony Abell and David Watherson, as members of the British government. Wong Pau Nee and Ghazali Shafie represented the Malayan government. The commission's terms of reference were to ascertain the views of the people of North Borneo and Sarawak on the question of the proposed

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Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

federation, and to make recommendations after assessing the opinions of the people. The commission went to 20 centres in Sarawak and 15 in North Borneo hearing the views of the people. They conducted 50 hearings, where they met about 4000 people and received 600 letters and memorandums from North Borneo and 1600 from Sarawak between 19 February and 17 April 1962, The commission then submitted their recommendations to the InterGovernmental Committee. The recommendations were very much similar with those submitted by MSCC. In his report Lord Cobbold made one very important point, to wit: "It is necessary condition that, from the outset, Malaysia should be regarded by all concerned as an ASSOCIATION OF PARTNERS, combining in the common interest to create a new nation but retaining their individualities. If any idea were to take root that Malaysia would involve a 'take-over' of the Borneo Territories of North Borneo and Sarawak, Malaysia would not, in my judgment, be generally acceptable or successful." The demands and safeguards as required by Sarawak and North Borneo were considered by the IGC Report and later incorporated into the new Federal Constitution. Leaders from the North Borneo presented 20 points for consideration of the IGC Report. Those points were similar with those demanded by Sarawak. Some of the pertinent points in the IGC Report included Religion, Immigration, Education, Land, Financial Provisions, Public Service, National Language, Special Position of the Indigenous Races, Constitutional Safeguards and the new Federation of Malaysia. Of all these points, I would like to touch more on the Special Position of the Indigenous Races, and I quote: "The position of the Natives in the Borneo States is analogous to the position of the Malays by Article 161A. In Sarawak 'Natives' include (161A Clause 7): Bukitan, Bisayah, Dusun, Dayak Laut (Iban), Dayak Darat (Bidayuh), Kedayan, Kelabit, Kayan, Kenyah (termasuk Sabup dan Sipeng) Kajang (Sekapan, Kejaman, Lahanan, Punan, Tanjung dan Kanowit), Lugat, Lisum, Melayu, Melanau, Murut, Penan; Sian, Tagal, Tabun .and Ukit.” The other point I would like to highlight here was the Constitutional Safeguards, which specified that special safeguards to Sarawak and North

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

Borneo couldn't be amended or repealed without the consent of the State governments (i.e. the Executive Branch). The consent by the State government need not pass through die State Legislative Assembly. As long as the Executive Branch approves and two-third of the Federal Parliament consent, the special Constitutional Safeguards given to North Borneo and Sarawak can be deleted or amended. Here lies the weakness of the constitution. Following several meetings among the parties concerned, an agreement was reached for the formation of the Federation of Malaysia and the federation should be brought into being by 31 August 1963. But due to technical problems, the new Federation of Malaysia did not materialise until 16 September instead of 31 August 1963.

NINGKAN FORMS THE FIRST STATE GOVERNMENT TWO YEARS after the formation of SNAP, Sarawak gained its independence through the formation of Malaysia together with Sabah, Singapore and Malaya. SNAP played a leading role in the discussions towards the formation of Malaysia. In fact Malaysia would not have been formed had SNAP disagreed with its terms and conditions of the proposed federation. At first SNAP leaders were sceptical and suspicious of the intentions of Tunku Abdul Rahman regarding the formation of Malaysia. However, after much discussion, Ningkan and other SNAP leaders agreed on the condition that Ningkan be made the Chief Minister. PANAS and another Iban party. Party Pesaka Anak Sarawak (PESAKA), which was led by the paramount chief of the Ibans, Temenggong Jugah anak Barieng, gave their full support. Jugah was made the Federal Minister for Sarawak Affairs, while Abang Openg bin Abang Sapiee of PANAS became the first Governor. Meanwhile, SUPP was extremely opposed to the formation of Malaysia and many of its members went underground to join the illegal Sarawak Communist Organisation. Together they conducted a decade of subversion against Malaysia. They were aided by Indonesia, which described Malaysia as a new form of colonialism and launched an undeclared war of "confrontation" against the newly formed federation. Ironically, today SUPP gets the lion's share of the fruits of 'merdeka', while SNAP awaits a court decision to know if it can live to be a political party. 6

Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

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Malaysia was formally formed on 16 September 1963 with Ningkan as head of the State government under the banner of Sarawak Alliance. When Ningkan took over from the British, his government was confronted with numerous problems.. .the threats from the communist terrorism and subversion, the Indonesian "Confrontation", poverty and lack of local government officers to plan and implement development programmes for the State. Ningkan himself had little experience in administration, so he had to depend on his British advisers. But Kuala Lumpur was not happy with him. He crossed path with Tunku Abdul Rahman, Prime Minister of Malaysia on several issues including Bahasa Malaysia, education, land and Bomeonisation programme whereby expatriate officers were to be replaced by local officers. He was removed as Chief Minister in September 1966 by Parliament through the proclamation of emergency and not by Council Negeri where his removal should have been carried out. A PESAKA leader, Penghulu Tawi Sli was hurriedly installed as the Chief Minister. Ningkan's removal sparked a long constitutional crisis in the State. The crisis not only forced Ningkan into the opposition, but also appeared to prove the Dayaks' earlier suspicions regarding the formation of Malaysia. SNAP's expulsion from the Sarawak Alliance made its leaders, Ningkan, James Wong Kim Min, deputy Chief Minister in the Ningkan government and Dunstan Endawie famous in the eyes of the Iban population. Many Iban civil servants, professionals and the rural dwellers not only expressed their sympathy, but they also gave their total support to SNAP. Following Ningkan's dismissal, there was no way how SNAP could counter Sarawak Alliance's allegations. Newspapers at that time were not friendly. Thus the idea of publishing its own newsletter came into being. An Information and Publicity Committee was formed comprising Datuk Abang Othman (chairman), C. H. Ingka (vice-chairman). Nelson Liap Kudu (secretary), Cyril Nichols, Peter Sumbang and Abang Bueng. Titled "The Sarawakian Digest", the first issue was published in October 1968. The aim of the newsletter was to spotlight National and State problems, suggest remedies and rally the support of civic conscious Sarawakians who believed in a true democratic society, to ruthlessly weed out all obstacles to progress, to fight through all constitutional means at 7

The Broken Shield • The Birth OfDayakism

their disposal for economic justice, racial equality and political liberty for

all. Through this newsletter, SNAP made counter attacks against the propaganda of the Sarawak Alliance, which they broadcast through radio and published in newspapers. In its editorial The Sarawakian Digest said: "We are pledged to fight by all constitutional means at our disposal to see that the term "Independence within Malaysia’really takes form and is not just a hypocritical label. It means the right to manage our own internal affairs and to govern ourselves without undue interference. We are committed to strongly resist any effort on the part of others, whoever they may be, to treat us as other than first class citizens of Malaysia and to oppose strongly the domination of our people by any one race." Accusing the Sarawak Alliance Party of violating the sacred State Constitution, The Sarawakian Digest quoted from Datuk James Wong's adjournment speech at the April Session of Council Negeri. It said: ' On the 17* June 1966 nearly two years ago, the constitution of Sarawak was raped. This is now a matter of recorded history. No explanation or excuse by those alliance leaders who were responsible for this atrocious act of subverting the security of our State Constitution will undo the damage, which has been done. "Their offences were not merely those of having forced the Head of State and abetted him in the violation of the State Constitution, but also for breaking and failing to keep their oath of 'preserving and protecting' the State Constitution. "One hears and reads constantly these days in the papers and from the lips of alliance ministers and leaders of the need for internal security and national solidarity. But how many have really given serious thought to the imperative need for constitutional security? "In a multi-racial society such as ours in Malaysia, our constitution has been drawn specifically to ensure the rights and privileges enjoyed by all within the State are protected. These are enshrined in the State and indeed the Federal Constitutions. "What is it that gives the protection to ensure that their security and the happiness of all citizens are protected? What protects the special privileges of the natives of Sarawak? What protects the '/zaizZ'and 'Tusun Tunggu 1 What protects the right of Parliamentary democracy?

8

Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

"The answer to all these is obvious ... the constitutions, both State and Federal. No man, no citizen of Malaysia, no political party within Malaysia is above our constitution. The constitution does not belong to the party in power. The constitution belongs to the people of Malaysia and any change or amendment, which is contemplated for the constitution, whether State or Federal, must have the consent of the people. If they (the people) have no faith in the constitution and the sanctity of the constitution, God help Sarawak and Malaysia." The newsletter said that although with the conclusion of the Malaysian Agreement, Great Britain no longer played the same role in Sarawak, SNAP however, felt that as a major party to the "Agreement Relating to Malaysia" it had a moral duty to see that the Agreement and the constitution of the State of Sarawak, which it assisted in formulating, were not violated. The people of Sarawak did not believe that Great Britain intended to hand them over to the Federation of Malaya like goods and chattels under an unenforceable agreement and contrary to the Cardinal Principles as set out in the First Schedule to the Sarawak (Constitution) Order in Council, 1956, for example... "That Sarawak is the heritage of our Subjects and is held in trust by ourselves for them." The Sarawakian Digest said that the party had no criticism of the Malaysian concept as such. It was perhaps rushed through with rather undue haste but SNAP firmly believed that with goodwill and a reasonable amount of give and take it could build up a strong and harmonious Nation. But the "giving and taking" must not be one-sided. "Kuala Lumpur must show patience and tolerance and make a more serious effort to understand Sarawakian views and not show resentment when Sarawak insisted on retaining a more reasonable autonomy over their own affairs. It must also respect their dignity as an equal State with true independence within Malaysia. Sarawakians were tired of being treated (with the collaboration of Sarawak Alliance 'y^s men') as irresponsible children who did not know what was good for them and who must obey 'big brother' without query or complaint. Such treatment was an insult to their intelligence and dignity and was neither conducive to either harmony or unity in Malaysia," the Digest said.

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

NINGKAN SACKED AS CHIEF MINISTER SNAP'S USE of this newsletter was one of the effective ways to counter the propaganda of the Sarawak Alliance, especially the ones spread by its main rival PESAKA in the rural areas. PESAKA was tRe main party

that destroyed the SNAP government when 15 of its Council Negeri Members, joined by five from BARJASA and one from PANAS, petitioned the Governor to dismiss Ningkan as Chief Minister, as they no longer had confidence on his leadership. Based on this letter, the Governor on 14 June 1966 sent Ningkan a letter demanding his resignation, failing which he would be dismissed. Ningkan refused to resign, as there was no indication in the Council Negeri on that day that he had lost the confidence of the majority of the State Assemblymen. Neither was there any motion to that effect nor that the government was defeated on any of its Bills. Nevertheless, Ningkan was sacked as Chief Minister on 17 June 1966. Penghulu Tawi Sli was appointed as Chief Minister. Ningkan brought the Governor to court and subsequently won the case. He was reinstated by the court as Chief Minister. Unhappy with the comt decision, PESAKA, BARJASA and PANAS leaders went to Kuala Lumpur and urged Federal leaders to call for an emergency meeting of Parliament to amend the State Constitution to allow the Governor to call for a Council Negeri meeting. A state of emergency in Sarawak was proclaimed. Thus Ningkan's government was dismissed when Council Negeri met on 23 September 1966 when 25 voted for the motion of no confidence on Ningkan as Chief Minister, while six from SNAP and 10 from opposition SUPP refused to attend the meeting. One independent mernber walked out during the meeting. The Governor delivered a letter to Ningkan the same evening, calling on him to resign and if he did not resign, the Governor would sack him. "I shall return to office after elections next year," commented Ningkan, adding: "What happened today is a mockery of democracy and a violation of the State Constitution. "It is an outrage against the people of .Sarawak. Our absence from the Council Negeri was a matter of principle. I shall always be for the people and the State of Sarawak. I shall never be a party to Malay domination," he said. 10

Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

Four persons from PESAKA who were the brains in Ningkan's dismissal were Thomas Kana (secretary-general), Temenggong Jugah (president), Sidi Munan (secretary of Jugah and secretary of Sarawak Alliance) and Alfred Mason, political secretary to Jugah. SNAP accused them of being used by Rahman and Taib Mahmud to get rid of Ningkan. To the writer, this was the first public plot to undermine Iban unity, and consequently, the Ibans were there and then split in two main regions .. .the Batang Rajang represented by PESAKA and the Saribas by SNAP. With SNAP out of the Sarawak Alliance, PESAKA seemed to control the government. But that was not the case. Taib, although an ordinary minister, carried tremendous power over many matters. Only a year later, cracks started to appear again in the Sarawak Alliance when Tan Sri Jugah, chairman of the State Alliance and president of PESAKA accused Taib bin Mahmud and Awang Hipni bin Pengiran Annu, two Bumiputera State ministers (BARJASA and PANAS had earlier merged to form Parti Bumiputera) and Rahman Yakub, Federal Minister of Lands, Mines and Justice, of neglecting the Iban interests in development, education and in the economic fields. All the pledges made to help the Ibans were never forthcoming. Jugah accused them of practising double standards "bisi nikipinang bisi niki nibortg" Jugah made his r emarks during the visit of deputy Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak to Kapit. When Tan Sri Jugah made the allegations in Kapit, the author was present as a reporter at that time. The author was covering the visit of the deputy Prime Minister. As the only pressman from the Information Services present in the meeting, the author passed the story to Geoffrey Geraldad of the Straits Times, which front-paged the story. A two-day emergency meeting was held in Kapit, where PESAKA leaders pledged their fullest support to Tan Sri Jugah. A press statement signed by the secretary-general, Thomas Kana, not only reaffirmed their fullest support to their president, but also demanded Taib's removal from the cabinet of Tawi Sli government. Rahman sent a cable to Tan Sri Jugah asking him to refrain from making further attacks on him or any of the Sarawak Alliance ministers. Meanwhile Taib derued that he had tendered his resignation or that he had been tipped for a diplomatic post in the Philippines. He assured that the State development programme was being reoriented to "meet the real needs of the people, particularly the Dayaks." 11

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

On 26 October 1967, Tunku Abdul Rahman made another visit to Kuching to try to mend the cracks between PESAKA and Bumiputera leaders and met three representatives from PESAKA, two each from Bumiputera and Sarawak Chinese Association (SCA). An impromptu one-day convention was also held at the Jubilee Hall during which it was agreed that an all-party committee within the Sarawak Alliance under the chairmanship of Tan Sri Jugah be set up to find an amicable solution to the current "Sarawak crisis." A16-point communique was issued to the press. Four days later, Bumiputera leaders accused some PESAKA leaders as being "militant" and were breaking the pledge in the communique. The accusation was made following PESAKA leaders' demand for an immediate cabinet reshuffle. Top PESAKA leaders had met in Sibu and agreed that certain ministers must go. Adding to the drama of the present crisis was the resignation of Thomas Kana as the Parliamentary secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives. His resignation arose from the resolution passed by PESAKA leaders at the meeting in Sibu. Apparently, Kana had been aiming for the post of Chief Minister himself or at least a ministerial post in the State cabinet. PESAKA at this time was playing a vital role in the formation of the State government... it had caused the downfall of SNAP government and had created a power­ sharing government with Bumiputera and SCA. As a result of the demand, Penghulu Tawi Sli had to drop Taib and Abang Ikhwan Zaini was appointed a minister from Bumiputera. Taib was later appointed a Senator and became an assistant minister in the Federal cabinet. By now the PESAKA leaders had realised that they had not only been betrayed by their partners in the Sarawak Alliance, but had also been used by them to undermine the Ningkan government a year ago.

FIRST STATE AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS BASED ON the mood of the electorate, SNAP expected to do well in the coming State and Parliamentary elections scheduled for May 1969, the first such direct elections for Sarawak. However, due to the May 13 incidents in Kuala Lumpur, the elections were postponed to 1970. SNAP

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Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

did not do well as expected. Many reasons were attributed to its dismal showing, one of which was the threat of being arrested under the Preservation of Public Security Regulations (PPSR) or the Internal Security Act (ISA) especially after the racial riots in Kuala Lumpur. SNAP was, therefore, unable to exploit the issue of Ningkan’s removal as Chief Minister as well as the issue of "Sarawak for Sarawakians." Neither could SNAP fight the might of the Federal government which gave its backing to Parti Bumiputera, particularly when it had little experience in election. It was a free for all. Everybody was against everybody. When the results of the elections were announced, SNAP, SUPP and Parti Bumiputera each won 12 seats, while PESAKA won eight. Three seats went to SCA, and one to an independent. SNAP won in Tarat (Nelson Kundai Ngaring), Tebekang (Michael Ben), Simanggang (Nelson Liap Kudu), Ulu Ai (David Jemut), Layar (Ningkan), Krian (Dunstan Endawie), Meluan (Ambrose Gramong Jelian), Song (Stephen Ngelambong), Subis (Francis Loke), Marudi (Edward Jeli Belayong), Telang Usan (Joseph Balan Seling) and Limbang (James Wong). SNAP, which polled 24.5% of the total votes cast, narrowly lost in Lundu, Bau, Bengoh, Lingga/Sebuyau, Engkilili/Skrang, Oya, Pakan, Baleh, Tatau and Lawas. Parti Bumiputera won in Semariang (Ajibah Abol), Sebandi (Ikhwan Abg. Zainie), Muara Tuang (Mohd. Musa), Semera (Lee Thian Kee), Gedong (Abang Haji Abdulrahim), Saribas (Kihok bin Amat), Kuala Rejang (Abdul Rahman Yakub), Matu/Daro (Awang Hipni Pengiran Anu), Balingian (Mohd. Fauzi Hamdani), Oya (Vincent Ferrer Suyong), Tatau (Awang Ismail Pg. Zainuddin) and Lawas (Awang Daud Awg. Metusin). As for SUPP, it won in Lundu (Chong Kim Mook), Bau (Ong Ah Kim), Kuching Timur (Stephen Yong), Sekama (Sim Kheng Hong), Batu Kawa (Chong Kiun Kong), Bengoh (Segus anak Ginyai), Repok (Khoo Peng Loong), Binatang (Anthony Teo), Sibu Tengah (Chiew Kim Poon), Sibu Laut (Wong Kah Sing), Dudong (Kong Chung Siew) and Belaga (Nyipa Kilah). PESAKA's victories were in Lingga/Sebuyau (Penghulu Tawi Sli), Engkilili (Simon Dembab Maja), Kalaka (Wan Alwi Tuanku Ibrahim) Pakan (Mandi anak Sanar), Machan (Thomas Kana), Pelagus (Bennett Jarrow), Baleh (Kanyan anak Temenggong Koh) and Kemena (Penghulu Abok anak Jalin). 13

The Broken Shield- The Birth OfDayakism

Kuching Barat (Cheng Yew Kiew), Igan (Ling Beng Siew) and Miri (Chia Chin Shin) went to SCA, while Ngcmah went to an independent candidate. Lias anak Kana. Clearly, the main loser in the State election was PESAKA whose representatives were reduced from 15 to eight, while SNAP gained six seats. SUPP also increased its representatives from 10 to 12 and later 15 when SCA dissolved itself and its elected representatives joined it. Parti Bumiputera also made some gains from eight to 12 seats. In the Parliamentary election, which was held simultaneously, SNAP captured nine Parliamentary seats out of 23 in the State of Sarawak. The seats were Serian (Pengarah Rahun Dabak), Batang Lupar (Edwin Tangkun), Lubok Antu (Jonathan Narwin Jinggong), Betong (Mara anak Walter Unjah), Saratok (Edmund Langgu anak Saga), Kapit (Penghulu Abit anak Angkin), Miri/Subis (James Wong), Baram (Luhat Wan) and Limbang/Lawas (Chegu Bungsu Abdullah). PESAKA and SCA each won two seats - Julau (Pengarah Banyang), Ulu Rajang (Temenggon Jugah), Sarikei (Chen Ko Ming) and Bintulu (Ting Ming Kiong) respectively. SUPP won the four seats of Bau/Lundu (Siyium Mutit), Bandar Kuching (OngKee Hui), Padawan (Stephen Yong), Bandar Sibu (Khoo Peng Loong) and Rajang (Tribuoh anak Rantai). Parti Bmniputera did quite well in the Parliamentary election winning five seats, namely Santubong (Hj. Awg. Awal Awg. Abu), Samarahan (Abdul Taib Mahmud), Simunjan (Bojeng bin Andot), Payang (Abdul Rahman Yakub) and Mukah (Latip bin Hj. Dris). The Kanowit Parliamentary seat was won by an independent candidate. Unting anak Umang. As mentioned earlier, SUPP was intent on opposing the formation of Malaysia and many of its members went undergroxind to carry out subversive activities against Malaysia and its people. The authorities detained a number of them for some unknown reasons. But after the elections, SUPP having won 12 State seats discussed the possibility of forming the next State government with SNAP and PESAKA, hoping to entice the sole independent elected member and three from SCA. Ong Kee Hui, SUPP chairman and Stephen Yong, SUPP secretary-general discussed details of the proposed government with James Wong of SNAP and Jugah of PESAKA. However on the eve of going to the Astana for the swearing-in ceremony, Yong changed his mind and joined forces with 14

Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

Bumiputera to form the next government known as the Sarawak Coalition government. It was said that Yong changed his mind after he and Ong Kee Hui, SUPP chairman had met Rahman in a meeting reportedly arranged by Sidi Munan. SUPP leaders were said to be frightened of the dangers facing them in the event that the Muslims were excluded from the SNAP-SUPPPESAKA government especially in the wake of the May 13 incident. Kuala Lumpur would surely against such a government. After all, a number of SUPP members had been arrested and were still detained for their opposition against the formation of Malaysia. And SUPP leaders did not want to give Kuala Lumpur an excuse to arrest the other leaders. (However in the 1974 election, Yong lost his State seat of Kuching Timur to SNAP candidate. Apparently the Kuching voters punished him for his act of betrayal). PESAKA had to join in the coalition after two of its elected Council Negeri Members were "kidnapped" and sworn in as ministers. Initially, Penghulu Abok anak Jalin refused to be appointed a minister, saying that he preferred to live in his longhouse as the people's Tuai Rumah (longhouse headman), rather than at the Secretariat as a minister. After all, he said, he merely knew how to read and write. But after several persuasions and coaxing, he agreed on the condition that he wanted someone from his longhouse or area to be appointed as his secretary. So Celestine Ujang, a Sarawak Administrative Officer (SAO) was roped in. The other person who was "kidnapped" was Simon Dembab Maja, who had been hiding at the official residence of Temenggong Jugah, the president of PESAKA after winning the Engkilili seat. It was rumoured that one day he was persuaded to come down to town for a bowl of 'laksa', which was when he was hijacked and brought to the Arif Hotel. Here he was well looked after. Not only he was given his 'laksa'; he was given anything he asked for...beer, chicken you name it! He finally agreed to join Bumiputera when he was told that the whole of PESAKA would be joining the government. Maja was later sworn in as deputy Chief Minister. Following the "kidnap" of two of its Council Negeri members, PESAKA was therefore forced to join the coalition government. Because if PESAKA did not follow suit, there was a possibility that more would be joining the coalition individually and this could result in the break-up of the party. That was why PESAKA did not take action against Abok and

15

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

Maja for joining the government without the approval of the party. Rahman knew that without any elected Dayak representatives in the coalition government, such a government would not be politically stable, especially after the previous Sarawak Alliance -government had been accused of suppressing the Ibans in various fields of development. He must find a way to entice two or three PESAKA's elected representatives to cross over with a promise of ministerial posts. He found Sidi Munan, a desperate man after the gentleman lost the Lundu seat to SUPP. Had Sidi won the seat, he might be the first to defect to the coalition government and be appointed a minister. And if such a thing had happened, Sarawak's political scenario might have been different today. Any way both Sidi and Alfred Mason needed some job security and readily answered Rahman's call for special duties - to persuade at least two of PESAKA's Council Negeri members to defect. It was easier of course for them since both of them had been members of PESAKA and had been working closely with Temenggong Jugah. Their first targets were Bennett Jarrow (Pelagus and father-in-law of the author) and Kenneth Kanyan (Baleh). According to Kanyan, both of them agreed to defect and agreed to go to the Astana to be sworn in as ministers, but at the last minute changed their mind for fear of being accused as traitors to PESAKA. Sidi's and Mason's next targets were Penghulu Abok and Simon Dembab Maja, Mason's brother-in-law. Abok and his nephew, Richard Asan were having 'laksa' one evening at a stall near the Mayfair Hotel, where Abok was staying, when Sidi and Mason arrived in Mason's old Volkswagen. Abok was invited for a ride together with Richard and was driven to a house at Ong Hang Swee Road. According to Richard, a number of politicians including Noor Tahir were at the house. From there they took Abok to an unknown destination. Richard was, however, left behind. Today it has been confirmed that the unknown destination was Arif Hotel, where Abok was virtually held in as "hostage". Sidi and Mason then went for Maja who was kept at Temenggong Jugah's residence together with several members of PESAKA and other elected representatives. But Maja's craving for a bowl of the spicy 'laksa' was too much for him that he just walked out of the house and headed to town. This was the chance for Sidi and Mason had been waiting for. The

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Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

next time Maja made his appearance he was Sarawak's deputy Chief Minister! Sidi and Mason have been accused by some Ibans until today as "traitors" who sold the Ibans to Parti Bumiputera. As the result of their actions, PESAKA was forced to join the coalition government, otherwise the party would loose other elected representatives, and consequently it would head for a major split. The actions of Sidi and Mason and subsequently the defections of Abok and Maja were considered by many political observers as the second plot that undermined Iban unity in Sarawak's politics, resulting in PESAKA not only joining the coalition government, but also merging with Bumiputera to form Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB). The merger came through in January 1973. PESAKA’s merger with Parti Bumiputera was one of the reasons that led to bickering and disunity among the Dayaks as PBB further strengthened its hold on the State Administration and at the same time victimising the opposition SNAP. Some were initially arrested under PPSR (Preservation of Public Security Regulations) and later ISA (Internal Security Act). The Chief Minister was the chairman of the State Security Committee, while the Internal Security Act was under the Minister of Home Affairs. The other partner of the coalition, SUPP, became solidly united when SCA was dissolved and its members joined the party. Meanwhile, SNAP, very angry at being betrayed by SUPP, went to every nook and corner, and length and breadth of the State to campaign for membership. Their campaign issues centred on "Sarawak for Sarawakians”, how Ningkan was dismissed as the Chief Minister, how the Ibans were suppressed, neglected and cheated, how they were deprived of rural development projects, and so on. SNAP also accused PESAKA of selling their rights to the Malays and labeled it as the "pesaka" (property) of Bumiputera. Their strategy paid dividends as SNAP won the hearts of many sympathisers and fence-sitters. But in the process many risked being arrested under the PPSR and ISA. As a matter of fact, for some reasons unknown nine of its top leaders including James Wong were arrested under the PPSR and later under the ISA. Their courage and struggles, however,

17

The Broken Shield • The Birth OfDayakism

had convinced many to join the party including civil servants, professionals and longhouse folk. Among those who joined the party were Leo Moggie, a former District Officer, lawyer Daniel Tajem, Joseph Balan Seling, Joseph Samuel, Dr. Jawie Masing and Jonathan Sabai, to name a few. By the next State and Parliamentary elections due in 1974, SNAP had opened up branches and units in every town, kampong and longhouse. Its membership increased by many folds. After four years of hard work, SNAP was indeed ready to face the elections with the members' spirit and confidence soaring sky high.

SECOND STATE AND PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS WHEN THE State and Parliamentary elections were held from 24 - August to 14 September 1974, SNAP won 18 State seats, an increase of six seats from the previous election. And it won Bau (Lee Nyan Choi), Kuching Timur (Lo Foot Kee), Tebekang (Michael Ben), Lingga/Sebuyau (Daniel Tajem), Skrang (Nadeng Lingoh), Ulu Ai (David Jemut), Krian (Dunstan Endawie), Dudong (Sandah anak Penghulu Jarrow), Pakan (Dr. Jawie Masing), Meluan (Ambrose Gramong), Machan (Leo Moggie), Ngemah (Francis Umpau), Pelagus (Jonathan Sabai), Baleh (Peter Gani), Tatau (Joseph Mamat Samuel), Bintulu (Ting Lian Kiew), Baram (Luhat Wan), Marudi (Edward Jeli), Telang Usan (Joseph Balan Seling) and Limbang (James Wong). Their majorities ranged from 183 to over 1,800 votes. The party also won nine Parliamentary seats of Bau/Lundu (Patrick Anek Lfren), Batang Lupar (Edwin Tangkun), Lubok Antu (Jonathan Narwin), Saratok (Edmund Langgu), Julau (Thomas Salang), Kanowit (Leo Moggie) and Ulu Rejang (Miut Sibat). Their election issues were the continuance of the previous issues - betrayal by SUPP and PESAKA, NCR land, economic and business opporhmities, civil service recruitments and promotions, scholarships and its famous slogan "Sarawak for Sarawakians ". Because of these issues of betrayal, SUPP lost its stronghold of Kuching Timur where its candidate and secretary-general cum deputy Chief Minister, Stephen Yong was defeated by a political unknown from SNAP, Lo Foot Kee by a majority of 1,435 votes. PESAKA, which had become the Dayak wing of Parti Bumiputera, also suffered major setbacks in the elections. Among the losers were a PESAKA leader and a minister in the coalition government, Leonard Linggi, son of Temenggong Jugah. He was defeated in the State seat of 18

Chapter I: The Formation OfSNAP

Pelagus and the Parliamentary seat of Ulu Rejang by SNAP candidates. Oddly enough, SNAP's president, Stephen Kalong Ningkan, who had been the focus of the elections, was soundly defeated in both the State and the Parliamentary seats he contested. In the State seat of Layar, he lost to Alfred Jabu anak Numpang and in the Parliamentary seat of Betong to Libin anak Kato. SNAP's members and Ningkan's supporters were shocked how he could have lost in Betong, the birthplace of the party. When a post mortem was conducted, it was found that his defeat was due to the lack of support from the Chinese and the Malay voters. It was said that he had angered the Chinese in Betong on the eve of polling. The other reason was that Ningkan insisted on contesting two seats ... the Layar State seat and the Betong Parliamentary seat. His followers in Betong had advised him to concentrate on the State seat, and to allow the Parliamentary seat to be contested by Libin anak Kato who was also equally influential in the district. But in his own arrogant way, he refused to listen to his followers and grassroots. Alfred Jabu, who had won a by-election in Skrang earlier in the year quickly seized Libin and nominated him to contest on a PBB ticket, while he himself would take on Ningkan in the State seat. Ningkan lost both seats. There were also rampant riggings and unfair practices by the State coalition parties, which greatly influenced the results of the elections. While polling was in progress in several constituencies, Abdul Rahman Yakub had sworn in himself as Chief Minister. The swearing-in had obviously affected polling in other parts of Sarawak. Chinese voters, in particular, had become scared to vote for the opposition candidates for fear of political backlash. In the State Constituency of Gedong, Mohd Hilary Tawan (coalition candidate) was alleged to have cheated in order to win the seat by a majority of 28 votes against SNAP's Liew Ming Chong. During the earlier part of the counting, it was obvious that Mohd. Hilary Tawan was trailing behind by less than 100 votes. Some how or rather, a supporter and polling agent shouted that another box of votes was still on the way. At that time it was well past midnight. When counting clerks sorted out the ballot papers, it was noted that 100 of them were marked with pen in favour of Mohd. Hilary Tawan. When Liew and his polling agents objected to the inclusion of the 100 votes, the Returning Officer overruled their objection. SNAP wanted to

19

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

bring the matter to court, but decided not to proceed with it, knowing the odds were against them. Some 25 years later. Kunchi anak Sang, Mohd. Hilary Tawan's strong supporter, informed this writer of what had really transpired then. He said that the extra 100 votes were marked at the residence of an Information Officer in Simunjan while the counting was in progress at the Balai Raya. SNAP was utterly astonished at the inordinate haste that Abdul Rahman Yakub had rushed to occupy the seat of Chief Minister of Sarawak even before the completion of the polling in the State. In a statement issued to the press on 10 September 1974, its secretary-general, Leo Moggie said that final polling would be on the 14 September, and one would have expected that, if for nothing else, social conscience and respect for the voters would require him to wait until all the results were in. "That is why SNAP is opposed to the staggered announcement of the results," he said. Moggie demanded for an open Commission of Inquiry on the conduct of the elections in the State. He said: "This is a must and I challenge Rahman Yakub, since he is now Chief Minister, to also insist on the appointment of an open Commission of Inquiry, if the Barisan Nasional has nothing to hide. We have been accused of playing racial politics. Let the commission show to us who is with religious politics. "The result of the polling so far and the speech made by Rahman during the opening of the Koran Reading Competition last week suggest that the blame should be put on the Barisan Nasional. This is what I meant in my statement yesterday that I am disappointed at the way politics are shaping in Sarawak," he said. During the campaigns, the State Barisan leaders were alleged to have used radio, newspapers, rallies, helicopters and large amount of money and feastings and other questionable tactics to hoodwink voters. Despite huge posters showing the three former ministers in the "Perentah Camporan" and urging the people to "sokong Perentah Catnporan", the voters had rejected two of them completely namely Stephen Yong and Leonard Linggi Jugah. Despite all the riggings and unfair practices, SNAP did yery well winning 18 State seats and nine Parliamentary seats.

NINGKAN RESIGNS AS PRESIDENT FOLLOWING HIS defeat in the elections, Ningkan resigned as president of the party. Dunstan Endawie took over the leadership with

20

Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

James Wong as deputy president. Daniel Tajem was elected as the senior vice-president, while Leo Moggie remained as secretary-general. With 18 Council Negeri and nine Parliamentary seats, SNAP reorganised itself under a new leader and became a formidable opposition. Debates in the Council Negeri became not only interesting, but also attracted large crowd of spectators who apparently wanted to know how their elected representatives perform during the Council Negeri sittings. Among the most eloquent debaters and speakers were Tajem, Moggie, Samuel, Balan and Dr. Jawie SNAP formed its own "shadow cabinet", with each Council Negeri member given a special "portfolio" so that he could raise the relevant issues effectively. So together they put the government on their toes when they raised issues ranging from customary rights land, unfair Parliamentary practices, scholarships given to Dayak students, recruitments and promotions in the civil service, timber concessions, business opportunities and arrests under the Preservation of Public Security Regulations (PPSR), the power of which was given to the Chief Minister. But Rahman used this newly found power to detain SNAP leaders. His first target was James Wong, who had now become one of the financiers of the party as well as the opposition Parliamentary leader. He had been very critical of Rahman. Eight other leaders of the party were also picked up under the PPSR on 30 October 1974 and later under the Internal Security Act (ISA). Upon the arrests of James Wong and other SNAP leaders, SNAP leaders and members planned to march from Kampong Haji Taha on 17 March 1975 to the Council Negeri building where the Council Negeri was in session and to demonstrate in order to seek the release of their nine leaders. On arrival at the Council Negeri, Moggie would present a petition to the Speaker of Council Negeri in accordance with standing Order 17 (1)As expected, the Speaker rejected the petition saying that it did not fall within the provisions of Standing Order 17. Moggie tried to argue back, but was told to sit down and to abide by the ruling. The 17 elected members left the House in protest. The following morning, the Speaker made it clear to the House that the petition could not be accepted as the matter was outside the legislative competence of the House. He said that to allow such a petition would be a usurpation of powers and functions of the Malaysian Parliament.

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

THE PETITION LETTER SNAP Htaddtwrtars* 11?* -patltioD to thia Houaa cea^iAtriii^ AurlBg the currant easslon, in the interaat ot Justice, fcha purauit of xlUrtjr «ad tba

raalipatloa of happinaaa for tba rakjrat in thia eouatrx. « j~ THERSFORX* abas ravieai^ iMcw't araiita, saMly'tba arbitrer7 arraata and. attbaec^ua&t dat«itione of tba nine top SN^ Party Uadera fron Ujibane is tba Fifth Divieion of

Sarawak, and in particular* tba re-erraath and aubaaquabt ra-dataatisB of oar Deputy National Fraaldeat, TB Dattk

Jaaea jroB^ Kin |lip, the Ne^r for Uabacg* inspita of the reoeat ruliae of the

Court of Donee at Kuching*

•a feel that natural Justice and indlTida£L liberties in thia *e also feel that

country are slowly but surely eroded.

the people of the State Conatitnenoy of Malang ere being denied their right of being represented and being heard

in thia House, with the contlaued absence of their aleoted representative, naaely Datde Jaaes Wong*

THps* we the undemi^wd, aeek the eonourrenee Qt

this House and all its neabers to show our traditlmal

Sarawak ■agnaniaoua gesture in urging,

(a)

ths i—edlate relsasr

these nine people,

so that with the ceesation of their oootinuad dsteatien, their reapeetive faailies will

Iwt be denied their ’essential presence any

..2/-

Chapter 1: The Formation OfSNAP

•>- 3 •

furttari svnlri ttiis ia aot too suoti to aak

of an7 p*37son? (b)

toot too Autboritiod bo urgoA to allow tho

m Bat^ v PBDS leaders to establish this po ’“ciilhnk. But for this to materialise. PBDS has to amend its constitubon to one that advocates multi-racialism.

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BALAN AND BEN JOIN PBB SNAP CONSTITUTION was very clear that it could only readmit the four former SNAP members - Datuk Edward, Datuk Balan, Michael Ben and Geman Itam - who resigned from the party, after a period of one year. Even if they were admitted, they could only be allowed to contest any party post after becoming members for a year as allowed by the

constitution. Being a very "principled" man, Wong would stick to the constitution. And his stubbornness to adhere to the constitution had caused the expulsions of a few leaders in the past and at the same time contributed to the weakening of the party. This time around Wong's stubbornness earned him some angry reactions from his own party leaders and members, as they wanted the five defectors, at least the four, to be readmitted to the party. They were hoping that their readmission would further strengthen the party and increase the number of Council Negeri members from three to eight. But Wong had other reason: he wanted only loyal members whom he could control. He wanted to make SNAP another Limbang Trading Company and as such he would not listen to anybody, not even SNAP’s adviser, Stephen Kalong Ningkan. Wong knew that there would be serious repercussions on SNAP, if it accepted the four defectors. This was because at the party TGA at the end of the year, attempts were likely to be made to replace him as president, a post he held for more than two terms. Supporters of former deputy president, Datuk Edward, former secretary-general, Datuk Balan, former vice-president, Michael Ben and former CWC member, Geman Itam were anxious to get the four back and take over the leadership as they considered Wong's leadership a "hindrance" to the development of the party, which needed the support of the Dayaks badly. And if the party wanted to maintain its image as a Dayak backed party, it must have the support of the Dayaks. The move to "topple" Wong was planned before the last TGA, but it could not be carried out, as Edward then the deputy president was not ready to assume the post of the presidency. Wong was, therefore, returned for his second term of office. Members then were unhappy with Wong, whom they alleged was more interested in his business than on the party affairs. He left the charge of the party to a couple of young and inexperienced party members. His constant absence from party meetings

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had resulted in SNAP becoming a "mosquito" party and its seats had dwindled from 18 to only two. Although the four could not reijoin SNAP because of the provision in the constitution allowing readmission of a resigned member after only a year, they still could be readmitted under another provision which empowered the CWC to re-admit any former member if it deemed necessary. The CWC, which was controlled by Wong and his men,-did discuss the position of the five defectors and insisted that they could only be admitted after the TGA at the end of the year. It was obvious that Wong did not want to use the power of the CWC, as he knew that the return of the four would threaten his leadership before and during the TGA. As a result of this "obstacle" for the return of the "prodigal sons", Balan and Michael Ben had made up their minds to join PBB, another member of BN. Balan's supporters comprising community leaders, councillors and Telang Usan SNAP officer-bearers who were angry with SNAP leadership had signed a petition urging him to join PBB. The petition was presented to Alfred Jabu, deputy president of PBB. While Jabu gladly welcomed Balan ahd Ben to join PBB, Wong refused to comment. In fact SNAP should object to the application by its former elected representatives to join PBB, as it would later on involve the right of SNAP to contest the Telang Usan and Tebekang constituencies. And PBB should not only honour the agreement preventing the pinching of each other's members, but should not also bully SNAP and take advantage of its weakness. The intention of the former SNAP secretary-general and vicepresident to join PBB was considered by many as blatant disregard for SNAP's honour and integrity as well as a "big slap on the face" of the leadership of the party especially James Wong. Even PBDS expressed surprise over the move by Balan and Ben to join PBB. "I thought Balan and Ben, who defected from PBDS to the BNS, would rejoin SNAP," said its publicity officer, James Masing. Following angry reactions from SNAP members throughout the State, the chairman of State Barisan Nasional, Abdul Taib Mahmud said that the defectors could choose which party they wished to join in a year *s time. • 'At this stage, they cannot apply to be members of any of the component parties under the constitution of SNAP, which sacked them before they joined PBDS in April," said Taib, whose statement was to pacify

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angry SNAP members. Their reactions could threaten the existing cooperation in the BNS. He said that the other component parties of the Barisan had to comply with the SNAP ruling on the position of the defectors. "We cannot accept anybody imtil the bar period is over. And after that let them decide."

WHY THE MALAYS AND MELANAUS REJECT PERMAS? WHILE PBDS could claim to have the support of the Dayak community winning 15 out 21 seats contested, its partner, the PERMAS, on the other hand, managed to win only five seats out of 21 Malay/ Melanau seats it contested. Even Rahman himself was defeated in the Matu-Daro, the Melanau heartland, by a political unknown, Wahab Dollah. The question is: Why did the Malays and Melanaus reject PERMAS? Many reasons could be attributed to the failure of PERMAS to secure their votes. In the Malay and Melanau constituencies, Rahman and PERMAS were looked upon as colluding with PBDS to destroy the Muslim unity. PBB skilfully exploited the issue of PBDS wanting their own members to be "generals" who would replace the Malay/Melanau leadership in the government. This really frightened the Muslim voters. PERMAS was a new political outfit, comprising disgruntled members of PBB and SUPP, who were being used by Rahman to settle a fairuly quarrel over timber concessions and other businesses with Taib. The disclosure by PBB regarding timber concessions owned by Rahman’s henchmen opened the eyes of the voters. Traditionally, the Muslim voters always supported PBB and the "dacing" (scale) symbol of Barisan, which for a long time had been associated with development and progress, had firmly embedded itself in the minds of the people especially the Malays. And this time around there was no reason to abandon PBB and BNS especially in the rising tide of "Dayakism". Wong Soon Kai's open letter to Rahman appearing on 15 April 1987 dealt a fatal blow to chances of Rahman and PERMAS in the election, especially when the publication of the letter coincided with the first-day of polling. In the letter Wong reminded Rahman that he was the one responsible for instigating a few members of SUPP in 1977 to create havoc within the 160

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party and this caused a split in SUPP. That was the first time, he said, Rahman stabbed him at the back. In 1978 Parliamentary election Rahman fielded dissident members of SUPP as independent candidates to fight against SUPP. Wong said: "You tried to defeat me through a subtle but in the most devious manner. You stabbed me at the back for the second time. And in 1979, you collaborated with some Chinese and former SUPP leaders and brought DAP into Sarawak with the sole purpose of attacking SUPP. That was your third stab at my back. For the 1982 Parliamentary election, you gave DAP all the help including vote buying and betting to my disadvantage. I lost the election and this was your fourth stab which hurt me deeply." Wong continued: "You mentioned about Operation Judas and I could quote one case: One Chinese tycoon became a victim of this operation just because at one time he was not your supporter. You know that this Chinese tycoon hated the underground elements like anything, but chose to put him together with the many others behind bars. But when you went to see him, you hugged him and shed some crocodile tears. Why this false pretension. Tun? You may have read The Price of Loyalty' by Datuk Amar James Wong. You should understand the feeling of a political detainee, who was victimised for something he never did. There is one paragraph, which said that he was never a traitor and neither did he collaborate with Brunei at any one time. I couldn't hold my tears after reading this part. Tun, this was only one case of how you back-stabbed people. "Tun, I understand many Sarawakians would like to know: (a) how many blue identity cards were issued to those illegal Indonesian immigrants during your term of Chief Ministership?; and (b) how many non-Malays (Chinese, Ibans, etc) were enticed by you one way or another to become Muslim converts when they came to you applying for some licences? Tun, you said I back-stabbed but, in fact all this while I only oppose your political intrigue of having staged the Ming Court coup. I have the moral obligation and political conviction to tell the people the truth and the facts of the rebel group with you. I know the people of Sarawak would not want you to come back again to rule and in the process cause so much chaos and sorrow for our people for nothing. "Tun, it is not good to you neither is it good for the people of Sarawak for you to return to power in the government. Under your mastery the 161

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

Chinese community has split into two opposite camps; the Dayak community was also in two groups - one in SNABnd the other one in PBDS; even the Malay/Melanau community was divided into two - one for Taib and the other one for you," Wong added. Meanwhile PBB Youth called on the Malays to reject PERMAS, pointing out that contrary to its manifesto, an objective analysis would lead to the conclusion that PERMAS was formed because of personal reasons and had nothing to do with the rights and welfare of the people. Its main objective was to bring Rahman to power to replace Taib in order to defend Rahman and his group's self-interests. It said that since PERMAS was a splinter group of PBB, however strong was PERMAS, there were no winners. Both PERMAS and PBB would lose, as the party would be split into two. At the strongest, PERMAS could only secure eight to nine seats. PBB would get eight to nine seats and PBDS would get 18 seats. In that situation, a candidate from PBDS would be the Chief Minister. Tun would not be the Chief Minister at all because bargaining was made from a position of strength. PBB Youth reminded the Malays that what happened to the pact and understanding between USNO and PBS in Sabah should not happen to Sarawak. The pact was not honoured when PBS obtained more seats. Those were some of the reasons why the Malays, Melanaus and even the Chinese rejected PERMAS on 15 and 16 April 1987 State election.

WHY THE DAYAKS REJECT PESAKA? IN AN article the author wrote for the Sarawak Tribune on 9 May 1987, the author mentioned that one of the most interesting features in the State election was the total rejection of PESAKA in the Rajang River Basin where it once reigned supreme.

The defeated candidates put up or backed bp PESAKA were Tan Seliong, Martin Charlie, Janggu anak Temenggong Banpang, Ambrose Blikau, Joseph Jinggut and Senator Kenneth Kanpan. In theface ofDapak political resurgence, did Datuk Leonard Linggi Jugah as the leader ofPESAKA miscalculate the mood ofthepeople on the ground? Or did the people no longer trust him ? Political observers saw the defeats ofthe PESAKA backed candidates

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in iheRajang River Basin as a reflection on the leadership ofLinggi who was the natural leader ofPESAKAfollowing the death ofhisfather. Infact itpointedclearly to thefact that Linggi, once apromisingpolitician tipped to be made the '’paramount chief’ of the Sarawak Ibans, had lost the confidence ofthe people. It alsopointed to thefact that thepeoplehad rejected ’familypolitics " or penghulu politics”, which PESAKA wasfamousfor in the early 70s. The defeats ofKenneth Kanyan, son ofTemenggong Koh, Joseph Jinggut, son ofTemenggong JinggutandJanggu, son ofTemenggong Banyang were clear examples ofthe people’s rejection of''penghulu politics. ” himselfknew that he was no longer popular with the people who were his father’s ’’anembiaks” (followers). That was Ute reason, according to some obseroers, why he did not offer himselfas a candidate in the last Parliamentary election or even in the recent State election. In the Parliamentary election, he asked his cousin, James Jimbun to contest in the Kapit Parliamentary constituency. But the saddest thingfor Linggi was the defeat ofAmbrose Blikau, who was the remaining Council Negeri member ofPESAKA before the election in the Rajang River Basin. The Rajang Basin was the stronghold ofPESAKA during the time ofTun TemenggongJugah, when it won eight seats tn the1970elections against the might ofthe SarawakAlliance. Indeed PESAKA’s strongest areas were in Kanowit where the party wasformed by Penghulu Masam, Penghulu Francis Umpau, Pengarah Banyang, Penghulu Chundi and Tuai Rumah Bujang, Temenggong Jugah became Usfirst president. PESAKA had its support among the Ibans declined sharply in the 1974 State and Parliamentary elections, when several ofits leaders were defeatedin thepolls. Both Linggiand Thomas Kana, PESAKAldsecretary­ general, lost their State and Parliamentary elections. Many reasonshadbeeno^redforPESAKA’s dismal showingin the elections, one ofwhich was its merger with Bumiputera in January 1973. Theaccusation was that it became merelyPBB's lackey andit could therefore no longer claim to representIban politics, economic, andmost importantly, communal aspirations. According to veteran politicians, the weakness in PESAKA was that tlte remaining leaders like AlfredJabu and Celestine Ujang tended to look

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after their own constituencies and had never ventured out to help in other constituencies held bp PESAKA until the last minute ofthe election. Jabu tried to exerthis leadership in the last moment in Ngemah and Song in the 1987 election, but he was rebuffed when he went to one longhouse. He hardly spoke to thepeoplewhocamefromlSlonghouses, when they walked out in mass, protesting againstJabu's bitter criticisms against PBDSleaders broadcast overRTM. It was a total embarrassmentfor him. AsPESAKA leaders werefully entrenched in their own constituencies and were actively involved in businesses, they had made little efforts to build PESAKA. In fact they had alienated themselves from erstwhile members of PESAKA, who presumably were switching to PBDS or PERMAS. Norhad the PESAKA leaders been able to bring up the second echelon leaders. This was evidenced by the last PBB triennial general meeting, where members of the samefamilies were voted into party hierarchy. You could see Linggi's wife, son, cousins, in-laws andJabu's wife and business colleagues like Douglas Ugah, Sulang and Bernard Aggan being elected to hold office. With the resurgence ofDayakism channelled through PBDS, manylbansin the Rajang Basin had switched allegiancefrom PESAKA to PBDS. A good example was in Dr. James Masing's area, which was once PESAKA's stronghold. The voters were clearly behind PBDS, although the BN candidate was Joseph Jinggut, whose father was a PESAKA strongman and aformer MP in the constituency.

PBDS IN THE OPPOSITION PRIOR TO the State election, PBDS, which had eight elected representatives, was dissatisfied with its junior role in the government. Its leaders were often ignored in decision-making; its leaders had little voice in articulating Dayaks' interests and development had been neglected in their areas. It was not that the party did not support the BN leadership, but it could not contribute its efforts and thoughts voluntarily under Taib’s cabinet, as his policies did not benefit the Dayaks. In fact, in many instances Taib's policies ran contrary to Dayaks' interests. In the recently concluded election, PBDS had campaigned on the platform for more say for the Dayak community. Having won 15 seats 164

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(and later reduced to 10 with the defections of five,) PBDS was placed in a unique position: at the Federal level, PBDS was with the Barisan Nasional and its president had been retained as a Federal Minister and at the State level, it was in the opposition going all out against the bias policy of Taib Mahmud. In trying to speak for the interests of the Dayak community, PBDS was going to play an important role in the Council Negeri and its voice could no longer be ignored whether it was in the government or in the opposition. The absence of PBDS in the government meant that a large portion of the Dayak population was not represented. No government could afford to lose the support of such a large political force. Nor could it ignore such a force, if the government was going to be stable. Although there were Dayak representatives in the Barisan Nasional such as Jabu, Ujang, Frederick Bayoi and Donald Lawan of PBB, Ramsay Jitam, Michael Pilo and Jawan Empaling of SUPP and Patau Rubis of SNAP, they were not considered spokesmen for the Dayaks. Their voices were peripheral, as they had to toe the party line and say only what their parties wanted them to say. Thus, the responsibility fell on the shoulders of PBDS. In future sittings of the State Assembly, the party would criticise any policies it felt were one-sided" and not beneficial to all quarters. Moggie said: 'PBDS' responsibility is to ensure that Sarawak is properly administered." As an opposition party, PBDS effectively highlighted Dayaks' problems either in the Council Negeri or in the rural areas and it was the only party that had fought for their rights and interests and it would continue to do so with the support of the Dayaks themselves. As a result, thousands joined the party so much so that BN3 leaders became worried about PBDS' influence. It was not surprising therefore that PBDS became the target of criticisms and condemnation and being accused of perpetuating dangerous politics. According to PBDS Council Negeri members, letters addressed to some of them were tampered with. Civil servants who were leaning towards PBDS were transferred, or discriminated against in promotion exercises, appointments of community leaders supporting the party were terminated and its supporters were deprived of subsidy schemes, projects and development. Many ordinary Ibans were scared to be seen with PBDS leaders even in coffee shops for fear of political backlash - they might not 165

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

get projects or their children’s scholarships withdrawn, etc. This was very obvious in Betong, where PBB appointed certain people as "spies". That was not all. BN3 leaders also vigorously conducted their campaigns to discredit the party and its leaders. Loans to PBDS were cancelled or were made difficult. Those who owed government some money were exposed and threatened with court actions. And those who were considered to have abused their powers when they held government or ministerial posts previously were exposed to Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA). Leading the attack was Adenan Satem, Minister for Land Development, who alleged that a new spectre of Iban extremism in the Sarawak political scenario was rearing its ugly head of hatred against the Malays, Melanaus, Chinese and others. "I am not saying that PBDS as a political party makes its official party policy to preach hatred. What I am saying is that the more moderate leaders in PBDS have failed to stop some of their more extreme followers from preaching racial hatred," he said in a speech during the winding up of the Supply (1989) Bill in the Council Negeri. This preaching of extreme "Ibanism" could not but raise fear and apprehension in the hearts of not only the Chinese, but also all the other non-Iban groups of Sarawak. "The historical experiences of the non-Iban groups of this country with Ibans have not been a happy one especially with regard to land and land development. Please do not make this unhappy experience worse by preaching extreme Ibanism," Adenan s«ud. "It is pertinent to note that nearly all the top leaders of PBDS are Ibans and yet they have the cheek to say they are a Dayak party," he said, adding that the party did not speak for the Bidayuh, or Kayan, Kelabit, Kenyah, Murut or non-Iban natives. Later talking to the press Adenan said that the danger of one native community encroaching on lands traditionally owned by another native community could give rise to disputation and conflict between them. "We have failed to give protection in cases where one native community takes over lands traditionally belonging to another native community. As for example when Ibans occupy lands traditionally owned by the Kenyahs or the Kayans or the Malays or the Melanaus or the Bidayuhs and vice versa, this gives rise to disputation and conflict between them.

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"As for now, there are many cases of one native community encroaching on the traditional land of another native community in places like Lundu, Lingga, Sebuyau, Bintulu, Baram basin, Limbang basin, Balai Ringin and Tatau.

"This is a very sorry and dangerous state of affairs. If this matter is allowed to continue another communal strife might lead to violence as they have been to violence in a number of reported cases already," he said. It was obvious that Adenan was trying to arouse the hatred of the Bidayuhs, Kayans, Kenyahs, Malays, Melanaus and the others against the Ibans not only in PBDS but also against the community itself. Other Tbans in other political parties did not feel comfortable with Adenan's instigation. Adenan successfully exploited the land issues against PBDS judging by the defections of Balan (Kenyah), Bolhassan Kambar (Melanau), Ben (Bidayuh) and Sora (Bidayuh) from PBDS to PBB. PBDS leaders throughout the State lodged police reports against Adenan for his strong and seditious words. But of course no police action was taken. And as usual this was expected. Meanwhile, MP for Ulu Rajang and SNAP secretary-general, Justine Jinggut blamed PBDS for trying to create false hopes for the rural people. The opposition had been spreading the politics of hatred and false propaganda and then turned around to say they were willing to compromise. It was not right, he said, that a political party, which had gone to the ground and caused so much damage would then call to "forgive and forget".

James Wong, SNAP president and Minister of Environment and Tourism, in the Council Negeri accused certain PBDS leaders of uttering words such as "drinking ribena is like sucking blood of the Chinese community." Dr. Masing stood up and threw a challenge at Wong to provide names, place and date and witness, adding that that was the second time Wong had made the allegation against PBDS leaders. It was a very serious allegation. Wong accepted the challenge, but until today he had never disclosed the names the place, the date or the names of witnesses. The story about Tajem "drinking ribena is like drinking Chinese 167

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

blood" had been given prominence by the Chinese press. Tajcm vehemently denied uttering such words. It was the work of his political enemies who wanted Tajem arrested under the Sedition Act. But he was not arrested, as the police knew Tajem did not say those words. PBDS leaders were contemplating taking legal action and lodging

police reports against Wong. Another PBB leader made a stinging attack on PBDS, accusing the party of having a "swollen-headed attitude" in trying to manipulate the people in the rural areas. Alfred Jabu, deputy Chief Minister said: "Worst of all, PBDS political tactic does not inculcate civic-mindedness, it does not teach the rakyat to be grateful to the government which is trying its best to help them. This negative attitude employed by PBDS, if not stopped, will have a very serious and very damaging effect on the innocent young children."

GRAMONG AND MIKAI DEFECT TO PBB AS A result of State BN's continuous attacks, PBDS leaders and members could feel the effect. Some resigned and joined PBB due to the political pressures. On 8 April 1988, the State Assemblyman for Machan, Gramong Juna and State Assemblyman for Batang Ai, Mikai Mandau resigned from PBDS and joined PBB. Four other leaders also resigned and they were vice-president, Datuk Tra Zehnder, who was Head of PBDS Women Wing, David Jemut, Lucia Awell and Jonathan Narwin. To justify his defection to PBB, Gramong blamed Moggie, who was his mentor, for the problems that PBDS faced. "Like it or not, he must be apportioned a greater share of the blame for the dilemma facing the party members and supporters. My conscience is clear. I wish to assure my supporters especially those who voted for me during the last State election that serving their best interests and looking after their general welfare has always been my responsibility as an elected member," Gramong said. He said that he never agreed to the move to topple the government led by Taib, as he had no quarrel with the Chief Minister. He and other PBDS leaders found themselves confronted with ultimatum thrown down by the party president, who said: "If you don't follow, I quit as PBDS president." The party CEC meeting arranged in Kuala Lumpur during the Ming Court crisis, he said, was a mere formality and his loyalty at all times

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remained with the party and its leadership. As he did not want to see the young party "disintegrate" into the rooms of the Ming Court with the ultimatum given by Moggie to resign, he and the rest reluctantly agreed to join the newly created opposition. The Ming Court affair was an unfortunate event in our political history. It was a conspiracy secretly planned and executed by a few leading political figures. Some of us in PBDS were against the move and we tried to oppose, but we were not given a chance to talk. Apparently the decision was already made by the top leadership behind our back and without our knowledge," he said to a reporter. Despite Gramong's explanation, there was strong condemnation from PBDS branches against him and five others. Except for Mikai, the five of them were among the founders of the party. The Kidurong branch, for example, accused Gramong and Mikai and company of being "traitors ", who had lost their sense of direction towards the party and more importantly towards their responsibility to the cause of the Dayak community. Mikai s own branch of Batang Ai condemned him for defecting to PBB and said: "We supported him when he first stood as an independent and then on a PBDS ticket on the belief that he represented and stood for the interests of the Dayaks in this coimtry. His two election victories reflected our deep commitment to PBDS policies and belief. YB Mikai s defection is a betrayal not only to us who have supported him through thick and thin, but to the cause of Dayaks and their fight for the betterment of the Dayak community," the branch said in a statement. A decade later both Gramong and Mikai were said to have expressed their regret over their actions of deserting PBDS and defecting to PBB. They should have been given prominent appointments. Juna should have been appointed a full minister after Ujang stepped down, while Mikai was appointed a Walikota for Sri Aman after his defeat in a State election. After the term expired, he had to find an employment with the Tun Jugah Foundation. What were important to PBB were not the elected representatives per se, but the seats that the duo brought with them. With the defections of Gramong and Mikai, PBDS was left with seven Council Negeri Members. It had earlier lost six State Assemblymen Edward and Geman rejoined SNAP, while Balan, Ben, Sora, and Bolhassan Kambar (Tatau) joined PBB.

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Mohd. Hilary Tawan (Gedong) who had resigned from PERMAS earlier together with Bolhassan Kambar had chosen to rejoin PBB, which now had 19 seats. The seven elected representatives, who joined PBB, had further strengthened the position of the PESAKAin the party with 10 State Assemblymen Judging by their behaviour and attitudes, many Dayak politicians considered politics as a plaything and happily indulged in this business, which was one of the most intricate professions in the world. There were also those who regarded politics as a get-rich-quick scheme. But the Chinese and Malay politicians on the other hand believed that politics was serious business. To them, politics meant power - power to control the State Administration, power to issue timber licences, to award contracts, to decide on development, etc. Dayak politicians bartered the people's votes for personal gains and short-term interests. And these behaviour and attitudes of the Dayak politicians could explain the reasons why they preferred to join a rich and powerful party like PBB. Since 1970,10 Dayak politicians and one Melanau had hopped from one party on which they were elected to PBB. And despite the defections, PBDS and PERMAS continued to play an effective opposition in the Council Negeri. And at about this time PBDS leaders and members were thinking of amending its constitution to allow non-Dayaks to be members of the party in order to get rid of its image as a racial party advocating "Ibanism." It was also at this time that PBB was contemplating to table a motion to stop elected representatives from crossing over to another party without resigriing from their seats. The Bill would be similar to the existing one in Sabah. The State Constitution was amended during its sitting in May 1988 to stop elected representatives from crossing over to another party without resigning from their seats. The amendments were passed slightly more than one month after Gramong and Mikai defected from PBE>S to PBB.

LAINUS RESIGNS FROM PBDS WHEN PBDS was preparing for the Parliamentary election, another resignation shocked the party; this time it was the Member of Parliament for Serian, Lainus anak Andrew Luak who resigned from the party, citing his disillusionment and loss of faith in the party and its leadership. He would remain as an independent MP.

Chapter 6: The Ming Court Affair

My wish IS for the development of our people, but PBDS has not been able and is unable to give that despite the fact that it is a member of the barisan Nasional at the Federal level. "In that respect I truly believe that only the Barisan Nasional government under Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and the Barisan Tiga State government under Taib in Sarawak are able to give development and uplift the hving standards of our people," he said, adding that he believed in the Bidayuh unity under one political banner. However, he could not confirm, which party could unite the Bidayuhs. Neither could he make a decision as to which party he would join. "If I join PBB, SUPP or SNAP may not like It. SimUarly PBB or SNAP may not like it, if I join SUPP." But according to him, "PBDS is not the party that could unite the

. ““Id it help develop and uplift the living "fTnnBidayuh." His statement that was prepared by a group u ® “S statement when he joined PBDS in February 1987. He believed that PBDS was the party for the Dayaks and nobody could stop him from joining it. If anyone blocked the door disallowmg him to enter, he would try to enter through a window. And if all wmdows were closed for his entry, then he would try to enter from under the floor, he said. Lainus who contested as an independent candidate in the 1986 Parhamentaiy election defeated the BN-SUPP candidate, Richard Dumping by a majority of 1,420 votes. His victory was due to support given by PBDS leaders and members in Serian. He later joined PBDS.

. .K "8 “ MP, how could he bring deyelopmenf o the Bidayuh commuraty? Or how could he unite the Bidayuhs under one political umbrella if he himself was not a member of any political In a direct reply to the statement made by Lainus, Moggie, launching a branch at Kpg. Tebedu a few days later, stressed the importance of Dayaks being united under one political umbreUa in order to achieve their common and aspirations. "And that political umbrella is being provided by PBM, a party owned by the Dayaks for Dayak unity. It is a party to unite e ayaks as much as UMNO is to unite the Malays, MCA and MIC the Chinese and Indians respectively," he said. Meanwhile, the secretary-general of PBDS, Edmund Langgu smd that the party had anticipated Lainus' resignation after the party could not

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help him with his personal commitments he made when he contested as an independent candidate in the 1986 election. PBDS had nothing to do with his personal commitments to whoever they were and it was his responsibility and that of his backers to solve them. On the allegation that PBDS could not deliver development projects, Langgu said that it was common for anyone to give such reason for defecting, but this happened to be a false one. Lainus, he said, missed the point because PBDS had always been fighting for fair and greater development for all races especially for those

in the rural areas. Lainus’ resignation seemed to fit into the PBB plan especially in the Serian District where the party was gradually working towards uniting Bidayuhs into PBB's political umbrella by undermining PBDS' influence. Michael Ben, Sora Rusah and Frederick Bayoi were already in PBB. And with Lainus' departure, there was no Bidayuh of stature in PBDS and as such it could and should not any more say that the party represented the Bidayuhs within their "Dayakism" scheme of things. Many close friends of Lainus today are saying that the one-term MP is hardly ever seen in Serian town because he is too ashame to face people to whom he had made those commitments. Meanwhile Moggie was criticised when he suggested that PBDS was the only political umbrella for the Dayaks and by the Dayaks. A number of State BN leaders queried the motive of PBDS in trying to unite the Dayaks imder one political umbrella. A PBB leader, Celestine Ujang said that there was nothing wrong for PBDS wanting to unite the Dayaks under one political umbrella, but what the State BN leaders opposed was the way the party influenced the people especially the Ibans to oppose the government. SNAP deputy president, Datuk Peter Tinggom was sceptical of the PBDS move to unite the Dayaks, adding that it was PBDS in 1983 that was instrumental in splitting the Dayaks in the State, when it broke away from SNAP. (PBDS was formed when Tajem was expelled from the party and several SNAP leaders resigned to protest the expulsion. Together they formed PBDS.) SUPP secretary-general, Datuk Dr. Wong Soon Kai queried the move by PBDS to unite the Dayaks. In a seminar conducted in Iban, Wong said

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of the

but

advocating unity of the Dayaks,

Tr• ' “"S protect the interests of the Dayaks.

” PBP ““Id also fight for and ® °

PBDS PREPARES FOR THE 1990 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION PUDS' UNIQUE posiHon in the Barisan Nasional - a member of the Bansan at the Federal level, but an opposition in the State becar^e

went to the polls. Like any o±er member of the Barisan in the State PBDS also put a claim to the three newly created Parliamentary reais nroh/™“ suggested that one of the ways to solve this problem was for the BNS (comprising SUPP, PBB and SNAP) and PBDS to

This wTs b^ B'■ “y to the BN This was because whoever won would still a win for the BN.

would inevitably lead to squabHe“Xng‘^X^dves° Xta^and sx'Sixx—

‘’f

“ the component parties to use

eats they wish, he said, pointing out that the allocation of seats

political aspirations and affiliations at the grassroots levels, but had also deprived the voters of the real freedom to choose the party which could best represent their interests affl

lead

reiterated Masing's statement called on the BN

^=*^*ir to "seriously consider that no parties m Sarawak be allowed to use the BN svmbnl durmg the forthcoming Parliamentaiy elections. ' Tiga in Sarawak t ® preparations for the ParUamentary elections without atog mto account that the PBDS is also a member of the Barisan Nasional m Sarawak for purposes of Parliament. There will be, as usual, discussions

had

173

'

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

on allocations of seats when Parliamentary elections arrive. This is normal. What may not be normal with regards to Sarawak are the peculiarities of the Barisan Nasional situation. "The Barisan Tiga may consider themselves as Barisan Nasional. But they are Barisan Tiga and not fully Barisan Nasional. Barisan Nasional should also include PBDS in as far as Parliamentary elections are concerned. Therefore all four parties who are members of the Barisan Nasional at the Federal level in Sarawak should use their respective party symbols. This proposal will ensure the prospect of attaining the maximum number of seats," he said. Suggestions by the two PBDS leaders received rebukes from BN Tiga leaders. Taib Mahmud described the proposal as "double talking" and asked: "What is the logic behind a party which wants to remain in the Barisan coalition but does not want to use the symbol of the Barisan Nasional?" "They are the traitors of the people, especially the Dayak community. If they are fighting for the people and not their own selfish gains as they claim, then they should emulate the fine examples of Dayak leaders in BNS who are working relentlessly for a better life for the community," he said. Another PBB leader, Datuk Abang Abu Bakar described the proposal as "preposterous" and said as members of the Barisan Nasional, it was their right and privilege to use the ’dacmg'sfxs^Q\ in any election. PBB, he said, would definitely use the Barisan Nasional symbol. If PBDS chose to do otherwise, it was its business. PBB secretary-general, Leonard Linggi described the proposal by PBDS for a free fight as "not sincere", adding that the question of parties being scared to use their own individual symbols, hence the need to get the protection of the big "BN umbrella" did not arise at all. "We are proud of the BN symbol, which symbolises cooperation, solidarity, understanding and goodwill among the 13 components," he said. PBB Youth secretary-general, Idris Haji Buang said that the proposal clearly showed the elusive and misleading character of the party in trying to confuse not only the rakyat, but also the people within the Barisan itself. "PBDS' interest and intention as could be interfered from its proposal, clearly depicted its selfish aim and a craving to grab power in the State

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while Clinging to shoulders of sympathetic leaders of the Federal BN for Its continued survival. The PBB Youth regarded PBDS' proposal as a "wolf in sheep s clothing" kind of politicking and caBed on the party to withdraw from the Bansan Nasional so that it could use its own sy^ol. SNAP secretary-general, Justine Jinggut said that Moggie should resi^ first as Works Minister if his party was sincere in wJSng a free hght m Sarawak m the coming Parliamentary elections. He described Moggie s statement as against the spirit of the Barisan Nasional

idea

Datuk Amar Dr. Wong Soon Kai rejected the

w M be unhealthy because it would go against the spirit of unity a proposal would ta the Barisan Nasional. He said that SUPP would not object to PBDS uLg its own symbol, but it should prepare itself to be expelled from the Federal

As Parliamentary election was approaching, the war of words became more intense especially between PBDS leaders and Dayak leaders in PBB It began when Masing said that the State government had neglected he Dayak commimity and the community only received fish fry, chicks vegetable seeds and "altap" zinc as development. ,accusation made Jabu, who was the deputy Chief Minister and Mimster of Agriculture and Community Development, very furious

'“"stry’s untiring efforts to uplift the people’s living distribution of vegetable seeds and releasing of fish fry imght seem insignificant, but they would go a long way in improving the diet of the people through his ministry’s anti-malnutrition ' programme. And what made him angrier was that he had been accused of not brmgmg development to his own constituency of Layar. It was also relevant ere to note that most of the agricultural projects launched by Jabu were a allure such as the kepayang scheme, the rambutan canning factory, the fish myt and the rearing of fish in cages. AU these, including a supposed state-of-the-art deep freezer plant in Tarat near Serian that took in million o rmggit but never got off the ground, were supposed to help raise the standard of hving of the Dayaks, the Ibans in particular. Thus, Jabu’s failure in these projects became hot issues in the coming arhamentary as weU as the State elections. They even called him "Menteri Kepayang", because according to him the kepayang nuts would make good / J T?

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

export potential whereas among the Ibans this fruit is known for its highly toxic content. With many known fatal cases of people eating the fruits of the kepayang tree, Ibans are poking fun at him right to this day. "I challenge Masing to come personally and meet me over the charges PBDS made," Jabu said and added: "I don't leave it to PBDS to judge me. It is the rakyat who should judge me. My record stands that our agriculture programmes have benefited the rural people." Throwing a challenge to the opposition to see for themselves the development in Betong, Jabu said: "Come to the area during day time, but don't wear your dark glasses. Don't visit my area during the night time". Without hesitation, Masing accepted the challenge to meet Jabu on those issues. "I accept the challenge to meet Jabu, but not in his office. I would rather meet him in any longhouse of his choice and let the people judge us. In other words, I want a public debate in front of the longhouse people with regard to how much Jabu and the Barisan Tiga have done for the people in the longhouses," said Masing. In a reply to Taib's remarks that PBDS was "beating the drums of racial politics" that appeared on 8 March 1990 of the Economic Review, Masing said that he begged to differ. PBDS, he said, was a communal­ based party. Like the United Malays National Organisation, the Malaysian Chinese Association, the Malaysian Indian Congress and Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu, PBDS' membership was restricted to certain ethnic groups. However, restriction in party membership did not mean that such a political organisation excluded other ethnic groups in its concerns. The Chief Minister himself, he said, recognised this, as he was also the president of another communal based party, PBB. "To describe PBDS as a party with racial tendencies is not only factually incorrect but dangerous in a multi-ethnic society. It influences other ethnic groups to think negatively of the Dayak community, and this will, if taken and perpetuated by other party leaders, create suspicion between the Dayaks and the non-Dayak groups. Such allegations may confine PBDS voting strength among the Dayaks. Suspicion will corrode the existing ethnic linkages in Sarawak. Given the already delicate social fabric in the State, allegations of a sensitive nature, therefore, should not be so freely expressed. "PBDS leaders are most liberal in their approach to racial issues. Their choice of candidates in 1987 general election is a case in point. Sim Choo

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Nam, a Chinese and Bolhasan Kambar, a Melanau Muslim, were nominated to stand in the predominantly Dayak areas. Both of them won with convincing margins. No other political party in Sarawak, which claims to be multi-racial, has dared to emulate PBDS," Masing said. Another issue that was hotly debated was the appointment of Dayaks in the civil service. Felix Banting Jibon, PBDS State Assemblyman for Katibas called for a balanced racial representation in the State Civil Service and Statutory bodies, pointing out that the number of Dayaks in the senior posts were negligible. The situation, he said, was far from satisfactory in comparison with the other communities in the State, more so considering the fact that there was a ready pool of Dayak personnel capable of handling such jobs. The government should consider applying the ethnic ratio not only to remedy the representation of civil servants among the various communities but also to remedy educational, economic and social inequalities. Replying to all the critics. Moggie reiterated that PBDS was serious s^SS^sting that all BN component parties in Sarawak use their own symbols in the coming election. "We treat it as very serious suggestion as we feel the move will pave the way for the BN to obtain the maximum number of seats, although other component parties in Sarawak have described the proposal as mere double talk or a ploy," he said. The PBDS suggestion stemmed from the fact that some voters were no longer happy to be represented by a party, which was practically being imposed upon them. They would prefer to be represented by another party of the Barisan, but found it impossible. Thus the free-for-all election would solve this problem. If the free fight could not be allowed, PBDS wanted the BN Supreme Council to fairly allocate the 27 Parliamentary seats among the four BN components in Sarawak for the coming election. "We feel it is high time that PBDS be treated equally and not as spin-off party of SNAP as far as the distribution of seats is concerned," Moggie told reporters after chairing its CWC meeting.

THE 1990 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION FOLLOWING THE announcement on the dates of election to be held on 20 and 21 October for Sabah and Sarawak and 21 October for West

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The Broken Shield- The Birth OfDayakism

Malaysia and the Federal Territory of Labuan, top Barisan leaders met to discuss the seat allocation that was often a sensitive issue. PBDS was given the chance to defend its seats of Sri Aman, Lubok Antu, Julau and Kanowit, while SNAP was given the seats of Mas Gading, Saratok, Ulu Rajang, Bintulu and Baram. SUPP's seats were Bandar Kuching, Padawan, Serian, Lanang, Sarikei, Bandar Sibu, Selangau and Miri. PBB took the bigger share with 10 seats consisting of Santubong, Petrajaya, Kota Samarahan, Batang Sadong, Batang Lupar, Belong, Kuala Rajang, Mukah, Kapit and Bukit Mas. On nomination day of 11 October, all the names of the candidates were known. PBDS won the Lubok Antu seat, when its candidate Jawah Gerang was returned unopposed. All BN other constituencies faced tough challenges from the opposition and independent candidates. Some of those who offered themselves as independent candidates had previous links with or were leaning to PBDS such as Richard Riot (former Youth leader) in Serian, Wilfred Nissom (former candidate) in Mas Gading, Billy Abit Joo in Ulu Rajang, Joseph Mauh in Selangau and Harrison Ngau in Baram. In Kanowit, an independent candidate, Nicholas Ngalang, who had a connection with PBB, was challenging Moggie. (After the election, he was appointed a political secretary to the Chief Minister.) In Sri Aman, two independent candidates - one with SNAP connection and the other with SUPP, challenged Tajem. Barat anak Utek was on the way to Sri Aman town on the day of nomination. He was one man who never dreamt of becoming a candidate to contest in an election. When some SUPP leaders met him that day, they literally pulled Barat to the nomination centre where his nomination forms were filled and payment made. Obviously SUPP leaders did not want Tajem to win the election unopposed. Both PBDS and BN3 accused each other of fielding independents. Taib said that the State BN would propose to the BN Supreme Council at the Federal level to direct PBDS to sack its members, who contested as independents. PBDS, he added, should also declare openly that it had no connection with the so-called independent candidates. If PBDS was proved to have fielded independents, then the party had broken one of the provisions of the BN Constitution. BN leaders also accused PBDS of working together with the opposition parties like PERMAS and DAP and was thinking of pulling 178

Chapter 6: The Ming Court Affair

out of the Barisan Nasional to join PBS and Semangat 46 which was led by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. According to Taib, PERMAS was assigned to split the Malays, while PBDS would split the Dayaks in the Dayak areas. The BNS failed in its propaganda, as Moggie was quick to respond to remarks made by them and gave assurance of total loyalty to the Prime Mmister, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. 'Any speculation that we are teaming with Semangat 46 and to emulate PBS (Parti Bersatu Sabah) in quitting BN is baseless," Moggie said and he also dismissed as rumours that the PBS leader, Joseph Fairin' Kitingan had contacted him to leave the Barisan Nasional. Sources from Sabah said that several parties from Sarawak including PBB and PBDS had reneged on their promise to pull out of the Barisan Nasional together with PBS at the Federal level. Pairin, they said, had contacted Moggie and was also supposed to meet Taib at a border town in Sabah to discuss the pull out. But Taib had failed to turn up at the appointed place, although at that time Taib was in Lawas. When Pairin wanted to "bare all", both Moggie and Taib denied they were involved. The sources said that Taib was not happy with the way the Federal government treated Sarawak in terms of development and oil royalty and had threatened to pull out of the Federal Barisan together with PBS in Sabah. But in the eleventh hour, Taib they said changed the plan. Meanwhile, Moggie was in Sibu when he was told about an urgent message to him from the Prime Minister's Department wanting him to phone the Prime Minister. When he contacted the Prime Minister, it was to tell Moggie about the PBS pulling out of the Barisan Nasional. Moggie pledged to the Prime Minister that PBDS would be loyal to .him and would remain in the Federal Barisan Nasional. It was this pledge of loyalty to the Prime Minister personally that any other allegation against PBDS would be weightless. Mahathir knew that the support from the Dayak-based party was very critical to the Barisan Nasional after the Kadazandusun based party had sided with Semangat 46, PAS, DAP and PERMAS in what was loosely called the Gagasan Rakyat (People's Might). Tengku Razaleigh had described Sabah and Sarawak as the "king makers " in deciding who should be the government in Malaysia.

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THE 1990 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION RESULTS PBDS RETAINED all the three seats of Sri Aman, Julau and Kanowit with big majorities and the fourth seat of Lubok Antu was returned unopposed on nomination day. Of the five seats SNAP contested, it won Mas Gading, Saratok and Bintulu; it lost Ulu Rajang and Baram to independent candidates. As for PBB, it won all the nine seats contested. SUPP was the biggest loser, when its chairman, Stephen Yong lost to DAP in the Bandar Kuching seat; it also lost Serian and Selangau to independent candidates, and Lanang to another DAP candidate. It retained Padawan, Sarikei, Bandar Sibu and Miri. Another shock for SUPP was when Yong, who was the former Federal Science, Technology and Environment Minister and founding member of the party, announced he was quitting politics completely. Arising from Yong’s defeat, SUPP was certain to have a new leader in the person of Wong Soon Kai and two other SUPP men to be appointed a Federal Minister and a deputy minister. The success of the four independent candidates in the polls due largely to support of PBDS members indicated strong Dayak sentiments on the ground on issues affecting their rights such as Native Customary Rights land, "pemakaimenoa", educational, socio-economic development. And their success made the State BN leaders unhappy and angry with PBDS. Taib, for instance, wanted to bring the issue of the independent candidates to the Federal BN Supreme Council so that it would take action against PBDS for "breach of discipline". According to Taib, PBDS tactics, which had contradicted an earlier agreement that all component parties in the State would not contest against each other, had been discovered during the campaigning. "This is the second time PBDS had supported independent candidates against the BNS component parties in the State," Taib said. Among those who were bitter about their defeat in the hands of the independent candidates was Justine Jinggut. Losing badly in the Ulu Rajang constituency, Justine accused certain people of sabotaging his campaigns. He had won the seat unopposed in 1982 and in 1986 he won it on a PBDS ticket, but defected to SNAP in 1987. Since then he had been very vocal against PBDS and its leaders; sometimes his remarks were on the

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borderline of being libel. This time around, PBDS and its members taught him a proper "lesson" after he betrayed the party by defecting to SNAP.

FOUR INDEPENDENT MPs JOIN PBDS MEANWHILE, NEWSPAPERS in the State had highlighted rumours of the four independents applying to join the Barisan Nasional through PBDS, although PBDS and the four independents had remained silent. It was on 13 December 1990 that Moggie disclosed that the four independents had joined PBDS and he had informed the Prime Minister of the decision of the party to accept them. He said that it was up to the Barisan Nasional whether to recognise them as Barisan MPs by virtue of PBDS being its component party. Moggie said that the Central Working Committee of the party had met recently to accept them into the party. The Prime Minister, when commenting on the decision of PBDS, said that the Barisan Nasional would not accept the four MPs into its fold, although they were recognised as members of PBDS, but not members of BN. "We do accept PBDS as a component party of BN but this does not necessarily mean that we accept anyone accepted by them," he said. But there were angry reactions from other component parties of the State Barisan. SUPP publicity chief. Song Swee Guan, said that his party would never recognise the four independent MPs who had joined PBDS. It was obvious that the four were supported by PBDS and claimed that they had used the PBDS symbol in the last election. "We can see through the motives of PBDS," he said without elaborating. The PBB Youth movement had described the action of PBDS in accepting the independents into the party as a mockery of the policy and principles of the Barisan Nasional. Its action was also an embarrassment to the Prime Minister and chairman of the Barisan Nasional. The SUPP Youth Central said that the acceptance of the four independents into PBDS raised doubts about the membership of the party in the Barisan Nasional as well as complicating matters in seeking a solution to the PBDS' dual status. SNAP Youth leader. Dr. Patau Rubis, when voicing his strong protest over the admission of the four, said that it would be better for SNAP MPs to sit at the opposition bench rather than to see the BN accepting the ' membership of the independents. Patau said he would not mind to be 181

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

arranged to sit at the opposition bench, if the BN did not reject the four independents. Harrison Ngau, an independent MP for Baram, in defending his move to join PBDS said that he joined the party in order to champion the rights of the State’s indigenous races more effectively. Formerly with Sahabat Alam Malaysia (SAM), Harrison said that his work would be more effective in the party as it was a component party of the Barisan Nasional. "Now I can bring the problems faced by the indigenous races straight to the government," he explained to the press, adding that he had been accused of working for the interest of foreign groups and it did not help being outside the government. Disclosing that he had consulted his constituents, Harrison said that he had picked PBDS because the "party shares my belief and stand on many issues." Harrison had been working for the last 10 years in the Baram District waging an anti-logging crusade with the Penans, Kayans and Kenyahs. As a result of his efforts, he had won two international environmental awards— the Alternative Nobel Prize (Sweden) in 1988 and the Goldeman Environmental Prize in 1990. Pointing out that he had never been "anti-logging or anti­ government", he said many had misunderstood him, including the government. "What I have always fought for is that the customary rights of the people have been affected when logging permits are issued. That has been our grievance for a long time," he said and added that the blockades put up by the indigenous people were a manifestation of the people's frustration of those affected by logging activities. He said he was not responsible for the blockades.

PBDS PREPARES FOR STATE ELECTION ENCOURAGED BY the results of the Parliamentary election in which it "won" eight Parliamentary seats, PBDS prepared early for the State election, which might be called between early 1991 and April 1992. Various strategies were planned on how they could win the administration of the State government. Among die strategies was the launch of the "Projek KMS1992" (Chief Minister 1992 Project). According to Masing, the party had studied the trend of voting and the racial compositions of the 56 State constituencies

Chapter 6: The Ming Court Affair

and then devised a strategy through "Projek KMS1992" to form the next State government. Whenever the party organised gatherings, the "Projek KMS 1992" would be the main topics for discussions. PBDS would cooperate with PERMAS, which represented the Malays and would put up an "Engkilili Formula" by fielding Chinese and Malays in constituencies, which did not have majority voters from any particular race. But PBDS would play a leading role this time to challenge the ruling coalition as the Dayaks made up of more than 40 percent of the population. PBDS was taking cue from the 1963 London Agreement through which Sarawak joined Malaya, Sabah and Singapore (but Singapore left the Federation in August 1965) to form the Federation of Malaysia. One of the provisions stated that if the Chief Minister was a Dayak, the Governor must be Malay. However, in view of the unique population structure in the State, there was a need for the Dayaks, Chinese and Malays to work together for the mutual benefit of aU. PBDS believed that the State should be jomtly governed by the three major races and not monopolised by a single community. This was what was known among the leaders of PBDS as the "Engkilili Formula." Being in the opposition at the State level, PBDS expected to be sevemly criticised by the BN3 leaders. True enough! And among the first to react to Masing's announcement was the PBB Youth leader, Celestine Ujang, who described the project as one of 'day dreaming." "They want to follow the 'Projek Tanjong Dua' initiated by secretary­ general of DAP, Tim Kit Siang that failed in Pulau Pinang and PBDS will surely fail with its project in this State," he said and described the ' announcement by Masing as a gimmick to gain sympathy and to fish for votes. It was possible, he said, that PBDS would cooperate with PERMAS in the coming State election. SUPP chairman, Wong Soon Khai said that it was impossible for PBDS to become the next State government, but he did not deny the fact that the party, which played a dual role as a component party of the Federal government and opposition in the State, could pose a strong challenge to PBB, SLfPP and SNAP in the coming State polls. Although it was a Dayakbased party, it did not receive the full support from its own people and it

was a great gamble for the other communities to vote for them. Former PBDS strongman, Gramong Juna, who defected to PBB after the 1987 State election described the "Projek KMS 1992", propagated by 183

Tfte Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

PBDS as a mere strategy to keep up the spirit of Dayakism. The Dayakism spirit was waning and could not be compared to that of 1987 or during the last State election^ he said. During the sitting of the Dewan Undangan Negeri in May, almost all the DUN members took the opportunity to criticise, ridicule and poke fun at PBDS - from ordinary DUN members to Ministers including the Chief Minister. And the most vocal ones were Dayak DUN members and ministers themselves - Jabu, Ujang, Gramong, Bayoi, Ben, Lawan, Jawan Empaling, Edward Jeli and Mikai. The isues they said had been said many times before such as PBDS was anti-development, "Projek KMS 1992", Moggie's reluctance to head the "Projek KMS 1992", PBDS’ lack of development policy, PBDS sowing seeds of hatred in the rural areas, its so-called cooperation with the opposition DAP and PERMAS, its declared stand to champion the rights of the Dayaks, and its proposal to field Chinese in the coming election. Ben said that the PBDS' sincerity in fighting for the Dayak cause was now at stake with the new policy of trying to accommodate the Chinese as members of the party, defying the party's so-called championing of Dayak rights. He said that the recruitment drive of the Chinese and using them as candidates for the party in the coming election did not receive much support even from its own members themselves. "Imagine a Dayak party recruiting Chinese to stand as its candidates in the coming election! Where is the principle, where is the policy?" asked James Wong. Needless to say, the issues raised by the BN Dayak DUN members were debatable, except for one with regard to Moggie's reluctance to head the "Projek KMS 1992" which was the whole truth, so to speak. By this time of party's existence Moggie was already leaving much of PBDS' affairs in Sarawak to Masing, the party publicity chief without much consideration for his deputy Tajem. The "Projek KMS 1992" was therefore Masing's political masterpiece. Moggie just went along with Masing while Tajem was sidelined and never consulted. In other words, from about this time onwards Masing was calling the shots while Tajem was made to grate his teeth, but unwilling to protest openly for fear of breaking up PBDS. Interestingly, when PBDS was trounced in the election it was Moggie and Masing who wasted no time in admitting the folly of the "Projek KMS

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1992” and applied to rejoin BN without conditions! It was also learnt by this time Tajem's financial position was already stretched to the limits and that when it was put to him that PBDS needed a "towkay" he was in no position to say no. He had been supporting PBDS financially from day one of its birth. Even the party's headquarters was housed in his property.

HOW BNS TRIES TO WEAKEN PBDS FEARING PBDS' growing influence especially after the Parliamentary election, the BNS leaders tried to confuse members and supporters of PBDS and at the same time tried to weaken and discredit the party and its leaders. Firstly the BNS spread rumours especially in the rural areas that PBDS would be returning to the State Barisan and there was no point in campaigning and preaching hatred against the BNS components. Celestine Ujarig, PBB Youth leader and Minister of Housing, even went one step further by offering to resign his ministerial post to pave the way for the return of PBDS into the fold of the State Barisan. But PBDS must show its sincerity. Practically all the BNS leaders harped on the same word "sincerity" and that PBDS must make the first move. By this offer of friendship and invitation to join the BNS, many members and supporters of PBDS were lulled into complacency and many were influenced by this psychological warfare. On the other hand, the BNS leaders talked to the Chinese and the Malay audiences to be wary of PBDS, which they alleged was cooperating with DAP, the traditional enemy of SUPP, and PERMAS, the bitter foe of “ PBB. They said that PBDS was trying to gain the support of the Chinese in order to destroy SUPP and likewise it was trying to split the Malays from supporting PBB. PBDS, they said, was hoping to form the next State government through its "Projek KMS1992" with the support of DAP and PERMAS. And if this were to happen, the Malays and the Chinese would lose their political power and their business empires respectively. This was one of the tactics adopted by BNS to frighten the Chinese and Malay voters. To the rural voters, they said that PBDS was responsible for their continued poverty and for their lack of development. By this strategy, the BNS was able to weaken and discredit PBDS. Another tactic used against PBDS was through pro-BNS newspapers

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such as The People's Mirror, The Borneo Post and The Sarawak Tribune, which carried daily comments and letters discrediting the PBDS leadership. The People's Mirror, for instance, had a group of writers who penned letters discrediting Moggie and his style of leadership. These writers signed themselves as voters of Kanowit, Machan and Ngemah (Kanowit was Moggie's Parliamentary constituency). The paper would highlight any discrepancy in statements made by leaders of PBDS. There was, therefore, a concerted effort by the media and the BNS to wage a war of attrition against PBDS. The only thing that might work against the BNS strategy was SNAP's demand to contest the same 13 seats it contested in the 1987 State election. This demand, if not solved, could spoil the "concerted effort" of the BNS against PBDS. Patau Rubis, senior vice-president of the party warned that the biggest challenge to SNAP did not come from PBDS, but "other political parties in the Barisan Nasional." Although Patau did not name the political parties, it was understood that he was referring to PBB and SUPP, both of whom were taking the opportunity of PBDS being in the opposition, and wanted to have a direct fight with PBDS in Dayak majority constituencies. Patau said, however, that the strength of PBDS was based on anti­ establishment sentiments and added: "Our biggest worry is not PBDS, but other political parties, which are running us down. Disagreements among the Barisan Nasional partners would only benefit PBDS and other opposition parties." Because of internal problems in SNAP as a result of Edward Jeli challenging Wong for the leadership of the party in December 1990, PBB and SUPP felt that SNAP might not have the strength to put up a challenge against PBDS. Even in the last election, when SNAP was crisis free, it only managed to win three seats out of 13 it contested. Jeli and a number of those aligned to him might not be nominated to contest in the coming election. One among them was the former secretary­ general, Justine Jinggut who lost his MP seat to an independent in the 1990 Parliamentary election. Likely candidates from SNAP could include Atong Chuat, Simon Sibat, Peter Gani, Tan Seliong, William Mawan, Geman Itam, George Garai, Peter Nyarok, Dr. Eric Munjan and Wong. Later when interviewed by the press, Patau said that SNAP might even pull out of the Barisan if the party was given a "small share" of the 186

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seats. PBB and SUPP had indicated that they might contest 32 and 16 seats respectively, thus leaving only five seats to SNAP.

PBDS FORMS CHINESE PANEL MEANWHILE, PBDS, in order to achieve its "Projek KMS1992", had identified four constituencies where Chinese candidates would be invited to contest on its ticket. The constituencies were Simanggang, Engkilili, Meradong and Dudong. Paul Kong, an accountant; had been earmarked for the Dudong seat, while Mr. Sim Lai Ann would contest in the Meradong constituency. Mr. Ngu Piew Seng and Mr. Sim Choo Nam were expected to contest the Sri Aman and the Engkilili constituencies respectively. But before PBDS could really decide to field candidates in Chinese or Chinese-mixed constituencies, it had set up a Chinese Affairs Consultative Committee to compile feedback on various issues from the Chinese Community. During the committee's recent meeting under the chairmanship of State Assemblyman for Engkilili, Sim Choo Nam, it had made eight-point recommendations, which covered land, education, religion and the civil service. Sim said that the recommendations reflected the views and the aspirations of the Chinese community and therefore warranted the positive consideration of the party leadership for them to be incorporated in the election manifesto of PBDS. The recommendations were: That the landless Chinese be alienated State land for farming and housing purposes; That all private lands frozen under Government Compulsory Acquisition Orders pursuant to Section 47 of the Land Code and other similar provisions in the Ordinance of Statutory bodies for two years'and not used for any public purposes be lifted forthwith; • That an annual allocation of not less than RMS million be given to all Chinese independent schools and government-aided Chinese primary schools; That a fair allocation of government scholarships be given to Chinese students based on needs and merits; That a fair share of government contracts be awarded to small and medium size Chinese contractors and business firms;

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•

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That more Chinese be recruited and considered for promotions in the State Civil Service based on merits, experience and length of service; That a ringgit to ringgit grant be given to the building funds of churches and temples; and That all shotguns now being retained by the authorities be returned to their rightful owners in view of the improvement of the security situation in the State.

Other members of the committee were lawyer Mr. Ernest Chua, who was appointed secretary, former MP Ting Ling Kiew, State Assemblyman David Tiong, chartered accountant Paul Kong, retired Immigration Officer Sim Lai Ann and former SUPP leader, Ngu Piew Seng. With the inclusion of Chinese as candidates in the PBDS line-up in the coming election, how serious would be the threat from PBDS to the PBB-SUPP-SN AP (BN3) coalition? This was the question being asked by almost everyone interested in Sarawak’s politics. If we judged the amount of propaganda carried out by BN3 and their pro-newspapers notably The People's Mirror and to a certain extent The Sarawak Tribune, The Borneo Post and Radio Televisyen Malaysia (RTM) on daily basis, then we knew that the BNS coalition was certainly worried. It would appear that they would not leave no stone unturned. What made-it more frightening to the partners of BNS were the "silent" campaigns conducted by the PBDS leaders in the rural areas. Their ' campaigns touched on issues such as the people’s dissatisfaction after they had been dislocated from the mainstream of development and deprived of adequate compensation by companies doing logging near their villages; the non-recognition of their NCR land by government and further classified it as "State land" which was given to certain personalities for oil palm plantations; the lack of basic amenities, schools and health services in the rural areas and rampant poverty. In the present pattern of politics in Malaysia, which is defined along communal lines, it was not surprising that Dayakism worked like a charm in the largest community in Sarawak. Even with little financial support, PBDS had managed to manoeuvre itself into a position of considerable influence and respect. Being in the opposition, PBDS had a wide room to harp on those issues, which could not have been said if it were still in the 188

Chapter 6: The Ming Court Affair State Barisan. This was its strong point, which gave the BNS government a big headache.

THE 1991 STATE ELECTION IN ORDER to catch the opposition parties especially PBDS off guard, which were getting stronger by the day, Taib called for an early election to be held on 27 and 28 September 1991, although the State government had more than six months of mandate to govern. The Dewan Undangan Negeri was dissolved on 6 September. On nomination day, 14 September, the BNS agreed that PBB contested SI seats, SUPP 17 and SNAP 8. SNAP unwillingly but had to agree and accepted the eight seats, in the "interest" of the State Barisan. PBDS on the other hand put up 34 candidates including nine nonDayak candidates. The full list was as follows: Sidi Munan (Tanjung Datu), Patrick Anek Uren (Tasik Biru), Wilfred Nissom (Bengoh), Major Peter Runin (Tarat), Richard Riot (Tebedu), Jack Bujang (Simunjan), Maxwell Rojis (Sebuyau), Datuk Daniel Tajem (Bukit Begunan), Ngu Pieu Seng (Simanggang), Sim Choo Nam (Engkilili), Dublin Unting (Batang Ai), Frank Apau (Layar), Datuk Edmund Langgu (Krian), Sim Lai Ann (Meradong), Dr. Jawie Masing (Pakan), Edward Empera (Meluan), Gabriel Adit (Ngemah), Douglas Alau (Machan), Paul Kong Pak Nam (Dudong), Peter Nari (Dalat), Hj. Hambali Annuar (Balingian), Joseph Entulu (Tamin), John Sikie Tayai (Kakus), Datuk Sng Chee Hua (Pelagus), Felix Bantin (Katibas), Dr. James Masing (Baleh), Raymond Abin (Belaga), Stephen Randi (Kemena), Ting Ling Kiew (Kidurong), Lawrence Tan (Lambir), ' Patrick Sibat (Marudi), Harrison Ngau (Telang Usan), Edward Quatee (Limbang) and Baru Bian (Lawas). It might be interesting to note here that two incumbents, Joseph Kudi (Ngemah) and Philimon Nuing (Pelagus) were not renominated. Philimon Nuing's place was taken over by Sng Chee Hua. The eight SNAP candidates who were contesting against PBDS were Dr. Patau Rubis (Tasik Biru), Donald Lawan (Bukit Begunan), Peter Nyarok Entrie (Krian), William Mawan Ikom (Pakan), Geman Itam (Meluan), Simon Sibat (Baleh), Datuk Edward Jeli (Marudi) and Datuk Amar James Wong (Limbang). Eight SUPP candidates pitied against PBDS were Ramsay Noel Jitam (Tanjung Datu), William Tanyub (Bengoh), Michael Pilo (Simanggang), 189

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism Toh Heng San (Engkilili), Thomas Hii King Hiong (Meradong), Dr. Soon Choon Teck (Dudong), Jawan Empaling (Tamin), and Michael Sim

(Kidnrong), For PBB, its candidates clashed with PBDS in 18 constituencies and they were Frederick Bayoi Manggie (Tarat), Michael Ben (Tebedu), Mohd Naroden Majais (Simunjan), Julaihi Narawi (Sebuyau), .Mikai Mandau (Batang Ai), Datuk Amar Alfred Jabu (Layar), Robert Menua Saleh (Ngemah), Gramong Juna (Machan), Datuk Effendi Norwawi (Dalat), Abdul Ajis Abdul Majeed (Balingian), Musa Giri (Kakus), Alexander Nanta Linggi (Pelagus), Ambrose Blikau (Katibas), Datuk Nyipa Bato (Belaga), Datuk Celestine Ujang (Kemena), Usop bin Wahab (Lambir)/ Datuk Balan Seling (Telang Usan) and Awang Tengah Ali Hasan (Lawas).

THE PBDS MANIFESTO MEANWHILE, PBDS released its 14-point manifesto entitled "CHANGE FOR A FAIR AND BETTER FUTURE " in which it accused the State government of failing to carry out the following; • In nurturing racial harmony; • In eradicating the politics of fear and nepotism; • In distributing Sarawak’s wealth equitably, but instead enriching

• • • •

only the few; In reducing the incidence of poverty among some communities; In providing employment opportunities to school leavers; In nurturing high morale in the civil service and statutory bodies; In providing adequate complementary assistance to the Federal educational programmes for deserving and needy students;

• • •

In solving land ownership problems; In providing land to the genuinely landless citizens; In implementing many agricultural and land development

•

programmes; In carrying out balanced development between urban and rural

• •

areas; In the proper stewardship of the State natural resources; and In giving assistance to the National Registration Department to issue Birth Certificates and Identity Cards to all Sarawakians who still do not possess them.

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Under Education, the party pledged among others: To ensure that every child gets the basic education; To urge the Federal government to re-examine and to implement programmes to improve the quality of education given to the rural students; and To provide annual grant of not less than RMS million to all independent Chinese and Mission schools and government-aided Chinese and Mission primary schools. On Land, its policy included the following: To formulate land policies which will ensure a more equitable land ownership, especially for those who are in genuine need of land; * To ensure that the rights of the Native Customary Land owners are honoured and protected; To expedite the survey of the Native Customary Land in the State with the aim of providing individual titles to the land owners; To formulate policies that would enable the alienation of State land to the landless for farming and housing to ensure that all private land frozen under Government Compulsory Acquisition Orders pursuant to Section 47 of the Land Code (Sarawak) and other similar provisions in the Ordinance of Statutory Bodies for over 2 years and not used for any public purpose be lifted forthwith; and To review the existing land legislation in order to safeguard the legitimate interests of the landowners;

Stressing the importance of agriculture and land development for the State economy, PBDS pledged to open up more State land for the establishment of private plantations and to consult land owners, where land development involves private land, including Native Customary Rights land. This would ensure that the landowners could effectively participate in, contribute towards and benefit from such development. Its agriculture and land development policy also included: . To modernise smallholding agriculture by intensifying in-situ development programmes and by upgrading the existing 191

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•

agricultural support services such as subsidy schemes, training and extension; To draw practical programmes to increase the income of farmers; To review the administration of Land Development agencies in order to improve their efficiency and to ensure that they were accountable to the rakyat; and To formulate long-term agriculture strategies for the State to meet the challenges in the next 30 years.

Other promises made by the party were to change the imbalanced development between the urban and rural areas by providing the rural as well as urban population with basic amenities like clean running water, electricity, roads and bridges, medical facilities and better housing. It says that the BN3 government had failed to arrest the incidence of poverty among some communities, which was on the increase. Its policy on this was to give top priority towards the relief and development programmes of poverty eradication and at the same time to form a Task Force to identify poor households in the State and to ensure that these groups receive proper assistance so as to improve their economic status.

THE BNS MANIFESTO FOUR DAYS after PBDS issued its manifesto, the Barisan Tiga (BNS) imveiled its eight-point manifesto, which pledged a better future for all. • Peace, Stability And Progress Through Politics Of Development BN Sarawak brought peace, stability and progress for the people of Sarawak through Politics of Development. • A More Caring Society The BN Sarawak government was committed towards developing a more caring society; the less privileged and less fortimate members of our society would continue to receive our special attention. ‘ Proper Management Of Our Natural Resources The BN Sarawak government guaranteed the proper and efficient management of our natural resources, which would be sustained for our future generations. ' Greater Opportunities For All BN Sarawak government translated the State's development

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Chapter 6: The Ming Court Affiiir potentials into opportunities for all the people of Sarawak, both in the urban and rural areas. Human Resource Development BN Sarawak emphasised education and training in its human resource development to meet the present and future needs of our State, particularly in the technical and scientific fields. Preservation Of Our Rich Cultural Cooperation BN Sarawak preserved and promoted the rich cultural heritage of our peoples and maintained our tradition of making Sarawak a confluence of our varied cultures. Upholding BN Sarawak Spirit Of Cooperation BN Sarawak government ensured close cooperation and active participation of all communities in the administration of the State and maintains a close working relationship with the Federal government. Increased Pace Of Economic Development BN Sarawak government would continue to intensify its efforts to achieve a rapid and sustainable growth of the State economy for the benefit of all by providing more infrastructure facilities, expanding industries and opening up more land for development as well as accelerating the process of land settlement.

Letters of appeal from the president of PBB, Abdul Taib Mahmud, the chairman of SUPP, Wong Soon Khai and the president of SNAP, James Wong were published side by side with the manifesto.

THE BN STRATEGIES LONG BEFORE nomination day, the BN3 not only reactivated its machinery but also planned its strategies that could be launched immediately during the campaigning period. One of the most effective strategies was to launch "Project Kilat" (lightning projects) when BN candidates appr "oved " projects in their constituencies. If the BN candidate lost in that particular village or longhouse, the project would be withdrawn and it would then be given to the village where he won handsomely. The voters had to vote for the candidate for fear of losing the project. Furthermore, the Headman or other voters would blame those who were found not voting for the candidate. They would also be deprived of using or sharing the project.

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The other effective method was to organise Headmen seminars, where Tua Kampong, Tuai Rumah, Councillors and other community leaders would attend and be briefed on their "role" as community leaders. Their job was to ensure that their "anembiaks" (followers) would support the government and any one found not voting for the BN candidates would not be given "incentives". The community leaders themselves would be summoned to explain to the District Officer or the Resident. Some times their appointments were terminated for not being "effective" leaders. In the meantime, the government promised to increase salaries of the Temenggong, Pemanca, Penghulu and Tuai Rumah. But the lethal weapon was the "ang pows" (financial gifts) being distributed on the eve of polling. Although the Election Commission or the police would deny the distribution of "ang pows" especially by the BN candidates, this happened very rampantly every time there was an election. We had seen it happened many times. The giving of 'hng pows" would certainly influence the voters, even the most nationalistic or holy person would be tempted to vote for the person who suddenly became very generous to him. Nowadays, it is common to hear the people say "Entimaia bepilih ila, maioh duit terima kitai" (when the election comes, we will be loaded with money). Or they often say "enii nadai meri duit, anang nurun ngundi" (if they do not give money, do not go to vote) or "sapa meri maioh agi duit, npa meh undi kitai" (who gives more money will receive our votes). This was the situation during an election in the rural areas, where corruption had already become a way of life.

DEFECTIONS FURTHER WEAKEN PBDS ON 17 SEPTEMBER, the Chief Minister was visiting Tebedu, when vice-chairman of PBDS of Tebedu constituency, Mr. Andrew Nyabe and 80 others resigned from the party. Their resignations were given much publicity and these had one way or the other contributed to the weakening of the party in the constituency. They threw their support to Michael Ben, a PBB candidate. Nyabe said that he w^ leaving the party, because it was not struggling for the Dayaks. PBDS was born out of individual frustrations in 1983 and "this group of frustrated persons dream to become generals and work

194

Chapters: The Ming Court Affair •t. under non-believer, who is none other than the president himself. These so-called politicians were never serious about Dayak unity as two general elections have shown" He said that the first test was the Parliamentary election in 1990 when the president and three others contested under the BN symbol, while the others contested under a variety of symbols under the Iban pseudonym, "adong belalai." The second test, he said, was the on-going State election where the PBDS president dared not don the PBDS symbol, although he was challenged by the BN candidate for Machan, Gramong Juna to contest to prove that he was sincere and fully believed in Dayak unity. Instead Moggie pitted unknown Douglas Alau. He asked: "Where is that seriousness about Dayak political struggle?" The truth behind Nyabe's about turn was that he was not selected to contest the Tebedu constituency, although he was a very senior and experienced politician. Instead Richard Riot, the MP for Serian was chosen. Some of the reasons why he was not selected were that he was a close relative to the PBB candidate and he was often seen together with him before the dissolution of the Dewan Undangan Negeri. Besides, he was often heard saying that he would defect sooner or later. In other words, PBDS knew that Nyabe eould not be trusted and this explained why he was not selected. In any case, while Nyabe's resignation was seen as a major factor in Riot's defeat in that election, the voters of Tebekang would never accept his offer of leadership, so much so that, that election was his last public appearance on a political platform. Apart from Tebedu, there appeared also some internal problems in certain constituencies contested by PBDS. In the Dudong constituency, a founder member of the party, Datuk Sandah anak Penghulu Jarraw, openly accused the party leadership of fielding a Kuching-based accountant, Paul Kong. Sandah expressed his support for ex-SNAP man, Joseph Tang. Another founder member of the party, Ambrose Gramong resigned in order to help his son, David who was contesting the Meluan constituency. The support of the two founder members for their respective candidates was going to affect the chances of the party in the Dudong and Meluan constituencies. All these bickering and infighting in the party became an issue cleverly manipulated by the BN3 campaigners.

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The BN3 campaigners also exploited the resignation of some key PBDS members in Simunjan where PBDS candidate, Jack Bujang was having an uphill battle. All these dissensions in the party would severely dent whatever hopes PBDS had of winning this election on its own: With less than a week to the polls, the BN3 had effectively blunted the PBDS' attacks on the State government. The signals from the ground showed that PBDS was experiencing some difficulties in most of the constituencies. However, Moggie, in his last minute appeal to the voters, especially the Chinese voters, urged them to support the Chinese candidates who contested under the banner of PBDS. "I sincerely invite your participation in the PBDS’ move to change the current State Administration. I firmly believe that a fair government will emerge if the people, particularly the commoners, will unite themselves to fight unfairness and the politics of nepotism. "The richness of the State of Sarawak must be shared among its entire people and not enjoyed by a minority of the rich people," Moggie said. He said: "The Dayaks in Sarawak have' a genuine sense of disappointment. A majority of them have remained in poverty. This is a fact. I am happy to note that the Dayaks have come to realise that they must stand up to see fair treatment. The PBDS is their platform. PBDS is a vehicle for the poor people irrespective of their race. And it is due to this that the PBDS' political aspiration is being disliked by many rich people in the State." Moggie said that PBDS wanted a change. But it could not do this alone. It needed the people who were the prime mover of this aspiration to change. PBDS was ready to work with the masses to create a change a change for the better. The Chinese must too shoulder a heavy responsibility to cause a change. Many Chinese were among the people who were deprived of their rights, who were too living in poverty and hardship. "Concerted effort is what we need to cause a change. We must use our votes wisely for change, ” he added.

THE 1991 STATE ELECTION RESULTS ARE SHOCKING THE AUTHOR went to the PBDS headquarters about mid-day on the last day of polling (28 September) to monitor the progress of voting in

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Chapter 6: The Ming Court Affair town and sub-urban constituencies. Out station constituencies such as Simunjan where I cast my vote had their polling carried out the previous day. There was only Banyi anak Briak at the Operations Room of the party as every one else had left to cast his or her vote. The office was still at its old premises at Jalan Kedandi, Tabuan Jaya. By 3.00 p.m. Banyi and the author had received a number of unofficial reports to say that several key men of the party had lost in the election such as Dr. Jawie Masing in Pakan, Datuk Edmund Langgu in Krian, Wilfred Nissom (Bengoh), Patrick Anek Uren (Tasik Biru), Sidi Murari (Tanjung Datu), Sim Choo Nam (Engkilili), Douglas Alau (Machan), Felix Bantin (Katibas), Patrick Sibat (Marudi) and Harrison Ngau (Telang Usan). Words also reached the PBDS Haedquarters that Tajem had won in Bukit Begunan and so were Dublin Unting (Batang Ai), Gabriel Adit (Ngemah), Dr. James Masing (Baleh), Sng Chee Hua (Pelagus), Joseph Entulu (Tamin) and John Sikie (Kakus). Dr. Jawie and Datuk Langgu had been forewarned about their imminent defeat unless they took measures to strengthen their campaigns. As they had been elected since 1970 for Datuk Langgu in Krian and since 1974 for Dr. Jawie in Pakan with comfortable majorities, they were complacent. Dr. Jawie spent most of the times in his clinic, whtie his electioneers carried out half-hearted campaigns. For Langgu, he was informed two weeks before polling that the reactions of the voters especially Ulu Krian and Kabo towards him had not been good. According to the information received by the author about 1,500 people of several longhouses in the Kabo area had asked for some cash to buy pigs. Each pig was worth at RM500. Langgu according to the information did not accede to their requests. The information was passed to Moggie and Tajem, who in turn, passed it to Langgu. Langgu reportedly told Tajem and Moggie that "enti orang udah enggai ke kitai, nadai nemu ^ggau iya meh". (Literally it means if people do not like us, what to do). Tmggom, who had the previous year won the MP seat for Saratok, heard about the people's request, and gave these people some money to buy pigs and at the same time he passed the SNAP membership forms to them. More than 1,000 people had enrolled as SNAP's members. As a result of this, Peter Nyarok of BN-SNAP defeated Langgu by a majority of 1,032 votes. Langgu managed to secure only 2,866 votes in the constituency known to be his stronghold for the last 30 years or so. Such

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was the sad ending of PBDS' influence in the Saratok Parliamentary and Krian State constituencies. Anyway, by 7.00 p.m. of the last day of polling, ail results had already been known that PBDS suffered a major upset. A grand dinner had earlier been planned in the hope to celebrate the victories of the party, but when the results were known only a handful of people turned up for the dinner. The majority of the members were in a state of shock. Moggie admitted that he was shocked at the dismal showing of the party. He had hoped that the party could do better than it did in the 1987 State election. The results were totally unexpected. Even if he contested, he would have lost judging by the results of the election. "Maybe the voters are telling us not to stay outside the State Barisan," he said. The party had lost the following seats: Tanjung Datu (Sidi Munan, PBDS - 4294 votes to Ramsay Noel Jitam, BN-SUPP - 5088 votes); Tasik Biru (Patrick Anek Uren, PBDS - 3592 to Dr. Patau Rubis, BN-SNAP 7759); Bengoh (Wilfred Nissom, PBDS - 6265 to William Tanyub, BN-SUPP - 6477); Tarat (Peter Runin, PBDS - 3969 to Frederick Bayoi Manggie, BNPBB - 4615); Tebedu (Richard Riot, PBDS - 5063 to Michael Ben, BN-PBB 5463); Simunjan Jack Bujang, PBDS- 2466 to Mohd NarodenHj. Majais, BN-PBB - 4948); Sebuyau (Maxwell Rojis, PBDS -1337 to Julaihi Narawi, BN-PBB - 3584); Simanggang (Ngu Piew Seng, PBDS - 4621 to Michael Pilo, BN-SUPP - 4818); Engkilili (Sim Choo Nam, PBDS -2822 to T oh Heng San, BN-SUPP - 3227); Layar (Frank Apau, PBDS - 2361 to Datuk Amar Alfred Jabu, BN-PBB - 4847); Krian (Datuk Edmund Langgu, PBDS - 2866 to Peter Nyarok Enterie, BN-SNAP - 3898); Meradong (Sim Lai Ann, PBDS - 3463 to Thomas Hii King Hiong, BN-SUPP - 5368); Pakan (Dr. Jawie Masing, PBDS - 2192 to William Mawan Ikom, BN-SNAP 2787); Meluan (Edward Empera, PBDS - 2917 to Geinan anak Itam, BNSNAP -3144); Machan (Douglas Alau bin Tayan, PBDS -3089 to Gramong Juna, BN-PBB - 3700); Dudong (Paul Kong Pak Nam, PBDS -1874 to Dr. Soon Choon Teck, BN-SUPP - 8580); Dalat (Peter Nari, PBDS - 2104 to Datuk Effendi Norwawi, BN-PBB - 7719); Balingian (Hambali Hj. Annuar, PBDS -1088 to Abdul Ajis Abdul Majeed, BN-PBB - 5742); Katibas (Felix Bantin, PBDS - 1972 to Ambrose Blikau, BN-PBB - 3638); Belaga (Abin Bira Laing, PBDS - 825 to Datuk Nyipa Bato, BN-PBB - 2884); Kemena (Stephen Randi, PBDS - 2101 to Datuk Celestine Ujang, BN-PBB - 5050); Kidurong (Trng Ling Kiew, PBDS - 4360 to Michael Sim, BN-SUPP - 5710);

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Lambir (Lawrence Tan, PBDS - 4110 to Usop bin Wahab, BN-PBB - 9745); Marudi (Patrick Sibat, PBDS - 3461 to Datuk Edwar d Jeli, BN-SNAP 4203); Telang Usan (Harrison Ngau, PBDS - 2019 to Datuk Balan Seling, BN-PBB - 3252); Limbang (Edward Guatee, PBDS - 2819 to Datuk Amar James Wong, BN-SNAP - 5813) and Lawas (Baru Bian, PBDS - 2433 to Awang Tengah Ali Hasan, BN-PBB - 6076). PBDS only managed to retain seven seats and they were Bukit Begunan (Datuk Daniel Tajem, PBDS- - 4004 as against Donald Lawan, BN-SNAP - 3470); Batang Ai (Dublin Unting, PBDS - 2558 as against Mikai Mandau, BN-PBB - 2475); Ngemah (Gabriel Adit, PBDS - 2913 as against Robert Menua, BN-PBB - 2431); Tamin (Joseph Entulu Belaun, PBDS 3455 as against Jawan Empaling, BN-SUPP - 2943); Kakus (John Sikie Tayai, PBDS - 2996 as against Musa Giri, BN-PBB - 2274); Pelagus (Dato Sng Chee Hua, PBDS - 4342 as against Alexander Nanta Linggi, BN-PBB 3700) and Baleh (Dr. James Masing, PBDS - 4183 as against Simon Temenggong Sibat, BN-SNAP -1858).

THE REASONS FOR THE SETBACK THE BN3's resounding victory, winning 49 out of the 56 seats in the State Legislative Assembly, dealt PBDS a fatal blow to its dream of capturing the State Administration through its "Projek KMS1992. ” What went wrong with PBDS? This was one of the many questions its leaders, members and even its foes asked. Let us examine the factors that contributed directly or indirectly to the poor performance of the party.

a. Projek KMS 1992 This was the key plan in its campaigning strategy. But for the project to have any effectiveness and credibility the party must have a leader to spearhead the campaign and the identity of the leader must also be made known as to his suitability to be the next Chief Minister of Sarawak. The members and the voters must know the quality of the leader otherwise the whole thing would only become a myth. The moment Moggie, the PBDS president refused to sacrifice his Federal ministerial post and the perks along with it, the morale of the rank and file of the party was down. It would appear to them that he was more concerned for his own personal interest and position than those who had to slug it out in the State election. 199

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism Moggie's non-candidacy in the election became a major election issue by the BN3 campaigners who said that it was typical of Moggie allowing "his troops to fight the battle whilst he leads from behind and afar." The way the BNS discredited Moggie had made the voters including Dayaks themselves to turn away from PBDS. As a matter of fact, "Projek KMS1992" was an ill-conceived strategy that backfired on the party. It frightened not only the Malays and Chinese, but also the Dayaks themselves.

b. The Chinese Connection The fielding of Chinese candidates in the election was one of the reasons why PBDS did badly in the polls. While BNS accused PBDS of making use of the Chinese to make it appear that the party was multi­ racial, the party leadership itself was unable to explain the role the Chinese would play, if the party came to power. And the hardcore members did not think that the Chinese had a place in PBDS. Opening the door to Chinese would encourage the influx of Chinese intellectuals and businessmen and this in turn would make the members feel threatened not only in positions in the party, but also in the business sector. Dayak leaders in PBB, SUPP and SNAP took advantage of this issue and accused PBDS of losing its direction and its principle of trying to fight for the interests and the rights of the Dayaks. The effectiveness of this campaign could be seen in the poor showing of PBDS even in some of its strongholds. c. Politics of Development and "Projek Kilat" Another reason contributing to the failure of the PBDS was due to the people's acceptance of the "Politics of Development" which promised great prosperity and continued progress in the socio-economic and educational fields. This pledge was highlighted in the BNS manifesto. Adding to this was the "Projek Kilat" (lightning projects) when government ministers would announce minor rural development projects in order to boost the chance of BNS candidates. If, for instance, the BN candidate did not receive support from voters of a particular longhouse, then the projects would be withdrawn as a "punishment" and would be given to another longhouse that voted for the candidate. The Tuai Rumah (longhouse Headman) of the longhouse would then be summoned as to

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Chapter 6: The Ming Court Affair why his "anembiaks" did not support the government candidate. If the Tuai Rumah was not lucky, he might be replaced. Thus, no Tuai Rumah wanted projects to be withdrawn from his longhouse and if any one of his "anembiaks" did not vote for the government candidate, he would then be condemned and would not be entitled to share the project. In order to ensure that the Tuai Rumah or other community leaders really knew their "role" during election times, they were compelled to attend special seminars and courses.

d. Money Politics PBDS received very "encouraging response" from the people until two days prior to polling, when supporters and sympathisers made last minute swing to the BN candidates. Like previous elections, this election was no different. The last two days were very crucial when gunnysacks of money would be delivered to the headmen, who in turn would distribute it equally among the voters before they went to the polls in the morning. Each voter in my kampong received RM20. Money politics was not only very rampant, but also had become a way of life and there was nothing the authorities could do about it. Being honest or simply ignoring their own rights, these voters usually voted for those who gave them money. Assuming there were five voters in the family, that family would earn RMIOO for the day. What a way of earning money? e. The Might of BN Machinery Apart from money, there was also the might of the BN machinery, which was just too much for PBDS to handle this time. There were the four-wheeled vehicles, the helicopters, the fast boats, and the government machinery like the civil service, television, radio and the mass media. In one day, the BN leaders could cover almost all the "black" constituencies, while PBDS was greatly disadvantaged. Everyday, RTM broadcast statements made by Ministers that were very damaging to the PBDS candidates and worst of all, they had no way to rebut lies broadcast by RTM. f. Resignations of Key Members On the eve of polling, several key members of the party defected to

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism the BN3 and the BN campaigners effectively manipulated their resignations. Their statements belittling and berating the party and its leaders were broadcast by RTM and printed by the mass media. The statements, which were repeatedly broadcast by RTM, had certainly achieved the negative effects on PBDS. g. NCR Land Issues The Dayaks themselves did not easily understand the issues that PBDS used as its campaign materials, such as the NCR land, the rights and interests of the Dayaks. How many really knew what NCR land was and how it would affect diem? Only those Dayaks in Balai Ringin, Lundu, Niah, Sibuti, and Bintulu perhaps knew about NCR land because their land had been taken away from them and they were bringing their cases to the Court. Some had the experience of being arrested and sent to prison. Some even died for their land. For those who had not experienced this, they would not be able to understand. Not many knew or understood their rights and privileges under the Article 153 of the Federal Constitution or Article 39 of the State Constitution. And for those educated people who knew, they pretended not to know as they valued money, power and positions more than anything else. PBDS failed to convince the Dayaks to support its cause.

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PBDS REJOINS STATE BN ven before the results of the election were really known on the night of 28 September^ Moggie had already drafted a letter to the Chief Minister, firstly to congratulate him on the electoral successes and secondly to make a formal application for PBDS to rejoin the State Barisan. Later talking to the press, he said that he was prepared to meet the Chief Minister and apologise to him for discrediting his leadership. There was also no condition attached to their return. There was no Supreme Council meeting that evening to discuss the party's application to rejoin the BN3, as most of the members were still away in their constituencies. However, it was understood that Moggie consulted a few leaders regarding the issue. It was rather sad that all of a sudden that the party wanted to return to the BNS from a position of weakness. Literally speaking, the PBDS "generals" were on their knees with an olive branch or "a piece of white cloth" in their hands begging for reconciliation. Indeed it was a pathetic scene of humiliation at the burning ambition of a handful of politicians suffered a serious setback, wrote one analyst. Masing, who helped Moggie to explain the reason for the party’s application, said that the sincerity of PBDS wanting to work together with the Barisan Nasional Tiga for the benefit of the State and people was reflected by its request for an unconditional return to the coalition.

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TJte Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism "We have applied to rejoin the State Barisan Nasional without any conditions. We are not looking for a position, that is our sincerity," he said. Federal leaders including the Prime Minister and chairman of Barisan Nasional, Dr. Mahathir welcomed the decision of the party to rejoin the State Barisan. The Prime Minister had said that PBDS was sincere in rejoining the State Barisan and that its application should be considered. Mahathir, said, however, that 15 Dayak State Assemblymen led by Alfred Jabu had met him and reaffirmed their opposition to PBDS* re­ entry into the State coalition. "According to them, people should not just walk into the party and walk out again and walk in again. That is their view," Mahathir said. Jabu said: "Sarawak Barisan Nasional is not preventing Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak from rejoining the State Barisan. However, they should be sincere about the matter." He also advised PBDS to declare at its general assembly that it had no intention to pursue "Projek KMS1992 " which was to capture the Chief Minister's post in 1992. Jabu was leading a delegation of 15 Dayak Members of the State Legislative Assembly to see the Prime Minister on 8 October and to tell him that they strongly opposed the readmission of PBDS into the fold of the State Barisan. The delegation comprised Jabu (leader), Celestine Ujang, Gramong Juna, Michael Ben, Frederick Bayoi Manggie, Nyipa Bato and Ambrose Blikau (all from PBB), Patau Rubis, Edward Jeli, Peter Nyarok, William Mawan, and Geman Itam (from SNAP) and Ramsay Noel Jitam, William Tanyuh and Michael Pilo (from SUPP). Meanwhile, it was said that the office of Chief Minister had received messages and telegrams from branches of State Barisan Nasional component parties opposing the move to accept PBDS into the State coalition. "It is obvious that the feelings of party members of the BNS components on the groimd were still strong against the application of PBDS and BNS leaders respected this," said Dr. Abang Haji Abdul Raub, chief political secretary to the Chief Minister. Another PBB leader, Adenan Satem, commenting on the PBDS application said: "How can we suddenly admit a party which was against us just recently? We are not ready for a second stabbing." Adenan was referring to the sudden pull out by PBDS in 1987 during the Ming Court Affair. 204

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He advised the party to show sincerity, retract all that the members had said against the BN3 component parties and above all their racist intonations. He described PBDS' sudden change of heart as a desperate act of self-survival to salvage the party from the road to oblivion. Several other junior leaders of BN expressed strong sentiments against the readmission of PBDS into the fold of the State Barisan. Among them were Frederick Bayoi Manggie (DUN Member for Tarat), Gramong Juna (DUN Member for Machan), David Teng, SUPP treasurer (DUN Member for Repok), Peter Nyarok (newly elected Member for Krian), William Mawan (newly elected DUN Member for Pakan) and Dr. Patau Rubis senior vice-president of SNAP (DUN Member for Tasik Biru). But these leaders became less vocal after Taib said that he had to think of the interests of Sarawak and the country on the question of admitting PBDS to the fold of the State Barisan Nasional. Although he could not close the door to PBDS.and welcomed their "change of heart", he could not welcome a "change of tactics". "There must be a cooling period after the election. Let see whether there is a genuine desire to understand each other and perhaps sincerity can flow from such interaction. Only the future can tell," he said. Taib also refuted claims that he was being pressured to accept PBDS back in the State Barisan. "Nobody can pressure me into doing something which I do not want to do," he said, brushing aside questions whether the Prime Minister asserted any pressure on him on the issue. The Prime Minister leaves the decision whether to accept PBDS to the State, which is the right attitude, as I cannot accept anyone who cannot be trusted in my cabinet. But I must think of the interests of the State and country as whole, otherwise I do not need to accept them," he said.

BN REJECTS PBDS' APPLICATION ALTHOUGH PBDS had submitted its application to rejoin the BN coalition five months ago, some of its leaders were cautious about the application and were sitting tight as they waited anxiously for the State government to decide. The questions uppermost in their minds were: What should they do if the application was not accepted by the BNS coalition? Who would fight the PBDS future battles? Should they commit the PBDS machinery to the ' State government cause before or after coming onboard? Or should you

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ask your "troops" to go to the other side until you are definitely sure you are going to be friends and not enemies anymore? This was the situation that PBDS was in. It must be admitted that there were members who were not happy of rejoining the BN3 government, when the party's bargaining power was practically nil. They said that the leaders only talked about political reality, but they forgot about political strategies. In the meantime, the State Barisan was giving PBDS till the end of March 1992 to "prove" its sincerity in wanting to rejoin the BNS coalition. The decision would then be made after the six-month "cooling period". Taib said: "It is just after the elections. We will give them time. We will wait and see what efforts they will make for PBDS to rejoin the BN with a sincere heart and not a tactic to sabotage the BN." Taib stressed that the Sarawak Barisan wanted political parties to reduce politicking and work towards achieving greater development in the State. This could be realised if there was greater consensus among the

political parties. And to achieve a greater consensus and development, it was appropriate to bring the Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak back into the State Barisan, although it had enough political strength. "However, PBDS must first show its sincerity and observe the BN discipline," he said over RTM. SNAP, a member of the BN coalition, had expressed its decision to oppose the readmission of PBDS into the coalition, because in accepting PBDS, SNAP would be weakened, said Peter Gani, secretary-general at the National Council meeting of the party. He suggested that as members of PBDS were ex-members of SNAP, they should rejoin SNAP individually. Commenting on Taib's remarks, Masing said that PBDS was seeking the help of the State Barisan to let the party know of any members alleged to have opposed or sabotaged development programmes. "Inform us who they are; why they protest and what they are protesting against? If there is any opposition to the development programmes, PBDS wants to be informed, as we are willing to help. "There are several accusations against PBDS' supporters that they are opposing development projects," Masing said, pointing out that the party had issued a directive a month ago to all the branches to cooperate and assist the State government in whatever way possible in the implementation of development programmes.

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN In fact he added, the party had taken a step further to tell all brandies to identify and suggest development projects for the consideration of the State Barisan Nasional government. "We are carrying out our genuine efforts to assist the BNS coalition. Several of our branches are now development-orientated," he said. Masing also considered it a good idea to initiate a dialogue between PBDS and BNS parties at the grassroots level to facilitate cooperation and understanding among their members. Before the BNS Supreme Council were to hold a meeting scheduled on 10 May 1992 to discuss the PBDS application, the party called for a special meeting on 12 April to brief, explain to and seek the approval of about 800 delegates regarding the application. During the meeting of the delegates. Moggie called on all political parties in the State to reduce, what he termed as "confrontational" politics, and to extend a "hand of friendship" to the State Barisan and appealed to them to consider their application. He urged particularly the members of PBDS not to indulge in confrontation with the BNS component parties but to work together with the government to help develop the State. He was convinced that the objectives of rural development and the efforts to improve the quality of life of the rural community would be better served if rural based parties and their supporters were part of the government. "The voters have given a clear message. They prefer less politicking and they want political parties to harness energies towards development. They want them to work together," he said. Some members, he said, might find it emotionally satisfying by choosing to remain in the opposition because this allowed for continued politicking and political confrontation. Some of those who were not supporters of PBDS might even prefer that the party remained in the opposition, as they had their own agenda which was different from that of the party's own objectives. "But will that benefit the Dayaks in general? We should be guided by reason and not by emotions," he said, explaining that the application to rejoin the State Barisan was made in good faith and intended to be the party's contribution towards political stability and national unity among the various communities in Sarawak. Moggie admitted that both sides had uttered a lot of harsh words during the run-up to the State election. But a lot of water had flowed under

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the bridge in the past six months. "Time is a great healer of wounds and if we look forward to what we can be, we may be allowing mutual trust to germinate, grow and flourish. There may be people not members of PBDS who feel uncomfortable with our application to rejoin the State Barisan." Moggie said that the party took a serious view of the anti-logging campaign against Malaysia and would not hesitate to take action against any member found to be involved, pointing out that as far as PBDS was concerned, it believed in doing things according to the law. Anyone, who did things not in accordance with established law and procedure, would not get their endorsement and support. The party would also take disciplinary action against anyone who went against government policy. "Only one PBDS member, the MP for Baram, Harrison Ngau, had been involved in the anti-logging campaign when he took part in the British film entitled 'Malaysian takeaway' during last September State election. Since that incident, Ngau had not been involved in any such campaign," Moggie said and added that he had spoken to him and advised him not to associate himself with that type of activities. Following newspaper reports that some PBDS members were allegedly involved in the anti-logging campaign early this year, he said he wrote a letter to the Chief Minister pointing out that the onus of identifying those involved rested with the police. The authority, which would be able to maintain neutrality in identifying those who might be involved, was the police. Despite the explanation, the assurance and the plea from PBDS, leaders in the BN3 component parties still did not trust the PBDS leaders judging by the remarks they made when commenting on Moggie's statement. First to react to Moggie's statement was the SUPP secretary-general, George Chan who said that the PBDS leaders must take concrete actions to ensure their grassroots members had really discarded the antigovemment stance. They must not merely advise their members and did not ensure that their members accept the decision to return to the fold of the State Barisan. Taib Mahmud, BNS chief, also reacted to Moggie’s statement and said that he would bring up the application of PBDS for discussion when the BNS Supreme Coimcil met on 10 May. "The decision is not mine alone and must be discussed by the

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN component parties/' he said and declined to make any commitment over the application. Wong Soon Kai, SUPP chairman, commenting on the same issue, said that PBDS must translate its words into action. This was especially so at the grassroots level and in certain PBDS areas where anti-government sentiments still existed. Urging that the leadership should take disciplinary action against its members who were involved in anti-logging activities, Wong said: "Irrespective of whether they are Supreme Council members or those from the rank and file, the PBDS leadership should take stem measures against those involved. This is one way to prove that they are sincere in wanting to work with the BN Tiga government." Among those who were very vocal against the PBDS' return was SNAP president, James Wong who said that the party's stand was still like what the party had agreed during their national council meeting. "We only accept PBDS members to join BNS individually, but not as a party " he said. The PBB Youth, which had lately considered it to be a pressure group, advised the State Barisan leaders to adopt a "go slow" attitude, when considering the application from the PBDS. Its publicity chief, Roland Sagah, said in a statement that the PBB Youth had proof that PBDS members in several areas were still harbouring a strong anti-government and anti­ development attitude. As such, the movement urged the State BN leaders to carefuUy study all aspects surrounding the PBDS application, he said and added that the

movement wanted all PBDS leaders including Moggie to convince all its members to discard their negative attitude and give positive support to development projects in their respective areas. Judging by all these negative statements against PBDS, its leaders and members knew that their application would not see the light of the day. And true enough when the BN Tiga (BNS) Supreme Council met on 10 May, the decision was obvious. In announcing the decision, Leonard Linggi Jugah, BNS secretary­ general, said that the Barisan Tiga rejected the application by PBDS to rejoin the State government. It was a unanimous decision of the BN Supreme Council members comprising representatives from the three

component parties, after a three-hour meeting chaired by Taib. 209

Hie Broken Shield - The Birth O/Dayakism Linggi said: "The State BN feel that after a careful deliberation, acceptance at this juncture is not possible since members from both sides, the State BN3 and the PBDS have yet to show their willingness to work together. "In order to make sure that any change in the structure of the State BN would bring greater stability, cooperation and harmony, there must be a predominant feeling among members of BN that they can work together with any partners. There must also be a general feeling among PBDS members that they are prepared to work together with members of the State BN." The meeting had also suggested that each component party of BN and PBDS "to go back to the ground to assess more closely the feelings of our respective members and to see how serious is the intention on the part of PBDS to go in partnership with BNS." Apart from Taib, .deputy president Alfred Jabu, deputy president Abang Abu Bakar and PBB secretary-general Leonard Linggi also represented the PBB. Representing the SUPP were its chairman, Wong Soon Khai, deputy chairman Chong Kiun Kong, secretary-general George Chan and treasurer David Teng, while the SNAP was represented by president James Wong, deputy president Peter Tinggom, senior vice- president Patau Rubis and secretary-general Peter Gani. Expressing regret over the rejection of the PBDS application. Moggie said that the party would continue to cooperate with the BNS coalition government. "We accept the BNS's decision and we will wait until they decide to say 'yes’. He said PBDS was unable to understand why some elements in BNS were still worried on the party decision, as the move was clearly for the benefit of the rakyat. However, he said, they would not debate on the issue, but would leave it as it was and let temper and emotion cool down. The party, he added, would not make another application to BNS, but would wait until the coalition decided to reaccept its decision. They were quite convinced and satisfied that the majority of their supporters on the ground were fully supporting the decision to rejoin the State BN.

ADENAN SINGS PBDS’ OBITUARY AMONG THOSE who really hated PBDS was Adenan Satem. Everywhere he went, he always poked fun at the party and sometimes at the Dayak community. He even uttered very seditious remarks, which 210

Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins Stale BN often slighted Dayak leaders not only in PBDS, but also in PBB, SNAP and SUPP. Although several police reports had been lodged against him, so far no action had been taken against him. At a function in Bengoh, Padawan, Adenan said that PBDS would die off sooner or later. "If we still put it outside the Barisan National, it will die by itself. PBDS is just like its ally, PERMAS that died a natural death after the last election. Despite PBDS being a big party, it wiU die on the grapevine," he said. He said that BN3 had unanimously agreed not to accept PBDS into its fold as it had shown itself to be distrustful. Record and history had shown that they could never be trusted. "We do not want to accept them not because we are proud or arrogant but it was deliberated on after much study and consideration." Some years later Adenan was taught a bitter lesson by the Dayak leaders in his own party during the PBB delegates conference, when the Dayak delegates voted against him in the race for the deputy president. His opponent, Abang Haji Johari, trounced him. The reason for Adenan's defeat was that he had been insulting PBDS and the Dayak community. In fact someone told Adenan that if he were to be the leader of the party and the State, he should not and could not afford to antagonise the Dayaks particularly the Ibans.

FOCUS ON PBDS’ EXTRAORDINARY DELEGATES CONFERENCE THE EXTRAORDINARY Delegates Conference (EDC) of Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak held on 27March 1993 in Sibu had generated great interest among its own members as well as BNS leaders mainly because it affirmed its commitment to rejoin the BNS and secondly it amended its constitution to allow non-Dayaks as members of the party. Even the Chief Minister said he had been keeping an eye on the meeting to see if PBDS had changed and was sincere about wanting to rejoin the State Barisan. But the critical question before the meeting was the proposal to amend its constitution to allow non-Dayaks as members, something that the majority of the members had rejected in the past. Even Masing, an ardent advocate of multi-racialism, admitted he was "bashed" when he suggested that PBDS should switch to multi-racial organisation as early as in 1988. PBDS was formed in September 1983, and all its leaders and rank 211

The Broken Shield- The Birth OfDayakism and file were once members of Sarawak National Party, who bitterly disagreed to the idea of a Chinese as the SNAP president. Thus PBDS was formed exclusively for the Dayaks. Certainly there were the hardcore members who were worried about the future of the party. The question in every ones mind was what would happen to the majority of the hardcore members who supported the party because it was exclusively a party for the Dayaks? Little doubt the proposal had both the "plus and minus" points in the eyes of members and the State Barisan. But to the hardcore members, the proposal would destroy the "soul" of the party and take away the only reason why they supported it. And it would make the party no different than other parties in the BNS component parties, as all of them were also multi-racial. These hardcore members envisaged that the proposal, if adopted, would one day bring the downfall of the party. The BNS leaders reacted with mixed feelings to the proposal. The opening of branches in the BNS areas by the non-Dayak members even before the annoimcement of the amendment of the constitution had been regarded as an act of wanting to fight them. And this would paint a negative picture on its attempt to rejoin the State Barisan. But Wong Soon Kai, SUPP chairman, felt that the move to allow nonDayak membership in PBDS was a good idea and hoped it would make politics in the State less about racial issues. Patau Rubis of SNAP on the other hand held a different view, adding that its move was illogical; they might as well come back to SNAP, which practised multi-racialism. Patau said that a number of questions needed to be raised first before the BNS considered the PBDS application. These questions should include whether the State coalition really needed PBDS or PBDS needed the State coalition. Or the Sarawakians still needed PBDS or just a few Sarawakians needed PBDS. "If PBDS is readmitted, will there be more politicking or another split after a few years?" he asked, reminding the BNS leaders drat the Barisan Nasional plus government was formed to please a few Dayak intellectuals and that they should never forget what happened to the Barisan Nasional Plus. (The Barisan Nasional plus was formed in 198S to accommodate a group of Dayak leaders who broke away from SNAP and formed PBDS. But PBDS dropped itself out of the Barisan after it went into opposition in

1987.)

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Another question that needed to be answered was whether the PBDS was prepared to play a junior role in the coalition, he said. The State chairman of DAP, Ling Sie Ming, described the PBDS move as "meaningless and a desperate" bid to stay in power. PBDS, he said, was set up for the Dayakism cause and to fight for the benefits of the Dayaks. Ling said that by rejoining the Barisan coalition government even before it achieved its objectives was a definite blow to the party's die-hard supporters. Besides, it would not bring many benefits to PBDS, even if the BNS readmitted the party. "This is because the BN Tiga had sailed through winds and storms and whether PBDS is there or not does not really affect them," he said. Some 430 delegates from 150 branches attended the EDC in Sibu, where Moggie, in tabling a motion, told them that the question of the PBDS sincerity to join BNS should no longer arise as its intention had been very clearly outlined and declared. This motion, he said, sought the endorsement of the delegates of the CVVC decision on 29 September 1991 and the Supreme Council decision on 21 April 1992 to rejoin the State Barisan Tiga. He would seek a meeting with the Chief Minister as soon as the meeting could be arranged. He said that PBDS would become a multi-racial party upon the approval of the Registrar of Societies and that the recruitment drive would immediately be done upon such approval. It changed itself into a multi­ racial party to shed off the accusation hurled on it as being a racialist party. Moggie said PBDS had in fact been practising a policy that was of multi-racial spirit for the past several years. As such, he said, the present party constitutional amendment to open membership to all Malaysian citizens, other than its initial restriction to only Dayak ethnic origin community, was merely a logical extension of what the party had already been practising. This was especially clear in the 1991 general election, when PBDS fielded in the most multi-racial slate of candidates as compared with any other parties in the State. In 1987, Sim Choo Nam was elected on a PBDS ticket and again in 1991, Sng Chee Hua was also elected on a PBDS ticket. Earlier, Masing tabled the proposed amendments to the constitution to open its membership to non-Dayaks. The amendments also sought to empower the president to appoint the secretary-general and the treasurer­ general; to abolish the vice-president I and vice-president 11 posts and to allow the Triennial Delegates Conference to elect only three vice-presidents. 213

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The amendments also sought to merge the Supreme Council and the Central Working Committee into the Supreme Council in order to ensure effective party administration. The delegates unanimously passed the two motions— its application to rejoin the BNS and the proposed amendments. Following the EDC, Moggie submitted its second application to rejoin the State Barisan Nasional. The letter, which was sent direct to the Chief Minister from Kuala Lumpur, stated clearly the party's unanimous decision to rejoin the State Barisan Nasional government. It was to reconfirm their wishes to return to the State BN fold. Although the party won only seven of the 34 seats it contested, the support it received from the Dayaks was encouraging. Studies showed that in the 24 predominantly Dayak constituencies, PBDS received 45.62 percent of popular votes as compared with EBB with 25.64 percent, SNAP and SUPP with 15.68 percent and 13.04 percent respectively. Even the combined percentage of the BN3 of 44.36% was still below the percentage obtained by PBDS. It was clear that the Dayaks wanted to pool the party and the government resources towards rural development and did not want to be preoccupied with politicking. This was the fact that the BN3 coalition government could not ignore. But let us look into the possible effects of PBDS' multi-racialism policy and its application to rejoin the State Barisa Nasional. a. Multi-racialism polio/ As a result of the amendments of its constitution that allowed nonDayaks to be members, PBDS could not be accused anymore of practising racial politics. Thus it put its accusers especially those in the BN3 coalition on the defensive because central to their allegations was that PBDS was a racial party, which could not be readmitted to the BN3 coalition as long as it adhered to such a racial ideology. The PBDS move, therefore, took the winds out of the BN's sails. Any procrastination on the part of the BN3 coalition to readmit PBDS would be construed as a negative attitude towards the political stability and well being of the State. On the other hand, PBDS was also treading on a dangerous ground as the amendments to the constitution could spark an efficacious influx of non-Dayaks into the party where the possibility of Dayaks would find themselves in the minority in the years ahead. Not only they were going 214

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to lose the control of the stewardship of the party, they were also going to lose the very vehicle that was supposed to articulate their aspirations and protect their rights. Is PBDS going to be another SNAP, where the "Tuai Rumah" is a non-Dayak? Or will there be more problems created by the influx of the Chinese into the party? The future will bear witness to this prediction. Already there were disgruntled voices in the party accusing the leaders of letting their supporters down. If only they knew that PBDS was to be another SNAP, they would have remained in SNAP, nurtured and strengthened it, rather than forming a Dayak party only to be converted into a multi-racial party later on just like SNAP. Why formed another party if it was going to be saddled with a similar problem? (Nama guna tusah payah ngaga parti baru?)

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b. The application to rejoin BNS Many members were worried of the future and at the treatment PBDS would receive when it applied to rejoin the BN coalition without any condition. For instance, the four independent MPs who joined PBDS one month after the Parliamentary election in 1992 despite strong protests from the BNS coalition were unsure of their future. It was, therefore, not surprised at all that Richard Riot, MP for Serian and 461 of his followers defected to the Sarawak United People's Party while discussions were still on for PBDS' return to the coalition. After about two and half years with PBDS in the opposition, Riot felt that it was in the interest of his constituents that he joined the government. Riot had applied to join SUPP and his case was brought before the State cabinet one week before the announcement of his defection on 2 May 1993. According to SUPP, Taib and other BN3 leaders gave their blessings. George Chan, SUPP secretary-general, who received the applications from Riot and his followers, said: "The MF's decision to join us confirms once and for all that the Serian Parliamentary Constituency is still SUPP's." SUPP was successively defeated in the constituency in 1986 and 1990 and each time by independent candidates. Both the victorious independent candidates joined PBDS. SNAP was the original "owner " of the seat until 1974 when it was defeated by SUPP. "My joining SUPP is also hoped to encourage less politicking in the State with more efforts towards developing Serian as part of my constituency," Riot said.

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But the real reason for joining SUPP was that the constituency "belonged" to SUPP and that he would be left in the cold and his future uncertain, if and when PBDS rejoined the coalition. His joining SUPP was actually to pre-empt that. Furthermore, his defection to SUPP although it was against his "principle " if indeed there was any more left, was to ensure that his own interest was protected and his candidacy in the next election assured. This was what they promised him. Riot had expressed objection to PBDS' proposal .to amend its constitution to open its membership to non-Dayaks and had also expressed reservations on the party's application to rejoin the BNS coalition. And when the party held its EDC in Sibu, Riot and his followers walked out of the meeting in protest. His resignation did not surprise PBDS at all. c. Several hurdles to overcome PBDS knew that it had to overcome several hurdles in order to return to the fold of the State Barisan. And one of the main hurdles was SNAP from which PBDS was born. Especially with Wong as SNAP president and Patau Rubis as his lieutenant, PBDS was going to find the return journey to the coalition full of treacherous terrains, if recent statements by its leaders were any indication. The re-admission of PBDS would not only bring direct confrontation with SNAP, but it would also deprive SNAP of trying to regain its past glory. It always considered Dayak constituencies won by PBDS to be its rightful belongings and it also believed that one day it would capture both the Parliamentary and State seats from PBDS. Thus, SNAP was very much against PBDS' return and wanted only individual members of PBDS to join it. Yet the re-admission of PBDS needed total consensus from the coalition partners. SNAP believed that it had the ability to recapture the seats that it had lost to PBDS, after it performed remarkably well in the 1991 State election against PBDS. Since then SNAP was grooming candidates for the seven State constituencies held by PBDS and this move was being encouraged by its victories in Krian and Pakan against PBDS strongmen. A political novice, Peter Nyarok defeated Langgu (PBDS secretary-general) by a 1,032 vote-majority in Krian. Similarly in Pakan, William Mawan defeated Dr. Jawie Masing (PBDS treasurer-general) by a majority of 258 votes. Both Krian and Pakan were considered to be the footholds of PBDS. It was predicted that PBDS would be much weaker than the 1991 216

Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN State election if it failed to rejoin the coalition. Even in Moggie's Kanowit Parliamentary constituency, which comprised Macha n and Ngemah, PBDS would have a tough battle in retaining the seat in the next Parliamentary election. Moggie won the seat in 1990 with a majority of 2,368 votes, a reduction of more than half as compared to that of the previous election. This was a marked decrease, although Moggie held a Federal Ministerial post, as president of a party and with plenty of ministerial funds to finance projects. During the State election a year later, Gramong Juna of PBB won the Machan seat with a majority of 611 votes, while Gabriel Adit of PBDS won the Ngemah seat with a majority of 484 votes. By mathematical logic, PBDS would have lost the Parliamentary seat of Kanowit by a 127 vote-majority. And if this trend continued, PBDS would be in big trouble retaining this seat as well as other constituencies. Looking into this overall picture, SNAP was determined to invoke the unanimity rule of the Barisan Nasional to block the re-admission of PBDS, knowing too well the re-admission would not only contribute .to SNAP's failure in trying to achieve its past glory, but also its detriment.

FORMATION OF INTERACTION TEAMS AS EXPECTED, the BN3 Supreme Council deferred the decision of PBDS' application on the ground that there were still lingering doubts about the party's commitment to the way of the State Barisan, when they met on 16 May 1993. The application was made one year and seven months ago. However, the BN3 Supreme Council agreed to appoint an interaction team comprising three members from each of the three component parties of the State Barisan, whose duty was to negotiate with PBDS regarding the terms and conditions of its return to the State Barisan. Linggi told newsmen that while the State Barisan detected some degree of sincerity emerging, there still lingered a mixed feeling among the coalition partners about the full commitment of the whole PBDS to the ways the State BN was governing the State. He said that PBDS' application should not be a marriage of convenience, but instead should enhance the cooperation among the political parties for a common good. Lingi said; 'All the three component parties look at this PBDS' application from the point of view of the possibility to further enhance political stability in the State. The BNS also viewed PBDS' application as a ' 217

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism

means to hasten the harmony of relationship among all the political parties and to further facilitate development in the State through the joint effort of all parties in instilling positive attitude and urging greater participation among their followers to achieve greater maximum development in our State. "We are quite aware that Sarawak is now on the threshold of industrialisation, and is able to command strong confidence amongst investors. Any change in the political development of Sarawak must aim at enhancing this rather than jeopardising it. "It is in the light of exploring the possibility of greater benefit for Sarawak that we have imanimously agreed to appoint a team to iron out any differences that may. still stand between BNS and PBDS. We hope that as a result of appointing this team, PBDS will be able to convince us how PBDS could fit into the State BN, with all the changes that have taken place within the last few years," he said. From the BNS coalition, the interaction team would consist Adenan (chairman), Linggi and Stephen Wan Ullok from PBB, Ramsay Jitam, David Teng and Alfred Yap from SUPP and Peter Tinggom, Patau Rubis and Peter Gani from SNAP. Meanwhile, PBDS had formed its own sub-committee headed by its senior vice- president, James Masing to negotiate with the BNS concerning its application to return to the State Barisan Nasional. Other members of the sub-committee included Billy Abit Joo, MP for Ulu Rajang, Sidi Munan, PBDS executive secretary and Wilfred Nissom, PBDS publicity chief. 'We have anticipated this move," said Tajem when asked to comment on the formation of the interaction committee by the BNS Supreme Council.

FIRST MEETING BETWEEN BNS AND PBDS SINCE THE last election in September 1991, the first high-level meeting between BNS and PBDS took place at the office of the Chief Minister on 6 August 199S, where the two sides agreed to "let bygones be bygones." AU the leaders of the BNS component parties were in attendance. Moggie and Masing represented PBDS. Taib said after the one and half-hour meeting that BNS and PBDS would take measures to ensure that PBDS’ return would be permanent, adding that he welcomed with an open mind the explanation given by Moggie of PBDS' wish to return to the State BN umbrella. At the meeting Moggie explained the reasons why his party applied

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN to rejoin the State Barisan Nasional and gave personal assurance that PBDS supported Taib's leadership. "What had happened in the past should be “gotten and we should work out a new cooperation for the benefit of the State and the people. PBDS and the Barisan components have agreed to set aside our diffeences and focus our political struggles towards developing Sarawak," he said. ““

pt>‘ forward at the

to SNAP ™ - -f-once , which had been adamantly opposing the return of PBDS.

SECOND MEETING OF INTERACTION COMMITTEE And meeting of the interaction committee between the BN3 XZh PBns""d"" Sarawak. Ithough PBDS made concessions, the meeting once again failed to solve

some major issues that might hinder the speedier return of the party to the fold of the State Barisan. b■ stumbling blocks was the issue of four Parliamentary seats, whchPBrewonmthel990 general election, defeating theSarawakUnited eople s Party m Selangau and Serian and the Sarawak National Party in Baram and Uu Rajang. SNAP and SUPP wanted the seats be returned to them, but PBDS refused to accede to their demand

thAi d ut^gototing team also raised new issues and these included *at PBDS dropped the word "Dayak" in its name. The PBDS team told the m^tmg that the name of the PBDS had never been an issue. pie party, however, agreed to the four points raised by the BNS team and they were:

. .

.

.

To support the leadership of the Chief Minister, Taib Mahmud and his politics of development; To sever relationship with all opposition parties and radical environmentalists who had been discrediting Sarawak and Malaysia as a whole; p ppport the State government's moves in working on idle land mcjuding Native Customary Rights land for plantation purposes,To withdraw all negative resolutions passed in 1990, which included the phrase "government grabbing land from natives and nationalising the forests." 219

Tlie Broken Shield- The Birth OfDayakism

According to Adenan, who chaired the meeting, the committee made some progress after it heard pledges made.by PBDS. However, there were some important issues, which had yet to be sorted out, and he was hopeful that given the spirit of friendliness displayed by both sides, they believed that solutions could be reached. PBDS was represented at the meeting by Masing, Lawyer Baru Bian, Sidi Munan, Wilfred Nissom and Major (R) Peter Runin.

THE LONG AND HAZARDOUS ROAD TO BNS THE AUTHOR wrote a piece of article to explore further the reasons why the second meeting between the two negotiating teams of BNS and PBDS failed. Excerpts from the article, which was published in The Sun, Kuala Lumpur on 4 September 1993 appear below:

During the last meeting (August 27), it would seem that the negotiating team ofthe three componentparties ofPartiPesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) and Sarawak National Party (SNAP) were taking advantage of PBDS' apparent weakness and its eagerness to rejoin the BNS by raising more issues. Some ofthe demands are very difficultfor PBDS to accept. One such demand isfor the party to give up the Parliamentary seats ofBaram, Ulu Rajang, Serian and Selangau. During the last Parliamentary elections (1990), PBDSput up independent candidates against BN-SUPP in Serian and Selangau and BN-SNAP in Baram and Ulu Rajang and won by comfortable majorities. Both SNAP and SUPP now demand that thefour seats be returned to them respectively, even though 90 percent of the voters in the constituencies are Dayaks. PBDS argues that since it is a Dayak-based party, it should be given the honour to defend themfor BN. A PBDS leader, whilefull ofpraisesfor the attitude ofPBB members of the negotiating team, claims that SUPP and SNAP members are deliberately raising or introducing new issues that are difficultfor PBDS to agree to. 'TVhy am SUPP and SNAP very much against us rejoining the State Barisan government, when PBB isprepared to accommodate us?' he asked.

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN

snap's Dilemma Aecorihng topoliticalobservers, SNAP is against PBDS‘ readmission because SNAP leaders consider PBDS as part andparcel ofSNAP, having broken azuay after a leadership crisis in 1983and that all the seats won by PBDS, in actualfact, belong to SNAP. SNAPpresident DatukJames Wong has been telling thepublic that his party does not want PBDS to rejoin the BNS, but prefers individual members to return to SNAP, adding that 'we want the paddlers to come back and not the boat.' Actually SNAP leadersfear that once PBDS is back in the State government, SNAP may lose its clout and credibility. It may not be able to recapture its past glory. It can no longer claim to represent the Dayak community, although the Dayaksform the bulk ofits membership. Nor can it consider PBDS a communalparty once the latter opens its membership to all ethnic groups. In fact its multi-racial membership is awaiting approvalfrom the Registrar ofSocieties. As a result ofthis, SNAP leaders alsofear that ifthe party cannot deliver thegoods andspeakfar the Dayak community, there is thepossibility that many ofits members, especially those withpersonal ambitions among the Chinese, may become disgruntled and prefer to join PBDS, because they think that PBDS has got the potential to be a strong party in the coalition. And there is also the nagging question as to who will come after James Wong who is 71 years old now, ifanything should happen to him. Many of the members - whether they are Chinese, Dayaks or Malays dread to think ofSNAP'sfuture as they cannotfind someone suitable or has thefinancial capacity to lead the party. The party will certainly be overshadowed ifPBDS is back in the government.

SUPP's Objection SUPP leaders have not explicitly said why they are not keen to have PBDS back in the State government. But observers can feel thefear of SUPP leaders. One suchfear is theformation ofa solid 'power bloc' to be spearheaded by PBDS among the non-Muslim groups. And this 'power bloc' will befurther strengthened with the cooperationfrom the Muslim group. SUPP leaders predict an entirely differentpolitical scenario ifadefi Minister and PBB president Tan Sri Taib Mahmud is no longer on the

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The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism political scene. Tltep think that the 'nativepowe 'led by PBDS could take over and SldPP will only be made an appendage. SUPP leaders know that as long as PBDS remains outside the government, SUPP will always be the most important partner ofPBB in the coalition. The otherfactor that worries SUPP, observersfeel, is that it cannot expand to Dayak areas any more with PBDS in the government. There is even the possibility that SUPP may be asked to surrender the Dayak majority seats it is holding now such as Lundu, Bengoh, Simanggang, Engkilili, Kidurong and Parliamentary seat ofPadawan to PBDS.

PBB' Silence Exceptforasking PBDS to be loyalandsupport Taib andBNSpolicies, PBB is not known to be against PBDS' readmission to the BNS. Infact Taib has been advocatingfar 'native alliance' among the Bumiputeras as evident by the 1965land bill crisis. Again he was one ofthose responsible in bringing SNAP, then a Dayakparty, into the State Barisan in 1975. Infact Taib's position in thegovernment will be stronger with PBDS in as he need not then fear pressure from any quarters. Presently, his government has to depend on SUPPfor survival.

PBDS' Objective

Despite objectionsfrom SUPP and SNAP, PBDS is determined to rejoin the State government, as it knows- that itsfuture and thefuture of the Dayak community lie with the State Barisan. A PBDS leader and member ofits negotiating team said: 'PBDS' inclusion in thegovernment willfurther enhance political stability and racial harmony in the State. The government cannot afford to ignore the larger section of the Dayak community who are supporting us as indicated in the last State elections." During the 1991 State elections, PBDS secured 78,882 votes in the 24 Dayak majority constituencies accountingfor45.62percent as compared with PBB's 44,329 Dayak votes (25.64percent), SUPP's 22,553 (13.04 percent) and SNAP's 27,119 (15.68percent). Although in terms ofseats, it managed to win only seven, PBDS, however, is still aforce with the Dayaks. Outside the government, it still can cause havoc to anyparty which contests in Dayak majority seats and other seats where there are substantial Dayak voters.

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN Federal leaders do not like to see the situation in Sabah happening in Sarawak. This is actually the message Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir Mohamadput across to thepeople ofSarawak during his recent visit to Kuching.

PBDS' RETURN ACCEPTED IN PRINCIPLE When the BNS Supreme Council met on 24 November 1993, the PBDS application was on top of the agenda. PBB and SUPP fully supported the application, while SNAP reluctantly agreed. The meeting was supposed to begin at 10.00 a.m., but had to be delayed until 11.15 a.m. as Adenan had to coax James Wong into accepting the PBDS application. Wong reluctantly agreed, but insisted he only agreed with certain terms and conditions. SNAP must have realised that it would be placed in an awkward position if it chose to stay clear of the collective decision of the majority in the State. Probably, it knew that the time had come for every quarter to bury the 'hatchets of the past' and commit itself to the good of Sarawak and her people. SNAP must also have realised that public opinion in favour of the readmission of PBDS was mounting and almost every one agreed tiiat PBDS' home-coming would reinforce unity and political stability and in turn help to accelerate the socio-economic development programmes for the State. After the meeting, which was chaired by Taib and attended by BNS leaders, Adenan told a news conference that the three parties had agreed to accept PBDS. However, he said, PBDS had to comply with certain terms and conditions that were decreed by the BNS to strengthen the spirit of cooperation between all component parties. Adenan said that among the terms imposed on PBDS included certain issues to be resolved during the party's next triennial delegate conference to be held m January 1994, seat allocation and their political conduct in the future. "We expect a clear signal to come from PBDS regarding their abandonment of certain negative policies, which were advocated in the past especially during the last 1990 TDC in Bintulu. If PBDS complied with all the terms and conditions stated, I don't see any reason whyPBDS should not be admitted as soon as possible," Adenan said.

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The Broken Shield ~ The Birth OfDayakism

The terms and conditions included the removal of several "obnoxious" and offending statements and resolutions, which surfaced during the PBDS' TDC in Bintulu. However, Wilfred Nissom, PBDS publicity chief clarified that the resolutions purportedly passed by PBDS during its conference in Bintulu were in fact not adopted. Many branches had submitted their resolutions including those accusing the government of grabbing Native Customary Rights land from natives, but these submissions were never discussed and passed by the TDC. There was no time during the TDC to discuss these submissions after a lengthy presidential address and the debate on the speech, he said.

ARE SNAP AND SUPP SINCERE WITH PBDS’ RE-ADMISSION? THE NEGOTIATING teams of BN3 and PBDS met again on 7 February 1994 to discuss the seat allocation. Although it was not revealed what were the seats that PBDS must surrender before SNAP and SUPP agreed to its return to the State Barisan, it was understood that PBDS must give up seven seats - the four Parliamentary seats of Serian, Selangau, Ulu Rajang and Baram and the three seats of Bukit Begunan, Batang Ai and Kakus. Initially SUPP and PBB did not agree with SNAP's demand, but had to accept the demand in order to preserve the unity within the State Barisan. Furthermore, PBDS must keep its words of rejoining the coalition without any conditions at all. The author wrote an article on this trying to analyse and understand the issues and how they might affect PBDS, SNAP or SUPP in the future. The article was published on 13 February 1994 in The Borneo Sun (the paper had ceasedpublication) as follows:

Although Datuk Adenan, chairman of the BNS negotiating team does not name the seats thatPartiBansa Dapak Sarawak must 'surrender' as one of the conditionsfor the party's readmission into thefold of the State Barisan, it is clear the BNSparties are claiming diefour Parliamentary seats ofBaram, Selangau, Ulu Rajang and Serian and the three State seats ofBatang Ai, Bukit Begunan and Kakus.

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN

ThefourParliamentary seats were won by independents in the 1990 elections, who laterjoinedPBDS. The seven seats were once the strongholds ofSNAP and SUPP The BN3 component parties comprising Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu (PBB), the Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) and the Sarawak National Parfy (SNAP) are reported to have agreed during their meettng on 6February1994 thatPBDSmust 'suriender'the.sevenseats before it could be readmitted. How and why did SUPP and SNAP lose the seven seats? Why are th^ claiming the seven seats and on what grounds? Are they serious in claiming these seats, knowing very well they have very little support left and have been badly defeated? Or are they claiming the seats merely to take advantage ofthe unconditional 'surrender' ofPBDS to the BN3? These are some ofthe questions that the writer and other observers are trying to answer. But whatever may be the answers to the above questions, it is best that we trace the background and the reasons leading to SNAP's and SUPP's defeats in the seven seats.

a. Baratn This constituency has been under SNAP since 1970. After winning Itforfive terms (1970,1974,1978, 1982 and 1986), SNAP has become very arrogant. The constituency became neglected even though its MP was in aposition to help, as he was a deputy minister in the Federal government. He seldom visited the constituency and his presence was onlyfelt at election times during which he promised the impossible to the rakyat. In the 1990 election, the electorate voted him out as they werefed up with his promises and elected an independent, Harrison Ngau who ^‘^^^'^PioinedPBDS. The constituency has22,721 voters comprising Orang Ulu 45 percent, Ibans 36.3 percent, Chinese 13.3 percent, Malays 5.32 percent and others 0.08 percent. b. Selangau This constituency was formerly known as Rajang, where SUPP candidate, Jawan Empaling was defeated by a PBDS-backed independent. Dr. Nicholas Munong in the 1986 election. The constituency was later reamed Selangau which has about 16,970 voters of which Ibans form ^^■^P^^rcentoftheelectorate. Again anindependent candidate, Joseph Mauh-

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TJte Broken Shield - Vte Birth OfDaynkism defeated another SUPP candidate, Jerome Runggol in the 1990 election. Mauh alsojoined PBDS.

c. Ulu Rajang This constituencyfirst 'belonged' to PESAKA when Temenggong Jugah won it in the 1970elections. PESAKA lost it to SNAP in the 1974 elections, when Miut Sibat defeated Leonard Linggi, son of Temenggong Jugah. Ever since then it became SNAP's 'property' until 1986 when Justine Jinggut won itjbr PBDS. Justine, however, deleted to SNAP in 1987. In the1990elections, JustineJinggut contesting on BN-SNAP ticket lost die seat to an independent candidate, Billy Abit Joo, who was backed by PBDS. The constituency has 14,004 voters, 62.07percent are Ibans, 35.21 percent Orang Ulu, 1.51 percent Malays and 1.21 percent Chinese.

d. Serian SNAPfirst won the seat in 1970 and SUPP 'owned' itfrom 1974 right up to 1986 elections, when its three-term incumbent Richard Dumpingwas 'dumped'by a little known school teacher, LainusakAndrew Luak, who contestedas an independent. He laterjoinedPBDS. In the 1990 election, SUPP was again defeated when its candidate, William Aham lost to Richard Riot, a PBDS vice-president, who resigned to contest as an independent. Riot rejoined PBDS. Bidayuhsform about 65.52percent of the 27,663^voters, while Chineseform about 19.39 percent, Ibans 10.68 percent, Malays 4.39percent and others 0.02 percent. e. Kakus In the 1970 election, a Bumiputera candidate, Awang Ismail Pg. Zainuddin won Tatau, as it was known then. Joseph Samuel won itjbr SNAP in 1974and1978 elections. In the 1983 election, PBDS decided to support an independent candidate, Bolhassan Kambar when its candidate, Joseph Samuel was disqualified. Bolhassan won the seat andjoined PBDS. He won it againjbr PBDS in the 1987State election. For the 1991 election, the name was changed to Kakus and PBDS won it again through its candidate, John Sikie Tayai. More than 90 percent of the electorate are Ibans. j. BukitBegunan This is a new constituency contestedfor thefirst time in 1990 as part ofthe SriAman Parliamentary constituency. Previously it was part

Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN of the Lingga-Sebuyau constituency, wh^re Datuk Tawi Sli won if for PESAKA m the 1970 election. Datuk Daniel Tajem won itfor SNAP in the 1974,1978and1983 elections. The constituency, which was renamed Lingga was won by Donald Lawan of SNAP in 1987 when he dialed Tajem, deputypresident ofPBDS. Datuk Tajem won it backfor PBDS in the 1991 State ekction. This time the constituency is known as Bukit ^^^^^^^fterLinggawassplittoformpartofSebuyauandBukitBegunan More than 90percent ofthe voters are Ibans.

g. BatangAi This constituency has always been SNAP's stronghold since 1970 until the death ofSylvester Langgit in a roadaccident some time in 1986. ^^^^~electton,anindependentcandidate,MikaiMandau,defoatedSNAP candidate, Kehngsing ak Manau. Mikai whojoined PBDS won it again rn 1987election, defeating Nidrolas Bowin ofSNAP. In the 1991 elections, PBDSwonitfor the third time, when its candidate, Dublin Unting defeated MtkaiMandau, who had defected to PBB in 1988. The constituency has 6626 voters with Ibansforming more than 90percent ofthe electorate. Afterreading the backgroundandhistory ofeach ofthe constituencies andhaaiSNAPandSUPPweredefoated,isitfatifor them todemand the re^m ofthe seats they have lost? Ifsuch is an attitude, then there will be claims and counter-claims, as every party like PBB for example will be la^ng claims on seats that it has lost 10 or 15 years ago. And ifsuch claims arejustifiable, then Mohd AU can also claim today's world boxiny ti^from Evander Holyfields, which he (MohdAU) won in the seventies • This is to show how stupid is the claim. There are PBDS members who think that the BN3 componentparties are insincere in wanting them to rejoin the coalition by putting unreasonable conditions on its readmission. And there areparty members and even leaders who prefer the party not tojoin the BN3 coalition ifOie BNS's intention is to knock offwhat is left oftheparty's teeth. Th^^^inreasonforPBDStorejointheBNSissimplytoparticipate ofthepeople ofSarawak. The seats it owns couN be its contribution to the strength of.the BNS. At the same time, this is in line with the ChiefMinister's mainstream policies. Aslseeit, the only solution isfor PBDS to befirm asfar as the seat allocation is concerned. In other words, let the status quo remain. When

The Broken Shield - The Birth OfDayakism election times come, they should leave the decisions to the Prime Minister and chairman ofthe Federal Barisan Nasional, Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and ChiefMinister, Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud, who is the BNS chief And all shouldaccept whatever decisions made by them. This is aface saving-devicefor both sides. Meanwhile, the PBDS Youth had expressed its concern with the slow progress for the re-admission of the party to the fold of the State Barisan Nasional and urged the chairman of the negotiating team, Adenan Satem, to forward or make known to the PBDS negotiating team the terms and conditions, which BNS, in its meeting on 6 February 1994 had agreed to. "This is important in order .to dispel many unhealthy speculations on the ground. Any further delay on the negotiation may not be quite conducive to the peaceful political situation, which Sarawak is now enjoying. "Whether we are in the State Barisan Nasional or not, our responsibility as a party does not stop. We must continue to ensure that everybody in the State is given a chance to contribute to the development of this country," the statement signed by its leader, Joseph Entulu said. The PBDS Youth also urged party members and supporters to work hard to strengthen the party at grassroots level, saying that this duty must be done regardless to what happened at the negotiating table. Apart from agreeing in principle to accept PBDS back, the BNS had not made any concrete decision to welcome the party, although its application was made more than two years four months ago. It would appear that it was "easier for a camel to enter the eye of a needle" than PBDS to enter BNS coalition to borrow a phrase from the Holy Bible. In order words, PBDS was being played out and at the mercy of the BNS component parties. The PBDS Youth's statement received a quick response from Adenan, who argued PBDS to wait patiently for its official readmission, saying that the terms and conditions, for the move must be worked out carefully to prevent discontented parties from planting independent candidates in the future. "I ask my friends in PBDS to be a little more patience as to the time of their entry into the Barisan. After all we have agreed in principle to their admission (on 24 Nov 1993), I know the members of PBDS are complaining

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN

about the delay. I admit it has been a long delay " he said. Refuting allegations that the delay of PBDS' returns was caused by pressures, Adenan said: "I think it is better to be slow and steady than to be hasty and hassle later on. In any event I never make decisions under pressure. once t /he l>°pe that there would be no more bickering th/ ® Understanding (MoU) between PBDS and th! three BN component parties had been signed.

SNAP ABSENT FROM FINAL MEETING and nVn

meeting of the negotiating teams between PBDS

P^thes was arranged for the 6 April 1994, SNAP’s members (Tmggorn, Patau and Gani) of the team were absent. As a result LX T d *" “e was supposed to finalise

1 f/d T

wWch were contained in the Memorandum of

qmTd ‘’y >’°th parties. H, .■ reasons that its three representattves could not attend the meetmg due to "prior commitments ". Tinggom, Patau and Gani were said to have an-anged undisclosed appointments prior to receiving the nohce of meeting. H, ® "ext meeting to give ftem a si^icient time to make preparations to attend it. Although Adenan denied that that the SNAP's absence was a "boycott or a show of protest" aVlotZ' retum and' the allocation of Parliamentary and State seats. gave rather hazy explanations, saying that he received the notice of meehng four days before the meeting. Due to prior engagement he

could not afford to miss or postpone it to a later date. Rather he chose to ..USS the BN3-PBDS meeting, which every Malaysian in the State was focussmg his attention to. Patau was said to be committed in his constituency in Bau that mommg. However, he was seen the same morning attending the official openmg of a semmar by the Chief Minister at a hotel in Kuching The reason given for Tmggom’s absence was that he was not in the toi™ He had not personally explained the reason for his absence. Utely there seemed to be two camps in SNAP - one camp headed by

229

The Broken Shield • The Birth OfDayakism Wong was deadly against PBDS' readmission and the other group headed by William Mawan had no objection against the readmission of the party. Mawan, Peter Nyarok, Geman Itam and Edward Jeli preferred PBDS to be in the State Barisan so that it would not pose any threat to their positions in the future. They knew that if PBDS still remained as an opposition, it was still a force to be reckoned with particularly in Ibandominated areas. They also knew that many voters were not happy with their elected representatives' performances. SNAP's defeated candidates had every reason to object to PBDS' return to the State Barisan Nasional because they still wanted to contest in the coming election in the constituencies they lost to PBDS. Other leaders used PBDS' readmission as a bargaining tool to make demands. Another reason was SNAP's fear that its role might be displaced by PBDS in the State government and its number three^position might be relegated to the number four. As both SNAP and PBDS were multi-racial, Dayaks and non-Dayaks had an alternative to choose from. If PBDS were to be in the government, it might be able to win more members particularly the Chinese to join the party, who found the party having better prospects in the future. a The other thing that SNAP was unhappy about was that all along it had been helping the BNS to win the elections, but found itself in the end of the game, as it was done in the football, being replaced by an outsider who was not even a member of the team. Meanwhile, Patau’s "resignation" from SNAP's negotiating team added to the whole drama. Known to be anti-PBDS, Patau submitted a letter of resignation to James Wong, quoting the scheduled date (28 April) as the date that was most inconvenient to him as it clashed with the Parliamentary session. It left him with no alternative, but to resign from the team. However, SNAP rejected the "resignation" letter. Adenan postponed the meeting twice, first to 9 May and then to 16 May following Patau's complaint. Partly the postponement was also to allow ample time to the drafting of the memorandum of xmderstanding, which spelt out terms and conditions on PBDS' readmission. What made the drafting of the memorandum easier was that PBDS had agreed to abide by the BN principle not to claim, as of right, seats, be it Parliamentary or State, which were won by independent candidates, although the party expected to be considered first, Adenan said.

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN 2Vith the issues resolved, the final draft of the memorandum on the re-entry js agreed to. In principle, PBDS is now a member of the State Barisan, Adenan added after chairing the fourth and final meeting of the negotiahng teams. ® The memorandum would have to be endorsed by the Supreme Councils of the respective parties and signed by their leaders Meanwhile Masing in a statement issued one day later clarified that un er the memorandum of understanding neither PBDS nor any of the component parties within the coaliHon could claim, as of right, any Parliamentary seats won by independent candidates. The national BN chairman, Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir and the State BN chairman. Tan Sn Abdul Taib Mahmud, would decide the allocation ot Parliamentary seats. PRn.Z®'?? “y fo” Parliamentary seats won by for, BN H --^‘her, it is leaving the decision to the top BN leaders which of the BN party should have them aim on the mdependent Parliamentary seats, this also applies to the Serian Xt t independent . ticket, he said and added that as far as PBDS was concerned, the Serian seat was also covered under the MoU draft ooliK^ hrd^P" candidate could not bring the seat he won to any

Wh h biasing said, when referring to Riot who had resigned from PBDS and had defected to SUPR

PBDS OFFICIALLY REJOINS STATE BN 1904 °™'=IALLY rejoined the State Barisan Nasional on 31 May 1994, after waiting patiently for two years and nine months for its

opposition in theState since lYidrcn lyo/. n 3u'' announcement at the State Banquet to celebrate Gawai Dayak Festival, fulfilling his promise to give the Dayak community a Gawai dlXuer •* --“"S "Welcome back, PBDS” the Chief Minister declared to the wide brir'71-*® ^""°™“ment that was also televised and broadcast alive over RTM on PBDS' readmission was expected after the

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The Broken Shield-The Birth OfDayakism

BN component parties and PBDS completed the signing of the memorandum of understanding on the eve of the Gawai Dayak. Naturally PBDS was happy that it had been readmitted into the State Barisan Nasional, heralding a new era in politics. "It is an era where politics and politicking no loflger take the central stage. It is an era to us where the number one concern of every political leader in Sarawak should be the people themselves. PBDS will from this day onward work with anyone to ensure the political stability we have achieved so far in the spirit of give and take shall prevail," Masing said. Following the readmission, PBDS leaders made courtesy calls on BN leaders both at the Federal and at the State levels. First the leaders led by Moggie called on the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir, the deputy Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, MCA president, Datuk Seri Dr. Ling Liong Sik, MIC president, Datuk Seri Samy Vellu, Gerakan president, Datuk Seri Dr. Lim Keng Yaik, the Defence Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak and Selangor Menteri Besar, Tan Sri Haji Muhamad bin Taib. In Kuching, the PBDS leaders called on the Chief Minister, Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud to reiterate the party's support for his concept of large-scale estate type of land development. Also present were other BN leaders from SUPP, SNAP and PBB. Moggie told newsmen that they made the courtesy call at the first opportunity since the party's re-entry to reassure the Chief Minister what they had assured him before of their commitment to support his leadership and work with other component parties of the State Barisan Nasional. At the Federal level, PBDS leaders's visit was aimed at having direct dialogues with the Prime Minister and other national leaders on the current problems and issues particularly on how the Dayak community could be initiated into the mainstreams at all levels of development with emphasis on Dayaks' participation in economic activities at the national level. As expected, Masing was appointed an assistant minister in the State cabinet nearly seven months after the party had been admitted into the fold of the State Barisan. In announcing the appointment after a cabinet meeting on 26 January 1995, Taib said that Masing had been assigned to the Ministry of Tourism. Although PBDS did not impose any condition for their members to be appointed either as minister or assistant minister when they were applied to rejoin the BN, Taib said that he decided to

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Chapter 7: PBDS Rejoins State BN appoint one of them to jointly govern the State. Bom on 5 March 1949, Masing, a vice-president of PBDS, was seen as a rising star in the party. He was even tipped to be the person likely to take over the leadership of the party. Entering politics in 1983 when he stood on a PBDS ticket for the Baleh constituency, Masing had retained the seat in the 1987 and 1991 elections, each time with increased majorities. On his return after graduating with a PhD in Anthropology in 1981 in Australia, he was attached to the Sarawak Electricity Supply Corporation (SESCO) as a senior research officer until he resigned to contest in the 1983 elections. From 1988 to 1989 he was appointed as a political secretary to the Mimstry of Energy, Telecommunications and Post and from 1989 to 1991 to the Ministry of Works. For his outstanding achievement in pursuit of higher education and the first Iban to obtain a PhD, he was given the Guinness Stout Effort Award in 1982 and the Outstanding Young Malaysian award by Jaycees Malaysia in 1986. With the appointment of Masing as an assistant Minister of Tourism, the PBDS' return to the fold of the State Barisan Nasional was therefore complete. And only when PBDS had won the full confidence of the Chief Minister, that Masing was appointed a full-fledged minister. Joseph Entulu and Dublin Unting were appointed as assistant ministers. Two political secretary posts were given to PBDS. All these appointments were made after the 1996 State elections in a major cabinet reshuffle.

~End-

233

Appendices

PBDS SUPREME COUNCIL MEMBERS FOR 1997-2000

President Deputy President Vice President Vice President Vice President Vice President (Youth) Vice President (Women) Secretary General Treasurer General Publicity

YB Datuk Amar (Dr) Leo Moggie YBhg Datuk Daniel Tajem YB Dato Dr James Masing YB Dato' Sng Chee Hua En Wilfred Rata Nissom YB Joseph Entulu Belaun Cr. Pn Agnes Lia Lugom YB Dublin Unting ak Ingkot YB Joseph Salang Gandum En. Baru Bian

Supreme Council Members YB Jawah Gerang YB Joseph Mauh ak Ikeh YB Billy Abit Joo YB Mong Dagang YB Stanley AJang YB John Sikie ak Tayai YB Jimmy Donald YB Gabriel Adit Demong YBhg. Datuk Edmund Langgu Datuk Dr Jawie Masing Cr. John Jeffery Sirabung

En. Majang Renggie En. Frank Apau En. TR Petrus Ngelai En. Julius Nohib ak Ringgot @ Julius Linggod En. Sim Lai Ann En. Robert Resli ak Tawi En. Assan ak Ngang En. Patrick Sibat ak Sujang Pn. Doris Sophia Brodie En. Ngu Piew Seng

234

Appendices

PBDS MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT AND STATE ASSEMBLY

YB Datuk Amar (Dr) Leo Moggie ak Irok

YB Date Dr James Jemut Mastng

MBA President Member of Parliament for Pl 83 Kanowil Minister of Energy, Telecommunications and Multimedia Malaysia

Ph.D. Anthropology, ANU, Australia Vice President ADUN for N50 Balleh Minister of Tourism, Sarawak

YB Dublin Unting Ingkot Diploma in Public Administration Secretary General ADUN for N25 Batang Ai Asst. Minister of Tourism & Culture, Sarawak

YB Joseph Salang Gandum BA (USA) MBA (Iran) Treasurer General MP for P182Julau

YB Joseph Entulu ak Belaun i MBA (Accounting/Finance) Kentucky USA Youth Leader/Vice President ADUN for N46Tamin Asst. Minister for Youth & Sports, Sarawak

YB Dato* Sng Chee Hua Corporate Figure Kentucky Vice President ADUN for N48 Pelagus

YB Jawah Gerang

YB Billy Abit Joo

BBA Supreme Council Member MP for P177 Lubok Antu

BA, Dip, Ed. (Malaya) Supreme Council Member MP for P189 Hulu Rejang

235

Appendices

PBDS MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT AND STATE ASSEMBLY

YB Joseph Mauh ak Ikeh

YB Jimmy Donald

Former School Headmaster Supreme Council Member MP for Pl 87 Selangau

BA, Dip. Ed. (Malaya) Supreme Council Member MP for P176 Sri Aman

YB John Sikie ak Tayai Former School Headmaster Supreme Council Member ADUN for N47 Kakus

YB Gabriel Adit ak Demong BA(Econ) Canada Supreme Council Member ADUN for N37 Ngemah

YB Mong Dagang

YB Stanley Ajang Batok

MBA (IT • LSU) Texas Supreme Council Member ADUN for N22 Bukit Begunan

BSc (Malaya) Supreme Council Member ADUN for N51 Belaga

POLITICAL SECRETARIES (Federal & State)

YBhg. Wilfred Rata Nissom PPB, PBS

YBhg. Joseph Kudi (Federal)

YBhg. VWlson Vgak Kumbong Youth Vice Leader (State)

BA(Cantab) BA Hons(Vic-NZ) Dip. Ed (CH. CH. NZ) Vice President (State)

236

List OfReferences

LIST OF REFERENCES Books /Working Papers Bruce Ross-Larson (1976), The Politics ofFederalism. Singapore: Time Printers

Jayum A. Jawan, Dr. (1998), Leadership and Development: Identififing and Setting Prioritiesfor the Iban in the 21“ Century. Serdang, Selangor. Jayum A. Jawan, Dr., Political Representation and Participation: A General

Survey ofthe Sarawak State Constituencies with Special Reference to the Iban. John Brian Anthony, Dr., Challenges Facing the Dayaks in the 21“ Century. Paper presented at the Dayak 21*' Century Seminar and Workshop, organised in Bintulu, Sarawak on 8 September 2007.

Madeline Berma, Dr., Poverty and Equity Issues: The Dayak Experience. Paper presented at the Workshop on Third Outline Perspective Plan and S'** Malaysia Plan, organised in Kuala Lumpur by Institute For Indigeneous Economic Progress (Sabah) and Saraw^ Dayak Graduates Association (SDGA) on 3-4 April 2002. Madeline Berma, Dr., Toward National Vision Policy: Review ofNEP and NDP Among the Bumiputera Communities in Sarawak. Paper presented at the Seminar on the Bumiputera Policy: Dynamics and Dilemma, organised by Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang on 23-25 September 2003. Michael B. Leigh (1974), The Rising Moon: Political Orange in Sarawak. Sydney: Sydney University Press.

Peter Seale, Dr. (1983), Politics in Sarawak 1970-1976 - The Iban Perspective. Singapore: Oxford University Press. Richard Leete, Dr., The Paradox of Poverty Studies. Paper presented at the UNDP Seminar in Kuala Lumpur on December 2004. Newspapers / Magazines 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Berita PBDS (PBDS Newsletter) Merdeka (UMNO Newsletter) The Asiaweek The Borneo Bulletin The Borneo Post The Borneo Sun The Far Eastern Economic Review The Malaysian Today

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The New Straits Times The People's Mirror The Sarawak Tribune The Sarawakian Digest (SNAP newsletter) 13. The Star 14. The Sun 15. The Vanguard 9. 10. 11. 12.

List OfAbbreviations

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BARJASA BN CEC

cwc DAP DBNA IGC ISA MCA MDC MIC MSCC NCR PAN AS PBB PBDS PERMAS PESAKA PPSR PRS SADIA SCA SDNU SNAP SPDP SUPP TDC TGA TGM UMNO

Barisan Rakyat Jati Sarawak Barisan Nasional Central Executive Committee Central Working Committee Democratic Action Party Dayak Bidayuh National Association Inter-Governmental Committee Internal Security Act Malaysian Chinese Association Malaysian Dayak Congress Malaysian Indian Congress Malaysia Solidarity Consultative Committee Native Customary Rights Parti Negara Sarawak Parti Pesaka Bumiputera Bersatu Parti Bansa Dayak Sarawak Persatuan Rakyat Malaysia Sarawak Parti Pesaka Anak Sarawak Preservation of Public Security Regulations Parti Rakyat Sarawak Sarawak Dayak Iban Association Sarawak Chinese Association Sarawak Dayak National Union Sarawak National Party Sarawak Progressive Democatic Party Sarawak United People’s Party Triennial Delegates Conference Triennial General Assembly Triennial General Meeting United Malays National Organisation

238