The Broadview Anthology of American Literature 9781554595495, 9781554814640

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THE BROADVIEW ANTHOLOGY OF AMERICAN LITERATURE

The Broadview Anthology ofAmerican Literature ed. Derrick R. Spires, Rachel Greenwald Smith, Christina Roberts, Joseph Rezek, Justine S. Murison, Laura L. :Mielke, Christopher Looby, Rodrigo Lazo, Alisha Knight, Hsuan L. Hsu, Michael fa·erton, Christine Bold

Katie Walkiewicz LTEN 25: Introduction to Literature of the U .S., Beginning to 1865 University of California, San Diego 978-1-55459-549-5

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CIVILIZATIONS IN CONTACT ..................................................................................................................... 1 ANNE BRADSTREET................................................................................................................................... 17 MARY ROWLANDSON ................................................................................................................................ 25 COTTON MATHER ..................................................................................................................................... 47 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ································································································································54 SAMSON OCCOM ....................................................................................................................................... 84 THOMAS JEFFERSON .................................................................................................................................. 92 OLAUDAH EQUIANO OR GUSTAVUS

VASSA .............................................................................................. 99

PHILLIS WHEATLEY .................................................................................................................................. 131 WILLIAM APESS ........................................................................................................................................ 143 EXPANSION, NATIVE AMERICAN EXPULSION, AND "MANIFEST DESTINY" ............................................. 150 ELIAS BOUDINOT/GALLEGINA •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 155

LYDlA MARIA CHILD ................................................................................................................................ 166 SOJOURNER TRUTH··································································································································· 172 D AYID WALKER ........................................................................................................................................ 179 FREDERICK DOUGLASS ............................................................................................................................. 190 HARRIET J ACOBS ....................................................................................................................................... 231 H ENRY DAVID THOREAU .......................................................................................................................... 265 JOHN .R OLLIN RIDGEIYELLO\V BJRD .. ....................................................................................................... 282 JANE JOHNSTON SCHOOLCRAFTIBAMEWAWAGEZHIKAQUAY .................................................................. 303 FRANCES ELLEN WATKINS H ARPER ......................................................................................................... 311 EMILY DICKINSON .................................................................................................................................... 316 WALTWHITMAN ....................................................................................................................................... 329

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The Broadview Anthology of American Literature / edited by Derrick R. Spires, Rachel Greenwald Smith, Christina Roberts. Joseph Rezek, Justine S. Murison, Laura L. Mielke, Christopher Looby, Rodrigo Lazo, Alisha Knight, Hsuan L. Hsu, Michael Everton, Christine Bold ISBN 978-1-55481-464-0 978- 1-55481 -465-7 Broadview Press is an independent, international publishing house, incorporated in 1985. We welcome comments and suggestions regarding any aspect of our publications-please feel free to contact us at the addresses below or at [email protected].

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CIVILIZATIONS IN CONTACT

The Caribbean Christopher Columbus never recanted his claim chat the Caribbean islands he reached in his worldchanging 1492 expedition were on the ease coast of Asia. Like the early explorers and colonises who came after him, he interpreted the unfamiliar places and people he encountered in terms familiar ro him. He had set out from Portugal believing Japan was less than 3,000 miles away (a quarter of the actual distance) and with expectations of what he would find there that had been shaped by his reading. From the writings of Marco Polo, who had visited Asia in the late thirteenth century, he expected to find the prosperous kingdom of a Great Khan, abundant with spices and gold. In 7he Travels ofSir John Mandeville (mid-fourteenth century), a widely read travel narrative that merged fact with fantastical fiction, he read of Southeast Asian islands populated by "folk of diverse shape and marvelously disfigured"-one-eyed giants, headless people with eyes in rheir shoulders, and people with enormous lips or ears. Bur the Travels also described places of great wealth and magnificence, including a Christian empire in India and an "isle, great and good and plenteous" where the people are unfamiliar with Chrisrianiry bur are "full of all virtue, and they eschew all ... sins." Echoes of the monsters and riches Columbus had read about appear in his accounts of his own travels, including in his personal journal and in his public letter describing his first voyage, both of which are represented in translation below. The letter was published in numerous editions in rhe 1490s, and its purpose was largely co maintain public support for Columbus's operations, which were financed wirh the help of the Spanish queen, Isabella I of Castile. Thus, it reflects the religious and economic goals that Columbus and rhe monarchy shared. Columbus was invested in rhe possibiliry of bringing Catholicism co new peoples, a missionary project he appears to have personally believed in and that provided what was seen as an honorable purpose for his voyages and secrlemenr attempts. Profit was another key motive for his exploration and colonization-a motive char would sometimes complement and sometimes contradict the goal of religious conversion. Belief in the importance of conversion provided justification for Spanish control of the Indigenous people whose labor colonization relied upon, but it also made the exploitation of rhe Tafno controversial, since many Spanish people, including Isabella I, thought ir immoral co enslave chose they had converted co Catholicism. With some exceptions, rhe Tafno and ocher Indigenous groups rhe European crew encountered on the first voyage received chem peacefully, though Columbus frequendy cook Indigenous prisoners. When he departed the island now known as Haiti and the Dominican Republic, he left a fortified encampment occupied by a small number of crew members who were all killed before his return. When Columbus undertook his second voyage in 1494, he returned to the island with a much larger number of senlers, many of whom were prisoners released on the condition of their participation in rhe colonizing project. He established the colony of Hispaniola with rhe intention of extracting vast quantities of gold, but rhe island did not turn out to be the wellspring of gold and other expensive goods char he had expected. He attempted to increase the colony's profits by exploiting the Tafno people who lived there; clinging to his belief that the island concealed extraordinary gold deposits, he required everyTafno person over 14 co produce a nearly unachievable quota ofgold and imposed gruesome punishment on chose who refused or failed co comply. Colonists also enslaved Tafno and other Indigenous people co sell in Spain, and many settlers raped or undertook at best dubiously consensual relationships with Indigenous women. In a letter excerpted below, the Italian aristocrat Michele de Cuneo, a friend of Columbus who participated in the second voyage,

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52

CrvrLIZATio~s 1~ Co~TACT

offers a chillingly marcer-of-facc account of sexual violence and enslavement perpetrated by the colonises. Conditions for the Tai no worsened in 1499, when Columbus returned co Hispaniola on a third voyage to find the seeders in rebellion against him, forcing him to implement a system whereby control over the land and people was parcelled ouc co individual secclers. This was soon codified into the encomienda system, according co which the Indigenous laborers were nominally free and said co receive the benefits of civilization and Christianity as recompense for their work. Bue in reality, the system was tantamount co slavery. Columbus himself-never as skilled a leader as he was a sailorwas soon ousted from power alcogether and sent back co Spain co face criminal charges. He regained enough status co make one more voyage across the Atlantic, but he was forbidden to return co Hispaniola and instead focused his exploration on the Central American mainland. This expedition was plagued by shipwreck and mutiny, and Columbus spent more than a year stranded on Jamaica before he was finally rescued. His health compromised by the experience, he returned to Spain, where he died two years later. He had explored a remarkable amount of territory, encompassing much of the Caribbean and portions of the South and Central American coast, and he had amassed a great deal of personal wealth, buc he continued co resent his loss of authority in Hispaniola. Another participant in the early settlement of Hispaniola was Bartolome de las Casas, a Spanish merchant's son who first came co the colony in 1502 and crossed the Atlantic many times in the following decades. Initially a participant in the conquest of the Caribbean and a plantation operator under the encomienda system, and also ed ucated as a priest, Las Casas came to believe chac the violent and exploitative way che Spanish rreaced Indigenous people in the colonies was profoundly sinful. He gave up his own encomienda and cook up a can1paign against the oppression he had witnessed and participated in. Las Casas remained focused on chis cause for the rest of his life, and in numerous writings and speeches he attempted to convince both colonises and Spanish authorities of the injustice of their behavior coward Indigenous populations. His views intensified as his career progressed: once a proponent of the enslavement of Africans (who were more resistant to European diseases) as a replacement for Indigenous enslavement, he came co oppose slavery altogether, and co advocate not just freedom from slavery bur also limited self-governance for colonized Indigenous societies. Las Casas had some impact on the policies of the Church and of the Spanish srace. He joined che Dominican order and cook up a leadership role in missionary efforts in che colonies, serving for a time as bishop in the Mexican colony of Chiapas. l"he pressure he placed on the government contributed ro some attempts at political change, the most significant of which was the passage of the New Laws of the Indies (1542). These laws were intended co free most Indigenous people from enslavement and would have substantially reformed settler-Indigenous relations in ocher important ways, buc rhe reaction co chem in che colonies was so forceful chat the laws were soon partially repealed. Seeking a wider audience for his appeals, Las Casas published che arguments and cesrimony he had given in support of the New Laws as A Short Account ofthe Destruction ofthe Indies in 1552. Presented as an account of Las Casas's personal experience, che book is also a persuasive document intended not only co evoke che extent of the atrocities commirced by colonises buc also co convince readers of che humanity of the Indigenous viccims. For Spanish auchoricies, it was at chis time an open question whether Indigenous people should be considered worthy of the rights accorded co ocher peoples. In 1550 Las Casas had, ac the request of the monarchy, formally debated the theologian Juan Gines de Sepulveda, who argued char Indigenous people were naturally suited co enslavement, describing them as ~homtmculi in whom hardly a ,·escige of humanity remains.~ As Las Casas hoped. Destruction ofthe l11dm was widely read both in Spain and, in cranslarion, in ocher European countries. le was boch influential and controversial. Some considered Las Casas a heretic or a craicor-and, indeed. his forceful condemnation of Spanish actions in che colonies would long be used by Spain's Procescanc enemies as fodder for rhe ~Black legend," a distorted narrati,·e thac exaggerated the evils commirced by the Spanish Empire while downplaying chose of Procescanc colonizing nations. Bue Las Casas also found an audience sympathetic co his aims, and

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THE CARIBBEAN

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his work is considered an important contribution to the development of rhe philosophy of universal human rights. The following section begins with excerpts from Columbus's diary of his first voyage to North America, a document chat bears the mark both of Columbus and of Las Casas. While the full, original text of the diary has not survived, a substantial portion of the record is preserved in an abridged copy made by Las Casas, probably several decades after Columbus's death. Las Casas intersperses passages quoted directly from rhe diary wirh his own summaries of omitted portions, and scholars continue ro debate rhe extent ro which his objecriviry as an editor might have been compromised by his own strong views. In rhc passages included below, direct quotations from Columbus appear in quotation marks.

3€3€3€

from Christopher Columbus with Bartolome de las Casas, Journal of the First Voyage to

America1 Friday, 12ch of October he vessels were hove co,2- waiting for daylight; and on Friday they arrived ar a small island of che Lucayos,3 called, in the language of che Indians, Guanahani.4 Presently they saw naked people. The Admiral5 went on shore in rhe armed boat, and Matin Alonso Pinzon, and Vicente Yanez, his brother, who was captain of che Nifza. The Admiral cook che royal standard,6 and che captain went wich two banners of the green cross, which rhe Admiral cook in all the ships as a sign, with an F and a Y7 and a crown over each lercer, one on one side of che cross and the ocher on the other. Having landed, chey saw trees very green, and

T

1

Translared by Clemenrs R. Markham, 1893.

2

hove ro

I.e., sropped.

3 lucayos Spanish name for rhe Taino people who inhabited rhe islands. 4

G11a11aha11i The island renamed San Salvador by Columbus.

5 Admiral Columbus, given rhe title of Admiral of the Ocean Sea in recognition of his 1492 exploration. 6 sra11d,1rd Flag. 7 an F and a Y Signifying King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile, the Carholic monarchs ofSpain. The flag described here, featuring a green cross and the monarchs' inirials, represented Columbus's fleer.

much water, and fruits of diverse kinds. The Admiral called co rhe two captains, and to the ochers who leaped on shore, and co Rodrigo Escovedo, secretary of the whole fleet, and co Rodrigo Sanchez of Segovia, and said char chey should bear faichful testimony chat he, in presence of all, had taken, as he now cook, possession of the said island for rhe King and for the Queen his Lords, making the declarations chat are required, as is now largely set forth in the testimonies which were then made in writing. Presendy many inhabitants of che island assembled. What follows is in che actual words of the Admiral in his book of che first navigation and discovery of the Indies. "I," he says, "chat we might form great friendship, for I knew that chey were a people who could be more easily freed and convened to our holy faith by love chan by force, gave to some of chem red caps, and glass beads to put round their necks, and many orher things of lirde value, which gave chem great pleasure, and made chem so much our friends char ir was a marvel to see. They afterwards came co che ship's boars where we were, swimming and bringing us parrots, coccon threads in skeins, dares, and many other things; and we exchanged them for other things that we gave them, such as glass beads and small bells. In fine, 8 chey took all, and gave what they had with good will. It appeared co me ro be a race of people very poor in everything. They go as naked as when cheir mothers bore chem, and so do rhe women, although I did not see more than one young girl. All I saw were youths, none more

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8

In fine

In shorr.

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Crv:1uzATIONS IN CONTACT

dun t.\iny years of age. They are very well made, with ,--e,q handsome bodies, and very good countenances. 1 Their hair is shore and coarse, almost like the hairs of a horse's rail. They wear the hairs brought down to che e-yebrows, except a few locks behind, which they wear long and never cur. They paint themselves black, and cht1 are the color of the Canarians,2 neither black r white. Some paint themselves white, others red, and others of what color they find. Some paint their u~. ochers the whole body, some only round the eyes, others only on the nose. They neither carry nor know :mYChing of arms, for I showed them swords, and they rook them by rhe blade and cut themselves through -~norance. They have no iron, their darts being wands "- ·chour iron, some of them having a fish's tooth at the end, and others being pointed in various ways. They are al! of fair stature and size, with good faces, and "-di made. I saw some with marks of wounds on their bodies. and I made signs co ask what it was, and they ga'lie me co understand chat people from other adjacenc islands came with the intention of seizing chem, and that they defended themselves. I believed, and Still believe, that they come here from the mainland co cake them prisoners. They should be good servants and intelligent, for I observed char they quickly took in what was said to them, and I believe that they would easily be made Christians, as it appeared to me that rnc-y had no religion. I, our Lord being pleased, will cake hence, at the time of my departure, six natives for your Highness, that they may learn co speak. I saw no beast of any kind except parrots, on chis island." The abo\'e is in the words of the Admiral. Saturday, 13th of October ~... They brought skeins of cotton thread, parrots, dares, and ocher small things which it would be tedious co recount, and they give all in exchange for anything chat may be given to them. I was attentive, and cook trouble to ascertain if there was gold. I saw that some of them had a small piece fastened in a hole they have in the nose, and by signs I was able co make out char to che south, or going from the island to the south, there 1

co,mrm,mces Facial appearances.

!

Gznarians Canary Islanders. In 1492, Castile was in che lase few

was a king who had great cups full, and who possessed a great quanciry. I cried co gee chem to go there, bur afterwards I saw char they had no inclination. I resolved co wait until comorrow in the afternoon and then to depart, shaping a course to the S.W., for, according co what many of chem cold me, there was land co che S., co the S.W., and N.W., and chat che natives from che N.W. often came to attack them, and went on co che S.W. in search of gold and precious stones.... " Sunday, 14th of October "Ac dawn I ordered the ship's boat and the boars of che caravels3 co be got ready, and I went along the coast of the island and co the N.N.E., to see che ocher side, which was on the other side co the east, and also to see the villages. Presently l saw cwo or three, and the people all came to the shore, calling out and giving thanks to God. Some of them brought us water, others came with food, and when they saw chat I did nor want to land, they got into che sea, and came swimming co us. We underscood chat they asked us if we had come from heaven. One old man came into the boar, and others cried our, in loud voices, co all the men and women, to come and see the men who had come from heaven, and to bring chem co eat and drink. Many came, including women, each bringing something, giving thanks to God, throwing themselves on the ground and shouting co us co come on shore. Bur I was afraid to land, seeing an extensive reef of rocks which surrounded the island, \Vith deep water between it and the shore forming a port large enough for as many ships as there are in Christendom,4 bur with a very narrow encrance. Ir is true char within chis reef there are some sunken rocks, bur che sea has no more morion than rhe water in a well. In order co see all this I went chis morning, char I might be able to give a full account to your Highnesses, and also where a forcress might be escablished. I saw a piece of land which appeared like an island, although it is noc one, and on it there were six houses. le might be converted into an island in cwo days, though I do not see chat it would be necessary, for these people are very simple as regards the use of arms, as your Highnesses will see from the

of a decades-long campaign to conquer the Canary Islands, which the monarchy achieved complete control over in q96.

}=r!>

Page 4

3 carat•els Portuguese sailing ships designed for exploration. The Pintll and Niiia were chis rypc of ship. 4

Christendom

The entire Christian world.

THE CARIBBEAN

seven that I caused co be taken, co bring home and learn our language and return; unless your Highnesses should order chem all co be brought to Castile,' or co be kept as captives on the same island; for with fifty men chey can all be subjugated and made to do what is required of chem. Close co the above peninsula there are gardens of the most beautiful trees I ever saw, and \\ith leaves as green as those of Castile in the month of April and May, and much water. I examined all char port, and afterwards I returned to rhe ship and made sail. I saw so many islands that I hardly knew how co determine co which I should go first. Those natives I had with me said, by signs, chat there were so many that they could not be numbered, and they gave the names of more than a hundred. At lase I looked out for che largest, and resolve to shape a course for it, and so I did. Ir will be distant five leagues2 from chis of San Salvador, and the ochers some more, some less. All are very fiat, and all are inhabited. The natives make war on each ocher, although these are very simple-minded and handsomely-formed people." Tuesday, 27th of November ... The Admiral also says: "How great the benefit char is to be derived from chis country would be, I cannot say. le is certain that where there are such lands there must be an infinite number of things chat would be profitable. Bur I did nor remain long in one port, because I wished co see as much of the country as possible, in order to make a report upon it co your Highnesses; and besides, I do not know the language, and these people neither understand me nor any other in my company; while the Indians I have on board often misunderstand. Moreover, I have not been able to see much of the natives, because they often cake to flight. Bue now, if our Lord pleases, I will see as much as possible, and will proceed by little and lirde, learning and comprehending; and I will make some of my followers learn the language. For I have perceived chat there is only one language up to chis point. After they understand the advantages, I shall labor to make all these people Christians. They will become so readily, because they have no religion nor idolatry, and your 1

Castile

55

Highnesses will send orders co build a city and fortress, and co convert the people. I assure your Highnesses that it does not appear to me that there can be a more fertile country nor a better climate under the sun, wich abundant supplies of water. This is not like the rivers of Guinea, which are all pestilential. I thank our Lord that, up to chis rime, there has not been a person of my company who has had so much as a headache, or been in bed from illness, except an old man who has suffered from the stone3 all his life, and he was well again in two days. I speak of all three vessels. If ic will please God chat your Highnesses should send learned men out here, chey will see the truth of all I have said. I have related already how good a place Rio de Mares4 would be for a town and fortress, and this is perfectly true; but it bears no comparison with chis place, nor with the Mar de Nuestra Sefi.ora. 5 For here there must be a large population, and very valuable productions, which I hope to discover before I return to Castile. I say chat if Christendom will find profit among these people, how much more will Spain, to whom the whole country should be subject. Your Highnesses ought nor to consent char any stranger should trade here, or put his foot in the country, except Catholic Christians, for chis was the beginning and end of the undertaking; namely, the increase and glory of the Christian religion, and chat no one should come to these pans who was not a good Christian." ... Sunday, 16th of December At midnight the Admiral made sail with the landbreeze co gee dear of that gul£ 6 Passing along rhe coast of Espanola on a bowline,? for the wind had veered to che ease, he mer a canoe in rhe middle of the gulf, with a single Indian in it. The Admiral was surprised how he could have kept afloat with such a gale blowing. Both

Kingdom in Spain at the time of writing.

2

leagues One league is approximarely rhree miles, and rhree naurical miles ar sea.

Page 5

3

the srone

Kidney srones.

4

Rio de Mares Name Columbus gave to the area surrounding a bay he encountered while exploring Cuba. 5 A1ar de Nuestm Seiiom Name Columbus gave ro a region of numerous mountainous islands. 6 made sail ... that gulf Due co unfavorable winds, Columbus

had struggled ro depart from his anchorage near what is now Porcde-Paix, Haiti. 7 on a bowline With the sails ried so as co move the boat close to the opposite direction of the wind.

56

CIVILIZATIONS IN CONTACT

the Indian and his canoe were taken on board, and he was given glass beads, bells, and brass trinkets, and taken in the ship, until she was off a village 17 miles from the former anchorage, where the Admiral came to again. The village appeared co have been lately built, for all the houses were new. The Indian then went on shore in his canoe, bringing the news that the Admiral and his companions were good people; although the intelligence had already been conveyed to the village[.] ... Presently more than five hundred natives with their king came to the shore opposite the ships, which were anchored very close to the land. Presencly one by one, then many by many, came to the ship without bringing anything with chem, except that some had a few grains of very fine gold in their ears and noses, which they readily gave away. The Admiral ordered chem aJI to be well treated; and he says: "for they are the best people in the world, and the gentlest; and above all I entertain che hope in our Lord that your Highnesses will make them all Christians, and that they will be all your subjects, for as yours I hold chem." He also saw that they all created the king with respect, who was on the seashore. The Admiral sent him a present, which he received in great state. He was a youth of about 21 years of age, and he had with him an aged tutor, and ocher councillors who advised and answered him, but he uttered very few words. One of the Indians who had come in the Admiral's ship spoke to him, celling him how the Christians had come from Heaven, and how they came in search of gold, and wished to find the island of Baneque.' He said that it was well, and rhac there was much gold in the said island. He explained to che alguazil 2 of the Admiral chat che way they were going was the right way, and char in two days they would be there; adding, that if they wanted anything from the shore he would give ic them with great pleasure. This king, and all the others, go naked as cheir mothers bore chem. as do the women without any covering, and these were the most beautiful men and women chat had yet been mer with. They are fairly white. and if they \\ere clothed and protected from the sun and air. they would be almost as fair as people in Spain. This land is cool. and the best char words

can describe. Ir is very high, yet the top of the highest mountain could be ploughed wich bullocks;3 and all is diversified with plains and valleys. In all Castile there is no land char can be compared with this for beauty and fertility. All chis island, as well as the island ofTorcuga, is cultivated like the plain of Cordova. They raise on these lands crops of yams, which are small branches, at che foot of which grow roots like carrots, which serve as bread. They powder and knead chem, and make them into bread; then they plane the same branch in another pare, which again sends out four or five of the same roots, which are very nutritious, with the caste of chestnuts. Here they have rhe largest the Admiral had seen in any part of the world, for he says that they have che same plane in Guinea. At this place they were as chick as a man's leg. All the people were stout and lusty, not chin, like the natives that had been seen before, and of a very pleasant manner, without religious belief. The trees were so luxurianr chat the leaves left off being green, and were dark coloured with verdure. It was a wonderful thing to see chose valleys, and rivers of sweet water, and che culcivaced fields, and land fie for cattle, though they have none, for orchards, and for anything in the world that a man could seek for. In the afternoon the king came on board the ship, where the Admiral received him in due form, and caused him to be cold chat the ships belonged to the Sovereigns of Castile, who were the greatest princes in the world. Bue neither che Indians who were on board, who acted as interpreters, nor the king, believed a word of it. They maintained that the Spaniards came from Heaven, and chat the Sovereigns of Castile must be in Heaven, and nor in rhis world. They placed Spanish food before che king co eat, and he ace a mouchful, and gave the rest co his councillors and tutor, and to the rest who came with him. "Your Highnesses may believe that these lands are so good and fertile, especially these of the island of Espanola, 4 that there is no one who would know how to describe chem, and no one who could believe if he had not seen them. And your Highnesses may believe char this island. and all che others, are as much yours as Castile. Here there is only wanting a settlement and

1

Baneque lndigcnom people h2d cold the cxploru, chat a great deal of gold could be found on this hland. 2

alguazi/ :-..tember of a ship's crew ropon,ible for policing.

3

bu/l«ks Casu.m:d bull,.

4

&p.ii:a!a Hispaniola, now the location oi Haici and che

D, ,minion Republic.

Page 6

THE CARIBBEAN

che order co che people co do what is required. For I, wich che force I have under me, which is not large, could march over all these islands without opposition. I have seen only three sailors land, without wishing to do harm, and a multitude of Indians fled before chem. They have no arms, and are wichout warlike instincts; chey all go naked, and are so timid chat a chousand would not stand before chree of our men. So that chey are good co be ordered about, co work and sow, and do all chat may be necessary, and co build towns, and they should be caught co go about clothed and co adopt our customs." -WRJTIENI492-93

Christopher Columbus. Letter of Columbus

to Various Persons Describing the Results of His First Voyage and Written on the Return Journe/

S

ince I know that you will be pleased at the great success with which the Lord has crowned my voyage, I write to inform you how in thirty-three days I crossed from the Canary Islands co the Indies, with the fleet which our most illustrious sovereigns gave me. I found very many islands with large populations and cook possession of chem all for their Highnesses; this I did by proclamation and unfurled che royal standard.2 No opposition was offered. I named the first island chat I found "San Salvador," in honour of our Lord and Saviour who has granted me chis miracle. The Indians call it "Guanahani." The second island I named "Santa Maria de Conception," the third "Fernandina," the fourth "Isabela" and the fifth "Juana"; chus I renamed them all.3 When I reached Cuba, I followed its norch coast wesrwards, and found it so extensive chat I thought this must be the mainland, che province of Cathay.4 Since there were no towns or villages on the coast, but only 1 2

small groups of houses whose inhabitants fled as soon as we approached, I continued on my course, thinking that I should undoubtedly come co some great towns or cities. We continued for many leagues5 but found no change, except chat che coast was bearing me norchwards. This I wished co avoid, since winter was approaching and my plan was co journey south. As che wind was carrying me on I decided not co wait for a change of weather but co rum back co a remarkable harbor which I had observed. From here I sent two men inland to discover whecher chere was a king or any great cities. They travelled for chree days, finding only a large number of small villages and great numbers of people, but noching more substantial. Therefore they returned. I understood from some Indians whom I had captured elsewhere chat this was an island, and so I followed its coast for 107 leagues to its eastward point. From there I saw another eighteen leagues eastwards which I chen named "Hispaniola." I crossed co this island and followed its northern coast eastwards for 188 leagues continuously, as I had followed the coast of Cuba. All these islands are extremely fertile and chis one is particularly so. le has many large harbors finer chan any I know in Christian lands, and many large rivers. All this is marvelous. The land is high and has many ranges of hills, and mountains incomparably finer than Tenerife.6 All are most beautiful and various in shape, and all are accessible. They are covered with tall trees of different kinds which seem to reach the sky. I have heard that they never lose their leaves, which I can well believe, for I saw chem as green and lovely as they are in Spain in May; some were flowering, some bore fruit and ochers were at different stages according to their nature. It was November but everywhere I went the nightingale and many ocher birds were singing. There are palms of six or eight different kinds-a marvelous sight because of their great variety-and che ocher trees, fruit and planes are equally marvelous. There are splendid pine woods and broad fertile plains, and there is honey. There are many kinds of birds and

Translated by J.M. Cohen, 1969. standard

Flag.

3 The second ... them all These names reference Catholic saints, with the exception of islands named for King Ferdinand II of Aragon and Queen Isabella I of Castile, the Catholic monarchs of Spain, who supported Columbus's venture.

4

57

Cathay

China.

Page 7

5 leagues One league is approximately three miles, and chree nautical miles ac sea. 6 Tenerifo One of the Canary Islands, and the lase co be conquered by Castile; ics people surrendered ro the Castilian monarchy in 1496.

58

CIVILIZATIONS IN CONTACT

varieties of fruit. In the interior are mines and a very large population. Hispaniola is a wonder. The mountains and hills, the plains and meadow lands are both fertile and beautiful. They are most suitable for planting crops and for raising cattle of all kinds, and there are good sites for building towns and villages. The harbors are incredibly fine and there are many great rivers with broad channels and the majority contain gold. The trees, fruits and plants are very different from those of Cuba. In Hispaniola there are many spices and large mines of gold and ocher metals .... The inhabitants of chis island, and all che rest that I discovered or heard of, go naked, as their mothers bore them, men and women alike. A few of che women, however, cover a single place with a leaf of a plant or piece of cotton which they weave for the purpose. They have no iron or steel or arms and are not capable of using them, not because they are not strong and well built but because they are amazingly timid. All the weapons they have are canes cue at seeding time, at the end of which they fix a sharpened stick, but they have not the courage to make use of these, for very often when I have sent rwo or three men to a village to have conversation with chem a great number of them have come out. But as soon as they saw my men all fled immediately, a father not even waiting for his son. And chis is not because we have harmed any of chem; on the contrary, wherever I have gone and been able to have conversation with chem, I have given chem some of the various things I had, a cloth and ocher articles, and received nothing in exchange. Bue chey have still remained incurably timid. True, when they have been reassured and lost their fear, they are so ingenuous and so liberal with all their possessions that no one who has not seen chem would believe it. If one asks for anything they have they never say no. On the contrary, they offer a share to anyone with demonstrations of heartfelt affection, and they are immediately content with any small thing, valuable or valueless, chat is given chem. I forbade the men to give chem bits of broken crockery, fragments of glass or tags of laces, though if chey could get them they fancied chem the finest jewels in the world. One sailor was known to have received gold co the weight of two and a half casteUanos1 for che 1

tag of a breeches lace, and ocher received much more for things of even less value. For newly minted blancas2 they would give everything they possessed, even two or three cascellanos of gold or an arroba3 or cwo of spun cotton. They even took bits of broken hoops from the wine barrels and, as simple as animals, gave whac they had. This seemed co me co be wrong and I forbade it. I gave them a thousand pretty things chat I had brought, in order co gain their love and incline chem co become Christians. I hoped to win them co the love and service of their Highnesses and of the whole Spanish nation and co persuade them to collect and give us of the things which chey possessed in abundance and which we needed. They have no religion and are not idolaters; but all believe chat power and goodness dwell in the sky and they are firmly convinced char I have come from che sky wirh these ships and people. In chis belief they gave me a good reception everywhere, once they had overcome their fear; and chis is not because they are stupid-far from it, they are men of great intelligence, for they navigate all those seas, and give a marvelously good account of everything-but because they have never before seen men clothed or ships like these. As soon as I came co the Indies, ac the first island I discovered I seized some natives, intending chem to inquire and inform me about things in these parts. These men soon understood us, and we chem, either by speech or signs, and they were very useful to us. I still have chem with me, and despite all che conversation they have had with me they are still of the opinion chat I come from the sky and have been the first to proclaim this wherever I have gone. The others have gone running from house to house and to the neighboring villages shouting: "Come, come and see the people from the sky," so, once they were reassured about us, all have come, men and women alike, and not one, old or young, has remained behind. All have brought us something co eat and drink which they have given with a great show of love. In all che islands they have very many canoes like oared fusras. 4

msullanos Castilian gold coins.

2

blancns Castilian copper coins.

3 nrroba Unit measuring weight; the precise weight of an arroba varied by region, buc was in che range of two to three dozen pounds. 4 fimas Long, narrow ships with masc and sails, used by the Portuguese for expedition and cargo.

Page 8

THE CARIBBEAN

They are of various sizes, some as large as a fusca of eighteen benches. Bue they are not as broad, since they are hollowed out of a single tree. A fusta would not be able to keep up with them, however, for they are rowed at an incredible speed. In these they travel and transport their goods between the islands, which are innumerable. I have seen some of these canoes with eighty men in them, all rowing. In all these islands I saw no great difference in the looks of the people, their customs or their language. On the other hand, all understand one another, which will be of singular assistance in the work of their conversion to our holy faith, on which I hope your Highnesses will decide, since they arc very well disposed towards ic. I have already cold of my voyage of rn7 leagues in a straight line from west to east along the coast of Cuba, according to which I reckon that the island is larger than England and Scotland put together. One of these provinces is called Avan and there the people are born with tails, and these provinces cannot have a length of less than fifty or sixty leagues, according to the information I received from those Indians whom I have with me and who know all the islands. The ocher island, Hispaniola, is greater in circumference than the whole of Spain from Collioure to Fuenterabia1 in the Basque province, since I travelled along one side for 188 great leagues in a straight line from west to east. These islands are richer than I yet know or can say and I have taken possession of them in their Majesties' name and hold chem all on their behalf and as completely at their disposition as the Kingdom of Castile. In the island of Hispaniola I have taken possession of a large cown which is most conveniently situated for the goldfields and for communications with the mainland both here, and there in the territories of the Grand Khan,2 with which there will be very profitable trade. I have named chis town Villa de Navidad and have built a fort there. Its fortifications will by now be 1

Col/io11re . . . F~numbia Colliourc and Fuenterabia (now Hondarribia) are today ar opposite ends of the border berween France and Spain; Collioure is on rhe ease coasr, and Fuenterabia is on the west coast.

59

finished and I have left sufficient men to complete chem. They have arms, artillery and provisions for more than a year, and a fusca; also a skilled shipwright who can build more. I have established warm friendship with the king of that land, so much so, indeed, that he was proud to call me and treat me as a brother. But even should he change his attitude and attack the men of La Navidad, he and his people know nothing about arms and go naked, as I have already said; they are the most timorous people in che world. In fact, the men chat I have left there would be enough co destroy the whole land, and the island holds no dangers for chem so long as they maintain discipline. In all these islands the men are seemingly content with one woman, but their chief or king is allowed more than twenty. The women appear to work more than the men and I have not been able co find out if they have private property. As far as I could see whatever a man had was shared among all the rest and chis particularly applies co food. I have nor found the human monsters which many people expected. On the contrary, che whole population is very well made. They are not Negroes as in Guinea, and their hair is straight, for where they live the sun's rays do not strike coo harshly, but they are strong nevertheless, despite the fact chat Hispaniola is 20 co 21 degrees from the Equator.3 There are high mountains in these islands and it was very cold chis winter bur the natives are used to this and withstand the weather, thanks to their food, which they eat heavily seasoned with very hoc spices. Noc only have I found no monster but I have had no reports of any except the island called "Quaris," which is the second as you approach the Indies from the east, and which is inhabited by a people who are regarded in these islands as extremely fierce and who eat human flesh. They have many canoes in which they travel chroughouc the islands of the Indies, robbing and taking all they can. They are no more ill-shaped than any ocher natives of the Indies, though they are in the habit of wearing their hair long like women. They have

2

Grand Khan I.e., the Mongolian emperor. At rhe rime of writing, Columbus persisted in his belief that he had reached Asia.

Page 9

3 despite ... Equator Reference co longstanding European beliefs that the equatorial region was coo hoc co allow for human flourishing. Some who held these beliefs thought the region was entirely uninhabitable; ochers thought ic was populated by monstrous or weak and unhealthy races.

60

C1v 1uu no:,.;s 1:-; Co:-;TACT

bows and arrO\\S w;rh the same canes as the ochers, upped \\;ch ~plincers of wood, fo r the lack of iron whidi chey do nor possess. They behave most savagely to che ocher peopl~ but I take no more account of mem than the rest. le is these men who have relations " ·mthe women of ~latinino, where there are no men and which is rhc fi rsc island you come co on the way from -pain co the Indies. These women do not follow feminine occupacions but use cane bows and arrows like chose of che men and arm and protect themselves \\; th places of copper, of which chey have much. In another island, which I am told is larger than Hispaniola, the people have no hair. Here there is a vasr quanciry of gold, and from here and the other islands I bring Indians as evidence. In conclusion, co speak only of the resulcs of chis very hasry voyage, their Highnesses can see rhac I will give them as much gold as they require, if they will render me some very slight assistance; also I will give chem all the spices and cotton chey wane, and as for mascic,1 which has so far been found only in Greece and the island of Chios and which che Genoese auchoricies have sold ac their own price, I will bring back as large a cargo as their Highnesses may command. I will also bring them as much aloes as they ask and as many slaves, who will be taken from che idolarers. J believe also char I have found rhubarb and cinnamon and there will be councless ocher things in addicion, which che people I have left there wilJ discover. For I did not stay anywhere unless delayed by lack of wind excepc ac chc town of La Navidad, which I had to leave secure and well established. In face I should have done much more if che ships had been reasonably serviceable, but this is enough. Thus the eternal God, Our lord, grants to all chose who walk in his way victory over apparent impossibiliries, and chis voyage was pre-eminently a victory of this kind. For alchough chere was much talk and writing of chese lands, alJ was conjectural, wichouc ocular evidence. In face, those who accepted the sto ries judged rather by hearsay chan on any tangible information. So all Christendom \\ill be delighted that our Redeemer has given victory co our most illusuious King and Queen and their renowned kinfdom.s in rhis great

marcer. They should hold great celebrations and render solemn thanks to the Holy Triniry with many solemn prayers, for the great triumph which they will have, by che conversion of so many peoples co our holy faith and for che temporal benefits which will follow, for nor only Spain, but all Christendom will receive encouragement and profit. This is a brief account of the faces. Wriccen in che caravel 2 off che Canary Islands. 15 February 1493 Ac your orders The Admiral After this was written, when I was already in Spanish waters, I was struck by such a strong south-souch-wesc wind chat I was compelled to lighten ship,3 buc coday by a great miracle I made the port of Lisbon, from which I decided to write letters to cheir Highnesses. Throughout che Indies, I have always found weather like char of May; I went there in chirry-chree days and recurned in cwenry-eighc. I mer with no storms except chese which held me up for fourteen days, bearing abouc in these seas. The sailors here say chac chere has never been so bad a winter nor so many ships lose. Written on 4 March - 1493

2

car,11'~1 Ship.

3

!,ghrr.:

w21cr, a

as

::>age 10

·r :.c~ cruO\\ ~ and ocher heavv urnis inro ch. lighter ship can \\itrurand si:orm, v.-earMr more ~ -

CALIFORNIA

California Many Indigenous peoples of what seeders called California-an exceptionally linguistically and culturally diverse region-were aware of Europeans long before rhe Spanish made any serious anempt to colonize the area. Spain first claimed and began to explore Baja California (Lower California, a long peninsula char is now part of Mexico) in the 1530s, and Alea California (Upper California, a large area including the present state of California) in the 1540s, but it did not actually establish secdements in Baja California until the lace 1690s, or in Alea California until the mid-17oos. News of their colonization efforrs elsewhere, however, preceded the Spanish. In 1542, when the crew of Spanish explorer Juan Rodrfguez Cabrillo became the first Europeans co land on rhe Alea California coast, the Kumeyaay people who lived there were already wary of white explorers. Cabrillo wrote that his informants had heard reports from the interior of"men like us ... traveling about, bearded, clothed and armed ... killing many native Indians." Compared to Central America, known to be rich in resources, California did not appear to the Spanish government co be a profitable place co serde. Initially, it was primarily of interest co Spain for its position on rhe rrade route from the Philippines to Mexico; it rook months co cross the Pacific, and by the rime Spanish crews reached North America they were ofcen in desperate need of resr and fresh water. In 1602, the mercham Sebastian Vizcafno led an expedition north from Baja California, charring rhe coastline and seeking a sire for a Spanish outpost where ships could pause on their way from Asia coward Mexico. Vizcafno imposed many of the place names char are commonly used today-including that of Monterey Bay, the sire he proposed for settlement. Vizcaino's expedition is described in the excerpt below from A Brief Report of the Discovery in the South Sea (1620) by Fray Antonio de la Ascenci6n, a cosmographer and Carmelite priest who comributed co rhe journey in both religious and mapmaking capacities. In his BriefReport and other writings, Ascenci6n enthusiastically endorsed settlement-and proposed chat the Carmelire order rake a lead role in the conversion of Indigenous people. These recommendations were not followed, as the Spanish government decided instead to invest in a search for rumored islands in the central Pacific, closer to the midpoint of the trade route from Asia to Mexico. While Ascenci6n did not shape official policy as he intended, his work inAuenced many seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Spanish writers' perceptions of California. Indigenous life on rhe Alra California coast continued wirh relatively little direct interference from seeders unril a Spanish colonization effort began in the lace 1760s, prompted largely by fears char British, Dutch, or Russian colonists might infringe on Spanish claims co rhe region. In ocher pares of the Americas, the importance of religious conversion had receded somewhat in Spain's approach to colonization, with military and ocher secular institutions gaining in prominence. But Franciscan missionaries, led by the friar Junipero Serra and supported by soldiers, dominated the colonization of "New California." The seeders were vasrly outnumbered; as late as the 1780s there were a few hundred Spanish people and about 20,000 Indigenous people on the California coast. California's Franciscan missionaries, hoping to stamp out thoughts of rebellion, ofcen employed brutal whippings, brandings, and other corporal punishment co maintain rheir authority. Mission life, for rhe Indigenous neophytes (converts living in rhe mission) was structured by forced labor that some Euro-American accounts likened to enslavement; as the explorer Jean-Frani,ois de Laperouse wrote, "The men and women are collected by rhe sound of a bell; a missionary leads them to work, to the church, and to all their exercises." Missionaries interfered extensively in community and family life, requiring neophytes to live in gender segregated barracks our of a concern for Indigenous moraliry-while at rhe same rime Junipero Serra lamented his inability to stop his colonists from raping rhe converts. Neophytes died in large numbers due to overcrowding, malnurririon, and disease, while ochers Aed, and some mounted resistance movements. Despite rhis, rhe mission populations grew, as food shortages, political instability, and other external factors pushed

Page 11

123

124-

C1v1uzAno:--s 1:-- CoNTACT

more people co convert. By the time the California missions were d issolved in 1834, their operators had effectively enslaved about 90,000 people. A brief history of one mission's establishment, excerpted below, is offered in the writings of Pablo Tac, a Luiseno (Pay6mkawichum) scholar who was born in 1820 at Mission San Luis Rey de Francia, in his home cerricory of Quechla (near what is now San Diego). Tac studied first in Mexico Cicy, then in Rome at the Collegium Urbanum de Propaganda Fide (Urban College for the Propagation of the Faith), a cosmopolitan environment where students from across Europe, Asia, and America prepared for the priesthood cogether. At the Collegium, Tac developed his own approach co writing Luiseno, which had previously been solely an oral language, and he wrote a Luiseno grammar in Spanish and Larin. This language guide is interspersed with Spanish-language writings on Luiseno history and culture. Tac's work appears to give equal weight to pre-contact and Christianized Indigenous practices, with, for example, descriptions oflongstanding dance traditions appearing alongside Christian verses. The excessive brucaliry chat sometimes occurred in missions- and the resistance it was met with- is suggested in the excerpt below from an interview with Lorenzo Asisara, a man born in 1819 inco the Indigenous population of Mission Sama Cruz. Asisara served unpaid as a musician and a priests' assistant until the mission's dissolution and was working as a ranch hand when he was incerviewed in 1877 by the Cuban-born American historian Thomas Savage. Savage recorded Asisara's description of the mission under a succession of administrators, many of them kinder and more well-liked than Father Olbes, who features in the account below.

from Antonio de la Ascenci6 n, A Brief

Report of the Discovery in the South Sea1 IO

W

e went forward,2 making the exploration carefully and slowly, because head winds impeded it. Ocher ports and islands were discovered along the coast, and all along ir chere were many Indians, who signalled us with smoke columns and other signs; but, in order to reach Cape Mendocino,3 everything was left co be examined on our return. Finally, after much labor we reached the port of San Diego, which is very good and capacious and offers many very good advancages for Spanish settlement. Here the ships were cleaned and oiled again, the place being quiet, and there being many friendly and affable Indians there. They use bows and arrows and appear warlike and valiant, since, 1

Translated by Herbert Bolton, 1916.

notwithstanding they came to see us every day, they always created us with so great a d istrust chat they never had complete confidence in us. They pronounced so very well in our language what they heard us speak that anyone hearing chem and noc seeing them would say they were Spaniards. Every day chey would come in order chat we might give chem some of che fish we caught in the net, and they would go away quietly after they had helped co haul ic in. The harbor is large and secure, and has a large beach within, like an island of sand, which the sea covers ac high tide. I n che sand on this beach there is a great quantity of yellow pyrites, 4 all full of holes, a sure sign chat in the neighboring mountain and adjacent co chis pore there are gold mines; for che water, when it rains, brings it from the mountains, and che whole watershed converges here. On the sandy beach which I said was in chis harbor we found some large pieces, like adobe, brown or dark red in color, and very light in weight, like dried cowdung. They had neither a good nor a bad

2

\11/i, went forward Ar rhis point in rhe narrative, the expedition is traveling up the west coast of Baja California (a peninsula that is now part of Mexico, south of the state of California) toward San Diego.

3 Cape Mmdoci110 of California.

In what is now the northern part of the srate

4 pyrites Iron sulfide minerals also called ~fool's gold" for their gold color, and frequently found near real gold deposits.

Page 12

CALIFORNIA

odor, and they are said to be amber.' If this is so, there are great riches and an abundance of amber here. There are many different kinds of fish, of very good caste and flavor, such as ray, sea-horse, lobster, crab, guitarras,2 sardine, turtle, and many ocher kinds. There is much wild game for hunting and fowling; and there are many large, grassy pastures. The Indians paint themselves white, and black, and dark London blue.3 This color comes from certain very heavy blue scones, which they grind very fine, and, dissolving the powder in water, make a stain, with which they daub the face and make on it lines which glisten like silver ribbons. These stones seem to be of a rich silver ore, and the Indians told us by signs that from similar stones a people living inland, of form and figure like our Spaniards, bearded, and wearing collars and breeches, and other fine garments like ours, secured silver in abundance, and that they had a name for it in their own language. To ascertain whether these Indians knew silver, the general showed them some silver bowls and a place. They cook it in their hands and spun it around, and, pleased by the sound, said it was good, and was the same as chat possessed and valued highly by the people of whom they had told us. Then he put in their hands a pewter bowl, but when they struck it the sound did not please them and, spitting, they wanted to throw it into the sea. The people of whom the Indians told us might have been foreigners, Hollanders or English, who had made their voyage by the Strait of Anian and might be seeded on the ocher coast of chis land, facing the Mediterranean Sea of California.4 Since the realm is narrow, as has been said, it may be chat the other sea is near that place; for the Indians offered to guide and take us to the place where they say the people are settled. If this is so, it is probable they have large interests and profits there, since cheir voyage is so long 1 amber I.e., ambergris, a secretion produced by sperm whales that is valuable as an ingredient in perfume. 2

guitarras Guitarfish, a type of ray with a wide, pointed head and small wings.

3

lonMn blue

Shade of blue-black.

4 Mediu:rranean I.e., almost entirely surrounded by land; Strait of Anian . . . Sea of California Ascenci6n believed California m be an island bounded by the Strait of Anian to che north and che Mediterranean Sea of California co the ease.

125

and difficult. Still, it is true that by passing through the Strait of Anian and reaching their land by the latitude, their voyage is only half as long as chat from the port of San Juan de Ulua5 to Spain. This will be clearly seen from evidence furnished by the globe. In chis case, it will be to his Majesty's6 interest co endeavor to assure himself of the fact: first, in order to know the route, and secondly, in order to expel from there such dangerous enemies, lest they contaminate the Indians with their sects and liberty of conscience,? by which great harm co their souls will follow, whereby instructing them and leading them in the paths of che true law of God will be made very difficult. Besides chis, his Majesty will be able to secure many ocher advantages, as I shall show lacer. II

After we left the Port ofSan Diego we discovered many islands placed in a line, one behind another. Most of them were inhabited by many friendly Indians, who have trade and commerce with chose of the mainland. Ic may be chat they are vassals of a petty king who came with his son from che mainland in a canoe with eight oarsmen, co see us and co invite us to go to his land, saying that he would entertain us and provide us with anything which we needed and he possessed. He said chat he came co see us on account of what the inhabitants of these islands had reported to him. There are many people in this land, so many that the petty king, seeing chat there were no women on the ships, offered by signs to give to everyone ten women apiece if they would all go to his land, which shows how thickly populated it all is. And besides, all along, day and night, they made many bonfires, the sign in use among chem to call people co their land. Since there was no convenient porr where the ships could be secure in the country whence this petty king came, the acceptance of his invitation was deferred until the return voyage. 5 Sanjuan de UMa Site of a Spanish colonial fortress established in the 1530s on the eastern coast of Mexico. le is about 5,500 miles from San Juan de Ulua to Spain. 6 his Majesty King Philip III of Spain {r. 1598-1621). 7 their sects I.e., branches of Protestantism; liberty of conscience Freedom co ace according to one's own ethical and religious beliefs-a tenet more strongly associated with Protestantism than wirh Catholicism.

Page 13

126

CrvrLIZATIONS IN CONTACT

Thereupon we went forward with our voyage, and ac che end of some days arrived ac a fine pore, which was named Monterrey. le is in latitude 37°, in che same climate and latitude as Seville. This is where the ships coming from che Philippines ro New Spain' come co reconnoitre. It is a good harbor, well sheltered, and supplied with water, wood, and good timber, boch for masts and ship building, such as pines, live oaks, and great white oaks, large and frondose, 1 and many black poplars on the banks of a river chat nearby enters the sea and was named the Carmelo. In climate, in birds and game, in variety of animals and trees, in everything ic is essentially like our Old Spain. When che ships from China arrive ac chis place they have already sailed four months and they come in need of repairs, which in chis harbor chey can make very well, and with perfect convenience; therefore ic would be a very good thing for che Spaniards to secde chis pore for the assistance of navigators, and co undertake chc conversion co our Holy Faith of chose Indians, who are numerous, docile, and friendly. And from here they might trade and traffic wich che people of China and Japan, opportunity for that being favorable because of propinquity) The land of this country is very fertile and has good pastures and forests, and fine hunting and fowling. Among che animals there arc large, fierce bears, and ocher animals called elks, from which chey make elkleather jackets, and ochers of the size of young bulls, shaped and formed like deer, wirh chick, large horns. There were many Casci1ian roses4 here. There are pretty ponds of fresh water. The mountains near chis port were covered with snow, and chat was on Christmas day. On the beach was a dead whale, and at night some bears came co feed on it. There are many fish here, and a great variety of mollusks among che rocks; among chem were certain barnacles, or large shells, fastened co the lowest pare of 1

Philippines to New Spain The Mexican colonies of New Spain facilitated trade between the Philippines and Spain; the route crossed the Pacific northeast from Manila and curned south roward Acapulco when i1 reached the California coast. 2

3 4

frondose

Leafy.

propi11quity

the rocks. The Indians hunt for chem co excracr from their contents co eat. These shells are very bright, of fine mocher-of-pearl.5 All along chis coast, chere is a great abundance of sea-wolves or dogs,6 of che size of a yearling calf. They sleep on che water, and sometimes go ashore co cake che sun; and there chey place their sentinel in order to be secure from enemies. The Indians cloche themselves in the skins of these animals, which are healthful, fine, beautiful, and convenient. Finally, I will say chat chis is a good and commodious pore, and might be seeded, bur chis should be done in the way which I shall sec forth hereafter.... 13 THE METHOD TO BE OBSERVED IN SUBDUING AND SETTLING THE REALM OF THE CALIFORN!AS

All chis realm of che Californias can be pacified and seeded, and by chis means and by che preaching of the Holy Gospel its natives can be led co the fold of our Holy Mocher, the Roman Catholic Church, and converted to our Holy Catholic Faich. Now, in order chat chis may become an accomplished face, and chat his Majesty may effect it at a moderate expense, char which muse be commanded, ordered, and provided is as follows: There should be prepared and equipped in che pore of Acapulco cwo small vessels of cwo hundred cons burden, and a frigate, with boars and skiffs for cheir service; and chey should be abundantly supplied with stores and munitions of war, as well as with food, rigging, canvas, and everything char may seem necessary for settling in infidel and heathen lands. While these things are being provided and prepared, chere should be raised in Mexico as many as two hundred soldiers, care being caken char they should be good seamen, and also chat they be old soldiers, expert and experienced as well in arms as in seamanship, in order chat all, uniformly and wichouc discinccion, may aid in everything as occasion may offer. And lee care be taken chat chey be good and honorable men in order char on the journey boch on sea and land there may be peace, union, and brotherhood among all. Plenty

Nearness.

Castilia11 roses The California wild rose, whose flowers are pink with live perals, resembles some rose species narive ro wesrern Eu;.lpe.

5 certain barnacles . . . offine motlur-ofpearl SL>veral species of abalone are narive co rhe California coast. 6 ua-wolves or dogs Probably sea lions or seals.

Page 14

CALIFORNIA

of men of these parts and talents will very easily be found in Mexico if his Majesty will increase their pay in proportion as the double service they have co render demands, and if their pay and allowance be given chem punctually when due. The duty of raising chis troop should be assigned co one or two captains, good Christians and Godfearing men, and persons of merit, who have served his Majesty faithfully on ocher occasions, in war on land as well as in the Beers at sea. To them should be encrusted the appointment of officers to accompany chem, who should be persons they are satisfied will perform their service in a Christian and careful manner, and men of experience, who know how co fulfill the offices committed co them, for on these officers depend the good order and discipline of the soldiers. This expedition must be encrusted to a person of courage and talents, of long experience, and accustomed to such charges, in order that he may know how co treat all with love and dignity, and each one individually as his character deserves. Let care be taken that such a person be God-fearing, scrupulous in his conscience, and zealous in the service of his Majesty and in the things relating to the conversion of these souls. To a person of these qualities can be given the office of general of the armada, co whom all, both captains and soldiers, will be subject, and whom they will obey in everything, and whose orders they will follow. To the general, captains, soldiers, and all who go on chis expedition, muse be given express order and command chat they shall hold themselves in strict obedience and subjection co the religious who are in their company, and rhac without their order, counsel, and advice, war may not be made, or the heathen Indians be otherwise molested, even if they should give occasion, in order chat by chis means matters may be conducted with peace and Christianity, and with love and quiet, which is the method co be used in the pacification of that realm, and in the preaching of the Holy Gospel, to which end and aim these expenses and preparations are directed. Noc to do this, but che contrary, will be co waste everything, co lose time, and co render the expenditure ineffectual, as has been found by experience many times in this New Spain, in other conquests and pacifications of new lands, whereby God our Lord has been more injured than served.

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14

The religious who should go on chis expedition are rhe Oiscalced of Our Lady of Carmel,! the ones to whom are encrusted by his Majesty the conversion, instruction, and reaching of the Indians of chis realm of the Californias. On chis first entrance there should be six religious, four priests and cwo lay brothers;2 and it will be requested of the superiors of chis order, in the name of his Majesty, that chose whom they assign and appoint for chis voyage be persons such as the occasion and enterprise demand, holy, affable, full of love and wisdom, chat they may know how co counsel, guide and direct these souls, and co deal with such cases as may present themselves conformably with sound Catholic doctrine. By observing the indulgences3 and benefits which the Supreme Ponriffs 4 have granted in favor of new conversions, for their greater increase, these holy friars, with their piery, modesty, simplicity, and religious graciousness, will succeed in winning the wills and hearts of both general and captains, as well as of all the soldiers, in order thereby co lead chem in the holy path of virtue; and may they wich loving arguments persuade and admonish all, before embarking, co confess their sins and receive the most holy sacrament of che Eucharisc,5 with all the devotion and inclination possible, offering their souls and lives co the service of his divine Majesty, asking of him success for their voyage and expedition. By doing this, with the proper spirit and devotion, the religious will make themselves lords over the hearts and wills of all, and will have authority over all co keep them in peace, love, and unity; and if perchance there should be any dissension among them, 1

Discalud of Our Lady of Carmel Religious order ro which Ascension belonged. 1

l.ay brothers functions.

Members of a religious order who perform secular

3 indulgences Pardon from some or all of the punishment in purgatory chat is, according co Catholic doctrine, due to sinners even when their sins have been forgiven. Indulgences can be obtained in a variety of ways and the Church has, ar rimes, offered them for participation in colonizing projects. 4

Supreme Pomijfi

Popes.

5 Eucharist Chrisrian sacrament commemorating the Last Supper; Roman Carholics believe they receive the body and blood of Jesus in rhe form of bread and wine.

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CIVILIZATIONS I N CONTACT

they will calm it at once with discretion, and thus animosities, vexations, and enmities, and the mutinies, insurrections, and disobedience co superiors which ordinarily occur on such enterprises, will be avoided. These religious will be provided with everything necessary for their voyage, such as vessels for saying mass and administering the sacraments, books and vestments and, in particular, something in the way of delicacies that they may have wherewith to give the sick if there should be any. Likewise, there should be taken on board at the coast of his Majesty a quantity of trifles, Flemish trinkets, such as beads of colored glass, artificial garnets, hawks' bells,1 mirrors, knives, cheap scissors, Parisian cops, and some articles of clothing. These things should be divided among the religious and soldiers, so that in places where they may go on shore or where they may choose sites for settlements in the lands of the heathen, they may distribute them, with signs of love and good will, in the name of his Majesty, in order char with these pleasing gifts the heathen Indians may come co feel love and affection for the Christians, and may realize chat they are coming co their lands co give them of chat which they bring, and nor to take away their possessions, and may understand that they are seeking the good of their souls. This is a measure of great importance, to the end chat che Indians may become quiet, humane, and peaceable, and obey che Spaniards without opposition or repugnance, and receive with pleasure those who go co preach co chem the Holy Gospel and the mysteries of our Holy Catholic faith; co the end, moreover, char the Indians may be grateful and thankful, and, in recompense and pay for what is given chem, may assist with whatever of value they may have in their land, things co eat as well as other articles, as they did with us. With this preparation, the soldiers and religious should embark in the ships provided, no woman going or embarking with them, co avoid offenses co God and dissensions between one another. With the ocean currents that run coward the entrance of California, even if winds favorable to navigation should fail, one can within a month ac the most succeed in landing in the

Bay of San Bernabe, 2 which is at Cape San Lucas and the extremity of California, the point best fined for the first serclement. -

1620

2

Bay of San Bernabe Cabo San Lucas. 1

hawks' be/I.; Small, round bells typically made of copper. They were initially used in falconry but were commonly distributed as trade goods by Spanish explorers and colonizers.

Page 16

Now the Bay of San Jose dd Cabo, nC'ar

ANNE BRADSTREET C. 1612 - 1672

J\ Puritan colonist born in England, Anne Bradsueet is distinguished as one of rhe first poets to write in .J"\.English in North America. As such, she has always been closely associated wirh the historical archive of early colonial America. But why do we read Anne Bradstreet in the modern world? For many decades now, a lively debate has centered on that question. Is it merely for historical and sociological reasons"because she was the first American poet, and a woman at that" (as Louisa Hall puts it)? Or is her poetry of real value to us today as poetry? Though Bradstreet was praised by some in her own time as an accomplished versifier, her work attracted little attention in che seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and for much of the nineceench and early twentieth centuries discussions of her poeuy tended to be politely patronizing. The 1858 American Cyclopedia praised her "singular quaintness"; William P. Trent's 1904 BriefHisrory ofAmerican Literature concluded chat she "was a good, true woman, well read in the poets of her day, and possessed of genuine though very slight literary powers." Then, in the 1950s and 6os the poet John Berryman reimagined Bradstreet's life through the 57 stanzas of his 1956 "Homage to Mistress Bradstreet"- and brought a new bluntness to discussions of what he described at one point as Bradstreet's "spiritless poems." He went on in a 1965 essay to characterize Bradstreet as a "boring, high minded Puritan woman who may have been our first American poet but was not a good one." (le was "as a woman," rather than "as a poetess" that Bradstreet interested Berryman.) A number of poets and literary scholars piled on, describing Bradstreet's verse as "dull," "awkward," "insipid"-at best, "endearingly competent." But in the 1960s and 70s those critics met with a strong riposte; in 1966, for example, Ann Stanford argued that Bradstreet's work was characterized by powerful tensions-a "clash of feeling and dogma that keeps her poetry alive." In 1967 the distinguished poet Adrienne Rich made a strong case chat Bradstreet's more personal work in particular displayed both honesty and emotional intensity. Late rwentieth-century feminist critics fleshed out the picture of a poet of considerable range, and in chis century Eavan Boland persuasively argued in a 2006 essay for the merits of "the neighbourly, definite voice" with which Bradstreet tells her story. (Boland's 2012 poem "Becoming Anne Bradstreet" makes che case in a different fashion for the earlier poet's "home truths.") Bradstreet was born Anne Dudley in Northampton, England, co Dorothy Yorke and Thomas Dudley. In 1619 her father became steward co the Earl of Lincoln, and Anne lived in comfort on the Earl's estate in her youth. Though not educated formally, she was an ardent reader and made use of her access co an extensive library, encouraged by her parents co pursue learning in many subjects. She married her father's assistant, Cambridge graduate Simon Bradstreet, in 1628; rwo years lacer, the couple joined her parents and hundreds of other Puritan colonists on a journey co join the new Massachusetts Bay Colony in America. Their ship, the Arbella, arrived in Salem after three difficult months. The eighteen-year-old Bradstreet, as she later wrote, "found a new world and new manners at which my heart rose [in revolt]. But afrer I was convinced it was the way of God, I submitted co it and joined the church at Boston." Bradstreet's body of work gives expression, from a variety of angles, both co her Puritan beliefs and to her experience of everyday life in seventeenth-century America. We do not know if Bradstreet wrote any poems before she came to America; the first of her extant poems, "Upon a Fit of Sickness," was composed in 1632, when she was twenty. Afrer their first years in Salem, the family lived in several increasingly remote communities, including Charlestown, Newtown, and Ipswich; they eventually seeded in Andover (now called North Andover). Bradstreet and her husband also began co establish their own family, with their first child Samuel born in 1633 and seven more following over the next nineteen years (all of whom, remarkably, survived into adulthood). Bradstreet's

Page 17

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ANNE BRADSTREET

husband and father both worked as administrators in rhe colony, spending a great deal of time away from home and often leaving her as the sole manager of the household; she nonetheless found time co compose poems, which she shared with her social circle bur made no effort to publish. (Print technology was nor yet well established in America, and even in Europe authors often still preferred to circulate manuscripts by hand rather than have them printed). In 1650, a collection of Bradstreet's poems was published in London under the ride lhe Tenth Muse Lately Spnmg Up in America. The publication seems to have been orchestrated by several friends, chief among them her brother-in-law John Woodbridge, who had brought copies of a number of her poems with him when he returned ro England. In his epistle to the reader, Woodbridge expresses his rationale: ... I fear the displeasure of no person in the publishing of these poems bur the author, without whose knowledge, and contrary to her expectation, I have presumed to bring to public view, what she resolved should (in such a manner) never see the sun; bur I found [char various people] had gorcen some scattered papers ... [and) were likely to have sent forth broken pieces, to rhe author's prejudice, which I thought co prevent, as well as to pleasure those chat earnestly desired the view of rhe whole. Though some have suggested rhac Bradstreet herself may have approved of Woodbridge's actions, most scholars have taken the evidence at face value and concluded chat Bradstreet very likely did indeed (as she lacer put it in her poem "The Author to Her Book") find herself "blushing" at the unexpected and unplanned publication. Whatever the circumstances of its publication, the writing in the collection demonstrates not only the author's facility with poetic forms bur also her very considerable knowledge of philosophy, history, science, and lirerarure. Her "quaternions" (four-part poems) discuss rhe four elements, seasons, humors of human beings, and stages of life; her elegies praise such figures as Elizabeth I and Sir Philip Sidney; and her "Dialogue Between Old England and New" depicts rhe political relationship between her old and new homes as personified by a mother and daughter. Though 7he Tenth Muse was a commercial success for the printer, ic would be the only collection of Bradstreet's work published during her lifetime. The poems in 7be Tenth Muse are largely public poems, bur Bradstreet's writing could also be highly personal, drawing on her life experiences as a wife, mother, and Puritan, and including elegies for her parents, poems responding to the deaths of several grandchildren, and love letters to her husband. (The publication history has led many to assume rhar the formal, public poems were essentially apprentice work, and that it was only larer in her life chat Bradstreet's writing rook a personal turn, bur recent scholarship has shown char there can be no precise correlation of her public poems and her personal poems with different stages of her life.) \X'ith her children as her imagined audience, she wrote Meditations Divine and Moral, a work containing observations and wisdom which she hoped could serve as a guide for her descendants after her death. Also among her unpublished writings were poems documenting personal trials (such as the fire char destroyed her home), as well as happy occasions such as her son's safe return from a rrip to England. In addition co providing a glimpse into Bradmeer's lived experiences, her personal poems are notable for che tensions benveen their speaker's attachment to earthly life and a Puritan insistence char heavenly concerns rake priority over all temporal ones. Rich, Boland, and numerous ochers have been of rhe view char Bradstreet's public poetry is less successful aesthetically than her more personal poems-bur on that subject coo there has been lively disagreement, with Louisa Hall and others suggesting that what earlier commentators had read as instances of poetic incompetence (in, for example, Bradstreet's early elegies) are in face "purposeful srraregies"intentional breaches of formal lirerary convention. A spirit of lively engagement with the poetry itself, chen, has increasingly come to prevail in discussions of Bradstreet, with the pious and patronizing voices chat were for so long dominant now increasingly relegated co the sidelines. At sixry, Bradstreet succumbed to consumption. Six years lacer, her writing was published in North America for the first rime as Several Poems Compiled with Great Wit and Leaming (1678), a volume char

Page 18

ANNE BRADSTREET

251

brought together the poems from 7he Tenth Muse both with poems not previously published- some of which (such as che love poems to her husband) the editors acknowledged rhac she "never meanc should come to public view"-and with various lacer poems about Bradstreet's life. Other personal poems, however, remained in the possession of her son Simon; these would not appear in print until 1867, when John Harvard Ellis published a complete collection of her writing. Noc many material artifacts from Bradstreet's life remain-her place of burial is unmarked and no portraits of her as an adult have survived.

NOTE ON THE TEXTS: Unless otherwise noted, the texts here are based on chose found in the 1678 edition of Several Poems Compiled with Great Variety ofWit and learning, Full ofDelight Wherein Especially is Contained a Comp/eat Discotme, and Description ofthe Four Elements, Comtittttions, Ages ofMan, Seasom ofthe Yea,; Together with an Exact Epitome ofthe 7"ree by a Gentlewoman in New-England--or, in the case of poems not included in rhe sevenceenth-century publications, rhe 1867 John Harvard Ellis edition of The Works of Mrs. Bradstreet in Prose and Verse (the firsr collection ro include her larer, personal poems). The ordering of rhe rexes follows rhat found in these volumes-though, as scholars such as Margaret Olofson lhickscun have pointed out, we do not have any evidence char Bradsrreec had any inpur herself into chis ordering--or, indeed, whether she was responsible for che tides assigned to many of the poems. Transcriptions of the 1678 volume may be found both on the University of Michigan Early English Books sire and rhe University of Pennsylvania Celebration of Women Writers site. Other editions consul red include the 1897 Frank E. Hopkins edirion (with introduction by Charles Eliot Norton) of Poems ofMrs. Bradstreet, Together with Her Prose Remains, and the 1967 Jeannine Hensley edition (wirh introduClion by Adrienne Rich) of The Works ofAmu Bradstreet. lhicksrun was among chose who raised concerns over some of the editorial practices followed in the Hensley volume; she has now published a new edition of Bradsrreer's work-Anne Bradstreet, Poems and Meditations (2019)-which addresses rhose concerns, presenting rhe works in ways chat helpfully clarify rheir publication history for the reader. (The editors of this anrhology gratefully acknowledge lhicksmn's assistance.) Spelling and punctuation have been modernized in accordance with the practices of chis anthology.

~~~

Prologue1 10

I

T

o sing of wars, of captains, and of kings, Of cities founded, commonwealths begun, humble For my mean° pen are coo superior things, And how they all, or each, their dates have run: Lee poets and historians set these forth, My obscure verse shall nor so dim their worth.

2

But when my wond'ring eyes and envious heart Grear Banas' 2 sugared lines do bur read o'er, 1

2

This poem serves as the prologue for 7Ju Tenth M11se (1650).

Barras Guillaume de Salluste, seigneur du Banas (1544----90), French writer of epic poetry.

Fool, I do grudge, the muses did nor pan 'Twixt him and me rhac over-fluenc store;3 A Barras can do what a Barras will, But simple I, according co my skill.

3 From school-boy's tongue, no rhetoric we expect, Nor yet a sweet consorc from broken strings, harmony Nor perfect beauty where's a main defect, My foolish, broken, blemished Muse so sings; And chis to mend, alas, no arr is able, 'Cause nature made it so irreparable. 0

rs

muses Nine classical sister goddesses responsible for the arcs; did 11ot ... store Did not divide between che rwo of us the overabundance of talent they gave him.

Page 19

252

ANNE B RADSTREET

~~ ,

TENTRMU ately fprur1gup in A OR

everall •P '

o

with greatvar-1ct:y ob \"~i , and Learnin TV-herein efpe9ia1

f delight:.. ntalne

pleat difcourfe ffll defttip io .

(Elc»at , l'he Four~1C1Jnf11tutilms, • i4ger of Man, SeafoTls 9ftbe Year.

Together ,vith an ExaB: E p,ito the

FourMonarchic~ v;s,;. Af[yti,n,

The •

/

Perfi~n, Grecian, l{pman.

•

Ifo a Dialogue betw.r.rn New,~orlcernitl die J l

:\Vith diversr ~t

Gent

1

~ ~ ~~....s.

dni on f◄

lein

Tide page of the 1650 edition of The Tenth Muse.

Page 20

ANNE BRADSTREET

Give wholesome parsley wreath, I ask no bays:5 This mean and unrefined scuff of mine, Will make your glistering gold bur more to shine. - 1650, 1678

4 20

253

Nor can I, like chat fluent sweet-tongued Greek Who lisped ac first, speak afterwards more plain; By arc, he gladly found what he did seek, A full requital of his striving pain: Arc can do much, bur this maxim's most sure, A weak or wounded brain admits no cure.

5 I am obnoxious co each carping tongue vulnerabk Who says my hand a needle bercer firs. A poet's pen, all scorn, I should thus wrong; For such despite they case on female wits: spire If what I do prove well, it won't advance, They'll say it's scol'n, or else, it was by chance. 0

25

0

30

6 Bur sure the antique Greeks were far more mild, Else of our sex, why feigned they chose nine, l invemed And poesy made, Calliope's3 own child, So 'mongsc the rest, they placed che arcs divine: Bue chis weak knot they will full soon untie, The Greeks did nought, bur play the fool and lie.4 0

35

40

45

7 Let Greeks be Greeks, and women what they are, Men have precedcncy, and still excel, le is bur vain unjuscly to wage war; Men can do best, and women know it well. Preeminence in each, and all is yours, Yee grant some small acknowledgement of ours. 8 And oh, ye high flown quills chat soar the skies, And ever with your prey, still catch your praise, If e'er you deign these lowly lines your eyes,

5 b11ys In classical cimes, wreaths of bay laurel were awarded for poetic and other achievemencs.

1 jluem ... Greek Demoschenes of Achens (384-322 BCE), famous oracor, who suffered from a speech defect and trained himself co speak clearly. 2

those nine I.e., the Muses.

3

C,1/iope

Muse of epic poetry.

4 But this ... lie I.e., my cricics will pull apan my argumenc by dismissing the ancient Greeks as liars and fools.

Page 21

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ANNE BRADST REET

Till snatched from thence by friends, less wise than true Who, thee abroad, exposed to public view,3 s Made chee in rags, halting co ch' press co trudge, Where errors were not lessened (all may judge). Ac chy return my blushing was noc small, My rambling brae (in print) should mother call, I cast thee by as one unfit for light, 10 Thy visage was so irksome in my sight; Yee being mine own, at length affection would Thy blemishes amend, if so I could: I washed thy face, but more defects I saw, And rubbing off a spot, still made a flaw. q I stretched thy joints to make thee even feec,4 Yet still thou run'st more hobbling than is meec; suitable In beccer dress co trim thee was my mind, Bue nought save home-spun cloth, i' ch' house I find. In chis array, 'mongst vulgars5 mayst thou roam. 20 In critics' hands, beware thou dost not come; And cake thy way where yet thou arr not known, If for chy father asked, say, thou hadst none: And for thy mother, she alas is poor, Which caused her thus co send chee out of door. -1678 0

Before the Birth of One ofHer Children

A 11 things within this fading world hath end, .ii.Adversity doth still our joys accend; No ties so strong, no friends so clear and sweet, But with death's parting blow is sure to meet. s The sencence passed is most irrevocable, A common thing, yet oh, inevitable; How soon, my dear, death may my seeps arcend, 6 How soon'c may be thy lot co lose chy friend, The Author to Her Book2

T 2

Till ... view Bradstreet's first book, lhe Tenth A-fuse (1650), was published in London, apparently without her knowledge or permission. Her brother-in-law John Woodbridge had brought her writings co England and arranged for the publication. 4 make thee ... feet Make your poetic rhythm regular. (Poetic feet

hou ill-formed offspring of my feeble brain, Who after birch did'sc by my side remain,

This poem first appeared in che posthumous

Several Poems

(1678), a collection chat included boch new writing and revised ver-

sions of previously published poems.

are units made up of stressed and umtressed syllables in regular patterns; they are the building blocks of accentual syllabic meter.} 5 6

vulgars Common people. How soon ... attend Reference to the dangers associated with

childbirth; it is estimated that the odds of a seventeenth-century woman dying while giving birch were greater than [continued ... J

Page 22

260

10

15

20

25

ANNE BRADSTREET

A Letter to Her Husband, Absent upon Public Employment3

We both are ignorant, yet love bids me These farewell lines to recommend to thee, That when that knot's untied that made us one, I may seem thine, who in effect am none. And ifl see not half my days chat's due, What nature would, God grant to yours and you; The many faults chat well you know I have, Lee be interred in my oblivious grave; If any worth or virtue were in me, Lee chat live freshly in thy memory, And when thou feel'sc no grief, as I no harms, Yet love thy dead, who long lay in thine arms, And when thy loss shall be repaid with gains, Look co my little babes, my dear remains. And if thou love thyself, or loved'sc me, These oh protect from step dame's1 injury. And if chance to thine eyes shall bring this verse, Wich some sad sighs honour my absent hearse; 2 And kiss chis paper for chy love's dear sake, Who with sale tears chis lase farewell did cake. -1678

M

5

0

10

15

To My Dear and Loving Husband

20

I

5

f ever two were one, then surely we. If ever man were loved by wife, then thee; If ever wife was happy in a man, Compare with me, ye women, if you can. I prize thy love more than whole mines of gold, Or all the riches chat the Ease doth hold. My love is such chat rivers cannot quench, Nor oughc bur love from thee give recompense. nnyrhing Thy love is such I can no way repay, The heavens reward thee manifold, I pray. Then while we live, in love lee's so persever, That when we live no more, we may live ever. -1678 0

10

per birch. (Given that mosc women gave birch several times, the lifecime risk for a woman was much higher.)

1% 1 2

y head, my heart, mine eyes, my life, nay more, My joy, my magazine of earthly score,4 If rwo be one, as surely thou and I, How scayesc thou there, whilst I at Ipswich5 lie? So many seeps, head from che heart co sever, If but a neck, soon should we be together: I, like the earth chis season, mourn in black, My sun is gone so far in's zodiac,6 in its Whom whilst I joyed, nor storms, nor frosts I felt, His warmth such frigid colds did cause to melt. My chilled limbs now numbed lie forlorn; Return, return sweet Sol from Capricorn;7 In this dead time, alas, what can I more Than view those fruits which through chy heat I bore?8 Which sweet contentment yield me for a space, True living pictures of their father's face. 0 strange effect! now thou arc southward gone, I weary grow, che tedious day so long; Bue when thou northward to me shale return, I wish my sun may never sec, but burn Within the Cancer9 of my glowing breast, The welcome house of him my dearest guest. Where ever, ever stay, and go not thence, Till nature's sad decree shall call thee hence; Flesh of chy Aesh, bone of thy bone,IO I here, thou there, yet both but one. only -1678

srep dame Scepmother. hearse Frame upon which a body was placed during a funeral;

in Puritan funerary praccices, prose and poems in praise of the deceased were somecimes pinned to the hearse. "Hearse" can also refer to the dead body icsel[

25

0

3 Public Employment Civil service. Bradstreet's husband Simon worked as an administrator for the Massachusetts Bay Colony, and often traveled to the outlying communities.

magnzine ... store Storehouse of carchly values. 5 Ipswich Isolated community in Massachusens.

4 6

zgdiac rung of conscellarions extending across the sk-y; rhe sun appears co travel through each in the course of a year.

7 Sol Sun; also the name of the Roman sun god; Capricorn Goar-shaped constellation marking the porcion of the sky in which the sun appears from lace December through most of January. 8 rhose fruits ... bore Le., the speaker's children. 9 Cancer Crab-shaped constellation marking the portion of the sk-y in which the sun appears from lace June through much of July. 1

°

Flnh ... thy bone Sec Genesis 2.23: "And Adam said, This is now bone of my bones, and flesh of my flesh: she shall be called Woman."

Page 23

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ANNE BRADSTREET

,5

20

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30

Some Verses upon the Burning of 1 Our House, July Ioth, I666

35

I

5

10

n silent night when rest I cook For sorrow near I did not look, I wakened was with chund'ring noise And piteous shrieks of dreadful voice. That fearful sound of"fire" and "fire," Lee no man know is my desire. I, starting up, the light did spy, And co my God my heart did cry To strengthen me in my distress And not to leave me succourless.a Then, coming our, beheld a space2 1

.io

45

wirho11r aid

The following poem appears in a handwritten collection of Bradstreet's personal writings known as the Andover Manuscript, which contains some texts in Bradstreet's own hand, and otherincluding this poem-transcribed by her son Simon from papers chat are now lose. The full text of the heading given the poem by Simon Bradstreet reads as follows: "Here follow some verses upon the burning of our house, July 10th, 1666. Copied ouc of a loose paper." This and the other poems from the Andover Manuscript were first published in 1867. 1

beheld a space Saw that within a brief time.

1o

The flame consume my dwelling place, And when I could no longer look, I blest his name that gave and cook, That laid my goods now in the dust. Yea, so it was, and so 'twas just. le was His own, it was not mine, Far be it that I should repine; He might of all justly bereft, But yet sufficient for us left. When by the ruins oft I past My sorrowing eyes aside did case And here and there the places spy Where oft I sat and long did lie: Here stood char trunk, and there that chest, There lay that score I counted best. My pleasant things in ashes lie, And chem behold no more shall 1. Under thy roof no guest shall sit, Nor at thy table eat a bit. No pleasant tale shall e'er be told, Nor things recounted done of old. No candle e'er shall shine in thee, Nor bridegroom's voice e'er heard shall be. In silence ever shale thou lie, Adieu, adieu, all's vaniry. Then straight I 'gin my heart to chide, And did thy wealth on earth abide, Didst fix thy hope on mould'ring dust, The arm of flesh didst make thy trust? Raise up thy thoughts above the sky That dunghill mists away may fly. Thou hast a house on high erect, Framed by that mighry architect, With glory richly furnished Stands permanent, though this be fled. It's purchased and paid for coo By Him who hath enough to do. A price so vast as is unknown Yet by his gift is made chine own. There's wealth enough, I need no more; Farewell my pelf.a farewell my store. worldly ridm The world no longer let me love;3 My hope and treasure lies above. -1867

3

Page 24

7ht world . .. me love

Lee me love che world no longer.

MARY RoWLANDSON

1637 - 17n T he Sovereignty and Goodness of God, Puritan serder Mary Rowlandson's narrative of her rime held 1 hostage by an Indigenous community, was the first prose work by a woman co be published in English in British North America. An immediate success on both sides of the Atlantic, it would become one of rhe most popular works of early American literature. Rowlandson's dramatic story has been read as spiritual allegory, anti-Indigenous propaganda, ethnographic document, and historical record. Ir is coday widely acknowledged co be, as a narrative, among the most vivid accounts of early New England seeder experience-and, as a cultural artifact, among che seventeenth century's most deeply fraught examples of the rhetoric of coloniz.acion. Born in England in 1637, Rowlandson sailed for the Massachusetts Bay Colony as a young child with her parents John and Joan White in 1639. The Whites were part of a massive wave of Puri can migration co a region the Indigenous peoples already living there called Oawnland. The early Europeans who came co Dawnland encountered thriving Indigenous communities and trade networks; they brought with chem diseases char soon devastated che coastal communities, a catastrophe che Puritans interpreted as evidence of divine support for their invasion of che region. The Whites, who seeded in Salem, acquired a significant amount of land over the next thirteen years, bur they wanted more. In 1653, they lefr their son in charge and moved co the new town of Lancaster, sicuared fifry miles inland on Nipmuc territory. In 1660, che English monarchy was restored to power, ending the Puritan regime in England. As a result, Puritan migration co Dawnland increased-as did tensions wich rhe region's Indigenous occupants, che Nipmuc, Narragansen, and Wampanoag. A longstanding alliance between the Wampanoag and the English dererioraced after the Of thirty-seven persons who were in chis one house, none escaped either present death, or a bitter captivity, save only one, who might say as he, Job 1.15. And I only am escaped alone to tell the News. There were twelve killed, some shoe, some scabbed with their spears, some knocked down with their hatchets. When we are in prosperity, oh the litcle chat we chink of such d readful sights, and co see our dear friends and relations lie bleed ing out their 3

hallowed

HallOOt'd; shouted.

4 my dear child Sarah Rowlandson, about six-and-a-half years old.

Obliged to retreat.

5

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Come ... in rhe Earrh

See Psalm 46.8.

290

MARY RowLANDSON

hearc-blood upon che ground. There was one who was chopped into the head with a hatcher, and stripped naked, and yet was crawling up and down. It is a solemn sight co see so many Christians lying in their blood, some here, and some there, like a company of sheep torn by wolves. All of them stripped naked by a company of hell-hounds, roaring, singing, ranting and insulting, as if they would have torn our very hearts out; yet the Lord by his Almighty power preserved a number of us from death, for there were twenty-four of us taken alive and carried captive. I had often before this said, char if che Indians should come, I should choose rather co be killed by them than taken alive, but when it came to che trial my mind changed; cheir glittering weapons so daunted my spirit, that I chose rather to go along with chose (as I may say) ravenous beasts, chan chat moment to end my days; and that I may the better declare what happened to me during that grievous captivity, I shall particularly speak of the several removes1 we had up and down the wilderness.

gone (at lease separated from me, he being in the Bay; and co add to my grief, the Indians cold me they would kill him as he came homeward), my children gone, my relations and friends gone, our house and home and all our comforcs within door, and without, all was gone except my life, and I knew not bur the next moment that might go too. There remained nothing to me buc one poor wounded babe, and it seemed at present worse chan death that it was in such a pitiful condition, bespeaking compassion, and I had no refreshing for it, nor suitable things co revive it. Little do many think what is che savageness and brutishness of chis barbarous enemy! even those that seem co profess more than others among them, when the English have fallen into their hands. Those seven chat were killed ac Lancaster the summer before upon a Sabbath day, and che one char was afterward killed upon a weekday, were slain and mangled in a barbarous manner, by one-eyed John, and Marlborough's Praying Indians, which Capt. Mosely brought to Boston, as che Indians cold me. 2

THE FIRST Rf.MOVE

THE SECOND Rf.MOVE

Now away we must go with chose barbarous creatures, wich our bodies wounded and bleeding, and our hearts no less than our bodies. About a mile we went chat night, up upon a hill within sight of the town, where they intended to lodge. There was hard by a vacant house (deserted by the English before, for fear of the Indians). I asked them whether I might not lodge in the house that night? to which chey answered, What, will you love English men still? This was the dolefullest night chat ever my eyes saw. Oh, the roaring, and singing and dancing, and yelling of chose black creatures in the night, which made the place a lively resemblance of hell. And as miserable was the waste that was there made, of horses, cattle, sheep, swine, calves, lambs, roasting pigs, and fowls (which they had plundered in the cown}, some roasting, some lying and burning, and some boiling co feed our merciless enemies, who were joyful enough though we were disconsolate. To add co che dolefulness of che former day, and the dismalness of the present night, my thoughts ran upon my losses and sad bereaved condition. All was gone: my husband

Bue now, the next morning, I must turn my back upon che cown, and travel with chem into che vase and desolate wilderness, I knew not whither. le is not my tongue or pen can express the sorrows of my heart, and bitterness of my spirit, that I had at chis departure: but God was with me in a wonderful manner, carrying me along and bearing up my spirit, chat ic did not quite fail. One of the Indians carried my poor wounded babe upon a horse; it went moaning all along, I shall die, I shall die. I went on foot after ic, with sorrow chat cannot be expressed. At length I cook it off the horse, and carried it in my arms till my strength failed, and I fell down with ic. Then they sec me upon a horse with my wounded child in my lap, and chere being no furnicure3

1

removes Changes of place.

2

'!hose seven . . . Indians told me On 22 August 1675, a group of Nipmuc and Wampanoag warriors carried out the first significant attack on the town of Lancaster, killing seven colonistS. The Indigenous fighters were led by Nipmuc sachem Monaco, known to the English as "One-Eyed John"; many of the English also suspected, probably falsely, the involvement of Nipmuc "Praying Indians"-Indigenous convens to Christianity-from the town of Marlborough. 3 fim1iture I.e., saddle, stirrups, ecc.

Page 32

THE SovEREIGNTY AND GoooNEss OF Goo

upon rhe horse's back, as we were going down a steep hill, we both fell over rhe horse's head, at which they like inhumane creatures laughed, and rejoiced to see it, though I rhoughr we should rhere have ended our days, as overcome with so many difficulties. Bue the Lord renewed my screngrh still, and carried me along, rhac I might see more of his power; yea, so much chat I could never have choughr of, had I not experienced it. Afrer chis it quickly began to snow, and when night came on, they stopped: and now down I muse sit in the snow, by a little fire, and a few boughs behind me, with my sick child in my lap; and calling much for water, being now (through rhe wound) fallen into a violent fever. My own wound also growing so stiff, chat I could scarce sit down or rise up; yet so it muse be, chat I must sit all chis cold winter night upon che cold snowy ground, with my sick child in my arms, looking that every hour would be the last of its life; and having no Christian friend near me, either to comfort or help me. Oh, I may see the wonderful power of God, that my Spirit did not utterly sink under my affliction: still rhe Lord upheld me with his gracious and merciful Spirit, and we were both alive co see rhe light of rhe next morning. THE THIRD REMOVE

The morning being come, they prepared to go on their way: One of che Indians got up upon a horse, and they set me up behind him, with my poor sick babe in my lap. A very wearisome and tedious day I had of ir, whar wirh my own wound, and my child's being so exceeding sick, and in a lamentable condition with her wound. le may be easily judged what a poor feeble condition we were in, rhere being nor the least crumb of refreshing char came within either of our mouths, from Wednesday night co Sarurday night, except only a liccle cold water. This day in the afternoon, about an hour by sun, we came to rhe place where they intended, viz. 1 an Indian rown called Wenimesset, northward of Quahaug. When we were come, oh rhe number of pagans (now merciless enemies) chat there came about me, chat I may say as David, Psalm 27.13, I had fainted, unless I had believed, etc. The next day was the 1

viz. Abbreviation for che Latin videlicet, meaning "namely" or "chat is to say."

291

Sabbath: I then remembered how careless I had been of God's holy rime: how many Sabbaths I had lost and misspent, and how evilly I had walked in God's sight; which lay so close unto my spirit, that it was easy for me to see how righteous it was with God to cut off the thread of my life, and case me ouc of his presence forever. Yee che Lord still showed mercy to me, and upheld me; and as he wounded me with one hand, so he healed me with che other. This day there came co me one Robert Pepper (a man belonging co Roxbury) who was taken in Captain Beers his fighc,2 and had been now a considerable time with the Indians; and up with chem almost as far as Albany, co see King Philip, as he cold me, and was now very lately come into these pares. Hearing, I say, chat I was in chis Indian town, he obtained leave to come and see me. He cold me, he himself was wounded in the leg at Captain Beers his fight; and was not able some time co go, bur as they carried him, and as he rook oaken leaves and laid to his wound, and through the blessing of God he was able to travel again. Then I cook oaken leaves and laid co my side, and with rhe blessing of God ic cured me also; yec before the cure was wrought, I may say, as it is in Psalm 38.5-6, My wounds stink and are corrupt, I am troubled, I am bowed down greatly, I go mourning all the day long. I sac much alone with a poor wounded child in my lap, which moaned night and day, having nothing co revive che body, or cheer rhe spirits of her, but instead of that, sometimes one Indian would come and cell me one hour, rhac Your master will knock your child in the head, and then a second, and chen a third, Your master will quickly knock your child in the head. This was the comfort I had from chem, miserable comforters are ye all, as he said.3 Thus nine days I sac upon my knees, with my babe in my lap, cill my flesh was raw again; my child being even ready co depart chis sorrowful world, they bade me carry it out co another wigwam (I suppose because they would not be troubled with such spectacles), whither I went with a very heavy heart, and down I sac wich che picture of death in my lap. About cwo hours in the night, my sweet babe, like a lamb, departed chis life, on Feb. 18, 2

Robert Pepper ... his.fighr I.e., Robert Pepper, a man from the town of Roxbury, Massachusetts, who was taken captive during a battle with Caprain Richard Beers's troops. 3

Page 33

This was .. . as hesaid See Job

16 .1-2.

292

MARY RowLANDSON

1675, it being about six years and five months old. It was nine days from the first wounding, in chis miserable condition, without any refreshing of one nature or ocher, except a little cold water. I cannot but cake notice, how ac another time I could noc bear co be in the room where any dead person was, but now the case is changed; I muse and could lie down by my dead babe, side by side all the night after. I have thought since of the wonderful goodness of God co me, in preserving me in the use of my reason and senses, in char distressed time, char I did not use wicked and violent means co end my own miserable life. In the morning, when they understood that my child was dead, they sent for me home to my master's wigwam (by my master in chis writing muse be understood Quanopin, who was a Sagamore, 1 and married King Philip's wife's sister;2 not char he first cook me, but I was sold co him by another Narraganset Indian, who cook me when first I came out of the garrison). I went co take up my dead child in my arms to carry ic with me, bur they bid me lee ic alone: there was no resisting, buc go I must and leave it. When I had been ac my master's wigw·am, I cook rhe first opportunity I could gee, to go look after my dead child: when I came I asked chem what chey had done wich ic? then chey cold me it was upon the hill: then they went and showed me where it was, where I saw the ground was newly digged, and there they cold me they had buried it. There I left chat child in the wilderness, and must commit it, and myself also in this wilderness-condition, co him who is above all. God having taken away this dear child, I went to see my daughter Mary, who was at this same Indian town, at a wigwam not very far off, though we had litcle liberty or opportunity co see one another; she was about ten years old, and taken from the door at first by a Praying Indian and afterward sold for a gun. When I came in sight, she would fall a-weeping; at which they were provoked, and would not let me come near her, but bade me be gone; which was a heart-cutting word to me. I had one child dead, another in the wilderness, I knew not where, che 1

Sagamore Algonquian poli1ical leader; the term is sometimes used interchangeably with Sachem. 2

King Philip's wife's sister The Wampanoag sazmkskaw, or female sachem, Weecamoo (c. 1635-76); the Narraganset Quinnapin was her fourth and final husband.

third they would not lee me come near to: Me (as he said) have ye bereaved ofmy children, Joseph is not, and Simeon is not, and ye will take Benjamin also, all these things are against me.3 I could not sit still in this condition, but kept wallcing from one place to another. And as I was going along, my heart was even overwhelmed with che thoughts of my condition, and chat I should have children, and a nation which I knew not ruled over them. Whereupon I earnestly entreated the Lord, that he would consider my low estate, and show me a token for good, and if it were his blessed will, some sign and hope of some relief. And indeed quickly the Lord answered, in some measure, my poor prayers; for as I was going up and down mourning and lamenting my condition, my son came to me, and asked me how I did; I had not seen him before, since the destruction of che town, and I knew not where he was, till I was informed by himself, char he was amongst a smaller parcel of Indians, whose place was about six miles off. With tears in his eyes, he asked me whether his sister Sarah was dead; and cold me he had seen his sister Mary; and prayed me, that I would not be troubled in reference co himself. The occasion of his coming co see me at chis time, was this: There was, as I said, about six miles from us, a small plantation4 of Indians, where it seems he had been during his captivity; and at this time, there were some forces of the Indians gathered out of our company, and some also from chem (among whom was my son's master) co go co assault and burn Medfield. In chis time of the absence of his master, his dame brought him co see me. I cook this co be some gracious answer to my earnest and unfeigned desire. The next day, viz. co chis, the Indians returned from Medfield, all che company, for those char belonged co the ocher small company, came through the town that now we were at. Bue before chey came co us, oh! the outrageous roaring and hooping5 chat there was. They began their din about a mile before they came co us. By their noise and hooping they signified how many chey had destroyed (which was ac chat time twentythree). Those char were with us at home, were gathered together as soon as they heard che hooping, and every time chat che ocher went over their number, these at 3 4

Page 34

Me ... agaimt mt

plantation

See Genesis 42.36.

I.e., serclemmr.

hooping \Xlhooping.

THE SovEREIGNTY AND GoooNESS OF Goo

home gave a shouc, chat che very earch rung again; and thus chey continued cill chose chat had been upon che expedition were come up co che Sagamore's wigwam; and then, oh, the hideous insulting and triumphing chat there was over some English men's scalps chat they had caken (as their manner is) and brought with chem. I cannot but cake notice of che wonderful mercy of God co me in those afflictions, in sending me a Bible. One of the Indians that came from Medfield fight, had brought some plunder, came co me, and asked me, if I would have a Bible, he had got one in his basket. I was glad of it, and asked him, whether he thought the Indians would let me read? He answered, yes; so I rook the Bible, and in chat melancholy time, it came into my mind co read first che 28th chapter of Deuteronomy; which I did; and when I had read it, my dark heart wrought on chis manner: That there was no mercy for me, chat che blessings were gone, and che curses come in their room,2 and that I had lost my opportunity. Bue the Lord helped me still co go on reading till I came co Chapter 30, the seven first verses, where I found, 1here was mercy promised again, if we would return to him by repentance; and though we were scattered from one end of the Earth to the other, yet the Lord would gather us together, and turn all those curses upon our Enemies. I do not desire co live to forget chis Scripture, and what comfort it was to me. Now the Indians began co talk of removing from chis place, some one way, and some another. There were now, besides myself, nine English captives in this place (all of them children, except one woman). I got an opportunity co go and cake my leave of them; chey being co go one way, and I another, I asked them whether they were earnest with God for deliverance, they cold me, they did as they were able, and it was some comfort to me, chat the Lord stirred up children co look to him. The woman, viz. Goodwife 3 Joslin, cold me she should never see me again, and chat she

293

could find in her heart to run away; I wished her not to run away by any means, for we were near thirty miles from any English town, and she very big with child, and had but one week to reckon,4 and another child in her arms, two years old, and bad rivers there were co go over, and we were feeble with our poor and coarse entercainment.5 I had my Bible with me, I pulled it out, and asked her whether she would read; we opened the Bible and lighted on Psalm 27, in which Psalm we especially cook notice of that, ver. ult., Wait on the Lord, Be ofgood courage, and he shall strengthen thine Heart, wait I say on the Lord. 6

1

28th chapter ofDeutero11omy The first 30 chapters of this book consist of sermons delivered by Moses to the Israelites; the first verse of chapter 2.8 is, "And it shall come to pass, if thou shalt hearken diligently umo che voice of the Lord thy God, co observe and co do aU his commandments which I command chee chis day, chat the Lord thy God will sec thee on high above aU nations of the earth." 2

in their room

I.e., in cheir place.

3 Goodwife Police form of address for a married woman of ordinary social status.

4

but one week to reckon pregnancy.

5 6

entertainment ver.

27.14.

Page 35

11ft.

I.e., one week remaining in her

Food and ocher provisions.

Latin: final verse;

Wait

011 •..

the lord See Psalm

298

MARY RowLANDSON

THE ELEVENTH REMOVE

The nexc day in the morning chey cook cheir travel, incending a day's journey up the river. I cook my load at my back, and quickly we came co wade over the river, and passed over ciresome and wearisome hills. One hill was so sreep char I was fain co creep up upon my knees, and co hold by che twigs and bushes to keep myself from falling backward. My head also was so light, that I usually reeled as I went; but I hope all these wearisome steps that I have taken, are but a forewarning co me of the heavenly rest. I know, 0 Lord, that thy judgments are right, and that thou in faithfolness hast afflicted me, Psalm u9.7r. 1 THE TWELFTH REMOVE

THE TENTH REMOVE

That day a small pare of the company removed abouc three quarters of a mile, incending furcher the next day. When they came to the place where they intended co lodge, and had pitched their wigwams, being hungry I went again back co the place we were before ac, to gee something co eat, being encouraged by che squaw's kindness, who bade me come again; when I was there, there came an Indian to look after me, who when he had found me, kicked me all along. I went home and found venison roascing char nighc, but chey would not give me one bic of ic. Somecimes I met with favour, and sometimes with nothing buc frowns.

It was upon a Sabbath-day morning chac chey prepared for their travel. This morning I asked my master whether he would sell me to my husband; he answered me Nux, 2 which did much rejoice my spirit. My mistress, before we went, was gone to che burial of a papoose, and returning, she found me sining and reading in my Bible; she snatched it hastily out of my hand, and threw it out of doors. I ran out and catched it up, and put it into my pocket, and never let her see it afterward. Then they packed up cheir things to be gone, and gave me my load; I complained ic was coo heavy, whereupon she gave me a slap in the face, and bade me go. I lifted up my heart co God, hoping che Redemption was nor far off, and the rather because their insolency grew worse and worse. But the thoughts of my going homeward (for so we bent our course) much cheered my spirit, and made my burden seem light, and almost nothing at all. Bur (co my amazement and great perplexiry) che scale was soon turned; for when we had gone a little way, on a sudden my mistress gives out, she would go no further, bur cum back again, and said I muse go back again with her; and she called her sannup, and would have had him gone back also, but he would not, bur said he would go on, and come co us again in three days. My spirit was, upon this, I confess, very impatient, and

1 2

Page 36

u9,71

The accual citation is Psalm II9.75.

N11x Yes.

THE SovEREIGNTY AND GooDNESS OF Goo

almost outrageous.1 I thought I could as well have died as went back; I cannot declare the trouble chat I was in about it, but yet back again I must go. As soon as I had an opportunity, I took my Bible to read, and chat quieting Scripture came to my hand, Psalm 46.1~Be still, and know that I am God-which stilled my spirit for the present. But a sore time of trial, I concluded, I had to go ch rough. My master being gone, who seemed co me the best friend chat I had of an Indian, both in cold and hunger, and quickly so it proved. Down I sat, with my heart as full as it could hold, and yet so hungry chat I could not sic neither. Bue going out co see what I could find, and walking among the trees, I found six acorns, and two chestnuts, which were some refreshment to me. Towards night I gathered me some sticks for my own comfort, chat I might not lie a-cold; but when we came to lie down they bade me to go out, and lie somewhere else, for they had company (they said) come in more than their own. I cold chem, I could not cell where co go. They bade me go look; I told chem, if I went to another wigwam they would be angry, and send me home again. Then one of the company drew his sword, and told me he would run me through if I did not go presencly. Then was I fain co stoop to this rude fellow, and co go out in che night, I knew not whither. Mine eyes have seen that fellow afterwards walking up and down Boston, under the appearance of a Friend-Indian, and several ochers of the like cue. I went to one wigwam, and they cold me they had no room. Then I went co another, and they said che same. At last an old Indian bade me co come to him, and his squaw gave me some groundnuts; she gave me also something to lay under my head, and a good fire we had: and through the good providence of God, I had a comfortable lodging chat night. In the morning, another Indian bade me come at nighc, and he would give me six groundnuts, which I did. We were at chis place and time about two miles from Connecticut River. We went in the morning to gather groundnuts, co the river, and went back again that night. I went with a good load at my back (for they when they went, though but a little way, would carry all their crumpery 2 with chem). I cold them the skin was off my back, but I

1

outrageous

2

trumpery Trifling objecrs; trash.

299

had no ocher comforting answer from chem than chis, chat it would be no matter if my head were off too.

Outraged.

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306

MARY RowLANDSON

THE TWENTIETH REMOVE

It was their usual manner to remove, when they had done any mischief, Iese they should be found out: and so they did at chis time. We went about three or four miles, and there they built a great wigwam, big enough to hold an hundred Indians, which they did in preparation to a great day of dancing. They would say now amongst themselves, chat the Governor would be so angry for his loss as Sudbury, that he would send no more about che captives, which made me grieve and tremble. My sister being not far from che place where we now were, and hearing chat I was here, desired her master to let her come and see me; and he was willing to it, and would go with her. Bur she being ready before him, told him she would go before, and was come wichin a mile or nvo of the place; then he overcook her, and began to rant as if he had been mad, and made her go back again in the rain, so chat I never saw her till I saw her in Charlestown. But the Lord requited many of cheir ill doings, for chis Indian, her master, was hanged afterward ac Boston. The Indians now began to come from all quarters, against their merry dancing day. Among some of them came one Goodwife Kettle. I told her my heart was so heavy char it was ready to break. So is mine too, said she, but yet said, I hope we shall hear some good news shortly. I

could hear how earnestly my sister desired to see me, and I as earnestly desired to see her: and yet neither of us could get an opportunity. My daughter was also now about a mile off, and I had not seen her in nine or ten weeks, as I had not seen my sister since our first taking. I earnesdy desired chem co lee me go and see chem: yea, I increated, begged, and persuaded them, but co lee me see my daughter; and yet so hard hearted were they, chat they would not suffer ir. They made use of their tyrannical power whilst they had it: but through the Lord's wonderful mercy, their time was now but short. On a Sabbath day, the sun being about an hour high in the afternoon, came Mr. John Hoar1 (the Council permitting him, and his own forward spirit inclining him) togecher with the nvo fore-mentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with cheir chi rd leccer from che Council. When they came near, I was abroad. Though I saw chem not, they presently called me in, and bade me sic down and nor scir. Then they catched up their guns, and away they ran, as if an enemy had been at hand, and the guns went off apace. I manifested some great trouble, 2 and chey asked me what was the matter? I cold chem, I thought they had killed the Englishman (for they had in the meantime informed me char an Englishman was come). They said, No; chey shoe over his horse and under, and before3 his horse; and they pushed him chis way and char way, at their pleasure, showing whac they could do. Then they let chem come to their wigwams. I begged of them to let me see che Englishman, but they would not. Bue there was I fain to sit their pleasure. When they had talked their fill with him, they suffered me co go to him. We asked each other of our welfare, and how my husband did, and all my friends? He cold me they were all well, and would be glad to see me. Amongst other things which my husband sent me, there came a pound of tobacco, which I sold for nine shillings in money: for many of the Indians, for want of tobacco, smoked hemlock and ground ivy. It was a great mistake in any who thought I sent for tobacco: for through che favour of God, chat 1

Mr. John Hoar lawyer.

Prominent Massachusens militia leader and

2

manifested some great trouble I.e., had the appearance of being in great distress.

3 before In fronr of.

Page 38

THE SovEREIGNTY AND GooDNEss OF Goo

desire was overcome. I now asked chem, whecher I should go home wich Mr. Hoar? They answered No, one and anocher of them: and ic being nighc, we lay down wirh char answer; in che morning, Mr. Hoar invired the Sagamores to dinner; bur when we went to get it ready, we found that they had stolen che greatest pare of che provision Mr. Hoar had broughc, out of his bags, in che nighc: And we may see che wonderful power of God, in chat one passage; in that when there was such a greac number of rhe Indians together, and so greedy of a liccle good food, and no English chere, buc Mr. Hoar and myself, char there they did not knock us in che head, and cake what we had, there being not only some provision, but also uading-cloth,2· a pare of che twenty pounds agreed upon. Bue instead of doing us any mischief, they seemed to be ashamed of che fact, and said, it were some matchit3 Indian chat did ic. Oh, chat we could believe char chere is no thing coo hard for God! God showed his power over che heachen in chis, as he did over chc hungry lions when Daniel was cast into che den.4 Mr. Hoar called chem becime co dinner, but they ace very liccle, they being so busy in dressing themselves, and getting ready for their dance, which was carried on by eight of chem, four men and four squaws. My master and mistress being rwo. He was dressed in his Holland shire, with great laces sewed at the rail of it, and he had his silver buttons, his white stockings, his garters were hung round with shillings, and he had girdles of wampum upon his head and shoulders. She had a kersey5 coat, and [was] covered with girdles of wampum from che loins upward; her arms from her elbows co her hands were covered with bracelets, there were handfuls of necklaces about her neck, and several sores of jewels in her ears. She had fine red stockings, and whice shoes, her hair powdered and face painted red, chat was always before black. And all the dancers were afcer the same manner. There were rwo other singing and knocking

2

trading-clarh

Pieces of cloth used as a form of currency.

3 m11tchit From machiw (recorded in Williams's Key, probably Narragansett): poor. 4 tlS he . . . the dm See Daniel 6, where God sends an angel ro restrain the lions in whose den the prophet Daniel has been imprisoned. 5

kersey Rough woven fabric made from wool.

on a kettle for their music. They kept hopping up and down one after anocher, with a kercle of water in the midst, standing warm upon some embers, co drink of when rhey were dry. They held on rill ic was almost nighr, rhrowing out wampum co rhe standers by. At night I asked chem again, ifl should go home? They all as one said No, except6 my husband would come for me. When we were lain down, my master went our of the wigwam, and by and by sent in an Indian called James che Printer,7 who cold Mr. Hoar chat my master would let me go home tomorrow, if he would lee him have one pint of liquors. Then Mr. Hoar called his own Indians, Tom and Peter, and bid chem go and see whether he would promise it before chem three: and if he would, he should have it; which he did, and he had ic. Then Philip smelling the business called me co him, and asked me what I would give him, to cell me some good news, and speak a good word for me. I told him, 1 could not cell what co give him, I would anything I had, and asked him what he would have? He said, cwo coats and C\.venty shillings in money, and half a bushel of feed corn, and some tobacco. I chanked him for his love: bur I knew the good news as well as che crafty fox. My master, after he had had his drink, quickly came ranting into che wigwam again, and called for Mr. Hoar, drinking to him, and saying, He was a good man; and then again he would say, Hang him rogue. Being almost drunk, he would drink to him, and yet presently say he should be hanged. Then he called for me; I crembled ro hear him, yec I was fain co go to him, and he drank to me, showing no incivility. He was the firsc Indian I saw drunk all che while chat I was amongsc them. Ar lase his squaw ran out, and he after her, round the wigwam, wich his money jingling ac his knees, bur she escaped him. But having an old squaw, he ran co her; and so ch rough the Lord's mercy, we were no more troubled char night. Yee I had not a comforcable nighr's rest, for I chink I can say, I did nor sleep 6

p11ss11ge Event.

307

except Unless.

7 James the Printer James Printer (1640-1709), born Wowaus, was a literate Nipmuc Christian who had become well known among Massachuserts colonials for his printing of the first translation of the Bible into the Massachusett language in 1663. He appears to have come co sympathize with Mctacom's cause over the course of the WaJ, and he subsequently worked as an interpreter and scribe for Mecacom, for which many of the English colonists branded him as a rraicor.

Page 39

308

MARY RowLANDSON

for three nights together. The night before the letter came from the council, I could not rest. I was so full of fears and troubles, God many times leaving us most in the dark, when deliverance is nearest: yea, at chis rime I could not rest night nor day. The next night I was overjoyed, Mr. Hoar being come, and chat with such good tidings. The third night I was even swallowed up with the thoughts of things, viz. that ever I should go home again; and chat I muse go, leaving my children behind me in the wilderness; so char sleep was now almost departed from mine eyes. On Tuesday morning they called their General Court (as they call it) to consult and determine whether I should go home or no. And they all as one man did seemingly consent co it, that I should go home, except Philip, who would not come among chem. But before I go any further, I would take leave to mention a few remarkable passages of providence, which I took special notice of in my affiicced time. r. Of the fair opportuniry, lost in the long march, a liccle after the fort fight, when our English army was so numerous, and in pursuit of the enemy, and so near as to take several and destroy chem, and the enemy in such distress for food, char our men might track them by their rooting in the earth for groundnuts whilst they were flying for their lives. I say, chat then our army should want provision, and be forced co leave their pursuit and return homeward; and the very next week, che enemy came upon our rown, like bears bereft of their whelps, or so many ravenous wolves, rending us and our lambs to death. But what shall I say? God seemed co leave his people co themselves, and order all things for his own holy ends. Shall there be evil in the City and the Lord hath not done it? 1 They are not grieved for the affliction ofJoseph, therefore shall they go Captive, with the first that go Captive. 2 It is the Lord's doing, and

it should be marvelous in our eyes. 2. I cannot buc remember how the Indians derided the slowness and dullness of the English army, in its setting our. For after che desolations ac Lancaster and Medfield, as I went along with chem, they asked me when I thought che English army would come after chem? I cold them I could not cell. It may be they will

1

Shall . .. done it See Amos 3.6.

2

7hry are ... Cnpti,,e See Amos 6.6-7.

come in May, said they. Thus did they scoff at us, as if che English would be a quarter of a year getting ready. 3. Which also I have hinted before, when the English army with new supplies were sent forth co pursue after the enemy, and they understanding it, fled before chem till they came to Baquaug River, where they forthwith went over safely; that chat river should be impassable co the English. I can but admire to see the wonderful providence of God in preserving the heathen for farther affliction co our poor country. They could go in great numbers over, but the English muse stop: God had an over-ruling hand in all chose things. 4. It was thought if their corn were cut down, they would starve and die with hunger; and all their corn that could be found was destroyed, and they driven from that little they had in store, into the woods in the midst of winter; and yet how co admiration did the Lord preserve them for his holy ends, and the destruction of many still amongst the English! Strangely did the Lord provide for them, that I did not see {all the time I was among them) one man, woman, or child die with hunger. Though many times they would eat that, that a hog or a dog would hardly touch, yet by that God strengthened them to be a scourge to his people. The chief and commonest food was groundnuts. They eat also nuts and acorns, harry choaks,3 lily roots, ground-beans, and several ocher weeds and roots, chat I know not. They would pick up old bones and cut chem to pieces at the joints, and if they were full of worms and maggots, they would scald them over the fire co make the vermin come out, and then boil chem, and drink up the liquor, and then beat the great ends of chem in a mortar, and so eat chem. They would eat horses' guts and ears, and all sores of wild birds which chey could catch; also bear, venison, beaver, tortoise, frogs, squirrels, dogs, skunks, rattlesnakes-yea, the very bark of trees-besides all sores of creatures, and provision which they plundered from the English. I can but stand in admiration co see the wonderful power of God, in providing for such a vast number of our enemies in the wilderness, where there was nothing co 3 harty choaks Artichokes; presumably referring to whac is also known coday as the Jerusalem artichoke or sunchoke, a wild-growing rulxr.

Page 40

.. THE SovEREIGNTY AND GoooNEss OF Goo

be seen, but from hand co mouth. Many times in a morning, the generality of chem would eat up all they had, and yec have some further supply against they wanted. le is said, Psalm 8u3-14. Oh, that my People had hearkened to me, and Israel had ivalked in my ways, I should soon have subdued their Enemies, and tunzed my hand again.st their Adversaries. But now our perverse and evil carriages in che sight of the Lord, have so offended him, chat instead of turning his hand against them, che Lord feeds and nourishes chem up co be a scourge co the whole land. 5. Another thing that I would observe is the strange providence of God in turning things about when the Indians was at che highest, and the English ac the lowest. I was with che enemy eleven weeks and five days, and not one week passed wirhout the fury of the enemy, and some desolation by fire and sword upon one place or ocher. They mourned (with their black faces) for their own losses, yet triumphed and rejoyced in their inhumane, and many times devilish cruelty co the English. They would boast much of their victories, saying chat in two hours rime they had destroyed such a captain and his company at such a place; and such a captain and his company in such a place; and such a captain and his company in such a place; and boast how many cowns they had destroyed, and then scoff and say, They had done them a good turn, to send them to Heaven so soon. Again, they would say, This summer that they would knock all the rogues in the head, or drive them into the sea, or make them fly the country, chinking surely, Agaglike, The bitterness of Death is past. 1 Now the heathen begins co chink all is their own, and rhe poor Christians' hopes to fail (as to man) and now rheir eyes are more co God, and their hearrs sigh heaven-ward, and ro say in good earnest, Help, Lord, or we perish. When rhe Lord had brought his people co chis, char they saw no help in anything but himself, then he takes the quarrel into his own hand; and though they had made a pie, in their own imaginations, as deep as hell for che Christians char summer, yet the Lord hurled themselves into ir. And the Lord had not so many ways before ro preserve chem, buc now he hach as many co destroy chem.

1

The biuerness ofDeath is past See I Samuel 15.32. Agag, king of Amalek, thought his life had been spared after his defe-at b>· Saul, but he was then killed by Samuel.

309

Bue co return again co my going home, where we may sec a remarkable change of providence. At first they were all against it, except my husband would come for me; but afcerwards they assented to it, and seemed much to rejoice in it. Some asked me to send chem some bread, ochers some tobacco, others shaking me by the hand, offering me a hood and scarf to ride in; noc one moving hand or tongue against ic. Thus hath the Lord answered my poor desire, and the many earnest requests of ochers put up unto God for me. In my travels an Indian came to me, and told me, if I were willing, he and his squaw would run away, and go home along with me. I cold him no, I was not willing ro run away, bur desired to wait God's time, chat I might go home quietly, and without fear. And now God hath granted me my desire. 0 che wonderful power of God that I have seen, and the experience chat I have had. I have been in the midst of chose roaring lions and savage bears chat feared neither God, nor man, nor the Devil; by night and day, alone and in company; sleeping all sons together; and yet not one of chem ever offered me the least abuse of unchastity co me, in word or action. Though some are ready to say I speak it for my own credit; bur I speak it in che presence of God, and ro his glory. God's power is as great now, and as sufficient to save, as when he preserved Daniel in the lions' den; or the three children in che fiery furnace. I may well say as his Psalm 107.12, Oh give thanks unto the Lord for he is good, for his mercy mdureth for ever. Let the redeemed of the Lord say so, whom he hath redeemed from the hand of the enemy, especially chat I should come away in the midst of so many hundreds ofenemies quietly and peacably, and not a dog moving his tongue. So I took my leave of them, and in coming along my heart melted inco tears, more than all the while I was with chem, and I was almost swallowed up with the thoughts that ever I should go home again. About che sun going down, Mr. Hoar and myself, and che two Indians, came co Lancaster, and a solemn sight it was to me. There had I lived many comfortable years amongst my relations and neighbours, and now not one Christian co be seen, nor one house left standing. We went on co a arm house that was yet standing, where we lay all night: and a comfortable lodging we had, though nothing but straw co lie on. The Lord preserved us in safety chat night, and raised

Page 41

310

MARY RowLANDSON

us up again in the morning, and carried us along, chat before noon, we came co Concord. Now was I full of joy, and yet not without sorrow; joy co see such a lovely sight, so many Christians together, and some of them my neighbours. There I met with my brother, and my brother in law, who asked me if I knew where his wife was? Poor heart! he had helped co bury her, and knew it not; she being shot down by the house was parcly burnt, so chat chose who were at Boston at the desolation of the town, and came back afterward and buried the dead, did not know her. Yee I was not without sorrow, co chink how many were looking and longing, and my own children amongst che rest, to enjoy that deliverance chat I had now received; and I did not know whether ever I should see chem again. Being recruited1 with food and raiment, we went co Boston chat day, where I met with my dear husband; bur the thoughts of our dear children, one being dead, and the other we could not tell where, abated our comfort each co other. I was not before so much hemmed in with the merciless and cruel heathen, but now as much with pitiful, tender-hearted, and compassionate Christians. In that poor, and distressed, and beggarly condition I was received in, I was kindly entertained in several houses; so much love I received from several (some of whom I knew, and others I knew not) chat I am not capable to declare it. Bue the Lord knows chem all by name: The Lord reward chem sevenfold into their bosoms of his spirituals, for their cemporals.2 The twenty pounds, the price of my redemption, was raised by some Boston gentlemen, and Ms. Usher, whose bouncy and religious charity I would not forget co make mention of. Then Mr. Thomas Shepard of Charlestown received us into his house, where we continued eleven weeks; and a father and mother they were co us. And many more tender-hearted friends we met with in that place. We were now in the midst of love, yet not without much and frequent heaviness of heart for our poor children, and ocher relations, who were still in affiiccion. The week following, after my coming in, the governor and Council sent forth co the Indians again, and that not without success; for chey brought in my sister, and Goodwife Kettle. Their not knowing where our children were was a sore trial co us still, and 1

recruited Refreshed.

2. for their tnnpomls

I.e., in return for their worldly generosity.

yet we were not without secret hopes that we should see them again. That which was dead3 lay heavier upon my spirit, than chose which were alive and amongst the heathen; chinking how it suffered with its wounds, and I was no way able to relieve it, and how it was buried by the heathen in the wilderness from4 among all Christians. We were hurried up and down in our thoughts. Sometime we should hear a report chat they were gone this way, and sometimes that, and that they were come in, in this place or that. We kept enquiring and listning co hear concerning chem, but no certain news as yet. About this time the Council had ordered a day of public thanksgiving: though I thought I had still cause of mourning, and being unseeded in our minds, we thought we would ride coward the Eastward, to see if we could hear anything concerning our children. And as we were riding along (God is the wise disposer5 of all things) between Ipswich and Rowly we met with Mr. William Hubbard,6 who cold us chat our son Joseph was come in to Major Waldren's,7 and another with him, which was my sister's son. I asked him how he knew ic? He said, the Major himself cold him so. So along we went till we came co Newbury; and their minister being absent, they desired my husband to preach the thanksgiving for chem; but he was not willing to stay there chat night, but would go over ro Salisbury, to hear further, and come again in the morning, which he did, and preached there chat day. At night, when he had done, one came and cold him that his daughter was come in at Providence.8 Here was mercy on both hands. Now hath God fulfilled chat precious Scripture which was such a comfort co me in my distressed condition, when my heart was ready co sink into the earth (my children being gone I could not cell whither), and my knees trembling under me. And I

was walking through the valley ofthe shadow ofDeath.9 Then the Lord brought, and now has fulfilled that 3

That u•hich was dead

4 .from

I.e., Rowlandson's daughter Sarah.

Away from.

disposer Ruler; one who puts things in order. 6

Afr. William Hubbard Minister-and later a historian of King Philip's War-based in Ipswich, Massachuscrcs (1621-1704).

7 8 9

Page 42

Major \¼ldrm

Colonial soldier Richard Waldron (1615-89).

Provitunce I.e., the settlement in Rhode Island.

And I .. . ofDeath See Psalm 2.3.4.

THE SovEREIGNTY AND GoooNEss OF Goo

reviving word unto me: Thus saith the Lord, Refrain thy voice from weeping, and thine eyes from tears, for thy Work shall be rewarded, saith the Lord, and they shall come again from the Land ofthe Enemy. 1 Now we were between them, the one on the East, and the other on the West; our son being nearest, we went to him first, to Porcsmouth, where we met with him, and with the Major also, who told us he had done what he could, but could not redeem him under seven pounds, which the good people thereabouts were pleased to pay. The Lord reward the Major, and all the resc, though unknown co me, for their labour of love. My sister's son was redeemed for four pounds, which the Council gave order for the payment 0£ Having now received one of our children, we hastened toward the other. Going back through Newbury, my husband preached there on the Sabbath day, for which they rewarded him many fold. On Monday we came co Charlestown, where we heard that the governor of Rhode Island had sent over for our daughter, to take care of her, being now within his jurisdiction, which should not pass without our acknowledgments. But she being nearer Rehoboth than Rhode Island, Mr. Newman went over, and cook care of her, and brought her to his own house. And the goodness of God was admirable to us in our low estate, in that he raised up passionate friends on every side co us, when we had nothing to recompense any for their love. The Indians were now gone chat way, chat it was apprehended dangerous to go co her. Bue the carts which carried provision to the English army, being guarded, brought her with them to Dorchester, where we received her safe: blessed be che Lord for it, for great is his power, and He can do whatsoever seemeth him good. Her coming in was after this manner: She was travelling one day wich che Indians, with her basket at her back; the company of Indians were got before her, and gone our of sight, all except one squaw; she followed the squaw till night, and then both of them lay down, having nothing over chem bur the heavens, and under them but the earth. Thus she travelled three days together, nor knowing whither she was going, having nothing to eat or drink

3u

bur water, and green hircle-berries. 2 At last they came into Providence, where she was kindly entertained by several of chat town. The Indians often said that I should never have her under twenty pounds; but now the Lord hath brought her in upon free cost, and given her to me the second time. The Lord make us a blessing indeed, each to others.3 Now have I seen that Scripture also fulfilled, Deuteronomy 30.4-7. ff any of thine be driven out to the outmost parts of heaven, from thence will the Lord thy God gather thee, and from thence will he fetch thee. And the Lord thy God will put all these curses upon thine enemies, and on them which hate thee, which persecuted thee. Thus hath the Lord brought me and mine ouc of that horrible pie, and hath set us in the midst of tender-hearted and compassionate Christians. It is the desire of my soul, that we may walk worthy of the mercies received, and which we are receiving. Our family being now gathered together (those of us that were living), the South Church in Boston hired an house for us. Then we removed from Mr. Shepard's, those cordial friends, and went to Boston, where we continued about three quarters of a year. Still the Lord went along with us, and provided graciously for us. I thought ic somewhat strange co set up housekeeping with bare walls; but as Solomon says, Money answers all things;4 and that we had through the benevolence of Christian friends, some in this town, and some in that, and others; and some from England; that in a little time we might look, and see che house furnished with love. The Lord hath been exceeding good co us in our low estate, in char when we had neither house nor home, nor other necessaries, che Lord so moved the hearcs of these and chose cowards us, char we wanted neither food, nor raiment for our selves or ours, Proverbs 18.24. 1here is a Friend which sticketh closer than a Brother. And how many such friends have we found, and now living amongst? And truly such a friend have we found him co be unto us, in whose house we lived, viz. Mr. James Whitcomb, a friend unto us near hand, and afar

off. 2 hirtle-berries Whorrleberries; any of a number of species in the genus Vaccinium, which includes huckleberries and blueberries.

1

Thus saith ... the Enemy See Jeremiah 31.16.

3

each to otherr I.e., to each ocher.

4

Money answers all things See Ecclesiastes 10.19.

Page 43

312

MARY RoWLANDSON

I can remember the time, when I used to sleep quiecly without workings in my thoughts, whole nights togecher, bue now it is other ways with me. When all are fast1 about me, and no eye open, bue his who ever waketh, my thoughts are upon things past, upon the awful dispensation of the Lord towards us; upon his wonderful power and might, in carrying of us through so many difficulties, in recurning us in safety, and suffering none to hurt us. I remember in the night season, how the other day I was in the midst of thousands of enemies, and nothing but death before me; it is then hard work to persuade myself, that ever I should be satisfied with bread again. Bue now we are fed with che finest of the wheat, and, as I may say, With honey out ofthe rock. 2 Instead of the husk, we have the farced calf. The thoughts of these things in the particulars of them, and of che love and goodness of God towards us, make it true of me, what David said of himself, Psalm 6.6. I watered my Couch with my tears. Oh! the wonderful power of God that mine eyes have seen, affording matter enough for my thoughts to run in, that when others are sleeping mine eyes are weeping. I have seen the extreme vanity of this world.3 One hour I have been in health, and wealth, wanting nothing; but the next hour in sickness and wounds, and death, having nothing bur sorrow and affiiction. Before I knew what affiiccion meanc, I was ready somecimes to wish for ic. When I lived in prosperity, having che comforts of che world about me, my relacions by me, my heart cheerful, and raking licde care for anything; and yet seeing many, whom I preferred before myself, under many trials and affiiccions, in sickness, weakness, poverty, losses, crosses, and cares of the world, I should be sometimes jealous least I

1

fast

2

fed with ... the rock See Psalm 81.16.

should have my portion in chis life, and that Scripture would come to my mind, Hebrews 12.6. For whom the Lord Loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every Son whom he receiveth. Bue now I see the Lord had his time to scourge and chasten me. The portion of some is to have their afflictions by drops, now one drop and then another, but the dregs of rhe cup, the wine of astonishment: like a sweeping rain that leaveth no food, did the Lord prepare to be my portion. Affliction I wanted, and affiiccion I had full measure (I thoughc), pressed down and running over: yec I see, when God calls a person to anything, and through never so many difficulties, yet he is fully able to carry chem through and make chem see, and say they have been gainers thereby. And I hope I can say in some measure, as David did, ft is good for me that I have been afflicted. 4 The Lord hath showed me the vanity of these outward things. That chey are rhe vanity of vanities, and vexation of spirit; chat they are but a shadow, a blast, a bubble, and things of no continuance. Thar we muse rely on God himself, and our whole dependence must be upon him. If trouble from smaller matters begin to arise in me, I have something at hand co check myself with, and say, why am I troubled? Ir was but the other day chat if I had had the world, I would have given it for my freedom, or co have been a servant to a Christian. I have learned co look beyond present and smaller troubles, and to be quieted under chem, as Moses said, Exodus 14.13. Stand still and see the salvation ofthe Lord. FINIS

-1682

I.e., fast asleep.

3 vanity of this world Sevenreenth-cenrury meanings of mniry are only distantly related ro the sense in which the word is most commonly used nowadays (i.e., ro denote excessive regard for one's physical appearance). In the way rhar ir is frequently used in sixreenrh- and sevenreenrh-cenrury translations of Ecclesiastes and other books of the Bible, vanity derives from a Hebrew word meaning mirt or vapor-by extension, anything that does not lase long, and that is insubstantial. According co Christian doccrine, all earthly things fall inro char category.

4

Page 44

Ir is ... afflicted See Psalm 119.71.

MARY RoWLANDSON IN CONTEXT

IN CONTEXT

Editions of Rowlandson's Narrative Only eight pages of the first edition of The Sovereignty and Goodness of God, published in Boston in 1682, have survived to today. Three more editions were, however, published char same year, two in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and one in London.

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U DIP t4"4'..-~'f ~ l>f' .lt•W'"' • , .............y~~ .......r

W)'I Kinmont Alexander Kinmonc, Scottish-American echnologisr. Child refers co his colleccion Twe/11e Lectures on the Narural Hisrory of Man (1839).

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LYDIA MARIA CHILD

Heaven, and helps to carry it thither, as on an angel's wings. Domestic bliss, That can, the world eluding, be itself A world enjoyed; chat wants no witnesses But its own sharers, and approving heaven; That, like a flower deep hid in rocky cleft, Smiles, though 'tis looking only at che sk-y.'

Alas, for these days of Astor houses, and Tremonts, and Albions!2 where families exchange comforts for costliness, fireside retirement for flirtation and flaunting, and the simply, healthful, cozy meal, for gravies and gout, dainties and dyspepsia. There is no characteristic of my countrymen which I regret so deeply, as their slight degree of adhesiveness to home. Closely intertwined with chis instinct is the religion ofa nation. The home and che church bear a near relation to each other. The French have no such word as home in their language, and I believe they are the least reverential and religious of all the Christian nations. A Frenchman had been in the habit of visiting a lady constantly for several years, and being alarmed at a report chat she was sought in marriage, he was asked why he did not marry her himself "Marry her!" exclaimed he; "good heavens! where should I spend my evenings?" The idea of domestic happiness was altogether a foreign idea to his soul, like a word chat conveyed no meaning. Religious sentiment in the French leads the same roving life as the domestic affections; breakfasting at one restaurateur's, and supping at another's. When some wag in Boston reported chat Louis-Philippe3 had sent over for Dr. Channing! to manufacture a religion for the French people, che witty significance of the joke was generally appreciated. There is a deep spiritual reason why all chat relates to the domestic affections should ever be found in close 1

Domestic bliss . . . the sky From Scottish-born poet Rann Kennedy's "A Poem on the Death of Her Royal Highness, the Princess Charlocce of Wales" (1817). 2

proximity with religious faith. The age of chivalry was likewise one of unquestioning veneration, which led to the crusade for the holy sepulchre.5 The French Revolution, which tore down churches, and voted that there was no God, likewise annulled marriage; and the doctrine that there is no sex in souls has usually been urged by those of infidel tendencies. Carlyle6 says, "But what feeling it was in the ancient, devout, deep soul, which of marriage made a sacramenc; this, of all things in the world, is what Diderot will think of for aeons without discovering; unless, perhaps, it were to increase the vestry fees."7 The conviction chat woman's present position in society is a false one, and therefore re-acts disastrously on the happiness and improvement of man, is pressing, by slow degrees, on the common consciousness, through all the obstacles of bigotry, sensuality, and selfishness. As man approaches to the truest life, he will perceive more and more chat there is no separation or discord in their mutual duties. They will be one; but it will be as affection and thought are one; the treble and bass of the same harmonious tune.

5 holy sepulchre Sire of Jesus' burial, in Jerusalem. 6 Carlyk Thomas Carlyle, English essayist. The following para· phrase is from his 1833 essay on Denis Diderot (1713-84), in which he strongly criticizes the French Enlightenment philosopher. 7 vestry fees in a church.

Astor houses ... Albion;! Names of well-known, elegant hotels. Louis-Philippe

King of France from 1830 to 1848.

4 Dr. Chan11ing William Ellery Channing (178er-1842}, an inAuencial Unitarian preacher known for his liberal and tolerant religious views.

Page 171

Fees paid for che use of chapels or ocher special seats

SOJOURNER TRUTH C.

1797 - 1883

bolitionist and women's rights activist Sojourner Truth was among che most celebrated and compelling orators of nineteenth-century America. Born into slavery near the turn of the century, Truth spent the first seventeen years of her free life working as a domestic servant in New York City before undergoing che spiritual transformation chat, in 1843, compelled her co begin a career as an itinerant evangelise. Truth soon became a national celebrity, renowned both for her moving religious exhortations and for her uniquely powerful campaigning for racial and gender equality. Throughout her career, Truth thought and spoke about the intersections of race, class, and gender in a way that few of her fellow activists fully appreciated. Truth never learned to read or write herself; her ideas have come down to us primarily through the accounts of her contemporaries-a face chat has for decades challenged scholars seeking an "authentic" account of this exceptionally charismatic figure. Isabella (Truth's birth name) was born co parents Elizabeth and James Baumfree or Bomefree around 1797 in Ulster County, rwo years before the passage of New York Stace's Gradual Abolition Act, and three decades before that ace would rake effect for all enslaved people in the state. Speaking Low Dutch as her first language, Isabella learned English when she was sold to an English-speaker, John Neely, around the age of nine. She lived under five different enslavers over the course of her enslaved life, enduring forced separation from her family as well as numerous instances of severe abuse. Forbidden from marrying her first love, Roberc, because he belonged to another owner, Isabella was instead arranged to be married co Thomas, with whom she had five children. Isabella's final enslaver was John Dumont, under whom some scholars speculate she experienced sexual abuse, and with whom she lived for sixteen years until che autumn of 1826. When Dumont broke a promise he had made co emancipate her chat summer, Isabella emancipated herself. Leaving in the early hours of the morning, she walked twelve miles co a Quaker serclemem with her youngest daughter in tow, leaving her other children wich their father, who did nor join her. The Quakers provided shelter for Isabella, and provided for her purchase from Dumont when he lacer came to demand her rerurn. She was taken inco the household of Isaac Van Wagenen, for whom she worked voluntarily- though legally still enslaved-as a domestic helper over che course of the next year. While working for Van Wagenen, Isabella discovered that her five-year-old son Peter had been illegally sold into slavery in Alabama by Dumont. When the Gradual Abolition Acr came into effect and she was officially freed, Isabella sued to regain custody of her son, and, remarkably, succeeded. In 1828 Isabella underwent a conversion experience, upon which she moved co New York City; she lived there for the nexc fifteen years, working as a domestic servant, preaching in various contexts including within the Methodist Church and ac revivalist camp meetings, and brieAy becoming involved in a controversial culc called the Kingdom of Matchias. She underwent a second religious experience in 1843; leaving behind what she now believed to be a sinful city, Isabella adopted che new name Sojourner Truth and began her travels co spread God's word. Truth discovered a talent for oratory and religious ministry, and soon became something of a regional celebrity. As her fame increased, Truth cook to posing for phocographs, which she had printed in che popular form of cartes de visite that she chen sold to collectors to fund her missionary travels. Though she did not initially demonstrate a vocal interest in either abolitionism or women's rights, the religious

A

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SOJOURNER T RUTH

circles in which she moved often had a strongly antislavery bent. In the mid-184os, Truth began living at the Northampton Association for Education and Industry, one of the era's many utopian, reform-minded communities. Here she met several prominent abolitionists-among them William Lloyd Garrison, David Ruggles, and, perhaps most significantly, the formerly enslaved orator Frederick Douglass. Douglass and Truth, though very different in their personalities, made profound impressions on one another here; it was at this point that Truth seems co have dedicated herself co the antislavery cause. Around 1848, Garrison encouraged Truth to compose an autobiography focused on her time in slavery, in the vein of similar slave narratives by individuals such as Douglass. Having never learned co read or write, Truth dictated her life story co abolitionist Olive Gilbert, and had it published in 1850 as 7he Narrative ofSojourner Tmth, A Northern Slave. It was printed cheaply, and sold in large numbers at abolitionist conferences. The Narrative contributed co Truth's growing abolitionist fame; she began speaking publicly on che subject chat fall. In May 1851, Truth spoke ac a women's rights conference held at a church in Akron, Ohio, ac which she appears to have been che only African American woman in anendance. In contemporary records of the speech, Truth affirmed the physical capabilities of women, using herself as an example; argued for their intellectual rights; and sharply repudiated the biblically derived objections co the equality of women that opponents of women's rights commonly offered. In che best-known contemporaneous report of the speech, Marius Robinson claimed that it was "impossible co transfer ic co paper, or convey any adequate idea of che effect [Truth's speech] produced upon che audience." Another account of Truth's speech, however, eventually becan1e more famous; ic was produced in 1863, over a decade after the speech had been given, by Frances Dana Gage, who had presided over the Akron convention. In her version, Gage significantly expanded upon che content ofTruth's speech, portraying her as speaking in a strong dialect reAective of stereotypical Southern "slave" accents. {Truth, as a native Durch speaker from the Norrh, would almost certainly not have spoken with such an accent.) Gage also added the famous refrain, "Ar'n't I a Woman?," which has since lent the speech its popular name. Gage's version appeared in revised editions ofTruth's Narrative published in the 1870s and 1880s, as well as in the first volume of Elizabeth Cady Scamon's monumental History o/Woman Suffrage (1881); it remained throughout much of the rwentieth century the most widely known and reproduced. Truth's speeches continued to garner her inAuence and notoriety. Her highly animated, song-filled lectures were the subject of much comment, as was her physical appearance; she stood nearly six feet tall, and is said ro have bared both her arms and her breasts on stage co prove her strength and womanhood co skeptics. She was regularly discussed in abolitionist and feminise media; Harriet Beecher Stowe famously wrote of her in The Atlantic in 1863, describing her as "che Libyan Sibyl." Though a pacifist ac heart, Truth welcomed the Civil War as a national spiritual purge. She met (and posed for a photograph with) Abraham Lincoln during the period at which the Emancipation Proclamation was being drafted, and, after che end of the war, she provided aid and advice co newly emancipated men and women. Over the following years she agicaced for healthcare, housing, and land reform for African Americans; for the desegregation of transportation; for temperance; for the abolition of capital punishment; and for universal suffrage. Truth died in 1883, at the age of eighty-six, having by chen established a vivid presence in the American public imagination. She had often aroused puzzlement in her admirers, including in Frederick Douglass, who described her as a "strange compound of wit and wisdom, of wild enthusiasm and Aim-like common sense. She was a genuine specimen of the uncultured negro. She cared very lirrle for elegance of speech or refinement of manners." Long after her death, monikers such as "the Negro Joan of Arc" remained associated with her name. Later scholarship has often pivoted on the question of authenticity, especially as it relates co her apparently intentional rejection of conventional literacy; on her highly dynamic lectures; and on her intersectional policies. Her life, career, and words continue co both challenge and fascinate.

Page 173

THE NARRATIVE OF SOJOURNER TRUTH,

A NORTHERN

SLAVE

497

The text of Truth's narrative is taken from the 6rst edition of rhe Narrative ofSojourner Tmth, a Northern Slave, emancipatedfrom bodily servitiuk by the state ofNew York, in 1828 (1850). Truth's famous 1851 speech is presented in two versions: the first is based on that princ~d in 1he Anti-Slavery_ Bugle_on 21 June 1851, uanscribed with commencary by Marius Robinson; che second 1s based on that published m c~e 1875 edition Narrative ofSojourner Tnuh; A Bondswoman of Olden Time, emancipated by the New York Lelf:slature in the early part ofthe present century; with a history ofher labors and Cormpo~dence, drawn fro"! her 'Book of life, " edited by Frances Titus with reminiscences by Frances Dana Gage. Spelling _a_nd puncc~auon have been lightly modernized in accordance with the practices of chis anchology, buc any wrmng chat aims co reproduce (authencically or nor) Truth's speech paccerns remains unalcered. NOTE ON THE TEXTS:

from 1he Narrative ofSojourner Truth,

A Northern Slave HER RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION

I

sabella1 and Peter (her youngest brother) remained, with their parencs, rhe legal property of Charles Ardinburgh till his decease, which cook place when Isabella was near nine years old. After this evenc, she was often surprised co find her mother in tears; and when, in her simplicity, she inquired, "Mau-mau, what makes you cry?" she would answer, "Oh, my child, I am thinking of your brothers and sisters that have been sold away from me." And she would proceed to detail many circumstances respecting them. But Isabella long since concluded that it was rhe impending fare of her only remaining children, which her mother but coo well understood, even then, that called up chose memories from the past, and made chem crucify her heart afresh. In the evening, when her mother's work was done, she would sic down under che sparkling vault of heaven, and calling her children to her, would calk co them of the only Being chat could effectually aid or protect them. Her teachings were delivered in Low Dutch, her only language, and, translated inco English, ran nearly as follows: "My children, there is a God, who hears and sees you." "A God, mau-mau! Where does he live?" asked the children.

"He lives in the sky," she replied; "and when you are beaten, or cruelly treated, or fall into any trouble, you muse ask help of him, and he will always hear and help you." She caught them to kneel and say the Lord's Prayer. She encreated them to refrain from lying and stealing, and to strive to obey their masters. At times, a groan would escape her, and she would break out in the language of the Psalmisc-"Oh Lord, how long? 2 Oh Lord, how long?" And in reply to Isabella's question-"What ails you, mau-mau?" her only answer was, "Oh, a good deal ails me-Enough ails me." Then again, she would point them to the stars, and say, in her peculiar language, "Those are the same scars, and char is the same moon, chat look down upon your brothers and sisters, and which they see as they look up co them, though they are ever so far away from us, and each ocher." Thus, in her humble way, did she endeavor to show them their Heavenly Father, as the only being who could protect chem in their perilous condition; at the same rime, she would strengthen and brighten the chain of family affection, which she trusted extended itself sufficiently to connect che widely scattered members of her precious Rock. These instructions of the mother were treasured up and held sacred by Isabella, as our future narrative will show.

2

1

Isabella Truth's birth name.

Oh Lord, how long? See Psalm 13.1: "How long wilt thou forget me, 0 Lord? for ever? how long wilt thou hide thy face from me?"

Page 174

SPEECH AT THE AKRON, OHIO WOMEN'S RIGHT CONVENTION, 1851

503

Speech at the Akron, Ohio Womens Right Convention, I85I On che 29ch of May 1851, Sojourner Truth attended a women's righcs convencion held ac the Old Stone Church in Akron, Ohio, where she vencured before rhe crowd, apparently sponcaneously, and delivered what would become one of the most famous speeches of the burgeoning women's rights movemenc. Numerous reporrs of her speech were published in newspapers at the cime; most notable among them was char wrinen by Marius Robinson for the Salem Anti-Slavery Bugle. Nearly twelve years later, another accounc was published in the 23 April 1863 issue of the New York Independent, written by Frances Dana Gage, who had presided over the 1851 Akron event. This version differed substantially from che earlier

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SOJOURNER TRUTH

transcription, portraying Truth as speaking with a dialect char modern scholars argue was almost certainly not representative of her actual mode ofspeaking. Nevertheless, Gage's version was reprinted in an 1875 edition of the Narrative of Sojourner Truth; A Bondswonian of Olden Time, and again in Volume I of Elizabeth Cady Stanton's History of Woman Suffrage (1881). It prevailed as the standard rendition ofTruth's speech well into che twentieth century.

Jesus, how he never spurned woman from him, and she was right. When Lazarus died, Mary and Martha came to him with faith and love and besought him co raise their brother. And Jesus wept-and Lazarus came forth. 1 And how came Jesus into the world? Through God who created him and woman who bore him. Man, where is your part? But the women are coming up blessed by God and a few of the men are coming up with them. But man is in a eight place, the poor slave is on him, woman is coming on him, and he is surely between a hawk and a buzzard. -1851

[I85I version] WOMEN'S RIGHTS CONVENTION

[I875 version]

SOJOURNER TRUTH

O

ne of the most unique and interesting speeches of the Convention was made by Sojourner Truth, an emancipated slave. It is impossible to transfer it to paper, or convey any adequate idea of the effect it produced upon the audience. Those only can appreciate it who saw her powerful form, her whole-souled, earnest gesture, and listened to her strong and truthful tones. She came forward co the platform and addressing the Presidenc said with great simplicity: May I say a few words? Receiving an affirmative answer, she proceeded: I wane to say a few words about this matter. I am a woman's rights. I have as much muscle as any man, and can do as much work as any man. I have plowed and reaped and husked and chopped and mowed, and can any man do more than that? I have heard much about the sexes being equal; I can carry as much as any man, and can eat as much too, ifl can get it. I am as strong as any man that is now. As for intellect, all I can say is, if woman have a pint and man a quart-why can't she have her little pint full? You need not be afraid to give us our rights for fear we will cake too much-for we can't cake more than our pint'll hold. The poor men seem to be all in confusion, and don't know what co do. Why children, if you have woman's rights give it to her and you will feel better. You will have your own rights, and they won't be so much trouble. I can't read, but I can hear. I have heard the Bible and have learned that Eve caused man to sin. Well if woman upset the world, do give her a chance to sec ic right side up again. The Lady has spoken about

T

he cause [of women's rights] was unpopular then. The leaders of the movement trembled on seeing a tall, gaunt black woman, in a gray dress and white turban, surmounted by an uncouth sun-bonnet, march deliberately into the church, walk with the air of a queen up the aisle, and take her seat upon the pulpit steps. A buzz of disapprobation was heard all over the house, and such words as these fell upon listening ears: "An abolition affair!" "Woman's rights and niggers!" "We told you so!" "Go it, old darkey!" I chanced upon that occasion to wear my first laurels in public life as president of the meeting. At my request, order was restored and the business of the hour went on. The morning session was held; the evening exercises came and went. Old Sojourner, quiet and reticent as the "Libyan Statue," 2 sat crouched against the wall on the corner of the pulpit stairs, her sun-bonnet shading her eyes, her elbows on her knees, and her chin resting upon her broad, hard palm. At intermission she was busy, selling "The Life of Sojourner Truth," a narrative of her own strange and adventurous life. Again and again timorous and trembling ones came to me and said with earnestness, "Don't let her speak, Mrs. 1 Whm LazarttS ... came forth ln John u , Jesus is asked by Mary and Marcha of Bechany co come co the aid of their ailing brother Lazarus. Jesus arrives in Bethany four days after Lazarus' death, but because of rhe sisters' faith, Jesus raises Lazarus from the dead.

2

Libyan Statue Reference to an 1861 marble sculprure by William Wetmore Story; see the contextual materials in the website component of this anthology.

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SPEECH AT THE AKRON, Omo WoMEN's R1GHT CONVENTION, 1851

Gage, it will ruin us. Every newspaper in the land will have our cause mixed with abolition and niggers, and we shall be utterly denounced." My only answer was, "We shall see when the time comes." The second day the work waxed warm. Methodist, Baptist, Episcopal, Presbyterian, and Universalise ministers came in to hear and discuss the resolutions presented. One claimed superior rights and privileges for man on the ground of superior intellect; another, because of the manhood of Christ. "If God had desired the equality of woman, he would have given some token of his will through the birch, life, and death of the Saviour." Another gave us a theological view of the sin of our first mother. "There were few women in those days chat dared to "speak in meeting," and the august teachers of the people were seeming to gee the better of us, while the boys in the galleries and the sneerers among che pews were hugely enjoying che discomfiture, as they supposed, of the "strong minded." Some of the tender-skinned friends were on the point of losing dignity, and the atmosphere of the convention betokened a storm. Slowly from her seat in the corner rose Sojourner Truth, who, till now, had scarcely lifted her head. "Don't lee her speak!" gasped half a dozen in my ear. She moved slowly and solemnly co the front, laid her old bonnet at her feet, and turned her great, speaking eyes to me. There was a hissing sound of disapprobation above and below. I rose and announced "Sojourner Truth," and begged the audience to keep silence for a few moments. The tumult subsided at once, and every eye was fixed on chis almost Amawn1 form, which stood nearly six feet high, head erect, and eye piercing che upper air, like one in a dream. At her first word, there was a profound hush. She spoke in deep tones, which, though not loud, reached every ear in che house, and away through the throng ar the doors and windows: "Well, chilern, whar dar is so much racket dar muse be something out o' kilter. I cink dac 'cwixc de niggers of de Souf and de women at de Norf all a calkin' 'bout rights, de whire men will be in a fix pretty soon. Bur whar's all dis here calkin' 'bout? Dae man ober dar say dar women needs ro be helped into carriages, and lifted 1

Amnzo11 Legendary race of tall, strong women warriors in Greek mythology.

505

ober ditches, and ro have de best place every whar. Nobody eber help me into carriages, or ober mud puddles, or gives me any best place," and raising herself to her full height and her voice to a pitch like rolling thunder, she asked, "and ar'n'r I a woman? Look ar me! Look ar my arm!" And she bared her righr arm co the shoulder, showing her tremendous muscular power. "I have plowed, and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me- and ar'n't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man (when I could get it), and bear de lash as well-and ar'n't I a woman? I have borne thirteen chilern and seen 'em mos' all sold off into slavery, 2 and when I cried out with a mother's grief, none but Jesus heard- and ar'n't I a woman? Den dey talks 'bout dis ting in de headwhat dis dey call it?" "Incellecr," whispered some one near. "Dar's it honey. What's dar got ro do with women's rights or nigger's rights? If my cup won't hold but a pine and yourn holds a quart, would n'c ye be mean 3 nor co let me have my little half-measure full?" And she pointed her significant finger and sent a keen glance at che minister who had made the argument. The cheering was long and loud. "Den dar lircle man in black dar, he say woman can't have as much rights as man, cause Christ wanc4 a woman. Whar did your Christ come from?" Rolling thunder could nor have stilled that crowd as did chose deep, wonderful cones, as she stood there with outstretched arms and eye of fire. Raising her voice still louder, she repeated, "Whar did your Christ come from? From God and a woman. Man had nothing to do with him." Oh! what a rebuke she gave the little man. Turning again to another objector, she rook up the defense of mother Eve.5 I cannot follow her through 2

/ hnve ... imo slavery In fact, as Truth relates in her Narrative, she had only five children, all of whom were born into slavery, and all of whom she lived with until she lefr Dumont's farm in 1.826. {One son was sold-illegally-to a slaveholder in Alabama shorcly before New York emancipated all ics enslaved inhabitants, but Truth successfully sued for his return.)

3

mean

Selfish; small-minded.

4

wnnt

Wasn't.

5 tkftme of mother £t,e I.e., an attack against Christian arguments by which Eve is considered co have introduced sin ro the world through her actions in the Garden of Eden, and thereby co have rendered all women sinful.

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SOJOURNER TRUTH

it all. le was pointed, and witty, and solemn, eliciting ar almost every sentence deafening applause; and she ended by asserting char "if de fuse woman God ever made was strong enough to turn the world upside down, all 'lone, dese togedder," and she glanced her eye over us, "ought co be able to turn it back and get it right side up again, and now dey is asking co do it, de men better lee em." Long continued cheering. "Bleeged 1 to ye for hearin' on me, and now ole Sojourner ha'n't got nothing more to say." Amid roars of applause, she turned to her corner, leaving more than one of us with streaming eyes and

hearts beating with gratitude. She had taken us up in her strong arms and carried us safely over the slough of difficulty, turning the whole tide in our favor. I have never in my life seen anything like the magical influence that subdued the mobbish spirit of the day and turned che jibes and sneers of an excited crowd into notes of respect and admiration. Hundreds rushed up to shake hands, and congratulate the glorious old mother and bid her God speed on her mission of "testifying again concerning the wickedness of chis 'ere people." -1875

IN CONTEXT

Sojourner Truth's cartes de visite In the 1860s, Sojourner Truth scarred regularly posing for phorographs, which she primed in mass and sold at speeches and events t0 fund her activist travels. In 1864 she began having her phorographs copyrighted under her own name-as opposed to that of che phorographer-and adding the distinctive caption: "I sell the Shadow co Support che Substance." Many of her early portraits were primed in the form of cartes de visite, small (approximately the size of modern playing cards), inexpensive phoro cards chat in che r86os became hugely popular as collectors' items, especially chose chat depicted politicians and celebrities. The carte de visite was among several innovations in early phorography that led many ac che time co praise photography as democratizing che tradition of portraiture, both by making it more accessible and affordable and by making portraits easier tO reproduce and share. In rhe lace 1870s the cnrtes de visite format was largely supplanted by char of the somewhat larger cabinet card, and Truth adapted her practice co suit. She continued posing for and selling her photographs until not long before her death.

1

Bleeged Obliged.

Page 178

DAVID WALKER C.

1785/96 - 1830

irsr published in 1829, David Walker's Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World was among the most controversial publications of the antebellum period. Written in language as impassioned as it is deliberate, rhe pamphlet is an incisive condemnation of rhe institution of slavery and all who profited from it, calling for immediate emancipation and for the rise of a nationwide racial consciousness among both enslaved and free African Americans. Perceived by many at the time as dangerously radical, the Appe,zl was immediately vilified by Southern slaveholders as well as by moderate Northern abolitionists, its author deemed by detractors to be at best misguided and at worst a threat to the very foundations of American society. To threaten and overthrow chose cruel and unjust foundations, however, was one of Walker's primary aims. The Appeal, which helped usher in abolitionism as one of the most important concerns of nineteenth-century America, has been influential in the struggle for racial justice ever since its publication, and echoes of it can be heard in the work of Maria W. Stewart, Frederick Douglass, WE.B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King Jr., and Malcolm X, among others. Though Walker's father had been enslaved, his mother was free and therefore Walker himself was born into freedom. Nevertheless, the legal and social restraints experienced by even free African Americans in the antebellum South were severe. At an unknown date he left his native North Carolina for Charleston, South Carolina, where he joined the African Methodist Episcopal Church-a leading force in the fight for racial justice th roughout the nineteenth century- and likely encountered the formerly enslaved Denmark Vesey, whose radical, revolutionary approach co abolitionism would see echoes in Walker's later work. After traveling numerous Southern and Western states, Walker settled in Boston, where, though black people continued to experience severe discrimination and outright violence, there was nonetheless a flourishing black intellectual and political community. Here he purchased a used-clothing score and married Eli7..a Buder. Walker joined the influential Prince Hall Masonic Lodge, which advocated for black education rights among ocher causes; helped found the Massachusetts General Colored Association, before which he frequenrly lectured; wrote for and helped distribute Freedom's journal, the first African American-owned newspaper in the country; and used his shop and home as a shelrer, often for those escaping slavery via the Underground Railroad. Published in 1829, Walker's Appeal. in Four Articles, together with a Preamble, to the Coloured Citizens of the World, was a consummation of years of antislavery thought, calling upon African Americans co recognize and resist the oppression under which they lived, and invoking ancient and biblical examples of slavery co demonstrate the historically exceptional injustice of rhe American institution. In part, Walker's text was a response to Thomas Jefferson's influential Notes on the State of Virginia (1787)-ofren considered a foundational expression of American political culture-in which Jefferson defends slavery on the basis of che "real distinctions which nature has made" between black and white people, and claims chat African Americans should, if free, be "removed beyond the reach of mixture" with whites. Walker addresses the way this laner infamous claim had recently been taken up by the American Colonization Society, which advocated for the deportation of black people to Africa; from rhe 1820s co rhe 1840s rhe Society sent thousands of African Americans co colonize Liberia, where more than half died. Though Walker's Appeal was not the first standalone publication of its sort-a number of abolitionist tracts had, for instance, been previously published by Boston's African Society-it was among the most ambitious. Anticipating the negative response his pamphlet would likely elicit among white authorities if distributed conventionally, Walker used a varied network of supporters to circulate the Appeal among people who would otherwise have been unable to access it, and to read it aloud co those who were illiterate; chis network may have included sympathetic sailors and ship workers-a large proportion of whom were free blacks-as well as activists and ministers co whom Walker mailed crates of the pamphlet

F

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442

DAVID WALKER

directly. The pamphlet soon reached thousands of people around the country, with copies found as far sou ch as New Orleans. In 1830 the work was already in its third revised edition, with each revision featuring additional material, as well as a shift cowards increasingly radical language. By this point the pamphlet had amacced the notice of many outraged Southern slaveholders, who cook quick action co suppress knowledge of rhe text among the people they enslaved. Southern newspapers reported on the pamphlet extensively, and proslavery Southerners called for Walker's capture and execution-with a large reward offered to those willing co do rhe deed. Georgia's Governor Gilmer accused Boston of harboring "highly inflammatory" literature and demanded char the pamphlet's circulation be brought to an end (the city's mayor declined co cake such action). The legislature of North Carolina mer secretly about the Appeal and passed harsh laws forbidding anyone from teaching enslaved people how to read or write, and from circulating what was considered seditious literature. On the whole, many Southern states saw a surge in racist legislation during rhe early 1830s, likely in pare as a response co the increasingly vigorous ancislavery resistance represented by texts like the Appeal. White abolitionists, coo, were disturbed by the forceful language of rhe pamphlet: Benjamin Lundy, for instance, declared the Appeal "a labored attempt co rouse rhe worse passions of human nature, and inflame the minds of those co whom it is addressed," while William Lloyd Garrison commented that "We deprecate irs circulation, though we cannot but wonder at the bravery and incelligence of its author." (Though Garrison's personal response to the Appealwas mixed, the text appears to have influenced his own growing support for immediate abolition-and his rejection of the aims of the American Colonization Society.) Despite the attempts to suppress its influence, Walker's Appeal was an important catalyst for the explosion of abolitionist culture throughout the country in the post-1830 era. Ir had a profound influence on the abolitionist and feminise work of Walker's procegee Maria Stewart, who builc upon Walker's rhetoric of racial uplift even while rejecting his controversial endorsement of violent means. The slave rebellion led by Nae Turner in 1831-a struggle for freedom in which rebels killed fifty-five whites, widely depicted as a massacre in the South-reflected Walker's revolutionary rhetoric, though we cannot be certain that Turner himself had encountered Walker's work. While the Appeal was somewhat forgotten over the following decade, it experienced a revival in 1848, when it was republished by black Northern abolitionist Henry Highland Garnet, who wrote in his brief"Sketch" of the author, "They said that he went too far, and was making trouble. So the Jews spoke of Moses." Walker's fiery rhetoric, and his openness to armed revolt as an appropriate response co slavery, have led some historians to see his work as influential in che development of the lacer Black Power and Black Nationalist movements. Walker died unexpectedly not long after the release of the Appeals third edition. The cause of his death has long been disputed and never resolved-many in Boston's black community believed he had been murdered, though the official cause ofdeath was recorded as tuberculosis. Walker's only child co live co adulchood, Edward Garrison Walker, was born after his father's death; in 1866 he became one of the first black men elected to the Massachusetts State Legislature.

NOTE ON THE TEXT: The text of the work presented here is based on the third edition of the Appeal, rhe last edition published during Walker's lifetime, with the full tide Walker's Appeal. in Four Arti&s, together with a P,.eamb/e, to the Coloured Citizem ofthe World, but in particular, and very expressly, to those of7he United States ofAmerica (1830). Spelling and punccuarion have been modernized in accordance with rhe practices of chis anthology. Inconsistencies in the use of American and British spelling conventions have not been corrected.

Page 180

WALKER's APPEAL, IN FouR ARTICLES

from

Walker's Appeal, in Four Articles APPEAL, ETC.

}\ AJ dearly beloved Brethren and Fellow Citizens.

J V1. Having

travelled over a considerable portion of these United States, and having, in the course of my travels, taken che most accurate observations of things as they exist-the result of my observations has warranted the full and unshaken conviction, that we (coloured people of these Unired Scares) are the most degraded, wretched, and abject sec of beings chat ever lived since the world began; and I pray God chat none like us ever may live again until time shall be no more. They tell us of che Israelites in Egypt, the Helots in Sparta/ and of che Roman Slaves, which lase were made up from almost every nation under heaven, whose sufferings under those ancient and heathen nations, were, in comparison with ours, under chis enlightened and Christian nation, no more than a cypher2--or, in ocher words, chose heathen nations of antiquity, had but liccle more among them than che name and form of slavery; while wretchedness and endless miseries were reserved, apparently in a phial, to be poured out upon our fathers, ourselves and our children, by Christian Americans! These positions I shall endeavour, by the help of the Lord, to demonstrate in the course of this Appeal, to the sacisfaccion of the most incredulous mind-and may God Almighty, who is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, open your hearts co understand and believe the cruch. The causes, my brethren, which produce our wretchedness and miseries, are so very numerous and aggravating, chat I believe the pen only of a Josephus or a

1

/;rae/iw in Egypt ... in Spartn Historical examples of slavery. The Israelites' enslavement to the Egyptians, and their subsequent emancipation through the intervention of God, is the primary subject of the Book of Exodus. The Helots were a class of people in Spartan society; their exact status has been the subject of historical debate, with some uncertainty as to whether they were fully considered slaves by the Spartans or whether they occupied a stacus between slave and citizen. 2

cypher Literally, the digit zero; i.e., of no comparative importance.

443

Plutarch,3 can well enumerate and explain chem. Upon subjects, then, of such incomprehensible magnitude, so impenetrable, and so notorious, I shall be obliged co omit a large class of, and content myself with giving you an exposition of a few of chose, which do indeed rage co such an alarming pitch, chat they cannot but be a perpetual source of terror and dismay co every reflecting mind. I am fully aware, in making chis appeal co my much affiicced and suffering brethren, chat I shall not only be assailed by chose whose greatest earthly desires are, co keep us in abject ignorance and wretchedness, and who are of the firm conviction chat Heaven has designed us and our children co be slaves and bellSts of burden co them and their children. I say, I do not only expect co be held up co che public as an ignorant, impudent and restless disturber of the public peace, by such avaricious creatures, as well as a mover of insubordination-and perhaps put in prison or to death, for giving a superficial exposition of our miseries, and exposing tyrants. But I am persuaded, that many of my brethren, particularly chose who are ignorantly in league with slaveholders or tyrants, who acquire their daily bread by the blood and sweat of their more ignorant brethren-and not a few of chose coo, who are coo ignorant co see an inch beyond their noses, will rise up and call me cursed-Yea, the jealous ones among us will perhaps use more abject subtlety, by affirming that chis work is not worth perusing, char we are well situated, and there is no use in trying co better our condition, for we cannot. I will ask one question here. Can our condition be any worse? Can it be more mean 4 and abject? If there are any changes, will they not be for the better, though they may appear for the worse at first? Can they get us any lower? Where can they gee us? They are afraid co treat us worse, for they know well, the day they do it they are gone. Bue against all accusations which may or can be preferred against me, I appeal co Heaven for my motive in writing-who knows chat my object is, if possible, to awaken in the breasts of my affiicced, degraded and slumbering brethren, a spirit of

3 Josephus Roman-Jewish scholar (37-100 CE) best known for his works on Jewish history; Plutarch InRucntial Greek essayist and biographer (46-no CE). 4

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mean

Base, impoverished.

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DAVID WALKER

inquiry and investigation respecting our miseries and wretchedness in chis Republican Land ofLiberty!!!!!! The sources from which our miseries are derived, and on which I shall comment, I shall not combine in one, but shall put them under distinct heads and expose them in their turn; in doing which, keeping trurh on my side, and not departing from the strictest rules of morality, I shall endeavour to penetrate, search out, and lay chem open for your inspection. If you cannot or will nor profit by them, I shall have done my duty to you, my country and my God. And as the inhuman system of slavery is the source from which most of our miseries proceed, I shall begin with thar curse to nations, which has spread terror and devastation through so many nations of antiquity, and which is raging to such a pitch at the present day in Spain and in Porcugal.1 le had one tug in England, in France, and in che United Scares of America;2 yet the inhabitants thereof, do not learn wisdom, and erase it entirely from their dwellings and from all with whom they have to do. The face is, the labour of slaves comes so cheap tO the avaricious usurpers, and is (as they think) of such great utility co che country where it exists, char chose who are actuated by sordid avarice only, overlook che evils, which will as sure as che Lord lives, follow after the good. In face, rhey are so happy to keep in ignorance and degradation, and co receive the homage and labour of the slaves, they forger char God rules in the armies of heaven and among the inhabitants of the earth, having his ears continually open to 1

And as ... in Portugal Walker is referring to the theory that slavery, as a morally corrupt instirution, would inherently lead to dissolution and unrest within the societies that upheld it; as an example, he alludes to the bloody civil conflicts and economic crises chat occurred in the formerly slave-trading countries of Spain and Portugal in the first few decades of the nineteenth century. (Both countries also lost possession of slaveholding colonies in the early decades of the nineteenth cenrury; though in most cases these colonies were escablished as non-slaveholding nations, the formerly Porruguese colony Brazil did not abolish slavery unril 1888.) 2

ft had one rug ... ofAmerica The Atlantic slave trade was abolished by the United Kingdom in 1807, and in the United States the importation of enslaved people was banned that same year. Slavery w·as abolished, rc-inscated, and then re-abolished by France between 1794 and 1826. Though considered an imporcanc victory by abolitionists, the abolition of the Aclantic slave crade did nor ban the actual possession and sale of enslaved people within the U.S. or within British and French colonies, nor did it stop the illegal imporcation of enslaved people into the country.

che cries, tears and groans of his oppressed people; and being a just and holy Being will at one day appear fully in behalf of the oppressed, and arrest che progress of rhe avaricious oppressors; for although che destruction of rhe oppressors God may not effect by the oppressed, yet the Lord our God will bring ocher destructions upon chem-for nor unfrequendy will he cause them tO rise up one against another, ro be split and divided, and to oppress each other, and sometimes tO open hostilities with sword in hand. Some may ask, what is the macrer wich chis united and happy people? Some say it is the cause of political usurpers, tyrants, oppressors, &c. But has nor the Lord an oppressed and suffering people among chem? Does the Lord condescend co hear their cries and see their rears in consequence of oppression? Will he lee the oppressors rest comfortably and happy always? Will he not cause che very children of che oppressors ro rise up against chem, and ofcimes put chem co death? "God works in many ways his wonders co perform."3 ... All persons who are acquainted with history, and particularly the Bible, who are nor blinded by che God of this world, and are not acruared by avarice-who are able co lay aside prejudice long enough co view candidly and impartially, things as they were, are, and probably will be---who are willing co admit char God made man to serve Him alone, and that man should have no ocher Lord or Lords bur Himself-char God Almighty is the sole proprietor or master of che WHOLE human family, and will not on any consideration admit of a colleague, being unwilling co divide his glory with another-and who can dispense with prejudice long enough tO admit chat we are men, nocwichscanding our improminent noses and woolly heads, and believe char we feel for our fathers, mothers, wives and children, as well as the whites do for theirs. I say, all who are permitted co see and believe these things, can easily recognize the judgments of God among che Spaniards. Though ochers may lay the cause of che fierceness with which they cut each ocher's throats, co some other circumstance, yet they who believe chat God is a God of justice, will believe char SLAVERY is the principal cause.

3

God works . . . to perform Paraphrase of the opening lines of English poet William Cowper's abolitionist hymn "Light Shining Out of Darkness" (1773).

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WALKER'S APPEAL, IN FouR ARTICLES

While the Spaniards are running about upon the field of battle cutting each other's throats, has nor the Lord an afflicted and suffering people in the midst of them, whose cries and groans in consequence of oppression are continually pouring into che ears of the God of justice? Would they not cease to cut each ocher's throats, if they could? But how can they? The very support which they draw from government to aid chem in perpetrating such enormities, does it not arise in a great degree from the wretched victims of oppression among chem? And yet they are calling for Peace! Peace!!Will any peace be given unco chem? Their destruction may indeed be procrastinated awhile, but can it continue long, while they are oppressing the Lord's people? Has He not the hearts of all men in His hand? Will he suffer one pare of his creatures to go on oppressing another like brutes always, with impunity? And yet, chose avaricious wretches are calling for Peace!!!! I declare, it does appear to me, as though some nations think God is asleep, or chat he made the Africans for nothing else but to dig their mines and work their farms, or they cannot believe history, sacred or profane. I ask every man who has a heart, and is blessed with the privilege of believing-Is not God a God of justice to all his creatures? Do you say he is? Then if he gives peace and tranquility to tyrants, and permits them to keep our fathers, our mothers, ourselves and our children in eternal ignorance and wretchedness, to support them and their families, would he be to us a God of justice? I ask, 0 ye Christians!!! who hold us and our children in the most abject ignorance and degradation, that ever a people were afflicted with since the world began-I say, if God gives you peace and tranquility, and suffers you thus to go on afflicting us, and our children, who have never given you the lease provocation-would he be to us a God ofjustice? If you will allow chat we are MEN, who feel for each ocher, does not the blood of our fathers and of us their children, cry aloud to the Lord of Sabaoth1 against you, for the cruelties and murders with which you have, and do continue to afflict us. But it is time for me to close my remarks on che suburbs, just to enter more fully into che interior of this system of cruelty and oppression.

ARTICLE I. OUR WRETCHEDNESS IN CONSEQUENCE OF SLAVERY.

My beloved brethren: The Indians of North and of South America-the Greeks-the Irish, subjected under the king of Great Britain-the Jews, chat ancient people of the Lord-the inhabitants of the islands of the sea-in fine,1· all the inhabitants of the earth (except however, the sons of Africa) are called men, and of course are, and ought to be free. But we (coloured people) and our children are brutes!! and of course are, and ought to be SLAVES to the American people and their children forever!! to dig their mines and work their farms; and thus go on enriching them, from one generation to another with our blaod and our tears!!!! I promised in a preceding page co demonstrate to the satisfaction of the most incredulous, chat we (coloured people of these United States of America) are the most wretched, degraded and abject sec of beings that ever lived since the world began, and that che white Americans having reduced us co the wretched state of slavery, treat us in that condition more cruel (they being an enlightened and Christian people), than any heathen nation did any people whom it had reduced to our condition. These affirmations are so well confirmed in the minds of all unprejudiced men, who have taken the trouble to read histories, char they need no elucidation from me. Bue to put them beyond all doubt, I refer you in the first place to the children of Jacob,3 or of Israel in Egypt, under Pharaoh and his people. Some of my brethren do not know who Pharaoh and the Egyptians were-I know it to be a fact, chat some of chem cake the Egyptians to have been a gang of devils, not knowing any better, and that they (Egyptians) having got possession of the Lord's people, treated them nearly as cruel as Christian Americans do us, at rhe present day. For the information of such, I would only mention that the Egyptians, were Africans or coloured people, such as we are-some of chem yellow and ochers dark-a mixture of Ethiopians and the natives of Egypt-about the same as you see the coloured people of the United States at the present day. I say, I call your attention then, to the children 2

1

Lord ofSabaoth Lord of Hoses or God of armies; used to refer to God in his capacity as a military leader of the heavenly host.

445

in fine To summarize.

3 the chi/.drm of Jacob I.e., rhe Isradires; Jacob is an Israelire patriarch also referred co by the name "Israel."

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DAVID WALKER

of Jacob, while I point our particularly co you his son Joseph; among che rest, in Egypt. "And Pharaoh, said unto Joseph, thou shale be over my house, and according unto thy word shall all my people be ruled: only in che throne will I be greater than chou." 2 "And Pharaoh said unto Joseph, see, I have sec thee over all the land of Egypc."3 "And Pharaoh said unto Joseph, I am Pharaoh, and without thee shall no man life up his hand or foot in all che land of Egypt."4 Now I appeal to heaven and co earth, and particularly co the American people themselves, who cease not to declare chat our condition is not hard, and that we are comparatively satisfied to rest in wretchedness and misery, under chem and their children. Not, indeed, to show me a coloured President, a Governor, a Legislator, a Senator, a Mayor, or an Attorney at the Bar. Bue to show me a man of colour, who holds the low office of a Constable, or one who sits in a Juror Box, even on a case of one of his wretched brethren, throughout this great Republic!! Bue let us pass Joseph the son of Israel a litcle farther in review, as he existed with that heathen nation. "And Pharaoh called Joseph's name Zaphnathpaaneah; and he gave him co wife Asenach the daughter of Potipherah priest of On. And Joseph went our over all che land of Egypc."5 Jo Compare the above, with che American institutions. ,:: Do chey not institute laws to prohibit us from marrying among the whices?6 I would wish, candidly, however, ci before the Lord, to be understood, chat I would not ,:: :§i give a pinch ofsmiflco be married to any white person I ever saw in all che days of my life. And I do say it, that

1

?

1

Joseph One of Jacob's rwel,,e sons, Joseph is sold into slavery to a man named Pociphar by his jealous brochers. The Book of Genesis narrates the story of Joseph's rise from slavery to the scacus of vizier, second only to the Pharaoh in power. 2

[Walker's note]

See Genesis, chap. xii. v. 40.

[Walker's note)

v. 41.

4

[Walker's note]

v. 44.

5 6

[Walker's note]

v. 4 5.

the black man, or man of colour, who will leave his own colour {provided he can get one, who is good for any thing) and marry a white woman, to be a double slave co her, just because she is white, ought to be created by her as he surely will be, viz:7 as a NIGER ! ! 1 ! 8 le is not, indeed, what I care about inter-marriages with the whites, which induced me to pass chis subject in review; for the Lord knows, chat there is a day coming when ~ they wiU be glad enough co gee into the company of che :,,., blacks, nocwichscanding, we are, in chis generation, lev- "' "O elled by chem, almost on a level with the brute creation: ~ and some of us they treat even worse than they do the ~ brutes that perish. I only made this extract co show how much lower we are held, and how much more cruel we are created by the Americans, than were the children of Jacob, by the Egyptians.-We will notice the sufferings of Israel some further, under heathen Pharaoh, compared with ours under the enlightened Christians of America. "And Pharaoh spake unto Joseph, saying, chy father and thy brethren are come unto thee: "The land of Egypt is before thee: in the best of the land make thy father and brethren co dwell; in the land of Goshen lee chem dwell: and if thou knowesc any men of activity among chem, then make chem rulers over my cattle."9 I ask chose people who treat us so well, Oh! I ask chem, where is the most barren spot ofland which they have given unto us? Israel had the most fertile land in all Egypt. Need I mention the very notorious face, chat I have known a poor man of colour, who laboured night and day, to acquire a litcle money, and having acquired it, he vested ic in a small piece ofland, and got him a house erected thereon, and having paid for the whole, he moved his family into ic, where he was suffered to remain but nine months, when he was cheated our of his property by a white man, and driven out of door! And is not chis che case generally? Can a man of colour buy a piece of land and keep it peaceably? Will

~:

7 viz: Abbreviation for the Lacin videlicet, meaning "namely" or "thac is to say." 8 NIGER As che conrext here suggests, the "n word" had by this

Do they nor ... the whitef? Nwnerous anti-miscegenation laws

were in place in the United Stares in this period in both the South and the North (Massachusens, for instance, first enacted legislation barring black people from intermarrying with whites in 1705, and did nor repeal the law until 18.13).

time firmly established icself in the vernacular as an emphatically pejorative alternative to the then-more-neutral term "negro." This spelling {with a single g) remained in occasional use until che midnineteenth century. 9

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[Walker's noce]

' 5-6. Genesis, xlvii.-v.

WALKER'S APPEAL, IN FOUR ARTICLES

not some white man cry co gee it from him, even if it is in a mud hole? I need nor comment any farther on a subject, which all, both black and white, will readily admit. Bue I must, really, observe that in chis very city, when a man of colour dies, if he owned any real estate it most generally falls into che hands of some white person. The wife and children of the deceased may weep and lament if they please, but the estate will be kept snug enough by its white possessor. But to prove farther that che condition of the Israelites was better under the Egyptians than ours is under the whites. I call upon the professing Christians, I call upon the philanthropist, I call upon the very tyrant himself, to show me a page of history, either sacred or profane, on which a verse can be found, which maintains, that the Egyptians heaped the insupportable imult upon the children of Israel, by celling them that they were not of the human family. Can the whites deny chis charge? Have chey not, after having reduced us to the deplorable condition of slaves under their feet, held us up as descending originally from the tribes of Monkeys, or Orang-Outangs? O! my God! I appeal to every man of feeling- is not this insupportable? ls it not heaping the most gross insult upon our miseries, because chey have got us under their feet and we cannot help ourselves? Oh! pity us we pray thee, Lord Jesus, Master. Has Mr. Jefferson declared to the world, that we are inferior to che whites, both in the endowments of our bodies and of minds?' It is indeed surprising, chat a man of such great learning, combined with such excellent natural parts, should speak so of a set of men in chains. I do not know what co compare it to, unless, like putting one wild deer in an iron cage, where it will be secured, and hold another by the side of the same, then let it go, and expect the one in the cage to run as fast as the one at liberty. So far, my brethren, were che Egyptians from heaping these insults upon their slaves, chat Pharaoh's daughter cook Moses, a son of Israel for her own, as will appear by che followi ng. 1

Mr. Jefferson ... ofminds? Here and rhroughouc rhe rexr Walker refers to Thomas Jefferson's Nous on the State of Virginia (1787). A work of policical commentary on subjects such as che separation of church and scace, individual liberty, and freedom of speech, che book also expresses Jefferson's racialist scientific cheories on whar he considered co be che "natural" inequaliry of white and black people. Jefferson presents chese cheories co supporr his argument chac Virginia should noc yet emancipate ics enslaved people.

447

"And Pharaoh's daughter said unto her, [Moses' mother] cake this child away, and nurse it for me, and I will pay thee thy wages. And the woman took the child [Moses] and nursed it. "And che child grew, and she brought him unto Pharaoh's daughter and he became her son. And she called his name Moses: and she said because I drew him out of che wacer." 2 In all probability, Moses would have become Prince Regent co the throne, and no doubt, in process of time but he would have been seated on the throne of Egypt. Bue he had rather suffer shame, with the people of God, than co enjoy pleasures with chat wicked people for a season. O! chat chc coloured people were long since of Moses' excellent disposition, instead of courting favour with, and telling news and lies to our natural enemies, against each ocher- aiding chem to keep their hellish chains of slavery upon us. Would we not long before this time, have been respectable men, instead of such wretched victims of oppression as we are? Would they be able to drag our mothers, our fathers, our wives, our children and ourselves, around the world in chains and hand-cuffs as they do, to dig up gold and silver for them and theirs? This question, my brethren, I leave for you to digest; and may God Almighty force it home to your hearts. Remember chat unless you are united, keeping your congues within your teeth, you will be afraid to cruse your secrets co each ocher, and thus perpetuate our miseries under the Christians!!!!!~ ADDITION.Remember, also co lay humble at che feet of our Lord and Master Jesus Christ, with prayers and fastings. Let our enemies go on with their butcheries, and at once fill up their cup. Never make an attempt co gain our freedom or natural right, from under our cruel oppressors and murderers, until you see your way clear3-when 2

[Walker's noce]

See Exodus, chap.

11.

v. 9, 10.

3 [Walker's note] le is nor to be understood here, char I mean for us co wait until God shall £ake us by the hair of our heads and drag us our of abject wretchedness and slavery, nor do I mean co convey che idea for us co wait uncil our enemies shall make preparations, and call us co seize chose preparations, cake it away from chem, and puc everything before us ro death, in order co gain our freedom which God has given us. For you muse remember chat we are men as wdl as they. God has been pleased to give us rwo eyes, two hands, rwo feet, and some sense in our heads as well as they. They have no more right co hold us in slavery chan we have co hold che m, we have jusc as much right, in che sight of God, co hold chem and their children in slavery and wrerchedness, as chey have co hold us, and no more.

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DAVID WALKER

chat hour arrives and you move, be not afraid or dismayed; for be you assured char Jesus Christ the King of heaven and of earth who is the God of justice and of armies, will surely go before you. And those enemies who have for hundreds of years stolen our rights, and kept us ignorant of Him and His divine worship, he will remove. Millions of whom, are this day, so ignorant and avaricious, that they cannot conceive how God can have an attribute of justice, and show mercy to us because it pleased Him to make us black- which colour, Mr. Jefferson calls unfortunate!!!!!! As though we are not as thankful co our God, for having made us as it pleased himself, as they (the whites) are for having made them white. They think because they hold us in their infernal chains ofslavery, that we wish to be white, or of their color-bur they are dreadfully deceived- we wish co be just as it pleased our Creator to have made us, and no avaricious and unmerciful wretches, have any business to make slaves of, or hold us in slavery. How would they like for us to make slaves of, and hold them in cruel slavery, and murder them as chey do us? But is Mr. Jefferson's assertion true? viz. "that it is unfortunate for us chat our Creacor has been pleased to make us black." We will nor cake his say so, for the fact. The world will have an opportunity to see whether it is unfortunate for us, that our Creator has made us darker than the whites. Fear nor the number and education of our enemies, against whom we shall have to contend for our lawful right; guaranteed co us by our Maker; for why should we be afraid, when God is, and will continue (if we continue humble) to be on our side? The man who would not fight under our Lord and Master Jesus Christ, in the glorious and heavenly cause of freedom and of God-to be delivered from the most wretched, abject and servile slavery, that ever a people was affiicted with since rhe foundation of the world, to the present day-ought to be kept with all of his children or family, in slavery, or in chains, to be butchered by his cruel enemies.~ I saw a paragraph, a few years since, in a South Carolina paper, which, speaking of the barbarity of the Turks, it said: "The Turks are rhe most barbarous people in the world-they treat the Greeks more like brutes than human beings." And in the same paper was an advertisement, which said: "Eight well built

Virginia and Maryland Negro fellows and four wenches will positively be sold this day, to the highest bidder." And what astonished me still more was, ro see in this same humane paper!! the cuts of three men, with clubs and budgecs1 on their backs, and an advertisement offering a considerable sum of money for their apprehension and delivery. I declare, it is really so amusing to hear the Southerners and Westerners of this country talk about barbarity, that it is positively, enough to make a man smile. The suffering of che Helots among the Spartans, were somewhat severe, it is true, but co say that theirs, were as severe as ours among the Americans, I do most strenuously deny- for instance, can any man show me an article on a page of ancient history which specifies, that, the Spartans chained, and hand-cuffed the Helots, and dragged them from their wives and children, children from their parents, mothers from their suckling babes, wives from their husbands, driving them from one end of the country to the other? Notice the Spartans were heathens, who lived long before our Divine Master made his appearance in the flesh. Can Christian Americans deny chese barbarous cruelties? Have you nor, Americans, having subjected us under you, added to these miseries, by insulting us in telling us to our face, because we are helpless, that we arc nor of the human family? I ask you, O! Americans, I ask you, in the name of the Lord, can you deny these charges? Some perhaps may deny, by saying, that they never thought or said that we were not men. Bue do not actions speak louder than words? Have they not made provisions for che Greeks, and lrish?2 Nations who have never done the least thing for chem, while we, who have enriched their country with our blood and tears-have dug up gold and silver for them and their children, from generation to generation, and are in more miseries than any ocher people under heaven, are not seen, but by comparatively, a handful of the American people? There are indeed, more ways co kill a dog, besides choking it co death with butter. Further- The Spartans or Lacedemonians, had some frivolous pretext, for enslaving the Helots, for they (Helocs) while being free inhabitants of Sparta, stirred

1

cim I.e., woodcuts; engravings; b11dgns Leather bags.

2

made provisiom ... Irish

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I.e., provided chem with rights.

WALKER's APPEAL, IN FouR ARTICLES

up an intescine1 commotion, and were, by che Spartans subdued, and made prisoners of war. Consequently they and their children were condemned to perpetual slavery.2 I have been for years troubling che pages of historians, co find out what our fathers have done to the white Christians of America, to merit such condign3 punishment as they have inflicted on chem, and do continue co inflict on us their children. Bue I must aver, that my researches have hitherto been co no effect. I have therefore, come to che immovable conclusion, that they {Americans) have, and do continue co punish us for nothing else, but for enriching them and their country. For I cannot conceive of anything else. Nor will I believe otherwise, until the Lord shall convince me. The world knows, that slavery as ic existed among the Romans, {which was che primary cause of their destruction) was, comparatively speaking, no more than a cypher, when compared with ours under the Americans. Indeed I should not have noticed the Roman slaves, had not the very learned and penetrating Mr. Jefferson said, "when a master was murdered, all his slaves in the same house, or within hearing, were condemned to deach."4 Here lee me ask Mr. Jefferson, (buc he is gone to answer ac che bar of God, for che deeds done in his body while living), I therefore ask the whole .American people, had I nor rather die, or be put co death, than to be a slave to any tyrant, who takes not only my own, but my wife and children's lives by che inches? Yea, would I meet death with avidity far! far!! in preference co such servile submission co the murderous hands of tyrants. Mr. Jefferson's very severe remarks on us have been so extensively argued upon by men whose attainments in liceracure, I shall never be able to reach, chat I would noc have meddled with it, were it not co solicit each of my brethren, who has the spirit ofa man, co buy a copy of Mr. Jefferson's "Notes on Virginia," and put it in the hand of his son. For lee no one of us suppose chat che refutations which have been written 1

intestine

Incernal, as in a civil conflict.

2

[Walker's note) See Dr. Goldsmith's History of Greece-page 9. See also, Plutarch's lit-ts. The Helots [were] subdued by Agis, king of Sparta. 3 4

co11dign

Deserved; fining.

(Walker's note]

See his Nom 011 Virginia, page 210.

449

by our white friends are enough-they are whites, we are blacks. We, and the world wish to see che charges of Mr. Jefferson refuted by the blacks themselves, according to their chance; for we muse remember that what the whites have written respecting this subject, is other men's labours, and did not emanate from the blacks. I know well, that there are some talents and learning among che coloured people of this country, which we have not a chance to develop, in consequence of oppression; buc our oppression ought not to hinder us from acquiring all we can. For we will have a chance co develop chem by and by. God will not suffer us, always to be oppressed. Our sufferings will come co an end, in spice of all rhe .Americans chis side of etemity. Then we will wane all che learning and talents among ourselves, and perhaps more, co govern ourselves. "Every dog muse have its day," che American's is coming to an end. But let us review Mr. Jefferson's remarks respecting us some further. Comparing our miserable fathers, with the learned philosophers of Greece, he says: "Yee norwithstanding these and other discouraging circumstances among the Romans, their slaves were often their rarest anises. They excelled coo, in science, insomuch as co be usually employed as cucors co their master's children; Epictetus, Terence and Phaedrus, 5 were slaves-but chey were of che race of whites. le is not their condition then, but nature, which has produced che discinccion." 6 See chis, my brethren!! Do you believe chat chis assertion is swallowed by millions of the whites? Do you know chat Mr. Jefferson was one of as great characters as ever lived among che whites? See his writings for the world, and public labours for che United States of America. Do you believe chat che assertions of such a man, will pass away into oblivion unobserved by this people and che world? If you do you are much mistaken-See how the American people creac us-have we souls in our bodies? Are we men who have any spirits at all? I know chat there are many swell-bellied fellows among us, whose greatest object is to fill cheir stomachs. Such 5 Epictetus Greek stoic philosopher (c. 55-135 CE) who was born enslaved in Phrygia but lacer became free; Terence Roman playwright (c. 195-159 BCE), enslaved by a Roman senator and lacer freed; Phnedms Probably Gaius Julius Phaedrus, a first-century Roman writer of fables who was born enslaved and likely freed under d1e reign of Augustus. 6 (Walker's note] See his Notes on Virginia, page 211.

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DAVID WALKER

I do not mean-I am after those who know and feel, that we are MEN, as well as other people; to them, I say, that unless we cry co refute Mr. Jefferson's arguments respecting us, we will only establish chem. Bue the slaves among the Romans. Everybody who has read history, knows, that as soon as a slave among the Romans obtained his freedom, he could rise to the greatest eminence in the State, and there was no law instituted to hinder a slave from buying his freedom. Have not the Americans instituted laws to hinder us from obtaining our freedom? Do any deny this charge? Read the laws of Virginia, North Carolina, &c. Further: have not the Americans instituted laws to prohibit a man of colour from obtaining and holding any office whatever, under the government of the United States of America? Now, Mr. Jefferson tells us, char our condition is nor so hard, as the slaves' were under the Romans!!!!!! le is time for me co bring this article to a close. But before I close it, I must observe to my brethren that at the close of the first Revolution in this country, with Grear Britain, there were but thirteen Scates in che Union, now there are twenty-four, most of which are slave-holding Stares, and the whites are dragging us around in chains and in hand-cuffs, to their new States and Territories to work their mines and farms, to enrich them and their children-and millions of them believing firmly that we being a litde darker than they, were made by our Creator to be an inheritance to them and their children forever-the same as a parcel of brutes. Are we MEN!t-I ask you, 0 my brethren! are we MEN? Did our Crearor make us co be slaves to dust and ashes like ourselves? Are they not dying worms as well as we? Have they not to make their appearance before the tribunal of Heaven, to answer for the deeds done in the body, as well as we? Have we any other Master but Jesus Christ alone? ls he not their Master as well as ours? What right then, have we to obey and call any other Master, but Himself? How we could be so submissive to a gang of men, whom we cannot tell whether they are as good as ourselves or not, I never could conceive. However, this is shut up with the Lord, and we cannot precisely tell-but I declare, we judge men by their works.

The whites have always been an unjust, jealous, unmerciful, avaricious and blood-thirsty set of beings, always seeking after power and authority. We view them all over the confederacy of Greece, where they were first known to be anything (in consequence of education) we see chem there, cutting each ocher's throats-trying to subject each other to wretchedness and misery-to effect which, they used all kinds of deceitful, unfair, and unmerciful means. We view them next in Rome, where the spirit of tyranny and deceit raged still higher. We view them in Gaul, Spain, and in Britain. In fine, we view them all over Europe, together with what were scattered about in Asia and Africa, as heathens, and we see them acting more like devils than accountable men. But some may ask, did not the blacks ofAfrica, and che mulattoes of Asia,1 go on in the same way as did the whites of Europe. I answer, no-they never were half so avaricious, deceitful and unmerciful as che whites, according co their knowledge. Bue we will leave the whites or Europeans as heathens, and take a view of them as Christians, in which capacity we see chem as cruel, if nor more so than ever. In face, take them as a body, they are ten rimes more cruel, avaricious and unmerciful than ever they were; for while they were heathens, they were bad enough it is true, but it is positively a fact that they were not quite so audacious as to go and cake vessel loads of men, women and children, and in cold blood, and through devilishness, throw chem into the sea, and murder them in all kind of ways. While they were heathens, they were coo ignorant for such barbarity. Bue being Christians, enlightened and sensible, they are completely prepared for such hellish cruelties. Now suppose God were to give chem more sense, what would chey do? If it were possible, would they nor dethrone Jehovah and seat themselves upon his throne? I therefore, in the name and fear of the Lord God of Heaven and of earth, divested of prejudice either on che side of my colour or that of che whites, advance my suspicion of chem, whether they are as good by nature as we are or not. Their actions, since they were known as a people, have been the reverse, I do indeed suspect them, but 1

11111/.attoes ofAsia Though 1hc 1crm "mulacro" (which is 10day considered archaic and offensive) generally referred co people of mixed black and white parentage, ic would occasionally be used to refer more vaguely to persons of other ethnicities perceived co have a skin cone between black and white.

Page 188

WALKER'S APPEAL, IN FouR ARTICLES

this, as I before observed, is shut up with the Lord, we cannot exactly tell, it will be proved in succeeding generations. The whites have had che essence of the gospel as it was preached by my master and his apostles-the Ethiopians have not, who are to have it in its meridian1 splendor- the Lord will give it to chem to their satisfaction. I hope and pray to my God, that they will make good use of it, that it may be well with chem. 2

1

meridian

Highest; zenith.

2

{Walker's noce] Ic is my solemn belief, chat if ever che world becomes Christianized, (which must certainly rake place befort> long) it will be through the means, under God of the Blacks, who are now held in wretchedness, and degradation, by che white Christians of the world, who before they learn to do justice to us before our Makerand be reconciled to us, and reconcile us to chem, and by chat means have clear consciences before God and man. Send our Missionaries co convert the Heathens, many of whom after they cease to worship gods, which neither see nor hear, become ten rimes more the children of Hell, than ever they were, why what is rhe reasoni Why the reason is obvious, they must learn ro do justice at home, before they go into distant lands, to display their charity, Christianity, and benevolence; when chcy learn co do justice, God will accept their offering (no man may think that I am against Missionaries for I am not, my object is co see justice done at home, before we go to convert the Heathens).

Page 189

451

FREDERICK DOUGLASS

1818 - 1895 A uthor of the most powerfully written and most widely read slave f l.n arrative of the antebellum era, Frederick Douglass became the foremost voice in the abolitionist movement, and, following the Civil War, one of the foremost critics of the horrors of the new "Jim Crow" system ofoppression. He spoke up too against the oppression of women and against all forms of prejudice and inequaliry, and he spoke up consistently in favor of speaking up-in favor of resistance. "Power concedes nothing without a demand," he famously wrote. "It never did and it never will." He occupies a unique place in American literature, American history, and American political thought. Douglass was born Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey in Talbot Counry, Maryland. A degree of mystery surrounds the circumstances of Douglass's birth; like many enslaved people, he was denied full knowledge of his parentage or dace of birch. He inherited the enslavement of his mother, Harriet Bailey, but his father was almost certainly a white man, quite likely his enslaver, Aaron Anthony (though other possibilities have been suggested). Douglass came to accept a tentative birch year of 1817; however, we now know chat he was born in February 1818. In 1826 Douglass was acquired by the slaveholder Thomas Auld, and was sent to live in Baltimore with Auld's brother and sister-in-law. In 1833 Douglass was removed from his situation in Baltimore and forced to work on Thomas Auld's plantation. Emboldened by his growing consciousness ofslavery's injustice, Douglass grew increasingly rebellious, and was sent to work for a man named Edward Covey, locally famous as a so-called slave-breaker. Douglass attempted escape £\Vice. In 1836 he was part of a failed plot organized by several enslaved companions, and was briefly jailed for his participation. Two years lacer, Douglass's second arcempc was successful. Douglass left unexplained in the first and second versions of his autobiography any of the details of chis escape, on rhe grounds-as he explains in Chapter u-chac telling che story would probably cause "difficulties" for chose who helped him and "would most undoubtedly induce greater vigilance on the part of slaveholders"; it is only the third and final version- the 1881 lift and Times ofFrederick Do11glass-chac includes the story of his escape. Douglass presents the escape very largely as a solo endeavor; as we now know, he was in face aided by several people-very much including the free black woman Anna Murray, to whom he had become engaged shorrly before rhe escape. Ir was largely from Anna char Douglass obtained the funds chat enabled him to travel from slavery in Baltimore co freedom in New York on 3 September 1838. Anna made the same trip a week lacer, and on 15 September the two were married in the home of David Ruggles, a black grocer and printer who led an organization devoted ro assisting fugitive slaves. It was Ruggles who suggested char Frederick Bailey change his name-as was often done by chose wishing co minimize rhe chances of being captured and returned to bondage. For a few days Douglass called himself Frederick Johnson, and ir was under chat name chat he and Anna were married. Ruggles also suggested chat the couple move co New Bedford, Massachusetts, a communiry more friendly than was New York to fugitives who had been enslaved, and one where he felt Douglass would be able to find employment. There rhe Douglasses stayed initially ar che home of an abolitionist named Nathan Johnson-evidendy one of many Johnsons in New Bedford. Feeling chat another name was necessary to distinguish himself from the ocher Johnsons, Frederick asked Nathan Johnson to suggest a new name; according to the narrative, it was Johnson who suggested che name under which Douglass would become famous. Page 190

FREDERICK DouGLASS

In the North Douglass found a land of remarkable prosperity but also of profound contradiction; though an ordinary white laborer might enjoy a more luxurious existence and higher education level than an upper-class southern slaveholder, a free black citizen could expect continual discrimination from employers, church congregations, and other groups. Evenrually Douglass-whose religious conversion experiences are given more emphasis in his two lacer memoirs-found employment as a licensed preacher in the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church. Douglass also became a regular reader of the Liberator, an antislavery newspaper founded by leading white abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison. Douglass began attending antislavery meetings, where he soon began ro share his own srory and ro make a local name for himself. In August 1841 he delivered his first formal speech before an antislavery audience in Nantucket. His moving story and evident oratorical ralents caught Garrison's attention; Douglass became a valued contributor to the Liberator, and was appointed to a paid position with the Massachuserrs Anti-Slavery Society nor long thereafter. Over the following years Douglass traveled widely and delivered speech after speech co audiences throughout rhe Northern scares; he came co occupy a central place in the abolitionist movement. When Emerson was invited to deliver a major speech on slavery in August 1844, for example, Frederick Douglass was among the three others rounding out the program. People everywhere found something extraordinary about him. Nathaniel P. Rogers, editor of the Herald ofFreedom abolitionist newspaper, described in 1843 the effect of Douglass's words when the speaker was in full Right as "sterner, darker, deeper" than oratory or eloquence. "It was rhe volcanic outbreak of human narure, long pent up in slavery and at lase bursting its imprisonmenr. Ir was the storm of insurrection." Douglass's celebrated srarus also often made him a target; he endured egg- and brick-throwing and, in Pennsylvania in 1843, a mob arrack resulted in a permanent injury to his right hand. Even those who ostensibly supported Douglass's goals were often unable or unwilling to reconcile the distinguished and eloquent speaker they saw with the enslaved life he described, and insisted chat his story muse have been falsified. (Douglass averred in the second version of his autobiography char "prejudice against color is monger in the north than [in the) south; it hangs around my neck like a heavy weight.") Emboldened rather than inrimidared by the challenges to his story, Douglass began work on an autobiography in which he would provide factual derails to corroborate his claims. Written in rhe space of just a few months beginning in December 1844, Narrative ofthe Life ofFrederick Douglass, an American Slave. Written by Himself, was published in the spring of 1845 by the Anti-Slavery Office in Boston. The book was welcomed with enthusiasm in rhe abolitionist press; most notably, the New York Trib11ne on 10 June 1845 printed on its front page a long and highly favorable review (written by Margaret Fuller), along with a subsrantial excerpt from rhe book. By contrast, the New York Herald accorded it only a few words-"a neatly printed volume, which abolitionists may find inceresring"-and most mainstream newspapers in northern stares ignored it alrogerher. (In most southern scares the dissemination of such works was srricdy prohibited; a Richmond Enq11irer article from April 1849 details a case in which a preacher named Jarvis C. Bacon was prosecuted for having circulated copies of Douglass's Nanmive and another antislavery publication.) By the 1840s the "slave narrative" was a well-escablished literary genre; in America alone at least ten such volumes were published between 1830 and 1845. Dou glass's Narrative closely follows the conventions of the genre in several respects. The inclusion of a prefatory address by a white activist arresting co the book's authorship; the repeated assertions, near the beginning of the text, of un-hyperbolic truthfulness; rhe visceral descriptions of whippings, auction blocks, and ocher gruesome realities of enslaved life-all these are typical of the genre. Yer from the beginning Douglass's work was recognized as extraordinary in rhe quality of its writing and the depth of feeling it conveys; Fuller was nor alone in finding rhe Narrative to be "glowing with ... life and fertile in invention," "more simple, true, coherent, and warm with genuine feeling" than any ocher work of its kind. Writing in the 1860s, black abolitionist William Wells Brown reminisced char "the narrative of [Douglass's) life ... gave a new imperus to the black man's literature. All ocher srories of fugitive slaves faded away before the beautifully written, highly descriptive, and thrilling memoir of Frederick Douglass." Within less than four months the Narrative had sold almost 5,000 copies, and by 1850 some 30,000 copies had been printed.

Page 191

785

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FREDERICK DOUGLASS

The book's broad readership and Douglass's increasing fame, however, did nothing to alter his legal status. With the threat of discovery and capture by fugitive-slave hunters in mind, Douglass embarked in lace 1845 on a lecture tour of Great Britain-a tour that broadened Douglass's readership and led co several European editions of his Narrative. While he was abroad a group of English friends purchased his manumission for a sum of £150; Douglass returned co the United Scates a legally free man in 1847, and moved with his family to Rochester, New York. That same year Douglass established a new antislavery weekly newspaper, 7he North Star (a collaboration with the free-born black abolitionist Marcin Delany). The ideals emblazoned on its maschead-"Righc is of no Sex-Truth is of no Color-God is the Father of us all, and we are all Brethren"-may seem unexceptionable roday, but in 1847 they were revolutionary on several fronts. Douglass struggled ro build a readership (in 1851 he merged ]be North Star with another weekly ro form Frederick Douglass' Paper, and in 1858 he began co publish monthly rather than weekly), bur he managed in one form or another to keep publishing a newspaper until 1863, and each issue is believed co have had several thousand readers. William Lloyd Garrison did not entirely welcome the competition with his Liberator. By 1851, Douglass and Garrison had reached a formal parting of the ways, with issues of principle having come ro separate che cwo. Garrison was an uncompromising believer in "immediacism"-the doctrine char slavery should be abolished immediately rather than gradually-but he remained reluctant ro countenance the use of force co overcome che evils of slavery; Douglass, by contrast, was more and more strongly convinced that the use of force in certain circumstances was entirely justified. Douglass's revised and expanded 1855 autobiography, My Bondage and My Freedom, puts forward even more powerfully than the Narrative the case for forceful resistance to such evils as slavery. (A passage from che 1855 autobiography is provided for comparison in che online component of chis anthology.) Douglass had also begun to feel a desire to distance himself from the sometimes patronizing guidance of white abolitionists such as Garrison; his declared goal in founding 7he North Star had been to provide "a printing-press and paper, permanently established, under the complete control and direction of che immediate victims of slavery and oppression." Increasingly, questions about the appropriate means of resisting oppression became matters not only of the moral imperatives involved, but also matters of character formation; like Emerson, Douglass cook the idea of self-reliance very much co heart. As early as 1848, in an essay entitled "What Are the Colored People Doing for Themselves?," Douglass had written against "char lazy, mean, and cowardly spirit that robs us of all self-reliance, and teaches us co depend upon ochers for the accomplishment of that which we should achieve with our own hands." For Douglass, the principle of self-reliance had a special resonance for African Americans. In many of Douglass's writings, self-reliance (and self-fashioning) appears co be heavily gendered; "manhood" is given a central place. Bur Douglass was also involved in the fight for women's rights. In 1848 he spoke at both the Rochester and the Seneca Falls Women's Rights Conventions. One of Douglass's most celebrated speeches, commonly tided "What co the Slave ls the Fourth of July?," was given at an Independence Day event hosted by the Rochester Ladies' Ami-Slavery Society. During chis period, then, Douglass saw activism on behalf of African Americans and activism for women's rights as connected causes. "When the uue history of the antislavery cause shall be written," he wrote, "woman will occupy a large space in its pages, for the cause of the slave has been peculiarly a woman's cause." In the wake of the Civil War, however, there was for some years a significant rife between Douglass and leading campaigners for women's rights such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, as debate intensified over the 1868 Fourteenth Amendment (affirming citizenship for all people born in the United States, regardless of color, but affirming che right to vote only for male citizens) and the 1870 Fifteenth Amendment (affirming that the right to vote was not to "be denied ... on account of race"). Anthony and Stanton were among those who opposed the Fifteenth An1endment; they saw no reason why the vote should be granted ro black men before it had been granted co white women. Douglass, on the ocher hand, was outspoken in his belief rhar the former was a more urgent imperative than the latter. (Throughout the controversy, the voices of black women activists such as Frances Harper and Mary Ann Shadd Cary were too seldom heard.)

Page 192

FREDERICK DOUGLASS

In addition to his autobiographical writings, Douglass published hundreds of speeches and essaysand one novella, The Heroic Slave (1852). After the war he became a prominent member of the Republican Party (which remained for many decades after Lincoln's death a party sympathetic to and supportive of African Americans). He received several government appointments, including United States Marshall for the District of Columbia and Minister (ambassador) to Haiti. In 1884, two years after Anna MurrayDouglass's death, he married Helen Pins, a college-educated activist who had been working with Douglass in the office of the Recorder of Deeds. That she was white and he black led to accusations of betrayal and to her estrangement from several members of her family, but the two weathered the storm, and rheir marriage was a happy one. Douglass lived for thirty years after the end of the Civil War, received many honors, and continued to speak out powerfully on a wide variety of topics. Bur in the years following the Compromise of 1887 and the rebirth of legalized oppression in the southern states, rhe ride was running against Douglass. His eloquence could do lirrle to stop the spread of revisionist versions of the Civil War thar downplayed rhe cenrraliry of slavery to the struggle and framed the Confederacy as a noble "lost cause." As the years went by the genre of 'slave narrative' received less and less attention. Dou glass's final great ace of self-fashioning-his 1881 Life and Times ofFrederick Douglass-sold poorly. By 1900 such writing had been nearly forgotten by mainstream white America. That year saw the publication of A Literary History ofAmerica by Harvard Professor of English Barrett Wendell; Wendell's eighteen-page chapter on rhe literature of the antislavery movement makes no mention whatsoever of Douglass-or of any other African American author. Douglass remained more consiscencly renowned among black readers in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. He was honored in a long elegy by popular African American poet Paul Laurence Dunbar upon his death in 1895, and in 1899 was the subject of a biography written by black novelist Charles Chesnutt for the popular series Beacon Biographies of Eminent Americans; in 1906 Booker T. Washington wrote, "No negro can read and study the life of Frederick Douglass without deriving from it courage to look up and forward." Nevertheless, in the first half of the twentieth century Douglass's Narrative went our of print. Not until 1960 did Harvard University Press bring our a new edition of the work-and even then with some timidity, the editor suggesting in his introduction that "perhaps Douglass seemed to protest coo much in making slavery out as a 'soul-killing' instirution." Only in the twenty-first century has Douglass come once again to be acknowledged without apology or equivocation as a uniquely cowering presence, of enduring importance to America.

NOTE ON THE TEXTS: The texts of the works presenced here are based on their first published editions. Spelling and punctuation have been modernized in accordance wirh che practices of chis anthology.

~~~

Page 193

787

794

FREDERICK DOUGLASS

I was born in Tuckahoe, near Hillsborough, and about twelve miles from Easton, in TaJbor county, Maryland. I have no accurate knowledge of my age, never having seen any authencic record containing ic. By far the larger pare of the slaves know as lircle of their ages as horses know of theirs, and it is che wish of mosc masters within my knowledge co keep their slaves thus ignorant. I do not remember co have ever met a slave who could cell of his birthday. They seldom come nearer co it than planting-time, harvest-rime, cherrycime, spring-time, or faJl-cime. A want of information concerning my own was a source of unhappiness to me even during childhood. The white children could cell their ages. I could not tell why I oughc to be deprived of the same privilege. I was not allowed to make any inquiries of my master concerning it. H e deemed all such inquiries on the part of a slave improper and impertinent, and evidence of a restless spirit. The nearest estimate I can give makes me now between twentyseven and twenty-eight years of age. I come co chis, from hearing my master say, some time during 1835, I was about seventeen years old.1 My mother was named Harriet Bailey. She was the daughter of Isaac and Betsey Bailey, boch colored, and quite dark. My mother was of a darker complexion than either my grandmother or grandfather. My father was a white man. He was admirced co be such by all I ever heard speak of my parentage. The opinion was also whispered that my master was my father; but of the correctness of chis opinion, I know nothing; the means of knowing was withheld from me. My mother and I were separated when I was but an infant-before I knew her as my mother. It is a common custom, in the pan of Maryland from which I ran away, to part children from their mothers at a very early age. Frequently, before che child has reached its twelfth month, its mother is taken from it, and hired out on some farm a considerable distance off, and the child is placed under che care of an old woman, coo old for field labor. For what chis separation is done, l do not know, unless it be co hinder the development

of the child's affection coward its mother, and co blunt and destroy the natural affection of the mother for chc child. This is the inevitable result. I never saw my mother, co know her as such, more than four or five times in my life; and each of these times was very shore in duration, and at night. She was hired by a Mr. Stewarc,1 who lived about twelve miles from my home. She made her journeys to see me in the night, travelling che whole distance on foot, after the performance of her day's work. She was a field hand, and a whipping is che penalty of nor being in the field ac sunrise, unless a slave has special permission from his or her master to the contrary-a permission which chey seldom gee, and one chat gives to him that gives it che proud name of being a kind master. I do nor recollect of ever seeing my mother by the light of day. She was wich me in rhe night. She would lie down with me, and gee me to sleep, but long before I waked she was gone. Very little communication ever cook place between us. Death soon ended whac little we could have while she lived, and with ic her hardships and suffering. She died when I was about seven years old, on one of my master's farms, near Lee's Mill. I was not allowed to be present during her illness, ac her death, or burial. She was gone long before I knew any thing about it. Never having enjoyed, to any considerable extent, her soothing presence, her render and watchful care, I received the tidings of her death with much che same emotions I should have probably felt at the death of a stranger. CaJlcd chus suddenly away, she left me without che slightest intimation of who my father was. The whisper chat my master was my father, may or may nor be true; and, true or false, it is of but lirrle consequence co my purpose whilst che face remains, in aJl its glaring odiousness, that slaveholders have ordained, and by law established, chat rhe children of slave women shall in all cases follow the condition of their mothers; and chis is done coo obviously co administer co their own lusts, and make a gratification of their wicked desires profitable as well as pleasurable; for by chis cunning arrangement, the slaveholder, in cases nor a few, sustains co his slaves rhe double relation of master and father.

1 / have 110 accurate knowledge ... years old Records made available afrer Douglass's dearh reveal rhar he was born in February 1818 (chough rhe exact dace remains unknown).

2 hired by a Mr. Stewart I.e., her owner hired her our co a Mr. Stewart; the transaction would noc have involved Douglass's mother being paid.

CHAPTER I

Page 194

NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS, AN AMERICAN SLAVE

I know of such cases; and it is worthy of remark that such slaves invariably suffer greater hardships, and have more to contend with, than others. They are, in the first place, a constant offence to their mistress. She is ever disposed to find fault with them; they can seldom do anything co please her; she is never better pleased than when she sees them under rhe lash, especially when she suspects her husband of showing to his mulatto children favors which he withholds from his black slaves. The master is frequently compelled to sell this class of his slaves, out of deference co the feelings of his white wife; and, cruel as che deed may strike anyone ro be, for a man to sell his own children co human fleshmongers, it is often rhe dictate of humanity for him to do so; for, unless he does this, he muse not only whip chem himself, bur must stand by and see one white son tie up his brother, of buc few shades darker complexion than himself, and ply the gory lash to his naked back; and if he lisp one word of disapproval, it is set down to his parental partiality, and only makes a bad matter worse, both for himself and the slave whom he would protect and defend. Every year brings with it mulrimdes of this class of slaves. le was doubdess in consequence of a knowledge of this fact, that one great statesman of the south predicted the downfall of slavery by che inevitable laws of population. Whether this prophecy is ever fulfilled or not, it is nevertheless plain that a very different-looking class of people are springing up at the south, and are now held in slavery, from those originally brought to chis country from Africa; and if their increase do no ocher good, it will do away the force of the argument, char God cursed Ham, and therefore American slavery is righr.' If the lineal descendants of Ham are alone to be scripturally enslaved, it is certain that slavery at the south muse soon become unscriprural; for thousands are ushered into the world, annually, who, like myself, owe their existence co white fathers, and those fathers most frequently their own masters. I have had two masters. My first master's name was Anthony. I do not remember his first name. He was generally called Captain Anthony-a ride 1 God mrud Hnm ... is right Some proslavery apologist-s claimed char a biblical justification for slavery could~ found in Genesis 9.25, in which God curses Canaan, the son of Ham, declaring that "a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren."

795

which, I presume, he acquired by sailing a craft on the Chesapeake Bay. He was not considered a rich slaveholder. He owned two or three farms, and about thirty slaves. His farms and slaves were under the care of an overseer. The overseer's name was Plummer. Mr. Plummer was a miserable drunkard, a profane swearer, and a savage monster. He always went armed with a cowskin1 and a heavy cudgel. I have known him co cue and slash the women's heads so horribly, chat even master would be enraged at his cruelty, and would threaten co whip him if he did not mind himself Master, however, was not a humane slaveholder. le required extraordinary barbarity on the part of an overseer to affect him. He was a cruel man, hardened by a long life of slaveholding. He would at rimes seem to cake great pleasure in whipping a slave. I have often been awakened at the dawn of day by the most heartrending shrieks of an own aunt of mine, whom he used to tie up co a joist, and whip upon her naked back rill she was literally covered with blood. No words, no tears, no prayers, from his gory victim, seemed to move his iron heart from its bloody purpose. The louder she screamed, the harder he whipped; and where the blood ran fastest, there he whipped longest. He would whip her to make her scream, and whip her to make her hush; and nor until overcome by fatigue, would he cease to swing the blood-clotted cowskin. I remember the first time I ever witnessed this horrible exhibition. I was quite a child, but I well remember it. I never shall forger it whilst I remember anything. It was the first of a long series of such outrages, of which I was doomed co be a witness and a participant. It struck me with awful force. le was the blood-stained gate, the entrance to the hell of slavery, through which I was about to pass. le was a most terrible spectacle. I wish I could commit ro paper the feelings with which I beheld it. This occurrence took place very soon after I went to live with my old master, and under the following circumstances. Aune Hester went out one nightwhere or for what I do not know-and happened to be absent when my master desired her presence. He had ordered her not to go out evenings, and warned her char she must never let him catch her in company with a young man, who was paying attention co her, belonging co Colonel Lloyd. The young man's name was Ned 2

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cou.,ski11 Whip made from cowhide.

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FREDERICK D OUGLASS

Roberts, generally called Lloyd's Ned. Why master was so careful of her, may be safely left co conjecture. She was a woman of noble form, and of graceful proportions, having very few equals, and fewer superiors, in personal appearance, among rhe colored or white women of our neighborhood. Aunt Hester had not only disobeyed his orders in going out, but had been found in company with Lloyd's Ned; which circumstance, I found, from what he said while whipping her, was the chief offence. Had he been a man of pure morals himself, he might have been thought interested in protecting the innocence of my aunt; but those who knew him will not suspect him of any such virtue. Before he commenced whipping Aunt Hester, he took her into the kitchen, and stripped her from neck to waist, leaving her neck, shoulders, and back, entirely naked. He then told her to cross her hands, calling her at the same time a d - d b- -h. After crossing her hands, he tied chem with a strong rope, and led her to a stool under a large hook in the joist, put in for the purpose. He made her gee upon the stool, and tied her hands to the hook. She now stood fair for his infernal purpose. Her arms were stretched up at their full length, so chat she stood upon che ends of her toes. He then said to her, "Now, you d - d b--h, I'll learn' you how co disobey my orders!" and after rolling up his sleeves, he commenced to lay on the heavy cowskin, and soon the warm, red blood (amid heart-rending shrieks from her, and horrid oaths from him) came dripping to the floor. I was so terrified and horror-stricken ac the sight, chat I hid myself in a closet, and dared not venture out till long afcer the bloody transaction was over. I expected it would be my turn next. le was all new to me. I had never seen anything like it before. I had always lived with my grandmother on the outskirts of the plantation, where she was put to raise the children of the younger women. I had therefore been, until now, out of the way of the bloody scenes that often occurred on the plantation.

1

kam Teach.

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CHAPTER4

Mr. Hopkins remained but a shore time in the office of overseer. Why his career was so short, I do not know, but suppose he lacked the necessary severity to suit Colonel Lloyd. Mr. Hopkins was succeeded by Mr. Austin Gore, a man possessing, in an eminent degree, all chose traits of character indispensable co what is called a first-race overseer. Mr. Gore had served Colonel Lloyd, in the capacity of overseer, upon one of

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che ouc-farms, and had shown himself worchy of the high station of overseer upon the home or Grear House Farm. Mr. Gore was proud, ambitious, and persevering. He was artful, cruel, and obdurate. He was just che man for such a place, and ic was just the place for such a man. It afforded scope for the full exercise of all his powers, and he seemed to be perfectly at home in it. He was one of those who could torrure che slightest look, word, or gesture, on the part of the slave, inco impudence, and would treat it accordingly. There must be no answering back to him; no explanation was allowed a slave, showing himself to have been wrongfully accused. Mr. Gore acted fully up to che maxim laid down by slaveholders, "It is better that a dozen slaves should suffer under the lash, than chat che overseer should be convicted, in the presence of the slaves, of having been at fault." No matter how innocent a slave might be-it availed him nothing, when accused by Mr. Gore ofany misdemeanor. To be accused was to be convicted, and to be convicted was to be punished; the one always following the ocher with immutable cercaincy. To escape punishment was to escape accusation; and few slaves had the forcune to do eicher, under che overseership of Mr. Gore. He was just proud enough co demand the most debasing homage of che slave, and quire servile enough co crouch, himself, ac che feet of che master. He was ambitious enough co be contented with nothing shore of the highest rank of overseers, and persevering enough co reach the height of his ambition. He was cruel enough co inflict che severest punishment, artful enough to descend co che lowest trickery, and obdurate enough co be insensible to che voice of a reproving conscience. He was, of all che overseers, the most dreaded by the slaves. His presence was painful; his eye flashed confusion; and seldom was his sharp, shrill voice heard, without producing horror and trembling in their ranks. Mr. Gore was a grave man, and, though a young man, he indulged in no jokes, said no funny words, seldom smiled. His words were in perfect keeping with his looks, and his looks were in perfect keeping with his words. Overseers will sometimes indulge in a witcy word, even with the slaves; nor so with Mr. Gore. He spoke but co command, and commanded but to be obeyed; he dealt sparingly with his words,

801

and bountifully with his whip, never using the former where the latter would answer as well. When he whipped, he seemed to do so from a sense of ducy, and feared no consequences. He did nothing reluctantly, no matter how disagreeable; always at his post, never inconsistent. He never promised but co fulfil. He was, in a word, a man of the most inflexible firmness and scone-like coolness. His savage barbarity was equalled only by the consummace coolness with which he committed the grossest and most savage deeds upon the slaves under his charge. Mr. Gore once undercook to whip one of Colonel Lloyd's slaves, by the name of Demby. He had given Demby bur few stripes,' when, co get rid of che scourging, he ran and plunged himself into a creek, and scood there ac the depth of his shoulders, refusing to come out. Mr. Gore told him that he would give him three calls, and that, if he did not come out at the third call, he would shooc him. The first call was given. Demby made no response, but stood his ground. The second and third calls were given with che same result. Mr. Gore then, without consultation or deliberation with anyone, not even giving Demby an additional call, raised his musket to his face, caking deadly aim at his standing victim, and in an inseam poor Demby was no more. His mangled body sank our of sight, and blood and brains marked the water where he had stood. A thrill of horror flashed chrough every soul upon the plancation, excepting Mr. Gore. He alone seemed cool and collected. He was asked by Colonel Lloyd and my old master, why he resorted co chis extraordinary expedient. His reply was (as well as I can remember) thac Demby had become unmanageable. He was setting a dangerous example co the ocher slaves-one which, if suffered co pass withouc some such demonstration on his pare, would finally lead co the coral subversion of all rule and order upon che plantation. He argued that if one slave refused to be corrected, and escaped with his life, the other slaves would soon copy the example; che resulc of which would be, the freedom of che slaves, and the enslavement of che whites. Mr. Gore's defence was sacisfaccory. He was continued in his station as overseer upon the home plantation. His fame as an overseer went abroad. His horrid crime was nor even submitted to judicial investigation. Ir was 1

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stripes I.e., lash-marks.

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FREDERICK DOUGLASS

committed in the presence ofslaves, and they of course could neither institute a suit, nor testify against him; and thus the guilty perpetrator of one of the bloodiest and most foul murders goes unwhipped of justice, and uncensured by the community in which he lives. Mr. Gore lived in St. Michael's, Talbot county, Maryland, when I left there; and if he is still alive, he very probably lives there now; and if so, he is now, as he was then, as highly esteemed and as much respected as though his guilty soul had not been stained with his brother's blood. I speak advisedly when I say this-that killing a slave, or any colored person, in Talbot county, Maryland, is not created as a crime, either by the courts or the community. Mr. Thomas Lanman, of St. Michael's, killed two slaves, one of whom he killed with a hatchet, by knocking his brains out. He used co boast of the commission of the awful and bloody deed. I have heard him do so laughingly, saying, among other things, that he was the only benefactor of his country in the company, and chat when ochers would do as much as he had done, we should be relieved of "che d - d niggers." The wife of Mr. Giles Hicks, living but a short distance from where I used to live, murdered my wife's cousin, a young girl between fifteen and sixteen years of age, mangling her person in the most horrible manner, breaking her nose and breastbone with a stick, so chat the poor girl expired in a few hours afterward. She was immediately buried, but had not been in her untimely grave bur a few hours before she was taken up and examined by the coroner, who decided char she had come co her death by severe beating. The offence for which this girl was thus murdered was this: She had been set that night to mind Mrs. Hicks's baby, and during the night she fell asleep, and the baby cried. She, having lose her rest for several nights previous, did not hear the crying. They were both in che room with Mrs. Hicks. Mrs. Hicks, finding the girl slow to move, jumped from her bed, seized an oak stick of wood by the fireplace, and with it broke the girl's nose and breastbone, and chus ended her life. I will not say chat this most horrid murder produced no sensation in the community. It did produce sensation, bur not enough to bring the murderess co punishment. There was a warrant issued for her arrest, but it was never served.

Thus she escaped not only punishment, but even the pain of being arraigned before a court for her horrid crime. Whilst I am detailing bloody deeds which took place during my stay on Colonel Lloyd's plantation, I will briefly narrate another, which occurred about the same time as the murder of Demby by Mr. Gore. Colonel Lloyd's slaves were in the habit of spending a part of their nights and Sundays in fishing for oysters, and in chis way made up the deficiency of their scanty allowance. An old man belonging co Colonel Lloyd, while thus engaged, happened to gee beyond the limits of Colonel Lloyd's, and on the premises of Mr. Beal Bondly. Ac this trespass, Mr. Bondly took offence, and with his musket came down to the shore, and blew its deadly contents into the poor old man. Mr. Bondly came over to see Colonel Lloyd che next day, whether to pay him for his property, or to justify himself in what he had done, I know not. At any race, this whole fiendish transaction was soon hushed up. There was very little said about it at all, and nothing done. It was a common saying, even among little white boys, chat it was worth a half-cent to kill a "nigger," and a half-cent to bury one.

CHAPTER

5

As to my own treatment while I lived on Colonel Lloyd's plancacion, it was very similar to chat of the other slave children. I was not old enough to work in che field, and there being little else than field work to do, I had a great deal ofleisure time. The most I had to do was to drive up the cows at evening, keep the fowls out of the garden, keep che front yard clean, and run of errands for my old master's daughter, Mrs. Lucretia Auld. The most of my leisure time I spent in helping Master Daniel Lloyd in finding his birds, after he had shot chem. My connection with Master Daniel was of some advantage co me. He became quire attached to me, and was a sort of protector of me. He would not allow che older boys to impose upon me, and would divide his cakes with me. I was seldom whipped by my old master, and suffered liccle from anything else than hunger and cold. I suffered much from hunger, buc much more from cold. In hoccesc summer and coldest winter, I was kept almost

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naked-no shoes, no stockings, no jacket, no trousers, nothing on bur a coarse tow linen' shirt, reaching only to my knees. I had no bed. I muse have perished with cold, bur that, the coldest nights, I used to steal a bag which was used for carrying corn to the miU. I would crawl into this bag, and there sleep on che cold, damp, clay floor, with my head in and feet out. My feet have been so cracked with the frost, that the pen with which I am writing might be laid in che gashes. We were not regularly allowanced. Our food was coarse corn meal boiled. This was called mush. It was put into a large wooden tray or trough, and set down upon the ground. The children were then caUed, like so many pigs, and like so many pigs chey would come and devour the mush; some with oyster-shells, others with pieces of shingle, some with naked hands, and none with spoons. He char ate fastest gor most; he that was strongest secured the best place; and few left the trough satisfied. I was probably between seven and eight years old when I left Colonel Lloyd's plantation. I left it wich joy. I shall never forger the ecstasy with which I received the intelligence char my old master (Anthony) had determined to let me go to Baltimore, to live with Mr. Hugh Auld, brother to my old master's son-in-law, Captain Thomas Auld. I received this information about three days before my departure. They were three of the happiest days I ever enjoyed. I spent the most part of all these three days in the creek, washing off the plantation scurf, and preparing myself for my departure. The pride of appearance which this would indicate was not my own. I spent the rime in washing, not so much because I wished to, bur because Mrs. Lucrecia had told me I must get all the dead skin off my feet and knees before I could go to Baltimore; for the people in Baltimore were very cleanly, and would laugh at me if I looked dirry. Besides, she was going to give me a pair of trousers, which I should not put on unless I got all the dirt off me. The thought of owning a pair of trousers was great indeed! Ir was almost a sufficient motive, not only to make me take off what would be called by pigdrovers the mange, but the skin itself. I went at it in good earnest, working for the first time with the hope of reward. 1

tow Li11m Material made from shorter, unworked strands of Rax fibers, resulting in a coarser d oth than regular linen.

803

The ties chat ordinarily bind children to their homes were all suspended in my case. I found no severe trial in my departure. My home was charmless; it was not home to me; on parting from it, I could nor feel chat I was leaving anything which I could have enjoyed by staying. My mother was dead, my grandmother lived far off, so chat I seldom saw her. I had two sisters and one brother, that lived in the same house with me; bur rhe early separation of us from our mother had well nigh blorred rhe fact of our relationship from our memories. I looked for home elsewhere, and was confident of finding none which I should relish less than the one which I was leaving. If, however, I found in my new home hardship, hunger, whipping, and nakedness, I had the consolation chat I should nor have escaped any one of chem by staying. Having already had more than a taste of chem in the house of my old master, and having endured them there, I very naturally inferred my ability to endure them elsewhere, and especially at Baltimore; for I had something of the feeling about Baltimore that is expressed in the proverb, char "being hanged in England is preferable co dying a natural death in Ireland." I had the strongest desire co see Baltimore. Cousin Tom, though not fluent in speech, had inspired me with chat desire by his eloquent description of the place. I could never point out anything at the Great House, no matter how beautiful or powerful, but that he had seen something at Baltimore far exceeding, both in beauty and strength, the object which I pointed out to him. Even the Great House itself, with all its pictures, was far inferior co many buildings in Baltimore. So strong was my desire, that I thought a gratification of it would fully compensate for whatever loss of comforcs I should sustain by the exchange. I left without a regret, and wirh the highest hopes of future happiness. We sailed out of Miles River for Baltimore on a Saturday morning. I remember only the day of the week, for at chat rime I had no knowledge of the days of the month, nor rhe months of the year. On setting sail, I walked aft, and gave to Colonel Lloyd's plantation what I hoped would be the last look. I then placed myself in the bows of the sloop, and there spent the remainder of rhe day in looking ahead, interesting myself in what was in the distance rather than in things near by or behind.

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FREDERICK DOUGLASS

In the afternoon of chat day, we reached Annapolis, the capital of the Scare. We stopped bur a few moments, so that I had no time co go on shore. Ir was rhe first large town chat I had ever seen, and though it would look small compared with some of our New England factory villages, I thought it a wonderful place for its size-more imposing even than the Great House Farm! We arrived at Baltimore early on Sunday morning, landing at Smith's Wharf, not far from Bowley's Wharf. We had on board the sloop a large flock of sheep; and after aiding in driving chem to the slaughterhouse of Mr. Cunis on Louden Slater's Hill, I was conducted by Rich, one of the hands belonging on board of the sloop, to my new home in Alliciana Street, near Mr. Gardner's shipyard, on Fells Point. Mr. and Mrs. Auld were both at home, and met me at the door with their licde son Thomas, to cake care of whom I had been given. And here I saw what I had never seen before; it was a white face beaming with the most kindly emotions; it was the face of my new mistress, Sophia Auld. I wish I could describe the rapture that flashed through my soul as I beheld it. It was a new and strange sight to me, brightening up my pachway with the light of happiness. Lierle Thomas was cold, there was his Freddy-and I was told to cake care of little Thomas; and thus I entered upon the duties of my new home with rhe most cheering prospect ahead. I look upon my departure from Colonel Lloyd's plantation as one of the most interesting events of my life. It is possible, and even quite probable, char but for the mere circumstance of being removed from chat plantation to Balrimore, I should have today, instead of being here seated by my own cable, in the enjoyment of freedom and the happiness of home, writing this Narrative, been confined in the galling chains of slavery. Going to live at Baltimore laid che foundation, and opened the gateway, to all my subsequent prosperity. I have ever regarded it as the first plain manifestation of char kind providence which has ever since attended me, and marked my life with so many favors. I regarded the selection of myself as being somewhat remarkable. There were a number of slave children that might have been sent from the plantation to Baltimore. There were those younger, those older, and chose of the same age. I was chosen from among them all, and was the first, last, and only choice.

I may be deemed superstitious, and even egotistical, in regarding this event as a special interposition of divine Providence in my favor. But I should be false co the earliest sentiments of my soul, if I suppressed the opinion. I prefer to be true to myself, even at the hazard of incurring the ridicule of others, rather rhan to be false, and incur my own abhorrence. From my earliest recollection, I date the entertainment of a deep conviction chat slavery would not always be able to hold me within its foul embrace; and in the darkest hours of my career in slavery, this living word of faith and spirit of hope departed not from me, bur remained like ministering angels to cheer me through the gloom. This good spirit was from God, and co him I offer thanksgiving and praise. CHAPTER 6

My new mistress proved to be all she appeared when I first mer her at the door-a woman of the kindest hearc and finest feelings. She had never had a slave under her control previously co myself, and prior co her marriage she had been dependent upon her own industry for a living. She was by trade a weaver; and by constant application to her business, she had been in a good degree preserved from the blighting and dehumanizing effects of slavery. I was utterly astonished at her goodness. I scarcely knew how co behave cowards her. She was entirely unlike any ocher white woman I had ever seen. I could not approach her as I was accustomed to approach other white ladies. My early instruction was all out of place. The crouching servility, usually so acceptable a quality in a slave, did not answer when manifested coward her. Her favor was not gained by it; she seemed co be disturbed by it. She did nor deem it impudent or unmannerly for a slave co look her in the face. The meanest slave was put fully at ease in her presence, and none left without feeling better for having seen her. Her face was made of heavenly smiles, and her voice of tranquil music. But, alas! chis kind heart had bur a shore rime to remain such. The fatal poison of irresponsible power was already in her hands, and soon commenced its infernal work. That cheerful eye, under the influence of slavery, soon became red with rage; chat voice, made all of sweet accord, changed to one of harsh and

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horrid discord; and that angelic face gave place to chat of a demon. Very soon after I went to live with Mr. and Mrs. Auld, she very kindly commenced to reach me the A, B, C. After I had learned chis, she assisted me in learning co spell words of three or four letters. Just at this point of my progress, Mr. Auld found out what was going on, and at once forbade Mrs. Auld co instruct me further, telling her, among other things, chat ic was unlawful, as well as unsafe, co teach a slave co read. To use his own words, furcher, he said, "If you give a nigger an inch, he will cake an ell.1 A nigger should know nothing but co obey his master- co do as he is cold co do. Learning would spoil the best nigger in the world. Now," said he, "if you teach that nigger (speaking of myself) how co read, there would be no keeping him. It would forever unfit him co be a slave. He would at once become unmanageable, and of no value co his master. As to himself, it could do him no good, but a great deal of harm. le would make him discontented and unhappy." These words sank deep into my heart, stirred up sentiments within that lay slumbering, and called into existence an entirely new train of thought. Ir was a new and special revelation, explaining dark and mysterious things, with which my youthful understanding had struggled, but struggled in vain. I now understood whac had been co me a most perplexing difficulry-to wit, che white man's power to enslave the black man. le was a grand achievement, and I prized ic highly. From chat moment, l understood che pathway from slavery to freedom. Jc was just whac I wanted, and I got it at a time when I the lease expected it. Whilst I was saddened by the thought of losing che aid of my kind mistress, I was gladdened by che invaluable instruction which, by che merest accident, I had gained from my master. Though conscious of the difficulty of learning wichouc a teacher, I sec out with high hope, and a fixed purpose, at whatever cost of trouble, co learn how to read. The very decided manner with which he spoke, and strove co impress his wife with the evil consequences of giving me instruction, served co convince me chat he was deeply sensible of the truths he was uttering. It gave me the best assurance chat I might rely with the utmost confidence on the results which, he said, would flow from teaching me to read. 1

805

What he most dreaded, that I most desired. What he most loved, chat I most hated. That which co him was a great evil, co be carefully shunned, was to me a great good, co be diligently sought; and the argument which he so warmly urged, against my learning co read, only served co inspire me with a desire and determination co learn. In learning to read, I owe almost as much co the bitter opposition of my master, as co the kindly aid of my mistress. I acknowledge the benefit of both. I had resided bur a shore rime in Baltimore before I observed a marked difference, in rhe treatment of slaves, from that which I had witnessed in che country. A ciry slave is almost a freeman, compared wich a slave on the plantation. He is much better fed and clothed, and enjoys privileges altogether unknown co the slave on the plancacion. There is a vestige of decency, a sense of shame, chac does much co curb and check chose outbreaks of atrocious cruelry so commonly enacted upon the plantation. He is a desperate slaveholder, who will shock che humanity of his non-slaveholding neighbors wich che cries of h is lacerated slave. Few are willing to incur the odium attaching to che reputation of being a cruel master; and above all things, they would not be known as not giving a slave enough to eat. Every ciry slaveholder is anxious to have it known of him, that he feeds his slaves well; and ic is due to them to say, chat most of them do give their slaves enough co eat. There are, however, some painful exceptions to this rule. Directly opposite co us, o n Philpot Street, lived Mr. Thomas Hamilton. He owned two slaves. Their names were Henrietta and Mary. Henrietta was about twenty-two years of age, Mary was about fourteen; and of all the mangled and emaciated creatures I ever looked upon, these two were the most so. His heart must be harder than scone, thac could look upon chese unmoved. The head, neck, and shoulders of Mary were literally cue to pieces. I have frequencly felt her head, and found it nearly covered wich festering sores, caused by che lash of her cruel mistress. I do not know chac her master ever whipped her, but I have been an eye-witness co the cruelry of Mrs. Hamilton. I used co be in Mr. Hamilton's house nearly every day. Mrs. Hamilton used to sic in a large chair in the middle of the room, wich a heavy cowskin always by her side, and scarce an hour passed during che day but was marked by the blood of one of these slaves. The girls seldom

an ell Approximacely 45 inches.

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FREDERICK D OUGLASS

passed her without her saying, "Move faster, you black gip!" at che same cime giving them a blow with che cowskin over the head or shoulders, often drawing che blood. She would then say, "Take that, you black gip!" continuing, "If you don't move faster, I'll move you!" Added co the cruel lashings to which these slaves were subjected, they were kept nearly half-starved. They seldom knew what ic was to eat a full meal. I have seen Mary contending with the pigs for the offal thrown inco che street. So much was Mary kicked and cue to pieces, thac she was oftener called "pecked" than by her name. CHAPTER 7

I lived in Master Hugh's family abouc seven years. During this time, I succeeded in learning to read and write. In accomplishing this, I was compelled to resort to various stratagems. I had no regular teacher. My mistress, who had kindly commenced to instruct me, had, in compliance with the advice and direction of her husband, not only ceased to instruct, but had set her face against my being instructed by anyone else. It is due, however, to my mistress co say of her, that she did not adopt chis course of treatment immediately. She at first lacked the depravity indispensable to shurcing me up in mental darkness. It was ac least necessary for her to have some training in the exercise of irresponsible power, co make her equal co the task of creating me as though I were a brute. My mistress was, as I have said, a kind and tenderhearted woman; and in the simplicity of her soul she commenced, when I first went co live with her, to treat me as she supposed one human being oughc co treat another. In entering upon che duties of a slaveholder, she did not seem co perceive that I sustained co her the relation of a mere chattel, and that for her co treat me as a human being was not only wrong, but dangerously so. Slavery proved as injurious co her as it did to me. When I went there, she was a pious, warm, and cenderhearced woman. There was no sorrow or suffering for which she had noc a tear. She had bread for the hungry, cloches for the naked, and comfort for every mourner that came within her reach. Slavery soon proved irs ability to divest her of these heavenly qualities. Under its influence, the tender heart became scone, and the

lamblike disposition gave way to one of tiger-like fierceness. The first step in her downward course was in her ceasing to instruct me. She now commenced to practise her husband's precepts. She finally became even more violent in her opposition than her husband himself. She was not satisfied with simply doing as well as he had commanded; she seemed anxious co do better. Nothing seemed co make her more angry than co see me with a newspaper. She seemed co think that here lay the danger. I have had her rush at me with a face made all up of fury, and snatch from me a newspaper, in a manner chat fully revealed her apprehension. She was an ape woman; and a lictle experience soon demonstrated, co her satisfaction, chat education and slavery were incompatible with each other. From this time I was most narrowly' watched. If I was in a separate room any considerable length of time, I was sure co be suspected of having a book, and was at once called to give an accounc of myself. All chis, however, was coo late. The first seep had been taken. Mistress, in teaching me the alphabet, had given me che inch, and no precaution could prevent me from taking the ell. The plan which I adopted, and the one by which I was most successful, was chat of making friends of all the little white boys whom I met in the street. As many of chese as I could, I converted into teachers. With their kindly aid, obtained at different times and in different places, I finally succeeded in learning to read. When I was sent of errands, I always took my book with me, and by going one pare of my errand quickly, I found time to gee a lesson before my return. I used also co carry bread with me, enough of which was always in the house, and co which I was always welcome; for I was much better off in this regard than many of the poor white children in our neighborhood. This bread I used co bestow upon the hungry little urchins, who, in return, would give me chat more valuable bread of knowledge. I am strongly tempted to give the names of cwo or three of chose liccle boys, as a testimonial of the gratitude and affection I bear chem; but prudence forbids;- noc chac ic would injure me, but it might embarrass them; for it is almost an unpardonable offence co teach slaves co read in this Christian country. le is enough to say of che dear liccle fellows, chat they 1

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narrowly

Closely.

NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS, AN AMERICAN SLAVE

lived on Philpot Street, very near Durgin and Bailey's ship-yard. I used to talk this maner ofslavery over wich them. I would sometimes say to them, I wished I could be as free as they would be when they got to be men. "You will be free as soon as you are rwenty-one, but I am a slave for life! Have not I as good a right to be free as you have?" These words used to trouble them; they would express for me the liveliest sympathy, and console me with the hope that something would occur by which I might be free. I was now about rwelve years old, and the thought of being a slave for life began to bear heavily upon my heart. Just about chis time, I got hold of a book entitled "The Columbian Orator."• Every opportunity I got, I used to read this book. Among much of other interesting matter, I found in it a dialogue between a master and his slave. The slave was represented as having run away from his master three times. The dialogue represented the conversation which took place berween chem, when the slave was retaken the third time. In this dialogue, the whole argument in behalf of slavery was brought forward by the master, all of which was disposed of by the slave. The slave was made to say some very smart as well as impressive things in reply to his master-things which had the desired though unexpected effect; for the conversation resulted in the voluntary emancipation of the slave on the part of the master. In the same book, I mer with one of Sheridan's2 mighty speeches on and in behalf of Catholic emancipation. These were choice documents to me. I read chem over and over again with unabated interest. They gave tongue to interesting thoughts of my own soul, which had frequently flashed through my mind, and died away for want of utterance. The moral which I 1

The Columbian Orator Anthology of speeches and essays colleered by New England educator Caleb Bingham (1757-1817), popular as a schoolbook. 2

Sheridan Douglass is misremembering here. Richard Brinsley Sheridan (1751-1816) was an Irish poet, playwrighc, and policician; a shore Parliamentary speech by Sheridan is included in che contents of che Orator, buc ic bears licrle resemblance to whac Douglass describes here. The cexc co which he likely meant co refer is the speech for Catholic Emancipacion given by United Irishman Arthur O'Connor in 1795, which directly follows che "Dialogue between a Master and Slave." (This speech is often further misidentified as having been given by Daniel O'Connell.)

807

gained from the dialogue was the power of truth over the conscience of even a slaveholder. What I got from Sheridan was a bold denunciation of slavery, and a powerful vindication of human rights. The reading of these documencs enabled me to utter my thoughts, and to meet the arguments brought forward to sustain slavery; but while they relieved me of one difficulty, they brought on another even more painful than the one of which I was relieved. The more I read, the more I was led to abhor and detest my enslavers. I could regard them in no other light than a band of successful robbers, who had left their homes, and gone to Africa, and stolen us from our homes, and in a strange land reduced us to slavery. I loathed them as being che meanest as well as the most wicked of men. As I read and contemplated che subject, behold! that very discontentmenc which Master Hugh had predicted would follow my learning to read had already come, to torment and sting my soul co unutterable anguish. As I writhed under it, I would at times feel chat learning to read had been a curse rather than a blessing. le had given me a view of my wretched condition, without the remedy. It opened my eyes to the horrible pie, but co no ladder upon which co get out. In moments of agony, I envied my fellow-slaves for their stupidity. I have often wished myself a beast. I preferred the condition of the meanest reptile to my own. Anything, no matter what, to get rid of thinking! It was this everlasting thinking of my condition that tormented me. There was no getting rid of ic. le was pressed upon me by every object within sight or hearing, animate or inanimate. The silver crump of freedom had roused my soul to eternal wakefulness. Freedom now appeared, to disappear no more forever. It was heard in every sound, and seen in every thing. Ir was ever present to torment me with a sense of my wretched condition. I saw nothing without seeing it, I heard nothing without hearing it, and felt nothing without feeling it. le looked from every star, it smiled in every calm, breathed in every wind, and moved in every storm. I often found myself regretting my own existence, and wishing myself dead; and buc for the hope of being free, I have no doubt but chat I should have killed myself, or done something for which I should have been killed. While in this state of mind, I was eager to hear anyone speak of slavery. I was a ready listener.

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Every little while, I could hear something about the abolitionists. It was some rime before I found what the word meant. It was always used in such connections as co make ic an interesting word co me. If a slave ran away and succeeded in getting clear, or if a slave killed his master, set fire co a barn, or did anything very wrong in the mind of a slaveholder, ic was spoken of as the fruit of abolition. Hearing che word in chis connection very often, I sec about learning what ic meant. The dictionary afforded me liccle or no help. I found ic was "the act of abolishing"; but chen I did not know what was co be abolished. Here I was perplexed. I did nor dare to ask anyone about its meaning, for I was satisfied char ic was something chey wanted me to know very lictle about. After a patient waiting, I got one of our city papers, containing an account of che number of petitions from the north, praying for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and of the slave trade between the Scares. From chis rime I understood the words abolition and abolitionist, and always drew near when char word was spoken, expecting co hear something of importance co myself and fellow-slaves. The light broke in upon me by degrees. I went one day down on the wharf of Mr. Waters; and seeing rwo Irishmen unloading a scow of scone, I went, unasked, and helped them. When we had finished, one of chem came to me and asked me if I were a slave. I cold him I was. He asked, ''Are ye a slave for life?" I told him chat I was. The good Irishman seemed to be deeply affected by the statement. He said to the ocher chat it was a pity so fine a linle fellow as myself should be a slave for life. He said it was a shame co hold me. They both advised me co run away co che north; chat I should find friends there, and that I should be free. I pretended not to be interested in what they said, and treated chem as if I did not understand chem; for I feared they might be treacherous. White men have been known co encourage slaves to escape, and then, to get the reward, catch chem and return them co their masters. I was afraid chat these seemingly good men might use me so; but I nevertheless remembered their advice, and from chat time I resolved to run away. I looked forward to a time at which it would be safe for me to escape. I was too young co think of doing so immediately; besides, I wished to learn how to write, as I might have occasion to write my own pass. I consoled myself with the hope

chat I should one day find a good chance. Meanwhile, I would learn co write. The idea as co how I might learn co write was suggested to me by being in Durgin and Bailey's shipyard, and frequently seeing the ship carpenters, after hewing, and getting a piece of timber ready for use, write on the timber che name of chat part of the ship for which it was intended. When a piece of timber was intended for che larboard' side, it would be marked thus-"L." When a piece was for the starboard side, it would be marked thus-"S." A piece for the larboard side forward, would be marked thus-"L. F." When a piece was for starboard side forward, it would be marked thus"S. F." For larboard afc, it would be marked chus-"L. A." For starboard afc, it would be marked chus-"S. A." I soon learned the names of these letters, and for what they were intended when placed upon a piece of timber in the ship-yard. I immediately commenced copying chem, and in a short time was able co make the four letters named. After chat, when I mer with any boy who I knew could write, I would cell him I could write as well as he. The next word would be, "I don't believe you. Let me see you try ic." I would then make the letters which I had been so fortunate as to learn, and ask him to beat that. In chis way I got a good many lessons in writing, which it is quite possible I should never have goccen in any ocher way. During chis time, my copy-book was the board fence, brick wall, and pavement; my pen and ink was a lump of chalk. With these, I learned mainly how co write. I then commenced and continued copying the italics in Webster's Spelling Book,2 until I could make them all without looking on the book. By this time, my licde Master Thomas had gone to school, and learned how co write, and had written over a number of copybooks. These had been brought home, and shown to some of our near neighbors, and then laid aside. My mistress used to go co class meeting at the Wilk Screec meetinghouse every Monday afternoon, and leave me to cake care of che house. When left chus, I used to spend the time in writing in the spaces left in Master I larbonrd Left (or "port") side of a ship; the right side is referred to as the "starboard."

2 Websters Spelling Book Refers to The Americnn Spelling Book by American educator Noah Webster (1758-1843); first published in 1783, rhe book ',\'a.I a steady bestseller into the second half of the nineteenth century.

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NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DouGLASS, AN fu\1ERICAN SLAVE

Thomas's copy-book, copying what he had written. I continued to do this until I could write a hand very similar to that of Master Thomas. Thus, after a long, tedious effort for years, I finally succeeded in learning how to write.

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NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DouGLASS, AN AMERICAN SLAVE

CHAPTER9

I have now reached a period of my life when I can give dates. I left Baltimore, and went to live with Master Thomas Auld, at Sc. Michael's, in March, 1832. le was now more than seven years since I lived with him in the family of my old master, on Colonel Lloyd's plantation. We of course were now almost entire strangers to each other. He was to me a new master, and I to him a new slave. I was ignorant of his temper and disposition; he was equally so of mine. A very shore time, however, brought us into full acquaintance with each ocher. I was made acquainted with his wife not less than with himself. They were well matched, being equally mean1 and cruel. I was now, for the first time 1

mean

Lowly and undignified; also, miserly.

8u

during a space of more than seven years, made to feel che painful gnawings of hunger-a something which I had not experienced before since I left Colonel Lloyd's plantation. It went hard enough with me then, when I could look back co no period at which I had enjoyed a sufficiency. It was tenfold harder after living in Master Hugh's family, where I had always had enough to eat, and of chat which was good. I have said Master Thomas was a mean man. He was so. Noc to give a slave enough to eat, is regarded as che most aggravated development of meanness even among slaveholders. The rule is, no matter how coarse the food, only lee there be enough of it. This is the theory; and in the part of Maryland from which I came, it is che general practice-though there are many exceptions. Master Thomas gave us enough of neither coarse nor fine food. There were four slaves of us in the kitchen-my sister Eliza, my aunt Priscilla, Henny, and myself; and we were allowed less than a half of a bushel of com-meal per week, and very liccle else, either in the shape of meat or vegetables. le was not enough for us co subsist upon. We were therefore reduced to the wretched necessity of living at the expense of our neighbors. This we did by begging and stealing, whichever came handy in the time of need, the one being considered as legitimate as the other. A great many times have we poor creatures been nearly perishing with hunger, when food in abundance lay mouldering in the safe and smoke-house,2 and our pious mistress was aware of the fact; and yec chat mistress and her husband would kneel every morning, and pray chat God would bless chem in basket and score! Bad as all slaveholders are, we seldom meet one destitute of every element of character commanding respect. My master was one of this rare sore. I do not know of one single noble act ever performed by him. The leading trait in his character was meanness; and if there were any other element in his nature, it was made subject co chis. He was mean; and, like most ocher mean men, he lacked the ability to conceal his meanness. Captain Auld was not born a slaveholder. He had been a poor man, master only of a Bay craft. He came into possession of all his slaves by marriage; and of all men, adopted slaveholders are che worst. He was cruel, but cowardly. He commanded without firmness. In che enforcement of his rules, he was at times rigid, 2

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safe and smokt-houst Storage-places for meat.

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FREDERICK DOUGLASS

and ac cimes lax. At times, he spoke to his slaves with the firmness of Napoleon and the fury of a demon; at other times, he might well be mistaken for an inquirer who had lost his way. He did nothing of himself. He might have passed for a lion, but for his ears. In all things noble which he attempted, his own meanness shone most conspicuous. His airs, words, and actions, were the airs, words, and actions of born slaveholders, and, being assumed, were awkward enough. He was not even a good imitator. He possessed all che disposicion to deceive, but wanted che power. Having no resources within himself, he was compelled to be the copyist of many, and being such, he was forever the victim of inconsistency; and of consequence he was an object of contempt, and was held as such even by his slaves. The luxury of having slaves of his own to wait upon him was something new and unprepared for. He was a slaveholder without the abiliry to hold slaves. He found himself incapable of managing his slaves either by force, fear, or fraud. We seldom called him "master"; we generally called him "Captain Auld," and were hardly disposed co tide him at all. I doubt not that our conduct had much co do with making him appear awkward, and of consequence fretful. Our wane of reverence for him must have perplexed him greatly. He wished to have us call him master, but lacked the firmness necessary co command us to do so. His wife used to insist upon our calling him so, but co no purpose. In August, 1832, my mascer attended a Methodist campmeeting' held in the Bay-side, Talbot counry, and there experienced religion. 1 indulged a fainc hope chat his conversion would lead him co emancipate his slaves, and chat, if he did not do this, it would, at any rate, make him more kind and humane. I was disappointed in both these respects. It neither made him co be humane to his slaves, nor to emancipate chem. If it had any effect on his character, it made him more cruel and hateful in all his ways; for I believe him to have been a much worse man after his conversion than before. Prior to his conversion, he relied upon his own depraviry to shield and sustain him in his savage barbariry; but after his conversion, he found religious sanction and support for his slaveholding cruelry. He made the greatest pretensions co piery. His house was the house of prayer. He prayed morning, noon, and night. He 1

camp-meeting

Outdoor meeting.

very soon distinguished himself among his brethren, and was soon made a class-leader and exhorter. His activiry in revivals was great, and he proved himself an inscrument in the hands of the church in converting many souls. His house was che preachers' home. They used co take great pleasure in coming chere co put up; for while he starved us, he scuffed chem. We have had three or four preachers there at a time. The names of those who used co come most frequently while I lived there, were Mr. Storks, Mr. Ewery, Mr. Humphry, and Mr. Hickey. I have also seen Mr. George Cookman1 at our house. We slaves loved Mr. Cookman. We believed him co be a good man. We thought him inscrumental in getting Mr. Samuel Harrison, a very rich slaveholder, co emancipate his slaves; and by some means goc the impression chat he was laboring to effect the emancipation of all the slaves. When he was at our house, we were sure to be called in co prayers. When the others were there, we were sometimes called in and sometimes not. Mr. Cookman cook more notice of us than either of the other miniscers. He could not come among us without betraying his sympathy for us, and, stupid as we were, we had the sagaciry co see it. While I lived with my master in St. Michael's, there was a white young man, a Mr. Wilson, who proposed to keep a Sabbath school for the instruction of such slaves as might be disposed to learn co read the New Testament. We met but three times, when Mr. West and Mr. Fairbanks, boch class-leaders, with many ochers, came upon us with sticks and ocher missiles, drove us off, and forbade us to meet again. Thus ended our liccle Sabbath school in the pious town of St. Michael's. I have said my master found religious sanction for his cruelty. As an example, I will stare one of many facts going to prove che charge. I have seen him tie up a lame young woman, and whip her with a heavy cowskin upon her naked shoulders, causing the warm red blood to drip; and, in justification of the bloody deed, he would quote this passage of Scripture-"He that knoweth his master's will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many stripes."3

2

Mr. George Cookman Methodist minister (1800-41) who served as Chaplain co the Senate and promoted emancipation. 3 He that knoweth .. . many stripes See Luke 12.47.

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Master would keep this lacerated young woman tied up in chis horrid situation four or five hours ac a time. I have known him to cie her up early in che morning, and whip her before breakfast; leave her, go co his score, return at dinner, and whip her again, cutting her in the places already made raw with his cruel lash. The secret of master's cruelty coward "Henny" is found in che fact of her being almost helpless. When quite a child, she fell into the fire, and burned herself horribly. Her hands were so burnt that she never got the use of them. She could do very little but bear heavy burdens. She was co master a bill of expense; and as he was a mean man, she was a constant offence co him. He seemed desirous of getting che poor girl out of existence. He gave her away once co his sister; but, being a poor gift, she was noc disposed co keep her. Finally, my benevolent master, co use his own words, "sec her adrift co cake care of herself." Here was a recencly-converced man, holding on upon the mother, and at the same time turning out her helpless child, co starve and die! Master Thomas was one of the many pious slaveholders who hold slaves for che very charitable purpose of caking care of chem. My master and myself had quite a number of differences. He found me unsuitable co his purpose. My city life, he said, had had a very pernicious effect upon me. It had almost ruined me for every good purpose, and fitted me for every thing which was bad. One of my greatest faults was chat of letting his horse run away, and go down co his father-in-law's farm, which was about five miles from Sc. Michael's. I would then have co go after ic. My reason for chis kind of carelessness, or carefulness, was, chat I could always gee something co eat when I went there. Master William Hamil con, my master's father-in-law, always gave his slaves enough co eat. I never left there hungry, no matter how great the need of my speedy return. Master Thomas at length said he would stand it no longer. I had lived with him nine months, during which time he had given me a number of severe whippings, all co no good purpose. He resolved to put me out, as he said, co be broken; and, for chis purpose, he lee me for one year co a man named Edward Covey. Mr. Covey was a poor man, a farm-renter. He rented the place upon which he lived, as also the hands with which he tilled it. Mr. Covey had acquired a very high reputation for breaking young slaves, and chis reputation was of immense value

813

co him. le enabled him co gee his farm tilled with much less expense co himself than he could have had ic done without such a reputation. Some slaveholders choughc it not much loss to allow Mr. Covey co have their slaves one year, for che sake of che training co which chey were subjected, without any ocher compensation. He could hire young help with great ease, in consequence of chis reputation. Added co the natural good qualities of Mr. Covey, he was a professor of religion-a pious soul-a member and a class-leader in che Mechodisc church. All of chis added weight co his reputation as a "niggerbreaker." I was aware of all the faces, having been made acquainted with chem by a young man who had lived there. I nevertheless made the change gladly; for I was sure of getting enough co eat, which is not the smallest consideration co a hungry man.

CHAPTER IO

I had left Master Thomas's house, and went co live wich Mr. Covey, on the 1st of January, 1833. I was now, for the first time in my life, a field hand. In my new employment, I found myself even more awkward than a country boy appeared co be in a large city. I had been at my new home but one week before Mr. Covey gave me a very severe whipping, cutting my back, causing the blood co run, and raising ridges on my flesh as large as my little finger. The details of this affair are as follows: Mr. Covey senc me, very early in che morning of one of our coldest days in che month ofJanuary, co the woods, co gee a load of wood. He gave me a team of unbroken oxen. He cold me which was the in-hand ox, and which the off-hand one.' He then tied the end of a large rope around che horns of che in-hand ox, and gave me che ocher end of it, and cold me, if the oxen started co run, chat I muse hold on upon the rope. I had never driven oxen before, and of course I was very awkward. I, however, succeeded in getting co che edge of the woods with litcle difficulty; but I had got a very few rods into the woods, when the oxen cook fright, and scarred full cilc, carrying che care against trees, and over stumps, in che most frightful manner. I expected every moment chat my brains would be dashed ouc against the trees. Afrer running chus for a considerable 1

in-hand ox .. . off-hand one Oxen on che righc- and left-hand

sides of a pair, respeccively.

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distance, they finally upset the cart, dashing it with great force against a tree, and threw themselves into a dense thicket. How I escaped death, I do not know. There I was, entirely alone, in a chick wood, in a place new co me. My care was upset and shattered, my oxen were entangled among the young trees, and there was none to help me. After a long spell of effort, I succeeded in getting my cart righted, my oxen disentangled, and again yoked co the cart. I now proceeded with my team to the place where I had, the day before, been chopping wood, and loaded my care pretty heavily, thinking in chis way co tame my oxen. I then proceeded on my way home. I had now consumed one half of che day. I got out of the woods safely, and now felt out of danger. I stopped my oxen to open che woods gate; and just as I did so, before I could gee hold of my ox-rope, the oxen again started, rushed through the gate, catching it between the wheel and the body of the can, tearing it co pieces, and coming within a few inches of crushing me against the gate-post. Thus twice, in one short day, I escaped death by the merest chance. On my remrn, I cold Mr. Covey what had happened, and how it happened. He ordered me to return to the woods again immediately. I did so, and he followed on after me. Just as I got into the woods, he came up and cold me co stop my care, and chat he would teach me how to trifle away my time, and break gates. He then went to a large gum-tree, and with his axe cue three large switches, and, after trimming chem up neatly with his pocketknife, he ordered me to cake off my cloches. I made him no answer, but stood with my cloches on. He repeated his order. I still made him no answer, nor did I move co scrip myself. Upon chis he rushed ac me with the fierceness of a tiger, core off my cloches, and lashed me till he had worn out his switches, cutting me so savagely as to leave the marks visible for a long time after. This whipping was the first of a number just like it, and for similar offences. I lived with Mr. Covey one year. During che first six months, of char year, scarce a week passed without his whipping me. I was seldom free from a sore back. My awkwardness was almost always his excuse for whipping me. We were worked fully up to the point of endurance. Long before day we were up, our horses fed, and by the first approach of day we were off to the field with our hoes and ploughing teams. Mr. Covey

gave us enough to eat, but scarce time to eat it. We were often less than five minutes caking our meals. We were often in the field from the first approach of day till its lase lingering ray had left us; and ac saving-fodder time, midnight often caught us in the field binding blades.' Covey would be out with us. The way he used to stand it, was chis. He would spend the most of his afternoons in bed. He would then come out fresh in the evening, ready to urge us on with his words, example, and frequently wich the whip. Mr. Covey was one of the few slaveholders who could and did work with his hands. He was a hard-working man. He knew by himself just what a man or a boy could do. There was no deceiving him. His work went on in his absence almost as well as in his presence; and he had the faculry of making us feel that he was ever present with us. This he did by surprising us. He seldom approached rhe spot where we were at work openly, if he could do it secretly. He always aimed ac caking us by surprise. Such was his cunning, chat we used co call him, among ourselves, "che snake." When we were at work in the cornfield, he would sometimes crawl on his hands and knees co avoid detection, and all at once he would rise nearly in our midst, and scream out, "Ha, ha! Come, come! Dash on, dash on!" This being his mode of attack, it was never safe co stop a single minute. His comings were like a chief in che night. He appeared to us as being ever at hand. He was under every tree, behind every stump, in every bush, and ac every window, on the plantation. He would sometimes mount his horse, as if bound co Sc. Michael's, a distance of seven miles, and in half an hour afterwards you would see him coiled up in the corner of the wood-fence, watching every motion of the slaves. He would, for chis purpose, leave his horse tied up in the woods. Again, he would sometimes walk up to us, and give us orders as though he was upon the point of starting on a long journey, cum his back upon us, and make as though he was going to che house to get ready; and, before he would gee half way thither, he would cum shore and crawl into a fence-corner, or behind some tree, and rhere watch us till the going down of the sun.

1

saving-fodder time wheat sheaves.

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Harvesr rime;

binding blades

Binding

NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DouGLASS, AN AMERICAN SLAVE

Mr. Covey's Jorte1consisted in his power to deceive. His life was devoted to planning and perpetrating the grossest deceptions. Every thing he possessed in the shape of learning or religion, he made conform co his disposition co deceive. He seemed co think himself equal to deceiving the Almighty. He would make a short prayer in the morning, and a long prayer at night; and, strange as ic may seem, few men would at times appear more devotional than he. The exercises of his family devotions were always commenced with singing; and, as he was a very poor singer himself, the duty of raising the hymn generally came upon me. He would read his hymn, and nod at me co commence. I would ac times do so; ac others, I would not. My non-compliance would almost always produce much confusion. To show himself independent of me, he would scare and stagger through with his hymn in the most discordant manner. In this state of mind, he prayed wich more chan ordinary spirit. Poor man! such was his disposition, and success at deceiving, I do verily believe that he sometimes deceived himself into the solemn belief, that he was a sincere worshipper of the most high God; and chis, coo, at a time when he may be said co have been guilty of compelling his woman slave to commit the sin of adultery. The faces in the case are these: Mr. Covey was a poor man; he was just commencing in life; he was only able ro buy one slave; and, shocking as is the face, he bought her, as he said, for a breeder. This woman was named Caroline. Mr. Covey bought her from Mr. Thomas Lowe, abouc six miles from Sc. Michael's. She was a large, able-bodied woman, about twenty years old. She had already given birch to one child, which proved her co be just what he wanted. After buying her, he hired a married man of Mr. Samuel Harrison, co live with him one year; and him he used co fasten up wich her every night! The result was, thac, at the end of the year, che miserable woman gave birch co twins. Ac this result Mr. Covey seemed co be highly pleased, both with the man and the wretched woman. Such was his joy, and that of his wife, that nothing they could do for Caroline during her confinement was too good, or coo hard, co be done. The children were regarded as being quite an addition to his wealth. If at any one rime of my life more than another, I was made co drink the bitterest dregs of slavery, chat 1

Joru

Italian: strength; particular ability.

815

time was during rhe first six months of my stay with Mr. Covey. We were worked in all weathers. le was never coo hot or too cold; it could never rain, blow, hail, or snow, too hard for us co work in the field. Work, work, work, was scarcely more the order of the day than of the nighc. The longest days were too shore for him, and che shortest nights coo long for him. I was somewhat unmanageable when I first went there, buc a few months of chis discipline earned me. Mr. Covey succeeded in breaking me. I was broken in body, soul, and spirit. My natural elasticity was crushed, my intellect languished, the disposition co read deparced, the cheerful spark chat lingered about my eye died; che dark night of slavery closed in upon me; and behold a man transformed into a brute! Sunday was my only leisure time. I spent this in a sore of beast-like stupor, between sleep and wake, under some large tree. At times I would rise up, a Aash of energetic freedom would dare through my soul, accompanied with a faint beam of hope, that Aickered for a moment, and then vanished. I sank down again, mourning over my wretched condition. I was sometimes prompted to take my life, and chat of Covey, but was prevented by a combination of hope and fear. My sufferings on this plantation seem now like a dream rather than a stern realicy. Our house srood within a few rods of the Chesapeake Bay, whose broad bosom was ever white with sails from every quarter of the habitable globe. Those beautiful vessels, robed in purest white, so delightful co the eye of freemen, were to me so many shrouded ghosts, to terrify and torment me with thoughts of my wretched condition. I have often, in the deep stillness of a summer's Sabbath, stood all alone upon the lofty banks of chat noble bay, and traced, with saddened heart and tearful eye, the countless number of sails moving off co the mighty ocean. The sight of these always affected me powerfully. My thoughts would compel utterance; and there, with no audience buc the Almighty, I would pour out my soul's complaint, in my rude way, with an apostrophe' co the moving multitude of ships:

2 apostrophe Exclamatory speech made either to one or more people who are unable to respond (whether because they are nor present or because rhey are nor alive) or ro one or more inanimate objects.

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"You are loosed from your moorings, and are free; I am fast in my chains, and am a slave! You move merrily before the gencle gale, and I sadly before the bloody whip! You are freedom's swift-winged angels, chat Ay round the world; I am confined in bands of iron! 0 chat I were free! 0, chat I were on one of your gallant decks, and under your protecting wing! Alas! betwixt me and you, the turbid waters roll. Go on, go on. 0 chat I could also go! Could I but swim! If I could fly! 0, why was I born a man, of whom co make a brute! The glad ship is gone; she hides in the dim distance. I am left in che hottest hell of unending slavery. 0 God, save me! God, deliver me! Lee me be free! Is there any God? W hy am I a slave? I will run away. I will not stand it. Gee caught, or gee clear, I'll cry ic. I had as well die with ague as the fever.' I have only one life co lose. I had as well be killed running as die standing. Only chink of it; one hundred miles straight north, and I am free! Try it? Yes! God helping me, I will. le cannot be chat I shall live and die a slave. I will take co the water. This very bay shall yet bear me inco freedom. The steamboats steered in a north-east course from North Point. I will do the same; and when I gee co che head of the bay, I will turn my canoe adrift, and walk straight through Delaware into Pennsylvania. When I get there, I shall not be required to have a pass; I can crave! without being disturbed. Lee but the first opportunity offer, and, come what will, I am off. Meanwhile, I will try co bear up under the yoke. I am not the only slave in the world. Why should I fret? I can bear as much as any of chem. Besides, I am buc a boy, and all boys are bound co someone. le may be chat my misery in slavery will only increase my happiness when I gee free. There is a better day coming." Thus I used co chink, and thus I used co speak co myself; goaded almost co madness at one moment, and at the next reconciling myself co my wretched lot. I have already intimated chat my condition was much worse, during the first six months of my stay at Mr. Covey's, than in the lase six. The circumstances leading co the change in Mr. Covey's course coward me form an epoch in my humble history. You have seen how a man was made a slave; you shall see how a slave

was made a man. On one of the hottest days of the month of August, 1833, Bill Smith, William Hughes, a slave named Eli, and myself, were engaged in fanning wheac. 2 Hughes was clearing the fanned wheat from before the fan. Eli was turning, Smith was feeding, and I was carrying wheat to the fan . The work was simple, requiring strength rather than intellect; yet, co one entirely unused to such work, it came very hard. About three o'clock of chat day, I broke down; my strength failed me; I was seized with a violent aching of the head, attended with extreme dizziness; I trembled in every limb. Finding what was coming, I nerved myself up, feeling it would never do co stop work. I stood as long as I could stagger to che hopper with grain. When I could stand no longer, I fell, and felt as if held down by an immense weighc. The fan of course stopped; every one had his own work to do; and no one could do the work of che ocher, and have his own go on at the same time. Mr. Covey was at the house, about one hundred yards from che treading-yard where we were fanning. On hearing che fan stop, he left immediately, and came to the spot where we were. He hastily inquired what the matter was. Bill answered chat I was sick, and there was no one to bring wheat to the fan. I had by chis time crawled away under the side of the post and rail-fence by which the yard was enclosed, hoping co find relief by getting out of the sun. He then asked where I was. He was cold by one of the hands. He came co the spot, and, after looking at me awhile, asked me what was the matter. I cold him as well as I could, for I scarce had strength co speak. He then gave me a savage kick in che side, and cold me co gee up. I cried co do so, but fell back in the attempt. He gave me another kick, and again cold me to rise. I again cried, and succeeded in gaining my feet; but, stooping to gee the tub with which I was feeding the fan, 1 again staggered and fell. While down in chis situation, Mr. Covey cook up the hickory slat with which Hughes had been striking off the half-bushel measure, and with it gave me a heavy blow upon che head, making a large wound, and che blood ran freely; and with chis again cold me co gee up. I made no effort co comply, having now made up my mind to lee him do his worst. In a short time after

1

ngue ... jel'er The point here is char there is little difference becween the two; "ague" was a term given to a range of infectious maladies for which a high fever was a key symptom.

2

fanning when, Separating chaff from rhe wheat by means of a large fanning mill.

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receiving chis blow, my head grew better. Mr. Covey had now left me co my face. Ac chis momenc I resolved, for the firsc time, co go co my master, encer a complaint, and ask his protection. In order co [do] chis, I must char afternoon walk seven miles; and chis, under che circumstances, was truly a severe undertaking. I was exceedingly feeble; made so as much by the kicks and blows which I received, as by the severe fit of sickness to which I had been subjected. I, however, watched my chance, while Covey was looking in an opposite direction, and started for St. Michael's. I succeeded in getting a considerable distance on my way co the woods, when Covey discovered me, and called after me co come back, threatening what he would do if I did not come. I disregarded both his calls and his rhreacs, and made my way co the woods as fast as my feeble state would allow; and thinking I might be overhauled by him ifl kept the road, I walked through che woods, keeping far enough from the road co avoid detection, and near enough co prevenc losing my way. I had not gone far before my little strength again failed me. I could go no farther. I fell down, and lay for a considerable time. The blood was yec oozing from the wound on my head. For a cime I chought I should bleed to death; and think now that I should have done so, but that the blood so matted my hair as to stop che wound. After lying there about three quarters of an hour, I nerved myself up again, and started on my way, chrough bogs and briers, barefooted and bareheaded, tearing my feet sometimes at nearly every step; and after a journey of abouc seven miles, occupying some five hours co perform it, I arrived at mascer's score. I then presented an appearance enough to affect any but a heart of iron. From the crown of my head to my feet, I was covered with blood. My hair was all clotted wich dust and blood; my shirt was stiff with blood. I suppose I looked like a man who had escaped a den of wild beascs, and barely escaped chem. In this state I appeared before my master, humbly entreating him co interpose his aurhoriry for my protection. I cold him all the circumstances as well as I could, and it seemed, as I spoke, at rimes co affect him. He would then walk the floor, and seek co justify Covey by saying he expected I deserved it. He asked me what I wanted. I told him, co lee me gee a new home; chac as sure as I lived wich Mr. Covey again, I should live with but co die with him;

817

chat Covey would surely kill me; he was in a fair way for it. Mascer Thomas ridiculed the idea chat there was any danger of Mr. Covey's killing me, and said chat he knew Mr. Covey; that he was a good man, and char he could noc chink of caking me from him; chat, should he do so, he would lose the whole year's wages; chat I belonged co Mr. Covey for one year, and chat l muse go back to him, come whac might; and chac I must not trouble him wich any more stories, or chac he would himself gee hold of me. After threatening me chus, he gave me a very large dose of sales,' celling me chat I might remain in St. Michael's that night (it being quite lace), but chat I must be off back co Mr. Covey's early in the morning; and char if I did noc, he would get hold of me, which meant that he would whip me. I remained all night, and, according co his orders, I started off to Covey's in che morning (Saturday morning), wearied in body and broken in spirit. I got no supper that nighc, or breakfast chat morning. I reached Covey's about nine o'clock; and just as I was getting over the fence that divided Mrs. Kemp's fields from ours, out ran Covey with his cowskin, co give me another whipping. Before he could reach me, I succeeded in getting co che cornfield; and as the corn was very high, it afforded me che means of hiding. He seemed very angry, and searched for me a long time. My behavior was altogether unaccountable. He finally gave up che chase, thinking, I suppose, chat I must come home for something to eac; he would give himself no further crouble in looking for me. I spent that day mostly in the woods, having the alcernative before me-to go home and be whipped co death, or stay in che woods and be starved co death. Thac nighc, 1 fell in with Sandy Jenkins, a slave with whom I was somewhat acquainced. Sandy had a free wife2 who lived abouc four miles from Mr. Covey's; and it being Saturday, he was on his way co see her. I cold him my circumstances, and he very kindly invited me co go home with him. I went home with him, and calked this whole matter over, and goc his advice as co what course 1

large dose of salts I.e., smelling sales, compnsmg a mixture of carbonate of ammonia and ocher seemed componencs, used to restore people from spells of fainting or dizziness. 1

a free wife Because slavery ofren resuln~d in spouses being sold to different slaveowners, ic somecimes occurred chat one would be granted their freedom while the other remained ensla,·ed.

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it was best for me to pursue. I found Sandy an old adviser. He told me, with great solemnity, I must go back to Covey; but chat before I went, I must go with him into another part of the woods, where there was a certain root, which, if I would take some of it with me, carrying it always on my right side, would render it impossible for Mr. Covey, or any ocher white man, to whip me. He said he had carried it for years; and since he had done so, he had never received a blow, and never expected co while he carried ir. I at first rejected the idea, that the simple carrying ofa root in my pocket would have any such effect as he had said, and was not disposed to take it; but Sandy impressed the necessity with much earnestness, telling me it could do no harm, if it did no good. To please him, I at length rook the root, and, according to his direction, carried it upon my right side. This was Sunday morning. I immediately started for home; and upon entering the yard gate, out came Mr. Covey on his way co meeting. He spoke to me very kindly, bade me drive the pigs from a lot near by, and passed on towards the church. Now, chis singular conduct of Mr. Covey really made me begin co chink that there was something in the root which Sandy had given me; and had it been on any ocher day than Sunday, I could have attributed the conduct to no ocher cause than rhe influence of thar root; and as it was, I was half inclined co think the root to be something more than I ar first had taken it to be. All went well rill Monday morning. On chis morning, the virtue of the root was fully reseed. Long before daylight, I was called to go and rub, curry,' and feed, the horses. I obeyed, and was glad to obey. But whilst thus engaged, whilst in the ace of throwing down some blades from rhe Iofr, Mr. Covey entered the stable with a long rope; and just as I was half out of the loft, he caught hold of my legs, and was about tying me. As soon as I found what he was up co, I gave a sudden spring, and as I did so, he holding to my legs, I was brought sprawling on the stable Aoor. Mr. Covey seemed now to think he had me, and could do what he pleased; buc at this moment-from whence came the spirit I don't know-I resolved to fight; and, suiting my action to the resolution, I seized Covey hard by the throat; and as I did so, I rose. He held on co me, and I to him. My resistance was so entirely unexpected that 1

Covey seemed taken all aback. He trembled like a leaf. This gave me assurance, and I held him uneasy, causing the blood to run where I touched him with the ends of my fingers. Mr. Covey soon cal1ed ouc to Hughes for help. Hughes came, and, while Covey held me, attempted to tie my right hand. While he was in rhe act of doing so, I watched my chance, and gave him a heavy kick close under the ribs. This kick fairly sickened Hughes, so that he left me in the hands of Mr. Covey. This kick had the effecr of not only weakening Hughes, but Covey also. When he saw Hughes bending over with pain, his courage quailed. He asked me if I meant to persist in my resistance. I told him I did, come what might; that he had used me like a brute for six months, and chat I was determined co be used so no longer. With that, he strove co drag me co a stick char was lying just out of the stable door. He meant to knock me down. Bur just as he was leaning over to get the stick, I seized him with both hands by his collar, and brought him by a sudden march to the ground. By chis time, Bill came. Covey called upon him for assistance. Bill wanted to know what he could do. Covey said, "Take hold of him, cake hold of him!" Bill said his master hired him out to work, and not to help to whip me; so he left Covey and myself to fight our own battle out. We were at it for nearly two hours. Covey at length let me go, puffing and blowing at a great rate, saying that if I had not resisted, he would not have whipped me half so much. The rruth was, that he had not whipped me at all. I considered him as getting entirely the worst end of the bargain; for he had drawn no blood from me, bur I had from him. The whole six months afterwards, that I spent with Mr. Covey, he never laid the weight of his finger upon me in anger. He would occasionally say, he didn't wane to get hold of me again. "No," thought I, "you need not; for you will come off worse than you did before." This battle with Mr. Covey was the turning-point in my career as a slave. It rekindled the few expiring embers of freedom, and revived within me a sense of my own manhood. le recalled the departed self-confidence, and inspired me again with a determination co be free. The gratification afforded by the triumph was a full compensation for whatever else might follow, even death itself. He only can understand the deep satisfaction which I experienced, who has himself repelled by

curry Brush.

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force the bloody arm of slavery. I felt as I never felt before. It was a glorious resurrection, from the tomb of slavery, to che heaven of freedom. My long-crushed spirit rose, cowardice departed, bold defiance took its place; and I now resolved that, however long I might remain a slave in form, the day had passed forever when I could be a slave in fact. I did not hesitate to let it be known of me, that the white man who expected to succeed in whipping, must also succeed in killing me. From chis time I was never again what might be called fairly whipped, though I remained a slave four years afterwards. I had several fights, but was never whipped. It was for a long time a maner of surprise to me why Mr. Covey did noc immediately have me taken by the constable to the whipping-post, and there regularly whipped for the crime of raising my hand against a white man in defence of myself. And the only explanation I can now think of does not entirely satisfy me; but such as it is, I will give it. Mr. Covey enjoyed the most unbounded reputation for being a first-rate overseer and negro-breaker. le was of considerable importance to him. That reputation was at stake; and had he sent me-a boy about sixteen years old-co the public whipping-post, his reputation would have been lose; so, to save his reputation, he suffered me to go unpunished. My term of actual service to Mr. Edward Covey ended on Christmas day, 1833. The days between Christmas and New Year's Day are allowed as holidays; and, accordingly, we were not required to perform any labor, more than to feed and take care of the stock. This time we regarded as our own, by the grace of our masters; and we therefore used or abused it nearly as we pleased. Those of us who had families at a distance, were generally allowed to spend the whole six days in their society. This time, however, was spent in various ways. The staid, sober, thinking and industrious ones of our number would employ themselves in making corn-brooms, mats, horse-collars, and baskets; and another class of us would spend the time in hunting opossums, hares, and coons. Bue by far the larger part engaged in such spores and merriments as playing ball, wrestling, running foot-races, fiddling, dancing, and drinking whisky; and this latter mode of spending che

819

time was by far the most agreeable to the feelings of our masters. A slave who would work during the holidays was considered by our masters as scarcely deserving them. He was regarded as one who rejected the favor of his master. It was deemed a disgrace not to get drunk at Christmas; and he was regarded as lazy indeed, who had not provided himself with the necessary means, during the year, co get whisky enough to last him through Christmas. From what I know of the effect of these holidays upon the slave, I believe chem to be among the most effective means in the hands of the slaveholder in keeping down the spirit of insurrection. Were che slaveholders at once co abandon chis practice, I have not the slightest doubt it would lead to an immediate insurrection among the slaves. These holidays serve as conductors, or safety-valves, to carry off the rebellious spirit of enslaved humanity. But for these, the slave would be forced up to the wildest desperation; and woe betide the slaveholder, the day he ventures to remove or hinder the operation of those conductors! I warn him that, in such an event, a spirit will go forth in their midst, more to be dreaded than the most appalling earthquake. The holidays are pare and parcel of the gross fraud, wrong, and inhumanity of slavery. They are professedly a custom established by the benevolence of the slaveholders; but I undertake to say, it is the result of selfishness, and one of the grossest frauds committed upon the down-trodden slave. They do not give the slaves this time because they would not like to have their work during its continuance, but because they know it would be unsafe co deprive chem of it. This will be seen by the fact, that the slaveholders like to have their slaves spend those days just in such a manner as to make them as glad of their ending as of their beginning. Their object seems to be, to disgust their slaves with freedom, by plunging them into the lowest depths of dissipation. For instance, the slaveholders not only like to see the slave drink of his own accord, but will adopt various plans to make him drunk. One plan is, to make bets on their slaves, as to who can drink the most whisky without getting drunk; and in this way chey succeed in getting whole multitudes to drink to excess. Thus, when the slave asks for virtuous freedom, the cunning slaveholder, knowing his ignorance, cheats

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him with a dose of vicious dissipation, artfully labelled with the name of liberty. The most of us used to drink it down, and the result was just what might be supposed; many of us were led co think chat there was little to choose between liberty and slavery. We felt, and very properly coo, chat we had almost as well be slaves co man as co rum. So, when the holidays ended, we staggered up from the filch of our wallowing, took a long breath, and marched co the field-feeling, upon the whole, rather glad to go, from what our master had deceived us into a belief was freedom, back co the arms of slavery. I have said chat chis mode of treatment is a part of the whole system of fraud and inhumanity of slavery. Ir is so. The mode here adopted to disgust the slave with freedom, by allowing him co see only the abuse of it, is carried out in ocher things. For instance, a slave loves molasses; he steals some. His master, in many cases, goes off to town, and buys a large quantity; he returns, cakes his whip, and commands the slave co eat the molasses, until the poor fellow is made sick at the very mention of it. The same mode is sometimes adopted to make the slaves refrain from asking for more food than their regular allowance. A slave runs through his allowance, and applies for more. His master is enraged at him; but, not willing to send him off without food, gives him more than is necessary, and compels him co eat it within a given time. Then, if he complains that he cannot ear it, he is said co be satisfied neither fuH nor fasting, and is whipped for being hard to please! I have an abundance of such illustrations of the same principle, drawn from my own observation, bur chink the cases I have cited sufficient. The practice is a very common one. On the first of January, 1834, I left Mr. Covey, and went co live with Mr. William Freeland, who lived about three miles from St. Michael's. I soon found Mr. Freeland a very different man from Mr. Covey. Though not rich, he was what would be called an educated southern gentleman. Mr. Covey, as I have shown, was a well-trained negro-breaker and slave-driver. The former (slaveholder though he was) seemed to possess some regard for honor, some reverence for justice, and some respect for humanity. The latter seemed totally insensible to all such sentiments. Mr. Freeland had many of the faults peculiar co slaveholders, such as being very

passionate and fretful; but I must do him the justice to say, that he was exceedingly free from those degrading vices to which Mr. Covey was constantly addicted. The one was open and frank, and we always knew where to find him. The ocher was a most artful deceiver, and could be understood only by such as were skilful enough to detect his cunningly-devised frauds. Another advantage I gained in my new master was, he made no pretensions co, or profession of, religion; and chis, in my opinion, was truly a great advantage. I assert most unhesitatingly, that the religion of the south is a mere covering for the most horrid crimes-a justifier of the most appalling barbarity-a sanctifier of the most hateful frauds-and a dark shelter under, which the darkest, foulest, grossest, and most infernal deeds of slaveholders find the strongest protection. Were I to be again reduced to the chains of slavery, next co that enslavement, I should regard being the slave of a religious master the greatest calamity that could befall me. For of all slaveholders with whom I have ever met, religious slaveholders are the worst. I have ever found them the meanest and basest, the most cruel and cowardly, of all ochers. Ir was my unhappy lot not only co belong to a religious slaveholder, bur co live in a community of such religionists. Very near Mr. Freeland lived the Rev. Daniel Weeden, and in the same neighborhood lived the Rev. Rigby Hopkins. These were members and ministers in the Reformed Methodist Church. Mr. Weeden owned, among others, a woman slave, whose name I have forgotten. This woman's back, for weeks, was kept literally raw, made so by the lash of chis merciless, religious wretch. He used co hire hands. His maxim was, Behave well or behave ill, it is the duty of a master occasionally co whip a slave, co remind him of his master's authority. Such was his theory, and such his practice. Mr. Hopkins was even worse than Mr. Weeden. His chief boast was his ability to manage slaves. The peculiar feature of his government was that of whipping slaves in advance ofdeserving it. He always managed co have one or more of his slaves co whip every Monday morning. He did this to alarm their fears, and strike terror into those who escaped. His plan was to whip for the smallest offences, co prevent the commission of large ones. Mr. Hopkins could always find some excuse for whipping a slave. It would astonish one, unaccustomed to a slaveholding life, to see with what

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wonderful ease a slaveholder can find things, of which to make occasion co whip a slave. A mere look, word, or motion-a mistake, accident, or wane of powerare all matters for which a slave may be whipped at any rime. Does a slave look dissatisfied? le is said, he has the devil in him, and it muse be whipped out. Does he speak loudly when spoken to by his master? Then he is getting high-minded, and should be taken down a button-hole lower. Does he forget to pull off his hat at the approach of a white person? Then he is wanting in reverence, and should be whipped for it. Does he ever venture co vindicate his conduce, when censured for it? Then he is guilty of impudence-one of the greatest crimes of which a slave can be guilty. Does he ever venture to suggest a different mode of doing things from that pointed ouc by his master? He is indeed presumptuous, and getting above himself; and nothing less than a flogging will do for him. Does he, while ploughing, break a plough-or, while hoeing, break a hoe? It is owing to his carelessness, and for it a slave must always be whipped. Mr. Hopkins could always find something of chis sore co justify the use of the lash, and he seldom failed to embrace such opportunities. There was not a man in the whole county, with whom the slaves who had the getting their own home, would not prefer to live, rather than with this Rev. Mr. Hopkins. And yet there was not a man anyv,rhere round, who made higher professions of religion, or was more active in revivals-more attentive to the class, love-feast, prayer and preaching meetings, or more devotional in his family-chat prayed earlier, lacer, louder, and longerthan chis same reverend slave-driver, Rigby Hopkins. But co return co Mr. Freeland, and co my experience while in his employment. He, like Mr. Covey, gave us enough co eat; bur, unlike Mr. Covey, he also gave us sufficient time co cake our meals. He worked us hard, but always between sunrise and sunset. He required a good deal of work co be done, but gave us good cools with which co work. His farm was large, but he employed hands enough to work it, and with ease, compared with many of his neighbors. My treatment, while in his employment, was heavenly, compared with what I experienced at the hands of Mr. Edward Covey. Mr. Freeland was himself che owner ofbuc cwo slaves. Their names were Henry Harris and John Harris. The rest of his hands he hired. These consisted of myself,

821

Sandy Jenkins,' and Handy Caldwell. Henry and John were quite intelligent, and in a very little while afcer I went there, I succeeded in creating in chem a strong desire to learn how co read. This desire soon sprang up in the ochers also. They very soon mustered up some old spelling-books, and nothing would do buc chat I muse keep a Sabbath school. I agreed to do so, and accordingly devoted my Sundays to teaching these my loved fellow-slaves how co read. Neither of them knew his letters when I went there. Some of che slaves of che neighboring farms found what was going on, and also availed themselves of chis lirtle opportunity to learn co read. It was understood, among all who came, chat there muse be as liccle display about it as possible. le was necessary to keep our religious masters at St. Michael's unacquainted with the face, chat, instead of spending the Sabbath in wrestling, boxing, and drinking whisky, we were crying co learn how to read the will of God; for they had much rather see us engaged in chose degrading spores, than to see us behaving like incelleccual, moral, and accountable beings. My blood boils as I chink of che bloody manner in which Messrs. Wright Fairbanks and Garrison West, both class-leaders, in connection with many others, rushed in upon us with sticks and scones, and broke up our vircuous little Sabbath school, at Sr. Michael's-all calling themselves Christians! humble followers of che Lord Jesus Christ! Bue I am again digressing. I held my Sabbath school at the house of a free colored man, whose name I deem it imprudent to mention; for should it be known, it might embarrass him greatly, though the crime of holding che school was committed ten years ago. I had at one time over forty scholars, and chose of che right sore, ardently desiring co learn. They were of all ages, though moscly men and women. I look back to those Sundays with an amount of pleasure not to be expressed. They were great days to my soul. The work of instructing my dear fellow-slaves was the sweetest engagement with which I was ever blessed. We loved each ocher, and co leave chem at che 1

[D ouglass's no te] This is the same man who gave me che roo ts co prcvenr my being whipped by Mr. Covey. He was "a clever soul." We used frequently co talk about the fight with Covey, and as often as we did so, he would claim my success as the result of che roots which he gave me. This superstition is very common among the more ignorant slaves. A slave seldom dies bur chac his death is amibm ed co trickery.

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close of the Sabbath was a severe cross indeed. When I think that these precious souls are today shut up in the prison-house of slavery, my feelings overcome me, and I am almost ready co ask, "Does a righteous God govern the universe? and for what does he hold the thunders in his right hand, if not co smite the oppressor, and deliver the spoiled out of the hand of the spoiler?"• These dear souls came not to Sabbath school because it was popular to do so, nor did I teach them because it was reputable to be thus engaged. Every moment they spent in chat school, they were liable to be taken up, and given chirry-nine lashes. They came because they wished to learn. Their minds had been starved by their cruel masters. They had been shut up in mental darkness. I caught chem, because it was the delight of my soul co be doing something chat looked like bettering the condition of my race. I kept up my school nearly the whole year I lived with Mr. Freeland; and, beside my Sabbath school, I devoted three evenings in the week, during the winter, to teaching the slaves at home. And I have the happiness to know, chat several of chose who came to Sabbath school learned how to read; and chat one, at lease, is now free through my agency. The year passed off smoothly. le seemed only about half as long as the year which preceded it. I went through it without receiving a single blow. I will give Mr. Freeland the credit of being the best master I ever had, rill I became my own master. For the ease with which I passed the year, I was, however, somewhat indebted co the sociery of my fellow-slaves. They were noble souls; they not only possessed loving hearts, but brave ones. We were linked and interlinked with each other. I loved chem with a love stronger than anything I have experienced since. It is sometimes said chat we slaves do not love and confide in each other. In answer to chis assertion, I can say, I never loved any or confided in any people more than my fellow-slaves, and especially chose with whom I lived ac Mr. Freeland's. I believe we would have died for each ocher. We never undertook co do anything, of any importance, without a mutual consultation. We never moved separately. We were one; and as much so by our tempers and

1

Does a righteous .. . the spoiler These lines contain allusions co several biblical passages, including Exodus 15 and Isaiah 33.1.

dispositions, as by che mutual hardships to which we were necessarily subjected by our condition as slaves. At the close of the year 1834, Mr. Freeland again hired me of my master, for the year 1835. But, by chis time, I began to want to live upon free land as well as with Freeland; and I was no longer content, therefore, co live with him or any other slaveholder. I began, with the commencement of the year, to prepare myself for a final struggle, which should decide my face one way or the other. My tendency was upward. I was fast approaching manhood, and year after year had passed, and I was still a slave. These thoughts roused me-I must do something. I therefore resolved chat 1835 should not pass without witnessing an attempt, on my part, co secure my liberry. Bur I was not willing co cherish chis determination alone. My fellow-slaves were dear to me. I was anxious co have them participate with me in this, my life-giving determination. I therefore, though with great prudence, commenced early to ascertain their views and feelings in regard to their condition, and to imbue their minds with thoughts of freedom. I bent myself to devising ways and means for our escape, and meanwhile strove, on all fitting occasions, co impress them with the gross fraud and inhumaniry of slavery. I went first to Henry, next to John, then co the others. I found, in chem all, warm hearts and noble spirits. They were ready to hear, and ready to act when a feasible plan should be proposed. This was what I wanced. I talked to chem of our want of manhood, if we submitted co our enslavement without at least one noble effort to be free. We met often, and consulted frequencly, and told our hopes and fears, recounted the difficulties, real and imagined, which we should be called on co meet. At rimes we were almost disposed to give up, and cry to content ourselves with our wretched loc; at ochers, we were firm and unbending in our determination to go. Whenever we suggested any plan, there was shrinking-the odds were fearful. Our path was beset with the greatest obstacles; and if we succeeded in gaining the end of ic, our right to be free was yet questionable-we were yet liable to be returned to bondage. We could see no spot, chis side of che ocean, where we could be free. We knew nothing about Canada. Our knowledge of the north did not extend farther than New York; and to go there, and be forever harassed with the frightful liabiliry of

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being returned to slavery- with the certainty of being treated tenfold worse than before-the thought was truly a horrible one, and one which it was not easy to overcome. The case sometimes stood thus: At every gate through which we were to pass, we saw a watchman-at every ferry a guard--on every bridge a sentinel-and in every wood a patrol. We were hemmed in upon every side. Here were the difficulties, real or imagined-the good to be sought, and the evil to be shunned. On the one hand, there stood slavery, a stern reality, glaring frighrfully upon us-its robes already crimsoned with the blood of millions, and even now feasting itself greedily upon our own flesh. On the other hand, away back in the dim distance, under che flickering light of che north scar, behind some craggy hill or snow-covered mountain, stood a doubtful freedom-half frozen-beckoning us to come and share its hospitality. This in itself was sometimes enough to stagger us; but when we permitted ourselves to survey the road, we were frequently appalled. Upon either side we saw grim death, assuming the most horrid shapes. Now it was starvation, causing us to eat our own flesh; now we were contending with the waves, and were drowned; now we were overtaken, and torn to pieces by the fangs of the terrible bloodhound. We were srung by scorpions, chased by wild beasts, bitten by snakes, and finally, after having nearly reached the desired spot-after swimming rivers, encountering wild beasts, sleeping in the woods, suffering hunger and nakedness-we were overtaken by our pursuers, and, in our resistance, we were shot dead upon the spot! I say, this picture sometimes appalled us, and made us rather bear those ills we had, Than fl.y ro ochers, that we knew not of.'

In coming to a fixed determination to run away, we did more than Patrick Henry, when he resolved upon liberty or death. With us it was a doubtful liberty at most, and almost certain death if we failed. For my part, I should prefer death to hopeless bondage. Sandy, one of our number, gave up the notion, but still encouraged us. Our company then consisted of Henry Harris, John Harris, Henry Bailey, Charles 1

823

Roberts, and myself Henry Bailey was my uncle, and belonged to my master. Charles married my aunt: he belonged to my master's father-in-law, Mr. William Hamilton. The plan we finally concluded upon was, to get a large canoe belonging to Mr. Hamilton, and upon the Saturday night previous to Easter holidays, paddle directly up the Chesapeake Bay. On our arrival ac the head of the bay, a distance of seventy or eighty miles from where we lived, it was our purpose to rum our canoe adrift, and follow the guidance of the north scar till we gor beyond the limits of Maryland. Our reason for caking che water route was, chat we were less liable co be suspected as runaways; we hoped to be regarded as fishermen; whereas, if we should cake the land route, we should be subjected co interruptions of almost every kind. Anyone having a white face, and being so disposed, could stop us, and subject us to examination. The week before our intended start, I wrote several protections, one for each of us. As well as I can remember, they were in che following words, co wit: This is to certify chat I, the undersigned, have given the bearer, my servant, full liberty to go to Bakimore, and spend the Easter holidays. Written with mine own hand, &c., 1835. WILLIAM HAMILTON, Near Sc. Michael's, in Talbot county, Maryland We were not going to Baltimore; but, in going up the bay, we went toward Baltimore, and these protections were only intended to protect us while on the bay As the time drew near for our departure, our anxiety became more and more intense. It was truly a matter of life and death with us. The strength of our determination was about to be fully tested. At this time, I was very active in explaining every difficulty, removing every doubt, dispelling every fear, and inspiring all with the firmness indispensable to success in our undertaking; assuring them chat half was gained the instant we made the move; we had talked long enough; we were now ready to move; if not now, we never should be; and if we did not intend to move now, we had as well fold our arms, sic down, and acknowledge ourselves fit only co be slaves. This, none of us were

rather bear ... knew not of See Shakespeare's Hamlet 3.1.89--90.

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prepared to acknowledge. Every man stood firm; and at our last meeting, we pledged ourselves afresh, in the most solemn manner, that, at the time appointed, we would certainly stare in pursuit of freedom. This was in che middle of the week, at the end of which we were to be off. We went, as usual, to our several fields of labor, but with bosoms highly agitated with thoughts of our truly hazardous undertaking. We tried to conceal our feelings as much as possible; and I think we succeeded very well. After a painful waiting, the Saturday morning, whose night was to witness our deparcure, came. I hailed it with joy, bring what of sadness it might. Friday night was a sleepless one for me. I probably felt more anxious than the rest, because I was, by common consent, at the head of the whole affair. The responsibility of success or failure lay heavily upon me. The glory of the one, and the confusion of the other, were alike mine. The first two hours of chat morning were such as I never experienced before, and hope never to again. Early in the morning, we went, as usual, to the field. We were spreading manure; and all at once, while thus engaged, I was overwhelmed with an indescribable feeling, in che fulness of which I turned to Sandy, who was near by, and said, "We are betrayed!" "Well," said he, "chat thought has this moment struck me." We said no more. I was never more certain of anything. The horn was blown as usual, and we wenc up from the field to the house for breakfast. I went for the form, more than for wane of anything to eat chat morning. Jusc as I got to the house, in looking out ac the lane gate, I saw four white men, with rwo colored men. The white men were on horseback, and the colored ones were walking behind, as if tied. I watched chem a few moments till they got up co our lane gate. Here they halted, and tied the colored men co the gate-pose. I was not yet cercain as to what the matter was. In a few moments, in rode Mr. Hamilton, with a speed betokening great excitement. He came to the door, and inquired if Master William was in. He was cold he was at the barn. Mr. Hamilton, without dismounting, rode up to the barn with extraordinary speed. In a few moments, he and Mr. Freeland returned to the house. By this time, the three constables rode up, and in great haste dismounted, tied their horses, and met Master William and Mr. Hamilton returning from

the barn; and after talking awhile, they all walked up to the kitchen door. There was no one in the kitchen but myself and John. Henry and Sandy were up ac the barn. Mr. Freeland put his head in at che door, and called me by name, saying, there were some gentlemen ac the door who wished co see me. I stepped to che door, and inquired what they wanced. They at once seized me, and, without giving me any satisfaction, cied me-lashing my hands closely together. I insisted upon knowing what the matter was. They at length said, char they had learned I had been in a "scrape," and chat I was to be examined before my master; and if their information proved false, I should not be hurt. In a few moments, they succeeded in eying John. They then turned to Henry, who had by chis time returned, and commanded him to cross his hands. "I won't!" said Henry, in a firm tone, indicating his readiness co meet che consequences of his refusal. "Won't you?" said Tom Graham, the constable. "No, I won't!" said Henry, in a still stronger cone. With this, two of the constables pulled out their shining pistols, and swore, by their Creator, chat they would make him cross his hands or kill him. Each cocked his pistol, and, with fingers on the trigger, walked up co Henry, saying, at the same time, if he did not cross his hands, they would blow his damned heart out. "Shoot me, shoot me!" said Henry; "you can't kill me but once. Shoot, shoot-and be damned! I won't be tied!" This he said in a cone ofloud defiance; and at the same time, with a motion as quick as lightning, he with one single stroke dashed the pistols from the hand of each constable. As he did this, all hands fell upon him, and, after beating him some time, they finally overpowered him, and got him tied. During che scuffle, I managed, 1 know not how, to get my pass out, and, without being discovered, put it into the fire. We were all now tied; and just as we were co leave for Easton jail, Betsy Freeland, mother of William Freeland, came to the door with her hands full of biscuits, and divided them between Heney and John. She chen delivered herself of a speech, to the following effect: addressing herself to me, she said, "You devil! You yellow devil! it was you chat put it into the heads of Henry and John co run away. Bue for you, you long-legged mulatto devil! Henry nor John would never have thought of such a thing." I made no reply,

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and was immediately hurried off cowards Sc. Michael's. Just a moment previous co the scuffle with Henry, Mr. Hamilton suggested the propriety of making a search for the protections which he had understood Frederick had written for himself and the rest. Bue, just at the moment he was about carrying his proposal into effect, his aid was needed in helping co tie Henry; and the excitement attending the scuffle caused them either co forget, or co deem it unsafe, under the circumstances, co search. So we were not yet convicted of the intention co run away. When we got about half way co Sc. Michael's, while the constables having us in charge were looking ahead, Henry inquired of me what he should do with his pass. I cold him to eat it with his biscuit, and own nothing; and we passed the word around, "Own nothing"; and "Own nothing!" said we all. Our confidence in each other was unshaken. We were resolved ro succeed or fail together, after the calamity had befallen us as much as before. We were now prepared for anything. We were co be dragged that morning fifteen miles behind horses, and then co be placed in the Easton jail. When we reached Sc. Michael's, we underwent a sore of examination. We all denied chat we ever intended co run away. We did chis more to bring our the evidence against us, than from any hope of getting clear of being sold; for, as I have said, we were ready for that. The fact was, we cared but little where we went, so we went together. Our greatest concern was about separation. We dreaded that more than anything this side of death. We found the evidence against us co be the testimony of one person; our master would not cell who it was; bur we came co a unanimous decision among ourselves as co who their informant was. We were sent off to the jail at Easton. When we got there, we were delivered up co the sheriff, Mr. Joseph Graham, and by him placed in jail. Henry, John, and myself, were placed in one room rogerher-Charles, and Henry Bailey, in another. Their object in separating us was to hinder concert. We had been in jail scarcely twenty minures, when a swarm of slave traders, and agents for slave traders, flocked into jail co look at us, and co ascertain if we were for sale. Such a sec of beings I never saw before! I felt myself surrounded by so many fiends from perdition.' A band of pirates never looked more like their 1

perdition

825

father, the devil. They laughed and grinned over us, saying, "Ah, my boys! we have got you, haven't we?" And after taunting us in various ways, they one by one went into an examination of us, with intent to ascertain our value. They would impudently ask us if we would not like to have chem for our masters. We would make chem no answer, and leave chem co find out as best they could. Then they would curse and swear at us, celling us chat they could cake the devil out of us in a very little while, if we were only in their hands. While in jail, we found ourselves in much more comfortable quarters chan we expected when we went there. We did not gee much co eat, nor chat which was very good; but we had a good clean room, from the windows of which we could see what was going on in the street, which was very much better than though we had been placed in one of the dark, damp cells. Upon the whole, we got along very well, so far as the jail and its keeper were concerned. Immediately after the holidays were over, contrary co all our expectations, Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Freeland came up co Easton, and cook Charles, the two Henrys, and John, out of jail, and carried chem home, leaving me alone. I regarded this separation as a final one. le caused me more pain than anything else in the whole transaction. I was ready for anything rather than separation. I supposed chat they had consulted together, and had decided chat, as I was the whole cause of the intention of the ochers co run away, it was hard co make rhe innocent suffer with the guilty; and chat they had, therefore, concluded co take the others home, and sell me, as a warning co the ochers chat remained. It is due co the noble Henry to say, he seemed almost as reluctant at leaving the prison as at leaving home co come co the prison. Bue we knew we should, in all probability, be separated, if we were sold; and since he was in their hands, he concluded co go peaceably home. I was now lefr to my fare. I was all alone, and within the walls of a scone prison. Bue a few days before, and I was full of hope. I expected co have been safe in a land of freedom; but now I was covered with gloom, sunk down co the utmost despair. I thought the possibility of freedom was gone. I was kept in chis way about one week, at the end of which, Captain Auld, my master, co my surprise and utter astonishment, came up, and cook me out, with the intention of sending me, with

H ell.

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a gentleman of his acquaintance, into Alabama. Bue, from some cause or other, he did not send me to Alabama, but concluded to send me back to Baltimore, to live again with his brother Hugh, and to learn a trade. Thus, after an absence of three years and one month, I was once more permitted to return to my old home at Baltimore. My master sent me away, because there existed against me a very great prejudice in the community, and he feared I might be killed. In a few weeks after I went to Baltimore, Master Hugh hired me to Mr. William Gardner, an extensive ship-builder, on FelJ's Point. I was put there to learn how to caulk. 1 It, however, proved a very unfavorable place for the accomplishment of chis object. Mr. Gardner was engaged that spring in building rwo large man-of-war brigs, professedly for the Mexican government. The vessels were to be launched in the July of that year, and in failure thereof, Mr. Gardner was to lose a considerable sum; so that when I entered, all was hurry. There was no time to learn anything. Every man had to do chat which he knew how to do. In entering che shipyard, my orders from Mr. Gardner were, to do whatever the carpenters commanded me to do. This was placing me at the beck and call of about seventyfive men. I was co regard all these as masters. Their word was to be my law. My situation was a most trying one. Ac times I needed a dozen pair of hands. I was called a dozen ways in che space of a single minute. Three or four voices would strike my ear at the same moment. le was-"Fred., come help me co cant2 chis timber here."-"Fred., come carry chis timber yonder."-"Fred., bring chat roller here."-"Fred., go get a fresh can of water."-"Fred., come help saw off the end of chis timber."-"Fred., go quick, and gee the crowbar."-"Fred., hold on the end of chis fall." 3-"Fred., go to the blacksmith's shop, and gee a new punch."-"Hurra, Fred! run and bring me a cold chisel."- "! say, Fred., bear a hand, and get up a fire as quick as lightning under chat sceam-box."-"Halloo, nigger! come, turn chis grindstone."-"Come, come!

1

caulk Seal the wooden seams of a boar against leakage with oakum and melted rar. 2

move, move! and bowse4 this timber forward."- "! say, darky, blast your eyes, why don't you hear up some picch?"-"Halloo! halloo! halloo!" (Three voices at the same time.) "Come here!-Go chere!-Hold on where you are! Damn you, if you move, I'll knock your brains out!" This was my school for eight months; and I might have remained there longer, but for a most horrid fight I had wich four of the white apprentices, in which my left eye was nearly knocked out, and I was horribly mangled in ocher respects. The faces in the case were these: Uncil a very little while after I went there, white and black ship-carpenters worked side by side, and no one seemed to see any impropriety in it. All hands seemed to be very well satisfied. Many of the black carpencers were freemen. Things seemed to be going on very well. All at once, che white carpenters knocked off, and said they would nor work with free colored workmen. Their reason for chis, as alleged, was, that if free colored carpenters were encouraged, they would soon take the trade inco cheir own hands, and poor white men would be thrown out of employment. They therefore felt called upon at once co put a stop co it. And, taking advantage of Mr. Gardner's necessities, they broke off, swearing they would work no longer, unless he would discharge his black carpencers. Now, though chis did not extend co me in form, it did reach me in face. My fellow-apprentices very soon began to feel it degrading to chem to work wich me. They began to put on airs, and talk abour the "niggers" caking the country, saying we all ought co be killed; and, being encouraged by che journeymen, they commenced making my condition as hard as they could, by hectoring me around, and sometimes striking me. I, ofcourse, kept the vow I made after the fight wich Mr. Covey, and struck back again, regardless of consequences; and while I kept chem from combining, I succeeded very well; for I could whip the whole of chem, caking them separately. They, however, at length combined, and came upon me, armed with sticks, stones, and heavy handspikes. One came in front with a half brick. There was one at each side of me, and one behind me. While I was attending co chose in front, and on either side, the one behind ran up with the handspike, and struck me a heavy blow upon the head. le stunned me. I fell, and

cant Smoothen a sharp angle.

3 fall

Free end of a rope used for hauling.

4

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with this they all ran upon me, and fell to beating me with their fists. I let chem lay on for a while, gathering strength. In an instant, I gave a sudden surge, and rose to my hands and knees. Just as I did that, one of their number gave me, with his heavy boot, a powerful kick in the left eye. My eyeball seemed to have burst. When they saw my eye closed, and badly swollen, they left • me. With chis I seized the handspike, and for a time pursued them. But here the carpenters interfered, and I thought I might as well give it up. le was impossible to stand my hand against so many. All this took place in sight of not less than fifty white ship-carpenters, and not one interposed a friendly word; but some cried, "Kill che damned nigger! Kill him! kill him! He srruck a white person." I found my only chance for life was in flight. I succeeded in getting away without an additional blow, and barely so; for to strike a white man is death by Lynch law'-and that was the law in Mr. Gardner's shipyard; nor is there much of any other out of Mr. Gardner's shipyard. I went directly home, and cold the story of my wrongs to Master Hugh; and I am happy to say of him, irreligious as he was, his conduct was heavenly, compared with chat of his brother Thomas under similar circumstances. He listened attentively to my narration of the circumstances leading to the savage outrage, and gave many proofs of his strong indignation at it. The heart of my once overkind mistress was again melted into pity. My puffed-out eye and blood-covered face moved her to rears. She took a chair by me, washed the blood from my face, and, with a mother's tenderness, bound up my head, covering the wounded eye with a lean piece of fresh beef le was almost compensation for my suffering to witness, once more, a manifestation of kindness from chis, my once affectionate old mistress. Master Hugh was very much enraged. He gave expression co his feelings by pouring ouc curses upon the heads of those who did che deed. As soon as I goc a lircle the better of my bruises, he took me with him 1

is death by lynch law Will lead inevitably to being lynched (i.e., killed by a vigilance mob falsely claiming to be administering justice). Though some lynchings targeted Jews and other minorities, the vast majority were racially motivated murders of black persons by white mobs; che practice became increasingly widespread following the end of Reconstruction in 1877, and remained common throughout the early decades of the rwencieth cenrury, during the Jim Crow era of segregation.

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to Esquire Watson's, on Bond Street, to see what could be done about the matter. Mr. Watson inquired who saw the assault committed. Master Hugh told him it was done in Mr. Gardner's ship-yard at midday, where there were a large company of men at work. "As ro char," he said, "the deed was done, and there was no question as to who did it." His answer was, he could do nothing in the case, unless some white man would come forward and tescify. He could issue no warrant on my word. If I had been killed in the presence of a thousand colored people, their testimony combined would have been insufficient to have arrested one of the murderers. Master Hugh, for once, was compelled co say chis state of things was too bad. Of course, it was impossible to get any white man to volunteer his testimony in my behalf, and against che white young men. Even chose who may have sympathized with me were not prepared to do this. It required a degree of courage unknown to chem to do so; for just at that time, the slightest manifestation of humanity toward a colored person was denounced as abolitionism, and chat name subjected its bearer to frightful liabilities. The watchwords of the bloody-minded in that region, and in those days, were, "Damn che abolitionists!" and "Damn the niggers!" There was nothing done, and probably nothing would have been done if I had been killed. Such was, and such remains, the state of things in che Christian city of Baltimore. Master Hugh, finding he could gee no redress, refused to lee me go back again to Mr. Gardner. He kept me himself, and his wife dressed my wound till I was again restored to health. He then took me inco che ship-yard of which he was foreman, in the employment of Mr. Walter Price. There I was immediately set to calking, and very soon learned che arc of using my mallet and irons. In the course of one year from the time I left Mr. Gardner's, I was able to command che highest wages given to the most experienced caulkers. I was now of some importance to my master. I was bringing him from six to seven dollars per week. I sometimes brought him nine dollars per week: my wages were a dollar and a half a day. After learning how to caulk, I sought my own employment, made my own contracts, and collected the money which I earned. My pathway became much more smooth chan before; my condition was now much more comfortable. When I

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FREDERICK DOUGLASS

could gee no calking co do, I did nothing. During these leisure times, chose old notions about freedom would steal over me again. When in Mr. Gardner's employment, I was kept in such a perpetual whirl of excicemenr, I could chink of nothing, scarcely, but my life; and in chinking of my life, I almost forgot my liberty. I have observed chis in my experience of slavery-chat whenever my condition was improved, instead of its increasing my contentment, it only increased my desire to be free, and sec me to chinking of plans to gain my freedom. I have found char, to make a contented slave, ic is necessary co make a thoughtless one. le is necessary to darken his moral and mental vision, and, as far as possible, to annihilate the power of reason. He muse be able co detect no inconsistencies in slavery; he muse be made co feel chat slavery is right; and he can be brought to that only when he ceases co be a man. I was now getting, as I have said, one dollar and fifty cents per day. I contracted for it; I earned it; ic was paid co me; it was rightfully my own; yec, upon each returning Saturday night, I was compelled co deliver every cent of chat money co Master Hugh. And why? Not because he earned it-not because he had any hand in earning ic-not because I owed it to him-nor because he possessed che slightest shadow of a right co it; but solely because he had che power co compel me co give it up. The right of the grim-visaged pirate upon the high seas is exactly the same. CHAPTER II

I now come co that part of my life during which I planned, and finally succeeded in making, my escape from slavery. Bue before narrating any of the peculiar circumstances, I deem it proper co make known my intention not co scare all che faces connected wich the cransaccion. My reasons for pursuing chis course may be understood from the following: First, were I co give a minute statement of all che faces, it is noc only possible, buc quire probably, chat ochers would thereby be involved in the most embarrassing difficulties. Secondly, such a statement would most undoubtedly induce greater vigilance on the part of slaveholders than has existed heretofore among chem; which would, of course, be the means of guarding a door whereby some dear brother bondsman mighc escape his galling

chains. I deeply regret the necessity chat impels me co suppress anything of importance connected wich my experience in slavery. le would afford me great pleasure indeed, as well as materially add co che interest of my narrative, were I at liberty ro gratify a curiosity, which I know exists in the minds of many, by an accurate statement of all the facts pertaining co my most forrunate escape. Bue I muse deprive myself of chis pleasure, and the curious of the gratification which such a statement would afford. I would allow myself co suffer under che greatest imputations which evil-minded men might suggest, rather than exculpate myself, and thereby run the hazard of closing che slightest avenue by which a brother slave might clear himself of the chains and fetters of slavery. I have never approved of the very public manner in which some of our western friends have conducted what they call che underground railroad,' but which I chink, by their open declarations, has been made most emphatically the upper-ground railroad. I honor chose good men and women for their noble daring, and applaud them for willingly subjecting themselves to bloody persecution, by openly avowing their participation in che escape of slaves. I, however, can see very liccle good resulting from such a course, either to themselves or the slaves escaping; while, upon the ocher hand, I see and feel assured chat chose open declarations are a positive evil co che slaves remaining, who are seeking co escape. They do nothing cowards enlightening the slave, whilst they do much towards enlightening che master. They stimulate him co greater watchfulness, and enhance his power co caprure his slave. We owe something co che slave south of the line as well as co chose north of it; and in aiding the latter on their way co freedom, we should be careful co do nothing which would be likely co hinder the former from escaping from slavery. I would keep the merciless slaveholder profoundly ignorant of the means of flight adopted by the slave. I would leave him co imagine himself surrounded by myriads of invisible tormentors, ever ready co snatch from his infernal grasp his trembling prey. Lee him be left co feel his way in the dark; lee darkness commensurate with his crime hover

1

underground railroad Secret network of people and safe-houses by means of which many enslaved perso ns escaped co the North.

Page 224

NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS, AN AMERICAN SLAVE

over him; and let him feel that at every step he takes, in pursuit of the flying bondman, he is running the frightful risk of having his hot brains dashed out by an invisible agency. Let us render the tyrant no aid; lee us not hold the light by which he can trace the footprints of our Aying brother. Bue enough of chis. I will now proceed co the statement of those facts, connected with my escape, for which I am alone responsible, and for which no one can be made co suffer but myself. In the early pare of che year 1838, I became quite restless. I could see no reason why I should, at the end of each week, pour che reward of my toil into the purse of my master. When I carried co him my weekly wages, he would, after counting the money, look me in the face with a robber-like fierceness, and ask, "Is chis all?" He was satisfied with nothing less than the last cent. He would, however, when I made him six dollars, sometimes give me six cents, co encourage me. le had the opposite effect. I regarded it as a sore of admission of my right co the whole. The face char he gave me any part of my wages was proof, co my mind, char he believed me entitled to che whole of chem. I always felt worse for having received anything; for I feared chat the giving me a few cents would ease his conscience, and make him feel himself to be a pretty honorable sort of robber. My discontent grew upon me. I was ever on the look-out for means of escape; and, finding no direct means, I determined co cry to hire my time, with a view of getting money with which to make my escape. In the spring of 1838, when Master Thomas came to Baltimore to purchase his spring goods, I got an opportunity, and applied to him co allow me to hire my rime. He unhesitatingly refused my request, and told me this was another stratagem by which to escape. He told me I could go nowhere but that he could get me; and chat, in the event of my running away, he should spare no pains in his efforts co catch me. He exhorted me to content myself, and be obedient. He cold me, if I would be happy, I must lay out no plans for the future. He said, :fl behaved myself properly, he would cake care of me. Indeed, he advised me to complete thoughtlessness of rhe future, and caught me to depend solely upon him for happiness. He seemed to see fully the pressing necessity of setting aside my intelleccual nature, in order co contentment in slavery. Bur in spite of him,

829

and even in spite of myself, I continued co think, and co chink about che injustice of my enslavement, and the means of escape. About two months after this, I applied to Master Hugh for the privilege of hiring my time. He was nor acquainted with the face char I had applied co Master Thomas, and had been refused. He coo, at first, seemed disposed co refuse; but, after some reAeccion, he granred me the privilege, and proposed che following terms: I was co be allowed all my time, make all contracts with those for whom I worked, and find my own employment; and, in return for this liberty, I was co pay him three dollars at the end of each week; find myself in calking cools, and in board and clothing. My board was two dollars and a half per week. This, with the wear and rear of clothing and calking cools, made my regular expenses about six dollars per week. This amount I was compelled co make up, or relinquish the privilege of hiring my cime. Rain or shine, work or no work, at the end of each week che money must be forthcoming, or I must give up my privilege. This arrangement, ic will be perceived, was decidedly in my master's favor. le relieved him of all need of looking after me. His money was sure. He received all che benefits of slaveholding without its evils; while I endured all the evils of a slave, and suffered all the care and anxiety of a freeman. I found it a hard bargain. Bue, hard as it was, I thought it better than the old mode of getting along. le was a seep cowards freedom co be allowed co bear the responsibilities of a freeman, and I was determined co hold on upon it. I bent myself co the work of making money. I was ready co work at night as well as day, and by the most untiring perseverance and industry, I made enough co meet my expenses, and lay up a little money every week. I went on thus from May rill August. Master Hugh then refused co allow me co hire my time longer. The ground for his refusal was a failure on my pare, one Saturday night, co pay him for my week's rime. This failure was occasioned by my attending a camp meeting about ten miles from Baltimore. During the week, I had entered into an engagement with a number of young friends co scare from Baltimore to che camp ground early Saturday evening; and being detained by my employer, I was unable co gee down co Master Hugh's without disappointing the company. I knew char Master Hugh was in no special need of the

Page 225

830

FREDERICK DOUGLASS

money chat night. I therefore decided co go to camp meeting, and upon my recurn pay him the three dollars. I stayed at the camp meeting one day longer chan I intended when I left. Bue as soon as I returned, I called upon him co pay him what he considered his due. I found him very angry; he could scarce restrain his wrath. He said he had a great mind co give me a severe whipping. He wished co know how I dared co go out of the ciry without asking his permission. I cold him I hired my time and while I paid him the price which he asked for it, I did not know chat I was bound to ask him when and where I should go. This reply troubled him; and, after reflecting a few moments, he turned to me, and said I should hire my time no longer; that che next thing he should know of, I would be running away. Upon the san1e plea, he told me to bring my tools and clothing home forthwith. I did so; but instead of seeking work, as I had been accustomed co do previously co hiring my time, I spent the whole week without the performance of a single stroke of work. I did chis in retaliation. Saturday night, he called upon me as usual for my week's wages. I cold him I had no wages; I had done no work that week. Here we were upon che point of coming co blows. He raved, and swore his determination co gee hold of me. I did not allow myself a single word; but was resolved, if he laid the weight of his hand upon me, it should be blow for blow. He did not strike me, but cold me chat he would find me in constant employment in future. I thought the matter over during the next day, Sunday, and finally resolved upon the third day of September, as the day upon which I would make a second attempt to secure my freedom. I now had three weeks during which co prepare for my journey. Early on Monday morning, before Master Hugh had time to make any engagement for me, I went out and got employment of Mr. Bueler, at his ship-yard near che drawbridge, upon what is called the Ciry Block, thus making it unnecessary for him to seek employment for me. Ac the end of the week, I brought him between eight and nine dollars. He seemed very well pleased, and asked why I did not do the same the week before. He little knew what my plans were. My object in working steadily was to remove any suspicion he might entertain of my intent to run away; and in chis I succeeded admirably. I suppose he choughc I was never better satisfied with

my condition than at the very time during which I was planning my escape. The second week passed, and again I carried him my full wages; and so well pleased was he, chat he gave me rwenry-five cents (quite a large sum for a slaveholder to give a slave), and bade me co make a good use of it. I cold him I would. Things went on without very smoothly indeed, but within there was trouble.' le is impossible for me to describe my feelings as the time of my contemplated start drew near. I had a number of warmhearted friends in Baltimore-friends chat I loved almost as f did my life-and the thought of being separated from them forever was painful beyond expression. le is my opinion chat thousands would escape from slavery, who now remain, but for the strong cords of affection chat bind chem co their friends. The thought ofleaving my friends was decidedly che most painful choughc with which I had co contend. The love of chem was my tender point, and shook my decision more than all things else. Besides the pain of separation, che dread and apprehension of a failure exceeded what I had experienced at my first attempt. The appalling defeat I chen sustained returned co torment me. I felt assured chat, if I failed in chis attempt, my case would be a hopeless one-it would seal my face as a slave forever. I could not hope co gee off with anything less than the severest punishment, and being placed beyond che means of escape. le required no very vivid imagination co depict the most frightful scenes through which I should have co pass, in case I failed. The wretchedness of slavery, and the blessedness of freedom, were perpetually before me. It was life and death with me. Bue f remained firm, and, according to my resolution, on me cliird day of September, 1838, I left my chains, and succeeded in reaching New York without the slightest interruption of any kind. How I did so-what means I adopted, what direction I travelled, and by what mode of conveyance-I must leave unexplained, for the reasons before mentioned. I have been frequently asked how I felt when I found myself in a free Scace. I have never been able to answer the question with any satisfaction co myself. Ic was a moment of the highest excitement I ever experienced. I suppose I felt as one may imagine the unarmed mariner co feel when he is rescued by a friendly man-of-wart 1 2

Page 226

wirhin rhere was !rouble l felt troubled within myself. man-ofwar

Large warship.

NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS, AN AMERICAN SLAVE

from che pursuit of a pirace. In writing co a dear friend, immediately after my arrival ac New York, I said I felc like one who had escaped a den of hungry lions. This scare of mind, however, very soon subsided; and I was again seized wich a feeling of great insecurity and loneliness. I was yec liable co be taken back, and subjected co all che corcures of slavery.' This in itself was enough co damp the ardor of my enthusiasm. Bue the loneliness overcame me. There I was in the midst of thousands, and yet a perfect stranger; without home and without friends, in the midst of thousands of my own brethren--children of a common Father, and yet I dared not co unfold co any one of chem my sad condition. I was afraid to speak to anyone for fear of speaking co the wrong one, and thereby falling into che hands of money-loving kidnappers, whose business ic was to lie in wait for the panting fugitive, as the ferocious beasts of the forest lie in wait for their prey. The mocco which I adopted when I scarred from slavery was chis-"Trusc no man!" I saw in every white man an enemy, and in almost every colored man cause for distrust. It was a most painful situation; and, to understand it, one must needs experience it, or imagine himself in similar circumstances. Lee him be a fugitive slave in a strange land-a land given up co be the hunting-ground for slaveholders-whose inhabitants are legalized kidnappers-where he is every moment subjected co the terrible liability of being seized upon by his fellowmen, as the hideous crocodile seizes upon his prey!-! say, let him place himself in my situation-without home or friends-without money or credic-wanting1 shelter, and no one co give it-wanting bread, and no money co buy it-and at the same rime let him feel that he is pursued by merciless men-hunters, and in coral darkness as co what to do, where co go, or where co stayperfectly helpless both as co che means of defence and means of escape-in the midst of plenty, yec suffering the terrible gnawings of hunger-in the midst of houses, yet having no home-among fellow-men, yet feeling as ifin the midst ofwild beasts, whose greediness 1

I was yet /inbk ... torrum ofslavery When an enslaved person

escaped, under the provisions of che Fugicive Slave Acr of 1793 a slaveholder was guaranreed che righc ro seek out, capture, and return that person to enslavemenr. (Lacer, che Fugicive Slave Ace of 1850 made these provisions even harsher.) 2

wanting Lacking.

831

co swallow up che trembling and half-famished fugitive is only equalled by char with which the monsters of the deep swallow up the helpless fish upon which they subsist-I say, lee him be placed in this most trying situation-the situation in which I was placed-then, and not till then, will he fully appreciate the hardships of, and know how to sympathize with, the coil-worn and whip-scarred fugitive slave. Thank Heaven, I remained buc a short rime in chis distressed situation. I was relieved from it by che humane hand of Mr. David Ruggles,3 whose vigilance, kindness, and perseverance, I shall never forger. I am glad of an opportunity to express, as far as words can, the love and gratitude I bear him. Mr. Ruggles is now affiicced with blindness, and is himself in need of the same kind offices which he was once so forward in che performance of coward others. I had been in New York but a few days, when Mr. Ruggles sought me ouc, and very kindly cook me to his boarding-house at che corner of Church and Lespenard Streets. Mr. Ruggles was then very deeply engaged in the memorable Oarg case," as well as attending co a number of ocher fugitive slaves, devising ways and means for their successful escape; and, though watched and hemmed in on almost every side, he seemed co be more chan a match for his enemies. Very soon after I went co Mr. Ruggles, he wished co know of me where I wanted to go; as he deemed ic unsafe for me co remain in New York. I cold him I was a caulker, and should like to go where I could gee work. I choughc of going co Canada; but he decided againsc it, and in favor of my going to New Bedford, chinking I should be able co gee work there ac my trade. Ac chis time, Anna,5 my intended wife, came on; for I wrote co her immediately after my arrival at New York (notwithstanding my homeless, houseless, and helpless condition), informing her of my successful flight, and wishing her co come on forthwith. In a few days after her arrival, Mr. Ruggles called in the Rev. J.W.C. 3 Mr. David Ruggks Free-born black abolicionist from Connecticut (1810-49), who aided fugitives via the Underground Railroad. 4 Darg case In 1838, Ruggles had been involved in assisring rhe enslaved man Thomas Hughes in escaping from che enslaver John P. Darg, for which involvement Ruggles was briefly imprisoned. 5

Page 227

(Douglass's note)

She was free.

832

FREDERICK DOUGLASS

Pennington,' who, in the presence of Mr. Ruggles, Mrs. Michaels, and two or three ochers, performed the marriage ceremony, and gave us a certificate, of which the following is an exact copy: This may certify, chat I joined together in holy matrimony Frederick Johnson1 and Anna Murray, as man and wife, in che presence of Mr. David Ruggles and Mrs. Michaels. JAMES W.C. PE NI GTO ew York, Sept. 15, 1838 Upon receiving chis cercificace, and a five-dollar bill from Mr. Ruggles, I shouldered one part of our baggage, and Anna cook up the ocher, and we set our forthwith to take passage on board of the steamboat John W. Richmond for Newport, on our way to ew Bedford. Mr. Ruggles gave me a letter to a Mr. Shaw in Newport, and cold me, in case my money did not serve me to ew Bedford, co stop in ewport and obtain further assistance; but upon our arrival at Newport, we were so anxious co get co a place of safety, that, notwithstanding we lacked the necessary money to pay our fare, we decided to cake seats in the scage,J and promise to pay when we got co New Bedford. We were encouraged co do this by rwo excellent gentlemen, residents of New Bedford, whose names I afterward ascertained co be Joseph Ricketson and William C. Taber. They seemed at once to unde~tand our circumstances, and gave us such assurance of their friendliness as put us fully at ease in their presence. It was good indeed co meet wich such friends, at such a time. Upon reaching ew Bedford, we were directed co che house of Mr. Nathan Johnson, by whom we were kindly received, and hospitably provided for. Boch Mr. and Mrs. Johnson took a deep and lively interest in our welfare. They proved themselves quite worthy of the name of abolitionists. When the stage-driver found us unable to pay our fare, he held on upon our baggage as security for the debt. I had but to mention the fact to Mr. Johnson, and he forthwith advanced the money. 1

/. W.C.

Pm11ington

Formerly enslaved abolicionisc and minister

(1807-70). 1

\Y/e now began co feel a degree of safety, and to prepare ourselves for the duties and responsibilities of a life of freedom. On the morning after our arrival at New Bedford, while at the breakfast-table, the question arose as co what name I should be called by. The name given me by my mother was, "Frederick Augustus Washington Bailey." I, however, had dispensed with the nvo middle names long before I left Maryland so chat I was generally known by the name of "Frederick Bailey." I started from Baltimore bearing the name of "Stanley." When I got co ew York, I again changed my name co "Frederick Johnson," and thought chat would be the lase change. But when l got to New Bedford, I found ic necessary again to change my name. The reason of chis necessity was, that there were so many Johnsons in New Bedford, it was already quite difficult co distinguish benveen them. I gave Mr. Johnson the privilege of choosing me a name, but told him he must not cake from me the name of "Frederick." I must hold on co chat, to preserve a sense of my identity. Mr. Johnson had just been reading the MLady of the Lake,"~ and at once suggested chat my name be "Douglass." From chat time until now I have been called "Frederick Douglass"; and as I am more widely known by chat name than by either of the ochers, I shall continue co use ic as my own. I was quite disappointed at che general appearance of things in New Bedford. The impression which 1 had received respecting che character and condition of the people of the north, I found co be singularly erroneous. I had very strangely supposed, while in slavery, that few of the comforts, and scarcely any of the luxuries, of life were enjoyed ac the north, compared with what were enjoyed by the slaveholders of the south. I probably came to chis conclusion from the face chat northern people owned no slaves. I supposed chat they were about upon a level with the non-slaveholding population of the south. I knew they were exceedingly poor, and I had been accustomed to regard their poverty as the necessary consequence of their being nonslaveholders. I had somehow imbibed the opinion chat, in the absence of slaves, there could be no weaJch, and

[Douglass's note] I had chang~-d my name from Frederick Bailey to thJ.t ofjohruon. 3 stage Stagecoach.

4 Wy ofthe lake Narrative poem by Scottish author Sir Walccr Scott (tnt-1832). Two of the main characters arc James Douglas, an exiled former mentor of King James V of Scotland, and Douglas's daughter Ellen Douglas.

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NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS, AN AMERICAN SLAVE

very little refinement. And upon coming to che north, I expected co meet with a rough, hard-handed, and uncultivated population, living in the most Sparranlike' simplicity, knowing nothing of the ease, luxury, pomp, and grandeur of southern slaveholders. Such being my conjectures, anyone acquainted with the appearance of New Bedford may very readily infer how palpably I must have seen my mistake. In the afternoon of the day when I reached New Bedford, I visited the wharves, to take a view of rheshipping. Here I found myself surrounded with the strongest proofs of wealth. Lying at the wharves, and riding in the sream, I saw many ships of rhe finest model, in the best order, and of the largest size. Upon the righr and left, I was walled in by granite warehouses of the widest dimensions, scowed to their utmost capacity with the necessaries and comforts oflife. Added co chis, almost every body seemed co be at work, but noiselessly so, compared with what I had been accustomed to in Baltimore. There were no loud songs heard from chose engaged in loading and unloading ships. I heard no deep oaths or horrid curses on rhe laborer. I saw no whipping of men; but all seemed to go smoothly on. Every man appeared to understand his work, and went at it with a sober, yet cheerful earnestness, which betokened the deep interest which he felt in what he was doing, as well as a sense of his own dignity as a man. To me this looked exceedingly strange. From the wharves I scrolled around and over the town, gazing with wonder and admiration at the splendid churches, beautiful dwellings, and finely-cultivated gardens; evincing an amount of wealth, comfort, caste, and refinement, such as I had never seen in any pare of slaveholding Maryland. Every thing looked clean, new, and beautiful. I saw few or no dilapidated houses, with poverty-stricken inmates; no half-naked children and barefooted women, such as I had been accustomed co see in Hillsborough, Easton, Sc. Michael's, and Baltimore. The people looked more able, stronger, healthier, and happier, than chose of Maryland. I was for once made glad by a view of extreme wealth, without being saddened by seeing extreme poverty. Bue che most astonishing as well as the most interesting thing co me was

the condition of the colored people, a great many of whom, like myself, had escaped thither as a refuge from che hunters of men. I found many, who had not been seven years out of their chains, living in finer houses, and evidently enjoying more of the comforts of life, than the average slaveholders in Maryland. I will venture to asserc, chat my friend Mr. Nathan Johnson (of whom I can say with a grateful heart, "I was hungry, and he gave me meat; I was thirsty, and he gave me drink; I was a stranger, and he took me in"') lived in a neater house; dined at a better cable; cook, paid for, and read, more newspapers; better understood the moral, religious, and political character of the nation-than nine tenths of the slaveholders in Talbot county, Maryland. Yee Mr. Johnson was a working man. His hands were hardened by toil, and not his alone, but chose also of Mrs. Johnson. I found the colored people much more spirited than I had supposed they would be. I found among chem a determination to protect each ocher from the blood-rhirsty kidnapper, at all hazards. Soon after my arrival, I was told of a circumstance which illustrated their spirit. A colored man and a fugitive slave were on unfriendly terms. The former was heard to threaten the latter with informing his master of his whereabouts. Scraighnvay a meeting was called among the colored people, under the stereotyped3 notice, "Business of imporrance!" The betrayer was invited to attend. The people came at the appointed hour, and organized the meeting by appointing a very religious old gentleman as president, who, I believe, made a prayer, after which he addressed the meeting as follows: "Friends, we have got him here, and I would recommend that you young men just cake him outside the door, and kill him!" With chis, a number of chem bolted at him; but they were intercepted by some more timid than themselves, and the betrayer escaped their vengeance, and has not been seen in New Bedford since. I believe there have been no more such threats, and should there be hereafter, I doubt not char dearh would be the consequence.

2 1

Spartan-like Resembling the Sparcans, who were known for •heir militaristic self-discipline and material plainness of living.

833

/

was hungry . . . rook me i11

See Matthew 25.35.

3 stereotyped Printed. (Stereotyping was a then-new method of printing identical copies using metal places.)

Page 229

834

FREDERICK DOUGLASS

I found employment, the third day after my arrival, in stowing a sloop with a load of oil.1 le was new, dirty, and hard work for me; but I went at it with a glad heart and a willing hand. I was now my own master. le was a happy moment, che rapture of which can be understood only by chose who have been slaves. It was che first work, che reward of which was to be entirely my own. There was no Master Hugh standing ready, the moment I earned the money, co rob me of it. I worked that day with a pleasure I had never before experienced. I was at work for myself and newlymarried wife. le was co me che starting-point of a new existence. When I got through with that job, I went in pursuit of a job of calking; bur such was the strength of prejudice against color, among the white caulkers, that they refused to work wich me, and of course I could gee no employment. 2 Finding my trade of no immediate benefit, I chrew off my calking habiliments, and prepared myself to do any kind of work I could get to do. Mr. Johnson kindly let me have his wood-horse and saw, and I very soon found myself a plenty of work. There was no work too hard-none too dirty. I was ready to saw wood, shovel coal, carry wood, sweep the chimney, or roll oil casks-all of which I did for nearly three years in New Bedford, before I became known to the anti-slavery world. In about four months afcer I went co New Bedford, there came a young man to me, and inquired if I did nor wish to take che "Liberator.''3 I cold him I did; bur, just having made my escape from slavery, I remarked chat I was unable to pay for it then. I, however, finally became a subscriber to ic. The paper came, and I read ic from week to week with such feelings as it would be quite idle for me to attempt to describe. The paper became my meat and my drink. My soul was set all on fire. Its sympathy for my brethren in bonds-its scathing denunciations of slaveholders-its faithful exposures of slavery-and its powerful attacks upon 1

stowing a sloop with a load of oil onto a cargo sailing ship.

the upholders of the institution-sent a thrill of joy through my soul, such as I had never felt before! I had not long been a reader of the "Liberator" before I got a pretty correct idea of the principles, measures, and spirit of the anti-slavery reform. I took right hold of the cause. I could do bur little; bur what I could, I did with a joyful hearr, and never felt happier than when in an anti-slavery meeting. I seldom had much to say at the meetings, because what I wanted to say was said so much better by others. Bue, while attending an anti-slavery convention at Nantucket, on the IIth of August, 1841, I felt strongly moved co speak, and was at the same rime much urged to do so by Mr. William C. Coffin, a gentleman who had heard me speak in the colored people's meeting at New Bedford.4 le was a severe cross, and I took it up reluctantly. The truth was, I felt myself a slave, and the idea of speaking co white people weighed me down. I spoke but a few moments, when I felt a degree of freedom, and said what 1 desired with considerable ease. From chat time uncil now, I have been engaged in pleading the cause of my brethren-with what success, and with what devotion, I leave those acquainted with my labors to decide.

Loading casks of [whale) oil

2

[Douglass's note] I am cold that colored persons can now get employment at caulking in New Bedford-a result of anti-slavery effort. 3 take Subscribe ro; the "Liberator• Radical abolitionist newspaper established in 1831 and published by William Lloyd Garrison.

4 colored peopk's . . . New Bedford I.e., at the meeting of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion glass had begun preaching in 1839.

Page 230

Church,

where

Dou-

HARRIET JACOBS C.

1813 - 1897

F

or a hundred and twenty years, Harriet Jacobs's groundbreaking narrative, lncidmts in the Lift ofa Slave Girl (1861), went largely unnoticed. When it did receive commentary, it was assumed that the narrative was not autobiography but fiction, and that its true author was the white abolitionist writer Lydia Maria Child (who in fact edited the volume). le was not until scholar Jean Fagan Yellin published a groundbreaking article on the narrative in 1981 that Jacobs's authorship was authenticated. This meant chat Jacobs's gripping and eloquent narrative, one of the earliest written by an enslaved woman in the United Scates, did not impact American literature and history until late in the twentiech century. Since then, Jacobs's achievement as a writer and activist has been widely recognized, and her profound influence on American literature has taken firm root. Jacobs's lncidmts is brave and revolutionary in that it openly discusses che particular evils that slavery systemically inflicted on women-sexual abuse, rape, and the knowledge that any children born would be born enslaved. As critic Henry Louis Gates Jr. wrote, "Whereas the black male slave narrators' accounts of sexual brutality remain suggestive, if gruesome, Jacobs's ... charts in vivid detail precisely how the shape of her life and the choices she makes are defined by her reduction to a sexual object, an object co be raped, bred or abused." Jacobs herself put it very simply: "Slavery is terrible for men; but it is far more terrible for women." Jacobs was born in Edenton, North Carolina; most biographers date her birth in 1813, though her tombstone states she was born in 1815. Her mother, Delilah Horniblow, was enslaved by Margaret Horniblow, and her father, Elijah Knox, was enslaved by Andrew Knox. As a young child, Jacobs was unaware of her own enslaved condition; her father, a skilled carpenter, was allowed to keep a portion of his earnings, and the family lived in tolerable independence. Jacobs's maternal grandmother, Molly Horniblow, was a formative influence and support to the family, particularly to Jacobs. "I was so fondly shielded," she recalled, "that I never dreamed I was a piece of merchandise." Jacobs's mother died when she was six, breaking up the family circle; Margaret Horniblow, who had owned Delilah and thus owned her daughter, brought Jacobs to her home. Jacobs was treated kindly, and Horniblow caught her co read, write, and sew. When Jacobs was almost twelve years old, Horniblow died. Although Jacobs had believed char her mistress would set her free, she was instead bequeathed co Horniblow's five-year-old niece. Jacobs came under the control of the girl's father, Dr. James Norcom (who is given the pseudonym Dr. Flint in lncidmts), a cruel man who soon began persecuting Jacobs with unwanted sexual attention. Norcom's harassment of Jacobs was persistent, and her life in his house became more and more unbearable, both because of the sexual pressure and because of Mrs. Norcom's jealousy. Jacobs was increasingly isolated by what she perceived co be rhe shame of her situation: she usually went to her grandmother for advice, bur she did nor wane co communicate the sexual nature of Norcom's persecution. In an effort co find security, Jacobs cook a lover, Samuel Tredwell Sawyer, a local white attorney. With Sawyer, Jacobs would have two children, Joseph and Louisa. "I knew nothing would enrage [Norcom) so much as to know that I favored another," Jacobs wrote, "and it was something to triumph over my tyranc even in that small way." This relationship did not free her, however, from Norcom's threats, and, in the summer of 1835, Jacobs ran away and hid in a small crawlspace just below her grandmother's roof. She spent seven years in this tiny garret, watching her children grow up through a small hole she made co peer through. She managed co sew and read the Bible, but those years in hiding were plagued by isolation, by discomfort

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brought on by the weather-cold, heat, and rain all made her hideaway a miserable place- and by illness. In 1842, Jacobs escaped and went by boat to Pennsylvania, and from there to New York Ciry. While Jacobs was in hiding, Sawyer, who had been elected to Congress in 1837, had managed ro purchase his and Jacobs's cwo children from Norcom, and he had sent the girl, Louisa, to Brooklyn to work as a servant (he did not keep his promise co free the children). Jacobs settled in New York to be close ro her daughter-her son also eventually joined them-and cook a job as nursemaid in che house of Mary Stace Willis, wife of the well-known poet and editor Nathaniel Parker Willis. Periodically, Norcom would try to find Jacobs, and she would have to temporarily leave New York. On one such occasion in 1845, while Jacobs was hiding in Boston, her employer, Mary Willis, died; when Nathaniel Willis subsequently decided co cake a trip to England with his daughter, Jacobs accepted his offer to go with them and act as nursemaid. Jacobs experienced linle racism in England, and she was impressed that the poor people in that country had access co education. In 1849, again fleeing Norcom, Jacobs went co Rochester, New York, where she worked with her brother, John Jacobs, in an antislavery reading room and bookstore. Rochester was a thriving center for abolitionist and feminist activism-Jacobs and her brother's reading room was located above the offices of Frederick Douglass's newspaper-and Jacobs began co find likeminded friends there, including Amy Post, who encouraged Jacobs to write and publish her experience. In the meantime, Nathaniel Parker Willis remarried, and his second wife, Cornelia Grinell, employed Jacobs as a nursemaid for her new baby. In 1852, when Jacobs was again threatened with capture, Cornelia bought her for s300, ensuring her freedom. Though it deflated Jacobs co be traded like merchandise, having her freedom was a significant relief, and in 1853 she began her writing career in earnest. She wrote anonymous letters to the New York Tribune, including "Letter from a Fugitive Slave. Slaves Sold under Peculiar Circumstances" (21 June 1853), which couches on what would become a central theme in Incidents: the sexual abuse faced by enslaved women, and che struggle enslaved mothers endured co attempt to protect their children. Jacobs wrote Incidents while still working as a nursemaid in the Willis household; she kept her writing private, because she was nor convinced chat Nathaniel Willis supported abolition (though his wife certainly did). In the summer of 1857, Jacobs wrote to Amy Post chat she had finished "a true and just account of my own life in Slavery," and that she hoped it "might do something for the Antislavery Cause." Jacobs faced hurdles, however, in publishing Incidents, traveling co England in 1858 in an unsuccessful search for a publisher. The Boston company Phillips and Samson eventually agreed to cake the book if Willis, Jacobs's employer, or Harriet Beecher Stowe would write an introduction. Jacobs didn't feel Willis would support che book, so she asked Stowe, but Stowe rejected the idea of collaborating with Jacobs. A different publisher, Thayer and Eldridge, then agreed to publish, stipulating chis time an introduction by Lydia Maria Child, and, though very reluctant to do so, Jacobs asked Child if she would contribute to the project. Child agreed to not only write an introduction, but to edit the book. Though many people thought Child's involvement was extensive, Jean Fagan Yellin's research makes it clear chat Child did nor exceed the role she herself described in rhe introduction to the volume: "I have not added anything to the incidents, or changed the import of Uacobs's] very pertinent remarks. With trifling exceptions, both the ideas and the language are her own. I pruned excrescences a little, but otherwise I had no reason for changing her lively and dramatic way of telling her own story." When Thayer and Eldridge dissolved as a company, Jacobs secured the typeset pages of Incidents and determined to publish it herself; it was finally published in 1861, followed by a British edition in 1862. Jacobs used a pseudonym, Linda Brent, and she changed the names of all the characters in the book to protect their anonymity. Incidents was warmly received by audiences in the North and across the Atlantic, but it was not financially successful, and the Civil War soon drew much of the public's attention. After the war, Jacobs's work fell into obscurity, and only since the 1980s have readership and scholarship of it flourished; it has since become one of rhe most often-taught and frequently-read slave narratives. Jacobs's writing style was influenced by the Bible, by ocher slave narratives-such as those by Olaudah Equiano and Frederick Douglass-and by the work of various contemporary women writers,

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HARRIET ]ACOBS

including Lydia Maria Child, Fanny Fern, and Harrier Beecher Stowe. Like Stowe, Jacobs uses rhe rhetorical cools of rhe sentimental novel to add emotional power to her arrack on slavery, and co frame some of her own experiences. In sentimental novels such as Samuel Richardson's Pamela (1740), for example. a servant girl is persecuted by the sexual attentions of her master, whom she continually rejects, thereby preserving her virrue. Jacobs's persistence in escaping Norcom is presented within chis framework, as she bravely and successfully keeps her abuser ar bay; on rhe ocher hand, rhe shame she feels at having an unmarried affair with Sawyer is felt as a failure to live up to the idealization of what it means robe a virruous young woman. While Jacobs clearly judged herself against such ideals, she also forcefully questions their application to a person who is trapped in rhe misery of slavery: " ... in looking back, calmly, on the events of my life, I feel char rhe slave woman ought not robe judged by the same standard as orhers.K Jacobs's story, focusing as it does on the bonds of women and seeking as it does an inter-racial and inter-regional political alliance, has become a crucial feminist text. Incidents has also taken a viral place in the history of African American lireracure, influencing writers such as Toni Morrison, Alice Walker, bell hooks, Ta-Nehisi Coates, and Claudia Rankine, among many others. As writers consider what it means to lead a dignified life in an America still convulsed with sexism and racism, Jacobs's narrative is a touchstone and inspiration. It has been translated inro many languages and is read and caught around the world. Jacobs dedicated her life not only ro exposing the sexual violence of slavery-a secret she said was "concealed like chose of the lnquisition"-buc also to bettering rhe condition of black people across the United Stares. Following the publication of Incidents, Jacobs delivered numerous speeches in support of abolition, nursed wounded black troops during rhe Civil War, and assisted newly-emancipated African Americans. In 1864, she established a school for black children in Alexandria, Virginia, where her daughter Louisa was a teacher. Jacobs died in Washington, D.C. in 1897 and was buried in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in Mount Auburn Cemetery.

NOTE ON THE TEXT:

The excerpts presented here are based on the first 1861 Boston edition of Jacobs's lncirunts by Herself, edited by Lydia Maria Child.

in the Lift ofa Slave Girl, Written

3€~3€

from

Incidents in the Life ofa Slave Girl, Written by Herself

Northerners know nothing at all about Slavery. They chink it is perperual bondage only. They have no conception of the depth of degradation involved in chat word, SLAVERY; if they had, they would never cease their efforts until so horrible a system was overthrown. A WOMAN OF NORTH CAROLINA Rise up, ye women char are ar ease! Hear my voice, ye careless daughters! Give ear unto my speech.

ISAIAH 32.9

PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR

eader, be assured this narrative is no fiction. I am aware chat some of my adventures may seem incredible; but they are, nevertheless, scriccly true. I have not exaggerated che wrongs inflicted by Slavery; on the contrary, my descriptions fall far shore of the facts. I have concealed che names of places, and given persons fictitious names. I had no motive for secrecy on my own account, but I deemed it kind and considerate towards ochers co pursue chis course. I wish I were more competent co rhe task I have undertaken. But I trust my readers will excuse deficiencies in consideration of circumstances. I was born and reared in Slavery; and I remained in a Slave Seate twenty-seven years. Since I have been at the Norrh, it

R

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INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF A SLAVE GIRL

has been necessary for me to work diligently for my own support, and the education of my children. This has not left me much leisure to make up for che loss of early opportunities co improve myself; and ic has compelled me to write these pages ac irregular intervals, whenever I could snatch an hour from household duties. When I first arrived in Philadelphia, Bishop Paine' advised me co publish a sketch of my life, but I cold him I was altogether incompetenr co such an undertaking. Though I have improved my mind somewhat since that time, I still remain of the same opinion; but I crust my motives will excuse what might otherwise seem presumptuous. I have not written my experiences in order co attract attenrion to myself; on the contrary, it would have been more pleasant to me to have been silent about my own history. Neither do I care co excite sympathy for my own sufferings. Bue I do earnestly desire co arouse the women of the North co a realizing sense of che condition of two millions of women at the South, still in bondage, suffering what I suffered, and most of chem far worse. I wane co add my testimony co chat of abler pens co convince the people of the Free States what Slavery really is. Only by experience can anyone realize how deep, and dark, and foul is chat pit of abominations. May the blessing of God rest on chis imperfect effort in behalf of my persecuted people! Linda Brenc2 INTRODUCTION BY THE EDITOR

The author of che following autobiography is personally known to me, and her conversation and manners inspire me with confidence. During the lase seventeen years, she has lived the greater pare of the time with a distinguished family in New York, and has so deporced3 herself as co be highly esteemed by chem. This face is sufficient, without further credentials of her character. 1

Bishop Paine Daniel Alexander Payne was a writer, educator, and bishop in the African Mechodisc Episcopal Church. In che early 1840s, he worked on the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee, which provided clothing and shelcer for enslaved people escaping to the North. 2

3

li11da Brent

Harriec Jacobs's pseudonym.

deported Conducted.

623

I believe chose who know her will not be disposed to doubt her veracity, though some incidents in her story are more romantic" than fiction. Ac her request, I have revised her manuscript; but such changes as I have made have been mainly for purposes of condensation and orderly arrangement. I have not added anything co the incidents, or changed the import of her very pertinent remarks. With trifling exceptions, both the ideas and the language are her own. I pruned excrescences a little, but otherwise I had no reason for changing her lively and dramatic way of celling her own story. The names of both persons and places are known to me; but for good reasons I suppress chem. It will naturally excite surprise chat a woman reared in Slavery should be able to write so well. Bue circumstances will explain chis. In the first place, nature endowed her with quick perceptions. Secondly, the mistress, with whom she lived rill she was twelve years old, was a kind, considerate friend, who caught her co read and spell. Thirdly, she was placed in favorable circumstances after she came co the North; having frequent intercourse with intelligent persons, who felt a friendly interest in her welfare, and were disposed to give her opportunities for self-improvement. I am well aware chat many will accuse me of indecorum for presenting these pages to the public; for the experiences of chis intelligent and much-injured woman belong co a class which some call delicate subjects, and ochers indelicate. This peculiar phase of Slavery5 has generally been kept veiled; but the public ought to be made acquainted with its monstrous features, and I willingly cake the responsibility of presenting chem with the veil withdrawn. I do this for the sake of my sisters in bondage, who are suffering wrongs so foul, chat our ears are too delicate to listen co chem. I do it with the hope of arousing conscientious and reflecting women at the North to a sense of their ducy in the exertion of moral influence on the question of Slavery, on all possible occasions. I do it with the hope chat every man who reads chis narrative will swear solemnly before God chat, so far as he has power co prevent it, no fugitive from Slavery shall ever 4

romantic Unlikely or implausible.

5 peculiar pha,e of Slavery I.e., che parcicular abuses, such as sexual violence, chat slavery systemically encouraged and enabled.

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HARRIET JACOBS

be sent back to suffer in thar loathsome den of corruption and cruelry. L. Maria Child CHAPTER J. CHILDHOOD

I was born a slave; but I never knew it till six years of happy childhood had passed away. My father was a carpenter, and considered so intelligent and skillful in his trade, chat, when buildings out of che common line were co be erected, he was sent for from long distances, co be head workman. On condition of paying his mistress rwo hundred dollars a year,1 and supporting himself, he was allowed co work at his trade, and manage his own affairs. His strongest wish was co purchase his children; bur, though he several times offered his hard earnings for chat purpose, he never succeeded. In complexion my parents were a light shade of brownish yellow, and were termed mulaccoes. 2 They lived together in a comfortable home; and, though we were all slaves, I was so fondly shielded char I never dreamed I was a piece of merchandise, trusted co chem for safe keeping, and liable co be demanded of chem at any moment. I had one brother, William, who was rwo years younger than myself-a bright, affectionate child. I had also a great treasure in my maternal grandmother, who was a remarkable woman in many respects. She was the daughter of a planter in South Carolina, who, at his death, left her mother and his three children free, with money to go to St. Augustine,3 where they had relatives. le was during the Revolutionary War; and they were captured on their passage, carried back, and sold co different purchasers. Such was che story my grandmother used co cell me; bur I do nor remember all the particulars. She was a litcle girl when she was captured and sold co the keeper of a large hotel. I have often heard her tell how hard she fared during childhood. Bue as she grew older she evinced so much intelligence, and was so faithful, chat her master and mistress could not help seeing it was 1

two hundred dollars a year

Equivalent co about s6,ooo.

2

mulattoes The term "mulatto." which is today considered archaic and offensive, was commonly used in the nineteenth century to classify individuals of mixed racial background-most frequently, those with one white and one black parent. St. Augustine

City on the northeast coast of Florida.

for their interest co cake care of such a valuable piece of properry. She became an indispensable personage in the household, officiating in all capacities, from cook and wet nurse to seamstress. She was much praised for her cooking; and her nice4 crackers became so famous in the neighborhood chat many people were desirous of obtaining chem. In consequence of numerous requests of chis kind, she asked permission of her mistress co bake crackers ac night, after all the household work was done; and she obtained leave to do it, provided she would cloche herself and her children from the profits. Upon these terms, after working hard all day for her mistress, she began her midnight bakings, assisted by her cwo oldest children. The business proved profitable; and each year she laid by a liccle, which was saved for a fund co purchase her children. Her master died, and the properry was divided among his heirs. The widow had her dower in the hotel, which she continued co keep open. My grandmother remained in her service as a slave; bur her children were divided among her master's children. As she had five, Benjamin, the youngest one, was sold, in order that each heir might have an equal portion of dollars and cents. There was so liccle difference in our ages chat he seemed more like my brother than my uncle. He was a bright, handsome lad, nearly white; for he inherited che complexion my grandmother had derived from Anglo-Saxon ancestors. Though only ten years old, seven hundred and cwenry dollars were paid for him. His sale was a terrible blow to my grandmother; but she was naturally hopeful, and she went co work with renewed energy, crusting in time co be able co purchase some of her children. She had laid up three hundred dollars, which her mistress one day begged as a loan, promising co pay her soon. The reader probably knows chat no promise or writing given co a slave is legally binding; for, according co Southern laws, a slave, being properry, can hold no properry. When my grandmother lent her hard earnings co her mistress, she crusted solely to her honor. The honor of a slaveholder to a slave! To chis good grandmother I was indebted for many comforts. My brother Willie and I often received portions of the crackers, cakes, and preserves, she made co sell; and after we ceased co be children we were indebted co her for many more important services. 4

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nice Tasty, delicate.

INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF A SLAVE GIRL

Such were the unusually fortunate circumstances of my early childhood. When I was six years old, my mother died; and then, for the first time, I learned, by the talk around me, that I was a slave. My mother's mistress was the daughter of my grandmother's mistress. She was the foster sister of my mother; they were both nourished at my grandmother's breast. In fact, my mother had been weaned at three months old, chat the babe of the mistress might obtain sufficient food. They played cogecher as children; and, when they became women, my mother was a most faithful servant co her whiter foster sister. On her death-bed her mistress promised that her children should never suffer for anything; and during her lifetime she kept her word. They all spoke kindly of my dead mother, who had been a slave merely in name, but in nature was noble and womanly. I grieved for her, and my young mind was troubled with che thought who would now take care of me and my little brother. I was cold chat my home was now to be with her mistress; and I found it a happy one. No coilsome or disagreeable duties were imposed upon me. My mistress was so kind co me chat I was always glad co do her bidding, and proud to labor for her as much as my young years would permit. I would sit by her side for hours, sewing diligently, with a heart as free from care as that of any free-born white child. When she thought I was tired, she would send me out to run and jump; and away I bounded, to gather berries or flowers to decorate her room. Those were happy days-too happy to last. The slave child had no thought for the morrow; but there came that blight, which too surely waits on every human being born co be a chattel. When I was nearly twelve years old, my kind mistress sickened and died. As I saw the cheek grow paler, and the eye more glassy, how earnestly I prayed in my heart that she might live! I loved her; for she had been almost like a mother to me. My prayers were not answered. She died, and they buried her in the lircle churchyard, where, day after day, my tears fell upon her grave. I was sent to spend a week with my grandmother. I was now old enough to begin to chink of che furure; and again and again I asked myself what chey would do with me. I felt sure I should never find another mistress so kind as the one who was gone. She had promised my dying mother that her children should never suffer for

625

anything; and when I remembered that, and recalled her many proofs of attachment to me, I could not help having some hopes that she had left me free. My friends were almost certain it would be so. They thought she would be sure to do it, on account of my mother's love and faithful service. Bue, alas! we all know that the memory of a faithful slave does nor avail much co save her children from the auction block. After a brief period of suspense, the will of my mistress was read, and we learned that she had bequeathed me to her sister's daughter, a child of five years old. So vanished our hopes. My mistress had caught me the precepts of God's Word: "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so unto them."' Bue I was her slave, and I suppose she did not recognize me as her neighbor. I would give much to blot out from my memory that one great wrong. As a child, I loved my mistress; and, looking back on the happy days I spent with her, I cry to think with less bitterness of this act of injustice. While I was with her, she caught me co read and spell; and for chis privilege, which so rarely falls to the lot of a slave, I bless her memory. She possessed but few slaves; and at her death those were all distributed among her relatives. Five of them were my grandmother's children, and had shared the same milk chat nourished her mother's children. Notwithstanding my grandmother's long and faithful service co her owners, not one of her children escaped the auction block. These God-breathing machines are no more, in the sight of their masters, than the cotton they plant, or the horses they tend.

1

1/Jou sh11/t . .. thyse!fll1c second of Christ"s commandmenrs, see Matthew 22.39; Whatsoroer )'t' would ... unto them Th is saying is known as the ~golden rule." See Leviticus 19.18 and Matthew 7.12,.

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soul can bow in resignation, and say, "Noc my will, but thine be done, 0 Lord!" But when the ruthless hand of man strikes the blow, regardless of che misery he causes, ic is hard co be submissive. I did not reason thus when I was a young girl. Youth will be youth. I loved, and I indulged che hope rhat che dark clouds around me would cum out a bright lining. I forgot chat in che land of my birch the shadows are coo dense for light co penetrate. A land Where laughter is not mirth; nor thought the mind; Nor words a language; nor e'en men mankind. Where cries reply to curses, shrieks to blows, And each is tortured in his separate hell.'

CHAPTER 7. THE LOVER

Why does che slave ever love? Why allow che tendrils of the heart co twine around objects which may ac any moment be wrenched away by che hand of violence? When separations come by che hand of death, che pious

There was in the neighborhood a young colored carpenter; a free born man. We had been well acquainted in childhood, and frequently met togecher afterwards. We became mutually attached, and he proposed to marry me. I loved him wirh all the ardor of a young girl's first love. But when I rcAecccd chat I was a slave, and chat che laws gave no sanction to the marriage of such, my heart sank within me. My lover wanted to buy me; but I knew chat Dr. Flint was coo willful and arbitrary a man co consent to that arrangement. From him, I was sure of experiencing all sons of opposition, and I had nothing co hope from my mistress. She would have been delighted to have got rid of me, but not in chat way. It would have relieved her mind of a burden if she could have seen me sold to some distant state, but if I was married near home I should be jusr as much in her husband's power as I had previously been-for the husband of a slave has no power to protect her. Moreover, my mistress, like many ochers, seemed to chink chat slaves had no right co any family ties of their own; that they were created merely to wait upon che family of the mistress. I once heard her abuse a young slave girl, who cold her char a colored man wanted co make her his wife. "I will have you peeled and pickled, my lady," said she, "if I ever hear you mention that subject again. Do you suppose chat I will have you tending my children with che children of chat nigger?" The girl to whom she said chis had a mulacco

1

Where laughter ... separate hell These lines are from Byron's "The Lament of Tasso," 4.84-87 (1817).

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child, of course not acknowledged by its father. The poor black man who loved her would have been proud co acknowledge his helpless offspring. Many and anxious were the thoughts I revolved in my mind. I was ac a loss what to do. Above all things, I was desirous co spare my lover che insulcs chat had cue so deeply into my own soul. I talked with my grandmother about ic, and parcly cold her my fears. I did not dare co cell her the worst. She had long suspected all was not right, and if I confirmed her suspicions I knew a storm would rise that would prove che overthrow of all my hopes. This love-dream had been my support through many trials; and I could not bear co run the risk of having it suddenly dissipated. There was a lady in the neighborhood, a particular friend of Dr. Flint's, who often visited the house. I had a great respect for her, and she had always manifested a friendly interest in me. Grandmother thought she would have great influence with che doctor. I went co chis lady, and cold her my story. I cold her I was aware chat my lover's being a free-born man would prove a great objection; but he wanted co buy me; and if Dr. Flint would consent co chat arrangement, I felt sure he would be willing to pay any reasonable price. She knew chat Mrs. Flint disliked me; therefore, I ventured co suggest chat perhaps my mistress would approve of my being sold, as chat would rid her of me. The lady listened, with kindly sympathy, and promised to do her utmost to promote my wishes. She had an interview with the doctor, and I believe she pleaded my cause earnestly; bur it was all co no purpose. How I dreaded my master now! Every minute I expected co be summoned co his presence; bur che day passed, and I heard nothing from him. The next morning, a message was brought co me: "Master wanes you in his study." I found the door ajar, and I stood a moment gazing at the hateful man who claimed a right co rule me, body and soul. I entered, and cried co appear calm. I did not wane him co know how my heart was bleeding. He looked fixedly at me, with an expression which seemed co say, "I have half a mind co kill you on the spot." At last he broke the silence, and char was a relief co both of us. "So you wane to be married, do you?" said he, "and co a free nigger."

631

"Yes, sir." "Well, I'll soon convince you whether I am your master, or the nigger fellow you honor so highly. If you must have a husband, you may cake up with one of my slaves." What a situation I should be in, as the wife of one of his slaves, even if my heart had been interested! I replied, "Don't you suppose, sir, chat a slave can have some preference about marrying? Do you suppose chat all men are alike co her?" "Do you love chis nigger?" said he, abruptly. "Yes, sir." "How dare you cell me so!" he exclaimed, in great wrath. After a slight pause, he added, "I supposed you thought more of yourself; char you felc above che insults of such puppies." I replied, "If he is a puppy I am a puppy, for we are both of che negro race. It is right and honorable for us co love each ocher. The man you call a puppy never insulted me, sir; and he would not love me if he did not believe me co be a virtuous woman." He sprang upon me like a tiger, and gave me a stunning blow. le was the first time he had ever struck me; and fear did not enable me co control my anger. When I had recovered a liccle from the effects, I exclaimed, "You have struck me for answering you honescly. How I despise you!" There was silence for some minutes. Perhaps he was deciding what should be my punishment; or, perhaps, he wanted co give me time co reflect on what I had said, and to whom I had said it. Finally, he asked, "Do you know what you have said?" "Yes, sir; but your treatment drove me co it." "Do you know chat I have a right co do as I like with you-char I can kill you, if I please?" "You have tried to kill me, and I wish you had; bur you have no right to do as you like with me." "Silence!" he exclaimed, in a thundering voice. "By heavens, girl, you forget yourself coo far! Are you mad? If you are, I will soon bring you co your senses. Do you chink any other master would bear what I have borne from you chis morning? Many masters would have killed you on the spot. How would you like to be sent co jail for your insolence?" "I know I have been disrespectful, sir," I replied; "but you drove me to it; I couldn't help it. As for the jail,

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there would be more peace for me there than there is here." "You deserve to go there," said he, "and to be under such treatment, chat you would forget the meaning of the word peace. It would do you good. It would cake some of your high notions out of you. Bue I am not ready to send you there yet, norwithstanding your ingratitude for all my kindness and forbearance. You have been the plague of my life. I have wanted to make you happy, and I have been repaid with the basest ingratitude; but though you have proved yourself incapable of appreciating my kindness, I will be lenient towards you, Linda. I will give you one more chance to redeem your character. If you behave yourself and do as I require, I will forgive you and treat you as I always have done; but if you disobey me, I will punish you as I would che meanest slave on my plantation. Never lee me hear that fellow's name mentioned again. If I ever know of your speaking to him, I will cowhide you both; and if I catch him lurking about my premises, I will shoot him as soon as I would a dog. Do you hear what I say? I'll teach you a lesson about marriage and free niggers! Now go, and let this be the lase time I have occasion to speak to you on chis subject." Reader, did you ever hate? I hope not. I never did but once; and I trust I never shall again. Somebody has called it "the atmosphere of hell" ;1 and I believe it is so. For a formight2 the doctor did not speak to me. He thought co mortify me; to make me feel chat I had disgraced myself by receiving the honorable addresses of a respectable colored man, in preference to the base proposals of a white man. But though his lips disdained to address me, his eyes were very loquacious. No animal ever watched its prey more narrowly than he watched me. He knew that I could write, though he had failed to make me read his letters; and he was now troubled lest I should exchange letters with another man. After a while he became weary of silence; and I was sorry for it. One morning, as he passed through the hall, to leave che house, he contrived to thrust a note into my hand. I thought I had better read it, and spare myself the vexation of having him read it to me. It expressed regret Somebody . . . hell English writer Martin Farquhar Tupper -rote char "hacred is the atmosphere of hell" in his book Proverbial Philosophy (1838). ~

for the blow he had given me, and reminded me that I myself was wholly to blame for it. He hoped I had become convinced of the injury I was doing myself by incurring his displeasure. He wrote chat he had made up his mind to go to Louisiana; chat he should cake several slaves with him, and intended I should be one of the number. My mistress would remain where she was; therefore I should have nothing co fear from that quarter. If I merited kindness from him, he assured me that it would be lavishly bestowed. He begged me to think over the matter, and answer the following day. The next morning I was called to carry a pair of scissors to his room. I laid them on the table with che letter beside chem. He thought it was my answer, and did not call me back. I went as usual to attend my young mistress to and from school. He met me in the street, and ordered me to stop at his office on my way back. When I entered, he showed me his letter, and asked me why I had not answered it. I replied, "I am your daughter's property, and it is in your power to send me, or cake me, wherever you please." He said he was very glad co find me so willing to go, and that we should start early in the autumn. He had a large practice in the town, and I rather thought he had made up the story merely to frighten me. However that might be, I was determined that I would never go co Louisiana with him. Summer passed away, and early in the autumn Dr. Flint's eldest son was sent co Louisiana to examine the country, with a view co emigrating. That news did not disturb me. I knew very well that I should not be sent with him. That I had not been taken co the plantation before chis time, was owing to the fact that his son was there. He was jealous of his son; and jealousy of the overseer had kept him from punishing me by sending me into rhe fields co work. Is it strange that I was not proud of these protectors? As for the overseer, he was a man for whom I had less respect than I had for a bloodhound. Young Mr. Flint did not bring back a favorable report ofLouisiana, and I heard no more of that scheme. Soon after this, my lover met me at the corner of the street, and I stopped to speak to him. Looking up, I saw my master watching us from his window. I hurried home, trembling with fear. I was sent for, immediately, to go to his room. He met me with a blow. "When is mistress

a fortnight Two weeks.

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INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF A SLAVE GIRL

to be married?" said he, in a sneering cone. A shower of oaths and imprecations followed. How thankful I was chat my lover was a free man! that my tyrant had no power ro flog him for speaking co me in che screet! Again and again I revolved in my mind how all this would end. There was no hope chat the doctor would consent ro sell me on any cerms. He had an iron will, and was determined to keep me, and to conquer me. My lover was an intelligent and religious man. Even if he could have obtained permission to marry me while I was a slave, the marriage would give him no power to protect me from my master. le would have made him miserable to witness the insults I should have been subjected co. And then, if we had children, I knew they muse "follow the condition of the mother."' What a terrible blight chat would be on che heart of a free, intelligent father! For his sake, I felr chat I ought not to link his face with my own unhappy destiny. He was going to Savannah co see about a little property left him by an uncle; and hard as it was to bring my feelings to it, I earnestly entreated him not to come back. I advised him to go to the Free Stares, where his tongue would nor be tied, and where his intelligence would be of more avail co him. He left me, still hoping the day would come when I could be bought. With me the lamp of hope had gone out. The dream of my girlhood was over. I felr lonely and desolate. Srill I was not stripped of all. I still had my good grandmother, and my affectionate brother. When he put his arms round my neck, and looked into my eyes, as if to read there the troubles I dared not tell, I felt chat I still had something to love. Bue even chat pleasant emotion was chilled by the reflection that he might be torn from me at any moment, by some sudden freak of my master. If he had known how we loved each other, I think he would have exulted in separating us. We often planned together how we could gee to rhe north. Bur, as William remarked, such things are easier said than done. My movements were very closely watched, and we had no means of getting any money to defray 1

follow ... mother From 1662 onwards, slave law in Britain and America had followed rhe docrrine chat children followed che status of their mother (i.e., any child born co an enslaved woman would be themselves enslaved). This law meanr chat enslavers who fuchered children wirh enslaved women were not held in any way accountable and in face profired from rhe practice, as they could then exploit or sell their own children.

633

our expenses. As for grandmother, she was strongly opposed co her children's undertaking any such project. She had not forgotten poor Benjamin's sufferings.2 and she was afraid chat if another child cried co escape, he would have a similar or a worse fare. To me, nothing seemed more dreadful than my present life. I said co myself, "William must be free. He shall go co the north, and I will follow him." Many a slave sister has formed the same plans.

2

Bmjamin's sufferings In Chaprer Four, "The Slave Who Dared co Feel Like a Man," che nacrator relates the story of Benjamin, a character based on Joseph Horniblow, Jacobs's uncle, who, being close in age, "seemed more like my brother than my uncle." Joseph Horniblow ran away from his enslaver to avoid being whipped, was caught, paraded mrough town in chains, and put in jail, where his enslavers deliberarely kept him in vermin-infested condirions in order to break his spirit. He was sold ro a new enslaver in New Orleans and eventually escaped to New York. Jacobs and her brother both named their sons afrer Joseph Horniblow.

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CHAPTER IO.

A PERILOUS PASSAGE IN THE

SLAVE GIRL'S LIFE

After my lover went away, Dr. Flint contrived a new plan. He seemed co have an idea that my fear of my mistress was his greatest obstacle. In the blandest tones, he told me that he was going to build a small house for me, in a secluded place, four miles away from the town. I shuddered; but I was constrained co listen, while he talked of his intention to give me a home of my own, and to make a lady of me. Hitherto, I had escaped my dreaded fate, by being in the midst of people. My grandmother had already had high words with my master about me. She had told him precry plainly what she thought of his character, and there was considerable gossip in the neighborhood about our affairs, to which the open-mouthed jealousy of Mrs. Flint contributed not a little. When my master said he was going to build a house for me, and chat he could do it with little trouble and expense, I was in hopes something would happen to frustrate his scheme; but I soon heard that the house was actually begun. I vowed before my Maker chat I would never enter it. I had rather coil on che plantation from dawn till dark; I had rather live and die in jail, than drag on, from day to day, ch rough such a living death. I was determined that the master, whom I so hated and loathed, who had blighted the prospects of my youth, and made my life a desert, should not, after my long struggle with him, succeed at last in trampling his victim under his feet. I would do anything, everything, for the sake of defeating him. What could I do? I thought and thought, till I became desperate, and made a plunge into the abyss. And now, reader, I come to a period in my unhappy life, which I would gladly forget ifl could. The remembrance fills me with sorrow and shame. It pains me to tell you of it; bur I have promised co tell you the truth, and I will do it honestly, lee it cost me what it may. I will not cry to screen myself behind the plea of compulsion from a master; for it was not so. Neither can I plead ignorance or thoughtlessness. For years, my master had done his utmost to pollute my mind with foul images, and to destroy che pure principles inculcated by my grandmother, and the good mistress of my childhood. The influences of slavery had had the same effect on me chat they had on other young girls;

635

they had made me prematurely knowing, concerning che evil ways of the world. I know what I did, and I did it with deliberate calculation. Bue, 0, ye happy women, whose puriry has been sheltered from childhood, who have been free co choose che objects of your affection, whose homes are protected by law, do not judge the poor desolate slave girl coo severely! If slavery had been abolished, I, also, could have married che man of my choice; I could have had a home shielded by che laws; and I should have been spared the painful task of confessing what I am now about co relate; but all my prospects had been blighted by slavery. I wanted co keep myself pure; and, under che most adverse circumstances, I tried hard to preserve my self-respect; bur I was struggling alone in che powerful grasp of the demon Slavery; and the monster proved coo strong for me. I felt as ifl was forsaken by God and man; as ifall my efforts must be frustrated; and I became reckless in my despair. I have told you chat Dr. Flint's persecutions and his wife's jealousy had given rise co some gossip in che neighborhood. Among others, it chanced char a white unmarried gentleman had obtained some knowledge of the circumstances in which I was placed. He knew my grandmother, and often spoke co me in the street. He became interested for me, and asked questions about my master, which I answered in pare. He expressed a great deal of sympathy, and a wish to aid me. He conscancly sought opportunities to see me, and wrote to me frequencly. I was a poor slave girl, only fifteen years old. So much attention from a superior person was, of course, flattering; for human nature is the same in all. I also felt graceful for his sympathy, and encouraged by his kind words. le seemed to me a great thing to have such a friend. By degrees, a more tender feeling crept into my heart. He was an educated and eloquent gencleman; coo eloquent, alas, for the poor slave girl who crusted in him. Of course I saw whither all chis was tending. I knew the impassable gulf between us; but co be an object of interest co a man who is not married, and who is not her master, is agreeable to che pride and feelings of a slave, if her miserable situation has lefc her any pride or sentiment. le seems less degrading co give one's self, than to submit co compulsion. There is something akin co freedom in having a lover who

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has no control over you, except that which he gains by kindness and attachment. A master may treat you as rudely as he pleases, and you dare noc speak; moreover, the wrong does not seem so great with an unmarried man, as with one who has a wife to be made unhappy. There may be sophistry in all chis; but the condition of a slave confuses all principles of morality, and, in fact, renders the practice of chem impossible. When I found chat my master had actually begun co build the lonely cottage, other feelings mixed with chose I have described. Revenge, and calculations of interest, were added co flattered vanity and sincere gratitude for kindness. I knew nothing would enrage Dr. Flint so much as to know that I favored another; and it was something co triumph over my tyrant even in that small way. I thought he would revenge himself by selling me, and I was sure my friend, Mr. Sands, would buy me. He was a man of more generosity and feeling than my master, and I thought my freedom could be easily obtained from him. The crisis of my face now came so near chat I was desperate. I shuddered to chink of being the mother of children chat should be owned by my old tyrant. I knew chat as soon as a new fancy took him, his victims were sold far off to get rid of chem; especially if they had children. I had seen several women sold, with his babies at the breast. He never allowed his offspring by slaves to remain long in sight of himself and his wife. Of a man who was not my master I could ask co have my children well supported; and in this case, I felt confident I should obtain the boon. I also felt quite sure chat they would be made free. With all these thoughts revolving in my mind, and seeing no other way of escaping the doom I so much dreaded, I made a headlong plunge. Pity me, and pardon me, 0 virtuous reader! You never knew what it is to be a slave; to be entirely unprotected by law or custom; co have the laws reduce you co the condition of a chattel, entirely subject co the will of another. You never exhausted your ingenuity in avoiding the snares, and eluding the power of a hated tyrant; you never shuddered at the sound of his footsteps, and trembled within hearing of his voice. I know I did wrong. No one can feel it more sensibly than I do. The painful and humiliating memory will haunt me co my dying day. Still, in looking back, calmly, on the events

of my life, I feel that the slave woman ought not to be judged by the same standard as ochers. The months passed on. I had many unhappy hours. I secretly mourned over the sorrow I was bringing on my grandmother, who had so tried to shield me from harm. I knew chat I was the greatest comfort of her old age, and chat it was a source of pride co her that I had not degraded myself, like most of che slaves. I wanted co confess co her chat I was no longer worthy of her love; but I could not utter the dreaded words. As for Dr. Flint, I had a feeli ng of satisfaction and triumph in the thought of celling him. From time co time he cold me of his intended arrangements, and I was silent. At lase, he came and told me the cottage was completed, and ordered me co go co it. I cold him I would never enter ic. He said, "I have heard enough of such ralk as chat. You shall go, if you are carried by force; and you shall remain there." I replied, "I will never go there. In a few months I shall be a mother." He stood and looked at me in dumb amazement, and left the house without a word. I thought I should be happy in my triumph over him . But now that che truth was out, and my relatives would hear of it, I felt wretched. H umble as were their circumstances, they had pride in my good character. Now, how could I look chem in the face? My self-respect was gone! I had resolved that I would be virtuous, though I was a slave. I had said, "Let the storm beat! I will brave it cill I die." And now, how humiliated I felt! I went to my grandmother. My lips moved co make confession, but the words scuck in my throat. I sat down in the shade of a tree ac her door and began co sew. I chink she saw something unusual was che matter with me. The mother of slaves is very watchful. She knows there is no security for her children. After they have entered their teens she lives in daily expectation of trouble. This leads to many questions. If che girl is ofa sensitive nature, timidity keeps her from answering truthfully, and chis well-meant course has a tendency co drive her from maternal counsels. Presently, in came my mistress, like a mad woman, and accused me concerning her husband. My grandmother, whose suspicions had been previously awakened, believed what she said. She exclaimed, "O Linda! has it come co this? I • had rather see you dead than to see you as you now are. You are a disgrace co your dead mother." She core from

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INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF A SLAVE GIRL

my fingers my mother's wedding ring and her silver thimble. "Go away!" she exclaimed, "and never come co my house, again." Her reproaches fell so hoc and heavy, chat they left me no chance co answer. Biccer tears, such as the eyes never shed but once, were my only answer. I rose from my seat, but fell back again, sobbing. She did not speak co me; but the tears were running down her furrowed cheeks, and they scorched me like fire. She had always been so kind to me! So kind! How I longed co throw myself at her feet, and cell her all the truth! But she had ordered me co go, and never co come there again. After a few minutes, I mustered strength, and started co obey her. With what feelings did I now close that little gate, which I used to open with such an eager hand in my childhood! le closed upon me with a sound I never heard before. Where could I go? I was afraid co return co my master's. I walked on recklessly, not caring where I went, or what would become of me. When I had gone four or five miles, fatigue compelled me co stop. I sat down on the stump of an old tree. The scars were shining through the boughs above me. How they mocked me, with their bright, calm light! The hours passed by, and as I sat there alone a chilliness and deadly sickness came over me. I sank on the ground. My mind was full of horrid though cs. I prayed co die; but the prayer was not answered. At lase, with great effort I roused myself, and walked some distance further, co the house of a woman who had been a friend of my mother. When I cold her why I was there, she spoke soothingly co me; but I could not be comforted. I thought I could bear my shame if I could only be reconciled co my grandmother. I longed co open my heart co her. I thought if she could know the real state of the case, and all I had been bearing for years, she would perhaps judge me less harshly. My friend advised me co send for her. I did so; but days of agonizing suspense passed before she came. Had she utterly forsaken me? No. She came ac lase. I knelt before her, and cold her the things char had poisoned my life; how long I had been persecuted; that I saw no way of escape; and in an hour of extremiry I had become desperate. She listened in silence. I cold her I would bear anything and do anything, if in time I had hopes of obtaining her forgiveness. I begged of her co piry me, for my dead mother's sake. And she did piry me. She did not say, "I forgive you"; but she looked at

637

me lovingly, with her eyes full of rears. She laid her old hand gently on my head, and murmured, "Poor child! Poor child!" [In the chapter omitted here, the narrator Linda is living at her Aunt Martha's house (though she is still owned by Dr. Flint). Linda falls ill and her baby boy is born early; ic takes Linda a year to recover from her illness and the birth. Dr. Flint continues to persecute her with his attention even though she is no longer under his roof.]

CHAPTER 12. FEAR OF INSURRECTION

Noc far from this time Nae Turner's insurrection1 broke out; and the news threw our town into great commotion. Strange that they should be alarmed when their slaves were so "contented and happy"! Bue so ic was. It was always che custom co have a muster2 every year. On chat occasion every white man shouldered his musket. The citizensl and the so-called country gentlemen wore military uniforms. The poor whites took their places in the ranks in every-day dress, some without shoes, some without hats. This grand occasion had already passed; and when che slaves were cold there was to be another muster, they were surprised and rejoiced. Poor creatures! They thought it was going co be a holiday. I was informed of the true state of affairs, and imparted it to the few I could trusr. Mose gladly would I have proclaimed it to every slave; but I dared not. AJI could not be relied on. Mighry is the power of the torturing lash. By sunrise, people were pouring in from every quarter within twenry miles of the town. I knew the houses were co be searched; and I expected it would be done 1

Nat Turner's imu"ection In 1831, the enslaved preacher Nat Turner led an antislavery rebellion in Virginia; at lease 51 white people were killed, and the rebellion was suppressed after four days of fighting, after which over a hundred black people were killed in retaliation. The revolt was widely depicted as a massacre in Southern media, and the events led to new resrricrions on education for black people as well as to rules preventing enslaved people from meeting withour a white person present. 2

muster Gathering or roll-call for a miliria unit, in order to count the number of persons available for potenrial military service.

3 cmuns Likely a reference to chose who were entitled ro vore-men in the communiry who paid caxcs or owned properry.

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by country bullies and the poor whites. I knew nothing annoyed them so much as co see colored people living in comfort and respectability; so I made arrangements for them with especial care. I arranged everything in my grandmother's house as neatly as possible. I put white quilts on the beds, and decorated some of the rooms with flowers. When all was arranged, I sac down at the window to watch. Far as my eye could reach, it reseed on a motley crowd of soldiers. Drums and fifes were discoursing1 martial music. The men were divided into companies of sixteen, each headed by a captain. Orders were given, and the wild scouts rushed in every direction, wherever a colored face was to be found. It was a grand opportunity for the low whites, who had no negroes of their own to scourge. They exulted in such a chance to exercise a little brief authority, and show their subserviency co che slaveholders; not reflecting that the power which trampled on the colored people also kept themselves in poverty, ignorance, and moral degradation. Those who never witnessed such scenes can hardly believe what I know was inflicted at this time on innocent men, women, and children, against whom there was not che slightest ground for suspicion. Colored people and slaves who lived in remote parts of che cown suffered in an especial manner. In some cases the searchers scattered powder and shoe among their clothes, and then sent ocher parties co find them, and bring them forward as proof char they were plotting insurrection. Everywhere men, women, and children were whipped cill che blood stood in puddles at their feet. Some received five hundred lashes; ochers were tied hands and feet, and tortured with a bucking paddle,2 which blisters the skin terribly. The dwellings of the colored people, unless they happened co be protected by some influential white person, who was nigh ac hand, were robbed of clothing and everything else the marauders thought worth carrying away. All day long these unfeeling wretches went round, like a uoop of demons, terrifying and tormenting the helpless. Ac night, they formed themselves into patrol bands, and 1

fifts Small Auces chat are played along with drums in military

music; 2

disco11rsi11g Pouring fonh.

bucking paddle Wooden paddle-also called a "spanking paddle"-with holes in it, designed co create blisters when repeatedly used co whip someone.

went wherever they chose among che colored people, acting out their brutal will. Many women hid chemselves in woods and swamps, co keep our of their way. If any of the husbands or fathers cold of these outrages, they were tied up to the public whipping pose, and cruelly scourged for celling lies about white men. The consternation was universal. No two people that had the slightest tinge of color in their faces dared co be seen talking together. I entertained no positive fears about our household, because we were in the midst of white families who would protect us. We were ready co receive che soldiers whenever they came. It was not long before we heard the tramp of feet and che sound of voices. The door was rudely pushed open; and in chey tumbled, like a pack of hungry wolves. They snatched ac everything within their reach. Every box, trunk, closet, and corner underwent a thorough examination. A box in one of che drawers containing some silver change was eagerly pounced upon. When I stepped forward co cake ic from them, one of the soldiers turned and said angrily, "What d'ye foller us fur? D'ye s'pose white folks is come to steal?" I replied, "You have come to search; bur you have searched that box, and I will take it, if you please." Ac that moment I saw a white gentleman who was friendly to us; and I called co him, and asked him co have che goodness to come in and stay till the search was over. He readily complied. His entrance into che house brought in the captain of the company, whose business it was to guard the outside of the house, and see char none of the inmates left ic. This officer was Mr. Litch, che wealthy slaveholder whom I mentioned, in che account of neighboring planters, as being notorious for his cruelty. He felt above soiling his hands wich the search. He merely gave orders; and, if a bit of writing was discovered, it was carried co him by his ignorant followers, who were unable to read. My grandmother had a large trunk of bedding and cable cloths. When chat was opened, there was a great shout of surprise; and one exclaimed, "Where'd the damned niggers git all dis sheet an' cable clarf?" My grandmother, emboldened by the presence of our white protector, said, "You may be sure we didn't pilfer 'em from your houses."

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"Look here, mammy," said a grim-looking fellow without any coat, "you seem co feel mighty gran' 'cause you got all chem 'ere fixens. White folks oughter have 'em all." His remarks were interrupted by a chorus of voices shouting, "We's got 'em! We's got 'em! Dis 'ere yaller gal's 1 got letters!" There was a general rush for the supposed lener, which, upon examination, proved co be some verses written co me by a friend. In packing away my things, I had overlooked chem. When cheir captain informed chem of their contents, chey seemed much disappointed. He inquired of me who wrote chem. I cold him it was one of my friends. "Can you read chem?" he asked. When I cold him I could, he swore, and raved, and tore the paper into bits. "Bring me all your letters!" said he, in a commanding cone. I cold him I had none. "Don't be afraid," he continued, in an insinuating way. "Bring them all co me. Nobody shall do you any harm." Seeing I did not move to obey him, his pleasant cone changed co oaths and threats. "Who writes to you? half free niggers?" inquired he. I replied, "O, no; most of my letters are from white people. Some request me to burn chem after they are read, and some I destroy without reading." An exclamation of surprise from some of the company put a stop co our conversation. Some silver spoons which ornamented an old-fashioned buffet had just been discovered. My grandmother was in the habit of preserving fruit for many ladies in che town, and of preparing suppers for parties; consequently she had many jars of preserves. The closet chat contained these was next invaded, and the contents tasted. One of chem, who was helping himself freely, tapped his neighbor on the shoulder, and said, "Wal done! Don't wonder de niggers wane to kill all de white folks, when dey live on 'sarves" [meaning preserves]. I screeched out my hand co take che jar, saying, "You were not sent here co search for sweetmeats." "And what were we sent for?" said the captain, briscling up to me. I evaded the question. The search of che house was completed, and nothing found to condemn us. They next proceeded to the garden, and knocked about every bush and vine with no better success. The captain called his men together, 1

yaller gal I.e., mulatto girl.

639

and, after a shore consulcation, the order to march was given. As they passed out of the gate, che captain turned back, and pronounced a malediction on the house. He said it ought to be burned to the ground, and each of its inmates receive thirty-nine lashes. We came out of chis affair very fortunately; not losing anything except some wearing apparel. Towards evening the turbulence increased. The soldiers, stimulated by drink, commined still greater cruelties. Shrieks and shouts continually rent the air. Noc daring to go to the door, I peeped under the window curtain. I saw a mob dragging along a number of colored people, each white man, with his musket upraised, threatening instant death if they did not stop their shrieks. Among the prisoners was a respectable old colored minister. They had found a few parcels of shoe in his house, which his wife had for years used to balance her scales. For this chey were going to shoot him on Court House Green. What a spectacle was that for a civilized country! A rabble, staggering under intoxication, assuming co be che administrators of justice! The better class of the community exerted their influence to save che innocent, persecuted people; and in several instances they succeeded, by keeping them shut up in jail till the excitement abated. Ac lase the white citizens found that their own property was not safe from the lawless rabble they had summoned co protect them. They rallied 2 the drunken swarm, drove them back into the country, and sec a guard over the town. The next day, the town pacrols were commissioned co search colored people chat lived out of che city; and the most shocking outrages were commined with perfect impunity. Every day for a fortn ight, if I looked out, I saw horsemen with some poor panting negro tied to their saddles, and compelled by the lash co keep up with their speed, till they arrived ac the jail yard. Those who had been whipped coo unmercifully co walk were washed with brine, tossed into a cart, and carried to jail. One black man, who had not fortitude co endure scourging, promised co give information about the conspiracy. But it turned out that he knew nothing ar all. He had nor even heard the name of Nat Turner. The poor fellow had, however, made up a story, 2

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rallied

Brought back together.

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HARRIET ]ACOBS

which augmented his own sufferings and chose of the colored people. The day patrol continued for some weeks, and at sundown a night guard was substituted. Nothing at all was proved against the colored people, bond or free. The wrath of the slaveholders was somewhat appeased by the capture of Nae Turner. The imprisoned were released. The slaves were sent co their masters, and the free were permitted co return co their ravaged homes. Visiting was strictly forbidden on the plan cations. The slaves begged the privilege of again meeting at their liccle church in the woods, with their burying ground around it. It was built by the colored people, and they had no higher happiness than to meet there and sing hymns together, and pour out their hearts in spontaneous prayer. Their request was denied, and the church was demolished. They were permitted to attend the white churches, a certain portion of the galleries being appropriated co their use. There, when everybody else had partaken of che communion, and the benediction had been pronounced, the minister said, "Come down, now, my colored friends." They obeyed the summons, and partook of the bread and wine, in commemoration of the meek and lowly Jesus, who said, "God is your Father, and all ye are brethren." [Linda relates how the slaveholders in her community try to use religion to instill obedience, and she explicates the hypocrisy of Christian slaveholders, particularly of Or. Flint, who cries to convince Linda that sex with him-unlike sex with another enslaved person-wouldn't affect her virtue in God's eyes. Linda rejects this argument as not in keeping with her reading of the Bible.]

CHAPTER 14. ANOTHER LINK TO LIFE

I had not returned to my master's house since the birth of my child. The old man raved co have me thus removed from his immediate power; but his wife vowed, by all chac was good and great, she would kill me if I came back; and he did not doubt her word. Sometimes he would stay away for a season. Then he would come and renew che old threadbare discourse about his forbearance and my ingratitude. He labored, most unnecessarily, to convince me chat I had lowered

myself. The venomous old reprobate had no need of descanting on that theme. I felt humiliated enough. My unconscious babe was the ever-present witness of my shame. I listened with silent concempc when he talked about my having forfeited his good opinion; buc I shed bitter tears chat I was no longer worthy of being respected by the good and pure. Alas! slavery still held me in its poisonous grasp. There was no chance for me co be respectable. There was no prospect of being able co lead a better life. Sometimes, when my master found that I still refused to accept what he called his kind offers, he would threaten to sell my child. "Perhaps chat will humble you," said he. Humble me! Was I not already in the dust? But his threat lacerated my heart. I knew the law gave him power co fulfil it; for slaveholders have been cunning enough to enact that "the child shall follow the condition of the mother," not of the father, thus caking care chat licentiousness shall not interfere with avarice. This reflection made me clasp my innocent babe all the more firmly co my heart. Horrid visions passed through my mind when I thought of his liability co fall into the slave trader's hands. I wept over him, and said, "O my child! perhaps they will leave you in some cold cabin to die, and then chrow you into a hole, as if you were a dog." When Dr. Flint learned that I was again to be a mother, he was exasperated beyond measure. He rushed from the house, and returned with a pair of shears. I had a fine head of hair; and he often railed about my pride of arranging it nicely. He cue every hair close to my head, storming and swearing all the time. I replied co some of his abuse, and he struck me. Some months before, he had pitched me down stairs in a fie of passion; and the injury I received was so serious chat I was unable to turn myself in bed for many days. He then said, "Linda, I swear by God I will never raise my hand against you again"; but I knew chat he would forget his promise. After he discovered my situation, he was like a restless spirit from the pie. He came every day; and I was subjected to such insults as no pen can describe. I would not describe chem if I could; they were coo low, too revolting. I cried co keep chem from my grandmother's knowledge as much as I could. I knew she had enough

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co sadden her life, without having my troubles co bear. When she saw the doctor treat me with violence, and heard him utter oaths terrible enough co palsy a man's tongue, she could not always hold her peace. le was natural and motherlike chat she should cry co defend me; but it only made matters worse. When they cold me my new-born babe was a girl, my heart was heavier than it had ever been before. Slavery is terrible for men; but it is far more terrible for women. Superadded co the burden common co all, they have wrongs, and sufferings, and mortifications peculiarly their own. Dr. Flint had sworn chat he would make me suffer, co my lase day, for chis new crime against him, as he called it; and as long as he had me in his power he kept his word. On che fourth day after che birch of my babe, he entered my room suddenly, and commanded me co rise and bring my baby co him. The nurse who cook care of me had gone out of the room co prepare some nourishment, and I was alone. There was no alternative. I rose, cook up my babe, and crossed the room co where he sac. "Now stand there," said he, "till I cell you co go back!" My child bore a strong resemblance to her father, and co the deceased Mrs. Sands, her grandmother. He noticed chis; and while I stood before him, trembling with weakness, he heaped upon me and my little one every vile epithet he could chink of Even che grandmother in her grave did not escape his curses. In the midst of his vituperations1 I fainted at his feet. This recalled him co his senses. He cook the baby from my arms, laid it on the bed, dashed cold water on my face, cook me up, and shook me violently, to restore my consciousness before any one entered the room. Just then my grandmother came in, and he hurried our of the house. I suffered in consequence of chis treatment; but I begged my friends co let me die, rather than send for che doctor. There was nothing I dreaded so much as his presence. My life was spared; and I was glad for the sake of my little ones. Had it not been for these ties co life, I should have been glad co be released by death, though I had lived only nineteen years. Always it gave me a pang that my children had no lawful claim co a name. Their father offered his; but, if I had wished to accept the offer, I dared not while my master lived. Moreover, I knew it would not be 1

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accepted at their baptism. A Christian name they were at lease entitled co; and we resolved co call my boy for our dear good Benjamin, who had gone far away from us. My grandmother belonged to the church; and she was very desirous of having the children christened. I knew Dr. Flint would forbid it, and I did not venture co attempt it. But chance favored me. He was called co visit a patient out of town, and was obliged co be absent during Sunday. "Now is the rime," said my grandmother; "we will cake the children co church, and have chem christened." When I entered the church, recollections of my mother came over me, and I felt subdued in spirit. There she had presented me for baptism, without any reason co feel ashamed. She had been married, and had such legal rights as slavery allows co a slave. The vows had at least been sacred co her, and she had never violated chem. I was glad she was not alive, co know under what different circumstances her grandchildren were presented for baptism. Why had my lot been so different from my mother's? Her master had died when she was a child; and she remained with her mistress rill she married. She was never in che power of any master; and thus she escaped one class of the evils chat generally fall upon slaves. When my baby was about to be christened, che former mistress of my father stepped up to me, and proposed co give it her Christian name. To this I added the surname of my father, who had himself no legal right co ic; for my grandfather on che paternal side was a white gencleman. What tangled skeins are the genealogies of slavery! I loved my father; but it mortified me to be obliged co bestow his name on my children. When we left the church, my father's old mistress invited me co go home with her. She clasped a gold chain round my baby's neck. I thanked her for chis kindness; but I did not like the emblem. I wanted no chain co be fastened on my daughter, not even if its links were of gold. How earnestly I prayed that she might never feel the weight of slavery's chain, whose iron encerech into che soul!

Abusive rantings.

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[Dr. Flint continues to terrorize and abuse Linda, threatening co sell her children, and ar one point throwing her small son Benjamin across the room,

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causing him to lose consciousness. The boy recovers, bur Linda almost wanted him to die rather than be subject to the cruelties of slavery. Dr. Flint cells Linda she can either have sex with him or go co his son's planrarion; Linda moves co rhe plantation with her daughter Ellen (Benjamin is coo ill co go). Renewed threats to her children, and the cruelty of the younger Mr. Flint and his wife, determine Linda co escape.]

CHAPTER

17. THE FLIGHT

Mr. Flint was hard pushed for house servants, and rather than lose me he had restrained his malice. I did my work faithfully, though not, of course, with a willing mind. They were evidently afraid I should leave them. Mr. Flint wished chat I should sleep in the great house instead of the servants' quarters. H is wife agreed to the proposition, buc said I mustn't bring my bed into the house, because it would scatter feathers on her carpet. I knew when 1 went there chat they would never chink of such a thing as furnish ing a bed of any kind for me and my little one. I therefore carried my own bed, and now I was forbidden to use it. I did as I was ordered. Bue now that I was certain my children were to be put in their power, in order to give chem a stronger hold on me, I resolved co leave chem that night. I remembered the grief chis step would bring upon my dear old grandmother; and nothing less than the freedom of my children would have induced me to disregard her advice. I went about my evening work wich trembling seeps. Mr. Flint twice called from his chamber door to inquire why the house was not locked up. I replied that I had not done my work. "You have had time enough to do it," said he. "Take care how you answer me!" I shut all the windows, locked all the doors, and went up to the third story, to wait till midnight. How long chose hours seemed, and how fervently I prayed chat God would not forsake me in this hour of utmost need! I was about to risk everything on the throw of a die; and if I failed, 0 what would become of me and my poor children? They would be made to suffer for my fault. At half past twelve I stole softly down stairs. I stopped on the second floor, chinking I heard a noise. I felc my way down into the parlor, and looked our

of the window. The night was so intensely dark chat I could see nothing. I raised the window very softly and jumped our. Large drops of rain were falling, and the darkness bewildered me. I dropped on my knees, and breached a shore prayer to God for guidance and protection. I groped my way ro the road, and rushed cowards the town with almost lightning speed. I arrived at my grandmother's house, bur dared not see her. She would say, "Linda, you are killing me"; and I knew that would unnerve me. I capped softly at the window of a room, occupied by a woman, who had lived in the house several years. I knew she was a faithful friend, and could be crusted with my secret. I capped several times before she heard me. At last she raised the window, and I whispered, "Sally, I have run away. Let me in, quick." She opened the door softly, and said in low tones, "For God's sake, don't. Your grandmother is trying to buy you and de chillern. Mr. Sands was here last week. He role her he was going away on business, but he wanted her co go ahead about buying you and de chillern, and he would help her all he could. Don't run away, Linda. Your grandmother is all bowed down wid trouble now." I replied, "Sally, chey are going co carry my children to che plantation tomorrow; and they will never sell chem to anybody so long as they have me in their power. Now, would you advise me to go back?" "No, chile, no," answered she. "When dey finds you is gone, dey won't wane de plague ob de chillern; but where is you going co hide? Dey knows ebery inch ob dis house." I told her I had a hiding-place, and chat was all it was best for her co know. I asked her co go into my room as soon as ic was light, and take all my clothes out of my trunk, and pack them in hers; for I knew Mr. Flint and the constable would be there early to search my room. I feared the sight of my children would be too much for my full heart; buc I could not go out inco the uncertain future without one last look. I bent over the bed where lay my little Benny and baby Ellen. Poor litcle ones! fatherless and motherless! Memories of their father came over me. He wanted to be kind co chem; but they were not all to him, as chey were co my womanly heart. I knelt and prayed for the innocent little sleepers. I kissed chem lighcly, and turned away.

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As I was abouc to open che street door, Sally laid her hand on my shoulder, and said, "Linda, is you gwine all alone? Lee me call your uncle." "No Sally," I replied, "I want no one to be broughc into trouble on my account." I went forth into the darkness and rain. I ran on till I came co che house of the friend who was co conceal me. Early the next morning Mr. Flint was at my grandmother's inquiring for me. She told him she had not seen me, and supposed I was at the plantation. He watched her face narrowly, and said, "Don't you know anything about her running offi" She assured him chat she did not. He went on to say, "Last night she ran off without the lease provocation. We had created her very kindly. My wife liked her. She will soon be found and brought back. Are her children with you?" When cold chat rhey were, he said, "I am very glad co hear chat. If they are here, she cannoc be far off. If I find out chat any of my niggers have had anything co do with chis damned business, I'll give 'em five hundred lashes." As he started co go to his father's, he turned round and added, persuasively, "Lee her be brought back, and she shall have her children to live with her." The tidings made the old doctor rave and storm ac a furious race. le was a busy day for chem. My grandmother's house was searched from cop ro bottom. As my trunk was empty, they concluded I had taken my cloches with me. Before ten o'clock every vessel northward bound was thoroughly examined, and che law against harboring fugitives was read co all on board. Ac night a watch was sec over che town. Knowing how distressed my grandmother would be, I wanced co send her a message; but ic could not be done. Everyone who went in or ouc of her house was closely watched. The doccor said he would cake my children, unless she became responsible for chem; which of course she willingly did. The next day was spent in searching. Before night, che following advertisement was posted ac every corner, and in every public place for miles round: REWARD! Ran away from the subscriber, an intelligent, bright, mulacco girl, named Linda, 21 years age. Five feet four inches high. Dark eyes, and black hair inclined co curl; bur it can be made scraighc. Has a decayed spot on a from tooth. She can read and write, and in all

"s300

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probability will cry co gee co che Free States. All persons are forbidden, under penalty of che law, to harbor or employ said slave. s150 will be given co whoever cakes her in the state, and s300 if taken out of the state and delivered co me, or lodged in jail. DR. FLINT."

[Linda moves ro new hiding places several times; Dr. Flint imagines she has gone North, and he goes to New York to find her. The father of Linda's children, Mr. Sands, uses an agent to buy the children and Linda's brother, William, from Dr. Flint. When Dr. Flint discovers who the buyer is, he is incensed and vows never to sell Linda. Linda needs to change hiding places again, and even spends a night hiding in the aptly named Snaky Swamp.)

CHAPTER 21. THE LOOPHOLE OF RETREAT

A small shed had been added to my grandmother's house years ago. Some boards were laid across che joists at the cop, and between these boards and the roof was a very small garret, never occupied by anything but rats and mice. le was a pent roof, covered with nothing buc shingles, according co the southern custom for such buildings. The garret was only nine feet long, and seven wide. The highest pare was three feet high, and sloped down abruptly co che loose board floor. There was no admission for either light or air. My uncle Phillip, who was a carpenter, had very skillfully made a concealed trap door, which communicated with rhe scoreroom. He had been doing chis while I was waiting in che swamp. The storeroom opened upon a piazza.' To chis hole I was conveyed as soon as I entered che house. The air was sriAing; che darkness total. A bed had been spread on the Aoor. I could sleep quite comfortably on one side; but che slope was so sudden char I could not turn on che ocher without hitting the roof. The rats and mice ran over my bed; but I was weary, and I slept such sleep as che wretched may, when a tempest has passed over chem. Morning came. I knew ic only by che noises I heard; for in my small den day and night were all the same. I suffered for air even more than for light. Bue I 1

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piaua Veranda.

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was not comfortless. I heard the voices of my children. There was joy and there was sadness in the sound. It made my rears flow. How I longed to speak to them! I was eager to look on their faces; bur there was no hole, no crack, through which I could peep. This continued darkness was oppressive. It seemed horrible to sit or lie in a cramped position day afcer day, without one gleam of light. Yer I would have chosen chis, rather than my lot as a slave, though white people considered it an easy one; and it was so compared with the fate of ochers. I was never cruelly over-worked; I was never lacerated with the whip from head co foot; I was never so beaten and bruised chat I could not cum from one side co the other; I never had my heel-strings cue to prevent my running away; I was never chained to a log and forced to drag it about, while I toiled in the fields from morning till night; I was never branded with hoc iron, or torn by bloodhounds. On the contrary, I had always been kindly treated, and tenderly cared for, until I came into che hands of Dr. Flint. I had never wished for freedom till then. But though my life in slavery was comparatively devoid of hardships, God pity the woman who is compelled co lead such a life! My food was passed up co me through che trap-door my uncle had contrived; and my grandmother, my uncle Phillip, and aunt Nancy would seize such opportunities as they could, to mount up there and chat with me at the opening. But of course chis was not safe in the daytime. le must all be done in darkness. It was impossible for me co move in an erect position, but I crawled about my den for exercise. One day I hit my head against something, and found it was a gimlet. 1 My uncle had left it sticking there when he made the trap-door. I was as rejoiced as Robinson Crusoe2 could have been in finding such a treasure. It put a lucky thought into my head. I said to myself, "Now I will have some light. Now I will see my children." I did nor dare co begin my work during the daytime, for fear of attracting attention. Bue I groped round; and having found the side next the street, where I could frequently see my children, I stuck the gimlet in and waited for 1 2

gimk t

Tool used for boring holes.

Robinson Cnisoe Protagonis1 of Daniel Defoe's novel of the same name (1719). In the novel, Crusoe is shipwrecked on an uninhabited island and manages co build a dwelling and farm for himself with the few cools he successfully scavenges from the shipwreck.

evening. I bored three rows of holes, one above another; then I bored out the interstices between. I thus succeeded in making one hole about an inch long and an inch broad. I sat by it rill lace into the night, to enjoy the little whiff of air that floated in. In the morning I watched for my children. The first person I saw in the street was Dr. Flint. I had a shuddering, superstitious feeling char ic was a bad omen. Several familiar faces passed by. Ac lase I heard the merry laughing of children, and presently rwo sweet little faces were looking up at me, as though they knew I was there, and were conscious of che joy they imparted. How I longed to tell them I was there! My condition was now a little improved. Bur for weeks I was tormented by hundreds of little red insects, fine as a needle's point, that pierced through my skin, and produced an intolerable burning. The good grandmother gave me herb teas and cooling medicines, and finally I got rid of them. The heacof my den was incense, for nothing but thin shingles protected me from the scorching summer's sun. But I had my consolations. Through my peeping-hole I could watch the children, and when they were near enough, l could hear their talk. Aunt Nancy brought me all the news she could hear ac Dr. Flint's. From her I learned that the doctor had written to New York to a colored woman, who had been born and raised in our neighborhood, and had breached his contaminating atmosphere. He offered her a reward if she could find our anything about me. I know not what was the nature of her reply; but he soon afcer scarred for New York in haste, saying to his family that he had business of importance co transact. I peeped ac him as he passed on his way to the steamboat. le was a satisfaction to have miles of land and water berween us, even for a little while; and it was a still greater satisfaction co know chat he believed me to be in the Free States. My little den seemed less dreary than it had done. He returned, as he did from his former journey to New York, without obtaining any satisfactory information. When he passed our house next morning, Benny was standing ac the gate. He had heard chem say that he had gone co find me, and he called out, "Dr. Flint, did you bring my mother home? I want co see her." The doctor stamped his foot at him in a rage, and exclaimed, "Get out of the way, you little damned rascal! If you don't, I'll cur off your head."

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Benny ran terrified into the house, saying, "You can't :-;.it me in jail again. I don't belong to you now." It was ell that the wind carried the words away from the ..:nctor's ear. I told my grandmother of it, when we had .ur next conference at the trap-door; and begged of •.,er not to allow the children to be impertinent to the --ascible old man. Autumn came, with a pleasant abatement of heat. \[y eyes had become accustomed to the dim light, and :iy holding my book or work in a certain position near :he aperrure I contrived to read and sew. That was a great relief to the tedious monotony of my life. Bur "hen winter came, the cold penetrated through the ~in shingle roof, and I was dreadfully chilled. The winters there are not so long, or so severe, as in northern latitudes; but the houses are not built co shelter from cold, and my little den was peculiarly comfortless. The kind grandmother brought me bed-clothes and warm drinks. Often I was obliged to lie in bed all day to keep comfortable; but with all my precautions, my shoulders and feet were frostbitten. 0, chose long, gloomy days, with no object for my eye to rest upon, and no thoughts to occupy my mind, except the dreary past and the uncertain future! I was thankful when there came a day sufficiently mild for me to wrap myself up and sit at the loophole to watch the passersby. Southerners have the habit of stopping and talking in the streets, and I heard many conversations not intended to meet my ears. I heard slave-hunters planning how co catch some poor fugitive. Several times I heard allusions to Or. Flint, myself, and the history of my children, who, perhaps, were playing near the gate. One would say, "I wouldn't move my little finger to catch her, as old Flint's property." Another would say, "I'll catch any nigger for the reward. A man ought to have what belongs to him, if he is a damned brute." The opinion was often expressed that I was in the Free States. Very rarely did anyone suggest that I might be in the vicinity. Had the least suspicion rested on my grandmother's house, it would have been burned to the ground. But it was the last place they thought o( Yee there was no place, where slavery existed, that could have afforded me so good a place of concealment. Or. Flint and his family repeatedly tried to coax and bribe my children to tell something they had heard said about me. One day the doctor cook them into a

645

shop, and offered them some bright little silver pieces and gay handkerchiefs if they would cell where their mother was. Ellen shrank away from him, and would not speak; but Benny spoke up, and said, "Or. Flint, I don't know where my mother is. I guess she's in New York; and when you go there again, I wish you'd ask her to come home, for I want to see her; but if you put her in jail, or tell her you'll cut her head off, I'll cell her to go right back." [Linda conrinues to live in her roof-top garret, sewing for the children, suffering from rhe weather, falling ill and watching her children endure illness. Mr. Sands is elected to Congress; he promises to someday free the children but so far has not. Linda cricks Dr. Flinr into chinking she is in Boston, which allows her to occasionally get out of her garret and stretch her legs.]

CHAPTER 29. PREPARATIONS FOR ESCAPE

I hardly expect chat the reader will credit me, when I affirm that I lived in that little dismal hole, almost deprived of light and air, and with no space to move my limbs, for nearly seven years. But it is a fact; and to me a sad one, even now; for my body still suffers from the effects of chat long imprisonment, to say nothing of my soul. Members of my family, now living in New York and Boston, can testify to the truth of what I say. Countless were the nights that I sat late at the little loophole scarcely large enough to give me a glimpse of one twinkling star. There, I heard the patrols and slave-hunters conferring together about the caprure of runaways, well knowing how rejoiced they would be to catch me. Season after season, year after year, I peeped at my children's faces, and heard their sweet voices, with a heart yearning all the while to say, "Your mother is here." Sometimes it appeared to me as ifages had rolled away since I entered upon char gloomy, monotonous existence. At times, I was stupefied and listless; ac ocher times I became very impatient to know when these dark years would end, and I should again be allowed to feel the sunshine, and breathe the pure air. After Ellen left us, chis feeling increased. Mr. Sands had agreed that Benny might go to the north whenever

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his uncle Phillip could go with him; and I was anxious to be there also, to watch over my children, and protect chem so far as I was able. Moreover, I was likely to be drowned our of my den, if I remained much longer; for the slight roof was getting badly our of repair, and uncle Phillip was afraid to remove che shingles, lest someone should get a glimpse of me. When storms occurred in the night, they spread mats and bits of carpet, which in the morning appeared have been laid out to dry; but to cover the roof in the daytime might have attracted attention. Consequendy, my cloches and bedding were often drenched; a process by which the pains and aches in my cramped and stiffened limbs were greatly increased. I revolved various plans of escape in my mind, which I sometimes imparted co my grandmother, when she came to whisper wich me at the crap-door. The kind-hearted old woman had an intense sympathy for runaways. She had known too much of the cruelties inflicted on those who were captured. Her memory always flew back at once to the sufferings of her bright and handsome son, Benjamin, the youngest and dearest of her flock. So, whenever I alluded to the subject, she would groan our, "O, don't chink of it, child. You'll break my heart." I had no good old aunt Nancy now to encourage me; bur my brother William and my children were continually beckoning me to the north. And now I muse go back a few months in my story. I have scared char the first ofJanuary was the time for selling slaves, or leasing chem out to new masters. If time were counted by heart-throbs, the poor slaves might reckon years of suffering during char festival so joyous co the free. On the New Year's day preceding my aunt's death, one of my friends, named Fanny, was to be sold at auction to pay her master's debts. My thoughts were with her during all the day, and ac night I anxiously inquired what had been her fate. I was cold that she had been sold co one master, and her four little girls to another master, far distant; that she had escaped from her purchaser, and was not to be found. Her mother was the old Aggie I have spoken of. She lived in a small tenement belonging to my grandmother, and built on the same lot with her own house. Her dwelling was searched and watched, and that brought rhe patrols so near me char I was obliged co keep very close in my den. The hunters were somehow eluded; and nor

long afterwards Benny accidentally caught sight of Fanny in her mother's hut. He cold his grandmother, who charged him never co speak of it, explaining to him the frightful consequences; and he never betrayed the cruse. Aggie little dreamed chat my grandmother knew where her daughter was concealed, and that the stooping form of her old neighbor was bending under a similar burden of anxiety and fear; bur these dangerous secrets deepened the sympathy berween the rwo old persecuted mothers. My friend Fanny and I remained many weeks hidden within call of each ocher; bur she was unconscious of the fact. I longed to have her share my den, which seemed a more secure retreat than her own; bur I had brought so much trouble on my grandmother, chat it seemed wrong co ask her to incur greater risks. My restlessness increased. I had lived too long in bodily pain and anguish of spirir. Always I was in dread chat by some accident, or some contrivance, slavery would succeed in snatching my children from me. This thought drove me nearly frantic, and I determined to steer for the North Star at all hazards. At chis crisis, Providence opened an unexpected way for me co escape. My friend Peter came one evening, and asked to speak with me. "Your day has come, Linda," said he. "I have found a chance for you co go co the Free States. You have a formighr co decide." The news seemed coo good co be true; but Peter explained his arrangements, and told me all char was necessary was for me co say I would go. I was going to answer him with a joyful yes, when the thought of Benny came to my mind. I cold him the temptation was exceedingly strong, bur I was terribly afraid of Dr. Flint's alleged power over my child, and chat I could not go and leave him behind. Peter remonstrated earnesrly. He said such a good chance might never occur again; that Benny was free, and could be sent co me; and char for the sake of my children's welfare I ought not to hesitate a moment. I cold him I would consult with uncle Phillip. My uncle rejoiced in the plan, and bade me to go by all means. He promised, if his life was spared, chat he would either bring or send my son co me as soon as I reached a place of safety. I resolved to go, bur thought nothing had better be said to my grandmother till very near the rime of departure. But my uncle thought she would feel it more keenly if I left her so suddenly. "I will reason with her," said he,

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"and convince her how necessary it is, not only for your sake, buc for hers also. You cannot be blind to the fact that she is sinking under her burdens." I was nor blind ro ic. I knew chat my concealment was an ever-present source of anx.iery, and chat che older she grew rhe more nervously fearful she was of discovery. My uncle talked with her, and finally succeeded in persuading her that it was absolutely necessary for me to seize rhe chance so unexpectedly offered. The anticipation of being a free woman proved almost too much for my weak frame. The excitement stimulated me, and ac the same time bewildered me. I made busy preparations for my journey, and for my son co follow me. I resolved co have an interview with him before I went, chat I might give him cautions and advice, and tell him how anxiously I should be waiting for him at the north. Grandmother stole up to me as often as possible to whisper words of counsel. She insisted upon my writing to Dr. Flint, as soon as I arrived in the Free Scates, and asking him to sell me to her. She said she would sacrifice her house, and all she had in che world, for the sake of having me safe with my children in any pare of the world. If she could only live co know that she could die in peace. I promised the dear old faithful friend chat I would write co her as soon as I arrived, and put the letter in a safe way to reach her; but in my own mind I resolved chat not another cent of her hard earnings should be spent co pay rapacious slaveholders for what they called their properry. And even if I had not been unwilling co buy what I had already a right to possess, common humaniry would have prevented me from accepting the generous offer, at the expense of turning my aged relative out of house and home, when she was trembling on the brink of the grave. I was to escape in a vessel; bur I forbear co mention any further particulars. I was in readiness, but che vessel was unexpectedly detained several days. Meantime, news came co town of a most horrible murder committed on a fugitive slave, named James. Chariry, the mother of chis unfortunate young man, had been an old acquaintance of ours. I have cold the shocking particulars of his death, in my description of some of the neighboring slaveholders. My grandmother, always nervously sensitive about runaways, was terribly frightened. She felt sure that a similar fate awaited me, if

647

I did not desist from my enterprise. She sobbed, and groaned, and entreated me not to go. Her excessive fear was somewhat contagious, and my heart was not proof against her extreme agony. I was grievously disappointed, but I promised to relinquish my project. When my friend Peter was apprised of chis, he was disappointed and vexed. He said, chat judging from our past experience, it would be a long time before I had such another chance co throw away. I cold him it need not be thrown away; that I had a friend concealed nearby, who would be glad enough to take the place chat had been provided for me. I cold him about poor Fanny, and the kind-hearted, noble fellow, who never curned his back upon anybody in distress, white or black, expressed his readiness co help her. Aggie was much surprised when she found that we knew her secret. She was rejoiced co hear of such a chance for Fanny, and arrangements were made for her to go on board the vessel the next night. They both supposed chat I had long been at the north, therefore my name was not mentioned in the transaction. Fanny was carried on board at the appointed time, and scowed away in a very small cabin. This accommodation had been purchased at a price chat would pay for a voyage to England. But when one proposes co go co fine old England, chey stop co calculate whether chey can afford the cost of the pleasure; while in making a bargain co escape from slavery, the trembling victim is ready co say, "Take all I have, only don't betray me!" The next morning I peeped through my loophole, and saw chat it was dark and cloudy. Ac night I received news that the wind was ahead, 1 and the vessel had not sailed. I was exceedingly anxious about Fanny, and Peter too, who was running a tremendous risk at my instigation. Next day the wind and weather remained the same. Poor Fanny had been half dead with fright when they carried her on board, and I could readily imagine how she must be suffering now. Grandmother came often co my den, co say how thankful she was I did not go. On the third morning she rapped for me to come down to che storeroom. The poor old sufferer was breaking down under her weight of trouble. She was easily flurried now. I found her in a nervous, excited state, but I was not 1

wind was ahead I.e., there was a head wind, making ic difficulc

co sail.

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aware chat she had forgotten to lock the door behind her, as usual. She was exceedingly worried about the detention of the vessel. She was afraid all would be discovered, and then Fanny, and Peter, and I, would all be tortured co death, and Phillip should be utterly ruined, and her house would be torn down. Poor Peter! If he should die such a horrible deach as the poor slave James had lately done, and all for his kindness in trying co help me, how dreadful it would be for us all! Alas, the thought was familiar to me, and had sent many a sharp pang through my heart. I tried to suppress my own anxiety, and speak soothingly co her. She brought in some allusion to aunt Nancy, the dear daughter she had recently buried, and then she lost all control of herself. As she stood there, trembling and sobbing, a voice from the piazza called out, "Whar is you, aunt Marchy?" Grandmother was startled, and in her agitation opened the door, without chinking of me. In stepped Jenny, the mischievous housemaid, who had tried to enter my room, when I was concealed in the house of my whice benefactress. 'Ts bin huntin ebery whar for you, aunt Manhy," said she. "My missis wants you co send her some crackers." I had slunk down behind a barrel, which entirely screened me, but I imagined that Jenny was looking directly at the spot, and my hearc beat violencly. My grandmother immediately thought what she had done, and went out quickly with Jenny to count the crackers locking the door behind her. She returned to me, in a few minutes, the perfect picture of despair. "Poor child!" she exclaimed, "my carelessness has ruined you. The boat ain't gone yet. Gee ready immediately, and go with Fanny. I ain't got another word co say against it now; for there's no celling what may happen chis day." Uncle Phillip was sent for, and he agreed with his mother in chinking chat Jenny would inform Dr. Flint in less than twenty-four hours. He advised getting me on board the boat, if possible; if not, I had better keep very still in my den, where they could not find me without tearing the house down. He said it would not do for him to move in the matter, because suspicion would be immediately excited; but he promised to communicate with Peter. I felt reluctant to apply to him again, having implicated him coo much already; but there seemed to be no alternative. Vexed as Peter

had been by my indecision, he was true to his generous nacure, and said at once chat he would do his best co help me, trusting I should show myself a stronger woman this time. He immediately proceeded to the wharf, and found chat the wind had shifted, and che vessel was slowly beating downstream. On some pretext of urgent necessity, he offered nvo boatmen a dollar apiece to catch up with her. He was of lighter complexion than the boatmen he hired, and when the captain saw chem coming so rapidly, he thought officers were pursuing his vessel in search of the runaway slave he had on board. They hoisted sails, but the boat gained upon chem, and the indefatigable Peter sprang on board. The captain at once recognized him. Peter asked him to go below, co speak about a bad bill he had given him. When he cold his errand, the captain replied, "Why, the woman's here already; and I've put her where you or the devil would have a tough job to find her." "But it is another woman I wane to bring," said Peter. "She is in great distress, too, and you shall be paid anything within reason, if you'll stop and cake her." "What's her name?" inquired the captain. "Linda," he replied. "That's the name of the woman already here," rejoined the captain. "By George! I believe you mean to betray me." "O!" exclaimed Peter, "God knows I wouldn't harm a hair of your head. I am coo grateful to you. But there really is another woman in great danger. Do have the humanity to stop and cake her!" After a while they came to an understanding. Fanny, not dreaming I was anywhere about in chat region, had assumed my name, though she called herself Johnson. "Linda is a common name," said Peter, "and the woman I want co bring is Linda Brent." The captain agreed to wait at a certain place till evening, being handsomely paid for his detention. Of course, the day was an anxious one for us all. Bue we concluded that if Jenny had seen me, she would be too wise co lee her mistress know of it; and chat she probably would not get a chance co see Dr. Flint's family till evening, for I knew very well what were the rules in chat household. I afterwards believed chat she did not see me; for nothing ever came of it, and she was one of chose base characters chat would have jumped

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INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF A SLAVE GIRL

to betray a suffering fellow being for the sake of thirty pieces of silver. 1 I made all my arrangements to go on board as soon as it was dusk. The intervening time I resolved to spend with my son. I had not spoken to him for seven years, though I had been under the same roof, and seen him every day, when I was well enough to sit at the loophole. I did not dare to venture beyond the storeroom; so they brought him there, and locked us up together, in a place concealed from the piazza door. It was an agitating interview for both of us. After we had talked and wept together for a little while, he said, "Mother, I'm glad you're going away. I wish I could go with you. I knew you was here; and I have been so afraid they would come and catch you!" I was greatly surprised, and asked him how he had found it out. He replied, "I was standing under the eaves, one day, before Ellen went away, and I heard somebody cough up over the wood shed. I don't know what made me think it was you, bur I did think so. I missed Ellen, the night before she went away; and grandmother brought her back into the room in the night; and I thought maybe she'd been to see you, before she went, for I heard grandmother whisper to her, 'Now go to sleep; and remember never to tell."' I asked him if he ever mentioned his suspicions to his sister. He said he never did; but after he heard the cough, if he saw her playing with other children on char side of the house, he always tried to coax her round co the other side, for fear they would hear me cough, too. He said he had kept a close lookout for Dr. Flint, and if he saw him speak to a constable, or a patrol, he always cold grandmother. I now recollected that I had seen him manifest uneasiness, when people were on that side of the house, and I had at the time been puzzled to conjecture a motive for his actions. Such prudence may seem extraordinary in a boy of twelve years, bur slaves, being surrounded by mysteries, deceptions, and dangers, early learn to be suspicious and watchful, and prematurely caucious and cunning. He had never asked a question of grandmother, or uncle Phillip, and I had often heard him chime in with other children, when they spoke of my being at the north.

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I told him I was now really going to the Free States, and if he was a good, honest boy, and a loving child to his dear old grandmother, the Lord would bless him, and bring him to me, and we and Ellen would live together. He began to tell me that grandmother had not eaten anything all day. While he was speaking, the door was unlocked, and she came in with a small bag of money, which she wanted me to take. I begged her to keep a pare of it, at least, to pay for Benny's being sent to rhe north; bur she insisted, while her tears were falling fast, that I should rake the whole. "You may be sick among strangers," she said, "and they would send you ro rhe poorhouse to die." Ah, char good grandmother! For rhe last rime I went up to my nook. Its desolate appearance no longer chilled me, for the light of hope had risen in my soul. Yer, even with the blessed prospect of freedom before me, I felt very sad at leaving forever that old homestead, where I had been sheltered so long by the dear old grandmother; where I had dreamed my first young dream of love; and where, after that had faded away, my children came to twine themselves so closely round my desolate heart. As the hour approached for me to leave, I again descended to the storeroom. My grandmother and Benny were there. She took me by rhe hand, and said, "Linda, let us pray." We knelt down together, with my child pressed to my heart, and my other arm round the faithful, loving old friend I was about to leave forever. On no other occasion has it ever been my lot to listen to so fervent a supplication for mercy and protection. It thrilled through my heart, and inspired me with trust in God. Peter was waiting for me in the street. I was soon by his side, faint in body, but strong of purpose. I did not look back upon the old place, though I felt that I should never see it again.

1

thirty pieces of silver Before the Last Supper, Judas Iscariot betrays Jesus for thirty silver coins (see Matthew 26.15).

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[Linda and Fanny make it safely co Philadelphia on rhe boat and soon after head co New York. Linda's children Ellen and Benny have in rhe meantime also both gone North, Ellen to live with a relation of Mr. Sands and Benny with Uncle Phillip. Linda finds on her arrival char Ellen was not going to school as planned but instead was working as a servant for a Mrs. Hobbs. Linda takes a job as nursemaid to a Mrs. Bruce, a very kind and considerate woman. Dr. Flint comes to New York to find Linda, and she goes to Boston for a month to avoid him. While on a trip

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HARRIET JACOBS

with Mrs. Bruce and the baby, Linda experiences the full extent of racism in the North, as she is treated scornfully and rudely. On their return, Dr. Flint returns again, as he had learned where Linda was staying, and she and her children flee to Boston for several months. On the death of Mrs. Bruce, Linda is distraught, but Mr. Bruce keeps her employed as a nurse for the child, Mary. They go to England, where Linda is impressed that the poor in that country have rights and access to education; she does not experience racism in England. Upon her return, she goes to Boston to look after her daughter Ellen.]

CHAPTER

39. THE CONFESSION

For two years my daughter and I supported ourselves comfortably in Boston. At the end of that time, my brother William offered to send Ellen co a boarding school. It required a great effort for me to consent to part with her, for I had few near ties, and it was her presence that made my two little rooms seem homelike. Bue my judgment prevailed over my selfish feelings. I made preparations for her departure. During the two years we had lived together I had often resolved to tell her something about her father; but I had never been able to muster sufficient courage. I had a shrinking dread of diminishing my child's love. I knew she must have curiosity on the subject, but she had never asked a question. She was always very careful not to say anything to remind me of my troubles. Now chat she was going from me, I thought ifl should die before she returned, she might hear my story from someone who did not understand the palliating circumstances; and that if she were entirely ignorant on the subject, her sensitive nature might receive a rude shock. When we retired for che night, she said, "Mother, it is very hard co leave you alone. I am almost sorry I am going, though I do wane co improve myself But you C will write co me orcen; wont' you, moth er.)" I did not throw my arms round her. I did not answer her. Bue in a calm, solemn way, for it cost me great effort, I said, "Listen co me, Ellen; I have something to cell you!" I recounted my early sufferings in slavery, and cold her how nearly they had crushed me. I began to tell her how they had driven me inco a great sin, when she clasped me in her arms, and exclaimed, "O, don't, mother! Please don't tell me anymore."

I said, "But, my child, I wane you co know about your father." "I know all about it, mother," she replied; "I am nothing to my father, and he is nothing to me. All my love is for you. I was with him five months in Washington, and he never cared for me. He never spoke co me as he did to his little Fanny. I knew all the time he was my father, for Fanny's nurse cold me so; but she said I muse never cell anybody, and I never did. I used co wish he would cake me in his arms and kiss me, as he did Fanny; or char he would sometimes smile at me, as he did at her. I thought if he was my own father, he ought co love me. I was a liccle girl then, and didn't know any better. Bue now I never think anything about my father. All my love is for you." She hugged me closer as she spoke, and I thanked God that the knowledge I had so much dreaded co impart had not diminished che affection of my child. I had not che slightest idea she knew that portion of my history. If I had, I should have spoken to her long before; for my pent-up feelings had o~en longed co pour themselves out co someone I could trust. But I loved che dear girl better for the delicacy she had manifested towards her unfortunate mother. The next morning, she and her uncle started on their journey to the village in New York, where she was to be placed at school. It seemed as if all the sunshine had gone away. My litcle room was dreadfully lonely. I was thankful when a message came from a lady, accustomed to employ me, requesting me to come and sew in her family for several weeks. On my return, I found a letter from brother William. He thought of opening an anti-slavery reading room in Rochester, and combining wich it che sale of some books and stationery; and he wanted me co unice with him. We cried it, but it was not successful. We found warm anti-slavery friends there, but the feeling was not general enough co support such an establishment. I passed nearly a year in che family of Isaac and Amy Pose, practical believers in the Christian doctrine of human brotherhood. They measured a man's worth by his character, noc by his complexion. The memory of those beloved and honored friends will remain with me to my latest hour.

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INCIDENTS IN THE L IFE OF A SLAVE GIRL

CHAPTER 40. TttE FUGITIVE SLAVE

l..Aw

My brother, being disappointed in his project, concluded to go to California; and it was agreed that Benjamin should go with him. Ellen liked her school, and was a great favorite there. They did not know her history, and she did not cell ic, because she had no desire to make capital ouc of cheir sympathy. But when ic was accidentally discovered chac her mother was a fugitive slave, every method was used co increase her advantages and diminish her expenses. I was alone again. Jc was necessary for me to be earning money, and I preferred that it should be among those who knew me. O n my return from Rochester, I called at the house of Mr. Bruce, to see Mary, the darling little babe chat had thawed my heart, when it was freezing into a cheerless dis cruse ofall my fellow-beings. She was growing a call girl now, but I loved her always. M r. Bruce had married again, and it was proposed chat I should become nurse to a new infant. I had but one hesitation, and that was my feeling of insecurity in New York, now greatly increased by the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law. However, I resolved co try the experiment. I was again fortunate in my employer. The new Mrs. Bruce was an American, brought up under aristocratic influences and still living in the midst of them; but if she had any prejudice against color, I was never made aware of it; and as for the system of slavery, she had a most hearty dislike of it. No sophistry of Southerners could blind her to its enormity. She was a person of excellent principles and a noble heart. To me, from that hour to the present, she has been a true and sympathizing friend. Blessings be with her and hers! About the time that I reentered the Bruce family, an event occurred ofdisastrous import to the colored people. The slave H amlin,1 the first fugitive that came under the new law, was given up by the bloodhounds of the north co the bloodhounds of the south. It was the beginning of a reign of terror to the colored population. The great

651

city rushed on in its whirl of excitement, caking no note of the "shore and simple annals of che poor."2 Bue while fashionables were listening co the thrilling voice of Jenny LindJ in Metropolitan H all, the thrilling voices of poor hunted colored people went up, in an agony ofsupplication, to che Lord, from Zion's church. Many families, who had lived in the ciry for twenry years, fled from it now. Many a poor washerwoman, who, by hard labor, had made herself a comfortable home, was obliged to sacrifice her furniture, bid a hurried farewell co friends, and seek her fortune among strangers in Canada. Many a wife discovered a secret she had never known beforethat her husband was a fugitive, and muse leave her to ensure his own safery. Worse scill, many a husband discovered that his wife had fled from slavery years ago, and as "che child follows the condition of its mother," the children of his love were liable co be seized and carried into slavery. Everywhere, in those humble homes, there was consternation and anguish. But what cared the legislators of the "dominant race" for the blood they were crushing out of trampled hearcs? When my brother William spent his lase evening with me, before he went to California, we talked nearly all the time of the d istress brought on our oppressed people by the passage of this iniquitous law; and never had I seen him manifest such biccerness of spirit, such stern hostility to our oppressors. He was himself free from the operation of the law; for he did not run from any Slaveholding Seate, being brought into the Free States by his master. But I was subject to ic; and so were hundreds of intelligent and industrious people all around us. I seldom ventured into the streets; and when it was necessary to do an errand for Mrs. Bruce, or any of the family, I went as much as possible through back streets and by-ways. Whac a disgrace co a ciry calling itself free, that inhabitants, guiltless of offence, and seeking co perform their duties conscientiously, should be condemned to live in such incessant fear, and have nowhere co cum for protection! This state of things, ofcourse, gave rise co many impromptu vigilance committees. Every colored

1

Hamlin James Hamlet was the first victim of the Fugitive Slave Act; he was arrested in Manhattan and sent to Baltimore in 1850. Hamlet insisted he was a free man, but a Mary Brown of Maryland succeeded in having the law seize hold of him, separating him from his wife and rwo children. Hamler was then brought co the Baltimore slave market, where he was bought by his home community in Williamsburgh, Brooklyn for eight hundred dollars, after which he was able to return to his family and his job.

2

short ... poor Quotation is from line 32 of Thomas Gray's "Elegy Wrirten in a Country Churchyard" (1751). The line refers 10 main life evenrs-births, deaths, marriages, and christenings-chat are recorded in parish registers. 3 Jmny Lind Renowned Swedish opera singer who, from 1850-52, toured the United States. The excitement surrounding her concerts came to be referred co as "Llnd Mania."

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person, and every friend of their persecuted race, kept their eyes wide open. Every evening I examined the newspapers carefully, to see what Southerners had put up ac che hotels. I did this for my own sake, thinking my young mistress and her husband might be among the list; l wished also to give information co others, if necessary; for if many were "running to and fro," I resolved that "knowledge should be increased."1 This brings up one of my Southern reminiscences, which I will here brieAy relate. I was somewhat acquainted with a slave named Luke, who belonged to a wealthy man in our vicinity. His master died, leaving a son and daughter heirs to his large fortune. In the division of che slaves, Luke was included in the son's portion. This young man became a prey to che vices growing out of the "patriarchal institution," and when he went to the north, to complete his education, he carried his vices wich him. He was brought home, deprived of che use of his limbs, by excessive dissipation. Luke was appointed to wait upon his bed-ridden master, whose despotic habits were greatly increased by exasperation at his own helplessness. He kept a cowhide beside him, and, for che most trivial occurrence, he would order his attendant to bare his back, and kneel beside the couch, while he whipped him till his strength was exhausted. Some days he was not allowed co wear anything buc his shirt, in order to be in readiness co be Aogged. A day seldom passed without his receiving more or less blows. If the slightest resistance was offered, the town constable was sent for to execute the punishment, and Luke learned from experience how much more the constable's strong arm was to be dreaded than the comparatively feeble one of his master. The arm of his tyrant grew weak, and was finally palsied;2 and then the constable's services were in constant requisition. The face that he was entirely dependent on Luke's care, and was obliged to be tended like an infant, instead of inspiring any gratirude or compassion cowards his poor slave, seemed only to increase his irritability and cruelty. As he lay there on 1

running . . . increased These quotations are both from Daniel 12.4, where the prophec Daniel is finishing a description of whac was revealed to him about che end of the world: "Bue thou, 0 Daniel, shut up the words, and seal the book, even co che cime of the end: many shall run to and fro, and knowledge shall be increased:' 2

pnlsied Affected by tremors and paralysis; rendered incapable.

his bed, a mere disgraced wreck of manhood, he cook into his head the strangest freaks of despotism; and if Luke hesitated co submit co his orders, the constable was immediately sent for. Some of chese freaks were of a narure coo filthy to be repeated. When I Aed from che house of bondage, I left poor Luke still chained co che bedside of this cruel and disgusting wretch. One day, when I had been requested to do an errand for Mrs. Bruce, I was hurrying through back streets, as usual, when I saw a young man approaching, whose face was familiar to me. As he came nearer, I recognized Luke. I always rejoiced co see or hear of any one who had escaped from the black pit; but, remembering this poor fellow's extreme hardships, I was peculiarly glad to see him on Norchern soil, though I no longer called it free soil. I well remembered what a desolate feeling it was to be alone among strangers, and I went up co him and greeted him cordially. Ac first, he did not know me; but when I mentioned my name, he remembered all about me. I cold him of the Fugitive Slave Law, and asked him ifhe did not know chat New York was a city of kidnappers. He replied, "De risk ain't so bad for me, as 'tis fur you. 'Cause I runned away from de speculacor,3 and you runned away from de massa. Dem speculators vonc spen dar money co come here fur a runaway, if dey ain't sarcin sure to put dar bans right on him. An I tell you l's tuk good car 'bout dac. I had too hard times down dar, to let 'em ketch dis nigger." He then cold me of the advice he had received, and the plans he had laid. I asked if he had money enough to cake him to Canada. "'Pend upon ic, I hab," he replied. "I ruk car fur dat. I'd bin workin all my days fur dem cussed whites, an got no pay but kicks and cuffs. So I cought dis nigger had a right to money nuff to bring him to de Free States. Massa Henry he lib till ebery body vish him dead; an ven he did die, I knowed de debbil would hab him, an vouldn't vane him co bring his money 'long coo. So I tuk some of his bills, and put 'em in de pocket of his ole trousers. An ven he was buried, dis nigger ask fur dem ole trousers, an dey gub 'em to me." With a low, chuckling laugh, he added, "You see I didn't steal it; dey gub ic co me. I tell you, 1 had mighty hard time co keep de speculator from findin it; but he didn't gic it." 3

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speettlator

Interregional slave crader.

INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF A SLAVE GIRL

This is a fair specimen of how the moral sense is educaced by slavery. When a man has his wages stolen from him, year after year, and che laws sanccion and enforce che chefc, how can he be expected co have more regard co honesty than has the man who robs him? I have become somewhat enlightened, but I confess that I agree with poor, ignorant, much-abused Luke, in chinking he had a right co chat money, as a portion of his unpaid wages. He went co Canada forchwich, and I have not since heard from him. All chat winter I lived in a stare of anxiety. When I cook the children out co breathe the air, I closely observed che countenances of all I met. I dreaded the approach of summer, when snakes and slaveholders make their appearance. I was, in face, a slave in New York, as subject co slave laws as I had been in a Slave Scare. Strange incongruity in a Scace called free! Spring returned, and I received warning from the south that Dr. Flint knew of my return co my old place, and was making preparations to have me caught. I learned afterwards that my dress, and that of Mrs. Bruce's children, had been described co him by some of the Northern tools, which slaveholders employ for their base purposes, and then indulge in sneers at their cupidity and mean servility. I immediately informed Mrs. Bruce of my danger, and she rook prompt measures for my safety. My place as nurse could not be supplied immediately, and chis generous, sympathizing lady proposed char I should carry her baby away. le was a comfort co me to have the child with me; for the heart is reluctant co be corn away from every object it loves. Bue how few mothers would have consented co have one of cheir own babes become a fugitive, for the sake of a poor, hunted nurse, on whom the legislators of rhe country had lee loose the bloodhounds! When I spoke of the sacrifice she was making, in depriving herself of her dear baby, she replied, "It is better for you to have baby with you, Linda; for if they gee on your track, they will be obliged ro bring the child co me; and then, if there is a possibility of saving you, you shall be saved." This lady had a very wealthy relative, a benevolent gentleman in many respects, bur aristocratic and proslavery. He remonstrated with her for harboring a fugitive slave; cold her she was violating the laws of her country; and asked her if she was aware of the penalty.

653

She replied, "I am very well aware of it. le is imprisonment and one thousand dollars fine. Shame on my country char it is so! I am ready co incur the penalty. I will go co the state's prison, rather than have any poor victim corn from my house, co be carried back co slavery." The noble heart! The brave heart! The tears are in my eyes while I write of her. May the God of che helpless reward her for her sympathy with my persecuted people! I was sent into New England, where I was sheltered by the wife of a senator, whom I shall always hold in graceful remembrance. This honorable gentleman would not have voted for che Fugitive Slave Law, as did the senator in "Uncle Tom's Cabin";' on the contrary, he was strongly opposed co ic; bur he was enough under ics influence co be afraid of having me remain in his house many hours. So I was sent into the country, where I remained a month wich the baby. When it was supposed chat Dr. Flint's emissaries had lose track of me, and given up the pursuit for the present, I returned co New York. CHAPTER 41. FREE AT UST

Mrs. Bruce, and every member of her family, were exceedingly kind co me. I was thankful for che blessings of my lot, yec I could not always wear a cheerful countenance. I was doing harm co no one; on the contrary, I was doing all che good I could in my small way; yet I could never go out co breathe God's free air without trepidation at my heart. This seemed hard; and I could not chink it was a right state of things in any civilized country. From rime co time I received news from my good old grandmother. She could not write; but she employed others co write for her. The following is an extract from one of her lase letters: "Dear Daughter: I cannot hope to see you again on earch; but I pray co God co unite us above, where pain will no more rack this feeble body of mine; where sorrow and parting from my children will be no more. God has promised these things if we are faithful unto 1

sen11tor in "Uncle Tom's Cabin" In Harrier Beecher Stowe's novel Uncle Tom's Cabin, a srace law prohibiting people from helping enslaved fugitives is signed by Senator Bird.

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the end. My age and feeble health deprive me of going to church now; but God is with me here at home. Thank your brother for his kindness. Give much love co him, and cell him co remember rhe Creator in the days of his youth, and strive to meet me in che Father's kingdom. Love co Ellen and Benjamin. Don't neglect him. Tell him for me, to be a good boy. Strive, my child, to train chem for God's children. May he protect and provide for you, is the prayer of your loving old mother." These letters both cheered and saddened me. I was always glad co have tidings from the kind, faithful old friend of my unhappy youth; but her messages of love made my heart yearn co see her before she died, and I mourned over the fact chat it was impossible. Some months afcer I returned from my Right to New England, I received a letter from her, in which she wrote, "Dr. Flint is dead. He has lefc a distressed family. Poor old man! I hope he made his peace with God." I remembered how he had defrauded my grandmother of the hard earnings she had loaned; how he had tried co cheat her out of the freedom her mistress had promised her, and how he had persecuted her children; and I thought to myself that she was a better Christian than I was, if she could entirely forgive him. I cannot say, with truth, that the news of my old master's death softened my feelings towards him. There are wrongs which even the grave does not bury. The man was odious to me while he lived, and his memory is odious now. His departure from chis world did not diminish my danger. He had threatened my grandmother chat his heirs should hold me in slavery afcer he was gone; chat I never should be free so long as a child of his survived. As for Mrs. Flint, I had seen her in deeper affiictions than I supposed che loss of her husband would be, for she had buried several children; yet I never saw any signs of sofcening in her heart. The doctor had died in embarrassed circumstances, and had little co will to his heirs, except such property as he was unable to grasp. I was well aware what I had to expect from che family of Flints; and my fears were confirmed by a letter from the south, warning me to be on my guard, because Mrs. Flint openly declared that her daughter could not afford to lose so valuable a slave as I was.

I kept close watch of the newspapers for arrivals; but one Saturday night, being much occupied, I forgot to examine the Evening Express as usual. I went down into the parlor for it, early in the morning, and found the boy about co kindle a fire with it. I took it from him and examined the list of arrivals. Reader, if you have never been a slave, you cannot imagine the acute sensation of suffering at my heart, when I read che names of Mr. and Mrs. Dodge,• at a hotel in Courtland Street. le was a third-rate hotel, and that circumstance convinced me of the truth of what I had heard, that they were shore of funds and had need of my value, as they valued me; and that was by dollars and cents. I hastened with the paper to Mrs. Bruce. Her heart and hand were always open to everyone in distress, and she always warmly sympathized with mine. le was impossible co cell how near che enemy was. He might have passed and repassed che house while we were sleeping. He might at chat moment be waiting to pounce upon me if I ventured out of doors. I had never seen the husband of my young mistress, and therefore I could not distinguish him from any other stranger. A carriage was hastily ordered; and, closely veiled, I followed Mrs. Bruce, taking the baby again with me into exile. After various turnings and crossings and recurnings, the carriage stopped at the house of one of Mrs. Bruce's friends, where I was kindly received. Mrs. Bruce returned immediately, to instruct the domestics what co say if any one came co inquire for me. It was lucky for me chat the evening paper was not burned up before I had a chance to examine the list of arrivals. It was nor long afcer Mrs. Bruce's return to her house, before several people came to inquire for me. One inquired for me, another asked for my daughter Ellen, and another said he had a letter from my grandmother, which he was requested to deliver in person. They were told, "She has lived here, but she has left." "How long ago?" "I don't know, sir." "Do you know where she went?" "I do not, sir." And the door was closed. This Mr. Dodge, who claimed me as his property, was originally a Yankee peddler in the south; then he became a merchant, and finally a slaveholder. He managed to gee introduced into what was called che first 1

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Dr. Flint's daughter and her husband.

INCIDENTS IN THE LIFE OF A SLAVE GIRL

society, and married Miss Emily Flint. A quarrel arose between him and her brother, and the brother cowhided him. This led co a family feud, and he proposed co remove co Virginia. Dr. Flint le~ him no property, and his own means had become circumscribed, while a wife and children depended upon him for support. Under these circumstances, it was very natural that he should make an effort to put me into his pocket. 1 had a colored friend, a man from my native place, in whom I had the most implicit confidence. I sent for him, and cold him that Mr. and Mrs. Dodge had arrived in New York. I proposed chat he should call upon them co make inquiries about his friends at che south, with whom Dr. Flint's family were well acquainted. He thought chere was no impropriety in his doing so, and he consented. He went co the hocel, and knocked at the door of Mr. Dodge's room, which was opened by the gentleman himself, who gruffly inquired, "\Vhac brought you here? How came you co know I was in the city?" "Your arrival was published in che evening papers, sir; and I called to ask Mrs. Dodge about my friends ac home. I didn't suppose it would give any offence." "Where's char negro girl, that belongs to my wife?" "What girl, sir?" "You know well enough. I mean Linda, chat ran away from Dr. Flint's plantation, some years ago. I dare say you've seen her, and know where she is." "Yes, sir, I've seen her, and know where she is. She is ouc of your reach, sir." "Tell me where she is, or bring her to me, and I will give her a chance co buy her freedom." "I don't think it would be ofany use, sir. I have heard her say she would go to the ends of che earth, rather than pay any man or woman for her freedom, because she thinks she has a right to it. Besides, she couldn't do ic, if she would, for she has spent her earnings to educate her children." This made Mr. Dodge very angry, and some high words passed between them. My friend was afraid co come where I was; but in the course of che day I received a note from him. I supposed they had not come from che south, in che winter, for a pleasure excursion; and now the nature of their business was very plain. Mrs. Bruce came co me and entreated me co leave the city the next morning. She said her house was watched,

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and it was possible that some clue to me might be obtained. I refused co take her advice. She pleaded with an earnest tenderness, chat ought co have moved me; but I was in a bitter, disheartened mood. I was weary of flying from pillar co post. 1 I had been chased during half my life, and it seemed as if the chase was never co end. There I sac, in chat great city, guiltless of crime, yet not daring co worship God in any of che churches. I heard che bells ringing for afternoon service, and, wich contemptuous sarcasm, 1 said, "Will che preachers take for their text, 'Proclaim liberty to the captive, and the opening of prison doors to them char are bound'? 2 or will they preach from the texc, 'Do unco others as ye would they should do unto you'?"3 Oppressed Poles and Hungarians could find a safe refuge in thac city; John Mitchell was free co proclaim in the City Hall his desire for "a plantation well stocked with slaves";4 but chere I sac, an oppressed American, not daring to show my face. God forgive che black and biccer thoughts I indulged on thac Sabbath day! The Scripture says, "Oppression makes even a wise man mad";5 and I was not wise. I had been cold that Mr. Dodge said his wife had never signed away her right to my children, and if he could not get me, he would cake chem. This it was, more chan anything else, that roused such a tempest in my soul. Benjamin was with his uncle William in California, but my innocent young daughter had come co spend a vacation with me. I thought of what I had suffered in slavery at her age, and my heart was like a tiger's when a hunter tries to seize her young. 1

flying ... post Furile traveling from place to place.

2

Proclaim . . . bound See Isaiah 6u: "The Spirit of the Lord God is upon me; because the Lord had1 anointed me co preach good tidings unto the meek; he ham sent me to bind up the brokenheam:d, to proclaim liberty to me captives, and the opening of the prison to them that are bound." 3 Do umo othm ... unto you See Matthew 7.12: "Therefore all things whatsoever ye would mac men should do co you, do ye even so co chem: for chis is the law and rhe prophecs." 4 John Mitchell ... stocked with sfa,,es John Mitchel was an Irish activist and journalist who escaped ro America in 1853, where he became a proslavery Southern secessionist. In 185+ he claimed char he would like ro have "a good plantation well-stocked with healmy negroes in Alabama." 5 Oppmsion ... mad See Ecclesiastes 7.7: "Surely oppression makem a wise man mad; and a gift destroyeth the hearr."

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Dear Mrs. Bruce! I seem to see the expression of her face, as she turned away discouraged by my obstinate mood. Finding her exposmlations unavailing, she sent Ellen to entreat me. When ten o'clock in the evening arrived and Ellen had not remrned, chis watchful and unwearied friend became anxious. She came to us in a carriage, bringing a well-filled trunk for my journeycrusting that by this time I would listen to reason. I yielded co her, as I ought to have done before. The next day, baby and I sec out in a heavy snow storm, bound for New England again. I received letters from the City oflniquity/ addressed to me under an assumed name. In a few days one came from Mrs. Bruce, informing me that my new master was still searching for me, and that she intended co put an end co chis persecution by buying my freedom. I felt graceful for the kindness chat prompted chis offer, but the idea was nor so pleasant to me as might have been expected. The more my mind had become enlightened, the more difficult it was for me to consider myself an article of property; and to pay money to chose who had so grievously oppressed me seemed like caking from my sufferings the glory of triumph. I wrote co Mrs. Bruce, thanking her, but saying chat being sold from one owner co another seemed too much like slavery; chat such a great obligation could not be easily cancelled; and that I preferred to go to my brother in California. Without my knowledge, Mrs. Bruce employed a gentleman in New York to enter into negotiations with Mr. Dodge. He proposed co pay three hundred dollars down, if Mr. Dodge would sell me, and enter into obligations co relinquish all claim co me or my children forever after. He who called himself my master said he scorned so small an offer for such a valuable servant. The gentleman replied, "You can do as you choose, sir. If you reject this offer you will never gee anything; for the woman has friends who will convey her and her children out of the country." Mr. Dodge concluded that "half a loaf was better than no bread," and he agreed co the proffered terms. By the next mail I received chis brief letter from Mrs. Bruce: "I am rejoiced co tell you chat the money for

1

City ofIniquity See Habakkuk i.12: "Woe co him that buildeth a town wich blood, and scablishech a city by iniquity!"

your freedom has been paid co Mr. Dodge. Come home tomorrow. I long to see you and my sweet babe." My brain reeled as I read these lines. A gentleman near me said, "It's true; I have seen the bill of sale." "The bill of sale!" Those words struck me like a blow. So I was sold at last! A human being sold in the free city of New York! The bill of sale is on record, and future generations will learn from it chat women were articles of traffic in New York, lace in the nineteenth century of the Christian religion. It may hereafter prove a useful document co antiquaries, who are seeking co measure the progress of civilization in che United Scares. I well know the value of chat bit of paper; but much as I love freedom, I do not like co look upon it. I am deeply grateful to the generous friend who procured it, bur I despise the miscreant who demanded payment for what never rightfully belonged to him or his. I had objected co having my freedom bought, yet I muse confess that when it was done I felt as if a heavy load had been lifted from my weary shoulders. When I rode home in the cars I was no longer afraid to unveil my face and look at people as chey passed. I should have been glad to have met Daniel Dodge himself; to have had him seen me and known me, chat he might have mourned over the untoward circumstances which compelled him to sell me for three hundred dollars. When I reached home, the arms of my benefactress were thrown round me, and our rears mingled. As soon as she could speak, she said, "O Linda, I'm so glad ir's all over! You wrote co me as if you rhoughr you were going to be transferred from one owner co another. Bue I did not buy you for your services. I should have done just the same, if you had been going co sail for California tomorrow. I should, at lease, have the satisfaction of knowing chat you lefr me a free woman." My heart was exceedingly full. I remembered how my poor father had tried to buy me, when I was a small child, and how he had been disappointed. I hoped his spirit was rejoicing over me now. I remembered how my good old grandmother had laid up her earnings co purchase me in later years, and how ofren her plans had been frustrated. How chat faithful, loving old heart would leap for joy, if she could look on me and my children now that we were free! My relatives had been foiled in all their efforts, but God had raised me up a friend among strangers, who had bestowed on me the

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precious, long-desired boon. Friend! le is a common word, often lightly used. Like ocher good and beautiful things, it may be tarnished by careless handling; but when I speak of Mrs. Bruce as my friend, the word is sacred. My grandmother lived to rejoice in my freedom; but not long after, a leccer came with a black seal. She had gone "where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at resc."1 Time passed on, and a paper came to me from the south, containing an obituary notice of my uncle Phillip. le was the only case I ever knew of such an honor conferred upon a colored person. le was written by one of his friends, and contained these words: "Now chat death has laid him low, they call him a good man and a useful citizen; but what are eulogies to the black man, when the world has faded from his vision? le does not require man's praise to obtain rest in God's kingdom." So they called a colored man a citizen! Strange words co be uttered in that region! Reader, my story ends with freedom; not in the usual way, with marriage. I and my children are now

657

free! We are as free from the power of slaveholders as are the white people of the north; and though chat, according to my ideas, is not saying a great deal, ic is a vase improvement in my condition. The dream of my life is not yet realized. I do not sit with my children in a home of my own. I still long for a hearthstone of my own, however humble. I wish it for my children's sake far more than for my own. Bue God so orders circumstances as to keep me with my friend Mrs. Bruce. Love, dury, gratitude, also bind me co her side. le is a privilege to serve her who pities my oppressed people, and who has bestowed the inestimable boon of freedom on me and my children. It has been painful to me, in many ways, to recall the dreary years I passed in bondage. I would gladly forget them if I could. Yee the retrospection is not altogether without solace; for with those gloomy recollections come tender memories of my good old grandmother, like light, fleecy clouds floating over a dark and troubled sea. -1861

1

where rhe wicked ... at mt See Job 3.17: "There che wicked cease from troubling; and chere che weary be ac resr."

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I N C ONTEXT

Fugitive Slave Advertisement for Harriet Jacobs The following advertisement was placed by Dr. James Norcom in the American Beacon on 4 July 1835; in ir, he offers a srno dollar reward for the return of his "servant girl," Harrier Jacobs.

$100 RE\VARD

'·' VILL be gin11 for the approhm.inn 11nfl delivc!'y or nay Ser•~nt Girt 11 .A R-

RI t,~. •She it • li,bt mulatto, 11 year• nf a,e, about 5 feet 4 mche1 l1i1th, of a thkk and cm-p.rlont hahrt, l,avi1t( nn her had • thick c;evering oC,hlack hair that curl• na tu rally, but which can he ra•Dy coml>eal 1traigbt. She •~k• easily and 8eently, end bu an •C"eeahlec.arriag-a ~..-.d aJct,.._ Beine a eoo-l lCIIIJUtreu, lhe nu 1-ttn aecuatomed tn dr... w-11. baa a ,·anet,· of Yery 6oe clot he,1 m#lo in th• prc, ~1linr fuh0t, and will prob118ly •ppear, if ahroad, tncked out in c•Y and f111hiouahle 6a~·. A• lbia girt ablCOAded (rum the plant..tiun ol my without any known cau• or pro.-ocatioo, it ~robahle au daipt to lranfl)Ort ber1d f le> the North. , The abo~• nwaNI, ,...with aD rea1unabi. dia,;p.-~·~ di hll given for •ppr•l•utinc her, or ~nog bfar Iii aay »rilot, c,r jiil wtthin lbe IJ. States.• _: _ AU.,.aoas are••~ -lnwal"IMll-.pint& barbeiJni ot ent~-S. tiiar. or beinc io any lfQiatl,rulMlllal us bar eaca~. uodeJ'

'°"

the a»Oll Ji&oroua ~•~otihslaw. ~ JAMU NO@-COJI. .&IMIOII, N. 0. Jtnu. • •••

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•

•

HENRY DAVID THOREAU

1817 - 1862

T

he works of Henry David Thoreau comprise the most influential outgrowth of the nineteenth-century Transcendentalist movement; from Thoreau's own day through to the twenty-first century they have taken on a life of their own, inspiring passionate engagement among generation after generation of readers. Thoreau's "Resistance ro Civil Government" (1849) is a foundational text in the literature of non-violent political resistance. And Walden; or, Life in the Waods (1854), which has been read as a poetic medication on nature and che spiritual life, as a work of social criticism, and as a philosophical trace, remains the foundational text of American environmental writing. Thoreau's public literary career was inextricably entwined with the events of his private life, in which he endeavored ro live according ro his various dicrums of anci-macerialiscic simplicity and moral integrity. Thoreau was one who sec himself apart-in "Civil Disobedience," apart from the political mainstream, and in Walden, apart from his human neighbors and from "civilized life," answering what he felt co be an invitation to make his life equal in "simplicity, and ... innocence, with '•':.\ . ... Nature herself." But the setting-apart was performed very publicly; chat is among che many paradoxes of Thoreau's writings, and of his life, that ~ ~ continue ro provoke discussion and ro engage readers. "Simplicity! Simplicity! Simplicity!" is his clarion call, yet it is impossible co escape complexity and paradox in his writing. David Henry Thoreau (he scarred putting his middle name first shorcly after college) was born in 1817 ro Cynthia Dunbar-an enthusiastic member of an early antislavery society-and John Thoreau in Concord, Massachusercs. Thoreau spent four years at Harvard College, studying modern European and Indigenous American languages alongside the usual ancient Greek and Latin, after which he found work as a schoolteacher. Bue following a confrontation with a school board member (who insisted that Thoreau flog his students), he lefc the position. Sometime after this Thoreau met and befriended local preacher and intellectual Ralph Waldo Emerson. Emerson's Natttre (1836) had recencly energized che Transcendentalist movement with its rousing assertions about the relationship between the human self and the natural world; Emerson rook on the younger man as a kind ofintelleccual protege, initiating what would become a lifelong friendship. It was Emerson who first encouraged Thoreau to write a journal, a habit he would maintain for the rest of his life. Massachusetts in the 1830s was simmering with the energy of the Lyceum Movement, which aimed ro disseminate knowledge of science, art, literature, and philosophy ro a wider and generalized audience. Thoreau was among those invited ro lecture at the Concord Lyceum; he gave his first public calk there in 1838; his journal notes on the lecture (the full text of which has not survived) provide an early glimpse into Thoreau's ambitions as a thinker. Entitled "Society,n the talk gave voice to his skepticism as to the efficacy of democracy in America, and his resistance to the Aristotelian idea chat "man was made for society"; in Thor(.'au's view, "society was made for man." In 1838 Thoreau accepted another reaching position-this time at the Concord Academy, where his brother, John Thoreau Jr., soon joined him as a teacher and co-director. Less than two years later, however, John's health had started co fail, and they closed the school. John's death on New Year's Day, 1842 was a devastating blow; Thoreau's first book, A Week on the Co11cord and Merrimack Rivers (1849), is in large part an elegy ro John. Throughout the 1840s, Thoreau contributed numerous poems, essays, and book reviews ro The Dial, a Transcendentalist periodical launched in 1840 by Emerson, Margaret Fuller, and other local figures.

\

.,

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HENRY DAVID THOREAU

Some of Thoreau's contributions to the journal were prose meditations on the natural environment; many appeared in the Dial's "Erhnical Scriptures" column, where Thoreau commenced on various scriptural writings from Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, and other Eastern traditions. Like Emerson, Thoreau was fascinated by the religions and philosophy of Asia and the Middle East, and ardently read translations of Indian texts such as the Bhagavad Gita and the Vedas. By about 1845, Thoreau had in mind a book that would reflect on a boating journey he and his brother had taken together before John Thoreau Jr.'s death. le was partly in search of writerly solitude that Thoreau made his now-famous move co Walden Pond, a small, fairly secluded lake a couple of miles from the cenrer of che village of Concord. There, on a tract of forested land owned by Emerson, he builr a small cabin. This was not the first time he had considered some form of alternative lifesryle; earlier in the decade he had been urged to join two Utopian agricultural communities inspired by Transcendentalist principles-Brook Farm and Fruiclands. Boch times he had said no. By che middle of the decade those communities had foundered; Thoreau embarked on a solitary initiative chat would eventually have a far wider impact than either of chose religiously-focused communal experiments. Thoreau's solitary experiment began with little fanfare, though it sparked a good deal of interest among his Concord neighbors, who were puzzled by this eccentric Harvard graduate who had seemingly chosen to throw away his education and talents to live as a hermit in the woods. Thoreau ended up living at Walden Pond for rwo years (1845- 47), spending his days reading, walking, observing Nature (unlike Emerson, Thoreau generally capitalized rhe noun), rending his bean fields, entertaining curious visitors, and beginning work on the only two books he would publish-first the elegiac A Week on the Concord and later Walden, an account of his present experiment. A Week on the Concord (1849) was praised by friends for its powerful prose, but sold poorly. \Vaiden, on the other hand, which was published five years later, sold well and for the most pact received enthusiastic reviews, both in the United States and in England. English novelist George Eliot praised Thoreau's "deep poetic sensibility" and concluded chat as readers "we feel throughout the book the presence of a refined as well as a hardy mind," while Emerson wrote (perhaps hyperbolically) chat "all American kind are delighted wirh 'Walden' as far as they have dared say." Several reviewers predicted that Walden would hold a lasting place in American literature-and they have been proved right, though there was a period in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries when Thoreau's reputation dipped somewhat. Late nineteenth-century editions of The American Cyclopedia devote a page and a half to Emerson and over two pages to Hawthorne, but give Thoreau an entry less than a quarter page long. And Barrett Wendell's influential A Literary History of America, while praising Walden for the "artistic form" of its descriptions (the book "remains a viral bit of literature for anyone who loves to read about nature," Wendell concluded), lumps Thoreau together with Bronson Alcott in a chapter entitled "The Lesser Men of Concord." In the mid-twentieth century Thoreau and Walden came to be granted a more central place in the canon of American literature. Environmemalists such as Aldo Leopold were profoundly influenced by Walden, as were leading literary figures such as Annie Dillard (whose MA thesis was on the subject of Thoreau and Walden). Much as Nature as a large concept was fundamental to Thoreau's thinking, so too did the details of the natural world come to fascinate him, and to occupy considerable space in his writing. Thoreau had become intrigued by Charles Darwin's journal ofthe Voyage ofthe Beagle (1839) and other botanical and scientific writings, and chat interest began to color both his daily pursuits and his writing; some of the best-loved and most widely cited passages from Walden involve detailed description of natural phenomena. At least one passage in the text-in which a battle between rwo species ofam is dramatically described--connects directly to similar descriptions of insect wars in Darwin's work. In the years bet\Veen leaving Walden Pond and writing Walden, Thoreau continued to expand on his reading as well as on the observations he had made of the natural world; in addition to numerous works of natural philosophy he absorbed the latest in American nature writing. (Among his influences were Susan Fenimore Cooper, author of Rural Hours [1850]. and ornithologist John James Audubon.) Overall, Walden is noteworthy not least of all for paying far more attention to material, ecological details than had any of the nature writings of previous Transcendentalists. Bur the relationship within Thoreau's own

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mind becween Nature as an idea and the natural world as a subject for detailed scientific interest was not without tension. His detailed observations brought him excitement but also, on occasion, concern; in an 1851 journal entry he wrote, "I fear that the character of my knowledge is from year to year becoming more distinct and scientific-chat, in exchange for views as wide as heaven's cope, I am being narrowed down to the field of the microscope." Another, oft-quoted (and, like many of Thoreau's writings, ofcmisquoced) line from an 1851 journal entry is his assertion that "the question is not what you look at, but what you see." It is often taken to be an unqualified endorsement of the value of sustained and observant engagement with the natural world-and his journal entry for chat day does indeed include descriptions that exemplify such sustained and observant engagement. But the context of the famous quotation itself is one in which Thoreau is praising the poetic sensibility and dismissing che "mere science" of the astronomer who is blind to the true significance of the phenomena he is looking at. Arguably, chen, Thoreau's writing about Nature is in large part the product of ideas continually in tension within his own mind. Certainly Walden itself continues to command accention nor least of all because of the tensions and paradoxes---even the contradictions-the teJct gives voice to. Even in the rwenty-firsc century, Walden continues to excite not only interest, but heated debate; in 2015, for example, a passion ace attack on Thoreau and Walden in 77Je New Yorker by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Kathryn Schulcz was met with equally passionate defenses (ofboch author and book) in ocher leading magazines by, among ochers, Columbia University law professor Jedediah Briccon-Purdy. What seems to Schulrz and some others as "an unnavigable thicket of concradiccion" in Walden strikes others as an immensely readable and engaging expression of various ideas in tension with one another. What seems co some an unamaccive degree of self-absorption in Thoreau's writing (Isaac Hecker, one of the few to review Walden negatively on its initial appearance, complained of what he read as Thoreau's "pride" and "pretension"), strikes ochers as lively individualism. Walden has become established as a central text in the canon of American literature in large part because of its continuing capaciry co excite passionate debate. While residing at Walden, Thoreau was embroiled in an unrelated controversy-arrested and briefly imprisoned in 1846 for refusing to pay his taxes. Although Thoreau was not the first local figure to be enmeshed in such a dispute-Concord reacher An1os Bronson Alcott, previously a leading member of Fruidands, had been arrested on che same charge in 1843--curiosity and confusion regarding Thoreau's motives continued until well after his departure from the Walden cabin in 1847. The following year he returned co che Lyceum co speak about his decision to face imprisonment rather than pay che required fee. This lecture eventually grew into the essay "Resistance to Civil Government," an essay published in Transcendental educator Elizabeth Peabody's collection Aesthetic Papers in 1849. "Civil Disobedience" (as the essay is popularly known) posed an important question: how is it possible for an individual to retain moral integrity within the confines of an unjust society? Thoreau framed his action as a form of political protest against both slavery and the Mexican-American War. (The cwo were not unconnected; many opponents of the war regarded it as a means of extending che domain of American slavery.) "Civil Disobedience" was among Thoreau's earliest public expressions of support for the abolitionist movement thac would soon be coming to its crisis-though Thoreau would in some ways remain aloof from the movement itself. "Civil Disobedience" did litcle to dispel public disapproval of Thoreau's tax resistance, with one reviewer comparing Thoreau unfavorably co che "red republicans" of revolutionary France. But in the generations since, "Civil Disobedience" has been cited as inspiration by the Russian novelist and pacifist Leo Tolstoy, by the revolutionary Indian leader Mohandas Gandhi, and by the Civil Rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.; Thoreau's notion chat "non-cooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation wich good" continues to provoke heated debate-and co inspire resistance to authority. Thoreau's participation on the New England lecture circuit increased following the favorable reception of Walden. He also worked wich his mother in helping chose fleeing slavery co escape along the Underground Railroad. Thoreau found his abolitionist zeal stimulated by the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850. In 1854 he delivered an acclaimed lecture, "Slavery in Massachusetts," in response co che Ace and to the trial and re-enslavement of Anrhony Burns; che lecture made Thoreau an abolitionist figure of some renown, and in che process solidified the reputation of Concord as a center of antebellum abolitionism.

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Here too, however, some observers have decected tensions and paradoxes-one of the great exemplars of American individualists was sometimes perhaps an uneasy participant in community activism. Thoreau's health began to fail in the early 1860s, and in 1862, nor halfway into che Civil War, he succumbed to che tuberculosis that had troubled him since young adulthood. Numerous volumes of his lectures and writings were published posthumously-as were his collected journals in 1906, which contribute vastly to our understanding of his intelleccual development and provide insight into some of his unrecorded lectures. After his death his old friend Emerson wrote of him that "few lives contain so many renunciations.... [H]e never married; he lived alone; he never went co church; he never voced; ... he ace no Resh; he drank no wine; he never knew che use of tobacco; and, though a nacuralist, he used neicher trap nor gun." Thoreau remains a vitally important reference point in discussions of che place of individual humans in human society as a whole, and of che place of humans (both individually and colleccively) in che natural world. Walden-its scams now secure as a foundational tcxc of American nature writing and of twentieth- and rwenty-6.rst-century environmental movements-continues co strike a sympathetic chord among a wide range of readers. Thoreau ac one and che same time posies Nacure as a magnet anraccing all chat is best in humanity and presents a compelling vision of Nature as standing apart from humanity--even in opposition co human society. "I love Nature partly because she is nor man, buc a retreat from him," wrote Thoreau. "None of his inscicucions concrol or pervade her."

NOTE ON THE TEXTS: The cexc of"Resiscance co Civil Government" presented here is based on its first published appearance in 1849 in Elizabeth Peabody's periodical Aesthetic Papers. The text of Waldm; or, Life in the Woodr presented here is based on chat reproduced in The Writings ofHenry David Thoreau (1906). Spelling and punccuacion have been modernized in accordance wich che practices of this anthology.

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it was certainly the case chat che vast territory acquired by che United Scates as a result of the war lay almost entirely south of latitude 36°30'-che line thac had been established under the terms of the 1820 Missouri Compromise as the northernmost limit of territory in which slavery would be permined. Opposition co the war (and to slavery) was particularly strong in the scare of Massachusetts, where the government had in 1847 passed a resolution condemning the American government's actions. To Thoreau, however, words or resolutions on paper were not enough; chose opposed co the war and to slavery should demonstrate their opposition through concrete actions. Above all, chose opposing slavery should never be willing-as Massachusetts . senator Daniel Webster was notoriously willing-to compromise with supporters of slavery. The controversy over slavery and che new territories was further complicated for some time by passionate differences of opinion among chose supporting slavery as co whether or not the nation should be interested in incorporating large pares of what had been Mexico inco the United States. A significant faction was of the view that the racial "purity" of the American nation would be jeopardized if large numbers of dark-skinned Mexicans were allowed to live within American borders. le was only on che assurance chat che territories being annexed were not heavily populated, and char they could readily be "Americanized," chat majority opinion in America had swung unreservedly behind Polk. The 1848 presiden rial election represented a dispiriting moment for opponents of the war, and of slavery. The issue of slavery in the newly acquired territories was a divisive one in both parties. Polk, a Democrat, chose not to run for another term, but his adminiscracion had been popular among a majority of Americans for having added co American territory chrough ics prosecution of the war with Mexico, and it was widely expected chat another Democrat would be elected. (That expectation remained strong even after a break-away faction of antislavery Democrats under che leadership of Marcin Van Buren contested the election under a new antislavery banner as the Free Soil Parry.) Many members of the Whig Party-the Democrats' main rival-had been highly critical of the war. Buc they had no confidence that anyone in their own ranks could stand a chance against almost any Democrat in the election. When

Resistance to Civil Government In 1846, during the time he was living at Walden Pond, Thoreau was making a trip into the nearby town of Concord when he was arrested by Sam Staples, the local constable, for having failed to pay che local poll tax for the pasc several years. Staples initially offered co lend Thoreau enough money co pay the tax, but Thoreau refused, arguing chat it was a matter of principle. He spent the night in jail-until the debt was paid, to his irritation, by an anonymous friend-and continued co make an issue of the principles involved, most notably in a lecture he gave in Concord on 26 January 1848, which was published as "Resistance to Civil Government" in 1849. The essay was later republished as "Civil Disobedience," and under chat name has taken its place among the best known of all American essays. But the historical background to the famous piece remains unfamiliar co many modern readers. In nineteenth-century America, a poll tax was a fixed annual amount charged to any individual who was eligible to go co the polls-co vote in an election. Ac the time, poll taxes were levied in several of the scares; poll cax revenue accounted for at lease a quarter of the total revenue of the state of Massachusetts. Though poll taxes were levied by the individual scares, rather than by the federal government, Thoreau created che state as a fundamental piece of the larger State--of American government as a whole. As a citizen, one was required co pay che poll tax in order to vote, whether for local, state, or federal positions, and Thoreau thus saw the policies of the United Scaces as a whole as virally relevant co the paying of che poll cax in che cown of Concord, Massachuseccs. Thoreau's arguments were focused on two interconnected areas in which he saw America as having acced immorally-the Mexican-American War of 1846-47, and che American inscicucion of slavery. He was not alone in seeing che cwo as connecced; a substantial minority of Americans (and a majority in much of the North) suspected President James K. Polk, a slaveowner, of having provoked che war with the intent not only of adding new cerricoty co the United States, but also of eventually increasing che number of states in which slavery was permitted, and thereby giving che slave stares a controlling interest in the politics of the republic. Whether or nor chat was Polk's express intenc,

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the Whigs found that Zachary Taylor, a general who had led the American forces in the war effort but who had no discernable allegiance to Whig principles, was available as a candidate, they sec principle co one side and nominated him at their convention. Taylor did indeed defeat the Democrats' nominee, Lewis Cass. (The 1848 popular vote was 47 per cent for Taylor and 43 per cent for Cass, with Van Buren's Free Soil Party caking IO per cent.) le was against this political background that Thoreau penned his famous essay on democratic principles.

I

heartily accept the motto, "That government is best which governs least";' and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and syscemacically. Carried out, it finally amounts co chis, which also I believe, "That government is best which governs not at all"; and when men are prepared for it, chat will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at lase be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which che people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can ace through it. Witness the present Mexican war,2 the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in che outset, the people would not have consented to chis measure. This American government-what is it but a tradicion, though a recent one, endeavoring co transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, bur each instant losing some of its integrity? le has nor the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it co his will. le is a sort of wooden gun to the people themselves; and, if ever they should use it in earnest as 1

Thar government ... goverm uasr Paraphrase of the mono of the United Stares Magazine and Democratic Review, which has often been erroneously amibuted to Thomas Jefferson. 2

Mexican war Many Northerners and abolicionim opposed the Mexican-American \Xfar, which had broken out in 1846, fearing that it would expand and strengthen the domain of Southern slavery.

a real one against each ocher, it will surely split. Bue it is not che less necessary for chis; for the people must have some complicated machinery or ocher, and hear its din, co satisfy char idea of government which they have. Governments show thus how successfully men can be imposed on, even impose on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all allow; yet this government never of itself furthered any enterprise, but by che alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country free. ft does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all chat has been accomplished; and it would have done somewhat more, if che government had not sometimes got in its way. For government is an expedient by which men would fain succeed in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the governed are most lee alone by it. Trade and commerce, if they were nor made of India rubber, would never manage to bounce over the obstacles which legislators are continually putting in their way; and, if one were co judge these men wholly by che effects of their actions, and nor partly by their intentions, chey would deserve co be classed and punished with chose mischievous persons who put obstructions on the railroads. Bue, co speak practically and as a citizen, unlike chose who call themselves no-government men, I ask for, not at once no government, bur at once a better government. Lee every man make known what kind ?f government would command his respect, and chat will be one seep coward obtaining it. After all, the practical reason why, when the power is once in che hands of the people, a majority are permicced, and for a long period continue, co rule, is not because chey are most likely co be in the right, nor because chis seems fairest co the minority, but because they are physically the strongest. Bue a government in which che majority rule in all cases cannot be based on justice, even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a government in which majorities do nor virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience? in which majorities decide only chose questions to which the rule of expediency is applicable? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the lease degree, resign his conscience co che legislator? Why has every man a conscience, chen? I chink that we should be men first, and subjects

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afterward. It is not desirable to culcivate a respect for the law, so much as for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume, is to do at any time what I think right. It is truly enough said, chat a corporation has no conscience;1 but a corporation of conscientious men is a corporation with a conscience. Law never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their respect for it, even the well-disposed are daily made the agents of injustice. A common and natural result of an undue respect for law is, that you may see a file of soldiers, colonel, captain, corporal, privates, powdermonkeys2 and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, aye, against their common sense and consciences, which makes it very steep marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart. They have no doubt that it is a damnable business in which they are concerned; they are all peaceably inclined. Now, what are they? Men at all? or small moveable fores and magazines,3 at the service of some unscrupulous man in power? Visit the Navy Yard, and behold a marine, such a man as an American government can make, or such as it can make a man with its black arts, a mere shadow and reminiscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one may say, buried under arms with funeral accompaniments, though it may be Noc a drum was heard, nor a funeral note, As his corse co rhe ramparts we hurried;

Nor a soldier discharged his farewell shot O'er rhe grave where our hero we buried.4 The mass of men serve the Srate thus, not as men mainly, but as machines, with their bodies. 1hey are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, 5 &c. In most cases there is no free 1

a corporation . . . no conscience Idea erroneously alcributed m English jurisr and politician Sir Edward Coke (1552-1634) by later English philosopher Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832). :

powder-monkeys rooms to the guns.

Boys hired ro carry gunpowder from storage

exercise whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; bur they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones; and wooden men can perhaps be manufactured that will serve the purpose as well. Such command no more respect than men of straw, or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs. Yee such as these even are commonly esteemed good citizens. Ochers, as most legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, and office-holders, serve the Scace chiefly with their heads; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without intending ic, as God. A very few, as heroes, patriots, martyrs, reformers in the great sense, and men, serve the Scace with their consciences also, and so necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated by ic as enemies. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not submit to be "clay," and "stop a hole to keep the wind away," 6 but leave chat office to his dust at lease: I am roo high-born co be propertied, To be a secondary at control, Or useful serving-man and instrument To any sovereign state throughout the world.7 He who gives himself entirely to his fellow-men appears to chem useless and selfish; but he who gives himself partially to chem is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist. How does it become a man ro behave coward chis American government roday? I answer chat he cannot without disgrace be associated with it. I cannot for an instant recognize chat political organization as my government which is the slave's government also. All men recognize the right of revolution; chat is, the right to refuse allegiance co and to resist the government, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are great and unendurable. Bue almost all say char such is not the case now. Bue such was the case, they chink, in the Revolution of '75.8 If one were to cell me chat this was a bad government because it taxed certain foreign

3 magazines Military storehouses.

6

4

7 8

Not a ... we buried See "Burial ofSir John Moore at Corunna"

b:' Irish poet Charles Wolfe (1791-1823); com Corpse. 'i posse comitatus Larin: enabling group of companions; remponry police force recruited from rhe general population.

699

clay ... wind away

Sec Shakespeare's Hamlet 5-1.220-21.

I am ... the world See Shakespeare's King john 5.1.79-82.

I.e., the American Revolurionary War; unjust raxation by rhe Bricish governmenr was one of the primary grievances among the revolution's leaders.

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commodities brought to its pores, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without chem: all machines have their friction; and possibly chis does enough good to counterbalance the evil. At any rate, it is a great evil to make a stir about it. Bue when the friction comes co have its machine, and oppression and robbery are organized, I say, lee us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of the population of a nation which has undertaken to be the refuge of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is unjuscly overrun and conquered by a foreign army, and subjected to military law, I chink that it is not too soon for honest men to rebel and revolutionize. What makes chis ducy che more urgent is the fact, chat the country so overrun is not our own, but ours is the invading army. Paley, 1 a common authority with many on moral questions, in his chapter on che "Duey of Submission co Civil Government," resolves all civil obligation into expediency; and he proceeds to say, "chat so long as the interest of che whole society requires it, chat is, so long as che established government cannot be resisted or changed without public inconveniency, it is the will of God chat the established government be obeyed, and no longer." "This principle being admicced, the justice of every particular case of resistance is reduced to a computation of the quantity of che danger and grievance on the one side, and of the probability and expense of redressing it on che ocher." Of chis, he says, every man shall judge for himself. Bue Paley appears never to have contemplated those cases to which the rule of expediency does not apply, in which a people, as well as an individual, must do justice, cost what it may. If I have unjustly wrested a plank from a drowning man, I must restore it to him though I drown myself. This, according to Paley, would be inconvenient. But he char would save his life, in such a case, shall lose it.2 This people must cease to hold slaves, and to make

1

Paley English theologian and philosopher William Paley (1743-1805); che quocacion is from his Princip~ of Moral alld Political Phiwsophy (1785). 2 But he ... losr it See Macchew 10.39: " He chat findech his life shall lose it: and he chat loseth his life for my sake shall find ic." The drowning man analogy seems from a question posed by Roman philosopher Cicero (106---43 BCE) in his book on echics and moral philosophy, De Officiis.

war on Mexico, though it cost chem their existence as a people. In their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does anyone chink char Massachusetts does exactly what is right at the present crisis? A drab of srate, a clorh-o'-silver slur, To have her train borne up, and her soul trail in the dirr.3 Practically speaking, the opponents to a reform in Massachusetts are not a hundred thousand politicians at the South, but a hundred thousand merchants and farmers here, who are more interested in commerce and agriculture than they arc in humanity, and are not prepared to do justice to the slave and co Mexico, cost what it may.4 I quarrel not with far-off foes, but with chose who, near at home, co-operate with, and do che bidding of those far away, and without whom the latter would be harmless. We are accustomed to say, that the mass of men are unprepared; but improvement is slow, because the few are not materially wiser or better than the many. It is not so important that many should be as good as you, as that there be some absolute goodness somewhere; for chat will leaven the whole lump. There are thousands who are in opinion opposed to slavery and to the war, who yet in effect do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say chat they know not what co do, and do nothing; who even postpone the question of freedom to the question of free-trade, and quietly read 3 A drab ... the dirt See The Revenger's Tragedy 4.4 by Thomas Middleton (1580-1627}. The quotation suggests ch:11 a person whose soul is unclean cannot change cheir nature by dressing chemselves in fine cloches. Massachusetts, Thoreau suggests, has dressed itself in fine clothes with its resolucion against slavery, but its soul remains unclean. (The term "slue," in this comext, refers co an unkempt or unclean person, and does not necessarily have derogatory sexual connocacions.) 4

more i11terested ... what it may The legislature of Massachusem had passed a resolucion in 1847 condemning che war and chc annexation of Mexican territories as a war "waged ingloriously, by a powerful nation against a weak neighbor, unnecessarily and wichouc just cause ... with che triple object of extending slavery ... [and) of obtaining control of the Free Staces, under che Constitution of the United States." Bue few in Massachusens were calling for concrete action beyond chis.

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che prices-current along wich che lacesc advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, ic may be, fall asleep over chem boch. Whac is the price-current of an honest man and pacrioc today? They hesitate, and chey regret, and sometimes chey petition; buc chey do nothing in earnesc and wich effect. They will waic, well disposed, for ochers co remedy the evil, chac they may no longer have it co regret. Ac most, chey give only a cheap vote, and a feeble countenance and Godspeed, to che right, as ic goes by chem. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue co one virtuous man; bur it is easier co deal with the real possessor of a thing chan with the temporary guardian of it. All voting is a sort of gaming, like chequers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge co ic, a playing with right and wrong, wich moral questions; and betting naturally accompanies it. The character of che voters is not staked. I case my vote, perchance, as I chink righc; bur I am not vitally concerned char char right should prevail. I am willing co leave ic co che majority. !cs obligacion, therefore, never exceeds rhac of expediency. Even voting.for the right is doing nothing for it. le is only expressing co men feebly your desire char it should prevail. A wise man will not leave che right co che mercy of chance, nor wish ic co prevail through che power of the majority. There is buc licde virtue in che action of masses of men. When che majority shall at lengch vote for che abolition of slavery, ic will be because chey are indifferent co slavery, or because there is buc linle slavery left co be abolished by their vote. They will chen be che only slaves. Only his vote can hasten che abolicion ofslavery who assercs his own freedom by his voce. I hear of a convention co be held at Balcimore,1 or elsewhere, for che selection of a candidate for the Presidency, made up chiefly of editors, and men who are politicians by profession; bur I chink, what is it co any independent, intelligent, and respectable man what decision chey may come co, shall we nor have che advantage of his wisdom and honesty, nevertheless? Can we not count upon some independent votes? Are there nor many individuals in che country who do noc attend conventions? Bue no: I find chat the respectable man, so called, has immediately drifted from his

position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more reason to despair of him. He forthwith adopts one of the candidates thus selecced as the only available one, chus proving char he is himself available for any purposes of che demagogue. His vote is of no more worth than chat of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling native, who may have been bought. Oh for a man who is a man, and, as my neighbor says, has a bone in his back which you cannot pass your hand through! Our statistics are at fault: the population has been returned too large. How many men are there co a square thousand miles in chis country? Hardly one. Does not America offer any inducement for men co settle here? The American has dwindled into an Odd Fellow2 -one who may be known by the development of his organ of gregariousness, and a manifest lack of intellect and cheerful self-reliance; whose first and chief concern, on coming into the world, is co see char che alms-houses are in good repair; and, before yec he has lawfully donned che virile garb,3 co collect a fund for the support of the widows and orphans chat may be; who, in shore, ventures co live only by the aid of the mutual insurance company, which has promised co bury him decently. le is not a man's duty, as a matter of course, co devoce himself to the eradication of any, even che most enormous wrong; he may still properly have ocher concerns co engage him; but ic is his duty, at lease, co wash his hands of it, and, if he gives it no choughc longer, not co give it practically his support. If I devote myself to ocher pursuics and concemplacions, I muse first see, ac lease, char I do nor pursue chem sitting upon another man's shoulders. I muse gee off him first, chat he may pursue his concemplacions coo. See what gross inconsistency is tolerated. I have heard some of my townsmen say, "I should like co have chem order me our to help put down an insurrection of the slaves, or co march co Mexico--see if I would go"; and yec these very men have each, direccly by their allegiance, and so indirectly, at lease, by their money, furnished a substitute. The soldier is applauded who refuses to serve in an unjust war by chose who do not refuse co sustain che

convmrion ro ... at Baltimore The 1848 Democratic Nacional Convencion. See the beadnoce co chis essay for furcher information.

3 viriu garb The "toga virilis," robe donned by boys in ancienc Rome upon reaching the age of adulthood.

2

Odd Fe//Qlu Ironic allusion co the lndependenc Order of Odd Fellows, a fracernal organizacion wich benevolent social aims.

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unjust government which makes the war; is applauded by chose whose own ace and auchoriry he disregards and sets ac nought; as if che Scace were penitent co chat degree chat it hired one co scourge it while it sinned, bur not to chat degree chat it left off sinning for a moment. Thus, under che name of order and civil government, we are all made ac lase co pay homage ro and I support our own meanness. After che first blush of sin, comes ics indifference; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not quite unnecessary co chat life which we have made. The broadest and most prevalent error requires the most disinterested virtue co sustain it. The slight reproach to which che virtue of parriotism is commonly liable, the noble are most likely co incur. Those who, while they disapprove of the character and measures of a government, yield co it their allegiance and support, are undoubtedly its most conscientious supporters, and so frequently the most serious obstacles co reform. Some are petitioning che State co dissolve the Union, co disregard the requisitions of the President. Why do they not dissolve it themselves-the union between themselves and the Stace-and refuse co pay their quota into its treasury? Do not they stand in the same relation co the Seate, that the Stace does co che Union? And have not the same reasons prevented the Stace from resisting che Union, which have prevented chem from resisting the Scace? How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it? ls there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a single dollar by your neighbor, you do not rest satisfied with knowing chat you arc cheated, or with saying chat you are cheated, or even with petitioning him to pay you your due; but you take effectual seeps at once to obtain che full amount, and see chat you are never cheated again. Action from principle-the perception and che performance of righc-----changes things and relations; it is essentially revolutionary, and docs not consist wholly with anything which was. le not only divides states and churches, it divides families; aye, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from che divine. Unjust laws exist: shall we be content to obey chem, or shall we endeavor co amend chem, and obey them until we have succeeded, or shall we transgress chem

ac once? Men generally, under such a government as chis, think chat they ought co wait until they have persuaded the majoriry to alter them. They chink that, if they should resist, the remedy would be worse than the evil. But it is che fault of che government itself chat che remedy is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt co anticipate and provide for reform? Why does it not cherish its wise minoriry? Why does it cry and resist before it is hurt? Why does it not encourage its citizens co be on the alert to point our its faults, and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ, and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther,' and pronounce Washington and Franklin rebels? One would think, chat a deliberate and practical denial of its authority was che only offence never contemplated by government; else, why has it not assigned its definite, its suitable and proportionate penalry? If a man who has no properry refuses but once co earn nine shillings for the Scace, he is put in prison for a period unlimited by any law chat I know, and determined only by the discretion of those who placed him there; but if he should steal ninery times nine shillings from the State, he is soon permitted co go at large again. If the injustice is part of the necessary friction of the machine of government, lee it go, lee it go: perchance it will wear smooth-certainly the machine will wear out. If the injustice has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, exclusively for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether che remedy will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a nature that ic requires you co be che agent of injustice co another, chen, I say, break the law. Lee your life be a counter friction co stop che machine. What I have co do is to see, ac any race, that I do not lend myself co the wrong which I condemn. As for adopting the ways which the Seate has provided for remedying the evil, I know not of such way:.. They cake coo much time, and a man's life will be gone. I have ocher affairs to attend to. I came into this world, not chiefly co make chis a good place co live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not everything co do, bur something; and because he cannot do 1

Copen11cus and Luther Renai~).lnce ascronomer Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543) and German cheologian Marcin Lucher (1483-1546), who were both excommunicaced from rhe church for cheir rcvolucionary idea\.

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everything, it is not necessary that he should do somethingwrong. It is not my business to be petitioning the governor or the legislature any more than it is theirs to petition me; and, if they should not hear my petition, what should I do then? Bue in this case the Scace has provided no way: its very Constitution is the evil. This may seem to be harsh and stubborn and unconciliacory; but it is to treat with the utmost kindness and consideration the only spirit that can appreciate or deserves it. So is all change for the better, like birch and death which convulse the body. I do not hesitate to say, chat chose who call themselves abolitionists should at once effectually withdraw their support, both in person and property, from the government of Massachusetts, and not wait till they constitute a majority of one, before they suffer the right to prevail through them. I think that it is enough if they have God on their side, without waiting for that ocher one. Moreover, any man more right than his neighbors, constitutes a majority of one already. I meet chis American government, or its representative che Scace government, directly, and face to face, once a year, no more, in the person of its tax-gatherer; chis is the only mode in which a man situated as I am necessarily meets it; and it then says distinctly, Recognize me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the present posture of affairs, the indispensablest mode of creating with it on chis head, of expressing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to deny it then. My civil neighbor, the tax-gatherer, is the very man I have to deal with-for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that I quarrel-and he has voluntarily chosen co be an agent of the government. How shall he ever know well what he is and does as an officer of the government, or as a man, until he is obliged to consider whether he shall treat me, his neighbor, for whom he has respect, as a neighbor and well-disposed man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can gee over this obstruction to his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his action? I know chis well, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could name-if ten honest men only-aye, if one HONEST man, in this Scace of Massachusetts, ceasing to ho/,d slaves, were actually to withdraw from this co-partnership, and be locked up in the county

703

jail therefore, it would be the abolition of slavery in America. For it matters not how small the beginning may seem to be: what is once well done is done for ever. But we love better co talk about it: chat we say is our mission. Reform keeps many scores of newspapers in its service, but not one man. If my esteemed neighbor, the State's ambassador,1 who will devote his days co the settlement of the question of human rights in the Council Chamber, instead of being threatened with the prisons of Carolina, were to sic down che prisoner of Massachusetts, that State which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister-though at present she can discover only an act of inhospitality to be che ground of a quarrel with her-the Legislature would not wholly waive the subject the following winter. Under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also a prison. The proper place today, the only place which Massachusetts has provided for her freer and less desponding spirits, is in her prisons, to be put out and locked out of the Scace by her own ace, as they have already put themselves out by their principles. le is there chat the fugitive slave, and the Mexican prisoner on parole, and the Indian come to plead the wrongs of his race, should find chem; on that separate, but more free and honorable ground, where the Seate places those who are not with her but against her-the only house in a slave-state in which a free man can abide with honor. If any think that their influence would be lost there, and their voices no longer afflict the ear of the Scace, chat they would not be as an enemy within its walls, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and effectively he can combat injustice who has experienced a little in his own person. Case your whole vote, not a strip of paper merely, but your whole influence. A minority is powerless while it conforms to the majority; it is not even a minority then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole weight. If the alternative is co keep all just men in prison, or give up war and slavery, the Stace will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand 1

my esteemed ... State's nmbnssndor Samuel Hoar (1778- 1856), Concord politician who in 1844 was forcibly expelled from Sourh Carolina when he went there to protest the seizure of free black seamen from Massachusetts, whose freedom was not acknowledged by South Carolina and who were thus at risk of being sold into slavery.

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HENRY DAVID THOREAU

men were not to pay their tax-bills this year, that would not be a violent and bloody measure, as it would be to pay chem, and enable the Seate to commit violence and shed innocent blood. This is, in fact, the definition of a peaceable revolution, if any such is possible. If the tax-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, "Bue what shall I do?" my answer is, "lf you really wish to do anything, resign your office." When the subject has refused allegiance, and the officer has resigned his office, then the revolution is accomplished. But even suppose blood should flow. Is there not a sore of bloodshed when the conscience is wounded? Through chis wound a man's real manhood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. I see this blood flowing now. I have contemplated the imprisonment of the offender, rather than the seizure of his goods-though both will serve the same purpose-because they who assert the purest right, and consequently are most dangerous to a corrupt Seate, commonly have not spent much time in accumulating property. To such the Scace renders comparatively small service, and a slight tax is wont co appear exorbitant, particularly if they are obliged to earn it by special labor with their hands. If there were one who lived wholly without the use of money, the Scare itself would hesitate to demand it of him. But the rich man-not to make any invidious comparison-is always sold co the institution which makes him rich. Absolucely speaking, the more money, the less virtue; for money comes between a man and his objects, and obtains chem for him; and it was certainly no great virtue to obtain it. It puts to rest many questions which he would otherwise be taxed to answer; while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one, how to spend ir. Thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet. The opportunities of living are diminished in proportion as what are called che "means" are increased. The best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to endeavour to carry out chose schemes which he entertained when he was poor. Christ answered the Herodians according co their condition. "Show me the tribute-money," said he-and one took a penny out of his pocket-If you use money which has the image of Cesar on it, and which he has made current and valuable, that is, ifyou are men ofthe State, and gladly enjoy the advantages of

Cesar's government, then pay him back some of his own when he demands it; "Render therefore co C~sar that which is Cesar's, and to God those things which are God's," 1-leaving chem no wiser than before as co which was which; for they did not wish to know. When I converse with the freest of my neighbors, I perceive chat, whatever they may say about the magnitude and seriousness of the question, and their regard for the public tranquillity, the long and the shore of the mauer is, chat they cannot spare the protection of the existing government, and they dread che consequences of disobedience co it to their property and families. For my own part, I should not like to chink that I ever rely on the protection of the Scace. But, if I deny the authority of the Scace when it presents its tax-bill, it will soon cake and waste all my property, and so harass me and my children without end. This is hard. This makes it impossible for a man to live honestly and at the san1e time comfortably in outward respects. It will not be worth the while co accumulate property; chat would be sure to go again. You must hire or squat somewhere, and raise but a small crop, and eat chat soon. You must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself, always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many affairs. A man may grow rich in Turkey even, if he will be in all respects a good subject of the Turkish government. Confucius said, "If a Scace is governed by the principles of reason, poverty and misery are subjects of shame; if a Scace is not governed by che principles of reason, riches and honors are the subjects of shame."2 No: until I want the protection of Massachusetts to be extended co me in some distant southern pore, where my liberty is endangered, or until I am bent solely on building up an estate at home by peaceful enterprise, I can afford to refuse allegiance to Massachusetts, and her right to my property and life. le costs me less in every sense to incur the penalty of disobedience to the Scace, than it would to obey. I should feel as if I were worth less in mat case.

1

Christ answered ... are God's See Matthew 22.16-21, in which the Herodians, in an attempt to slander him before the aurhorities, ask Jesus whether he thinks it lawful to pay taxes to Roman authorities. 2

Ifn ... ofshame From the Analects 8.13 by Chinese philosopher Confucius (551-479 BCE).

Page 276

RESISTANCE TO CIVIL GOVERNMENT

Some years ago, the Stare met me in behalf of the church, and commanded me to pay a cerrain sum coward the support of a clergyman whose preaching my father attended, but never I myself. "Pay it," it said, "or be locked up in the jail." I declined co pay. Bur, unfortunately, another man saw fit to pay it. I did not sec why the schoolmaster should be caxed co support the priest, and not the priest the schoolmaster; for I was nor rhe State's schoolmaster, but I supported myself by voluntary subscription. I did not see why the lyceum should not present its tax-bill, and have the State co back ics demand, as well as the church. However, at the request of rhe selectmen, I condescended to make some such statement as this in writing: "Know all men by these presents, that I, Henry Thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any incorporated sociery which I have nor joined." This I gave to the town-clerk; and he has it. The State, having thus learned chat I did not wish co be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like demand on me since; though it said that it must adhere to its original presumption rhar time. IfI had known how to name them, I should then have signed off in derail from all the societies which I never signed on to; but I did not know where to find a complete list. I have paid no poll-tax for six years. I was put into a jail once on this account, for one night;' and, as I stood considering rhe walls of solid scone, two or three feet chick, che door of wood and iron, a foot thick, and the iron grating which strained the light, I could not help being struck with the foolishness of that institution which treated me as if! were mere flesh and blood and bones, to be locked up. I wondered that it should have concluded at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought co avail itself of my services in some way. I saw chat, if there was a wall of scone between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through, before they could get to be as free as I was. I did not for a moment feel confined, and the walls seemed a great waste of scone and mortar. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my tax. They plainly did nor know how co crear me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. In every threat and in every compliment there was a blunder; for chey thought that my chief 1

/

705

desire was to stand the other side of that stone wall. I could nor bur smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my medications, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous. As they could not reach me, they had resolved to punish my body; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite, will abuse his dog. I saw that the Stare was half-witted, chat it was timid as a lone woman with her silver spoons, and rhar it did not know its friends from its foes, and I lost all my remaining respect for it, and pitied it. Thus rhe Scare never intentionally confronts a man's sense, intellectual or moral, but only his body, his senses. Ir is not armed with superior wit or honesry, but with superior physical strength. I was not born to be forced. I will breathe after my own fashion. Lee us see who is the strongest. What force has a multitude? They only can force me who obey a higher law than I. They force me to become like themselves. I do not hear of men beingforced to live chis way or that by masses of men. What sort of life were that to live? When I meet a government which says to me, "Your money or your life," why should I be in haste co give it my money? It may be in a great strait, and nor know what to do: I cannot help that. Ir must help itself; do as I do. It is not worth the while to snivel about it. I am nor responsible for the successful working of the machinery of sociery. I am nor the son of the engineer. I perceive rhar, when an acorn and a chestnut fall side by side, the one does nor remain inert co make way for the other, bur both obey their own laws, and spring and grow and flourish as best they can, rill one, perchance, overshadows and destroys the other. If a plane cannot live according co its nature, it dies; and so a man.

was ... one night In July 1846.

Page 277

The night in prison was novel and interesting enough. The prisoners in their shirr-sleeves were enjoying a chat and the evening air in the door-way, when I entered. Bur the jailer said, "Come, boys, it is rime to lock up"; and so they dispersed, and I heard the sound of their steps returning into rhe hollow apartments. My roommate was introduced to me by rhe jailer, as "a first-rate fellow and a clever man." When rhe door was locked, he showed me where co hang

706

HENRY DAVID THOREAU

my hat, and how he managed matters there. The rooms were whitewashed once a month; and this one, at least, was the whitest, most simply furnished, and probably the neatest apartment in the town. He naturally wanted co know "vhere I came from, and what brought me there; and, when I had cold him, I asked him in my turn how he came there, presuming him to be an honest man, of course; and, as the world goes, I believe he was. "Why," said he, "they accuse me of burning a barn; but I never did it." As near as I could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk, and smoked his pipe there; and so a barn was burnt. He had the reputation of being a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his trial co come on, and would have co wait as much longer; but he was quire domesticated and contented, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was well treated. He occupied one window, and I the other; and I saw, that, if one stayed there long, his principal business would be to look out the window. I had soon read all the traces chat were left there, and examined where former prisoners had broken out, and where a grate had been sawed off, and heard the history of the various occupants of that room; for I found that even here there was a history and a gossip which never circulated beyond the walls of the jail. Probably this is the only house in the cown where verses are composed, which are afterward printed in a circular form, 1 but not published. I was shown quite a long list of verses which were composed by some young men who had been detected in an attempt to escape, who avenged themselves by singing them. I pumped my fellow-prisoner as dry as I could, for fear I should never see him again; but at length he showed me which was my bed, and left me co blow out the lamp. It was like traveling into a far country, such as I had never expected co behold, co lie chere for one night. It seemed co me that I never had heard the town-clock strike before, nor the evening 1

circ11/ar form

I.e., robe disrributed among many people.

sounds of the village; for we slept with the windows open, which were inside the gracing. le was co see my native village in the light of the middle ages, and our Concord was turned into a Rhine stream, and visions of knights and castles passed before me. They were che voices of old burghers that I heard in the streets. I was an involuntary spectator and auditor of whatever was done and said in che kitchen of che adjacent village-inn-a wholly new and rare experience co me. le was a closer view of my native cown. I was fairly inside of it. I never had seen its institutions before. This is one of its peculiar institutions; for it is a shire cown. 2 I began co comprehend what its inhabitants were about. In the morning, our breakfasts were puc through the hole in the door, in small oblongsquare tin pans, made co fie, and holding a pine of chocolate, with brown bread, and an iron spoon. When they called for che vessels again, I was green enough co return what bread I had left; but my comrade seized it, and said chat I should lay that up for lunch or dinner. Soon after, he was lee our co work ac haying in a neighboring field, whither he went every day, and would not be back till noon; so he bade me good-day, saying that he doubted if he should see me again. When I came out of prison-for someone interfered, and paid the tax3-I did not perceive chat great changes had taken place on the common, such as he observed who went in a youth, and emerged a tottering and gray-headed man; and yet a change had co my eyes come over the scene-the cown, and Scace, and countrygreater than any chat mere time could effect. I saw yet more distinctly the Stace in which I lived. I saw co what extent the people among whom I lived could be trusted as good neighbors and friends; that their friendship was for summer weather only; that they did not greatly purpose co do right; that they were a distinct race from 2

shi" town

County seat, meaning it held the county jail.

3 for someone . . . the tax There has been a good deal of speculation as to the identity of this person, though no conclusions can be made; suggested persons have included Emerson, Samuel Hoar, and Thoreau's Aunt Maria.

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REsISTANCE TO C1v1L GovERNMENT

me by their prejudices and superstitions, as the Chinamen and Malays are; that, in their sacrifices to humanity, they ran no risks, not even to their property; that, after all, chey were not so noble but they created the chief as he had treated chem, and hoped, by a certain outward observance and a few prayers, and by walking in a particular straight though useless path from rime to time, to save their souls. This may be co judge my neighbors harshly; for I believe that most of them are not aware chat they have such an institution as the jail in their village. le was formerly the custom in our village, when a poor debtor came out of jail, for his acquaintances co salute him, looking through their fingers, which were crossed to represent the grating of a jail window, "How do ye do?" My neighbors did not thus salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if I had returned from a long journey. I was put into jail as I was going to the shoemaker's to get a shoe which was mended. When I was let out che next morning, I proceeded to finish my errand, and, having put on my mended shoe, joined a huckleberry parry, who were impatient to put themselves under my conduct; and in half an hour-for the horse was soon cackled-was in the midst of a huckleberry field, on one of our highest hills, two miles off; and then the State was nowhere to be seen. This is the whole history of "My Prisons."• I have never declined paying the highway tax, because I am as desirous of being a good neighbor as 1 am of being a bad subject; and, as for supporting schools, I am doing my part to educate my fellow-countrymen now. It is for no particular item in the tax-bill that I refuse to pay ic. I simply wish to refuse allegiance to the Seate, to withdraw and stand aloof from it effectually. I do not care co trace che course of my dollar, if I could, cill it buys a man, or a musket to shoot one withthe dollar is innocent-but I am concerned to trace the effects of my allegiance. In fact, I quietly declare war with the State, after my fashion, though I will still

707

make what use and get what advantage of her I can, as is usual in such cases. If ochers pay the cax which is demanded of me, from a sympathy with the State, they do but what they have already done in their own case, or rather they abet injustice to a greater extent than the State requires. If they pay che tax from a mistaken interest in che individual taxed, to save his property or prevent his going to jail, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their private feelings interfere with che public good. This, then, is my position at present. Bue one cannot be too much on his guard in such a case, Iese his action be biased by obstinacy, or an undue regard for the opinions of men. Let him see chat he does only what belongs to himself and to the hour. I chink sometimes, Why, chis people mean well; they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how: why give your neighbors chis pain to treat you as they are not inclined co? But I chink, again, this is no reason why I should do as they do, or permit others to suffer much greater pain of a different kind. Again, I sometimes say to myself, When many millions of men, without heat, without ill-will, without personal feeling of any kind, demand of you a few shillings only, without the possibility, such is cheir constitution, of retracting or altering their present demand, and without the possibility, on your side, of appeal co any ocher millions, why expose yourself co chis overwhelming brute force? You do not resist cold and hunger, the winds and the waves, thus obstinately; you quietly submit to a thousand similar necessities. You do not put your head into che fire. Bue just in proportion as I regard chis as not wholly a brute force, but parcly a human force, and consider that I have relations co those millions as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see that appeal is possible, first and instantaneously, from them co che Maker of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves. Bue, if I put my head deliberately into the fire, there is no appeal co fire or to the Maker of fire, and I have only myself co blame. If I could convince myself that I have any right to be satisfied with men as they are, and co treat chem accordingly, and not according, in some respects, to my requisitions and expectations of what they and I

1

My Prisons Allusio n co the prison memoir of Silvio Pellico 1788- 1854).

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HENRY DAVID THOREAU

ought to be, then, like a good Mussulman1 and fatalist, I should endeavor to be satisfied with things as they are, and say it is the will of God. And, above all, there is this difference between resisting chis and a purely brute or natural force, chat I can resist chis with some effect; but I cannot expect, like Orpheus,2 to change the nature of the rocks and trees and beasts. I do not wish co quarrel with any man or nation. I do nor wish to split hairs, co make fine distinctions, or set myself up as better than my neighbors. I seek rather, I may say, even an excuse for conforming to the laws of the land. I am but too ready to conform to chem. Indeed I have reason to suspect myself on this head; and each year, as che tax-gatherer comes round, I find myself disposed co review the aces and position of the general and state governments, and the spirit of the people, to discover a pretext for conformity. I believe that the Scare will soon be able to rake all my work of chis sort our of my hands, and then I shall be no better a patriot than my fellow-countrymen. Seen from a lower point of view, the Constitution, with all its faults, is very good; che law and the courrs are very respectable; even this Seate and chis American government are, in many respects, very admirable and rare things, co be thankful for, such as a great many have described chem; but seen from a point of view a little higher, they are what I have described them; seen from a higher still, and the highest, who shall say what they are, or chat they are worth looking at or chinking of ar all? However, the government does not concern me much, and I shall bestow the fewest possible thoughts on it. le is not many moments that I live under a government, even in this world. If a man is thought-free, fancy-free, imagination-free, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise rulers or reformers cannot fatally interrupt him. I know chat most men chink differently from myself; but chose whose lives are by profession devoted to the study of these or kindred subjects, content me as litde as any. Statesmen and legislators, standing so completely within che institution, never disrinccly and 1 2

M11ssu!man Antiquated term for a Muslim.

Orpheus According to Ovid's Metamorphoses, Orpheus was able to charm trees, scones, and wild beasts into following him by the beautiful playing of his lyre.

nakedly behold it. They speak of moving society, but have no resting-place without ic. They may be men of a certain experience and discrimination, and have no doubt invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we sincerely thank them; but all their wit and usefulness lie within certain not very wide limits. They are wont to forget chat the world is not governed by policy and expediency. Webster3 never goes behind government, and so cannot speak with authority about ic. His words are wisdom to those legislators who contemplate no essential reform in the existing government; but for thinkers, and those who legislate for all time, he never once glances at the subject. I know of chose whose serene and wise speculations on this theme would soon reveal the limits of his mind's range and hospitality. Yet, compared with che cheap professions of most reformers, and the still cheaper wisdom and eloquence of politicians in general, his are almost rhe only sensible and valuable words, and we thank Heaven for him. Comparatively, he is always strong, original, and, above all, practical. Still his quality is not wisdom, but prudence. The lawyer's truth is not Truth, but consistency, or a consistent expediency. Truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not concerned chiefly to reveal the justice that may consist with wrong-doing. He well deserves co be called, as he has been called, the Defender of the Constitution. There are really no blows co be given by him but defensive ones. He is not a leader, but a follower. His leaders are the men of '87. 4 "I have never made an effort," he says, "and never propose to make an effort; I have never countenanced an effort, and never mean to countenance an effort, to disturb the arrangement as originally made, by which the various States came into the Union." Still thinking of the sanction which the Constitution gives to slavery, he says, "Because it was a part of the original compact, let it stand." Notwithstanding his special acuteness and ability, he is unable co take a fact ouc 3 Webster Daniel Webster (1782-1852), Whig politician and at the time Senacor from Massachusetts. Webster played a key role in persuading the Senate co accept rhe Compromise of 1850, under the terms of which California would be admitted ro rhe Union as a free state, bur Urah and New Mexico could choose if rhey wished to allow slavery. The Compromise also committed the gm•ernmenc co strengthen rhe Fugitive Slave Acc. 4

mm of '87

1787.

Page 280

Those who drafted the United Scares Consrirurion in

RESISTANCE TO CIVIL GOVERNMENT

of its merely political relations, and behold it as it lies absolutely to be disposed of by the intellecc- whac, for instance, it behoves a man to do here in America today with regard to slavery- but ventures, or is driven, to make some such desperate answer as the following, while professing to speak absolutely, and as a private man- from which whac new and singular code of social duties might be inferred? "The manner," says he, "in which che government of chose States where slavery exists are co regulate it, is for their own consideration, under their responsibility to their constituents, co the general laws of propriety, humanity, and justice, and co God. Associations formed elsewhere, springing from a feeling of humanity, or any ocher cause, have nothing whatever to do with it. They have never received any encouragement from me, and they never will."1 They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the Bible and the Conscicucion, and drink at ic there with reverence and humility; but they who behold where it comes trickling into chis lake or chat pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their pilgrimage coward its fountain-head. No man with a genius for legislation has appeared in America. They are rare in the history of the world. There are orators, politicians, and eloquent men, by the thousand; but the speaker has not yet opened his mouth co speak, who is capable of seeding the muchvexed questions of the day. We love eloquence for its own sake, and not for any truth which it may utter, or any heroism it may inspire. Our legislators have not yet learned the comparative value of free-trade and of freedom, of union, and of rectitude, to a nation. They have no genius or talent for comparatively humble questions of taxation and finance, commerce and manufactures and agriculture. If we were left solely co the wordy wit of legislators in Congress for our guidance, uncorrected by the seasonable experience and the effectual complaints of che people, America would not long retain her rank among the nations. For eighteen hundred years, though perchance I have no right to say it, the New Testament has been written; yet where

709

is the legislator who has wisdom and practical talent enough to avail himself of the light which it sheds on the science of legislation? The authority of government, even such as I am willing to submit to-for I will cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than I, and in many things even chose who neither know nor can do so well- is still an impure one: co be strictly just, it must have the sanction and consent of the governed. It can have no pure right over my person and property but what I concede co it. The progress from an absolute co a limited monarchy, from a limited monarchy to a democracy, is a progress coward a true respect for the individual. ls a democracy, such as we know it, the lase improvement possible in government? Is it not possible to take a seep further towards recognizing and organizing the rights of man? There wilJ never be a really free and enlightened State, until the State comes co recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. I please myself with imagining a State at last which can afford to be just to all men, and ro treat che individual with respect as a neighbor; which even would not chink it inconsistent with its own repose, if a few were to live aloof from it, not meddling with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbors and fellow-men. A Seate which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more perfect and glorious State, which also I have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen. - 1849

1 [Thoreau's note] These extracts have been inserted since the Lecturt- was read. [Thort"au presumably refers to the two latter quotations, which are taken from speeches delivered by Webster before Congress in 1848.]

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JOHN ROLLIN RIDGE/ YELLOW BIRD

1827 - 1867

A

mong the most widely read Native American writers of the mid-nineteenth century, John Rollin Ridge- who usually published as Yellow Bird-played a key role in che development of Californian lirerarure and rhe literature of the "West." His only novel, 7he Life and Adventures ofjoaq11i11 Murieta, 7he Celebrated California Ba11dit (1854), adapted the formulae of the era's popular dime novels co the rapidly changing social landscape of Gold Rush-era California, developing the genre sometimes referred co today as "borderland literature"; ir is generally considered the first published novel by an Indigenous author. Ridge was also an accomplished poer and a prolific journalise. John Rollin Ridge, or Chees-quac-a-law-ny (Yellow Bird), was born in 1827 into a prominent Cherokee family, the son of John Ridge and Sarah Bird Northrup Ridge, a whire woman. Boch his father and his grandfather, Major Ridge, were powerful members of che Cherokee National Council. Over the preceding decades, the Cherokee Nacion had adopted Anglo-American agricultural practices, social and political scrucrures, and forms of religious worship, wirh Major Ridge having been, among ochers, ac the forefront of chis cultural transition. Rollin Ridge's early childhood was spent on his family's sizeable plantation in New Echoca, Georgia, then the capital of the Cherokee Nation. The family plantation held a number of enslaved people; Ridge would be a determined anti-abolirionisc throughout his adulthood. In the mid-183os, Ridge's family was at the center of a heated dispute within the Nacion about how best co respond co the increasing numbers of white secclers encroaching upon Cherokee territory. Many Cherokee were subjected co property theft and physical violence from these seeders, and the federal government, particularly following passage of the Indian Removal Ace of 1830, pressured the Cherokee co relocate co the area west of the Mississippi that had been designated as "Indian Terricory." Initially, most Cherokee were vehemently opposed co removal; the Ridges, however, came to view removal as inevitable, and began co speak out in its favor. In 1835, several members of the Ridge family and their supporters signed the Treaty of New Echoca, a controversial document ceding much of the Cherokee's land co the federal government. The Ridges subsequently moved co Honey Creek, in the northwest corner of the Cherokee Nacion (now the southwestern point of Missouri). Ami-Removal Cherokee, including Principal Chief John Ross, argued that the Ridges did not have che authority co enter into agreements with the U.S. and declared the treaty invalid, bur the federal government enforced the expulsion of all remaining Cherokee to Indian Territory in the summer of 1838. A key episode in the series of forced removals now known as the Trail ofTears, this expulsion led co thousands of deaths. The resultant enmity berween the 'Treaty Party" and the "Ross Party" culminated in 1839 with the assassination of several members of the Treary Party, including Major Ridge and John Ridge. Rollin Ridge, who witnessed his father's death, was traumatized by che assassination and would lacer describe it as "a scene of agony the sight of which might make one regret that the human race had ever been created." Fearing for the safety of her remaining family, Sarah fled wich her children co Fayerteville, Arkansas. In his mid-teens Ridge was sent co school in Massachusetts, though he remained only briefly before returning co Fayetteville, where he then studied the law. In 1847, Ridge married Elizabeth Wilson, a white woman he had met during his time in New England, and they had their first and only child, Alice Bird, the following year. Around chis time, Ridge began publishing poetry in local newspapers. In 1849, Ridge was involved in a fight likely related to the Ross-Ridge conflict, killing a man named David Kell. Forced into exile again, Ridge fled with his wife and daughter to Springfield, Missouri.

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JOHN ROLLIN RrnGE / YELLOW BIRD

Gold had been discovered at Succer's Mill, California in January 1848, and by 1849 rhe California Gold Rush was well underway. Ridge joined the westward migration of "forry-niners" in early 1850, accompanied by his brother Aeneas and an enslaved man, Wacooli, and temporarily leaving Elizabeth and Alice in Arkansas with his mother. In California-which had become pare of the U.S. following the end of the Mexican-American War in 1848-Ridge found a land fraught with racial tensions, as white American fortune seekers sought to stake their claims over rhe territory at the expense of Indigenous Californians, Mexicans, and che thousands of inrernarional immigrants who had begun co arrive. Ridge's own experience appears to have been relatively untainted by the racism and nativism of the forry-niners, but he nevertheless found little success in rhe search for gold; instead, he soon took to journalism, writing for and editing a variety of California periodicals. Much of Ridge's journalism expressed his rage ac the violence perpetrated by white settlers against Indigenous Californians, including groups such as the Maidu, Miwok, Monache, Pomo, and Northern Paiute (all of whom were indiscriminately referred to with the pejorative "Diggers" by most English speakers, Ridge included). Such violence was often explicitly condoned by the state; California's first governor, Peter Burnerc, called for rhe "extermination" of Indigenous Californians, and offered financial rewards for the murder of Indigenous men and the capture and enslavement of Indigenous women and children. Ridge acted as an advocate on behalf of these groups, but he also regularly suggested assimilation to Eurocentric culture or removal co Indian reservations as the solution to colonial violence. By 1854, Ridge had conceived an ambition to "contribute (his] mire to those materials out of which the early history of California shall one day be composed." Thar year saw the publication of his first and only novel, lhe Life and Adventures ofJoaquin Murieta, lhe Celebrated California Bandit, widely believed co be the first novel published in California. The work tells of the eponymous Murieca, an initially kind-hearted Mexican who turns to violence and banditry after a series of abuses at the hands of white Americans (including the rape of his lover and the murder of his brother). Inspired by widespread accounts of Mexican banditry throughout the mining regions of California-including accounts of several prominenr bandits named "Joaquin"-the novel was taken by many readers to be at least partly nonfictional. le now seems clear, however, that the work is more heavily informed by the conventions of contemporary popular fiction and dime novels than it is by any knowledge on the part of Ridge of actual bandies. The Life and Adventures proved extremely popular throughout both North America and Europe; widespread piracy, however, together with financial difficulcies on the part of the book's publishers, resulted in Ridge receiving next to no remuneration for his work. In the lace 1850s, Ridge was rejoined by his wife and daughter, with whom he eventually settled in Grass Valley. During this period Ridge became increasingly well-respected as a poet, and was invited to compose and recite poems on various public occasions. By 1864, his work was of sufficient renown chat the Daily Alta California dubbed him "the poet of California." Throughout the Civil War, Ridge remained outspoken as a journalise, and became affiliated with che "Copperheads," a faction of Union Democrats who sought a quick resolution to che war and the continuation of slavery in the scares of the Confederacy. Ar rhe end of the conflict, he was chosen to lead the Southern Cherokee delegation in treaty negoriarions in Washington; Ridge hoped to have che Cherokee Nacion granted statehood, bur this did nor come co pass. Ridge died in 1867; his wife oversaw the publication of a volume of his Poems the following year. The edition did not sell well, and within a few years Ridge's work as a poet had been largely forgotten by the American public. For many decades Ridge attracted little accention from critics, either-though in a 1932 study published in the Southwest Review Angie Debo concluded chat "nearly all of Ridge's poetry shows that his teachers had done their full duty in 'civilizing' him," bur that he had perhaps learned their lessons roo well. In Debo's view, Ridge "failed co realize in his poems his ambitious plans for presenting co the world the case of the oppressed Indian tribes, and became instead tritely conventional in the white man's manner." Academic critics such as Debo ignored Ridge's prose fiction entirely, but the character of Joaquin Muriera continued co live on in the public imagination, reinvented and reinterpreted by countless novelists, historians, playwrights, and eventually even filmmakers in the lace nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; the novel's 1955 editor credited Ridge with "creac[ing] California's most enduring myth." And

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JO H N R OLLIN R IDGE

I

YELLOW BrRD

in recent decades Ridge has attracted considerable attention from academics as well; the race-related complexities in much of Ridge's work-including his simultaneous advocacy for the beccer treatment of Indigenous peoples and his promotion of assimilation, slavery, and the ideals of American expansionism--continue to fascinate and trouble scholars today.

The ccxc of Ridge's The Lift and Advmtttm ofjoaq11in Muritta, The Celebrated California Bandit, is based on that first published in 1854. Spelling and puncruarion have been modernized in accordance with che practices of this anchology. NOTE ON THE TEXT:

from Ihe Life and Adventures of

Joaquin M urieta In the early 1850s, California newspapers were replete with sensational reports of Mexican bandits terrorizing white and Chinese miners around California's gold country. By 1853, most of these incidencs were alleged to be linked to a group known as the "Five Joaqu1ns": Joaquin Ocomorenia, Joaquin Valenzuela, Joaquin Botellier, Joaquin Carillo, and Joaquin Murrieta (the typical Spanish spelling of the name). Thar year, Mexican-American War veteran and bouncy hunter Harry Love (1810-68) was appointed leader of the California Rangers and casked with hunting down che suspected bandies. On z5 July, after several months of unsuccessful searching, rhe rangers encountered a band of horse thieves and initiated a fight that led to the deaths of several men, including rwo they identified as Murrieta and his associate Three-Fingered Jack. The head of the former and rhe hand of che latter were each cut off and preserved in a jar of alcohol, and exhibited around the state by Love. Though che cruch of Love's claims about che men's identities was almost immediately questioned by journalises, he and his rangers were nevertheless awarded six thousand dollars for the fear. Ridge's novel, published the following year, cakes inspiration from these sensational events. The novel was taken by many contemporaries to be a crurhful hiscory of Murrieca's life, and continued co be taken as such by hiscorians lacer in che century, adding further layers co che mystery surrounding these legendary figures of early California.

sic down co write somewhat concerning che life and character of Joaquin Murieta, a man as remarkable in che annals of crime as any of che renowned robbers of che Old o r New World who have preceded him; and I do chis, not for the purpose of ministering co any depraved caste for the dark and horrible in human action, but rather co contribute my mice• co chose materials our of which the early history of California shall one day be composed. The character of chis truly wonderfuF man was nothing more rhan a narural production of the social and moral condition of the country in which he lived, acting upon certain peculiar circumstances favorable co such a resulc, and, consequently, his individual h istory is a pare of the most valuable history of the Scare. There were two Joaqufns, bearing the various surnames of Murieca, O'Comorenia, Valenzuela, Bocellier, and Carillo--so chat it was supposed there were no less than five sanguinary devils ranging che country at o ne and the same time. le is now fully ascertained chat there were only rwo, whose proper names were Joaqufn Murieca and Joaqufn Valenzuela, rhe latter being nothing more than a distinguished subordinate co the first, who is che Rinaldo Rinaldi nil of California. Joaquin Murieca was a Mexican, born in che province of Sonora of respectable parents and educated

I

1

mite Small donation.

2

u1ontkrfol Excraordinary; co be wondered at (wich no suggestion of a positive connocation).

3 Rinn/do Rinnldini Character created by German novelise Christian August Vulpius for his successful 1797 dime novel Rinn/do Rinnldini, the Robber Captain. The novel is sec in che Kingdom of Naples and was likely based loosely on che lives of various historical Italian brigands.

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THE L IFE AND A DVENTURES OF JOAQU IN MURIETA

in the schools of Mexico. While growing up, he was remarkable for a very mild and peaceable disposition, and gave no sign of chat indomitable and daring spirit which afterwards characterized him. Those who knew him in his schoolboy days speak affectionately of his generous and noble nature at that period of his life and can scarcely credit the face chat the renowned and bloody bandit of California was one and rhe same being. At an early age of his manhood-indeed, while he was yet scarcely more than a boy-he became tired of the uncertain state of affairs in his own country, the usurpations and revolutions which were of such common occurrence, and resolved to try his fortunes among rhe American people, of whom he had formed the most favorable opinion from an acquaintance with the few whom he had met in h is own native land. The war with Mexico had been fought, and California belonged to the United Staces. 1 Disgusted with the conduct of his degenerate countrymen and fired with enthusiastic ad miration of rhe American character, che youthful Joaquin left his home with a buoyant heart and full of the exhilarating spirit of adventure. The first chat we hear of him in the Golden Scare is chat, in the spring of 1850, he is engaged in the honest occupation of a miner in the Stanislaus placers,2 then reckoned among the richest portions of the m ines. He was then eighteen years of age, a little over the medium height, slenderly but gracefully built, and active as a young tiger. His complexion was neither very dark or very light, but clear and brilliant, and his countenance is pronounced to have been, at that time, exceedingly handsome and amaccive. His large black eyes, kindling with the enthusiasm of h is earnest nature, his firm and well-formed mouth, his well-shaped head from which the long, glossy, black hair hung down over his shoulders, his silvery voice full of generous utterance, and 1 The war ... Un iud Statrs The Mexican- American War (184648) ended with the Treacy of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which granted territorial ownership co the U.S. of California and much of whar is now Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, and Colorado. Mexicans who chose co continue living in the relcvam terricory were ro be granted full American citizenship, though many were nevertheless antagonized by white American seeders, especially following the beginning of the gold rush and California's admission co the Union in 1850.

the frank and cordial bearing which distinguished him made him beloved by all with whom he came in contact. He had the confidence and respecr of rhe whole communiry around him, and was fast amassing a fortune from his rich mining claim. He had built him a comfortable mining residence in which he had domiciled his heart's treasure- a beautiful Sonorian girl, who had followed the young adventurer in all his wanderings with chat devotedness of passion which belongs to the dark-eyed damsels of Mexico. It was at this moment of peace and feliciry that a blight came over the young man's prospects. The country was then full of lawless and desperate men, who bore the name of Americans but failed to support the honor and dignity of that title. A feeling was prevalent among this class of contempt for any and all Mexicans, whom they looked upon as no better than conquered subjects of the United Scares, having no rights which could stand before a haughtier and superior race. They made no exceptions. If the p roud blood of the Casciliansl mounted to che cheek of a partial descendant of rhe Mexiques, showing char he had inherited che old chivalrous spirit of his Spanish ancestry, they looked upon it as a saucy presumption in one so inferior to them. The prejudice of color, che antipathy of races, which are always stronger and biccerer with the ignorant and unlettered, they could not overcome, or if they could, would not, because it afforded them a convenient excuse for their unmanly cruelty and oppression. A band of these lawless men, having the brute power co do as they pleased, visited Joaquin's house and peremptorily bade him leave his claim, as they would allow no Mexicans to work in chat region. Upon his remonstrating against such outrageous conduct, they struck him violently over the face, and, being physically superior, compelled him to swallow his wrath. Noc content with chis, they tied him hand and foot and ravished4 his mistress before his eyes. They left him, but the soul of the young man was from that moment darkened. Ir was the first injury he had ever received at the hands of the Americans, whom he had always hitherto respected, and it wrung him co the soul as a deeper and deadlier wrong from that very circumstance. He departed with his weeping and almost heart-broken

2

Stanislaus River in central California, important site of gold panning during rhe Gold Rush; pincers Sand or soil deposits containing gold.

1185

3

Casrilinm

4

ravished

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I.e., rhe Spanish. Raped.

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J O H N R OLLIN R IDGE/ Y ELLOW

BIRD

mistress for a more northern portion of che mines; and the next we hear of him, he is culcivacing a little farm on the banks of a beautiful stream chat watered a fertile valley, far our in the seclusion of the mountains. Here he mighc hope for peace-here he mighc forget che past, and again be happy. Bue his dream was not destined to last. A company of unprincipled Americans-shame that there should be such bearing the name!- saw his retreat, coveted his little home surrounded by its fertile tract ofland, and drove him from it, with no other excuse than chat he was "an infernal Mexican intruder!" Joaqufn's blood boiled in his veins, but his spirit was still unbroken, nor had che iron so far entered his soul as co sear up the innate sensitiveness to honor and right which reigned in his bosom. Twice broken up in his honest pursuit of fortune, he resolved still co labor on with unflinching brow and with char true moral bravery, which throws ics redeeming light forward upon his subsequencly dark and criminal career. How deep muse have been the anguish of that young heart and how strongly rooted the native honesty of his soul, none can know or imagine but they who have been cried in a like manner. He bundled up his licde movable property, still accompanied by his faithful bosom-friend, and again started forth to strike once more, like a brave and honest man, for fortune and for happiness. He arrived at "Murphy's Diggings" in Calaveras County, in the month of April, and went again to mining, but, meeting with nothing like his former success, he soon abandoned chat business and devoted his time to dealing "monte," a game which is common in Mexico, and has been almost universally adopted by gamblers in California. le is considered by chc Mexican in no manner a disreputable employment, and many well-raised young men from the Adantic Scates have resorted co ic as a profession in this land of luck and chances. le was chen in much better odor1 than ic is now, although it is at present a game which may be played on very fair and honest principles; provided, anything can be strictly honest or fair which allows the caking of money without a valuable consideration. le was therefore looked upon as no departure from rectitude on the pare of Joaqufn, when he commenced the business of dealing "monte." Having a very pleasing exterior and being, despite of all his sorrows, 1

odor Favor.

very gay and lively in disposition, he attracted many persons co his cable, and won their money with such skill and grace, or lost his own with such perfect good humor chat he was considered by all the very beau ideal2 of a gambler and che prince of clever fellows . His sky seemed clear and his prospects bright, bur Face was weaving her mysterious web around him, and fitting him co be by the force of circumstances what nature never intended co make him. He had gone a short distance from Murphy's Diggings to see a half-brother, who had been located in chat vicinity for several months, and returned co Murp hy's upon a horse which his brother had lent him. The animal proved to have been stolen, and being recognized by a number of individuals in town, an excitement was raised on the subject. Joaqufn suddenly found himself surrounded by a furious mob and charged with the crime of theft. He cold chem how it happened chat he was riding che horse and in what manner his half-brother had come in possession of it. They listened to no explanation, but bound him co a tree, and publicly disgraced him with che lash. They then proceeded co the house of his half-brocher and hung him without judge or jury. le was then chat the character of Joaqufn changed, suddenly and irrevocably. Wanton cruelty and the tyranny of prejudice had reached their climax. His soul swelled beyond its former boundaries, and the barriers of honor, rocked into atoms by the strong passion which shook his heart like an earthquake, crumbled around him. Then it was chat he declared co a friend that he would live henceforth for revenge and chat his path should be marked with blood. Fearfully did he keep his promise, as the following pages will show. le was not long after chis unfortunate affair thac an American was found dead in the vicinity of Murphy's Diggings, having been cue co pieces with a knife. Though horribly mangled, he was recognized as one of che mob engaged in whipping Joaquin. A doctor, passing in the neighborhood of chis murder, was mec, shorcly afterward, by cwo men on horseback, who fired their revolvers ac him, but, owing co his speed on foot, and the uneveness of the ground, he succeeded in escaping with no further injury than having a bullet shoe through his hat within an inch of che cop of his 1

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beau ilkal

French: perfect model.

THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF JOAQUIN MURIETA

head! A panic spread among the rash individuals who had composed chat mob, and they were afraid to stir out on their ordinary business. Whenever any one of chem strayed out of sight of his camp or ventured to travel on the highway, he was shoe down suddenly and mysteriously. Report after report came into rhe villages that Americans had been found dead on the highways, having been either shoe or scabbed, and it was invariably discovered, for many weeks, that the murdered men belonged to the mob who publicly whipped Joaquin. le was fearful and it was strange co see how swiftly and mysteriously chose men disappeared. "Murieca's revenge was very nearly complete," said an eyewitness of these events, in reply co an inquiry which I addressed him. "I am inclined to chink he wiped out che most of chose prominently engaged in whipping . " h1m. Thus far, who can blame him? Bue the iron had entered coo deeply in his soul for him to stop here. He had contracted a hatred co rhe whole American race, and was determined co shed their blood, whenever and wherever an opportunity occurred. It was no time now for him co retrace his steps. He had committed deeds which made him amenable to the law, and his only safety lay in a persistence in the unlawful course which he had begun. It was necessary that he should have horses and that he should have money. These he could not obtain except by robbery and murder, and thus he became an outlaw and a bandit on the verge of his nineteenth year. The year 1850 rolled away, marked with the eventful history of chis young man's wrongs and trials, his bitter revenge on chose who had perpetrated the crowning ace of his deep injury and disgrace; and, as it closed, it shut him away forever from his peace of mind and purity of hearc. He walked forth into che future a dark, determined criminal, and his proud nobility of soul existed only in memory. le became generally known in 1851 char an organized bandicti was ranging the country; but it was not yet ascertained who was che leader. Travelers, laden with the produce of the mines, were met upon the roads by well-dressed men who politely invited them to "stand and deliver"; persons riding alone in the many wild and lonesome regions, which form a large portion of chis country, were skillfully noosed with rhe lasso

n87

(which rhe Mexicans ch row with great accuracy, being able thus co capture wild cacde, elk, and sometimes even grizzly bears, upon the plains), dragged from their saddles, and murdered in the adjacent thickets. Horses of the finest mercle1 were stolen from the ranches, and, being cracked up, were found in the possession of a determined band of men, ready co retain chem at all hazards and fully able co stand their ground. The scenes of murder and robbery shifted with the rapidiry of lightning. Ac one rime, che norchern countries would be suffering slaughters and depredations, at another the southern, and, before one would have imagined it possible, the east and the west, and every point of the compass would be in trouble. There had never been before this, either in '49 or '50, 2 any such as an organized bandicci, and it had been a matter of surprise co every one, since che country was so well adapted co a business of this kind-the houses scattered at such distances along the roads, the plains so level and open in which co ride with speed, and the mountains so rugged with their ten thousand fastnesses3 in which to hide. Grass was abundant in the far-off valleys which lay hidden in rhe rocky gorges; cool, delicious screams made music at the feet of the towering peaks, or came leaping down in gladness from their sides; game abounded on every hand, and nine unclouded months of the year made a climate so salubrious char nothing could be sweeter than a day's rest under the tall pines or a night's repose under the open canopy of Heaven. Joaquin knew his advantages. His superior intelligence and education gave him the respect of his comrades, and, appealing co the prejudice against the "Yankees," which the disastrous results of the Mexican war had not tended to lessen in their minds, he soon assembled around him a powerful band of his countrymen, who daily increased, as he ran his career of almost magical success. Among the number was Manuel Garcia, more frequently known as "Three-Fingered Jack," from the face of his having had one of his fingers shoe off in a skirmish wirh an American parry during the Mexican war. He was a man of unflinching bravery, but cruel and sanguinary. His form was large and 1

mmle

2

either in 49 or 50 Years during which the California Gold Rush

Disposition.

was at iIS height. 3 fastnesses

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Forcresses.

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JottN ROLLIN RIDGE/ YELLOW BIRD

rugged and his countenance so fierce that few liked to look upon it. He was different from his more youthful leader, in possessing nothing of his generous, frank, and cordial disposition, and in being utterly destitute of one merciful trait of humanity. His delight was in murder for its own diabolical sake, and he gloated over the agonies of his unoffending victims. He would sacrifice policy, the safety and interests of the band for the mere gratification of this murderous propensity, and it required all Joaquin's firmness and determination to hold him in check. The history of this monster was well known before he joined Joaquin. He was known to be the same man who, in 1846, surrounded with his parry two Americans, young men by the name of Cowie and Fowler, as they were traveling on the road between Sonoma and Bodega, stripped them entirely naked, and, binding them each to a tree, slowly tortured them co death. He began by throwing knives at their bodies, as if he were practicing at a target; he then cut out their tongues, punched out their eyes with his knife, gashed their bodies in numerous places, and, finally, flaying them alive, left them co die. A thousand cruelties like these had he been guilty of, and, long before Joaquin knew him, he was a hardened, experienced, and detestable monster. When ir was necessary for the young chief ro commit some peculiarly horrible and cold-blooded murder, some deed of hellish ghastliness at which his soul revolted, he deputed this man to do it. And well was it executed, with certainty and to the letter. Another member of this band was Reyes Feliz, a youth of sixteen years of age, who had read the wild romantic lives of the chivalrous robbers of Spain and Mexico uncil his enthusiastic spirit had become imbued with the same senciments which actuated them, and he could conceive of nothing grander than to throw himself back upon the strictly natural rights of man and hurl defiance at society and its law. He also was a Sonorian, and the beautiful mistress ofJoaquin was his sister. He was a devoted follower of his chief; like him, brave, impulsive, and generous. A third member was Claudio, a man about thirtyfive years of age, of lean but vigorous constitution, a dark complexion, and possessing a somewhat savage but lively and expressive countenance. He was indisputably brave, but exceedingly cautious and cunning,

springing upon his prey at an unexpected moment and executing his purposes with the greatest possible secrecy as well as precision. He was a deep calcularor, a wily schemer, and could wear the appearance of an honest man with the same grace and ease chat he would show in throwing around his commanding figure the magnificent cloak in which he prided. In disposition, he was revengeful, tenacious in his memory of a wrong, sly and secret in his windings as a serpent, and, with less nobility than the rattlesnake, he gave no warning before he struck. Yet, as I have said before, he was brave when occasion called it forth, and, although ever ready tO take an advantage, he never flinched in the presence of danger. This extreme caution, united with a strong will and the courage to do, made him an exceedingly formidable man. A fourth member was Joaquin Valenzuela, who has been frequently confounded with Joaquin Murieta, from the fact that the latter threw upon him much responsibility in the government of the band and entrusted him with important expeditions, requiring in their execution a great amount of skill and experience. Valenzuela was a much older man than his leader and had acted for many years in Mexico as a bandit under the famous guerilla chief, Padre Jurata. 1 Another distinguished member was Pedro Gonzalez, less brave than many others, but a skillful spy and expert horse-chief, and as such, an invaluable adjunct ro a company of mounted men, who required a continual supply of fresh horses as well as a thorough knowledge of the state of affairs around them. There were many others belonging ro this organization whom it is not necessary ro describe. It is sufficient ro say that they composed as formidable a force of outlaws as ever gladdened the eye of an acknowledged leader. Their number, at this early period, is not accurately known, but a fair estimate would not place it at a lower figure than fifty, with the advantage of a continual and steady increase. Such was the unsettled condition of things, so distant and isolated were the different mining regions, so lonely and uninhabited the sections through which the 1

Padre ]11mta Allusion co the Spanish priest Celedonio D6 meco de Jarauta (1814-48), who emigrated co Mexico during che MexicanAmerican War and became a guerilla leader; he was captured and executed by Mexican troops following his refusal to acknowledge che Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.

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roads and trails were cut, and so numerous the friends and acquaintances of the bandits themselves that these lawless men carried on their operations with almost absolute impunity. It was a rule with chem co injure no man who ever extended chem a favor, and, whilst they plundered every one else and spread devastation in every other quarter, they invariably left chose ranches and houses unharmed whose owners and inmates had afforded chem shelter or assistance. Many persons, who were otherwise honestly inclined, bought the safety of their lives and property by remaining scrupulously silent in regard co Joaquin and neutral in every attempt co do him an injury. Further than chis, there were many large rancheros who were secretly connected with the bandicti, and stood ready co harbor chem in times of danger and co furnish them with the best animals that fed on their extensive pastures. The names of several of these wealthy and highly respectable individuals are well known, and will transpire in the course of chis history. At the head of chis most powerful combination of men, Joaquin ravaged the Scace in various quarters during the year 1851, without at chat time being generally known as che leader; his subordinates, Claudio, Valenzuela, and Pedro Gonzalez being alternately mistaken for the actual chief. Except co few persons, even his name was unknown, and many were personally acquainted with him and frequently saw him in the different towns and villages, without having the remotest idea chat he stood connected with the bloody events which were then filling the country with terror and dismay. He resided for weeks at a time in different localities, ostensibly engaged in gambling, or employed as a vaquero,' a packer, or in some other apparencly honest avocation, spending much of his time in the society of chat sweetest of all companions, the woman that he loved. While living in a secluded part of the cown of San Jose, sometime in the summer of '51, he one night became violently engaged in a row at a fandango,2 was arrested for a breach of the peace, brought up before a magistrate, and fined twelve dollars. He was in the charge of Mr. Clark, the deputy sheriff of Santa Clara 1

Mquero

Carrie driver.

County, who had made himself particularly obnoxious to the banditti by his rigorous scrutiny into their conduct and his determined attempts to arrest some of this number. Joaqufn had the complete advantage of him, inasmuch as the deputy was totally ignorant of the true character of che man with whom he had co deal. With the utmost frankness in his manner, Joaquin requested him to walk down to his residence in the skim of the town, and he would pay him che money. They proceeded together, engaged in a pleasant conversation, until they reached the edge of a thicket when the young bandit suddenly drew a knife and informed Clark chat he had brought him there to kill him, at the same instant scabbing him to the hean before he could draw his revolver. Though many persons knew the author of chis most cool and bloody deed by sight, yet it was a long time before it was ascertained chat the escaped murderer was no less a personage than the leader of the daring cue-throats who were then infesting che country. In che fall of the same year, Joaquin moved up in the more northern part of the Scace and settled himself down with his mistress at the Sonorian Camp, a cluster of cents and cloth houses situated about three miles from the city of Marysville, in Yuba County. le was not long before the entire country rung with the accounts of frequent, startling, and diabolical murders. The Marysville Herald of November 13, 1851, speaking of the horrible state of affairs, has the following remarkable paragraph: "Seven men have been murdered within three or four days in a region of country not more than twelve miles in extent." Shortly after the murders thus mentioned, two men who were traveling on the road chat leads up Feather River, near to the Honcut Creek, which puts into that stream, discovered just ahead of chem four Mexicans, one of whom was dragging at his saddlebow by a lariac3 an American whom they had just lassoed around the neck. The two travelers did not think it prudent co interfere, and so hurried on co a place of safety, and reported what they had seen. Legal search being made upon chis information, six ocher men were found murdered near the same place, bearing upon their throats the fatal mark of the lariat.

2

.fandango Spanish form of couples' dance; by extension, a gachering at which the fandango or ocher related dances are performed.

n89

3

Page 289

lariat

Rope used to form a lasso.

u90

JoHN R OLLIN RIDGE/ YELLOW B IRD

Close upon these outrages, reports came chat several inividuals had been killed and robbed at Bidwel's Bar, 1 some cen or fifteen miles up the river. Consternation spread like fire- fear thrilled through the hearts of hundreds, and all dreaded to travel the public roads. Suspicion was directed to the Sonorian Camp, it being occupied exclusively by Mexicans, many of whom had no ostensible employment, and yet rode fine horses and spent money freely. This suspicion was confirmed by a partial confession obtained from a Mexican thief who had fallen into the hands of the "Vigilance Committee" of Marysville and had been run up with a rope several rimes to the limb of a tree, by order of chat formidable body. The sheriff of Yuba county, R. B. Buchanan, went out on a moonlight night with his posse (which, to say the truth, consisted of one man only, widely and familiarly known as Ike Bowen) to examine the premise and to arrest three suspicious characters, who were known to be lurking in chat neighborhood. While geccing through the bars of a fence, they were attacked from behind by three Mexicans who had been hid, and the sheriff was severely wounded with a pistol-ball, which suuck him near the spine, and passing through his body, came out in the front near the navel. The Mexicans escaped, and Buchanan was finally taken back to Marysville, where he lay a long time in a very dangerous situation but eventually recovered- much co the gratification of the community, who admired che devotion and courage with which he had well-nigh sacrificed his life in the discharge of his duties. He, in common with everyone else, was, for a long time afterward, in ignorance chat he had received his wound in a personal encounter with the redoubtable Joaqufn himself. The bandits did not remain long in the vicinity of Marysville after this occurrence but rode off into the coast range of mountains to the west of Mount Shasta, a conspicuous landmark in che northern portion of the Stace, which rears its white shaft at all seasons of che year high about every other peak, and serves at a distance of two hundred miles co direct the course of the mountain-traveler, being co him as the polar scar to the mariner. Gazing ac it from che Sacramento Valley at a distance of one hundred and fifty miles, ic rises in its

1

Bidwel's Bar

Butte county gold mining camp.

garments of snow like some mighty archangel, filling che heaven with his solemn presence. MOUNT SHASTA, SEEN FROM A DISTANCE

2

Behold the dread Mount Shasta, where it stands, Imperial midst the Lesser height, and like Some mighty, unimpassioned mind, companionless And cold. 7he stomzs ofHeaven may beat in wrath Against it, but it stands in unpolluted Grandeur still· andfrom the rolling mists up-heaves Its tower ofpride e'en purer than before. Each wintry shower, and white-winged tempest leave 7heir frozen tributes on its brow, and it Doth make ofthem an everlasting crown. 7hus doth it day by day, and age by age, Defy each stroke oftime-still rising higher Into Heaven! Aspiring to the eagle's cloudless height, No human foot hath stained its snowy side, Nor human breath has dimmed the icy mirror Which it holds unto the moon, and stars, and sov'reign Sun. We may not grow familiar with the secret Ofits hoary top, whereon the Genius Ofthat mountain builds his glorious throne! Far-lifted in the boundless blue, he doth Encircle, with his gaze supreme, the broad Dominions ofthe West, that lie beneath His feet, in pictures ofmblime repose No artist ever drew. He sees the tall Gigantic hills arise in silentness And peace, and in the long review ofdistance Range themselves in order grand. He sees the mnlight Play upon the golden streams that through the valleys Glide. He hears the music ofthe great and solemn Sea, and over-looks the huge old westem wall To view the birth-place ofundying Melody! Itself all light, save when some loftiest cloud Doth for a while embrace its coldforbidding

2

Ridge composed this poem in 1852, some time before he started work on the novel. It was lacer published in a number of California newspapers, and was included as the opening poem in Ridge's posthumous collection Pomzs (1868).

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THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF JOAQUIN MuRIETA

Form-that monarch-mountain casts its mighty Shadows down upon the crownless peaks below, That, like inferior minds to some great Spirit, stand in strong contrasted littleness! Alf through the long and summery months ofour Most tranquilyear, it points its icy shaft On high, to catch the dazzling beams thatfoll In showers ofsplendor round that crystal cone, And roll, in foods offor magnificence, Away from that lone vast Reflector in 7he dome ofHeaven. Still watchful ofthe fertile ¼Le, and undulating plains below, the grass Grows greener in its shade, and sweeter bloom 7he flowers. Strong Purifier! From its snowy Side the breezes cool are wafted to "the peaceful Homes ofmen, "who shelter at its feet, and love To gaze upon its honored form; aye, standing There, the guarantee ofhealth and happiness! Well might it win communities so biest To loftier feelings, and to nobler thoughtsThe great material symbol ofeternal Things! And well, I ween, in after years, how, In the middle ofhis furrowed track, the plawman, In some sultry hour, willpause, and, wiping From his brow the dusty sweat, with reverence Gaze upon that hoary peak. The herdsman Oft will rein his charger in the plain, and drink Into his inmost soul the calm sublimity; And little children, playing on the green, shall Cease their sport, and, turning to that mountain Old, shall, oftheir mother ask, "Who made it?" And she shall answer, "God!" And well this Golden State shall thrive, if, like Its own Mount Shasta, sovereign law shall lift Itself in purer atmosphere-so high That human feeling, human passion, at its base Shall lie subdued; e'en pity's tears shall on Its summitfreeze; to warn it, e'en the sunlight Ofdeep sympathy sha!L foilIts pure administration shall be like The snow, immaculate upon that mountain's brow!

I

charger Horse.

II9I

In the rugged fastness of the wild range lying to the west of this huge mount, a range inhabited only by human savages and savage beasts, did the outlaws hide themselves for several long months, descending into the valleys at intervals with no further purpose than co steal horses, of which they seemed determined to keep a good supply. They induced the Indians to aid them in this laudable purpose, and so efficiently did these simple people render their assistance that the rancheros of that region loaded the very air with their curses of the "naked devils," who tormented chem to such an intolerable degree! On one occasion, during these depredations upon locomotive property, an exasperated party of Americans, who had been on [the] track of cheir stolen animals, came up with the Indian thieves and managed to hem them between a perpendicular wall of bluffs and a deep river, so chat there was no escape for chem buc to swim che scream, which swept by in a mad and foaming torrent. They fired upon che Indians, who leaped into the water, many of chem dyeing ic with their blood, and a few successfully swimming across. In che midst of the firing, a call Mexican, mounted upon a fine horse, dashed down the banks, firing his revolver as he went, and plunged into the stream. His horse struck boldly with him for the opposite shore, and he gained the middle of the current in a distance of a hundred yards from his pursuers, before any effectual shoe at him was made. He was about to escape, and nothing would now avail but a dead aim and a steady nerve. The best marksman in the crowd, a lank Missourian, dismounted from his horse, drew his rifle co his shoulder while che ocher looked anxiously on, and talcing a long "bead,"2 fired. The Mexican leaned forward a moment, and the next instant floated from the saddle and sunk, while his fine charger breasted the waves and ascended the bank with a snorting nostril and dripping mane. No one was willing to risk the dangerous passage even to possess so noble an animal, and they returned with their recovered property to their homes. This call Mexican was, without doubt, a member of Joaquin's band, who had led che Indians in chat very unsuccessful thieving expedition. In chat desolate region, through which, at long intervals, only a few straggling miners passed on their lonesome prospecting tours, human skeletons were 2

Page 291

bead Aiming device of a gun.

1192

JOHN ROLLIN RIDGE/ YELLOW BIRD

found bleaching in the sun, some leaving no trace of the manner in which they perished, while others plainly showed by the perforated skull char che leaden ball had suddenly and secretly done its work. The ignorant Indians suffered for many a deed which had been perpetrated by civilized hands. It will be recollected by many persons who resided at Yreka and on Scott's River in the fall and winter of 1851 how many "prospecters" were lost in the mountains and never again heard from; how many were found dead, supposed to have been killed by the Indians, and yet bearing upon their bodies the marks of knives and bullets quite as frequently as arrows. As soon as che spring opened in 1852, Joaquin and his parry descended from the mountains, and, by forced marches in the night, drove some two or three hundred horses which they had collected at their winter rendezvous down through che southern porcion of the scare into the province of Sonora. Returning in a few weeks, they took up their headquarters at Arroyo Cantooya,1 a fine tract of rich pasturage, containing seven or eight thousand acres, beautifully watered, and fenced in by a circular wall of mountains through which an entrance was afforded by a narrow gate or pass, at which a very formidable force could be stayed in their progress by a small body of men. This rich and fertile basin lies halfway between the Tejon and the Pacheco Pass, to the east of the Coast Range and co the west of the great Tulare Lake, thoroughly embosomed in ics rugged boundaries and che more valuable as a retreat chat it was distant at least one hundred and fifty miles from any human habicacion. From che surrounding eminences, an approaching enemy could be seen for a long way off. This region was, in one respect in particular, adapted to the purpose for which it was chosen, and char is, ic abounded in game of every kind: elk, antelope, deer, grizzly bears, quails, grouse, and every species of smaller animals most desirable for food. Here Joaquin selected a clump of evergreen oaks for his residence, and many a pleasant day found him and his still blooming companion roofed by the rich foliage of the trees and reclining upon a more luxurious carper than ever blossomed, with its imitative flowers,

beneath the satin-slippered feet of che fairest daughters of San Francisco. The brow of his sweet and faithful friend would sometimes grow sad as she recurred to che happy and peaceful lives which chey had once lived, but wich a woman's true nature, she loved him in spice of all his crimes, and her soul was again lighted up as she gazed into chose dark and glorious eyes which had never quailed before mortal man, and lost their fierceness only when they looked on her. Besides, in her tender heart she made for him many allowances; she saw many strong palliations of his conduct in che treatment which he had received-she knew the secret history of his soul, his sufferings, and his struggles with an evil fate, and the long agony which rent up by the roots the original honesty of his high-born nature. More than this, he had told her that he would soon finish his dangerous career, when, having completed his revenge, and, having accumulated an equivalent for the fortune of which he had been robbed by the Americans, he would retire into a peaceful portion of the State of Sonora, build him a pleasant home, and live alone for love and her. She believed him, for he spoke truly of his intentions, and-wonder not, ye denizens of cicies!-she was happy even in the wilderness. It matter not how the world regarded him; to her he was all chat is noble, generous, and beautiful. After spending a few weeks at the rendezvous, Joaquin divided his parry, then consisting of about seventy men, into different bands headed by Claudio, Three-Fingered Jack, and Valenzuela, and dispatched them co various quarters with orders co devote themselves chiefly to stealing horses and mules, as he had a purpose to effect which required at least fifteen hundred or two thousand animals. He himself started on a separate course, accompanied by Reyes Feliz, Pedro Gonzales, and Juan. Three females, who were dressed in male attire and well armed, were also in company; chat is to say Joaqufn's mistress, and the wives of Reyes Feliz and Pedro Gonzalez. All rhe parry were well mounted, and rode, no one knew whither, except Joaquin himself Arriving at Mokelumne Hill 2 in Calaveras County, chey cook up quarters with some of their Mexican acquaintances in that place, and, passing through the streets, or visiting the saloons, were looked

1

Arroyo Cantooya Today known as Cantua Creek; an arroyo is a creek or gulch chat is no rmally d ry bur chat occasio nally fills during flash floods.

2

Mokelumne Hill Approximately fifty miles southeast of

Sacramento.

Page 292

THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF JOAQUIN MURIETA

upon as nothing more than peaceful Mexicans, residing in the town. This was in the month of April. While here, the women appeared in their proper attire, and were admired for their exceedingly modest and quiet deportment. The men issued forth at night upon no praiseworthy missions, and, mounted upon their magnificent chargers, scoured an extent of many miles ere they returned stealthily back co their hiding place and the arms of their languishing loves. Joaquin bore the appearance and character of an elegant and successful gambler, being amply provided with means from his night excursions. In the meantime his men were, in different directions, prosecuting with ardor the business upon which they had been sent, and there was a universal cry throughout the lower country chat horse-thieves were very nearly impoverishing the ranchos. Joaquin gathered a pretty good knowledge of what his followers were about from the newspapers, which made a very free use of his own name in the accounts of these transactions and handled his character in no measured terms. In the various outbreaks in which he had been personally engaged, he had worn different disguises, and was actually disguised the most when he showed his real features. No man who had met him on the highway would be apt co recognize him in the cities. He frequently stood very unconcernedly in a crowd and listened co long and earnest conversations in relation co himself, and laughed in his sleeve at the many conjectures which were made as to his whereabouts and intentions. After remaining as long as he desired at Mokelumne Hill, about the first of May he prepared co cake his departure, which he resolved co do at the hour of midnight. His horses were saddled, the women dressed in their male cloches, and everything ready, when Joaquin sauntered out into the streets, according co his custom, and visited the various drinking and gambling saloons, with which every California town and village abound. While sitting at a monte table, at which he carelessly put down a dollar or cwo co while away the time, his attention was suddenly arrested by the distinct pronunciation of his name just opposite co where he sat. Looking up, he observed three or four Americans engaged in loud and earnest conversation in relation co his identical self, in which one of them, a tall fellow

1193

armed with a revolver, remarked that he "would just like once in his life co come across Joaquin and that he would kill him as quick as he would a snake." The daring bandit, upon hearing this speech, jumped on the monte table in view of the whole house, and, drawing his six-shooter, shouted out, "I am Joaquin! if there is any shooting to do, I am in." So sudden and startling was this movement that everyone quailed before him, and, in the midst of the consternation and confusion which reigned, he gathered his cloak about him and walked out unharmed. After his bold avowal of himself, it was necessary for him to make his stay quite shore in chat vicinity. Mounting his horse, therefore, with expedition, 1 he dashed off with his party at his heels, sending back a whoop of defiance which rung out thrillingly upon the night air. The extreme chagrin of the citizens can be imagined when they found, for the first time, that they had unwittingly tolerated in their very midst che man whom, above all ochers, they would have wished co get hold of. Returning to his rendezvous at Arroyo Cantoova, he found that his marauding bands had collected some two or three hundred heads of horses and were patiently waiting his further orders. He detached a portion of chem co take the animals into Sonora for safe keeping and made remittances of money at the same time to a secret partner of h is in chat State. Towards the last of May, becoming again restless and tired of an inactive life, he started forth upon the highroads, attended as before, when on his visit to Mokelumne Hill, simply by Reyes Feliz, Pedro Gonzalez, Juan, and the three bright-eyed girls, who, mounted on very elegant chargers, appeared as charming a trio of handsome cavaliers as ever delighted the visions of romantic damsels. Meeting with no one for a week or nvo but impoverished Frenchmen and dilapidated Germans in search of "diggings,''2 and having sent very nearly all his money co Sonora, Joaquin's purse was getting pretty low, and he resolved co attack the first man or men he might meet, who appeared to be supplied. He was at this time on the road to San Luis Gonzagos, co which place a young American, named Allen Ruddle, was at the same time driving a wagon, loaded with groceries. Overtaking chis young man on 1

expedition Great speed.

2

diggings

Page 293

Promising sites at which co dig in search of gold.

n94

JOHN ROLLIN RIDGE / YELLOW

Brno

an open plain, Joaqufn, leaving his party behind, rode up co him where he sat on one of his wheel-horses, and, politely bidding him "good morning," requested to him the loan of what small change he might have about him, remarking at the same moment: "le is true, I am a robber, but, as sure as I live, I merely wish co borrow this money, and I will as certainly pay it back to you as my name is Joaqufn. Ir is not often chat I am without funds, but such is my situation at present." Ruddle, without replying, made a sudden morion co draw his pistol, upon which Joaquin exclaimed: "Come, don't be foolish-I have no wish co kill you, and lee us have no fight." Ruddle made another effort to get his pisrol, which, from excitement, or perhaps from its hanging in che holster, he could not inscanrly draw, when the bandit, with a muttered oath, slashed him across the neck with his bowie-knife' and dashed him from the saddle. Searching his pockets, he found about three hundred dollars. His party coming up, he rode on, leaving the murdered man where he lay and his wagon and ream standing by the road. Joaqufn's conscience smote him for this deed, and he regretted the necessity of killing so honest and hardworking a man as Ruddle seemed co be. It happened chat just at chis period Cape. Harry Love, whose own history is one of equal romance with chat of Joaqufn but marked only with events which redound 2 co his honor, was ac the head of a small party gotten up on his own responsibility in search of this outrageous bandit. Love had served as an express rider in the Mexican war and had borne dispatches from one military pose co another over the most dangerous traces of Mexico. He had traveled alone for hundreds of miles over mountains and deserts, beset with no less danger than the dreaded "guerillas" who hung upon che skirts of the American army, laid-in-wait at mountain-passes and watering-places, and made it their business co murder every unfortunate straggler chat fell into their hands. Riding fleet horses and expert in the use of che lasso, it required a well-mounted horseman co escape chem on the open plains, and many a hard race with chem has the Captain had co save his neck and the 1

bowie-knife Sho re-handled fighting knife.

2

redound Add, conrribuce.

valuable papers in his charge. He had been, moreover, from his early youth, a hardy pioneer, experienced in all the dangers and hardships of a border-life. Having these ancecedencs in his favor and possessing the utmost coolness in the presence of danger, he was a man well-fitted co contend with a person like Joaquin, than whom the lightning was nor quicker and surer in the execution of a deadly errand. Love was on the direct trail of Joaquin when Ruddle was murdered. With the utmost speed consistent with the caution necessary to a surprise of the bandit, he pursued him by his murders and robberies, which left a bloody trail behind him co the rancho of San Luis Gonzagos, which is now well known co have been a place which regularly harbored che banditti. Arriving at chat place at night, he ascertained by certain spies whom he had employed chat the party of whom he was in search were staying in a canvas-house on che edge of the rancho. Proceeding cautiously co this house with his men, the Captain had just reached the door when the alarm was given by a woman in a neighboring tent, and, in an instant, Joaqufn, Gonzalez, Reyes Feliz, and Juan had cue their way through the back pare and escaped into the darkness. Upon entering, no one was co be seen buc the women, three of whom, then dressed in their proper garments, were che bandies' mistresses, of which face, however, Love was ignorant. Leaving the women co shift for themselves, the fugitives went co their horses, which were hitched in an adjacent thicket, mounted chem, and rode direcdy over co Oris Timbers, a distance of eight miles, where they immediately stole twenty head of horses and drove chem off into the neighboring mountains. They remained concealed all the next day but at night came back (a movement wholly unanticipated by Love) to the doth-house where they had left their women, who quickly doffedJ their female attire and rode off with their companions into the hills from which they had just come. Driving the stolen horses before chem, the party started in high glee across che Tulare Plains for Los Angeles. Love followed them no further, having business which recalled him. The owner of Oris Timbers Rancho, however, attended by a few Americans, fell upon their trail, indicated by the Captain, and pursued them without

3

Page 294

doffed Removed.

THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF ]OAQUfN MuRIETA

much difficulty into the country of the Tejon Indians. 1 Not coming up with chem, and perhaps not very anxious to do so, the owner of che horses proceeded wich his attendants co che seat of government of che Tejon Nacion in order to see the old Chief, Sapacarra, and, if possible, to make an arrangement with him by which to recover his property. They soon reached the capital, which consisted of C\venty or thirty very picturesque-looking bark hues scattered along che side of a hill, in front of the largest of which they found old Sapacarra, seated upon his haunches in all the grandeur of "naked majesty," enjoying a very luxurious repast2 of roasted acorns and dried angle-worms. His swarthy subjects were scattered in various directions around him, engaged for the most part in the very arduous task of doing nothing. The little smoky-looking children were sporting, like a black species of water-fowl, in the creek which ran a shore distance below, while the women were pounding with stone pestles in stone mortars, industriously preparing their acorn bread. The delicacies of the chief's cable were soon spread before his guests, which, though tempting, they respectfully declined and entered immediately upon their business. Sapacarra was informed chat a party of Mexican horsethieves had sought shelter in his boundaries; chat they were only a few in number, and chat they had in their possession twenty splendid horses, one-half of which should belong to the chief if he recovered the whole number. This arrangement was speedily effected, and the high contracting parties separated with great satisfaction and mucual assurances of their distinguished regard. Sapacarra held a council of state, which resulted in sending spies over his dominions to discover traces of the marauding band. Information was returned in a day or two that seven Mexicanos, superbly dressed, and covered with splendid jewelry, and having a large number of fine horses, were camped on a little scream about fifteen miles from the capital. The cupidity3 of the old chief and his right-hand men was raised to the 1 Tejon Indians An error: 1he land in quescion is in fac1 char of rhe Miwok, whom Ridge refers IO as che Tejon throughout che novel. "Tejon" is a colonial name for the Kitanemuk, some of whose members are coday pan of che federally recognized Tejon Tribe. 2

repnsl

3

cupidity Greed.

Meal.

II95

highest pitch, and they resolved to manage the matter in hand with great skill and camion; which last, by the way, is a quality chat particularly distinguished the California Indians, amounting to so extreme a degree chat it might safely be called cowardice. Joaqufn and party, having ascertained chat they were no longer pursued by che Oris Timbers Ranchero, and feeling perfectly secure amongst so harmless a people as che Tejons, disencumbered themselves of their weapons and resolved to spend a few days in careless repose and genuine rural enjoyment. Juan was, one evening, lying in the grass, watching che horses as they fed around him, while Gonzalez, Feliz, and Murieca were each of them separately seated under a live-oak tree, enjoying a private tete-a-tete4 with their beloved and loving partners. The evening shades were softly stealing around chem, and all nature seemed co lull their unquiet spirits co security and repose. Just ac chis moment, a few dark figures might have been seen, but, unforcunaccly, were not, creeping cac-like in the direction of the unsuspecting Juan and the equally unconscious Murieca, Gonzalez, and the rest. It was well managed. By a sudden and concerted movement, the whole party were seized, overpowered, and securely bound before chey were aware of what was going on. The Indians were in ecstasies at this almost unhopedfor success, for, had che lease resistance been made, a single pistol cocked, or a knife drawn, they would have left the ground on the wings of che wind-so largely developed is the bump of caution on the head5 of a California Indian! Bue cunning is equally developed, and serves their purposes quite as well sometimes as downright courage. As soon as chis feat was accomplished, the woods became alive with forms, faces, and voices. A triumphal march was made with the captives to che capital. They were stripped entirely naked, and their rich clothing covered the weather-beaten backs and scaly legs of the Tejons; but great was the astonishment of the natives when they discovered the sex of 4 &ite-a-lete French: lirerally, "head co head»; private conversation berween rwo people. 5 lnrgely devewped ... the head Reference IO che pseudo-science of phrenology, according to which a person's personaliry and abilities arc indicarcd by the relative size and shapes of certain bumps or "organs" on the head. The pseudo-science was often used IO justify a variecy of radsc srereorypes, as certain races were thought co share certain phrenological features.

Page 295

1196

JOHN ROLLIN RrnGE / YELLOW

BrRo

three youthful cavaliers, who were kindly permitted, in pity for their modesty, to wear some of the old castoff shires chat lay around in che dire. The women were robbed of their jewelry to the amount of three thousand dollars and che men of seven thousand dollars in gold dust, besides their riding animals and the scolen horses. They were left also without a solitary weapon. ever were men so completely humiliated. The poor, miserable, cowardly Tejons had achieved a greater triumph over them than all the Americans put together! Joaquin looked grim for a while, but finally bust out into a loud laugh at his ridiculous position, and ever afterwards endured his captivity with a quiet smile. The most potent, grave, and reverend Senor Sapararra immediately dispatched one-half of the stolen horses ro the Oris Timbers, while he retained the ocher according to agreement. He kept his prisoners of war in custody for a week or two, debating in his mind whether to make targets of them for his young men to practice archery upon, or co hang, burn, or drown them. He finally sent word to "The Great Capitan," the county judge of Los Angeles, that he had a party of Mexicans in cuscody and wanted his advice on what to do with them. The judge, supposing that the capture was the result of a little feud berween some "greasers"• and the Tejons, advised him co release chem. Accordingly, one fine morning, che prisoners, under che supervision of Sapacarra surrounded by his guard, who were armed with the revolvers and knives which they had caken from the bandits, were led forth from the village with such solemnity chat they imagined they were going co no ocher than a place of execution. Arrived at a group of live-oaks, they were saipped entirely naked and bound each co a tree. Sapacarra made a long speech upon the merits of the important transaction which was about to occur, enlarging upon che enormity of che crime which had been committed (although it looked very much like self-condemnation in him co denounce stealing), and went off into extreme glorification over the magnanimity which would allow such great rascals to escape wich their lives. He then gave order~ co have chem whipped. Seven large, scour fellows stepped out with a bunch of willow rods, each to his place, and gave the unfortunate party a very deccnc and thorough

Aogging. Sapatarra then declared the ends of justice satisfied and dismissed che prisoners from cuscody. Poor fellows! They went forth inco the wilderness as naked as on the day chat rhey were born and stricken with a blanker poverty than the veriest beggar upon the streets ofLondon, or New York, or any other proud city that raises its audacious head above its sea of crime and wretchedness into the pure light of Heaven. The biters were bit. The robbers were robbed, and loud and deep were the curses which Feliz, Juan, and Gonzalez pronounced upon Sapararra and the whole Tejon Nacion; but Joaqufn rubbed his smarting back and laughed prodigiously-declaring upon his honor as a man chat not a hair of old Sapararra's head should be harmed. That night they slept without a stitch of covering; but, fortunately, it was near summer, and che air possessed a merely pleasant coolness. The next day, in passing through an arroyo, Reyes Feliz, who was behind, was attacked by a grizzly bear, and, utterly defenceless, was horribly mangled. He begged his companions to leave him, as he must certainly die, and they could do him no good. After removing him to a shady place among some rocks and near co a scream of water, they left him co die-all but his sorrowing mistress, who resolved co remain with him whatever might befall. They turned to look as they departed, and che lase they saw was the faithful girl with her lover's head upon her lap, pouring her rears upon him like a healing balm from her heart. Give me not a sneer, thou rigid righteous! for rhe love of woman is beautiful at all times, whether she smiles under gilded canopies in her satin garments or weeps over a world-hated criminal alone and naked in a desert .... On the following morning, Joaqufn collected his bands around him, numbering, from a late accession of nc:w "fighting members" as he: called them, one hundred men, and explained to chem fully his views and purposes. "I am at the head of an organization,» said he, "of two thousand men whose ramifications1 are in Sonora, Lower California, and in this scate.3 I have money in abundance deposited in a safe place. I intend to arm and equip fifteen hundred or two thousand men and 2

1

grrasers Derogatory term for MOlcans. The term was widely used by Anglo-Americans in California during this period.

ramificatiom

Divisions or branches.

3 ull'er C,1,famia I.e., Baja Californ1.1, a srace of Mexico; state I.e., California (originally known as Upper California).

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THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF J OAQUIN MuRIETA

make a clean sweep of the southern countries. I intend to kill the Americans by 'wholesale,' burn their ranchos, and run off their property at one single swoop so rapidly that chey will not have time to collect an opposing force before I will have finished the work and found safety in the mountains of Sonora. When I do this, 1 shall wind up my career. My brothers, we will then be revenged for our wrongs, and some little, too, for the wrongs of our poor, bleeding country. We will divide our substance and spend the rest of our days in peace. I am now preparing for this grand climax, and chis is the reason, Valenzuela, chat I have kept you so busy collecting horses." The bandicci shouted in loud applause of their gallant leader. Their eyes kindled with enthusiasm at the magnificent prospect which he presented co chem, and they could scarcely contain themselves in view of the astounding revelations which he had made. They had entertained no adequate idea of che splendid genius which belonged co their chief, although they had loved and admired him throughout his dangerous career. They were fired with new energy, and more than ever willing and anxious to obey him ac all hazards and under the most disadvantageous circumstances. On chis same day he dispatched a remittance of s50,ooo to his secret partner in Sonora under a strong force commanded by Valenzuela and directed ThreeFingered Jack, with fifty men, to drive off to the same state a thousand head of the horses which had been collected. Joaquin was accordingly left at the rendezvous with rwenty-five men, who had nothing co do but kill game, and attend to their horses, and clean their arms. The wife of Gonzalez was there, who had consoled her widowhood by accepting a huge fellow as her husband, by the name of Guerra, who looked like a grizzly bear more than a human being. He was not so kind to her as Gonzalez had been, and, one night while he was asleep, she was about co cut his throat when Joaqufn, who was lying in the same tent, fiercely cold her to behave herself and assured her with an emphasis that he would hold her responsible if Guerra was ever found dead about camp. She threw her knife spitefully towards Joaqufn and laid down again by her adorable spouse, who snored in blissful ignorance of his wife's affectionate purpose. Lounging in his tent one m isty day-for the rainy season had set in- Joaquin was aroused from the

n97

luxurious lap of his mistress by one of his sentinels, who galloped up and informed him chat he had just discovered a fresh trail through the grass, about a mile and a half below on the Cantoova Creek, and, from appearances, he should judge there were eight or ten men. It was important to keep a sharp lookout and to allow no Americans to leave chat valley with the knowledge that it was occupied by any body of men whatever, as such a circumstance would materially interfere with the gigantic plans projected. Accordingly, it was not long before Joaqufn was mounted upon one of his swiftest horses and accompanied by fifteen picked men. They proceeded co the trail indicated by the sentinel and rode rapidly for rwo hours, which brought them in sight of ten Americans, who halted in curious surprise and waited for chem co come up. "Who are you?" said Joaquin, "and what is your business in these pares?" They replied chat they were hunters in search of bears and deer. "We are hunters, also," rejoined the bandit, "and are camped just across the plain here. Come over with us, and lee us have a chat. Besides, we have some firsc-rate liquor at our camp." Suspecting nothing wrong, the hunters accompanied them, and, having dismounted at the tents and turned out their horses co graze, found themselves suddenly in a very doubtful position. They were surrounded by a company more chan double their own who made demonstrations not at all grateful co cheir sight,' and in a few moments, they realized the bitter fact chat chey were driven co the extremity of a hopeless struggle for their lives. They remonstrated with Joaquin against so shameless an ace as the cold-blooded murder of men who had never injured him. "You have found me here," he replied, "and I have no guarantee chat you will not betray me. If I do not tell you who I am, you will chink it no harm co say that you have seen a man of my description; and, if I do cell you, then you will be certain co mention it at the first opportunity." Ac this moment a young man, originally from the wilds of Arkansas, not more than eighteen years of age, advanced in front of his trembling comrades and,

1

Page 297

not at all ... their sight I.e., chac chey were nor graceful co see.

n98

JoHN ROLLIN RIDGE / YELLOW BIRD

standing face co face with the robber-chief, addressed him in a firm voice co the following effect: "I suspect strongly who you are, sir. I am satisfied that you are Joaquin Murieca. I am also satisfied that you are a brave man, who would not unnecessarily commit murder. You would not wish co cake our lives, unless your own safety demanded it. I do noc blame you, following the business you do, for desiring co put an effectual seal of silence on our tongues. Bue listen to me just a moment. You see that I am no coward. I do not look at you wich che aspect of a man who would cell a falsehood co save his life. I promise you faithfully for myself, and in behalf of my companions, chat if you spare our lives, which are completely in your power, not a word shall be breached of your whereabouts. I will myself kill the first man who says a word in regard co it. Under different circumstances, I should cake a different course, but now, I am conscious chat co spare our lives will be an ace of magnanimity on your part, and I stake my honor, not as an American citizen, buc as a man, who is simply bound by justice co himself, under circumstances in which no ocher consideration can prevail, chat you shall not be betrayed. If you say you will spare us, we thank you. If you say no, we can only fight until we die, and you must lose some of your lives in the conflict." Joaquin drew his hand across his brow, and looked thoughtful and undecided. A beautiful female approached him from the cent near by and couched him on the shoulder. "Spare them, Joaquin," she tremulously whispered, and, looking at him with pleading eyes, retired softly co her seat again. Raising his fine head with a lofty look, he bent his large clear eyes upon che young American, as if he would read him like an outspread page. He answered his glance with a look so royally sincere chat Joaqufn exclaimed with sudden energy: "I will spare you. Your countrymen have injured me, they have made me what I am, buc I scorn co cake the advantage of so brave a man. I will risk a look and a voice like yours, if it should lead to perdition. Saddle their horses for them," he said co his followers, "and lee chem depart in peace." The parry were very soon mounted again, and, showering blessings on Joaqufn, who had become suddenly

transformed into an angel in their estimation, they took their leave. I have never learned that the young man, or any of his parry, broke their singular compact, and, indeed, it seems co me that it would have been very questionable morality in chem co have done so, for certainly, however much they owed co society, it would have been a suicidal ace co refuse co enter into such an agreement, and, as nothing but a firm conviction chat they intended co keep their word could have induced Joaquin co run so great a risk, they were bound to preserve their faith inviolate. If they had a right co purchase their lives at the price of silence, they had an equal right, and not only that, but were morally bound, to stand up co their bargain. le would be well if men were never forced into such a position, buc society has no right, after it has happened, co wring from chem a secret which belongs co them and not co the world. In such matters God is che only judge. The month of December was drawing co a close, and che busy brain of the accomplished chief had mapped out the full plan of his operations for che new year just at hand. le was the year which would close his short and cragical career with a crowning glory-a deed of daring and of power which would redeem with its refulgent light the darkness of his previous history and show him co afrercimes, not as a mere outlaw, committing perry depredations and robberies, but as a hero who has revenged his country's wrongs and washed out her disgrace in the blood of her enemies. le was time for Three-Fingered Jack and Valenzuela co return from Sonora, and Joaquin waited patiently for their arrival in order co replenish his purse largely during the first months of che new year so chat he might execute his magnificent purpose without embarrassment or obstruction. In a few days, Garcia and Valenzuela returned, accompanied by an old guerrilla comrade of the latter, named Luis Vulvia. The C\vo had lose five men from their bands, killed in several skirmishes on their way back, with the citizens of Los Angeles County. Further than this, they had received no injury, and were in fine health and spirits, although their horses were somewhat jaded. Each leader handed co Joaquin a well-filled purse of gold coin. Having reseed rwo days, che major portion of the banditti mounted fresh horses and, leaving the remainder, numbering rwency-five men, at the rendezvous under

Page 298

THE LIFE AND ADVENTURES OF JOAQUIN MuRIETA

the command of Guerra, with whom they also left the females, not thinking it prudent, in view of the bloody scenes which would be enacted, to take them along, they set out for Calaveras County. They had not been gone more than three days before a quarrel arose between Guerra and his affectionate wife, which ended in his giving her a wholesale thrashing. She submitted to the infliccion wich greac apparenc humility, but the next morning at breakfast time \.Vhen Guerra was called and did noc come, several of his companions went into his tent to arouse him and found him stone-dead. There was no sign of violence on his body, and it remained a complete mystery how he died. He had been a hard drinker, and, finally, his death was amibuted to an over-indulgence the night before. But che fact of the case was, that unconscious sleeper had received ac midnight just one drop of hoc lead into his ear, tipped from a ladle by a small and skillful hand. Byron has said in one of his m isanthropic verses: Womans tears, produced at will Deceive in life, unman in death.'

and the truth of this bitcer asseveration was partially illustrated when the inconsolable widow wept so long and well over the husband whom she, like a second, nay, the thousandth jezebel,2 had made a corpse. It is barely possible, however, that her tears were those of remorse. She accepted for her third husband a young fellow in the band at the rendezvous named Isidora Conejo, who loved her much more tenderly than did the brutal Guerra, whom she so skillfully put out of the way. This young man was a few years her junior, buc she looked as youthful as h imself. Twice widowed, her sorrows had not dimmed the lustre of her eyes, or taken the gloss from her rich dark hair, or the rose from her cheeks. Her step was as buoyant as ever, the play of her limbs as graceful, the heave of her impulsive bosom as entrancing, and her voice full of music as if she had never lose Gonzalez or murdered Guerra. There are 1

Wom,m'.r rears . . . in death See English poet Lord Byron's

n99

some women who seem never to grow old. As each successive spring renews the plumage of the birds, so with chem the passing year adds fresh beauty to their forms, and decay long lingers ere he has the heart to touch their transcendent loveliness with his cold and withering fingers. The fascinating Margarita was one of these. Joaqufn with his parry, fully bent on the most excensive mischief, entered Calaveras County about the middle of December. This country was then, as it is now, one of the richest in che state of California. Ics mountains were veined with gold-the beds of its clear and far-rushing streams concealed the yellow grains in abundance- and the large quartz-leads, like the golden tree of the Hesperides,3 spread their fruitful branches abroad through the hills. Its fertile valleys bloomed with voluptuous flowers over which you might walk as on a carpet woven of rainbows-or waved with the green and mellow harvests, whose ready music charmed the ear. The busy wheels of the sawmills with their glittering teeth rived4 che mighty pines, which stood like green and spiral towers, one above another, from base to summit of the majestic peaks. Long runnels, dimly lighted with swinging lamps or flickering candles, searched far into the bowels of the earth for her hidden secrets. Those which were abandoned served as dens for the cougar and wolf, or, more frequently, che dens of thieves. Over chis attractive field for his enterprizes, Joaquin scattered his party in different directions. He entrusted Reis with che command of nventy men, Luis Vulvia with that of twenry-five, retaining about fifteen for his own use, among whom was the terrible ThreeFingered Jack and the no less valuable Valenzuela, and employed the remainder as spies and bearers of news from one point of action ro another. Reis went up to the headwaters of the Stanislaus River between whose forks the rich valleys, covered with horses, afforded a fine cheater for h is operations. On all che mountain-fed branches and springs of these forks, the picks and shovels ofa chousand miners were busy, and the industrious Chinese had pitched their little cloth villages in a hundred spocs, and each day hurried to and fro like innumerable ants, picking up the small but precious grains.

"Euthanasia" (18n). 2

jeuhe/ Immoral woman, especially one considered co be seduc-

cive or sexually promiscuous; the name is derived from chat of the biblical queen who promoted the worship of Baal.

3 goldm tree of the Hespmdn In Greek myrhology, a group of nymphs called the Hesperides guacd a tree of golden apples. 4

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rived Tore apart.

1200

JOHN ROLLIN RIDGE / Y E LLOW

Brno

Luis Vulvia- as daring a man as Claudio and as cunning-proceeded to the headwaters of the Mokelumne River; and detached portions of these two bands, at intervals, ranged the intermediate space. Joaquin himself had no particular sphere but chose his ground according to circumstances. Keeping Three-Fingered Jack with him most of the time, he yet, once in a while, gave him the charge of a small party with liberty co do as he pleased- a favor which che bloody monster made good use of; so much so that scarcely a man whom he ever met, rich or poor, escaped with his life. The horse which this hideous fellow rode might have rivaled Bucephafu.s1 in breadth of chest, high spirit, and strength of limb, united with swiftness. No one but a powerful man could have rode h im; the Three-Fingered Jack, with a fine Mexican saddle (the best saddles in the world) fastened securely with a broad girth made of horse hair as strong as a band of iron, and curbing him with a huge Spanish bit- with which he might have rent2 his jaw-managed che royal animal with ease. To see chis man, with his large and rugged frame in which the strength of a dozen common men slumbered-his face and forehead scarred with bullets and grooved wich the wrinkles of grim thoughts, and his intensely lighted eyes glaring maliciously, like caverned demons, under his shaggy brows- co see such a man mounted upon a raven-black horse whose nostrils drew the air like a gust of wind into his broad chest, whose wrathful hoof pawed the ground as if the spirit of his rider inspired him, and whose wild orbs rolled from side to side in untameable fire-would aptly remind one of old Satan himself, mounted upon a hell-born beast, after he had been "let loose for a thousand years."3 Among the many thrilling instances of che daring and recklessness of spirit which belonged ro Joaquin, there is one which I do not feel at liberty to omit-especially as it comes naturally and properly in this connection. Shortly after he parted from Reis and Luis Vulvia, he went up into the extreme north of the country. 1

Bucephalus Grear. 2

rent

Horse of Macedonian conqueror Alexander che

Tom.

3 Satan himself . . . thousand years Slight misremembering of Revelarion 20.6-7: "they shall be priests of God and of Christ, and shall reign with him a thousand years. And when che thousand years are expired, Saran shall be loosed out of his prison."

There, at the head of a branch of the South Fork of the Mokelumne River, in a wild and desolate region near the boundary line of Calaveras and El Dorado Counties, were located a company of miners, consisting of twenty-five men. They were at a long distance from any neighbors, having gone there well-armed on a prospecting tour which resulted in their findi ng d iggings so rich chat chey were persuaded to put their tents and remain. One morning while they were eating their breakfast on a flat rock-a natural cable which stood in front of their tents- armed as usual with their revolvers, a young fellow with very dark hair and eyes rode up and saluted chem. He spoke very good English and they could scarcely make out whether he was a Mexican or an American. They requested him to gee down and eat with chem, but he politely declined. He sac with one leg crossed over his horse's neck very much at h is ease, conversing very freely on various subjects, until Jim Boyce, one of the partners who had been to the spring after water, appeared in sight. At the first glance on him, the young horseman flung his reclining leg back over the saddle and spurred his horse. Boyce roared out: "Boys, that fellow is Joaquin; d-n it, shoot him!" At the same instant, he himself fired without effect. Joaqufn dashed down to the creek below with headlong speed and crossed with the intention, no doubt, to escape over the hills which ran parallel with the stream, but his way was blocked up by perpendicular rocks, and his only practicable path was a narrow digger-trail which led along the side of a huge mountain, directly over a ledge of rocks a hundred yards in length, which hung beetling" over the rushing scream beneath in a direct line with the hill upon which the miners had pitched their tents, and not more than forty yards distant. It was a fearful gauntlet for any man to run. Not only was there danger of falling a hundred feet from the rocks, but he must run in a parallel line with his enemies, and in pistol-range, for a hundred yards. In fair view of him stood the whole company with their revolvers drawn. He dashed along chat fearful trail as if he had been mounted upon a spirit-steed, shouting as he passed: "I am Joaquin! kill me if you can!"

4

Page 300

beetling Hanging precariously.

JOHN ROLLIN RIDGE IN CONTEXT

Shoe afeer shoe came clanging around his head, and bullet after bullet Aaccened on che wall of slate at his right. In the midst of the first firing, his hat was knocked from his head, and left his long black hair screaming behind him. He had no time to use his own pistol, but, knowing chat his only chance lay in the swiftness of his sure-footed animal, he drew his keenly polished bowie-knife in proud defiance of the danger and waved it in scorn as he rode on. le was perfectly

1201

sublime to sec such a super-human daring and recklessness. At each report,' which came fase and chick, he kissed ehe flashing blade and waved it ac his foes. He passed che ordeal, as awful and harrowing co a man's nerves as can be conceived, untouched by a ball and otherwise unharmed. In a few momencs, a loud whoop rang out in the woods a quarter of a mile distant, and che bold rider was safe! -1854

IN CONTEXT

Sensational News of Joaqufn Murieta! Rumors and unsubsramiared reports concerning Joaquin Murieta and his associates were fodder for sensational news stories in all parts of America; rhe excerpt below from a long round-up piece on California news that appeared in a Virginia newspaper is a good example. The report in 7he San Joaquin Republican employs similarly sensationalistic language-bur wichouc che italics. from The San Joaquin Republican (29 January 1853)

I

t is well known char during che winter monrhs a band of Mexican marauders have infested Calaveras county, and weekly we receive the details of dreadful murders and outrages committed in the lonely gulches and solitary outposts of chat region. The farmers lose their carrle and horses, the trader's rent was pillaged, and the life of every traveler was insecure.... The band is led by a robber, named Joaquin, a very desperate man, who was concerned in the murder of four Americans, sometime ago, ac Turnerville. from "California News," The Richmond Dispatch (29 September 1853) young man named Mark T. Howe, a native of Maine, was murdered near Angel's camp recently. le was supposed that Joaquin's band were the perpetrators. A California paper has che following, relative co the alleged capture of Joaquin:

A

The citizens of Los Angeles have a curious story that the capture and decapitation of Joaquin Muri era did nor rake place on the person ofthe bandit! It is seated char rhe portion of Joaquin's gang alleged to have been surprised and routed was none other than a parry of native Californians and Sonorians who had gone to the Tulare valley for the express and avowed purpose of "running mustangs." Three of che parry, our correspondenc scares, "have returned co Los Angeles and report char they were accacked by a parry of Americans, and chat the balance of cheir parry, four in number, had been killed, and rhar Joaquin Valenzuela, one of the parry, was killed and his head cut offby one ofhis captors!" This is a very singular statement and will bear looking into.

"port Sound of gunfire.

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120 2

JOHN ROLLI N RIDGE / YELLOW B I RD

Artist's depiction of "Joaquin, the Mountain Robber," first published in the Sacramento Union Steamer Edition for 22 April 1853, and subsequently used in lacer versions of Ridge's novel.

'l'HEBB&D

' ■

TO BB BXBIBl'l'BD AT THE

STOCKTON BDVSE

AVG. 19, 18SS -S1

...,........_., __,

- - • - c e ... ...,1111~,11,,_...., lr.u••~O.u.nouu-CCffTTOf In Taa.rtK0.•1

►--=11ca~

~~:-~--r:..~=-~u:::~~

==-~=-:.::::,.-:=,:~•.!.':

::.:-'':::::..ce.:::"'x~m~ 'ttsttffl'l

Advertisement for the exhibition of the alleged head of Joaquin Murieca in Stockton, California, including a shore testimonial to the head's authenticity from a person claiming to have known Murieca, and an illustration of the bandit that was subsequently used in pirated versions of Ridge's novel.

Page 302

JANE JOHNSTON SCHOOLCRAFT

I

BAMEWAWAGEZHIKAQUAY 1800 - 1842

B

amewawagezhikaquay, also known as Jane Johnston Schoolcraft, translated her Ojibwe name into English as "Woman of the Sound rhe Stars Make Rushing through rhe Sky." A Meris writer welleducared in both Ojibwe and British traditions, she created a sophisticated body of writing that is ac once Meris, Ojibwe, and Euro-American in irs content and sryle. She wrote formal English poetry, translations of traditional Ojibwe stories and love songs, and original poetry in Ojibwe-the first poetry known to have been composed in writing by an Indigenous author in an Indigenous language. Although litcle of her work was formally published in her lifetime, and her career was overshadowed by chat of her husband, rhe ethnographer Henry Rowe Schoolcraft, her significance is coming to be appreciated in the rwenryfirst century. Schoolcraft was born Jane Johnston in Saulr Sre. Marie, in what is now che stare of Michigan's upper peninsula, in 1800. Her mother, Ozhaguscodaywayquay, also known as Susan Johnston, was part of a prominent Ojibwe family; her father, John Johnston, was a Scorch-Irish trader. Schoolcraft was thus born into a Meris culture-a midwescern culture blending Indigenous, French, and Anglo ancestries and traditions-that was already well established in the area. Each of her parents preserved their own traditions and languages, and Schoolcraft and her seven siblings all received thorough Ojibwe- and English-language educations at home, where their father amassed an unusually extensive library of liceracure, theology, and history (despite their rural location, the family owned about a thousand books). Schoolcraft traveled to Ireland in 1809 and may have received a few months of formal schooling there, bur a change in the family's finances prompted an early return ro rhe Sault in 1810. Schoolcraft probably began to write literature in her teens, and continued to write for most of her life; her oldest surviving dated poem was completed when she was fifteen years old. Many poems appear only in Ojibwe or, more often, English, while in some cases she composed rhe same content in English and Ojibwe versions. Most of her English poetry employs the formal conventions and sryle of EuroAmerican Romanticism; her Ojibwe poetry, on the ocher hand, tends to use formal techniques drawn from Ojibwe oral traditions. While her cranslacions of Ojibwe traditional songs are sometimes literal, without a new poetic form imposed, ochers adapt the content to the Euro-An1erican verse forms char Schoolcraft's English-language readers would have recognized as poetry. Similarly, Schoolcraft appears ro have varied her approach to the translation of traditional Ojibwe stories. Some appear co preserve che original narrative structure, giving the impression of a direct translation, while others are creative adaptations employing che tone and structure of Euro-American folk stories, suggesting che influence of the Brothers Grimm and ocher Romantic-era collectors of folk and fairycales. Schoolcraft's work was deeply entwined with her husband's. She mer Henry Rowe Schoolcraft in 1822 when he came to the Sault as a United Scates Indian agent; they were married in 1823. They had four children, though rhe eldest, William, died before age three. As writers, she and Henry had a complex and mucually inAuential relationship: her expertise shaped much of the ethnographic work on Indigenous peoples that made him famous, and he encouraged and preserved her writing-some of which he published, often without clear amibucion, as part of his own books. Henry, whose attitude

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106

JANE JOHNSTON SCHOOLCRAFT/ BAMEWAWAGEZHIKAQUAY

toward Native Americans was generally condescending, appears to have enjoyed his wife's combination of Indigeneiry and Euro-American refinement; in his Personal Memoirs (1851), he describes their reception during a 1824-25 trip to New York as "something like a sensation in every circle,» observing char many wanted "co see the northern Pocahontas" who was educated, had traveled abroad, and wrote with "grammatical skill and taste." Henry's commentary offers a glimpse of the patronizing, exoricizing attitudes Schoolcraft often faced at home and abroad. During her lifetime, Jane Schoolcrafc's work appeared only once in a "publication" under her own name. This was in a handwriccen magazine edited by Henry during che winrer of 1826-27, which he ticled The Muumiegun, or Literary Voyager. The Muue11ieg11n (Ojibwe: "book") circulated among their friends, and ic included at lease nine poems and five Ojibwe stories by Jane (some appearing under pseudonyms), including the poem "By an Ojibwa Female Pen," the story "Mishosha, or the Magician and His Daughters," and poems about her eldest son's death. One recipient, the Schoolcrafrs' friend Charles Chriscopher Trowbridge, praised "the pathos of scyle and the singular felicity of expression" of Schoolcrafc's poem "To My Ever Beloved & Lamented Son William Henry" and asked for permission to have it published, bur his request appears to have been declined. In 1833, the Schoolcrafrs moved to Michigan's Mackinac Island, separating Jane Schoolcraft from her mother and siblings. Henry, who became Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Michigan in 1836, began to travel more extensively to support his political career (which included the negotiation of a treaty char deprived the Ojibwe of a vast portion of their land). In a letter co her husband, Schoolcraft describes herself as "chained at home ... like a domestic bear, who ever & anon, growls our his dissatisfaction at his circumscribed limits." During this period, she was also frequently ill and became addicted to the opium mixture doctors prescribed to treat her pain. [n 1839, Henry published some of Jane's English versions of traditional Ojibwe oral stories in che collection Algic Researches. He did not identify her translations specifically-though he did acknowledge "Mrs. Henry R. Schoolcraft" as one of the volume's contributors-and she may have been involved in the preparation of the rest of the book as well. Afcer Henry was dismissed from his role as superintendent, che Schoolcrafrs moved co New York Ciry co start afresh in 1841. The following year, Jane Schoolcraft died unexpectedly while visiting her sister in Dundas, a cown in what is now Ontario, Canada. The writer Margaret Fuller, a friend of the Schoolcrafts, lamented thac "by che premature death of Mrs. Schoolcraft was lose a mine of poesy, to which few had access." After Schoolcraft's death, her husband continued to publish her work----generally in his own books and periodicals, though with some direcc acknowledgment of her authorship. He also gathered a collection of her poetry chat appears to have been intended for publication buc was never printed. He did, however, save much of her work in manuscript form, and it would probably not have survived if not for its inclusion in archive collections dedicated co his writings. Though some of these materials are in her handwriting, many more were copied out by Henry and probably revised by him. Because he is known co have freely intervened in the revision and translation of her work-and whether he did so with or without her approval is unclear-it is often difficult co determine how closely the surviving documents reflect cheir original author's intentions. For a century, Schoolcraft's importance was barely acknowledged in print, though her work in Algic ResearchN would exert a significant influence on Henry Wadsworth Longfellow's famous poem The Song ofHiawatha (1855). She began co receive some recognition in 1962, when Philip P. Mason edited a print edition of Literary Vciyager, which included footnotes clarifying the extent of her contributions. No collection dedicated co her writing was released until 2007, when the scholar Robert Dale Parker collected her work in The Sound the Stars Make R11Shing through the Sky: Tbe Writings ofJane Johnston Schoolcraft. Parker's recovery efforts brought Schoolcraft co broader attention and quickly established her as a writer of significance, imponant not only for her erudition in multiple languages and traditions but also for her skill and versaciliry as a poec and storyteller.

Page 304

]ANE JOHNSTON SCHOOLCRAFT

I

BAMEWAWAGEZHIKAQUAY

107

NOTE ON THE TEXTS: The following texts are based upon those appearing in Robert Dale Parker's collection of Schoolcrafr's wrirings, The Sound rhe Stars Make Rushing through rhe Sky (2007); the original sources employed by Parker are noted in foocnores at the beginning of each text. In Schoolcraft's time, Ojibwe did not yet have a standardized orthography, and her work in Ojibwe thus employs spelling and word divisions that differ significantly from chose of the present day. Her original spellings have been preserved in the Ojibwe texts, while the English texts have been modernized in accordance with the practices of chis anthology.

~~~

To the Pine Tree

Translation

2

on first seeing it on returningfrom Europe'

T

S

hing wauk! Shing wauk! nin ge ik id, Waish kee wau bum ug, shing wauk Tuh quish in aun nau aub, ain dak nuk i yaun. Shing wauk, shing wauk No sa s Shi e gwuh ke do dis au naun Kau gega way zhau wus co zid.

10

he pine! the pine! I eager cried, The pine, my father! see it stand, As first that cherished tree I spied, Recurning to my native land. s The pine! the pine! oh lovely scene! The pine, that is forever green.

Mes ah nah, shi egwuh tah gwish en aung Sin da mik ke aum baun Kag ait suh, ne meen wain dum Me nah wau, wau bun dah maun Gi yut wi au, wau bun dah maun een Shing wauk, shing wauk nosa Shi e gwuh ke do dis au naun.

Ah beauteous tree! ah happy sight! That greets me on my native strand And hails me, with a friend's delight, To my own dear bright mother land Oh 'tis to me a heart-sweet scene, The pine-the pine! that's ever green. 0

10

Ka ween ga go, kau wau bun duh e yun s Tib isht co, izz henau gooz ze no an Shing wauk wah zhau wush co zid Ween Ait ah kwanaudj e we we Kau ge gay wa zhau soush ko zid

15

-2007 (WRITTEN 1822-40)

Not all che trees of England bright, Noc Erin's• lawns of green and light Are half so sweet co memory's eye, As chis dear type of northern sky Oh 'tis co me a heart-sweet scene, The pine-the pine! that ever green. -2007 (WRITTEN 1822-40)

1 rerumingfrom Europe Schoolcraft visited Ireland and England with her father in 1809, returning co her native North America in 1810.

2

Page 305

The translation reprinted here is Schoolcraft's own.

shore

lrela11d's

108

JANE J OHNSTON SCHOOLCRAFT / BAMEWAWAGEZHIKAQUAY

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The Contrasl ch pen in hand, I shall concrasc, The presenc momencs with che past And mark difference, not by grains, Bue weighed by feelings, joys and pains. Calm, tranquil-far from fashion's gaze, Passed all my earliest, happy days Sweetly flew che golden hours, In Sc. Mary's woodland bowers Or my father's simple hall, Oped co whomsoe' er might call opened Pains or cares we seldom knew AJI the hours so peaceful flew Concerts sweet we oft enjoyed, Books our leisure time employed Friends on every side appeared From whose minds no ill I feared If by chance, one gave me pain The wish to wound me not again Quick expressed in accencs kind Cast a joy throughout my mind Thar, to have been a moment pained, Seemed like bliss but just attained. Whene'er in fault, co be reproved, With gratitude my heart was moved, So mild and gentle were their words Ir seemed as soft as song of birds For well I knew, that each behest, Was warmed by love--convincing cesc.

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The tree cut down-the cot removed, The cot the simple Indian loved, The busy strife of young and old To gain one sordid bit of gold By trade's o'er done plechoric moil,1 And lawsuits, meetings, courts and toil.

Adieu, to days of homebred ease, When many a rural care could please, We trim our sai!J anew, to steer so By shoals we never knew were here, And with the star flag, raised on high Discover a new dominion nigh, And half in joy, half in fear, Welcome the proud Republic here. 4 -

2007 (WRITTEN AFTER 1823)

By an Ojibwa Female Pen5 Invitation to sisters to a walk in the Garden, after a shower

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ome, sisters come! the shower's past, The garden walks are drying fast, The Sun's bright beams are seen again, And nought within, can now detain. The rain drops tremble on the leaves, Or drip expiring, from the eaves; But soon the cool and balmy air, 2

Thus passed che morning of my days, My only wish, to gain the praise Of friends I loved, and neighbours kind, And keep a calm and heavenly mind. My efforts, kindly were received, Nor grieved, nor was myself aggrieved. But ah! how changed is every scene, Our little hamlet, and the green, The long rich green, where warriors played, And often, breezy elm-wood shade. How changed, since full of strife and fear, The world hath sent its votaries here.

cottage

pkthoric moil Excessive hard work.

3 trim our sail To uim a ship's sail is 10 adjusc ics position to adapc to changes in the wind. 4 Discover a new ... Rep11blic lurt Although Indigenous peoples had gathered in the area for thousands of years, the growing French setdement of Sault Ste. Marie was given ics European name in 1688; ics stracegic location made the river a site of conAicc berween the Bricish and French into che nineceenth century. The Treacy of the Sault (1820) turned control of che area over to the United Scaces in 1823, with Fort Brady builr co protect it from British invasions from Canada; pro11d &p11blic United States.

1 An earlier version of chis poem, dared March 1823, has a differcnc cicle. This version is from a bound manuscript ofSchoolcrafr's poems prepared by her husband after her