The Book of Reykjaholar: The Last of the Great Medieval Legendaries 9781442680562

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THE BOOK OF REYKJAHOLAR: THE LAST OF THE GREAT MEDIEVAL LEGENDARIES

In this study Marianne E. Kalinke examines what may be considered the last great medieval legendary, the Book of Reykjaholar, produced on the very eve of the Reformation. The significance of this legendary resides in its preserving in Icelandic translation a group of otherwise unattested medieval Low German saints' lives. Kalinke presents a literary analysis of the Reykjaholar compilation, demonstrating what kind of sources the translator used and how he collected, combined, and adapted these texts to suit his Icelandic audience. The book also offers stylistic, thematic, and comparative analyses of the legends. A number of these Christian myths are apocryphal, and some transmit folktales and romances, such as the legend of the hairy anchorite (St John Chrysostom), the tale of the search for the highest king (St Christopher), the tale of the grateful lion (St Jerome), the tale of the dragon-slayer (St George), and the story of the holy sinner (Gregorius peccator). The legends belong to the vast corpus of German hagiography, yet the currency of these particular versions is documented today only by virtue of their inclusion in this Icelandic legendary. The book opens with a survey of the development of German hagiography, goes on to a discussion of the religious and intellectual climate in early sixteenth-century Iceland, and follows with a consideration of the legendary's Low German sources and its production by one of the wealthiest Icelanders of the time, Bjorn Porleifsson of Reykjaholar. MARIANNE E. KALINKE is professor in the Department of Germanic Languages and Literatures at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. She is author of several books, including Bridal-Quest Romance in Medieval Iceland, and is associate editor of The New Arthurian Encyclopedia.

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M A R I A N N E E. K A L I N K E

The Book of Reykjaholar: The Last of the Great Medieval Legendaries

U N I V E R S I T Y OF TORONTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London

www.utppublishing.com © University of Toronto Press Incorporated 1996 Toronto Buffalo London Printed in Canada ISBN 0-8020-0824-0 (cloth) ISBN 0-8020-7814-1 (paper)

Printed on acid-free paper

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Kalinke, Marianne E. The Book of Reykjaholar ; the last of the great medieval legendaries Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8020-0824-0 (bound) ISBN 0-8020-7814-1 (pbk.) I. Reykjaholabok. 2. Christian saints - Legends History and criticism. 3. Christian hagiography History - Sources. 4. Old Norse literature - Low German influences. I. Title. PT7I92.K3 1996

839'.63

€96-930211-8

University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council and the Ontario Arts Council.

Contents

PREFACE vii A B B R E V I A T I O N S xi

1 Legenden/Liigenden 3 2 The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland 24 3 The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 45 4 Bjorn f»orleifsson of Reykjaholar: Copyist, Translator, Editor, and Compiler 78 5 The Communion of Saints 125 6 'God alone knows whether this legend is true' 165 7 Sacred Romances 199 8 Bjorn Porleifsson: Collector of Myths 238

NOTES 249 B I B L I O G R A P H Y 291 I N D E X 309

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Preface

In the year 1521 Martin Flach published in Strassburg the last edition of Der Heiligen Leben, the most popular vernacular legendary of the Middle Ages. Thereafter separates of individual vernacular saints' lives still appeared sporadically, but the era of the great legendaries had come to a close. In the 15308, however, a unique anthology was produced in the West Fjords of Iceland, the Book of Reykjaholar, so named after the home of its presumed 'author,' the copyist, editor, compiler, and translator Bjorn t>orleifsson. Reykjaholabok, as the manuscript is known in Icelandic, contains twenty-five saints' lives, several of them apocryphal. The collection, while certainly read, had no demonstrable impact on either the religious or the literary life of Iceland. Nor was it known, as far as one can tell, outside Iceland, except by a few scholars. The language of the legendary is a strange Icelandic affected by Low German syntax and vocabulary. The sources of all but three legends are demonstrably Low German but to date unidentifiable. For several decades scholars held that the translated legends in Reykjaholabok were renderings, albeit at times rather free, of legends in Dat Passionael, the Low German version of Der Heiligen Leben. That is not so, as I intend to demonstrate. If the legends were translations of their Low German counterparts in Dat Passionael, this monograph would have taken a rather different form, for then my objective would have been to analyse Bjorn Porleifsson as a translator and to introduce him as a creative writer who, despite his semantic and stylistic oddities, deserves to be known as a fascinating sixteenth-century Icelandic author. But that is not the case. Bjorn Porleifsson was a collector of myths, Christian myths, in the tradition of Snorri Sturluson, the great anthologizer of pagan Germanic mythology. Bjorn had a scholar's propensity for collecting as many sources as possible about a subject, in this case the lives of the saints, and making them available in

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the vernacular. The product of his collecting is a book containing narratives in versions and redactions that presumably are no longer extant in the original language; at least, it has been impossible to identify the sources. For this reason Reykjaholabok is as significant for Low German as for Icelandic literature, for it contains otherwise unattested versions of such apocryphal narratives as the German bridal-quest romance Oswald, the bridal-quest/marital romance of Henry and Cunegund, the Gregorius peccator legend, and the legend of the hairy anchorite. Reykjaholabok has preserved in translation works that bear comparison with the German prose romances, the chapbooks, of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Included among some rather sober vitae are several gems of medieval fiction. The significance of Reykjaholabok extends beyond the borders of Iceland in that the work transmits in Icelandic translation a corpus of Low German legends. For this reason the introductory chapter provides a survey, albeit succinct, of the development of vernacular hagiography in the German-language area. No such overview exists in English. What I have written in this chapter is largely derivative, and I am indebted to German scholarship, especially the publications of Werner Williams-Krapp. This introduction to German saints' lives will, it is hoped, enable the reader to place the many references to and comparisons with German redactions in subsequent chapters in a proper historical context. In the course of my research it became clear to me that a number of texts in Reykjaholabok presented problems, primarily of a philological nature, that had to be addressed in greater detail than I considered appropriate in a monograph. For this reason I published several articles - on Gregorius saga biskups, Stefanus saga, Laurencius saga, and Mariu saga og Onnu — as the necessary basis for some of my assertions here. Other articles — on Reykjaholabok, Jons saga gullmunns, and Jeronimus saga — are of a more general nature and anticipate some of my concerns in this monograph, where, however, my perspective is that of the legendary as a whole. The manuscript became known to scholars in this century through the seminal work of the Danish scholars Ole Widding and Hans Bekker-Nielsen. They held that most of the legends in Reykjaholabok are translations from a late fifteenth-century imprint of the Passionael, the Low German version of Der Heiligen Leben. This assumption led to their classifying the texts in Reykjaholabok according to their textual proximity to those in the Passionael. The translator appeared to be following at best an inconsistent methodology of translation: at times he seemed to translate word for word, at other times to adapt and even re-create his sources. This is not the case, however, and by a close analysis of the textual evidence I attempt to lay the matter to rest in chapter 3. Chapter 4 is a similarly philologically oriented study of Bjorn Porleifsson's work as

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scribe, translator, editor, and compiler. Some readers may wish to skip these two chapters, in which I present the evidence in the original Latin, Middle High German, and Low German together with the Icelandic texts. Translations are conjoined to the original texts. In the course of writing this monograph I have become indebted to both individuals and institutions, especially the University of Illinois: to its Research Board, for granting me a research assistant during the early stages of work on the book and a generous grant to subvene publication; to its Center for Advanced Study, for granting me two semesters as an associate fellow in 1990— i to pursue research in both Denmark and Iceland; and for a sabbatical leave in the spring of 1993, most of which I spent at the Stofnun Arna Magnussonar in Iceland. I am very grateful to the Stofnun SigurSar Nordals for a Snorri Sturluson Fellowship during the summer of 1994, and to the Arnamagnasan Institutes in Copenhagen and Reykjavik for repeatedly permitting me to work in an environment conducive both to contemplation and to interaction with other scholars. Especially in Iceland I have benefited from conversations with and help from many individuals, particularly Stefan Karlsson and Olafur Halldorsson in palaeographic and linguistic matters and Sverrir Tomasson in hagiography. I am especially indebted to GuSrun Asa Grimsdottir for advice on sources of sixteenth-century Icelandic history and for being willing to read critically chapter 2.1 benefited from ready help in lexical matters given by GuSrun Kvaran of the OrSabok Haskolans in Iceland and Eva Rode of Den Arnamagnaeanske Kommissions Ordbog in Copenhagen. For their willingness to listen to my ideas and to respond critically to what I have written I am grateful to Jenny Jochens, formerly of Towson State University; Kirsten Wolf of the University of Manitoba; Rochelle Wright, my colleague at the University of Illinois; and P.M. Mitchell, my former colleague at the University of Illinois and the former curator of the Fiske Icelandic Collection at Cornell University. And last but not least, my thanks go to Theresa Griffin of the University of Toronto Press for her superb editing. Dat Passionael has never been edited. All quotations are from Steffan Arndes's 1492 Liibeck imprint, a copy of which was available to me in the Royal Library in Copenhagen. I have silently expanded abbreviations. Quotations from Reykjaholabok are taken from Agnete Loth's edition (but for the sake of readability I have omitted symbols denoting editorial intervention), but I have also made use of photographs of the manuscript itself. In the bibliography Icelandic names are alphabetized according to given name rather than patronymic. MARIANNE E. KALINKE Feast of the Epiphany, 1996

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Abbreviations

BA BHL

Bibliotheca Arnamagnaeana Bibliotheca hagiographica Latino antiquae et mediae aetatis. 2 vols. Brussels: Societe de Bollandistes, 1898-1901. DI Diplomatarium Islandicum. Islenzktfornbrefasafn. 16 vols. Reykjavik: Hid islenzka bokmentafelag, 1952-72. DIM Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Verfasserlexikon. Ed. Kurt Ruh et al. 2nd rev. ed. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1978- . DA' Diplomatarium Norvegicum. Oldbreve til Kundskab om Norges indre og ydre Forhold, Sprog, Slsegter, Saeder, Lovgivning og rettergang i Middelalderen. Ed. Chr. C.A. Lange and Carl R. Unger. 22 vols. Christiania: P.T. Mailing, 1852; Oslo: Kommisjonen for Diplomatarium Norvegicum, 1992. EA Editiones Arnamagnaeanae EIMF Early Icelandic Manuscripts in Facsimile EM Enzyklopddie des Mdrchens. Handworterbuch zur historischen und vergleichenden Erzdhlforschung. Ed. Kurt Ranke. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1977- . Fritzner Johan Fritzner. Ordbog over Del gamle norske Sprog. Vols 1-3: Christiania: Den norske Forlagsforening, 1886, 1891,1896. Vol.4, Rettelser og tillegg, by Finn H0dneb0: Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1972. GKW Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. Ed. Kommission fur den Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke. Vol. 2. 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1968. GL Jacobus de Voragine. The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints. Trans. William Granger Ryan. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993.

xii Abbreviations Hartmann von Aue. Gregorius. Ed. Hermann Paul. I2th ed. by Ludwig Wolff. Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 2. Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1973HDA Handworterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens: Ed. Hans BachtoldStaubli et al. 10 vols. Berlin and Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 1927-42. HMS C. R. Unger, ed. Heilagra manna s0gur. Fortxllinger og legender om hellige msend og kvinder. 2 vols. Christiania: B.M. Bentzen, 1877. //€ Pall Eggert Olason. Islenzkar seviskrdrfrd landndmstimum til drsloka 1940. 5 vols. Reykjavik: Hi5 islenzka bokmenntafelag, 1948-52. LA Jacobus a Voragine. Legenda aurea, vulgo Historia Lombardica dicta. Ed. Th[eodor] Graesse. 3rded. Bratislava, 1890; repr. Osnabriick: Otto Zeller Verlag, 1969. LMA Lexikon des Mittelalters. Ed. Liselotte Lutz. Zurich and Munich: Artemis, 1977- . LTK Lexikon fiir Theologie und Kirche. Ed. Josef Hofer and Karl Rahner. 2nd rev. ed. 10 vols. Freiburg: Verlag Herder, 1957-65. MndW Karl Schiller and August Liibben. Mittelniederdeutsches Worterbuch. 5 vols. Bremen, 1875-80; repr. Vaduz: Sandig, 1986. Mom. Boninus Mombritius. Sanctuarium, sen Vitae Sanctorum. 2 vols. Milan, before 1480; repr. Paris, 1910; repr. (of Paris): Hildesheim and New York: Georg Olms, 1978. MTU Miinchener Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters NBG Borcnling, Conrad, and Bruno Claussen. Niederdeutsche Bibliographie. Gesamtverzeichnis der niederdeutschen Drucke bis zum Jahre 1800. Vol. i, 1473-1600. Neumiinster: Karl Wachholtz, 1931-6. Pass. Dat Passionael. Liibeck: Steffan Arndes, 1492. Rhb Agnete Loth, ed. Reykjaholabok. Islandske helgeniegender. EA, A, 1516. Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1969—70. SAB De historige van der hylgen moder Sunte Annen vnde van oeren elderen, etc. Braunschweig: Hans Dom, 1507. (St. Annen Buchlein). Tubach Frederic C. Tubach. Index Exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales. FF Communications, 204. Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, Akademia Scientiarum Fennica, 1969. VPass. Fr. Karl Kopke, ed. Das Passional. Eine Legenden-Sammlung des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts. Quedlinburg and Leipzig: Gottfr. Basse, 1852. WA 50 'Die Liigend von St. Johanne Chrysostomo. 1537.' In D. Martin Luthers Werke, vol. 50, pp. 50-1. Kritische Gesamtausgabe. Weimar: Hermann Bohlaus Nachfolger, 1914. Greg.

THE BOOK OF REYKJAHOLAR: THE LAST OF THE GREAT MEDIEVAL LEGENDARIES

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1 Legenden/Lugenden

Twenty years after the publication of his ninety-five theses, Martin Luther disseminated in three editions, in Wittenberg, Augsburg, and Strassburg, a narrative he called Die Liigend von S. Johanne Chrysostomo.1 In choosing to designate the legend of St John Chrysostom a Liigend, Luther was playing on the German term Legende (or, in his time, also Legend); in English this would be equivalent to calling a sacred legend a lie-gend, or invented story. Luther's word play was typical of the rhetoric of the polemical writings of the Reformation period.2 With the neologism, Luther proclaimed as fiction a type of narrative that was accepted by many believers as transmitting historical reality. Although the publication was addressed to the pope, the cardinals, and other members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy assembled at Whitsun at the Council of Mantua, as the dedication in the title indicates, the very fact of its publication in three cities made widely available a type of text denounced by Luther as 'verzweivelte lugen und abgoettery,' 'rechte luegenden, erstunckene, Teuffelische luegen.'3 The redaction of the legend of St John Chrysostom that Luther published in his Liigend was taken from one of the many editions of Der Heiligen Leben, also known as Passional, that were published in the High and Low Germanlanguage area. The anthology, which is extant today in 197 manuscripts as well as 33 High German and 8 Low German imprints,4 became, with its originally 251 legends arranged according to the liturgical calendar, 'the most influential model for most of the vernacular legendaries of the fifteenth century.'5 Indeed, the compilation, which was created by a Dominican friar from Niirnberg at the turn of the fourteenth to the fifteenth century, was 'unparalleled in its overall popularity in the whole of Europe ... Hardly a work of German literature was read by such a wide audience.'6 The oldest extant imprint was published by Giinther Zainer in 1471/72, while the last edition appeared in Strassburg in

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1521.7 In the foreword to his own edition Luther accuses the Roman church not only of having propagated these lies but also of rewarding with indulgences the faithful who read them (WA 50, 53). Luther's intent in publishing the legend of St John Chrysostom, which was lifted from one of the very legendaries he was condemning, was to reveal the absurdity of the tale; he attempted to do so by inserting marginal commentary. When the young St John Chrysostom decides to withdraw into solitude and to practice poverty 'because temporal goods are injurious to the soul,' Luther remarks in the margin that not the pope himself would believe that, even if he were to know it.8 The legend depicts fabulous and miraculous incidents. A princess is lifted into the air by a strong wind and carried to St John's hermitage. Luther's snide comment is that this must be true, since no one could make up such an absurd incident.9 The princess, whom St John seduces and then murders by pushing her off a cliff, in the end turns out to have been saved miraculously by God. At the conclusion of the text Luther expresses relief that the 'liigend' is over, and comments that people were supposed to believe it, even though the text consists of nothing but one lie after another.10 The text of the legend is followed by an afterword in which Luther expatiates on the nature of lying and accuses the pope and his church of having seduced souls through such lies as saints' lives, among them the legend of St John Chrysostom, and of having forced the faithful to believe in these fictions; only twenty years earlier, he asserts, anyone who refused to do so would have been burned to death (WA 50, 62—3). This claim is an obvious exaggeration, for the church never gave its imprimatur to the many legendaries circulating in the German-language area (see WA 50, 50). Criticism of sacred legends is older than the Reformation. The Dominicans themselves produced an anli-Legenda aurea to overcome the incompleteness and inaccuracies in Jacobus de Voragine's legendary." Furthermore, the authenticity and veracity of the legend that Luther published had already been cast into doubt in at least one of the collections of saints' lives, namely Steffan Arndes's Dat Passionael of 1492 (Liibeck). There the legend of St John Chrysostom exists in two parts, a Low German redaction of the text edited by Luther, which may properly be designated a sacred folk-tale, and a subsequent biographical part that deals with St John's work and his persecution by others. The 1492 Passionael includes a comment at the end of the legend Luther subsequently published (the text is Low German, and discrepancies vis-a-vis Luther's text have the character of minor variants): Etlike wyllen dat dysse hystorien nycht waer sy. wente me vindt se nicht in dem latine beschreuen. men de hystorie de hijr tohant na uolget is de rechte hystorie van sunte

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Johanne Crisostimo. wo deme nu sy is gode bekant. men to Venedie vind me ene kerke in sunte Johannes crisostimus eere ghebuwet. daer steyt de hystorie so ghemalt alze se hijr vortellet is.12 [Some maintain that this story is not true, because it is not written in Latin, and that the following story is the real story of St John Chrysostom. What the truth in this matter is only God knows. In Venice, however, there is a church dedicated to St John Chrysostom, and there the story is depicted just as it is told here.]

The comment is ambiguous, since it is not clear whether it refers to the apocryphal tale or to the following vita. In any case, the altarpiece by Sebastiano da Piombo in the church of San Giovanni Crisostomo in Venice depicts the saint as patriarch of Constantinople, engaged in writing and surrounded by a group of saints.'3 Another fifteenth-century painting, however, found today in the Galleria Estense of Modena, indeed depicts three scenes of the fantastic legend, thereby attesting the currency of the tale in the century in which it became associated with the saint's life.' 4 The commentary above shows that even while fantastic legends like that of St John Chrysostom were being disseminated, their veracity or historicity was being questioned. Not all the editions of Der Heiligen Leben contained the comments, however, nor the sober account of the life of the saint that follows. Scholars have been unable to identify Luther's source,'5 but presumably it was a redaction similar to the Augsburg imprint of 1513 by Johann Otmar, in which the legend, like Luther's redaction, concludes with remarks on St John's subsequent life and two explanations of his cognomen 'Golden Mouth.' He received this name as a bishop because of the sweetness of his preaching. Later he was driven from his bishopric and he withdrew into the desert, where he wrote about God. When he ran out of ink, 'he wrote from his mouth,' and this turned into golden letters. Therefore he is called John with the Golden Mouth.' 6 The irony of the document of 1537 is that in order to attack belief in the saints and their legends Luther considered it necessary to publish one of these very texts. Although the afterword contains a vitriolic diatribe, the marginal remarks on the narrative are relatively laconic and restrained. It is not improbable that those among the laity who had access to Luther's redaction read the legend, chuckled over or agreed with the marginal commentary, but then ignored the afterword. Although Luther was quite right about the fictional nature of the legend, he and subsequent denouncers of hagiography took both this tale - and legends in general - and its recipients too seriously.'7 In the same decade that Martin Luther published the legend of St John Chry-

6 The Book of Reykjaholar sostom, Bjorn Porleifsson (d. between 1548 and 1554), one of the wealthiest Icelanders of his time, produced a monumental collection of legends, most of them translated from Low German. This legendary is known as Reykjaholabok (the book of Reykjaholar) after Bjorn's home in the West Fjords of Iceland. It is not only the last Icelandic collection of saints' lives but also one of the most unusual of the vernacular legendaries. While the legendary contains a number of rather sober vitae, for example that of St Dominic, it also transmits several legends, in whole or in part apocryphal, that reveal an author's delight in storytelling and the finer aspects of the literary craft. All but three of the legends are demonstrably translations of Low German redactions, although the sources are today either lost or unknown. One of the most fascinating texts included in the Icelandic legendary is the apocryphal legend of St John Chrysostom, not a translation of the version published by Martin Luther but rather the sole extant representative of a longer, narratively superior version circulating at the end of the Middle Ages in the Low German-language area. The Low German source presumably no longer exists, and for that reason the translation takes on a significance extending beyond its place in Icelandic literary history. The legend is paradigmatic for most of the texts in Reykjaholabok: as translations of a Low German hagiographic corpus that has not been preserved, they not only are witnesses to the development of hagiography in the German-language area at the end of the Middle Ages, but they also contribute to a better understanding of one type of Low German literature, the sacred legend, and attest its impact beyond linguistic borders. By virtue of their Low German origin the Icelandic legends assembled in Reykjaholabok can be understood as the concluding chapter in the development of medieval hagiography in the German-language area in general. To understand the hagiographic context that permitted the production of the Icelandic legendary, to grasp the complexity of the question of sources, and to adopt the requisite comparative perspective, it is necessary briefly to survey the development and diversity of vernacular hagiography in the German-language area (this chapter) as well as the religious and intellectual climate in Iceland at the end of the Catholic period (chap. 2), which proved so hospitable to the importation of German literature. The redaction of the legend of St John Chrysostom that Luther published was taken, as we observed above, from one of the editions of Der Heiligen Leben, according to Werner Williams-Krapp the vernacular legendary with the broadest dissemination and greatest impact in the Middle Ages.'8 The chief sources of the texts in this anthology were older collections of legends and legendary matter, such as the German Vers-Passional, the Mdrterbuch, a Latin redaction of the Legenda aurea, Vincent of Beauvais's Speculum historiale, and the anon-

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ymous Vitae patrum,19 as well as older redactions of single legends and pseudolegends, among them Reinbot von Durne's St Georg, Ebernand von Erfurt's Heinrich und Kunegunde, and Hartmann von Aue's Gregorius. Although the author/compiler presumably intended to present a collection of relatively short legends appropriate, for example, for reading in the refectory, as WilliamsKrapp suggests, with his primary objective therefore the furnishing of reading matter suitable for a religious community,20 the enormous popularity of the legendaries once they appeared in print suggests that they were received not only as edifying but also as entertaining reading. As Williams-Krapp has noted, the forty-one fifteenth- and sixteenth-century imprints of Der Heiligen Leben and some thirty-six extant manuscripts that are of non-monastic provenance suggest that the work was a best seller among the laity.21 Sometime in the period 1262-6 the Dominican friar Jacobus de Voragine (1228/29-1298) had produced a Legenda sanctorum in uno volumine compilavit, also known as Nova legenda or Historia Lombardica, but its extraordinary popularity soon resulted in its being dubbed the Legenda aurea or 'Golden Legend.' Not only its proliferation in manuscripts and incunabula but also its translation into many languages - French, English, Dutch, Italian, Portuguese, Spanish, Czech, Polish, Swedish, Danish, and, not least, German - ensured its lasting impact on hagiography in the Middle Ages. By 1282 the Latin legendary was known in the German-language realm, and by the end of the century it had begun to be transmitted in German, albeit initially in metrical form in the socalled Vers-Passional (see below).22 The popularity of the original Latin compilation, at least among the learned, presumably members of male religious orders and clergy, is attested by the fact that the work is extant in more than 1,000 manuscripts and was published 97 times in the fifteenth century.23 In Cologne alone editions appeared in 1478, 1479, 1480, 1481, 1482, 1483, 1485, and 1490, and, in a German translation, Das duytsche passionail, in 1485.24 Some scholars estimate that each edition may have consisted of i ,000 copies, so that by the end of the fifteenth century there may have been some 100,000 copies in circulation.25 The unprecedented success of the hagiographic compilation should not surprise us if we consider the nature of the narratives transmitted. In his Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, Reinhard Wittmann has remarked: 'SchlieBlich diente ein nicht geringer Teil der lateinischen und deutschen religiosen Buchproduktion nicht nur der Erbauung, sondern auch der Unterhaltung - die Heiligenviten, die "Legenda aurea" und nicht zuletzt die Predigtsammlungen seien genannt, die ein Achtel der Gesamtproduktion ausmachten. Vielleicht ist die Lektiire nach 1480 schon allmahlich ins mittlere Stadtbiirgertum vorgedrungen, etwa in Form schmaler volkstumlicher Traktate, Gebetbiichlein und Legenden.'26

8 The Book of Reykjaholar Because the Legenda aurea was in Latin, the legendary was inaccessible to the European population at large. In the German-language area, however, the vernacular prose collection Der Heiligen Leben came to play the role for the laity and many religious communities, especially female, that the Latin versions of the Legenda aurea had assumed for learned religious and clerics. This vernacular German anthology, while based inter alia on the Legenda aurea, was more accessible to the average reader and listener because it was without the learned discourses and glosses that Jacobus de Voragine had injected into his legends. Furthermore, not a few legends in Der Heiligen Leben contain a striking admixture of the hagiographic and the novelistic, and their appeal to readers is therefore understandable.27 The legends fulfilled a need both for edification and for amusement. Their odd commingling of the sacred and the secular, each of which admits the fantastic, inspired Richard Benz to pronounce the German legendary comparable, even superior, to the secular chapbooks of the time.28 In his modern edition of Der Heiligen Leben und Leiden, Severin Riittgers also has remarked on the fairy-tale character and novelistic elements of the legends.29 Although Der Heiligen Leben was originally compiled to serve the needs of a female monastic community, it quickly gained popularity among the laity, who, like the nuns, presumably valued not only the edificatory but also the entertaining aspects of the saints' lives. The popularity of some legends, such as those of George, Oswald, and Gregorius peccator, which were found not only in the legendaries but also in mixed compilations produced for the laity, was enhanced by their peculiar character, which embraced the realms of hagiography, Mdrchen, and courtly epic.30 In the last analysis the appeal of sacred legends derives from their polyfunctionality, as Felix Karlinger has observed: 'sie umschlieBen die Aufgabe des Bildungsromans, religioser Didaktik und der schlichten Unterhaltung.'3' Some legends circulated in diverging versions and narrative forms and also became the subject of artistic representation. Thus, the legend of St John Chrysostom that Luther indicted can be found not only in various editions of Der Heiligen Leben and Dat Passionael but also in a deviating redaction that has been transmitted in an anonymous Meisterlied, consisting of thirty-seven stanzas of seventeen lines each, from the end of the fifteenth century.32 The version that inspired this metrical text presumably was the one known to Albrecht Dtirer, Lucas Cranach the Elder, and Barthel and Hans Sebald Beham. One of the distinctive features of this version, one not found in the Heiligen Leben I Passionael, is the motif of the princess bearing a son in the wilderness. The aforementioned artists - unlike the anonymi of the Passionael woodcuts focused on the naked mother and child, while the very small figure of the saint, moving on all fours, was relegated to the background.33

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An example of the polyfunctionality of a legend is offered by Hartmann von Aue's Gregorius, which was transmitted through the centuries in a variety of genres and forms as the tale of Gregorius peccator. In its twelfth-century form it is a courtly verse legend about an apocryphal saint, a child of incest who in turn himself commits incest, albeit unwittingly, but whose arduous penance of seventeen years results in divine forgiveness and elevation to the papacy. The earliest German version was intended primarily for a courtly audience. Its edifying and didactic aspects resulted on the one hand in its being translated into Latin by Arnold of Liibeck in 1210, but on the other in its being cast into prose, and in this form it joined the corpus of exempla in the Gesta Romanorum (chap. 81) and the anthology of legends in Der Heiligen Leben and Dat Passionael. In the early eighteenth century the prose version was incorporated into Martin von Cochem's Auserlesenes History-Buck, while in the nineteenth century Karl Simrock published it twice: one redaction appeared as a separate in 1839, the other in his collection of Volksbucher (I865).34 Finally, in the twentieth century the topic engaged Thomas Mann's attention and with him the narrative came full circle, as it was cast once more into the long narrative form, now entitled Der Erwdhlte (1951). Unlike the twelfth-century hagiographic verse romance, written from the perspective of a believer, the twentieth-century prose novel maintains an ironic distance with respect to the many instances of divine intervention in Gregorius's life. The tale of Gregorius peccator was incorporated into Der Heiligen Leben, and subsequently Dat Passionael, in the month of November between the feast of Catherine of Alexandria and that of Barlaam and Josaphat. The many editions of the Low German Dat Passionael contributed to the transmission of the legend beyond the German-language area into Scandinavia. One of the printers who played a notable role in the dissemination of hagiographic matter to the North was Steffan Arndes of Liibeck. The Gregorius peccator legend appeared not only in his several editions of Dat Passionael, but also in the form of an exemplum in his 1492 and 1493 imprints of the Plenarium, a book of gospels and epistles accompanied by devotional, exegetical, and paraenetic commentary as well as exempla.35 The Plenaria, devotional books in the vernacular, were intended primarily for the laity.36 While the many exempla were ostensibly incorporated into the various redactions of the Plenaria to convey moral instruction, the entertaining character of some undoubtedly contributed to the enormous popularity of these books.37 Extant today are 26 manuscripts and 15 imprints from the period 1475 to 1517. If the print runs came to between 200 and 300 copies, as Kampfer has estimated,38 this means that some 3,000 to 4,500 Low German Plenaria were in circulation. The 1492 and 1493 Liibeck Plenaria are remarkable - for our purposes -

io The Book of Reykjaholar owing to the presence of another text, entitled 'Wo guet vnde duerbar de kunst der druckerye is' (On the benefits and permanence of the art of printing).39 It is an essay on the art of printing - one might even go so far as to consider it a printer's self-advertisement — and it constitutes part of the exegetical matter following the gospel for the eighteenth Sunday after Trinity, in which Jesus is asked what the greatest of all commandments is. The first exemplum to follow the gospel tells about a student who attended the University of Paris, where he heard a teacher read the Gospel of St Mathew, in which this Sunday's gospel is found. He left the university and entered a monastery. There then follows an account of St Anthony, who at age eighteen also left the world and gave his possessions to the poor when he heard the gospel preached. The essay on the art of printing refers to these two exempla by commenting that the student and St Anthony imprinted the words of the gospel in their hearts.40 The author of the piece proceeds to excoriate repeatedly those who cannot read and for that reason cannot derive eternal happiness from the art from which St Anthony and other great saints were not able to benefit. He attacks those who would spend money on activities that are the devil's work rather than on the products of the new art. Had the printed word been available to our ancestors, he notes, more would have been converted by the Word of God. The art of printing is considered a gift from God ('ghaue gades'). Nevertheless, the writer introduces a distinction: the exhortation to read does not include all books; not meant are books containing fables and other worldly stories ('fabulen efte I andere wertlyke ystorien'), but rather such books, easily acquired for very little money ('gans rynge gelt'), as Sacred Scripture ('de hylghe I schryft'), the Plenarium ('eyn bok des hylgen ewangelij alze dyt'), and anthologies of saints' lives ('dat passionael van alien hilghen'). All these can be acquired quite cheaply in this day and age, the author reiterates, and he remarks that even if one cannot read, one can nonetheless have the texts read aloud. Rudolf Hirsch interprets the opening statement in this essay, 'Schame Dich, der Du nicht kannst lesen in diesen Tagen,' as reflecting 'the attitude of mystics, the teaching of the Brothers of the Common Life, and the later concerns of reformers with the ability of the faithful to read and understand the Holy Scriptures in vernacular translations.'4' While such an explanation bears consideration, the fact remains that the essay as a whole explicitly conveys a concern for selling certain types of books, and thus it might be understood as exhibiting the same polyfunctionality as some of the works it is advertising. A similar distinction between worldly and pious reading is introduced at the beginning of the fourteenth-century Low German catechetical work Der grofie Seelentrost. The reader is exhorted to seek spiritual nourishment in Sacred Scripture, which is being transmitted through the words of the preachers ('dor

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der predekere munt'). The author points out that many read worldly books, such as tales about Parceval and Tristan and Dietrich of Berne, heroes who served the world but not God. Such books are not useful since they contain nothing of benefit to the soul.42 As in the essay on printing, the author of Der grofte Seelentrost posits a group actively engaged in reading and exhorts them to choose the sacred over the secular. The author of the essay on printing in the Liibeck Plenarium, who may have been Steffan Arndes himself,43 excludes secular literature from the works he urges his readers to buy, and this exclusion presumably reflects the character of the books published by the Mohnkopf group of printers in Liibeck.44 Steffan Arndes published the third edition of the Low German Bible (1494), which belongs among the most significant illustrated works of the fifteenth century; a Low German translation of the revelations of St Birgitta (1496); and collections of saints' lives in Dat Passionael, including many an apocryphal legend, in addition to the Plenaria with their exempla. While his publications provided edifying lecture in the vernacular for the laity and homiletic texts for the clergy, much of this same edifying and homiletic matter was also indisputably entertaining.45 The essay on printing specifically advertises printed books as readily available and relatively inexpensive. Hirsch notes, for example, that in 1502 Johann Griininger of Strassburg printed 1,000 copies of Der Heiligen Leben for Johann Schonsperger in Augsburg with the proviso that Griininger be able to retain 200 copies for sale in Strassburg.46 But even without benefit of printed books the lives of the saints enjoyed wide circulation in the late Middle Ages. Prior to its publication in printed volumes Der Heiligen Leben was widely disseminated in manuscripts, of which 197 are extant today.47 The collection was itself a source drawn upon for other anthologies, the most significant of which is the so-called Heiligen Leben 'Redaktion,' the most comprehensive collection of German saints' lives in the Middle Ages, transmitted in ten manuscripts and two fragments,48 and which in turn was edited once more during the first half of the fifteenth century.49 Der Heiligen Leben contributed to the burgeoning of medieval vernacular hagiography by contributing entire legends, or parts thereof, and miracle tales to other compilations, being in general a source of hagiographic matter for other compilers.50 Moreover, individual legends and miracles were taken from the legendary and incorporated into works of a hagiographic nature, which were in turn themselves used as sources.5' Williams-Krapp distinguishes two periods in the history of German vernacular legendaries up to the Reformation: an earlier period of fifty years, 1300-50, in which the legends were in verse, and the period after 1350, which was dominated by prose.52 The first great vernacular collection of saints' lives in the

12 The Book of Reykjaholar German-language area was the Vers-Passional (not to be confused with the alternate designation of the prose Der Heiligen Leben, namely Passional/Passionael or Prosapassional-passionael), a work comprising some 100,000 verses and divided into three books, treating respectively the lives of Jesus and Mary (in relation to the feasts of the liturgical calendar), the apostles, and seventy-five saints. To the author of this monumental work scholars also ascribe the socalled Vdterbuch (Lives of the Fathers), a collection of lives of saintly hermits and monks, consisting of over 40,000 verses, and inspired by the Vitae patrum, popularly ascribed to St Jerome. Given that these two legendaries are extant in over seventy manuscripts of the Vers-Passional and more than two dozen of the Vaterbuch, their impact on literature is manifest.53 The two legendaries were composed in the context of the Order of Teutonic Knights - either written for or commissioned or written by the order - and it is likely that the saints and martyrs were intended as substitutes for the chivalric heroes of secular romances.54 Slightly younger is the legendary known as Marterbuch or Buck der Martyr er, a work of over 28,450 verses composed around 1320 at the behest of a certain Duchess von Rosenfeld of Southern Bohemia. The manuscripts vary in the number of legends found therein, but originally the legendary presumably contained 103 lives arranged according to the calendar year. The source seems to have been an as yet unedited Latin legendary.55 The first of the legendaries to be composed in prose is Hermann von Fritslar's Heiligenleben (1343/49) or, as he himself describes it, 'Buch von der heiligen lebine durch daz jar alse si nach der zit gevallen.'56 The compilation, which is extant in a single manuscript (Heidelberg Hss. cpg 113/114), was presumably intended as a devotional work for the laity; it derives from diverse sources, among them a collection of homilies.57 In the prologue, Hermann, who is thought to have been a well-off layman from Fritzlar in Hessia,58 reveals that the work was compiled 'from many other books and many sermons and many teachings' ('uzze vile anderen bucheren und uzze vile predigaten und uzze vil lereren'). The collection is organized according to the liturgical calendar. In some instances the piece for a particular saint or feast consists entirely of a homily, as is the case for St Nicholas; in others, it is a combination of homily and vita, for example for St George; and in yet others, for example for the feasts of Sts Anthony and Lawrence, Hermann presents only narrative material from the saint's life. In the Low German-language area the oldest printed devotional work is the Spegel der Sammitticheyt (or Spegel der Conscientien), which was published by Steffan Arndes in 1487 in Liibeck. This speculum primarily contains saints' lives, which, according to its introduction, were intended as the focus of contemplation.59 In addition to the aforementioned German compilations there existed transla-

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tions of the Legenda aurea in the German-language area. In the first half of the fourteenth century the only German prose translation of the entire legendary was that produced in Strassburg, the so-called Elsdssische Legenda aurea, which is transmitted in 36 manuscripts.60 Around 1400 another translation of the Legenda aurea was undertaken, this time into Low German, the so-called Mittelniederdeutsche Legenda aurea.61 This legendary is extant in two fragments of one manuscript and a nearly complete manuscript now found in the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbuttel (Cod. Guelf. 317 Helmst.).62 The latter compilation contains approximately one-third of the legends in the Legenda aurea. Nonetheless, the redactor added new saints, a standard procedure that made for constantly evolving contents in the vernacular legendaries in the German-language area. While the texts of the Legenda aurea underwent some shortening - this may have been the work of a Latin redactor rather than the translator - in some instances the translator also produced a conflated narrative by drawing on other sources to augment the legends. In addition to this direct translation of the Legenda aurea there exists a Low German legendary that derives indirectly from the Legenda aurea via the Dutch translation produced by the so-called 'Bijbelvertaler van 1360' and that is known as the 'Siidmittelniederlandische Legenda aurea.'62 With the publication of his monograph on the German (High and Low) and Dutch legendaries, Williams-Krapp has provided extraordinary evidence of the wide dissemination of saints' lives in both manuscripts and early imprints. His index of legends is limited, however, to their occurrence in legendaries, that is, compilations of various types. To assess the full impact that the lives of the saints had in the German-language area in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries one must recall that many vitae also circulated singly and in redactions other than the high medieval verse or the late medieval and early modern prose texts of the legendaries. Some vernacular saints' lives were transmitted in smaller volumes, called libelli, containing accounts of two or three related saints, and even as single texts. For example, the late fourteenth-century manuscript Msc. Hist. 159 in the Staatsbibliothek Bamberg contains the lives of Mary Magdalen, Martha, and Lazarus, while Sts John the Baptist (Msc. Hist. 152) and John the Evangelist (Msc. Hist. 153) are transmitted singly.64 These are extended prose legends that were among the sources of Der Heiligen Leben. A fifteenth-century Low German legend of St Augustine, the so-called Niederrheinisches Augustinusbuch, is extant in seven manuscripts, five of which contain only this legend.65 The tendency to produce such libelli continued with the advent of printing. During the incunable period and the early sixteenth century many saints' lives appeared as separates. Certain female saints seemed to be especially popular, as the many

14 The Book of Reykjaholar imprints attest. To judge by the publication record, favourites were Barbara, Catherine of Alexandria, Dorothy, Margaret, and Ursula and her 11,000 virgins. Heinrich von Neuss, a printer in Cologne, inundated the market with metrical versions of their legends.66 Whether such texts appealed more for their entertaining than devotional properties cannot be ascertained, but as Geldner remarks, probably they often served both purposes.67 In the year 1500 Simon Koch published Low German lives of Sts Dorothy, Barbara, and Margaret as separates. Low German imprints of the legends of Sts Christopher, Jerome, and Mary Magdalen are also attested.68 The extent to which the saints' lives published as separates could swell to book-length proportions is attested by the Low German life of St Jerome, published in 1484 by Ghotan in Liibeck, which contains 156 leaves. One of the most popular as well as the longest legends of the late Middle Ages is that of St Anne, a circumstance that bears witness to the manner in which sacred legends were compiled, their movement from one language to another, and the contribution of printers to their dissemination.69 The material concerning Anne and Joachim as well as Anne's Trinubium initially functioned as an introduction to the life of Mary. The two legends were conjoined for the first time in the Legenda aurea as part of the legend of Mary's birth (nativitas Mariae).10 An independent legend of St Anne is relatively late and not attested until circa I48o,7' when Johann Bamler published the Historia nova, pulchra, devota, et autentica de sancta Anna in Augsburg. Prior to the Second World War a manuscript belonging to the Stadtbibliothek Liibeck (Ms. theol. germ. 19) and dated after 1475 contained the text of the Low German St Anne legend that was published by Hans Dorn in 1507 (Braunschweig) in the so-called Sankt Annen Btichlein.12 This redaction is an anonymous translation of the Dutch Die historie van die heilige moeder santa anna ende van haer olders daer si van geboren is ende van horen leven ende hoer penitenci ende mirakelen mitten exempelen, first published in 1499 by Peter van Os in Zwolle.73 The work saw two additional printings before 1507 (Zwolle, 1500; Deventer, 1504). This Dutch redaction in turn was a free translation by the Carthusian Wouter Bor of the Legenda sanctae Emerencianae et sanctae Annae, which has been ascribed to Jan van Denemarken, a secular priest who died around I545-74 The work is extant in a manuscript dated circa I496.75 The legend in the Sankt Annen Btichlein was not the only German legend of St Anne in print. In 1501 Dysz ist eyn seltzemme und gute legende von Sant Annan und von irem gantzen geslecht was published in Strassburg. A second Strassburg imprint of the same work from 1509 bears a variant title: Dis ist ein hupsche legende von der heiligenfrawen sant Anna (GKW, 2005). This German legend too was translated from a Latin text, namely the Legenda sanctae Annae,

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of which nine imprints are extant from the period 1496 (Leuven) to 1517. Seven of these are Leipzig imprints.76 Another life of St Anne was published in 1490 in Ulm by Johann Reger with the title Von dem ganzen Geschlecht S. Anna, von der S. Anna-Bruderschaft und von etlichen Wunderzeichen.11 Around the same year (1490/91) appeared a Dutch life, Historic, ghetiden ende die exempelen van der heyligher vrouwen sintAnnen, composed in 1486 and printed by Gerard Leeu in Antwerp (GKW, I996).78 From the year 1519 there is extant yet another imprint of a translation of Wouter Bor's Dutch legend, namely the High German Die history und das leben der heyliger frawen sant Annen eyn Mutter der junckfrawen Marie, wie sy ist geboren von jren heyligen eltern Stolanus und Emerentia. Auch von yren heyligen leben und bittere penitenz, myt vyl schonen miracelen und exemplen.79 This translation is ascribed to Nicolaus Symonis, a Carmelite in Erfurt.80 The foregoing history, perforce enumerative, of the legend of St Anne in Latin and in the vernacular, in manuscript and in print serves as a good example of the dissemination and marketing of hagiography at the end of the Middle Ages. To be sure, St Anne was extraordinarily popular, but the textual fate of her legend is not an isolated phenomenon. In his survey of the role of printing in furthering the work of the church in the German-language area, Franz Falk identified over 110 separates of saints' lives.8' The impressive record of reprinted single legends, sometimes several in one year by the same printer, not only attests that the hagiographic publications were welcomed but also suggests that they were subject to being 'zerlesen,' that is, read to pieces. Moreover, as Hirsch has pointed out, reprintings of the same text by one and the same printer seem to indicate that demand outdistanced supply.82 Another very popular legend, to judge by the number of separates, was that of St Margaret. Falk lists four imprints - Magdeburg 1500, Cologne 1513 and 1514, and Leipzig 1517 - but this listing can be augmented from the Niederdeutsche Bibliographic, which contains five additional imprints from Cologne, 1498, 1500 (twice), 1513, and I5I4- 83 In the fifteenth century a High German metrical legend of St Christopher, extending to 1,650 verses, was produced, which subsequently was published in augmented form in I52O.84 The legend of the Three Magi (Historien der heiligher drie coninghen) is listed with three imprints by Falk, two Dutch (Delft 1479 [twice]) and one German (Cologne: Heinrich von Neuss, 1509), but Borchling lists an even earlier Cologne imprint, from around 1505, published by Hermann Bungart (NBG, 395). Falk notes that the same legend was also published together with the Life and Passion of Christ on four different occasions in Augsburg (1476, 1481, 1494, 1503). His listing can be augmented with another Augsburg imprint of I49I.85 The work in question was also known in the Low German realm, with the title De nye Ee vnde dat Passionael. While the Liibeck

16 The Book of Reykjaholar imprint of 1478 also contains the legend of the Magi, the subsequent imprint of 1482 does not. Die Neue Ee is a so-called Historienbibel, presumably composed around 1400. In any case the oldest extant manuscript dates from 1434. Historienbibeln were German prose redactions of biblical narratives augmented by apocryphal and secular historical matter.86 Over 100 manuscripts are extant, which can be roughly divided into nine redactions varying considerably in their contents from group to group but also within the groups.87 Hans Vollmer, the editor of the Historienbibel known as Die Neue Ee, which includes the legend of the Three Kings, considers this popular work 'ein religioses Volksbuch' and works such as Griseldis, Magelone, and Melusine only its somewhat more secular siblings.88 Among the sources used by the compiler are the Passional, the Infancy Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, Heinrich von Hesler's Evangelium Nicodemi, the Urstende of Konrad von Heimesfurt, the Acta Pilati, the Historia scholastica, and the Legenda aurea.*9 The lives of individual saints, such as the ones mentioned above, also circulated in miscellanies, the contents of which usually, but not always, contained predominantly religious matter, but of a diverse nature. In the early fifteenthcentury manuscript Berlin mgf 1278, for instance, a metrical legend of St Stephen is found together with primarily historical matter.90 Similarly, the miscellany Helmst. 1245 (Wolfenbuttel) contains together with sermons and prayers the lives of both St Gregory the Great and St Benedict.9' In the archives of the Familie von Hedemann (Deutsch-Nienhof [Kr. Rendsburg]) Borchling found a manuscript of largely didactic contents that includes inter alia the lives of the Fathers.92 Similarly, in the Fiirst-Georgs-Bibliothek in Dessau a large manuscript of 210 leaves, dating from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, contains not only prayers, Latin psalms, a fable, and exempla but also Low German prose legends of Sts Christopher and Alexius.93 In a manuscript from the third quarter of the fifteenth century we find, together with secular texts such as instructions for writing letters and the German Cato, the stories of both St George's battle with the dragon and St Oswald's bridal quest. The manuscript was presumably compiled for bourgeois circles.94 The Sankt Annen Buchlein of 1507, mentioned above, is an anthology of devotional texts dedicated to St Anne, including her legend. The anthology commences with 'de dornen kron unses leven heren Jhesu cristi' and contains among other texts 'Sunte Annen rosenkrantz,' 'gebede vor de pestilencie,' and 'Ein testament eyns waren cristen minschen.'95 The second item in the collection is the legend 'Sunte Annen legend und all oeres geschlechtes.' In 1889 A. Bachmann and S. Singer published selections from a fifteenth-century manuscript under the title Deutsche Volksbiicher. The codex (c. 28) from the Cantonal Library of Zurich is remark-

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able for the breadth of its contents. The realms of heroic literature and romance are represented by the 'Buch vom heiligen Karl,' which includes as a forestory the romance 'Flore und Blanscheflur,' the eponymous protagonists of which are identified as the grandparents of Charlemagne; and 'Das Buch vom heiligen Wilhelm.' The manuscript, furthermore, contains the great compilation of stories found in the Gesta Romanorum; biblical material in 'Das buoch von Hester der kunigin;' the Schachzabelbuch of Konrad von Ammenhausen; and, of special interest to us, the legend of St George and the Evangelium Nicodemi.96 In some instances an author might also incorporate a legend into a work that although didactic is rather far removed from hagiography, as happened for example in Albrecht von Eyb's Ob einem manne sey zunemen ein eelichs weyb oder nicht, the so-called Ehebuchlein, written in 1472. The work deals with the problem enunciated in the title, and the author proceeds both by argument, as in 'Daz lob der Ee,' and by incorporating exemplary material, such as Boccaccio's 'Guiscardo and Ghismonda' under the heading 'Das man frawen vnd iunckfrawen zu rechter zeit menner geben soil.' The work concludes with a section entitled 'Das kein sunder verzweyfelen solle,' which contains the legend of Albanus, a tale of matricide, fratricide, and parricide, and, like the related tale of Gregorius peccator, one concerned with maternal and fraternal incest.97 Whereas one might argue that the Albanus legend is an unrelated addendum,98 it does provide extraordinary exemplary material, demonstrating the havoc that passion can wreak in the marital and familial structure. That the fifteenth century easily combined the ostensibly didactic with the predominantly entertaining is demonstrated by the nature of some of the compilations produced. Thus the Ehebuchlein can be found together with copies of Steinhowel's Griseldis and Hartmann von Aue's Iwein. The former romance, Griseldis, even found its way into a martyrology produced in the monastery of Rebdorf, near Eichstatt." A work such as Der grofie Seelentrost, while intended as a catechetical text on the ten commandments, is actually a large anthology of exempla - or, as Hermann Jellinghaus has put it, 'eine Menge Exempel, Marchen und Erzahlungen"00 - among which one also finds hagiographic matter that derives ultimately from the Legenda aurea. The Low German work commences with a prologue in which the anonymous author, in Latin, lists the various sources of the compilation, among them the Bible, the Passional, the Lives of the Fathers, various chronicles, and 'all the books that I have been able to read or have heard.' Margarete Schmitt notes that the compiler also includes narratives as exempla which in their purpose and origin were by no means exempla. Among the legends the compiler has taken 'de passionali,' as he writes in the prologue, we find those of Sts Christopher, George, and Jerome.101 Approximately sixty tales in the Seelentrost derive from the Legenda aurea, either in their entirety or

18 The Book of Reykjaholar in part.102 The fact that readers became acquainted with many legends not only by means of the great legendaries but also in such an omnium-gatherum as this catechetical compilation, attests both their adaptability and their availability in a number of sources, all of which enjoyed wide circulation. In addition to its dissemination in many manuscripts, Der grofie Seelentrost is extant today in twenty-five imprints from the period between 1474 (Cologne) and 1568 (Antwerp). Others existed but have not been transmitted.103 Furthermore, both Danish and Swedish redactions of the work were published.104 This review of the breadth of vernacular hagiography in the Germanlanguage area, of necessity succinct, should nonetheless argue for the ubiquity of saints' lives in manuscript and printed material in the late Middle Ages. Accordingly, and given his criticism of hagiolatry, it should come as no surprise that Martin Luther published the legend of St John Chrysostom in the form of a diatribe against devotion to the saints and the dissemination of their legends.105 While the redaction of the legend used by Luther admits the fantastic and thus, from his perspective, the absurd and incredible, even the idolatrous, it is a fairly laconic account that does not compare favourably with similarly fantastic but much longer secular narratives of the period, for example the romances Melusine and Magelone. The latter especially partook of the religious climate against which Luther was railing. Indeed, when the work, written in 1527 by Veit Warbeck, was published posthumously by Georg Steiner in Augsburg in 1535, two years before Luther's legend of St John Chrysostom appeared in print in the same city, the humanist Georg Spalatin contributed an introduction in the form of an apologia in which he praised Magelone as suitable for both young girls and married women and as a negative example warning parents to watch over their daughters. Of particular interest for us is an implicitly critical comment he makes concerning the abundant references in the novel to practices of the church of Rome, such as the invocation of the saints. He observes that it is everyone's duty to seek eternal salvation through no means other than God's grace and mercy and belief in Jesus Christ.106 In the German-language realm the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries saw the publication of religious and secular narratives that were to serve the double purpose of edification and entertainment. Repeatedly the title pages of the popular prose novels, the so-called Volksbucher or chapbooks, draw attention to the lessons to be learned from what are basically romances. Heinrich Steinhowel's translation of Petrarch's Griseldis was repeatedly advertised not only as generally good and useful to read but also as suitable for teaching women to be patient and obedient to their husbands.107 In the earliest extant imprints (the first is dated ca. 1470) of one of the most popular works in the German-language realm, the frame novel Die sieben weisen Meister (The Seven

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Sages), we are told that it contains many useful exempla which are also amusing and entertaining.108 With the Strassburg imprint of 1537, however, a new element is introduced on the title page: the work is now advertised not only as amusing but also as cautionary against the infidelity of women.109 The German version of the Historia Apollonii regis Tyri, first published in Augsburg in 1471, also known from such collections as the Gesta Romanorum and Geoffrey of Viterbo's Pantheon, came to be advertised in later imprints as a work that, while entertaining, was useful in that one might learn from it the vagaries of Fortuna.110 Heinrich Steinhowel, the author of the German Apollonius, himself legitimized the translation of this ancient romance, treating inter alia both incest and prostitution, by noting in what may be interpreted as an apologia, 'For here I have the good intention of exercising youthful minds to cherish old stories in which one finds much wisdom and other good didactic examples."" One suspects a fear on the part of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century authors and printers that if a work's didactic aspects were not heralded on the front page, the pleasure of reading an entertaining novel might be construed as playing into the hands of the devil. One of the more titillating pieces of fiction of the fifteenth century was the Historia de duobus amantibus, a tale of adultery by Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (later to become Pope Pius II), which was completed in 1444. The work was translated into German in 1462 by Niklas von Wyle. He prefaces his German version with a dedication to Mechthild, Countess Palatine and Archduchess of Austria, and includes an apologia for disseminating a tale of adulterous love. His basic argument is that the reader can leam from this bittersweet tale the necessity of fleeing adultery. Furthermore, he remarks that if we are not to write or read a work that contains an admixture of the good and the bad, then we ought not to be reading Sacred Scripture. He exhorts his readers to behave like the bees, who collect from the flowers only what will be to their benefit, and he concludes by expressing the hope that the reader will derive no less instruction from his translation than enjoyment of a good tale."2 By the same token these entertaining narratives might appear as exempla in catechetical and other religious literature; in the context of such explicitly moralizing works, however, the didactic possibilities of a good story were a given. The German Eurialus und Lucretia, for example, appears in one manuscript together with the Gesta Romanorum, its context thereby suggesting that the romance was drawn into the moralizing purpose of the collection of exempla."3 It should be remembered that one of the tales in the Gesta Romanorum is that of Gregorius peccator, which was incorporated by the compiler of Der Heiligen Leben as a bona fide saint's life. That lessons, albeit not always the same ones, could be drawn from romances becomes clear when shortened versions of the

2O The Book of Reykjaholar romances are employed as exempla for catechesis. This is the case with the Alexander legend, which functions didactically, though from diverging perspectives, as the prologue to Steinhowel's Apollonius and as an exemplum in Der grofle Seelentrost; or the tale of the friendship between Amicus and Amelius, which appears as the last narrative in the frame novel Die sieben weisen Meister, where it is drawn into the misogynistic polemic that imbues the work, and as an exemplum for the eighth commandment in Der grofte Seelentrost.1 ' 4 Both narratives, which also exist independently in long verse and prose forms, appear during the transition from the Middle Ages to the beginning of early modern times as short, relatively laconic narratives having exemplary function. Both sacred and secular vernacular narratives were understood as having the double function of entertainment and teaching. In the realm of didactic literature, as Barbara Weinmayer has noted, a sharp demarcation between texts intended to be 'secular' and 'sacred' often cannot be established."5 Walter Pabst observed in his study of the novella in the Romance literatures that while a shift of emphasis from the didactic to the entertaining is not limited to any particular epoch, the conditions for such were especially favourable during the transition from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance."6 Whereas secular narrative was openly advertised as also fulfilling a useful function, the opposite claim that sacred narrative might be a source of entertainment was rare. There is no doubt that sacred legends had a pedagogical function, and that readers were meant to be encouraged to practice an imitatio of the saints. In his Enchiridion of 1518 Erasmus wrote, for example, that no devotion is more pleasing to the Virgin Mary than imitation of her humility, and no practice of piety is more acceptable to the saints and appropriate than striving to emulate their virtues."7 Although Erasmus here expresses a primary function of hagiography, the development of sacred legends in the late Middle Ages and early modern times also suggests that they were read as much for amusement as edification. The late medieval legend, it has been noted, can be characterized as a 'marchenhaftabenteuerliche Fabel unterhaltend-erbaulichen Charakters."l8 Occasionally this aspect becomes quite explicit, for example in Hermann Korner's Low German translation of his originally Latin Cronica novella, a pseudo-historiographical collection of texts which he pointedly offers his readers 'for pastime and amusement' ('to tiidvordrive und kortewyle')."9 Included in the Cronica novella is the legend of St John Chrysostom. Thus it is likely that Luther's edition of the legend of St John Chrysostom, despite its ostensible function of exemplifying the worst kind of papist propaganda, was also read because it was entertaining. As Andre Schnyder has noted in his discussion of Reformation polemics, the delectabile aspect of the legend cannot be denied, and whether one believes the story or not, 'die Geschichte behalt ihre unterhaltende Attraktivitat,' which may

LegendenlLiigenden

21

even have been heightened inasmuch as Luther chose to reserve the moral of his glossed text until the very end, 'urn ihre bare Lust am Spannenden, Grausigen, Wunderbaren damit zu domestizieren.''20 Two decades after Luther's publication, Pietro Paolo Vergerio, the excommunicated former papal nuncio to the court of Ferdinand I, published in his work De Gregorio Papa fifty-two tales from the Dialogues ofSt Gregory. Like Luther he appended disparaging marginal glosses, and as in the case of the apocryphal legend of St John Chrysostom, one may ask whether the work was actually received as a criticism of veneration of the saints, its intended function. Rudolf Schenda has proposed that the collection was read for its entertaining aspects rather than its more implicit than explicit criticism of hagiolatry. He suggests that Vergerio unwittingly became a collector of legends suitable for home consumption.' 2 ' A similar case can be made for other polemicists of the Reformation, for example Hieronymus Rauscher (ca. 1515-1564/65), whose several collections of Auserwdhlte papistische Liigen (1562, 1564) were based on older literature, such as the Speculum exemplorum, which circulated in numerous editions from around 1480. Whereas collections of legends and exempla were originally intended to be didactic and edifying, by the time they were published in collections of Liigen they had become a source of entertainment. Ironically, those who polemicized against older hagiography played a significant role in transmitting a literature which might otherwise have been forgotten. 122 Not authorial commentary but rather narrative form in some instances reveals that for readers entertainment was a concern as great as if not greater than teaching. The legends with which the general population was acquainted through the High German Der Heiligen Leben and the Low German Dat Passionael on the whole were written, as we shall see, in the third person, in a rather laconic style, devoid of dialogue, in which characterization as well as motivation are kept to a minimum. This short narrative form not only was appropriate for lecture in the refectory but also furnished exemplary matter for homilies and catechesis. As Siegfried Ringler has pointed out, the genre we call the sacred legend presupposes a community of faith and is transmitted in a narrative form that is not interested in conveying what is new or in creating tension caused by uncertainty. The happy ending is the given that our faith demands. The basic form of the legend is the simple, detached narrative. 123 Williams-Krapp has argued cogently for the origin of Der Heiligen Leben in a monastic community and has posited as compiler someone who knew Latin well and who had access to a relatively good library. Since special attention is paid in the anthology to St Dominic and other saints of his order, WilliamsKrapp suggests that the production of a vernacular legendary fit in well with the

22 The Book of Reykjaholar attempts at reform of the female communities by the friars of the Dominican order. In the German-language area the centre of reform was the monastery of St Catherine in Niirnberg, and the production of vernacular texts suitable for edification and devotion was imperative. Consequently, he argues, the legendary was presumably produced in the context of the reform movement by a Dominican friar in the period between 1396 and circa 1410, the latter being both the date when Raymond of Capua, the master general of the order, designated St Catherine's the centre of the reform in the Province of Teutonia, and the probable date of the oldest manuscript.'24 If one posits an explicitly devotional function for Der Heiligen Leben, then its rather laconic third-person narrative is understandable. Because it was produced as part of a reform movement, the legendary does not exhibit qualities often associated with vernacular hagiography, which as Evelyn Birge Vitz has noted contrasts with the dry and undramatic Latin legends: 'Vernacular compositions reliably liven up the story: they give the characters names, provide dramatic details and vivid dialogue."25 At the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries, that is, contemporaneously with the popularity of the Heiligen Leben collection, another type of sacred narrative had currency in the North German-language area, a type that approximates in many respects the long narrative prose form of the earliest German novels, the so-called Volksbiicher, among which we find the aforementioned romance Magelone and the frame novel Die sieben weisen Meister. While these secular narratives may be characterized asfabulae or 'lies' 'composed for profit or delight,' as St Augustine writes,126 the sacred narratives, which ostensibly were intended for profit, did not preclude pleasure, if one recalls the medieval 'division of literary response into pleasure gained from narrative or stylistic features and profit derived from an intellectual - read "sacred" or "edifying" - core."27 In her survey of the Low German redactions of the Legenda aurea Brigitte Derendorf has noted the variety of forms the transmitted redactions could take and remarked on the need for research in this little-known area. Inter alia she has pointed out that in some instances legends could grow to book length to be substituted for the 'normal' short narratives of the Legenda aurea. The greater length of some late medieval legends resulted both from the gradual accumulation of ever more material and from a differing narrative mode that was characterized by an exploitation of dramatic potential, by realistic characterization, and by the probing of motivation. The life of St Augustine, for example, became progressively longer as additional matter was incorporated into the legend and a more leisurely discourse was favoured by the redactors.128 The longer and more entertaining sacred legends represent a hagiographic type that appears to have been composed as much for delight as for profit. To

LegendenlLugenden

23

judge by their content, form, characterization, and style, a number of the texts in question were indebted to older forms of German hagiography than those found in the late medieval legendaries but perhaps also to the narrative strategies of contemporary fiction. These legends, including the bridal-quest tale of the Northumbrian King Oswald and his talking raven, Gregorius peccator's story of double incest, and the account of St John Chrysostom's fantastic existence in the wilderness, belong to the vast corpus of German hagiography, yet the currency of these particular versions is documented today only in translation by virtue of their inclusion in the Icelandic legendary Reykjaholabok, which was produced just before the Reformation halted the production and transmission of such sacred texts. The composition of Reykjaholabok as the last of the Icelandic legendaries must be understood in the context of early sixteenth-century Iceland, and the following chapter is intended as a guide to the island's cultural and religious climate during the fifty years before Lutheranism became the religious law of the land. The fact that Reykjaholabok transmits a unique body of Low German legends has necessitated the foregoing preamble, a detour as it were via two centuries of vernacular German hagiography. Such an approach was deemed appropriate inasmuch as Reykjaholabok not only is the last of the Icelandic legendaries but also represents the last medieval collection of German legends, albeit in Icelandic translation. While these texts are related to those in Dat Passionael, as will be seen in chapter 3, they transmit for us, more significantly, the antecedents of Dat Passionael and therefore implicitly of Der Heiligen Leben. The multiplicity of versions of particular legends and their proliferation at the end of the Middle Ages in manuscripts and imprints account for the difficulty, indeed the impossibility, of establishing the source(s) of the Icelandic legendary. These sacred Low German tales are no longer extant in their original language; they presumably circulated exclusively in manuscript, for there is no evidence that printed Low German versions of the Icelandic legends ever existed. Nor do we know how the compiler of Reykjaholabok came to be in possession of the Low German texts that he made available to his countrymen in translation. The Icelandic legendary is unique, but it provides striking testimony of the development of hagiography in the Low German realm, indeed, of vernacular hagiography in general, prior to the Reformation, and may be considered the last of the great medieval legendaries.

2

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

... a db'gum biskups Ogmundar. Her var einn sa prestur i Skalholti, het sfra Jon, og var Einarsson ... harm var vel laerSur maSur, hann predikaSi eina kyndilmessu og talaSi mart um akall heilagra, aS pa5 vaeri afguSadyrkan og oguSlegt. Biskup var5 mjog rei5ur vi5 hann, og sagSist aldri hafa aetlad hann pvilikan, hann mundi fylgja villu Lutheri... Fra pvi var ekki svo kasrt me5 biskupi og honum ..-1 [In the days of Bishop Ogmundur there was a priest at Skalholt named Jon Einarsson. He was a rather learned man. In a sermon one Candlemas day he said much about the invocation of the saints. He called it idolatry and said that it was ungodly. The bishop was very angry with him; he said that he had been wrong about him, and that he must be an adherent of Luther's heresy. From this time on, the relationship between Jon and the bishop was not as warm as it had been.]

The reference is to Ogmundur Palsson, who in 1521 was consecrated bishop of Skalholt, the southern bishopric of Iceland, and who served until 1539, when he retired because of blindness. The priest in question, Jon Einarsson, presumably had gone to school at Skalholt, and had been in the service of Ogmundur's predecessor, Bishop Stefan Jonsson. He may have studied abroad2 and is believed to have been the first Icelander to be attracted to Lutheran teachings.3 The account of the Candlemas sermon appears in the seventeenth-century annals of Jon Egilsson (1548-1636?), a not entirely reliable source. If the incident did indeed take place, then presumably it occurred in the years 1524-8.4 In his history of Christianity in Iceland Jon Helgason has expressed his doubts concerning the reliability of the account above, first because the friendship between Ogmundur and Jon Einarsson while the latter was at Skalholt was so great that the bishop seriously considered having Jon chosen bishop of Holar, the northern bishopric, and this would have been unthinkable had there been any doubts

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

25

as to Jon's adherence to Rome. Further, Jon Helgason points to the fact that Jon Einarsson was appointed priest in Oddi by Ogmundur, and it was more than unlikely that someone advocating what was considered heresy should be given one of the wealthiest parishes in Iceland.5 Jon Egilsson's report, according to Jon Helgason, is presumably nothing but a munnmselasaga, or piece of folklore.6 During this period there must have been many a story about individual priests who preached against devotion to the saints, and later a tale of this sort was associated with Jon Einarsson. Despite its possibly spurious character, the anecdote is of interest, since its very existence is evidence of a specific postReformation perception of the religious climate in Iceland just prior to the Reformation. On 7 November 1550 Jon Arason, bishop of the northern episcopal see of Holar and the last Catholic bishop of Iceland, was beheaded at Skalholt together with two of his sons. Jon's death was the final act in a religious and political drama that evolved primarily during the preceding decade but had commenced in the late twenties. Iceland was the last northern country to accept Luther's teachings. Indeed, the Reformation had no chance of flourishing there until 1550, when the last major voice of opposition was silenced with the death of Jon Arason. Iceland was under the Danish crown, which fairly quickly embraced Lutheranism. In 1537 the Danish Church Ordinance was drawn up, and in 1539, after having been personally approved by Martin Luther, it was adopted in final form. In effect, it established the Lutheran church as the official church of Denmark and Norway. Iceland was part of the Danish kingdom, but when the Ordinance was presented to the Icelandic church in 1538, Ogmundur Palsson and his priests rejected it and refused to change the established liturgy and doctrines. A year later, King Christian ill of Denmark named Didrich van Minden governor of all Iceland, and on Whit Sunday in 1539 the newly appointed magistrate went with his men to the monastery of ViSey, where they drove off the monks and plundered it; shortly thereafter he received the monastery in fee from the crown.7 The Danish Church Ordinance was ratified for the Skalholt bishopric in 1541 in Bishop Gizur Einarsson's Icelandic translation — but was not accepted for the northern see of Holar until 1551, after the execution of Jon Arason.8 At least one reformed church antedates Danish interference in Icelandic ecclesiastical matters. Iceland was actively engaged in commerce with German merchants, especially those from Hamburg. The Germans established a colony in the southwestern Icelandic town of HafnarfjorSur with their own church, which was served by German priests. Hamburg accepted the teachings of the Reformers in 1528, and the German church in HafnarfjorSur became Lutheran in I534-9 This church existed until about 1600. On 4 April 1500 a charter had been drawn up in Hamburg establishing a mer-

26 The Book of Reykjaholar chants' confraternity dedicated to St Anne. This St Anne Fraternity of Iceland Farers ('Broderschupp genannt sunte Annen der Iszlandesfarer') was inspired by a desire to honour and praise God and his mother Mary and especially the dear patrons Sts Anne, Thorlak, and Olaf ('unde sundergen der leuen hillighen patronen sunte Annen Tharlacj unde Olaui').10 The confraternity was founded in the Dominican monastery of St Johann by its religious superiors and the group of men constituting the Society of Iceland Farers ('gesellschop der Jslandesfarer'). The charter provided inter alia for an obligatory mass in honour of St Anne on Tuesdays, as well as vigils and fasts whenever the merchants were about to set sail for Iceland (Dl, xvi:458). Other German merchants, for example from Liibeck, Rostock, and Danzig, frequented Iceland as well.'' Despite Bishop Ogmundur's opposition to Lutheran reforms, three men in his service, namely Gizur Einarsson (ca. 1512-48), Gisli Jonsson (ca. 1515-87), and Oddur Gottskalksson (1514-56), had been abroad, had become acquainted with Lutheran preaching, and were affected by it.12 Oddur Gottskalksson was raised in Bergen, Norway, and had lived in both Denmark and Germany. At the same time that he was secretary to Bishop Ogmundur, he secretly translated the New Testament into Icelandic. His translation was published in 1540 in Roskilde; it is the oldest extant imprint in Icelandic.'3 Gizur Einarsson was sixteen when Ogmundur sent him to study in Hamburg, and he came to be a chief proponent of the Reformation in Iceland and the first Lutheran bishop (1540-8). He succeeded his old mentor Bishop Ogmundur at Skalholt and, ironically enough, was even chosen by him as his successor. In the biography of Bishop Ogmundur ('Mttur um Ogmund biskup i Skalholti') we read that Gizur 'had studied abroad, was quite learned and also a proper Lutheran, and he propagated the Word of God in proper and clear ceremonies according to the Ordinance of the Danish realm as long as he lived."4 With him the southern bishopric adopted Lutheranism, or, as the Skalholt chronicle reports: Hann breytti fyrstur messu embaetti og tok af alia papista si5u, ottusaungva, prim, non og tertiur og aptansaung, en sneri bvi ollu oSruvis og stytti betta; hann tok og af basr gomlu prestatiSir, sem peir voru vanir a6 lesa, item paer processiur, sem a5ur voru hafSar a palmadag og paskadag ...'5 [He changed the liturgy of the mass, abolished all papist rites, Matins, Prime, None, Tierce, and Vespers, and he changed everything and shortened it. He also abolished the old breviary, which priests were wont to read, as well as the processions that had been customary on Palm Sunday and Easter Day ...]

It should be noted that for the most part the battle in Iceland between the

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

27

adherents of Rome and the followers of Luther was primarily a political matter. Icelanders had never been known as a people of strong faith. Around the year 1000 Christianity won over paganism in Iceland, as the result not of conviction but of a legislative decision. Icelanders had always been strong adherents of tradition, however, and this accounted in part for their opposition to the Reformation. The repeated efforts by the Danish crown to impose Lutheran teachings on Iceland were primarily an attempt to subjugate Iceland and to acquire the wealth of the Icelandic church. While no one doubts that Jon Arason, who is considered by Icelanders a national hero, was an ardent adherent of the old faith, his opposition to Lutheranism reflected not only his religious conviction but also his determination to stem Danish encroachment in Iceland. Moreover, as his dealings with Ogmundur, bishop of Skalholt, and others attest only too vividly, Jon - like his southern counterpart - was also an arrogant and contentious man.16 While the Reformation was making inroads in Iceland, and Icelanders, including the two bishops (Gizur Einarsson, Ogmundur's successor in the south, and Jon Arason in the north), were divided on the matter, an extraordinary literary and bibliographical feat - extraordinary in both compass and content - was accomplished. The eve of the Reformation in Iceland coincided with the writing of one of the largest and most remarkable manuscripts ever produced in the country, a codex devoted to the very saints that supposedly had already been denounced from the pulpit and that soon were to become personae non gratae. The manuscript in question, Stockholm Perg. fol. nr. 3, located in the Royal Library in Stockholm, is a monumental achievement, not least by virtue of its sheer bulk: the large folio volume consists today of 168 leaves with two columns per side; and it is written by one hand. Leaves are missing at both the beginning and the end of the manuscript, and there are lacunae of eight, possibly more, leaves throughout the text.'7 The manuscript was produced sometime during the fourth decade of the fifteenth century by Bjorn ttorleifsson, the son of one of Iceland's richest men, the powerful governor f»orleifur Bjomsson, and owner of Reykjaholar in the West Fjords. It is known today as Reykjaholabok, 'The Book of Reykjaholar,' so called after the author's home in the West Fjords. Bjorn f»orleifsson, who died between 1548 and 1554, was probably the wealthiest Icelander of his time, for he had vast landholdings consisting of most of northwestern Iceland and all the islands in BreiSafjorSur, which teemed with fish and sea birds. Reykjaholabok contains twenty-five legends, of which twenty-two were translated from Low German, and more than half of these were translated here into Icelandic for the first time. The compilation is unlike any of the well-known vernacular legendaries of the Middle Ages in that the sequence of saints - including several apocryphal figures - does not correspond

28 The Book of Reykjaholar to the liturgical calender. The order of legends is found neither in the Legenda aurea nor in any of the vernacular legendaries indebted to it, such as the German Der Heiligen Leben. Furthermore, most of the legends in Reykjaholabok are much longer than the better-known Latin and German versions of the same. No evidence is available concerning the criteria - if any - for selection of the legends that were translated. Nor do we know what sources were used, nor whether these were contained in a legendary or existed as separate legends in manuscript or print. The compilation includes four legends relating to the time of Christ (the legends of St Anne and the Virgin Mary, the Three Wise Men, Lazarus, and Stephen protomartyr). Seven legends are devoted to martyrs, several of them the so-called Holy Helpers (Oswald, Sebastian, Lawrence, Christopher, George, Erasmus, and the aforementioned Stephen). Five doctors of the Eastern and Western churches are included (Gregory the Great, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, John Chrysostom), as are two popes (the aforementioned Gregory and Silvester); two friars, the Augustinian Nicholas of Tolentino and Dominic, the eponymous founder of one of the great medieval orders; one bishop (Servatius); one desert father (Anthony); one confessor who was not a cleric (Rochus); one king (Oswald); one emperor (Henry II); and, finally, the apocryphal Barlaam and Josaphat, Seven Sleepers, and Gregorius peccator. The oldest saint - not counting St Anne - is St Stephen protomartyr; the most recent is St Rochus, who allegedly died towards the end of the fourteenth century but who is historically unattested. He is not the only 'modern' saint from a medieval perspective, since the emperor Henry n (d. 1024) and his wife, Cunegund (d. 1033), are included in the legendary, as are Sts Dominic (d. 1221) and Nicholas of Tolentino (d. 1305). The collection is essentially male, although it is remarkable that the longest legend in the anthology is devoted to Mary, her mother Anne, and her grandmother Emmerentia, and the empress Cunegund appears at the side of her husband, Henry II. Not all the narratives are authentic hagiographical texts; some are more fittingly classified as romances, such as Osvalds saga, the major portion of which is a bridal-quest romance, and Gregorius saga biskups, a fictitious tale of double incest, better known as 'Gregorius peccator.' Other legends in Reykjaholabok are combinations of narrative types, such as that of St John Chrysostom, which contains two different biographies, a fantastic and a historical account, and the legend of St Jerome, which is an amalgam of a secular folkand a sacred miracle tale. Not only Sth. 3 fol., that is, Reykjaholabok, but also several fragments bearing the signature AM 667 410 were written by Bjorn f>orleifsson. His hand can be identified in documents from Reykjaholar and environs in the period 1501—42. No other writer of his period has left behind such an extensive oeuvre.'8 The

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

29

proportions of Reykjaholabok are overwhelming: the 168 folios still extant are translated into 872 pages in the printed edition. The original manuscript was much larger, however, for an unknown number of leaves, as aforementioned, are missing at both the beginning and the end of the codex and intermediate leaves as well as one entire quire (and possibly more than one) are missing (Rhb, l:ix). The fragments assembled in AM 667 410 are evidence that Bjorn produced at least two additional manuscripts, a translation of the Revelation of St John (AM 667 X 4to) and a manuscript that presumably contained legendary material relating to the life of Christ and his apostles. Extant are fragments of the legend of the Cross Tree as well as the legends of Sts Andrew, James, Philip, and Mark (AM 667 v, XI 4to).'9 Common to all of Bjorn f»orleifsson's texts is a high number of Low German loans, attesting the language of most of his sources. The legends in Reykjaholabok are characterized by deviations in both length and subject matter from their counterparts in the most popular Low German legendary, the Passionael. The texts of Reykjaholabok and the fragments AM 667 v and XI suggest that Bjorn t>orleifsson was engaged in producing a corpus of legends relating to the life of Christ and his apostles as well as to the lives of those who had given witness to their faith from the earliest days of Christendom through the high Middle Ages. In its conception Bjorn's putative hagiographic corpus is thus comparable to that of the anonymous German verse Passional, the over 100,000 verses of which, produced around 1300, are divided into three books, devoted to Christ and Mary, to the apostles, and to seventy-five saints. The fragment AM 667 x 4to contains a translation with commentary of portions of chapters 4 and 5 of the Revelation of St John.20 In two articles on Reykjaholabok (1960, 1962), Ole Widding and Hans Bekker-Nielsen proposed Oddur Gottskalksson as the scribe of the legendary. As Mariane Overgaard pointed out a few years later, however, the hand can be identified as belonging to Bjorn Porleifsson.21 Agnete Loth, the editor of Reykjaholabok, concurred and convincingly argued that Bjorn Porleifsson was not only the scribe of Sth. 3 fol., but also the translator of the collection of legends. This thesis too had already been put forth by Overgaard.22 Loth's argument, more extensive than Overgaard's, rests on evidence that is circumstantial but nonetheless compelling. Loth notes that Bjorn, the son of one of Iceland's leading men, undoubtedly enjoyed a good education, and since he was not destined for the priesthood, it is likely that he learned German rather than Latin (Rhb, l:xxxix). The various descriptions of and references to conditions in foreign lands that are strewn throughout the legends in Reykjaholabok are, according to Loth, most likely the work of the translator and possibly reflect his own impressions. Furthermore, as large a task as the translation of Reykjaholabok could

30 The Book of Reykjaholar have been undertaken only by someone as financially independent as Bjorn. And it is unlikely that as powerful a man as he would have been content merely to transcribe someone else's work. Loth points out that there is no indication that the texts translated in Reykjaholabok existed previously in older or contemporary manuscripts. She argues that it would be extraordinary if the legends in one of the largest collections ever produced in Iceland should be unique, that is, exist in a single copy, unless they had been translated and written down by one and the same person. Whereas there is no doubt that Bjorn t>orleifsson wrote down the texts in Reykjaholabok, the evidence that he himself translated most of them from Low German, editing some in the process, is circumstantial. Nonetheless, the arguments advanced by Loth for Bjorn's more significant role as translator are strong, and throughout this study, for want of any other candidate, we accept the merits of her arguments and consider him the 'author' of the legendary, that is, the scribe, translator, editor, and compiler. The language of the manuscript is unlike any Icelandic of the time, full of strange and un-Icelandic forms, and it is plausible that Bjorn, who had lived in Bergen for a period, decided to try his hand at a type of Norwego-Icelandic, traces of which actually appear in a document written by him in Bergen in !5°5-23 Only in one other instance do we glimpse the Bjorn we know from the Bergen letter, in a document dated 13 February 1535, in which five persons attest to having read a series of documents, the contents of which are summarized, that give an accounting of various payments made by Bjorn. Here recur some of the idiosyncrasies, albeit in more restrained fashion, characteristic of the Bergen letter.24 Given that the document summarizes a number of earlier documents, it is not inconceivable that Bjorn himself composed it; if that is the case, the recurrence of some forms we know from the Bergen letter is not surprising. Only one other document composed by Bjorn himself is extant, a letter dated 25 January 1539, but this letter is surprisingly devoid of orthographic irregularities. The one letter that can with certainty be said to contain Bjorn's own orthography is the Bergen letter of 1505, and it corresponds in its orthographic oddities and use of Low German loans with Reykjaholabok. Bjorn t>orleifsson was not only wealthy but also a member of one of the literary 'bondi' (that is, propertied-farmer) families of late medieval Iceland. Stefan Karlsson has demonstrated the considerable literary activity, expressed in the copying of manuscripts, of the descendants of Loptur Guttormsson, 'hir5stjori' (governor) of the northern part of Iceland, who lived at MoSruvellir in EyjafjorSur. The legend of St Benedict in the codex Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 2 commences with the information that Ormur Loptsson - an illegitimate son of Loptur - wrote it down, and most of the other sagas in the codex are by the same hand. Stefan Karlsson has identified another illegitimate son, Olafur, as the

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

31

scribe of the manuscript Sth. Perg. 410 nr. 16, which contains together with secular texts the legend of St Nicholas of Bari.25 The great-grandson of Loptur his grandmother was Olof Loptsdottir - was Bjorn f»orleifsson, the compiler of Reykjaholabok. In all, nineteen books can be ascribed to eight descendants of Loptur in the period 1420-1560. Among them was Porsteinn f>orleifsson, a halfbrother of Bjorn, who produced several manuscripts, including a portion of AM 152 fol., which contains Grettis saga. The two biggest and most impressive Icelandic manuscripts preserved from the late Middle Ages, AM 152 fol. and Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 3, were in whole or in part written by the sons of I>orleifur Bjornsson, and it is likely that he had interests similar to theirs.26 One rather remarkable fifteenth-century manuscript is a medical miscellany, the so-called Lxkningabok, a section of which, in the manuscript Royal Irish Academy 23 D 43, is headed 'Hier hefir laeknabok f»orleifs biornssonar.'27 This reference presumably is to the father of the compiler of Reykjaholabok. Bjorn's acquaintance with hagiography may have come quite early in his life in Norway, where both he and his father lived at various times.28 It has been suggested that Bjorn may have accompanied his father in 1484 to Bergen, that his father left him there to go to school, and that Bjorn did not return to Iceland until 1492 or I493- 29 This is pure speculation. In the introduction to her edition of Reykjaholabok Loth notes simply, 'About his youth and education nothing is known.'30 Bjorn may have been abroad in the winter of 1496-7, and he was in Copenhagen, and possibly other places, during the winter of 1497-8 (Rhb, l:xxx-xxxi). He spent the years 1504-6 in Bergen, in the service of Bishop Hans Teiste. That he acquitted himself well in that role is attested by the bishop himself, who refers to Bjorn, in a document dated January 1506, as 'wort elskelig swen oc tienere' (D/, ¥111:85 'our beloved attendant and servant'). Contact with important religious circles in Bergen may have been facilitated for him by his father, who is the subject of a letter dated 1480 in which Elsebet Egersdotter and Ketil Beinktsson, abbess and confessor generalis respectively of the Birgittine monastery of Munkalif in Bergen, indicate that Porleifur had been accepted into the community for a period of prayerful retreat from the world.3' Jonna Louis-Jensen has noted that the document may mean nothing else than that t>orleifur had made some donation to the monastery, but it could also suggest that he was attracted to the bookish piety of the Birgittines.32 Whether Bjorn was educated in a Birgittine environment is debatable, but his father's association with the monastery suggests that when Bjorn was in the service of Bishop Hans Teiste - who was also the monastery's superior and visitator - he would have enjoyed good relations with the monastery. Interest in books and their production seems to have been a remarkable trait of Munkalif, and accordingly one can safely assume that the monastery possessed a well-

32

The Book of Reykjaholar

stocked library.33 Unfortunately we know only little about Hans Teiste, bishop of Bergen from 1474 to 1506, but that little is potentially significant. He had studied in both Paris and Rostock, where he would have had access to a greater body of literature than in Norway, and he had probably returned with books he had purchased, like certain of his clerical compatriots who are known to have done so, as we shall see.34 Bjorn £>orleifsson could have become acquainted with Low German legends during his Bergen sojourn, and Arnor Sigurjonsson does not consider it out of the question that the work of translating the legends in Reykjaholabok was begun at this time.35 The thesis is not implausible, but one wonders whether Bjorn's work for Hans Teiste would have permitted him sufficient leisure to pursue his own interests. It should be noted, however, that Oddur Gottskalksson, who found himself in a similar situation in Iceland, managed to do just that (see below). Nonetheless, palaeographic evidence dates the composition of Reykjaholabok more than two decades later, when Bjorn was in Iceland. Some of the necessary sources he may have acquired or even borrowed in Norway. Long-term and distant loans apparently were possible. One Norwegian document attests that on 27 August 1317 a certain Olaf Endridsson signed a statement in which he promised to return four volumes of civil law for the loan of which he had paid 12 marks of pure silver. He promised to return the books when he had completed his studies, and agreed to compensate the church within two years of his return with the full price of the books should he lose them.36 Three years later, on 19 July 1320, the same Olaf Endridsson is identified as a canon from Bergen. This time he is again — or still? — in Bruges and gives the same four books he had originally borrowed as pawn to a certain Johan Thekenborg in exchange for 16 pounds English sterling. There is no subsequent document from Olaf, so we do not know whether the books were ever returned to Bergen.37 While Bjorn could have obtained the necessary Low German texts in Bergen, it is also likely that they were available to him in Iceland. There is indisputable evidence that Icelanders had access to the most popular religious literature of the day, both before and after the Reformation. Bjorn t>orleifsson's relations with the church and especially with Bishop Ogmundur Palsson of Skalholt were good. A document attests that on 10 April 1507 Bjorn was at Skalholt (Rhb, I:xxxii); at this time Stefan Jonsson was bishop (1491-1518), and during his episcopacy Bjorn struggled to have his parents' marriage legalized - their five children were born out of wedlock - and thus to have the right to inherit after his father. In Skalholt Bjorn transferred to the church some property he had inherited in VatnsfjorSur, while the bishop settled various pending legal matters that went back all the way to his grandfather.38 The following year Bjorn was once

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

33

again at Skalholt swearing that he would give the church any taxes he had collected that were due to the church. At the same time Bjorn promised to lend his support to Stefan and the church at Skalholt.39 Bishop Ogmundur, like Bjorn, came from a family in the West Fjords, and the two may have been related by marriage.40 In return for the bishop's help in an inheritance quarrel, Bjorn promised, as Ogmundur Palsson put it in a letter of 6 September 1524, 'to be of support and assistance to the superiors of the holy church at Skalholt in whatever way he can.' 4 ' While the remark may refer to aid and support in secular matters, it may also imply assistance of an intellectual nature. The association between the two men continued, as is attested by a 1528 document in which Ogmundur writes on behalf of Bjorn to Jon Arason concerning a money matter.42 Reykjaholabok itself may offer a clue as to its genesis. The legendary contains the lives of two saints whose vitae had not been attested previously in Iceland, St Dominic and St Nicholas of Tolentino, both relatively modern saints and both members of religious orders. Dominic de Guzman (ca. 1170-1221), who had been a canon at the cathedral of Osma in Spain, asked in 1215 for papal permission to establish his own order. Permission was granted, provided he was willing to accept an already-existing rule, which he did. He chose the Rule of St Augustine, and the Ordo Predicatorum or Dominican order was approved by Pope Honorius III in 1216. Dominic was canonized in 1234. More than two hundred years later, in 1446, Nicholas of Tolentino (1245-1305) was canonized. He too had been a member of an order of friars, the Ordo Eremitarum Sancti Augustini, popularly known as the Augustinians, which had been officially established by Pope Alexander IV in 1256. St Nicholas had distinguished himself as a preacher during the last thirty years of his life in Tolentino.43 That the vitae of these two friars, especially Nicholas of Tolentino, should have reached Iceland is not surprising, if one considers that several monasteries existed there following the Rule of St Augustine, notably the early foundations of Pykkvabaer (i 168) in the south; Flatey (i 172) on Snaefellsnes in the west (the monastery subsequently moved to Helgafell (i 184); Vi5ey (1226) in the southwest, an island off the coast of modern Reykjavik;44 and MoSruvellir in the north (I296). 45 Of particular interest to us is ViSey monastery, since Ogmundur Palsson became its abbot in 1515, and remained in that office until 1521, when he became bishop of Skalholt.46 Given the fact that except for a few years in the fourteenth century ViSey's monks lived according to the Rule of St Augustine, one would expect the monks there - as well as in the other Augustinian monasteries - to be aware of the canonization of one of their own and to wish to acquire the life of Nicholas of Tolentino. The monasteries might also have been interested in St Dominic, whose order also lived according to the Rule of St

34 The Book of Reykjaholar Augustine. Unfortunately we have no sixteenth-century inventories for the monastery, but according to an inventory of 1397 ViSey owned sixty books, including the 'Vitas patrum,' the 'Vitae sanctorum' in two volumes, and two 'Reglubaekur,' the last presumably the Rule of St Augustine. There were also translations of the 'miracula Sanctae mariae' as well as a 'Mariusaga' and the 'postulas6gur.'47 In support of the argument that there might be an Augustinian connection in the origin of Reykjaholabok one can also point to the presence of Augustinus saga in the compilation. This was the second version of the saint's life to be produced in Iceland. In the latter half of the thirteenth century Runolfr Sigmundarson, abbot of the Augustinian monastery at Pykkvabaer (1264-1307), according to his own testimony translated the life of St Augustine from Latin. Although it has been proposed that Augustinus saga in Reykjaholabok transmits an older Icelandic translation - from Latin - it can be demonstrated that this is not the case (see chap. 3). Bjorn's life of St Augustine is a translation from the Low German, and it represents a type of vita that is distinct from the older legends produced in Iceland. Ogmundur Palsson was a link between ViSey and Skalholt, and although we know nothing about the library at Vi5ey in his day, we have remarkable testimony concerning the books that could be found in Skalholt. According to one inventory, made in all probability before 1541, there existed at Skalholt an 'Expositio Regule Augustini cum instruccione noviciorum,'48 a work that Ogmundur Palsson may have taken with him from Vi6ey when he was made bishop. That the aforetold anecdote concerning Jon Einarsson's denunciation of hagiolatry is associated with Skalholt is noteworthy, since the southern episcopal see was well supplied in the early sixteenth century with literature reflecting an interest in and devotion to the saints. The cathedral library possessed many vellum manuscripts, among them, not surprisingly, a 'Mariu saga' and a 'Helgra manna Historia' in Icelandic.49 The legends could also be read in print, however, for the library had acquired Latin, Low German, and Dutch legendaries. An inventory of the books and manuscripts in the cathedral church and school, considered useless because they dated from the Catholic period, and destined to be sold before they decayed any further, was made for Bishop Jon f>orkelsson Vidalin (1666-1720) in I7O4.5° The inventory reveals that Skalholt's library was well stocked with imprints of the lives of the saints both in Latin and in the vernacular. Accordingly, Skalholt possessed three copies of the Historia Lornbar-dica, better known as Legenda aurea.51 A copy of the same inventory made for Ami Magnusson, the manuscript collector, provides further information concerning these books: one of them was the Niirnberg edition of 1482; the second was an unidentified imprint from the same year; and the third was identified

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

35

only by title.52 The Niirnberg imprint was in bad shape by 1704, which suggests heavy use before the Reformation. Also to be noted, because of its late date, is the library's 1518 London edition of St Vincent Ferrer's (ca. 1350-1419) Sermones, a work that was first published in 1474. Its presence attests that even after the Reformation had started in Germany, Dominican spirituality was being transmitted in Iceland.53 In addition to Latin hagiography in the form of the Legenda aurea, Skalholt had acquired vernacular legendaries. Ami Magmisson's copy of the inventory of 1704 lists two imprints, the 'Passionael, ofte Gulden Legende, Zwolle 1490' and the 'Passionael, ofte der hylligen leuent, dath winterdeel, Basel i^ij.'54 The book identified as having appeared in 1490 in Zwolle was published by Peter van Os55 and is a Dutch translation of the Legenda aurea. It is known as the Sudmittelniederldndische Legenda aurea and was produced by the so-called 'Bijbelvertaler van 1360.' The work is extant in 108 manuscripts and 13 imprints and is a greatly revised version of the Legenda aurea.56 The Basel imprint of 1517 was Adam Petri's Low German imprint of his earlier 1511 edition of the Passionael, which derived textually from Steffan Arndes's 1492 Liibeck edition. The two Basel imprints are remarkable, since the last Low German edition in the north had been published by Steffan Arndes in I5O7.57 The fact that a Low German legendary printed in Basel in 1511 apparently was profitable enough to warrant a new imprint six years later is evidence of the immense popularity of this vernacular anthology, which found its way even to Iceland, in 1517 or later. Another popular Low German imprint found in Skalholt is an item listed as 'Epistolae et Evangelia Dominicalia per anni circulum, cum brevibus expositionibus, Germanice (Plattydsk) Liber mutilus & carie corrosus' (AM 667 8vo, 8ov-8ir).58 It appears to be the so-called Plenarium, a Low German translation of the epistles and gospels accompanied by devotional, exegetical, and paraenetic commentary, including a number of popular narratives in the form of exempla, such as 'Gregorius de grote sunder.'59 The presence of the Low German Plenarium in Skalholt is hardly surprising, since the Plenaria were of significant homiletic value to priests. The poor condition of the Skalholt imprint presumably was the result of extensive use, a presumption supported by the poor transmission of the Plenaria in general (the 1492 Liibeck imprint, for example, is extant today in only three copies). In the Liibeck imprint of 1493, for example, which can be found in the Royal Library in Copenhagen (under the signature Inc. 3306), the date of publication is not given until the last leaf (a Cxix), which identifies the volume as 'dat boek der profecien. Epistelen. vnde des hylghen ewangelij. auer dat gantze yar mit velen glosen vnde exempelen dorch ghevlochten ... Vnde is vullen-

36 The Book of Reykjaholar bracht na der bort vnses heren. M.cccc.xciij.'60 Presumably the very leaves that would have contained the publication information were missing in the Skalholt copy. Among 'Skalhollts domkirkiu og Schola pappirs baekur' in an earlier inventory, that of 1674, appears a book identified as 'Postilla j Hollendsku. Sine autore, initio et fine, onyt' (AM 667 8vo, 35v), and presumably this is the same item as 'Super Epistol. et Euang. Dominicalia, postilla hafandi hvorki upphaf ne enda' in the inventory of i6o4-6' Comparison of the books listed in this inventory with those in the inventory of 1704 suggests that this entry refers to the same item as the 'Epistolae et Evangelia Dominicalia,' indeed confirms our identification of the same as a Plenarium, for the term 'Postilla' was used inter alia to designate a collection of gospels and epistles accompanied by exegetical material. The volume is here identified as being in the Dutch language, but this identification presumably reflects a misunderstanding of Low German. A similar inaccuracy obtains in the same inventory in the entry 'Passionale heilagra j bysku' (AM 667 8vo, 36v), which we know from the inventory of 1704 to be Low German, since it is the identifiable Adam Petri imprint. The absence of a date for the Skalholt copy of the Plenarium precludes ascertaining its exact contents; nonetheless, the existence of the book, no matter what the edition, may explain how some continental exempla and other didactic material reached Iceland.62 Finally, the library at Skalholt also possessed a book identified in one place as 'Speculum virtutum veteri idiomate Belgico' and in another as 'Speculum virtutum in Plaubysku.' The latter description turns out to be the correct one. The volume, 'Mirror of Virtues,' is not in Dutch but in Low German, and it is an extremely rare book, extant today in only one copy in Gottingen: it is the Speygel der dogede, a catechetical work published in Liibeck in 1485. The inventories provide a titillating but quite incomplete glimpse of the holdings of this episcopal library. As Stefan Karlsson has noted, fires 'ravaged Skalholt in 1309, 1526 and 1630, which certainly destroyed a number of manuscripts' — and, we might add, some of the books that had been imported to Iceland from Germany.63 An inventory made in 1525 of Holar, the northern bishopric, is unfortunately not as useful - there are no publication data — but nonetheless it is suggestive of the library's rich holdings. In his article on Icelandic libraries before the Reformation, GuSbrandur Jonsson estimates, on the basis of Icelandic inventories, that in the year 1525 Holar owned at least 332 books (of which 166 are not identifiable), a number comparable to that of continental Scandinavian repositories.64 There existed a copy of the Legenda aurea, which is identified under its alternate title 'lombardica historia' (D/, IX:298), as well as 'Ein sermons bok j bysku' (D/, ix:298). This latter work could possibly be a Low German or a

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

37

Dutch translation of Jacobus de Voragine's 'Sermones de omnibus evangeliis dominicalibus,' of which there existed the Koln 1482 imprint and one by Peter van Os produced in 1489 in Zwolle.65 The library owned one 'sermons bok de jacobi voragine de tempore. og aunnur de sanctis' (D7, IX:298), and this presumably is his 'Sermones de omnibus evangeliis quae in singulis feriis in quadragesima leguntur' and 'Sermones de omnibus sanctis.'66 In the inventory of 1550, made after the death of Jon Arason, we find the item 'passionall med pappijr' (D/, XI: 852). Since this is paper - and not vellum (the inventory distinguishes in a number of items), we assume it is a printed book and thus one of the Low German imprints of the legendary. As might be expected, the libraries of the Icelandic monasteries contained many manuscripts by the time of the Reformation. One seventeenth-century writer, Jon GuSmundsson (1574—1658), known as 'hinn Iaer5i' ('the Learned') by his contemporaries, reports that in the years 1623-4 two or three bonfires set by the Lutheran minister at Helgafell were fed with books and other objects that had formerly belonged to the famous monastery.67 No catalogue exists of the collected holdings of Icelandic monasteries, and from the inventories as well as the few identifiable manuscripts and the fragments that have been retrieved from bookbindings and covers we can only guess at the nature and number of the books that have been lost. In respect to Helgafell a case can be made for a preponderance of religious writings. In his study of books at this monastery Olafur Halldorsson has identified a number of manuscripts, including Skardsbok, a collection of lives of the apostles, as having been produced at Helgafell, and these works presumably are representative of the manuscripts written and owned by the monastery.68 Hagiography is the oldest extant form of prose in Iceland, and the translation of Latin saints' lives is thought to predate the composition of the indigenous sagas.69 The composition of saints' lives in Iceland - the word composition is used here to refer to a variety of activities, including translating, copying, editing, and compiling - took place over a period of more than three centuries.70 The oldest preserved saints' lives are found in manuscripts dating from the beginning of the thirteenth century, but some sacred legends presumably were translated or composed during the twelfth century. 7 ' One of the oldest Icelandic manuscripts is the so-called Homiliubok, Sth. Perg. 410 nr. 15, which is dated around 1200 or a little earlier. This manuscript, although containing more than fifty homilies, also transmits both the Inventio S. Stephani, that is, the legend relating how St Stephen's relics were discovered in the early fifth century, and the miracle sequence at the end of the legend.72 Gabriel Turville-Petre suggests that some of the oldest homilies and saints' lives were translated in northern Iceland at Holar;73 among them are the vitae of the apostles Peter, Jacob, Bar-

38 The Book of Reykjaholar tholomew, Matthew, Andrew, and Paul in the manuscript AM 645 410 from the beginning of the thirteenth century. The production of saints' lives is thought to have taken place mostly in the monasteries of £>ingeyrar (Benedictine), Helgafell (Augustinian),74 MunkaPvera (Benedictine), and MoSruvellir (Augustinian). Hagiography reached a high point in the last quarter of the thirteenth and in the fourteenth centuries, when Icelanders took to compiling already-existing older translations. Three names are associated with the hagiographic renaissance in the fourteenth century, namely Bergr Sokkason, abbot of Munka-I>vera, Arngrimr Brandsson, abbot of f>ingeyrar, and Ami Laurentiusson, also of f>ingeyrar.75 Indeed, they are considered the foremost representatives of what may be called the North Icelandic Benedictine school of hagiography. In Nikolaus saga itself Bergr Sokkason reveals most clearly the method of the fourteenth-century hagiographers when he writes in the prologue that he intends 'to render the vita of the blessed archbishop Nicholas in fuller form than is found formerly in the old books.'76 In effect this means that he was concerned here, as he also was in Michaels saga, to bring together all available information on the saint. In Skardsbok, or Codex Scardensis, for example, a collection of the lives of the apostles from the second half of the fourteenth century consisting of ninetyfour leaves, legends from two different older manuscripts were combined, with resulting differences in style and narrative mode. Some legends were copied from a manuscript not much older than Skardsbok itself, from around 1300, while others were copies of texts from the middle of the thirteenth century or earlier.77 According to the manuscript itself, the legendary was presented to the church of SkarS, located on a large farm in Dalasysla, by its owner Ormur Snorrason in I4OI. ?8 Somewhat later in the same century, in the period 1425-45, Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 2, the largest Icelandic legendary - if judged by the number of saints' lives contained — was produced. Peter Foote, the editor of the facsimile edition, describes the magnificent fifteenth-century compilation as 'a vernacular legendary of the universal type,' organized not according to the liturgical calendar but, as it were, according to sex: 'It seems as if the original intention was to keep the holy men (nos. 1-15) separate from the holy women (nos. i6-24).'79 During the second half of the same century, another large codex, Sth. Perg. 410 nr. I, was produced. The manuscript is written in two columns on 178 leaves and consists of an enormous compilation of Marian miracle tales. The last Icelandic legendary, indeed the last European legendary, to be produced before the Reformation put a stop to such activity is Reykjaholabok. The sixteenth-century legendary must be given pride of place in respect not only to bulk but also to achievement: although Sth. 2 fol. contains one legend more

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

39

than Reykjaholabok, the older legendary has a much smaller number of leaves. Today it consists of only 86; originally, according to Foote, it must have numbered either 112 or 110 leaves.80 Even when compared with the older legendary in its presumed complete state, Sth. 3 fol. bests it, with 168 leaves, each double-columned and containing 47 lines (compared with 43 in Sth. 2 fol.); like Sth. 2 fol. it has lost an uncertain number of leaves. While two main scribes laboured to produce copies of older texts in Sth. 2 fol. (a third scribe wrote some short passages),8' Bjorn I>orleifsson managed to copy, translate, edit, and compile the texts of Reykjaholabok single-handed. The two legendaries share six saints, Ambrose, Silvester, Gregory, Augustine, Stephen, and Lawrence, but again Reykjaholabok is unique in that it contains legends otherwise unattested in Iceland. As a compilation Reykjaholabok is unsurpassed. As we shall see, Bjorn £>orleifsson was a careful copyist - contrary to what Widding and Bekker-Nielsen believed (see chap. 3) - and accordingly the legends deriving from already-existing Icelandic texts transmit reliable copies of older redactions of translations from the Latin. In the case of the legends translated from Low German, Bjorn's vocabulary exhibits an unusually high admixture of German. His translations contain not only loans and caiques otherwise unattested in Icelandic but also a syntax heavily indebted to German. Occasionally the existence of cognates in the two languages leads him astray and gives rise to a mistranslation. Throughout the Middle Ages, Iceland played the important role of preserver of the Germanic past and transmitter - occasionally sole witness - of other Germanic and Romance literatures: what we know today about pagan Germanic myths derives mostly from texts either composed or written down by Icelanders. They include the skaldic and eddic poetry of the pagan and Christian periods, but transmitted in Icelandic manuscripts produced after the introduction of Christianity, and the so-called Prose Edda of the great historian Snorri Sturluson (i 178/79-1241).82 In isolated instances Icelandic manuscripts are our sole evidence of no longer extant French, German, and Latin texts or redactions. The primary impetus for the transmission of foreign secular literature to the North had come from the court of Hakon Hakonarson of Norway (1217-63).83 The Norwegian king commissioned the translation of several French narratives, paramount among them Thomas de Bretagne's Tristan - a work extant only in fragments today - and a collection of lais ascribed to Marie de France. 7mtrams saga is generally believed to be the first of the continental romances to be translated into Old Norse - one of the manuscripts gives the year 1226 as the date of composition - yet it is extant solely in Icelandic manuscripts. The Icelandic saga thus has the distinction of being the single complete representative of the Thomas-branch of the Tristan matter; one should recall that Gottfried von

4O The Book of Reykjaholar Strassburg's German version is incomplete. Similarly remarkable is the collection of Breton lais, known as Strengleikar. It is preserved in the oldest manuscript containing translations of secular literature undertaken at Hakon's court, namely the Norwegian codex De la Gardie 4-7, dated around 1270. The manuscript is of consequence not only to scholars of Old Norse but also to Romance philologists, since four of the lais in the Strengleikar collection have no known French originals.84 Although the work was translated in Norway, the form in which it has been transmitted to us was not necessarily the work of a Norwegian. Finn H0dneb0 has argued convincingly for the presence and collaboration of an Icelander in the scriptorium where the Norwegian manuscript of the Strengleikar was produced.85 Because Hakon Hakonarson commissioned the translation of Chretien de Troyes's Yvain (Ivens saga), which exists today only in Icelandic manuscripts, the translation of Chretien's other Arthurian romance, Erec et Enide (Erex saga), has also been thought by some originally to have been Norwegian. Recently, however, arguments based mainly on style have been brought forth for the saga's having been translated by an Icelander.86 Although Karlamagnus saga, a compilation of chansons de gesto. belonging to the Matter of France, is thought to have been translated at the court of King Hakon Hakonarson, it is transmitted solely in Icelandic manuscripts.87 Furthermore, if information found in the manuscripts can be trusted, this collection has the distinction of transmitting an otherwise unattested English romance, entitled in Old Norse 'Af Fru Olif ok Landres syni hennar.'88 Another work preserved only in Icelandic manuscripts, Flovents saga, transmits an otherwise lost chanson de geste. A remarkable fourteenth-century bridal-quest romance, Kldri saga, which appears to have been the progenitor of the peculiarly Icelandic maiden-king type of romance, is an Icelandic rendering, according to the work's preface, of an originally Latin metrical narrative.89 This romance is no longer extant. There is overwhelming evidence that Icelanders were cognizant of the medieval 'best sellers' of the day - whether in the secular or the religious realm - and that they adapted and adopted much of what the Continent and the British Isles had to offer. In the Middle Ages the two main foreign influences on Icelandic literature were Latin and French. The former predominated in the religious domain, the latter in secular literature.90 To be sure, we also know of translations from Old English and Middle English literature, but they were comparatively rare.9' In what from a continental perspective may be considered the early modern period, however, there suddenly emerged a new literary and linguistic intruder from the Continent; a shift occurred from the Romance- to the German-language realm as a source of influence. This switch was a result partly of the increasing power of the Hanseatic League in northern Europe, including Iceland, and partly of the

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

41

emergence of printing, with the concomitant decrease in the price of books and hence their proliferation. At first, the literary impact was felt mostly in religious writing, a consequence of the spread of the Reformation in northern Europe. Subsequently, however, German secular literature was also translated, in both Denmark and Iceland. Beginning at the end of the sixteenth century, the socalled Volksbucher, or chapbooks, were translated and copied in Iceland, just as their forerunners, the French romances, had been some three centuries earlier. One can say that in the secular sphere Icelandic literary production paralleled the German literary endeavour, but at some temporal remove. Just as the great French romances and chansons de geste became known in the Germanlanguage realm through translations and adaptations - Chretien's Arthurian romances, Thomas's Tristan, the Chanson de Roland — so many of these same works reached Iceland. Just as older German, Latin, Italian, and French romances became popular in printed prose versions in the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries - for example, Griseldis, Magelone, and Seven Sages - in the German-language area, so they became available in Iceland in translation, albeit here, with the exception of Griseldis, they remain to this day in manuscript.92 Even prior to the translation of German Volksbucher, mostly via existing Danish translations, German religious literature had found its way to Iceland. While the inventories of Skalholt reveal which pre-Reformation German texts were available in Iceland, records kept by Gizur Einarsson, who succeeded Ogmundur Palsson, the last Catholic bishhop of Skalholt, in 1540, attest the introduction of both the Latin and the German publications of the Reformers. As mentioned above, Gizur had studied in Germany. According to the chronicle of his grand-nephew Jon Gizurarson, the first Lutheran bishop of Iceland spent three years in Hamburg, where he earned praise for his ability to learn quickly. He demonstrated an omnivorous intellectual appetite; everything he heard or saw at school or in church, and everything he could otherwise glean, he noted. His ability in German was legendary, and Germans themselves were reported as commenting that if one had not known he was an Icelander, he would have been taken for a German. Indeed, when he met King Christian of Denmark in 1540 so the story goes — and was told that he could choose to speak in Latin or German, he chose the latter.93 Given his propensity for German and his conversion to Lutheranism, it is not surprising that Gizur invested generously in the books of the Reformers, both Latin and German, the latter presumably in Low German editions. In his several inventories of purchases, Gizur records that he acquired in Hamburg the Bible, presumably a Low German edition of Luther's translation, the oldest of which was published by Ludowich Dietz in 1533 in Liibeck with the title De Biblie vth der vthlegginge Doctoris Martini Luthers yn dyth duedesche vlitich

42

The Book of Reykjaholar

vthgesettet ...94 The Low German edition had been prepared inter alia by Johann Bugenhagen, whose commentary on the psalms Gizur was also to acquire.95 We leam that Gizur had bought a copy of 'Huberinus,' that is, Caspar Huberinus's (1500-33) tract Vom Zornn vnd der Gutte Gottes, first published in Augsburg in 1529, which appeared in 1535 in Low German as Vam Torn unde der Gudicheit Gades,96 and it is likely that Gizur's copy was one of several Low German editions that were published subsequently (in Magdeburg in 1538, 1540, 1541, and 1544; in Hamburg in 1548). He possessed more than one copy of Antonius Corvinus's (1501-53) 'Postilla,' that is, Kurtze Auslegung der Euangelien, published in Wittenberg in 1535, and available in Low German by 1536 as Korte Uthlegginge der Evangelien, so up alle Sontage geprediget werden.91 The work was subsequently translated into Icelandic by Oddur Gottskalksson and published in Rostock in I546.98 In 1541 Gizur made a note to himself of items he wanted sent to him from Hamburg, among them the 'postillam martini j pydzku.'99 Which of the several Postillas produced by Martin Luther this may have been is unclear, but here too the fact that the work came from Hamburg suggests that it could have been a Low German edition of the Uthlegginge der Evangelien unde Epistelen (first published in Wittenberg in 1526) or the Uthlegginge der Evangelien an den vornemesten Festen geprediget (published in Magdeburg in 1528 and 1530), or the Uthlegginge der Evangelien, which was published in two parts, from Advent to Easter and from Easter to Advent (the former first published in Magdeburg and the latter in Wittenberg, both in 1532). An inventory of expenses for the latter half of 1542 records that Gizur had acquired in Copenhagen the 'margarita theologica' of Johann Spangenberg (d. 1550), the editio princeps of which appeared in 1540, and which deals with questions of Christian doctrine; and the Catechism of Justus Jonas. He subsequently paid to have the two works bound together.100 The latter work was the Latin Catechismus pro pueris et iuuentute, first published in Wittenberg in 1539. It was subsequently translated into Icelandic by Oddur Gottskalksson and published in 1562, possibly from Gizur's copy.101 During the 15308 two major translations of German texts were in progress in Iceland: one was the ollection of saints' lives in Reykjaholabok, the other, the first translation of the New Testament into Icelandic. As mentioned earlier, Oddur Gottskalksson published his translation of the New Testament in 1540 in Roskilde, Denmark. He had finished the work by the time he went to Denmark in 1538-9, and there he presented it to the king, who had censors at the University of Copenhagen review it. They found it acceptable.102 The seventeenth-century annalist Jon Egilsson portrays Oddur as a learned man, proficient in Latin, German, and Danish, who, after having been converted to the teachings of Luther while abroad, bought himself Latin, German, and Danish books, which

The Eve of the Reformation in Iceland

43

he took back to Iceland with him.103 There he proceeded to translate the New Testament. The annalist's depiction of Oddur's translating the Gospel of St Matthew, a feat he managed while he was Bishop Ogmundur's scribe, moves him into the realm of hagiography. The enterprise proceeded in secret, in a barn, on paper given to him by the bishop and intended for his official work. While Oddur was translating the chapter recounting the birth of Jesus, he reflected that just as the Saviour had lain in an ass shed, so he now was translating God's Word into his mother tongue in a cowshed.104 Oddur's Icelandic translation is based on both the Vulgate and Luther's German translation of the same, but it seems he also referred to other texts, such as Erasmus's Latin translation of the New Testament.105 Luther's translation was published in several redactions, originally in High German but soon also in Low German, and it is not unlikely given the fact that Oddur was brought up in Bergen, where north German merchants held sway - that he translated from a Low German edition or at least drew on one.106 Whereas testimony to Oddur's work is transmitted in Icelandic annals, no information - other than that provided by the text itself - is available concerning Bjorn £>orleifsson's production of the legends in Reykjaholabok. We do not know why he translated the texts, where he obtained them, or where and when he worked. Yet the texts themselves reveal that in many respects his methodology was similar to that of Oddur Gottskalksson. Like the translator of the New Testament, the compiler of Reykjaholabok had recourse to various sources not only in assembling the twenty-five vitae of the anthology but also in producing the texts of some of the legends. If Bjorn considered the legend found in one source incomplete, he augmented it with matter drawn from a different redaction available to him. If the texts of two redactions contained variants or even contradicted each other, he chose to give both for the record. Throughout the anthology he anticipates questions and gives an accounting for information that is not forthcoming but that would be of interest to his readers or listeners. We assume that the Low German sources available to Bjorn f>orleifsson — whether in manuscript or imprint — are no longer extant. We have seen above that some of the newest imprints, especially from the German-language realm, were available in Iceland. There must have been many more than those mentioned in the several Icelandic sources. An inventory of 1548, made after the death of Bishop Gizur Einarsson, of the contents of the bishop's chamber, reveals the presence there of sixty foreign books in Latin and German.107 Unfortunately, there are no titles, but from the later inventories we know that among the German books were legendaries. Not to be underestimated in assessing the bibliothecal resources of Iceland in the sixteenth century is the tremendous loss of books incurred through frequent use, through the process of 'zerlesen,' of

44

The Book of Reykjaholar

being read to pieces. As was mentioned above, one of the imprints that could be found in Skalholt, according to the inventories, was the Low German Speygel der dogede, published in Liibeck in 1485, a work of which only one copy is extant today, in Gottingen. Two Icelandic manuscripts, one a mere fragment, from the second quarter of the sixteenth century (AM 238 III fol.) and the first half of the seventeenth century (AM 82 8vo), contain a faithful translation of the so-called St Annen Btichlein, a Braunschweig imprint from I5O7.'°8 Of this imprint too only a single copy remains today. Although prior to the Second World War the text was also extant in a manuscript - dated after 1475 - that belonged to the Stadtbibliothek Liibeck (Ms. theol. germ. I9),109 it has not been preserved. Yet in sixteenth-century Iceland there must have existed - or at least have been available - two different Low German redactions of the legend of St Anne, one being the St Annen Buchlein, from which the text in AM 238 fol. and AM 82 8vo was translated, and the other a related but much longer version of the legend, from which Bjorn Porleifsson translated the text he called Mariu saga og Onnu in Reykjaholabok. In the realm of sacred literature, the prime catalyst for the production of legends had been the Legenda aurea. While Jacobus de Voragine's great legendary was translated into many vernaculars, it was also a model and a source for other compilations, to wit the High German legendary Der Heiligen Leben and its Low German counterpart Dat Passionael, the original compiler of which drew on the Legenda aurea as well as on existing German legends. The various manuscripts and imprints of Der Heiligen Leben contain neither a uniform series of legends nor always the same redaction of a particular legend. As Williams-Krapp has noted, the High and Low German legendaries underwent constant revision, through both excision and addition."0 The Icelandic translation of Low German legendary matter, Reykjaholabok, attests, as we shall see, not only the existence of German legends that were quite different from the laconic popular legends of Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael, but also a late medieval tendency to rewrite the sacred narratives with a view to providing as much pleasure and amusement as edification.

3 The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok

At a time when the bishopric of Skalholt had already imported multiple copies of the two most important European legendaries of the time, namely the Latin Legenda aurea and the Low German redaction ofDer Heiligen Leben called Dat Passionael, and when the Reformation had already claimed most of northern Europe, Bjorn Porleifsson sat down to produce Reykjaholabok. Linguistic evidence confirms - as we shall see - that his sources for most of the texts were Low German; in the nineteenth century scholars identified these sources as the legends of the Passionael.* Until Agnete Loth edited the entire codex in 196970, only one of its texts, Osvalds saga, had been edited.2 Although this is never expressly stated, it is clear in the introduction to the edition that the editor, Jon Sigur5sson, considered Osvalds saga an anonymous Icelandic composition rather than a translation. He remarks, for example, that the introduction of material not known from Bede into the Icelandic translation of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia re gum Britanniae suggests that the translator had available a whole collection of legends about St Oswald.3 Similarly, Jon points to the extensive connections between Iceland and England in the first half of the fifteenth century, and concludes by positing extensive knowledge of English legends in Iceland. In his view, Iceland had known the legend of St Oswald in three English versions: the one reported by Bede; a collection of miracle tales upon which the translator of Breta sogur (i.e., the Icelandic translation of the Historia regum Britanniae} drew; and the legend that is the source of Osvalds saga. Jon Sigur5sson also comments on the manner in which the author of Osvalds saga appears to have composed the legend. He considers it reasonable to suppose that the Icelandic author had available to him, as he worked, written legendaries containing complete vitae of St Oswald; sometimes these agreed in their details with one another, at other times they did not. Access to two or more legendaries would explain the author's repeated references to deviating accounts.4

46 The Book of Reykjaholar Once Osvalds saga had been edited, it became a source of considerable interest to Germanists. As Loth points out in the introduction to her edition, Ignaz von Zingerle was the first to express the hypothesis that Osvalds saga derives from the German Der Heiligen Leben. In fact, Zingerle stated that the saga corresponded so exactly to the German version in the monumental legendary that he considered it 'eine Uebersetzung der alten deutschen Legende.'5 The same thesis of a High German source, specifically Der Heiligen Leben, was enunciated, though in extended form, by Anton Edzardi in i8v6.6 Despite his conviction that Osvalds saga was translated from the German legend, Edzardi noted that many deviations and apparent interpolations in the saga coincide with text known from German redactions of the tale that are older than the version in the widely disseminated Der Heiligen Leben. He therefore wondered whether the source of the saga could not have been an older, longer form of the legend. On the basis of textual correspondences between the saga and the German verse epic,7 he concluded that the main source of the Icelandic translation must have been an older, more complete redaction of the legend.8 A year later, in a footnote in the introduction to his edition of Icelandic saints' lives, C.R. Unger included an apologia for not having made use of the codex Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 3, that is, Reykjaholabok.9 His justification was the language, which he no longer considered Old Norse-Icelandic. He went on to remark that the book was presumably translated from a Low German legendary, thus differing from Edzardi, who had posited a High German collection. In the essay 'Om Osvalds saga,' published in 1880, Oskar Klockhoff continued the discussion initiated by Edzardi but came to the conclusion 'that the Icelandic Osvalds saga had no other source but the Low German Passionael, and that deviations from it are the translator's own intended additions.'10 Klockhoff thus denied the possibility of a source different from that found in the German legendary, and furthermore, in agreement with Unger, identified the source as the Low German — not the High German - compilation. At this point the discussion of Osvalds saga and, implicitly, of Reykjaholabok came to a standstill; it was not revived until the 19605, when Ole Widding and Hans Bekker-Nielsen published their important studies of Reykjaholabok (1960; 1962)." They too posited the Low German Passionael as the chief source of all but one of the translated legends (St Anne), and they too interpreted discrepancies between the Low German and the Icelandic texts as the work of the translator. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen ascribed the Icelandic legendary to Oddur Gottskalksson, but their identification of the well-known translator of the New Testament (see chap. 2) as the compiler of Reykjaholabok turned out to be unfounded. A few years after the appearance of their articles Mariane Overgaard pointed out that Bjorn f>orleifsson, the scribe of one of the manuscripts of

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 47 the legend of the Cross-Tree, which she was editing, was identical with the scribe of Reykjaholabok.12 She remarked on similar discrepancies between the Icelandic and the Low German versions and pointed out that 'all the legend fragments [in AM 667 4to] are considerably fuller than the corresponding legends in the Passionael.' She offered three explanations, none of which she regarded as excluding the others: the differences in length might be attributed to the Icelander's preference for synonymy and repetition; to the author's having included material from older Icelandic legends; and to his use of fuller source texts than the ones known from the Passionael. In respect to the last point she added, 'It may have been a printed edition with notes added in the margins or perhaps a MS.' Both in the foreword and in the introduction to her slightly later edition of Reykjaholabok (irxxxvi) Loth also expressed the opinion that the Passionael, to which she refers by its High German title Der Heiligen Leben, was the most likely chief source of Reykjaholabok. She noted, however, that the German legendary was not the only source available to the translator, for he also made use of some of the old translations (edited in Heilagra manna s0gur) in the case of four legends, those of Sts Stephen, Lawrence, Ambrose, and Augustine (Rhb, lixxxvi).' 3 According to Loth, the translator here conflated the old and the new. In the case of the legends deriving solely from Low German, however, the many discrepancies between the Icelandic texts and the known Low German imprints suggest that one should not discount the possibility of additional sources for the legends of Reykjaholabok turning up in manuscripts (Rhb, l:xxxvi). Nonetheless, in the same year that the second volume of Reykjaholabok was published (1970), Agnete Loth referred to Bjorn's 'inexact work as a translator' in her edition of the fragment of the Book of Revelation.'4 This is somewhat puzzling in light of the views cited above, but it suggests her implicit faith in the theses proposed by Bekker-Nielsen and Widding in their essays of 1960 and 1962. Although their identification of the Passionael as the source of Reykjaholabok reiterated a position that had been taken - albeit only implicitly - at the end of the nineteenth century, their articles focused on the entire compilation. That the texts in Reykjaholabok resemble the legends in the Low German Passionael is beyond doubt, and that they derive from Low German sources can be demonstrated from several perspectives (see chap. 4). Indeed, there are so many striking correspondences in wording between the Icelandic and the Low German texts of the Passionael that Widding and Bekker-Nielsen not only pronounced the Passionael the chief source of Reykjaholabok, but also set up a classification of the Icelandic legends known to be translations according to their textual proximity to the Low German legendary. The two Danish scholars arrived at four groupings: i) legends in which the

48 The Book of Reykjaholar narrative follows 'the Passionael very closely' and in which 'the style (and vocabulary) is much influenced by Low German'; 2) legends in which the translator 'has sacrificed strict literalness, and has now and again included commonplaces of a pious nature to edify his audience ... The legends of this group follow the Low German versions closely, if not always soberly' (the meaning of the word 'soberly' is not clear); 3) legends in which 'literalness has been completely abandoned, but the composition is nevertheless modeled on the versions in the Passionael, and the framework of the Icelandic and the Low German tales is the same'; and 4) 'legends which are related to older sagas of the same saints' (that is, the older Icelandic translations of Latin legends mentioned above), but in which the compiler has written these legends 'in a style which agrees with the style found in the other stories of the collection."5 If one concurs with the two scholars that the Passionael is the chief source of the texts in Reykjaholabok, then one is also forced to conclude not only that much of the work of the translator is inexact or inaccurate, as Loth suggests, but also that much material in the legendary represents rather extreme adaptation or rewriting and even thoroughgoing literary creation. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen's identification of the Passionael as the chief source of Reykjaholabok, upon which their classification of the Icelandic legends rests, raises methodological questions. Underlying their comparative analysis is the thesis that the Icelandic translator selected twenty legends'6 from the Passionael and drew most of their content from the same work, but that his approach to the source texts was inconsistent: sometimes he proceeded as a translator, at other times as an adapter; in still other cases, he proceeded as an author who elaborated freely, or as a compiler who selected his material from several sources. Their analysis and theses raise the question of whether such an inconsistent methodology on the part of a hagiographer or a translator makes sense. To be sure, there is no doubt that the ultimate sources of most of the Icelandic legends were Low German. The many Low German loan words in the Icelandic translations, the not infrequent occurrence of German syntax or idiom in Icelandic, and a few howlers in translation make Low German provenance a certainty. Furthermore, the sources must have borne a striking verbal resemblance to the texts in the Passionael. Repeatedly one is brought up short by word-for-word correspondences between passages in the Low German and in the Icelandic legendaries. Nonetheless, these occur at irregular intervals, often with several lines, entire paragraphs, or even the equivalent of whole chapters not found in the Passionael occurring between. The correspondences led Widding and BekkerNielsen on the one hand to posit the Passionael as source, but on the other hand to suggest an inconsistent, variable approach to translation as a means of

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 49 explaining the additional or deviating matter in Reykjaholabok. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen's taxonomy is valid only inasmuch as it describes the textual differences between the Low German and the Icelandic redactions of the legends; it is invalid as an analysis of Bjorn's approach to translation, for, as will be demonstrated, the Passionael could not have been the source of the Icelandic legends. The following discussion of the translated legends in Reykjaholabok rests on the contention that neither the Passionael nor the St Annen Buchlein is the source of the translations in the Icelandic legendary. The conclusions enunciated by Widding and Bekker-Nielsen are not tenable for several reasons. The two scholars were misled by the superficial similarity of plot in the Low German and Icelandic texts and proposed that the latter are translations of the former. Furthermore, they were led astray by the curious fact that intermittently but quite sporadically the Icelandic text appears to be a word-for-word translation of the corresponding text in the Passionael. Consequently, they interpreted the recurring discrepancies in content, structure, and discourse as the work of a revising translator. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen's position in the matter is largely the result of unfamiliarity with the extent and development of German hagiography. The scholars thought that Der Heiligen Leben, the most popular vernacular legendary of the time, was a translation of the Legenda aurea.11 They were unaware that the German legends derive from a multiplicity of sources, in verse and in prose, in Latin and in the vernacular. Only 31 legends - out of a total of 251 texts - are translations from the Legenda aurea,l8 and only one of these is found in Reykjaholabok, namely the legend of St Anthony. While the compiler of Der Heiligen Leben did incorporate additional matter from the Legenda aurea into some of the other legends, the chief sources for the legends also found in the Icelandic legendary are, in all cases but three, older German redactions. According to Williams-Krapp the primary sources of Der Heiligen Leben, in descending order of frequency, were the Vers-Passional, the Mdrterbuch, the Legenda aurea, the Speculum historiale of Vincent of Beauvais, and the Latin Vitae Patrum.[g The following is a list of the translated legends (in the order in which they appear) in Reykjaholabok, together with the chief sources on which the compiler of the Passionael drew for the corresponding legends. The information is based on Williams-Krapp's accounting.20 Reykjaholabok 1 The Three Wise Men 2 Henry II and Cunegund

Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael unidentified Ebernand von Erfurt, Heinrich und Kunegunde

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The Book of Reykjaholar

3 Oswald 4 Barlaam and Josaphat 5 Rochus 6 Sebastian 7 Lazarus 8 Seven Sleepers 9 Christopher 10 George 11 Silvester 12 Gregorius peccator 13 Gregory the Great 14 Augustine 15 Erasmus 16 Nicholas of Tolentino 17 John Chrysostom 18 Servatius 19 Jerome 20 Anthony 21 Dominic 22 Anne and Mary

Munchener Oswald BHL, 979 transmitted only in Low German Passionael; unidentified Vers-Passional; Legenda aurea unidentified German prose legend Mdrterbuch Vers-Passional; Legenda aurea Reinbot von Durne, Georg; Vers-Passional Vers-Passional Hartmann von Aue, Gregorius Vers-Passional; Mdrterbuch; Legenda aurea Vers-Passional BHL, 2580 unidentified unidentified unidentified Vers-Passional; a German version of the letters Legenda aurea an Alemannic verse legend unidentified

In the list is included the legend of St Augustine, which Widding and BekkerNielsen thought might be a copy of an older Icelandic translation from the Latin. This is most unlikely, as will be shown. Since the two scholars presumed the Passionael to be the source of Reykjaholabok, they were forced to explain the discrepancies in the Icelandic legends as the work of a creative translator. They did not realize that on the whole the compiler of the German Der Heiligen Leben drastically condensed the source texts. That the Icelandic legends cannot derive from the Passionael becomes clear if one compares them with the sources of the redactions in the Passionael. In a number of instances text that appears at first glance to reflect creative revision or augmentation on the part of Bjorn Porleifsson turns out to correspond to text in older German hagiography. A comparison of extant older German legends (corresponding to the Icelandic texts) and the Passionael redactions reveals a consistent methodology on the part of the latter compiler. (Throughout this discussion, it should be borne in mind that the Passionael is the Low German translation of Der Heiligen Leben, and that what is said of the latter applies also to the former.)21 The prose legends of the Passionael have been severely abridged. In general

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok

51

the compiler excised extended dialogue and the narrator's interjection of motivation for behaviour. The voice of the third-person narrator predominates, but his persona does not participate in the plot. As a result of the extensive reduction of the source texts, the prose legends are laconic and sometimes even puzzling because vital information is lacking. The diction frequently impresses one as uneven. Little scholarly attention has been directed to the legends in Der Heiligen Leben from a narratological perspective, but in 1979 Volker Mertens published a useful comparative study of three texts that derive from older verse legends, namely Ebernand von Erfurt's Heinrich und Kunegunde, Hartmann von Aue's Gregorius, and Reinbot von Durne's Georg. These three legends are among those in Reykjaholabok. Mertens pointed out that in general the redactor of Der Heiligen Leben omitted passages in which the narrator takes a position, whether interpretive or evaluative, and that this potentially affects the reception of a text. The compiler reduced the narratives to transmitting facts and tended to transform the hypotactic style of the older German sources into a paratactic one, thereby eliminating the implicit causality present in the source texts.22 Williams-Krapp aptly characterized the legends in Der Heiligen Leben as 'abbreviierte, unkommentierte, zumeist auch vollig enthistorisierte und entrhetorisierte Legendenfassungen. ' 23 In the following I shall attempt on the one hand to demonstrate the nature of the condensation in the Passionael on the basis of older German redactions and the Icelandic versions of the legends, and on the other hand to prove that the fuller Icelandic texts, far from being the result of augmentation and revision by the translator, actually reflect — that is, translate - redactions different from those in the Passionael. Indeed, it can be shown that the sources of the Icelandic legends, though unknown and presumably no longer extant, must have been Low German redactions that resembled, at least in some instances, the sources of Der Heiligen Leben. As was observed above, one reason why Widding and Bekker-Nielsen attributed text in Reykjaholabok over and above that in the Passionael to the Icelandic translator was the intermittent uncanny correspondence between the Low German and the Icelandic legends. Because verbal correspondences, extending to the incorporation of German loans (occasionally incorrect cognates) and syntax, suggest word-for-word translation, one is tempted to regard additional Icelandic text as the work of a creative translator. The following discussion of both correspondences and discrepancies between the Low German and the Icelandic legends is meant to delineate the nature of the texts with which we are dealing. A remarkable example of the complicated transmission of hagiographic texts is the legend of Emperor Henry II and his wife, Cunegund. The redaction in Der

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The Book of Reykjaholar

Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael derives ultimately from Ebemand von Erfurt's Heinrich und Kunegunde, or Keisir unde keiserin as Mertens entitles it in accordance with the achrosticon found from chapter 44 to the end of the legend. Through the intervention of the devil and the machinations of the courtiers, the blameless empress is accused of having committed adultery and is forced to demonstrate her innocence by submitting to trial by ordeal. There is a strange discrepancy in the dialogue in the scene following Cunegund's ordeal. After she has successfully traversed the twelve glowing pieces of iron and everyone has declared her innocent, Do vyl er de keyser to vote, do sprak sunte kunnegundis. Gy hebben mynen willen. biddet got vmme gnade. Do sprack de keyser. Vrouwe yk wil iuw des lydendes vorghelden so verne ik kan. Do worden de vorsten alle vro. (Pass, lix.c) [Then the emperor fell at her feet. Then St Cunegund said: 'You have my favour. Ask God for mercy.' The emperor then said: 'My lady, I shall make up to you for your suffering inasmuch as I can.' Then all the princes rejoiced.]

The fact that Cunegund speaks first and tells the emperor that she looks kindly on him, but then urges him to ask God for forgiveness, is somewhat puzzling given that she has just demonstrated her innocence, that her innocence has been further underlined by the miraculous disappearance into the ground of the instruments that could have been the means of her torture, and that she has throughout demonstrated her humility by enduring her lot in silence. One would expect her not to say a word, but to let the emperor react to the demonstration of her innocence. Furthermore, given that the emperor has accused her before God, one would expect to find some reference to the deity. The saga version, which reverses the order of the speakers and which furthermore inserts another statement by the emperor, thereby creating a balanced dialogue, is narratively more plausible and suggests derivation from a longer version. Og keisaren sialfvr fiell nidr aa sin hne og maellte thil hennar. kaere frv sagde hann. fyrer gvdz skvlld giefit mier mina segt til er eg hefer ydr aa mothe giortt pviat eg vil ydr pat giarna avmbvna pat fremztta eg maa. Hvn svarar Minn gode herra. bidit pier gvd at hann fyrergiefe ydr petta. En af mier hafit pier ydvarn vilia. paa vrdv aller glader peir er hiaa vorv og lofvdv gvd fyrer sina myskvnn er hann synde beim ollvm. (Rhb, 1:55.2-8) [And the emperor himself fell down on his knees and said to her, 'Dear lady,' he said, 'for God's sake forgive me the wrong that I have done you, because I shall gladly make up to you for this as much as I can.' She answers, 'My good lord, ask God to forgive you,

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 53 and you may have your will with me.' Then all who were there were glad and praised God for the mercy he granted them all.]

The use of the Icelandic cognate vili for the Low German wille above results in a mistranslation of a type that occurs sporadically in the Icelandic legendary (see chap. 4).24 The relationship of the Low German and Icelandic passages is paradigmatic for the uneasy mixture in the Icelandic legendary of exact, often literal correspondence to the Passionael on the one hand and significant discrepancy in both matter and structure on the other. If one believes, as Widding and Bekker-Nielsen did, that the translated legends in Reykjaholabok derive from the Passionael, one can understand their assumption that the Icelandic translator revised and augmented his source. It can be shown, however, that the Passionael text is defective in the sense that it represents substantial reduction of its source text, and that the saga's Low German source had a better reading. If the 1492 Liibeck text is compared with earlier High and Low German imprints, it becomes clear that the legendary underwent some reduction in the course of printing. In the Magdeburg imprint of 1487 the passage reads: 'do vel eer de keyser to vote dat se en to gnaden neme. do sprak se gy hebben mynen wyllen biddet god vmme gnade' (LXXI.d 'Then the emperor fell at her feet seeking her forgiveness. Then she said, "You have my favour; ask God for forgiveness'"). A similar, slightly longer reading also occurs in the Niirnberg imprint of 1488: 'Da viel ir der keyser zu fussen das sy in zu genaden liesz kummen. Da sprach sy. ir habt mein huld bittet gott vmb genad' (LXIII.a 'Then the emperor fell at her feet in order to receive her forgiveness. Then she said, "You have my favor; ask God for forgiveness"'). These two readings contain in nuce the text of the saga, but here, as happens in general, the German legendaries prefer indirect discourse, while the saga conveys the matter in dialogic form. The source of the legend in Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael is Ebernand von Erfurt's Heinrich und Kunegunde, and the thirteenth-century verse legend supports the Icelandic text. When Cunegund steps unscathed off the last of the twelve hot irons, the following ensues: der kunec do suohte iren fuoz, er hot ir minniclichen gruoz, er sprach: 'ich suoche gnade din, laz mich in dinen hulden sin!' sie sprach: 'gewinnet hulde gotes unt wartet ebene sines gebotes, mine hulde habet ir wol!'

54

The Book of Reykjaholar er sprach: 'ze ware vrouwe ich sol des leides wol ergetzen dich.' alle fursten vrouten sich. dar wart groz lobes schal, diz mere erlute uberal.

(vv. I585-96)25

[The king fell at her feet and greeted her lovingly; he said, 'I seek your mercy, grant me your favour!' She said, 'Obtain God's favour and do his bidding; my favour you already have!' He said, 'My lady, I shall truly make up to you for your suffering.' All the princes were glad. Great praise resounded; this story spread far and wide.] Comparison of this scene with that in the Icelandic legendary shows that the apparent modifications and additions in the latter could not have been created by the translator, since they already existed in Ebernand's legend. One must therefore conclude that Bjorn Porleifsson had access to a Low German redaction which had not suffered the attrition evident in both the High and the Low German legendaries. A similar simplification of a scene through reduction of detail occurs in the legend of St Jerome, which is a combination of vita, folk-tale, and miracle tale. Embedded in the saint's life is a variant of the story of Androcles and the lion. One day a lion with a wounded paw appears at the monastery. In the Passionael the opening scene of the tale is quickly told: Up ene tijd quam eyn louwe de ghinck vp dren voten. vnde de veerde de dede em wee. de ghink in des klosters doer Do beuruchteden syk de brodere ghans seer vnde vloen Do entfenk sunte Jeronymus den louwen ghans gutliken. do rekkede em de louwe den kranken voet to. den besach sunte Jheronymus. vnde wosck em den voet beth he ghesunt waert. Do sach he darinne ene dome, den toch he dar vth. vnde bant em dar enen dock vmme. vnde heylde em den voet. Do wart de louwe so tam alze eyn hundeken. vnde wolde nicht van dar. (Pass., CCix.c-d) [Once upon a time there came a lion; he walked on three legs, and the fourth hurt him. He went to the door of the monastery. The brothers became very afraid and fled. Then St Jerome received the lion quite kindly. Then the lion stretched out the sore foot to him. St Jerome looked at it and washed the foot until it was well again. Then he saw a thorn in it, and he took it out, and wound a bandage around it, and healed his foot. The lion then became as tame as a little dog and did not want to leave.] The discourse is characterized by parataxis and is stylistically uninteresting. The narrator reports action but leaves it to the reader to divine a subtext. The

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok

55

corresponding Icelandic version is longer and differs chiefly in that actions are interpreted and underlying causes and motivations are presented: Einv sinne gieck eitt Icon heim vr morckinne og at klavstvrs dyrvnvm. aa primvr fothonvm pviat hann hafde verck mikin j peim fiorda faethinvm og polde pvi ecki stiga honvm nidr. og |)aa sem braedvr j klavstrenv saagv J?at vrdv Jjeir storlega hraedder og hliop hverr sem einn af J>eim ogfavlldv sigh nema sanctvs Jeronimvs. hann gieck gladlega j mothe dyrenv og fagnnade pvi vel. petta skilde dyret og lagde sigh nidr fyrer fsetvr honvm og rette fram at honvm rammann er honvm var saar aa. jafntt og fiat villde beidazt hialppar. en gvdz vinvr under stod dyrsens vilia. og thok j fothen og skodade og fann hvar einn byrne qvistvr var fastvr j ramnvm og var grafit vmm. pa bavd sanctvs Jeronimvs lathafca sier hreinntt uathn. og pat var giortt efter pat pvasr hann fothen allann aa dyrenv og piarmar vmm med hondvm sinvm pangat thil at pvi var allbsett. en saker ohreinenda lieth hann binnda einn dvk vmm so ecki skyllde spillazt saret. en dyret vart begar so thamet sem pat hefde leingi haft verit med hondvm og villde alldre vpp fra pvi fara badann. (Rhb, 11:216.16-32) [One time a lion came out of the woods to the door of the monastery; he walked on three legs because he had great pain in the fourth leg and could not step down on it. And when the monks in the monastery saw this, they became very frightened and each of them ran away and hid himself except for St Jerome. He went cheerfully to the animal and welcomed it. The animal understood this and lay down at his feet and stretched out to him the paw that was sore as though it were asking for help. And God's friend understood what the animal wanted and took the foot and looked at it and discovered that a thorn had pierced the paw and was stuck fast. St Jerome then ordered clean water to be brought and this was done. Then he washed the animal's entire foot and massaged it with his hands until it was mended, but to avoid impurities he had a bandage wound around it to avoid infection. The animal then became as tame as though it had lived for a long time among dogs and from then on it did not want to leave.] Comparison of the Low German and Icelandic texts shows that the material is structured somewhat differently and that the Icelandic redaction contains a much more detailed account that includes motivation for the behaviour of the lion, the monks, and St Jerome. The use of the loan word under stod rather than the expected Icelandic skilde — which is used, however, in respect to the lion in a passage not found in the Passionael is a reminder that the source was Low German (see chap. 4). The source of the Low German legend of St Jerome in the Passionael is, according to Williams-Krapp, the Vers-Passional, and comparison of the Low German passage above with its High German source reveals the same pattern

56 The Book of Reykjaholar observable in respect to the ordeal scene in the legend of Henry and Cunegund. The relationship of the Icelandic text to the older German verse legend of Jerome is not as clear-cut, however; although the Vers-Passional accounts for some of the additional text in the Icelandic legend, it is not the source of all. Furthermore, it does not account for the structural differences in the two passages, such as the fact that in the Low German text Jerome discovers the thorn only after he has washed the foot (which mysteriously makes it well again), whereas in the Icelandic version he realizes the cause of the soreness before the cleansing. But the ultimate source of the Low German version, the Vers-Passional, contains some of the same passages as the Icelandic translation and thereby permits one to conclude that the Icelander's Low German source contained the additional text. For example, the remark that all the monks hid except for St Jerome derives from three verses: der bruodere vloch besit genuc, wand si ir krancheit vertruc. leronimus sich nicht enbarc

(VPass., 509:93-5)

[quite a few of the brothers fled away, for their frailty carried them off. Jerome did not hide himself.]

St Jerome's command to fetch clean water is implicit in the Vers-Passional's 'wazzer man im holte' (510:8 'water was brought to him'), and the additional ministration of massaging the foot until it was mended is expressed as follows: mit vil senfteclicher grift gewunnen si hervur den dorn und swaz darinne was versworn.

(VPass., 510:12-14)

[with gentle massaging they dislodged the thorn and brought down the infection.]

The correspondences between the additional passages in the Icelandic legend and the Vers-Passional strongly suggest that, rather than being created by Bjorn f»orleifsson, the additional Icelandic text derives from a longer, narratively more interesting Low German redaction whose author was intent on providing motivation and explanations for the behaviour of characters (see chap. 6). A more complicated example of redactional multiplicity is provided by the legend of St Augustine. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen proposed that the redaction in Reykjaholabok actually represents a revised copy of an older Icelandic translation from Latin, which is the case for the legends of Sts Ambrose, Lawrence, and Stephen (see chap. 4). A comparison of the older Augustinus

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 57 saga, which was translated by Runolfr Sigmundarson, abbot of the Augustinian monastery of Pykkvabaer from 1264 to 1306 (or 1307), with the several German redactions of the legend makes the thesis that Bjorn's legend of St Augustine is a copy rather than a translation most unlikely. Like the other translated legends, Bjorn's Augustinus saga is rife with Low German loans, and it is similar to the version in the Passionael except that, like the other translations, it represents a much longer redaction. An anecdote about St Augustine's aversion to gossip takes rather different forms in the two Icelandic redactions, the one translated from Latin, the other as we propose - from Low German. In the older Augustinus saga (in the manuscript Sth. 2 fol.) we read the following: Pessi heilagr Augustinus byskup geymSi iafnan at taka bliSliga vi6 gestum. Ok er hann sat yfir matborSi, elskaSi hann meirr lesning heilagra boka e5a pess hattar tal en fasSzlu e5a dryk; ok i mot skaSsamligri uveniu nockurra manna hafSi hann sva ritaS aa sinu borSi: Quisquis amat dictis absentum rodere vitam, hanc mensam indignam noverit esse sibi. Pessi vers megu sva vera skilin: Hverr saa, er elskar at gnaga me5r umlestri lifnat fraverandi manna, viti petta bor5 ser umakligt. Ok pvi minti hann aa alia baa, er at matborSi sitia, at hallda sik skyllduliga fra skaSsamligum ok parflausum orSum. Ok nockura sambyskupa ser hina kiaeruztu, paa er gleymSu e5a i mot maeltu pessi ritning, hirti hann nockut sinn sva stridliga, at beir skylldu skiott brott ganga fra borSinu, ella myndi hann urn mitt matmaal upp risa ok fara til sins herbergis. (HMS, 1:142:1-16) [This holy bishop Augustine always took care to greet guests cheerfully. And when he sat at table, he loved more the reading of sacred books or such conversation than food or drink. And to prevent the damaging bad habits of some people he had written this on his table: Quisquis amat dictis absentum rodere vitam, hanc mensam indignam noverit esse sibi. These verses can be understood as follows: Whoever loves chewing over individuals absent during reading at table is unfit to be at this table. And therefore he reminded all those who sat at his table to refrain from damaging and unnecessary words. And some fellow bishops who were very dear to him but forgot or disregarded these words, he chastised one time so vehemently that he told them to leave the table, else he would leave his supper and go to his room.]

58 The Book of Reykjaholar The account above corresponds to that given in the Legenda aurea (chap. 124; LA> 555)- I*1 Reykjaholabok, however, the essence of Augustine's attitude towards gossip appears in summarized form, but the incipient exemplum above - 'some fellow bishops ...' - takes the form of an anecdote. The tale follows a long discussion of St Augustine's virtues, which concludes with the observation that he abhorred gossip, especially at meals, 'sem maa heyra j lithlv aefintyre' (Rhb, II:114.1-2 'which is told in a little anecdote'). The weight shifts from the abstractly didactic, as in the older Icelandic saga, to the narratively entertaining but nonetheless exemplary in Reykjaholabok: Paa eit sinne er Avgvstinvs var orden biskvp. Paa qvomv thveir adrer biskvpar til fvndar vid harm og bavd hann beim thil bordz med sier. bviat betta vorv hans kaerer viner og sem beir sathv vnder bordinv pa thokv beir til at skrafa til anara manna og raeddv nogv naere beirra aerv og saemd sem beir thavlvdv thil. og vikr so skriftthen j sinv ordthake thil beirra at beir athv lifanda holld sinna samkristna er beir attv neytha loflega faedv bo at kiot vaere. enn er Avgvstinvs skilde beirra onytiv ord. Paa styggdizt hanh vid pa og bad ba begia eda skyllde hann ganga j bvrttv fraa beim. eda latha bera mathan bvrt af favtvnvm. og seiger at beir vrdv honvm hlydoger. (Rhb, II: 114.3-13) [One time when St Augustine had become bishop, two other bishops came to visit him and he invited them to eat with him because they were his dear friends. And when they sat at the table they began to gossip about other people and said things damaging to the honour and reputation of those they were talking about. And the proverb26 refers to them, namely that they were eating the living flesh of their fellow Christians as though it were meat at the same time that they were lawfully consuming food. And when Augustine heard their idle words, he got angry at them and bade them be silent or else he would leave them and have the food taken out, and it is told that they obeyed him.]

The chapter concludes with the narrator invoking the saint and lamenting that St Augustine would have to intervene many a time if he were present nowadays at the table. The reference to the ordtak in the version above suggests that it too was generated by the Latin proverb, but unlike the older Icelandic redaction, which cites the proverb and then translates it into Icelandic, Bjoin's source apparently did not transmit the proverb itself but instead incorporated its sense into the exemplum containing the striking gustatory metaphor that equates gossip with cannibalism. As happens in Reykjaholabok, the incident exists as a separate anecdote in the Passionael, but in comparison with Bjorn's text it is a rather mutilated version:

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 59 Up ene tijd ethen bysscoppe mit sunte Augustino. de weren syne gude vrunde. de wile se dat dode vlesck ethen. do ethen se ok mit eren woerden der mynschen ere. Do sprak he. Swyghet vnde spreket den mynschen nicht to na. anders ik gha van der tafelen. edder ik wil de versche vth doen. de vp deme discke staen. (Pass., Cxxxi.a-b) [One time bishops were eating with St Augustine. They were good friends of his. While they were eating the dead meat they also were eating the honour of people with their words. Then he spoke: 'Be silent and do not gossip about people; otherwise I shall leave the table or remove the food that is in the dishes.']

As could be observed in respect to the legends of Henry and Cunegund and Jerome, the fuller discourse of Bjorn's Icelandic legendary derives from longer versions than those in the Passionael. The loan word xra points to the Low German derivation of Bjorn's translation. Furthermore, comparison of the episode with the Vers-Passional, the source of this legend in Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael, attests the existence of a rather long German version of the exemplum. The High German anecdote extends to thirty verses, and it is introduced, just as in Reykjaholabok — but not the Passionael - with the observation that St Augustine was moderate in food and drink and preferred to listen to what was read in the refectory (VPass., 430:10-15). The narrator continues by remarking that the saint was an enemy of gossip and had inscribed on his table two verses which read: swer mit worten minnet die lute hinderwart begnagen, deme seal man hie sin stat versagen, wand im der tisch nicht enzimt, ob er die aftersprache ufnimt, wand si sal rumen disme hove.

(VPass., 430:26-31)

[Whoever diminishes others behind their back with libellous words should be forbidden to be here, for one is not fit to be at the table if one engages in gossip and should be removed from this episcopal palace.]

Like Bjorn's Icelandic text, the Vers-Passional does not contain the Latin proverb, but like the older Icelandic redaction it contains a translation of the proverb. The manner in which the anecdote that follows is realized reveals how drastic the intervention of the Heiligen Leben redactor can be in the interests of adapting the longer verse version for his own purposes. In the Vers-Passional the anecdote commences as follows:

60 The Book of Reykjaholar ez waren zeimal bischove sine gar lieben vrunde durch vruntlich urkunde zu tische da gesezzen und, als si solden ezzen daz tode vleisch, daz man in gab, do lief ir wort so bin ab und wolden gar unebene daz vleisch mit volleme lebene van den luten ezzen. Augustinus was besezzen, daz si von ganzer vrische alda obe sime tische der lute vleisch wolden gnagen, wand er horte ir rede iagen uf sumelicher afterwort.

(VPass., 430:32-47)

[One time some bishops, his good friends, were invited in friendly fashion to eat at his table, and when they were about to eat the dead meat that they were given, they started talking and were determined nastily to eat the living flesh of people. Augustine was chagrined that at his table they would so eagerly gnaw at the flesh of people, for he heard them busily engaged in maligning others.]

The startling metaphorical likeness between eating the dead flesh of animals and eating the living flesh of other human beings was softened, perhaps unwittingly, by the redactor of Der Heiligen Leben in an effort to condense. Only the implied meaning of the metaphor is left in the Passionael, but it is clear that the metaphor itself was also found in the Low German source of Bjorn's Augustinus saga. Some redactions of the legend of St Augustine contain the charming story of the saint's encounter at the seashore with a child who is attempting to empty the ocean into a little hole he has dug in the sand. The story does not occur in the Legenda aurea, the Vers-Passional, or Runolfr's older Icelandic redaction, but it is found in Reykjaholabok as well as in two Low German versions, the Passionael and the so-called Niederrheinisches Augustinusbuch from the fifteenth century.27 The latter attests the late medieval tendency to augment legends with matter drawn from a variety of sources in the interest of producing a vernacular compilation transmitting the hagiographic tradition in its entirety.28 A comparison of corresponding passages from the episode in the Passionael and the Augustinusbuch immediately reveals a significant dis-

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 61 crepancy of discourse. In the Passionael the first half of the anecdote reads as follows: To ener tijt ghink sunte Augustinus bi dem mere, vnde betrachtede mit grotem ernste. wo he de hyllighen dreuoldicheit vth grunden mochte. do sach he eyn schone kind sitten by dem mere, vnde id goeth alletijd vth dem mere myt eneme clenen lepele. in eyn clene kuleken. Do sede he. Wat menstu dar mede. dat kynt sede. Ik wil dat grote meer in de clenen kulen gheten. Do sede he. kynt dat machstu nicht doen. wente dat is vnmoghelik to doende. (Pass., Cxxxi.c) [One time St Augustine was walking by the ocean and earnestly contemplating how he might be able to fathom the Holy Trinity. Whereupon he saw a beautiful child sitting by the ocean and it kept pouring water from the ocean with a little spoon into a little hole. He then said: 'What are you trying to do?' The child said: T want to pour the large ocean into the little hole.' Then he said: 'Child, you can't do that because that is impossible to do.']

Here, as throughout the Passionael, the text is characterized by a paratactic style, devoid of descriptive detail and transmitting the barest essentials of action and dialogue. The skeletal discourse appears even more pronounced if one draws on the Augustinusbuch for comparison: Vp eyn tzijt, de wijle dat hey de boiche van der heilger drijueldicheit maichde, so gynck hey alsus vyss na synre gewoynden, ind as hey alleyn vurgynck, betraichende van der heilger drijueldicheit, so vant hey da vp deme oyuer des meers eyn kyntgyn sitzen van alze wonderlicher suuerheit. Ind dat kyntgyn hatte eyn kuylgen gemaicht in de erde vp deme oyuer, as de spelende kyndergyn vp der straissen pleynt. Dat kyntgyn hatte in synre hant eyn silueren leffelgyn ind schepde dat wasser vis deme meer in dat kuylgyn. Ind doe der heilge eirsam buschoff dat kyntgyn also ernstlich sach sitzen, so vestgede hey synen ganck ind bleyff ewenich stayn. Ind hey geynck tzo hantz vort ind groitte dat kyntgyn myt mynlicher goederteirenheit ind vragede it, wat dat it dede. Dat kyntgin antwerde eme mit groisser ernsticheit ind saicht: Teh wil dyt gantze meer vyss scheppen, ind mach ich, so wil ich it alzo male in myn kuylgyn geyssen.' Van deser antwerden des kyndes wart der heilge man verweckt tzo alze zeymlichen ind eirsamen lachen ind antwerde eme goiderteirlichen ind saichte: 'O goide kynt, we souldes du dat mogen doyn, want dyt meer is grois ind dyn leffelgyn, da du myt scheppes, ys cleyn ind dat kuylgyn, dair du in scheppes, is ouch cleyn.'29 [One time, while he was writing the book on the Holy Trinity, he was taking a walk, as he was wont to do, and as he was walking alone, contemplating the Holy Trinity, he

62

The Book of Reykjaholar

came across a little child of wondrous beauty sitting by the seashore. And the little child had dug a little hole in the ground by the shore, as little children playing on the street are wont to do. The little child had a little silver spoon in his hand and ladled water from the ocean into the little hole. And when the honourable holy bishop saw the little child sitting there so earnestly, he quickly went over and stood still for a while. And he stepped forward and greeted the little child with friendly kindness and asked it what it was doing. The little child answered him very seriously and said: 'I want to empty the entire ocean, and I want to pour all of it into my little hole.' This answer aroused the holy man to considerable honest laughter and he answered the child kindly and said: "Dear child, how are you going to be able to do that, since the ocean is big but the little spoon with which you are ladling is small, and the little hole into which you are ladling it is also small.'] The most striking difference between the two Low German versions of the incident is St Augustine's response to the child's informing him that he intends to pour the ocean into the hole. Whereas in the Passionael the saint categorically informs the child of the impossibility of the undertaking, he is a much more appealing interlocutor in the Augustinusbuch. His implicit skepticism, revealed by his amusement at what the child has told him, is masked in a kind inquiry as to how the task is to be accomplished. Through descriptive detail, enlivening both the figures and their actions, the redactor of the Augustinusbuch has achieved a dramatic scene that engages the reader. The Icelandic version of this account is a translation of a redaction that was related to that in the Augustinusbuch. It is approximately the same length; while some details from the Low German text are missing, others are additional to it. The italicized passages below represent text corresponding to the text in the Augustinusbuch but not found in the Passionael: Svo finnzt og skrifat af bessvm fyrer greindvm herra sancte Avgvstino. at hann hafe giorth™ etna bok afheilagre breninngv. Og ben eitt sinne ca medan at hann var bvi vercke. at hann gieck j bvrttv wr stadnvm Yponensi einn fraa ollvm monnvm saker divplegrar ahyggiv og hvgsann er hann hafde sett j sitt hiartta hverssv at hann matthe naa at skilia allann grvndvoll gvddomsenns vmm nockvra partta er heilagre prenninngv thil kaeme. og gieck langs med einne siafar strondv. og baa er hann hafde med bessare hvgsvn geingit nockvra stvnd. pa fieck hann at siaa hvar at eitt vng menne sath aa sandenvm allt vid sioen og hafde eina silfvr skeidj henndenne og hafde giortth nidrj sanndenn lithla grofmed spxnenvm. en baa sem hann hafde giortt grofina so divpa sem hann villde. pa thok hann at avsa med spaenenvm vathnet vpp j grofina er pat hafde giortt. Petta vndrazt gvdz vinvr Avgvstinvs og geingvr at barnnenv og horfer cabat nockvra stvnd. og msellte sidan med heilsvnar ordvm so seigiande. heill pv vngvr sveinn sagde hann. eda hvat aa bat at byda er bv giorer. barnit svarade. Sier bv ecki hvat eg giorer. eg aetlar at avsa allt

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok

63

betta vatnnith er bv sier med spaene minvm vpp j grofina bessa hina lith.lv. pa brosade Avgvstinvs at pillthenvm og sagde. Sier bv ecki ath sanndvrenn dreckvr jafn opt sem bv eys. og er betta bier omavgvlegth at giora. bviat siorenn sem pv eys er mikill enn grofen lithel. (Rhb, 11:116.3-24) [It is also written about the aforementioned gentleman St Augustine that he has written a book about the Holy Trinity. And one time when he was working on this, he went alone out of the town of Hippo in order to contemplate and think about what was of deep concern to him, namely how he might be able to comprehend the essence of the Godhead in respect to the Holy Trinity. And he was walking along the seashore, and when he had walked deep in thought for a while, he saw a youth sitting in the sand by the ocean and he had a silver spoon in his hand and had made a little hole in the sand with his spoon. And when he had made the hole as deep as he wanted, he began to pour water with the spoon into the hole that he had made. God's friend Augustine wondered at this and went to the child and watched it for a while, and then said by way of greeting. 'Hello, little boy, what are you trying to do?' The boy answered: 'Can't you see what I am doing? I intend to pour all this water you can see with my spoon into this little hole.' Augustine then smiled at the boy and said: 'Don't you realize that the sand swallows the sea as quickly as you pour and that this will be impossible for you to do, because the ocean that you are pouring in is large but the hole little.'}

The saint's response to the child's explanation of what he is doing diverges slightly from that in the Augustinusbuch. As in the Passionael, in the Icelandic legend Augustine informs the child that he cannot do what he proposes, but he also gives the explanation for his statement - found in neither Low German version - that the sand swallows up the water as quickly as he pours it in. Whereas both longer versions agree in having the saint observe the child for a while, the Icelandic legend lacks the comparison of the young boy's activity with that of other children. Scholars have posited Low German sources for the translated legends in Reykjaholabok primarily on account of the language of the legendary, which is rife with Low German loan words, cognates, caiques, and syntax (see chap. 4). The fact that short passages in the Icelandic legends repeatedly appear to be word-for-word translations of text in the Passionael led Widding and BekkerNielsen to posit this popular Low German legendary as the source. They considered the greater length and the repeated divergences of the Icelandic legends to be the work of the translator. Similarly, deviations from the older Icelandic redactions of the legends of Sts Ambrose, Lawrence, and Stephen - which demonstrably are copies of existing Icelandic texts (see chap. 4) - were interpreted as indicative of the copyist's, that is, Bjorn f>orleifsson's, tendency to

64 The Book of Reykjaholar revise. The examples above, which are paradigmatic for Reykjaholabok, reveal that the legends do not derive from the Passionael. No Low German text as yet has been identified as the source, and given the attrition in the body of manuscripts and of late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century imprints, it is unlikely that one will be found. As welcome as even a single identification of a Low German source text would be, it is not necessary, for the Icelandic translations attest their existence at one time and speak eloquently for their expansive and dramatic discourse. The intent of the analysis and comparison of texts above was to show that the additional material in the Icelandic legends - additional, that is, to the legends in the Passionael - does not represent the work of the redactor. The discrepancies between the legends in Reykjaholabok and those in the Passionael and, in the case of the legend of Anne and Mary, the so-called St Annen Buchlein also occur on a structural level. As regards Augustinus saga the case is similar in relation to the older Icelandic redaction by Runolfr Sigmundarson. In content, and therefore also structure, the older and the younger Augustinus saga represent two different hagiographic traditions, what may be considered a learned, primarily monastic tradition and a popular tradition. Each redaction contains matter not found in the other, and the nature of the additional - or absent - matter determines the distinctive features of each. On the whole, the emphasis in the older Icelandic redaction is on Augustine's learning and scholarship. Runolfr's redaction contains two disputations between Augustine and the heretics Faustus and Fortunatus (//MS, 1:125.26-126.12; 139.29-140.5), of which only the latter is transmitted in Reykjaholabok (11:111.7—24). The duplication of the disputations in the older saga reinforces the emphasis in this redaction on Augustine's superior learning. Furthermore, there are repeated references to the books Augustine composed (//MS, 1:125.13-17; 145.5—24; 147.14-25), and his name is etymologized on the basis of his scholarly production (//MS, 1:143.4—9). Augustine is depicted as the consummate scholar who sought all his life to improve what he had written. Before his last illness, he went back to his earlier publications, 'at hann maetti pser glogliga skynia ok ranzsaka ok retta, par sem honum potti purfa' (//MS, 1:145.6-8 'so that he might closely check and search and correct them, wherever he thought it necessary'). Moreover, he implicitly warns against premature publication, for he 'harmadi ok nockurar baekr fra ser teknar ok braut bornar af nockurum braedrum, adr en hann hefdi pel at eda emendat, pott hann hefdi pasr sidan rettar gervar' (//MS, 1:145.15-18 'he was distressed that some books had been taken from him and carried off by some brethren, before he had revised or emended them, though he corrected them later'). The older redaction is characterized by chapters devoted to the testimony of

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 65 three learned fellow saints in respect to Augustine's intellectual gifts and scholarship. Isidore of Seville (d. 636) attests that he wrote so many books and wrote about so many subjects that even if another could produce as much in a lifetime, no one would be able to read them all (//MS, 1:142.30-143.4). The elderly Jerome considered Augustine his spiritual successor (//MS, 1:143.16-20), while St Prosper of Aquitaine (d. after 455) testifies to Augustine's intellectual gifts and scholarship (//MS, 1:143.22-8). Finally, an anonymous master compares Augustine to other doctors of the church and declares him the victor 'baedi at bokfraedi ok briostviti' (//MS, 1:144.1-3 'both in book learning and in native intelligence'). The matter above is not only characteristic of Runolfr's redaction but also unique to it, for the pervasive learned spirit and discourse of the older Augustinus saga are notably absent in Bjorn f>orleifsson's younger version. Instead, the sixteenth-century version is a popular redaction - which is not to say that the source could not have found favour in a monastic environment - that prefers amusing anecdotes to the dry facts of intellectual and ecclesiastical history. Instead of the testimony of learned men about St Augustine's contributions we are presented with a series of posthumous miracles, narrative gems that exemplify the redaction's popularizing tendency. Whereas Runolfr's Augustinus saga is primarily edifying, Bjorn's version combines the didactic with the gossipy and entertaining, with the latter frequently predominating. A striking example of the different orientations of the two redactions is evident in the manner in which they report the events associated with the Translation of St Augustine. The older redaction briefly notes his death - 'ok milli baenarorSa sofnaSi hann me5 feSrum sinum i goSri elli til himinrikis af pessum heimi' (//MS, 1:146.33-4 'and engaged in prayer, he passed from this world at a good age to join his fathers in the kingdom of heaven) — and burial (//MS, 1:147.2) and then launches into a disquisition on Augustine the writer, teacher, and paragon of Christian behaviour (//MS, 1:147.2-148.2). The subsequent chapter is brief (//MS, 1:148.4-14) and explains, after one more reference to Augustine's oeuvre, that because of unrest in Sardinia his body was removed from Hippo and subsequently taken by Liutprand (reigned 712-44), the Lombard king, to Pavia (//MS, 1:148.9—14). The laconic notice of the animosities in Hippo and the subsequent Translation contrasts sharply with the version in Reykjaholabok, where chapter 21 (Rhb, 11:123.18-124.24) contains an account of the Translation to Pavia as punctuated by a series of miraculous obstacles. Bjorn's anecdote corresponds to that found in the Passionael (Cxxxii.a-b) and the Legenda aurea; and according to the latter the Translation took place in 718. Liutprand had sent messengers for the body, and the king himself met the remains in Genoa. When he ordered the body to be taken to Pavia, it became so heavy that it could not be moved. The saintly

66 The Book of Reykjaholar king understood what was happening and promised to have a church built in Genoa if only he could take the saint's remains with him, and thereupon the body could be moved. The miracle of the immovable relics recurs a couple of times and Liutprand, fearing that he may be unable to get the sacred remains to Pavia after all, finally promises to have a church built in St Augustine's honour in each place where they spend the night. In this fashion the procession finally reaches its destination. The legend of the Translation of St Augustine is followed in Bjorn's redaction by an anecdote that one could interpret as a case of saintly one-upmanship. Chapter 22 (Rhb, 11:124.25-125.31) contains the account of a pilgrimage from Germany and France undertaken in the year 812 - thus the Legenda aurea, which also contains the story, as does the Passionael (Cxxxii.b-c) - by a group composed inter alia of lepers and cripples. Their intention was to visit the graves of the apostles Peter and Paul in Rome in order to seek healing. Near Pavia St Augustine appears to them, however, and reroutes their pilgrimage as it were by suggesting that they visit his church instead. After some consultation among themselves they decide to follow the saint's advice. They call upon him in church and many are cured. News of the healings spreads far and wide with the result that seekers after health throng to Pavia, all of whom leave behind their crutches and staffs as testimony of their healing. The upshot is - as the last sentence of the miracle tale reports - 'betta vard opt so mikit at pat vard at brenna upp og snara vt wr kirkivnne saker orymes og preynnginnghar' (Rhb, 11:125.29—31 'there were often so many that they had to be burned and removed from the church because of lack of room and crowding'). Jacobus de Voragine does not go quite so far; he merely reports that the monks were forced to remove the implements left behind because they prevented entry into and exit from the church. The distinction introduced above between a learned (Runolfr) and a popular (Bjom) redaction of Augustinus saga is a means of signalling what differentiates the two texts. In the former the repeated references to Augustine's learning derive from written sources; the latter contains miracle tales that presumably circulated orally before being written down in the high Middle Ages. There is no evidence that such a 'popular' Latin redaction had ever been translated in Iceland. Furthermore, the language of Bjorn's redaction firmly places the legend in the group deriving from Low German sources, and as the analysis of the seashore incident with the child has shown - an incident, by the way, which is not transmitted by the Vers-Passional - the Low German legend was a much longer text than the corresponding one in the Passionael. While it diverged discursively from the Passionael, it nonetheless had the same structure. Ultimately it derives from a Low German redaction that was related to the source of the

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok

67

legend in the Passionael, namely the High German Vers-Passional, but that contained additional matter. The differences between the older and the younger Augustinus saga are owing to deviations in the matter they contain, which accordingly generate different structures for each. Runolfr's translation from the Latin contains additional information in the form of learned discourses and commentary on Augustine's oeuvre, but structurally it may be said to transmit nothing but a vita. In Bjorn's translation, however, we have a rather different construct, consisting of introductory geographical matter (see chap. 4), the vita interspersed with anecdotal matter that is not found in Runolfr's redaction, and a sequence of miracle tales. This 'popular' approach to hagiography reflects the practice in Der Heiligen Leben and Dat Passionael. Augustinus saga should be included among the legends Widding and BekkerNielsen listed as deriving from Low German sources, albeit not from the Passionael, as they proposed. The two scholars derived only one translation from a work other than the Passionael, namely the legend generally referred to as Onnu saga, which Loth entitles 'Emmerencia, Anna og Maria' in her edition. Bjorn f»orleifsson himself suggested, albeit implicitly, a different title, when he referred the reader in the legend of Lazarus to a passage 'earlier in the book in the Legend of Mary and Anne (Rhb, 1:171.32-4 'fyr j bokinne j Mariv savgv og beirra Avnnv'). Bjorn's designation reflects the specific character of the legend that he translated, a legend Widding and Bekker-Nielsen thought to have been translated from Hans Dorn's 1507 Braunschweig imprint of the so-called St. Annen Buchlein. Just before the Reformation, Icelandic interest in the life of St Anne was expressed by a twofold transmission of her legend from the German-language realm. Two distinct Icelandic translations were undertaken in the early sixteenth century of a Low German life of St Anne, the one a faithful and quite literal translation (transmitted in AM 238 III fol. from the second quarter of the sixteenth century, and AM 82 8vo, from the first half of the seventeenth century) of Hans Dorn's 1507 Braunschweig imprint of De historige van der hilligen moder Sunte Annen, known as the St. Annen-Buchlein,21 the other the text transmitted in Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 3, that is, Reykjaholabok. The two sixteenth-century Icelandic versions of the legend of St Anne are very different. Bekker-Nielsen, who compared the version represented by the manuscripts AM 238 and AM 82 with the 1507 imprint of the Low German St. Annen Buchlein, came to the conclusion that the text of AM 82 slavishly follows the text of that Low German legend.32 The same cannot be said, however, of the much longer Reykjaholabok version of the legend, which extends to 164 pages in print but originally was even longer, since the manuscript now lacks several

68 The Book of Reykjaholar folios in the miracle section of the legend. Bekker-Nielsen justifiably considered this version of the St Anne legend a 'major work in late medieval Icelandic literature.'33 In their article of 1960, Widding and Bekker-Nielsen identified the St. Annen Buchlein as the source of the St Anne legend in Reykjaholabok at the same time that they acknowledged that there were deviations, the result of omissions and additions, in the Icelandic legend.34 They attributed the augmentation to the compiler, who, they thought, wanted to include contemporary events in the lives of Christ and Mary. According to Widding and Bekker-Nielsen the compiler found the additional matter in the Passionael. He incorporated into his translation of the St. Annen Buchlein texts from various legends in the Passionael, among them those of St Anne, the Circumcision, the Visitation, and the Assumption; passages from Sacred Scripture; and possibly material from another unidentified work. Two years later the scholars repeated and expanded their observations, this time characterizing the St. Annen Buchlein as 'a Low German life of St. Anne, which is so closely related to the Icelandic version, that we do not hesitate to hail it as the main source of the story in Holm 3.'35 Widding and Bekker-Nielsen interpreted all the deviations in the Icelandic translation vis-a-vis the German imprint as the work of the translator/compiler, who 'follows the Low German source closely, but not literally, and ... has frequently supplemented his account from other sources. Among these we find the Passionael once again.'36 Concerning the Passionael - their source is the Liibeck 1492 edition of Steffan Arndes37 — the scholars write: 'We dare not hail this edition as the immediate source of the legends in Holm 3 [i.e., Reykjaholabok], since there are a number of minor inexplicable discrepancies between the Low German and the Icelandic versions, but if Stephan Arndes's edition of 1492 may not be the source in the strictest sense of that word, it is at any rate closely related to the edition used by the compiler of Holm 3.'38 Finally, in 1964 Bekker-Nielsen summed up his view concerning the translator/compiler's use of the St. Annen Buchlein and the Passionael by commenting that the composition of the Icelandic legend is successful, for the translator (compiler) was able to incorporate his two sources (that is, the St. Annen Buchlein and the Passionael) in a skilful manner.39 The conclusion necessarily to be drawn is that the same Low German legend of St Anne, the St. Annen Buchlein, was rendered into Icelandic once, in the AM 238/AM 82 version, by a slavish translator and another time, in Reykjaholabok, by a translator/compiler who preferred to treat his primary Low German exemplar in a somewhat cavalier manner, augmenting it with text gleaned from other available matter. Mariu saga og Onnu is much longer than the St Anne legend in the St. Annen Buchlein. Contributing to the greater length of the Icelandic legend is the inclu-

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 69 sion of extensive Marian matter, which justifies Bjorn's referring to the legend with Mary's name in first position. Even when the Icelandic and Low German legends correspond in content, the former frequently diverges not only by reason of additional or variant detail but also in structure. Moreover, despite the relative profusion of words in the Icelandic legend, occasionally it does not include text found in the St. Annen Buchlein. The discrepancy in structure generated by the Marian matter in the Icelandic legend — vis-a-vis the Low German version - is reinforced by deviations in the physical disposition of the matter common to both the Low German and the Icelandic legends. Both texts are divided into chapters, but frequently these do not coincide, even when the texts otherwise correspond in the sequence of matter.40 Just as there are two distinct versions of Augustinus saga, so Mariu saga og Onnu and the St. Annen Buchlein represent two distinct versions of the legend of St Anne. The discrepancy between the two texts is not confined to the embedding of the St Anne legend in the legend of her daughter, for it extends to a divergence in focus and point of view. The nature of the discrepancies between the Low German and the Icelandic texts is such as to make evident that a rather different perspective moulded the two legends. This can be seen not only in the deviating chapter divisions, but also in the roles the various protagonists play in shaping or being shaped by salvation history. Chapters 18-27 of Mariu saga og Onnu are paradigmatic for the nature of the differences between the Icelandic and the Low German redactions. The narrative in these chapters concerns the events just prior to and at the time of the birth of Mary. Mary's birth is anticipated by an episode in the temple, where Joachim, Anne's husband, has gone to offer sacrifice. Chapter 17 of Mariu saga og Onnu opens with the observation that after Anne and Joachim had lived together as husband and wife for twenty years, there was only one thing wanting in their marriage - a child. The couple are reproached by many for their childlessness, and when Joachim approaches the altar to present his offering, the priest rejects it, throws it to the ground, and informs him that all those who do not have children are cursed by both the law and God. Joachim is so ashamed that he dares not go home to Nazareth, and instead escapes into the fields to his flocks. Chapter 18 opens with the observation that no one has received news of Joachim for five months (Rhb, 11:326.1). When Anne leams what has happened in the temple, she withdraws, puts on clothes of mourning, and spends the next half month in prayer and fasting. Two of her prayers are transmitted in direct discourse (Rhb, 11:326.12-14; 19-25). The second and longer prayer is a moving plea for a child; she has gone into the orchard, reminds God that he has given all creatures except her - animals and birds, fish and women - offspring, and concludes by pleading:

7O The Book of Reykjaholar pvi bidr eg pig min elskvlegr skapare og allra hvggare at pv syn mier pina dyrd og gief mier einn erfin gia. pann skal eg pier offra j mvsterit (Rhb, 11:326.23-5). [therefore I beg you, my beloved Creator and Comforter of all, that you show me your glory and give me an heir whom I shall offer to you in the temple.]

At the conclusion of this prayer the angel Gabriel appears to her to reveal - in a rather long speech spilling over into chapter 19 (Rhb, 11:326.27-327.20) - that she will give birth to a child. He refers to the several women of the Old Testament who were barren for a long time, to Sarah and Rachel and to the mothers of Samson and Samuel. Despite the visitation Anne does not go to the temple at the next great feast, but spends her time in prayer. Once more the angel appears, and this time his prophecy becomes more specific. He not only informs her that her child is to become the mother of the Redeemer, but refers to the Virgin Birth; Mary's son is to be bora without the intervention of man: Alldre skal hvn og helldr pydazt nockvrn mann. en verdr po faedandi an nockvrs konar manlegs til verckan edr hialpar einn son sem lavsnare aa vera allrar veralldar. (Rhb, 11:329.10-12). [Never shall she know man, and yet give birth - without any human intervention or help - to a son who will be the redeemer of the entire world.]

The subsequent information on Mary's own birth is theologically unsound, however, for the author confuses the doctrines of Virgin Birth and Immaculate Conception in his account of her conception and birth. The latter doctrine does not mean that Mary conceived Jesus without human intervention, or that she herself was conceived by a virgin, but rather that Mary 'im ersten Augenblick ihrer [eigenen, sie selbst ins Dasein einfuhrenden] Empfangnis durch eine besondere Gnade (singulari gratia) u. Auszeichnung (privilegio), mit Blick auf die Verdienste Christi Jesu, des Erlosers des Menschengeschlechtes, vor jedem Makel (Schaden) der Erbsiinde bewahrt blieb' (LTK, x:46j). In Mariu saga og Onnu the belief that Mary was bom without the taint of original sin is coupled with the belief that she herself was born of a virgin: af hinne gomlv synd skal hvn vera frelst. pviat hvn skal vera giethen af skire og ofleckadre ast en eigi af holdlegre sambvd. (Rhb, 11:329.15-17) [she shall be free of original sin because she shall be conceived of a pure and immaculate love and not of carnal intercourse.]

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 71 This belief is not expressed in the St. Annen Biichlein, where the angel who appears to Joachim refers neither to the Immaculate Conception of Mary nor to her birth of a virgin. Nonetheless, the same theologically suspect information that is transmitted in Reykjaholabok was propagated on the Continent4' and is found in earlier German sources. In an illustrated life of Mary, dated 1465, written in Switzerland, the conception of Mary is depicted as occurring at the Golden Gate: do sy also einander begegnotten anna und Joachim nach des engels sag, und von dem gruoss den sy einander buttent, das da wer das mit wiirken des heilgen geistes, und das sant anna mariam die muotter gotz also in dem gruss emphing in mitwiirken got des vatters und des heilgen geistes, das sy also on erbsiind emphangen sy als den miltenclich wol zuo gelobent 1st das die arch vol sy gewessen aller heilikeit und fry von aller sunden in die der ewig got wolt schliessen sin ewig vetterlich wort christum jesum unseren herren.42 [when Anne and Joachim met, as the angel had prophesied, and by means of the greeting they gave each other, it happened through the intervention of the Holy Spirit that St Anne conceived Mary, the mother of God, by means of the greeting and through the intervention of God the Father and the Holy Spirit; and that she was conceived without original sin, which is to be praised greatly, for the ark, into which the eternal God wanted to lock his eternal fatherly Word, Christ Jesus our Lord, was full of holiness and free of all sin.]

The nature of the discussion current in theological circles in the late Middle Ages is succinctly expressed in the Marienleben of Heinrich von St Gallen, who flourished at the University of Prague in the years 1371-97: Aber anders ward entpfangen Maria vnd anders ir lieber sun Ihesus; wan Maria ward entpfangen von menschlichem samen alB ain ander kind, IhesuB aber an alien menschlichen samen.43 [Mary was conceived differently than her dear son Jesus; for Mary was conceived by means of human seed as every other child, but Jesus was conceived without human seed.]

Chapter 20 of Reykjaholabok concludes with an authorial comment that matters will now rest for the time being in order to turn to the marvels God has revealed by permitting Mary to be born of her mother 'aan gomlv syndar' (Rhb, 11:329.24 'without original sin'). There follow five exempla, all involving miracles relating to belief in the Immaculate Conception (chaps. 21-5; Rhb, 11:329.25-333.4), none of which occurs in the St. Annen Biichlein, but three

72 The Book of Reykjaholar of which can be found in the Passionael (Rhb, chaps. 22, 23, 25 = Pass., CCxcix.c). The fifth exemplum relates how the city of Basel was spared from the Black Death when the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception was promulgated there from the pulpits, but once again, as in the angel Gabriel's prophecy, Reykjaholabok confuses Immaculate Conception with Virgin Birth: 'at jvngfrv Mariaa vaere gethen af eiginlegre nad gvddomsins og af skire ast enn eigi af likamlegre sambvd so sem adrer' (Rhb, 11:332.16-18 'that the Virgin Mary was conceived by means of divine grace and pure love, but not through bodily intercourse like others'). The exempla series concludes with a transitional remark: 'og mvn eg hier so latha bijda vid en thaka bar aptvr til sem fyre var fra horfet' (Rhb, 11:333.4-6 'and I shall let matters rest here and return to the point where we left off before'). In chapters 26 and 27 the focus shifts to Joachim, who has been with his flocks for five months. He too is visited by the angel, who identifies himself as the same angel who appeared to Anne. What the angel tells Joachim in a very long speech (Rhb, 11:333.11-334.7) is ambiguous, however, and therefore not quite consonant with what he has told Anne. Joachim is informed that 'hvn skal med bier gietha bat saad sem yckvr er badvm giefit' (Rhb, 11:333.13 'she shall together with you conceive that seed which both of you have been given'); that is to say, there is no explanation of the exact nature of Mary's conception. After Joachim has sacrificed a lamb in thanksgiving, he still hesitates to return to his wife. As was the case with Anne, Joachim has a second angelic visitation, by an angel who informs him that 'er eg giefin pier til einn geymara' (Rhb, 11:335.17—18 'I have been given to you as a guardian'). Joachim is told to seek out his wife Anne, and as a sign of the truth of what he has told him, the angel prophesies that 'naer sem bv kemvr naer gvllega ported hvat j lathinv kallazt og ported avrea Pa kemvr bar til motz vid big Anna' (Rhb, 11:335.21-3 'when you come to the Golden Gate, which is called Porta aurea in Latin,44 Anne will be coming towards you'). The ensuing meeting between Anne and Joachim is preceded by two angelic visitations, in which Anne is similarly told to go to the Golden Gate to meet her husband. Their reunion is depicted as follows: pa gieck hvn j mothe honvm. Og lagde sinar hendr vmm halsen aa honvm og backade gvde sina nad og myskvnn og kyste hann Og af beim fagnadar kosse og so af beirre skijre ast er bav havfdv til samans baa strackx vard saa blezannlege gethnadr beirra aa mille sem eingillen hafde beim bodat at gvdz fyrer skipan efter bvi sem fyr seiger. (Rhb, 11:336.1116)

[Then she went to meet him, and put her arms around his neck and thanked God for his

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 73 favour and mercy and kissed him. And as a result of this kiss of greeting and the pure love that they had for each other, the blessed conception occurred which the angel had announced according to God's plan, as was told earlier.]

The explanation of how Mary was conceived concurs with the words spoken by the angel to Anne. In these chapters the author clearly takes the position that not only is Mary conceived without original sin, but Anne remains a virgin. The sequence of episodes culminating in Anne and Joachim's reunion at the Golden Gate is symmetrical: Anne's double angelic visitation is paralleled by Joachim's, as is her hesitation in taking immediate action. The doctrinal content of the narrative is stressed by means of the five miracles depicted in the exempla. These serve to underscore both the message of the angel and the belief that Mary is conceived free of original sin. We are told that hvn var og jafnskiott helgvt j modr qvide yfer fram alia heilaga eingla og yfer allar skepnvr og avnnr creatvr bviat hennar like verdr hier efter alldreigi. Af bvi at henne er giefet sierdeilis nad af gvdi miklv framar enn nockvr manneskia og framar en hinvm haeztha eingle. eda Adam sialfvm er gvd skapade sialfvr med sinvm blezannlegvm hondvm. pviat Adam hneigizt fra gvdz bode og til syndarinar. Enn Maria hneigdizt alldreige til nockvrs bess hlvtar sem henne matte til syndar verda hvorcke nadalegrar nie so davdlegrar. (Rhb, 11:336.27-337.3) [She was immediately hallowed in her mother's womb and raised above all the holy angels and above all created things and other creatures because there will never again be her equal. For she has been given a special grace by God, far beyond that granted to any human being and beyond that granted the highest angel, or Adam himself, whom God himself created with his blessed hands. For whereas Adam rejected God's commandment and stooped to sin, Mary never stooped to anything that might be counted a sin, neither venial nor mortal.]

Mariu saga og Onnu shows a distinctly theological bent in the account of how Anne came to give birth to Mary, and this is both emphasized in and supported by the five exempla focusing on the Immaculate Conception. The corresponding version in the St. Annen Buchlein is characterized by brevity in the narrative proper; furthermore, it does not contain the exempla. The Low German legend concentrates, as it were, into a single chapter, consisting of 103 lines, the events related above. The Low German redaction contains only one long discourse by the angel - not to Anne, but to Joachim - and this speech is devoid of the extensive theologizing that is the mark of Mariu saga og

74 The Book of Reykjaholar Onnu. The angel prophesies the birth of a daughter to be named Maria, who schal gode consecreret werden effte gehilliget werden vnde in dem Hue oerer moder vor vullet myt dem hilgen geiste dar vmme se nicht myt dem gemeinem volcke wonen schal besunderen in dem tempel vp dat nemant quat vormodet van or edder hebben schal Vnde likerwis alse se van eyner vnfruchtbarigen moder schal geboren werden so schal ock wunderliken van or de sone godes geboren werden welckes name schal Jesus sin vnde he schal aller minschen heil wesen vnde salicheit. (SAB, cvii, r) [shall be consecrated to God and sanctified and who shall be filled with the Holy Spirit in the womb of her mother, and therefore she shall not live among common folk but in the temple, so that no one will suspect or claim any evil in her. And likewise just as she shall be born of a barren mother, so also the Son of God shall miraculously be born of her, whose name shall be Jesus, and he shall be the salvation and happiness of all people.]

The implication here is that the miracle of Jesus's Virgin Birth is prefigured in the miracle of the barren Anne's giving birth to Mary. There is no suggestion, however, that Anne conceived Mary virginally. The narrative of chapter 11 in the St. Annen Buchlein corresponds to that found in Jacobus de Voragine's Legenda aurea, chapter 13, which is entitled 'De nativitate beatae Mariae virginis' (LA, 587-8). The St. Annen Buchlein version of the events preceding the birth of Mary is remarkable not only for its pithiness but also for its emphasis on Joachim rather than Anne. The sequence of angelic visitations is the inverse of that in Mariu saga og Onnu, for the angel appears first to Joachim, to whom he conveys the entire message, and only then to Anne, whom he consoles and advises thus: vnde gaff or tho bekennende alle dath he Joachim orem manne vorkundinget hadde vnde dat se tho Jerusalem in de gulden porten scholden ghaen dar scholde he or tho mote komen. (SAB, cvii, v) [and he told her everything that he had announced to her husband Joachim and that she should go to Jerusalem, to the Golden Gate, where he was going to meet her.]

Not only does the St. Annen Buchlein present the angelic visitations in the reverse sequence of that found in Mariu saga og Onnu, but the prophecy is given in full and in the first person only in the vision experienced by Joachim, whereas it is summarized by the narrator when the angel appears to the prospective mother. This almost suggests that the 'author' of the St. Annen Buchlein had at least in this section a distinctively male orientation - or to put it another

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok

75

way, the source of Mariu saga og Onnu was composed with a view to establishing the mother as the focal point. Indeed, comparison of the text in the St. Annen Biichlein with that of the much older Legenda aurea reveals that it transmits the structure of Jacobus de Voragine's legend of the Nativity of Mary (LA, 587-8). The structure of this part of the legend in Reykjaholabok has a distinctly feminist orientation, however, and this is shared by the vernacular legend of St Anne that is transmitted in the Passionael.45 Mariu saga og Onnu follows a version of the legend that ultimately derives from the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, a version that is also represented by the Dutch Die historie, die ghetiden ende die exempelen van der heyligher vrouwen sint Annen, composed in 1486 but not printed until 1490/91.46 While a structural relationship between Mariu saga og Onnu and the Passionael can be established in passages where the former deviates from the St. Annen Biichlein, the various Marian legends in the Low German legendary are not a source of the Icelandic legend. The series of angelic visitations offers further evidence for the assertion that despite great similarities the Passionael was not the source of the saga. Neither the St. Annen Biichlein nor the Passionael could have been the source of the reunion scene of Anne and Joachim. When the two finally meet, the text in the St. Annen Biichlein is laconic: Alse se syck malck eyn ander moetten in der gulden porten do synt se beide froelick gheworden van den lofften des engels van der dochter de se krigen scholden. (SAB, cvii, v-cviii, r). [When they met again at the Golden Gate, they both rejoiced on account of the promise of the angel that they were to have a daughter.]

The text is devoid of modifying detail and doctrinal content. The corresponding passage in the Passionael reads somewhat differently, but also lacks the differentiating characteristics of the Icelandic legend: vnde sach dat he quam. do vil se em vmme synen hals vnde dankede gode syner gnaden. Do weren se des kyndes seker dat van en gheboren scolde werden. (Pass., Ixxxv.c) [And she saw that he was coming. Then she embraced him and thanked God for his grace. They were then assured of the child that was to be bom of them.]

The text of the Icelandic legend could not have been generated by either Low German redaction, but reflects older German legends. One of the oldest of these was written by Priester Wernher, who composed a life of Mary in the year 1172,

76 The Book of Reykjaholar and this life ultimately derives from the apocryphal Liber de ortu beatae Mariae et infantia salvatoris, that is, the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew. Priester Wernher's Marian legend reveals that St Anne's enthusiastic greeting of her husband in the Icelandic legend, cited earlier, has antecedents. When Anne espies her husband, diu frouwe gahete dar, umb den hals si in gevie, an siner hende si gie, si halste in unde chuste, si druchte in an die bruste unt enphienc in inneclichen wol.

(i 004-9)47

[the woman hurried to him and put her arms around his neck; she walked by his side, she put her arms around his neck and kissed him, she pressed him to her breast and welcomed him warmly.]

The model for this account — as well as the account in Reykjaholabok — is provided by one of the redactions of the apocryphal Pseudo-Matthew account, where we read: 'et occurrens illi ad collum eius se suspendit ipsum amplexando cum osculo et gratias agendo domino' ('and running to him, she put her arms around his neck, embracing him with a kiss and thanking the Lord').48 The relationship between corresponding passages in Mariu saga og Onnu and the Passionael resembles that between the saga and the St. Annen Biichlein. At times the similarity is striking, and occasionally there occurs what appears to be word-for-word translation. More often, however, there is incontrovertible evidence in support of the thesis that the source of the translation was not only a quite different but also a longer text. Like the St. Annen Biichlein, which contains overwhelming evidence of having been condensed from a longer text,49 the Passionael can be shown to contain reduced versions of originally more extended matter, and this also applies to the legends that Widding and BekkerNielsen identified as sources of the additional matter in Mariu saga og Onnu. A detailed comparison of all the translated legends in Reykjaholabok with extant Low and High German redactions repeatedly reveals that what one might interpret as the work of a revising translator actually represents matter that must have existed in the Low German redactions available to the Icelandic compiler. The texts analysed in this chapter are representative of the translated legends in Reykjaholabok as a whole. While there is not a whit of evidence that they are translations of legends in the Passionael, one can repeatedly confirm that older German legends, some established as the sources of the German legendary, contain the deviating or additional matter also found in the Icelandic legendary.

The Low German Sources of Reykjaholabok 77 Reykjaholabok thus permits us to infer the existence at one time of Low German legends that for the most part transmitted the lives of the saints, both historical and apocryphal, in versions much longer than and at times quite different from the abbreviated redactions popularized by Der Heiligen Leben and Dat Passionael.

4

Bjorn Porleifsson of Reykjaholar: Copyist, Translator, Editor, and Compiler

All the evidence, however circumstantial, suggests that the scribe of Sth. Perg-. fol. nr. 3, that is, Reykjaholabok, who has been identified as Bjorn t>orleifsson, also translated the legends known to derive from Low German sources; copied some older Icelandic saints' lives that had previously been translated from Latin; edited and compiled them - as he did also in the case of some of the translated texts that were available in more than one version; and brought these texts together in one manuscript. As was noted in chapter 2, Reykjaholabok may be considered the great hagiographic achievement of Iceland in that it was written down and produced by a single man, who was responsible for the translation from Low German of most of the texts. The monumental compilation transmits, as we shall see, versions of Low German legends that today are no longer extant - unless they are buried in some as yet undiscovered bibliothecal corner. While these legends have been lost to posterity in their original language, they still enjoy a literary life by virtue of their having been translated by Bjorn I>orleifsson into his native Icelandic in the sixteenth century. Ironically, the legendary was produced at a time when a similar collection in northern Europe would have been superfluous even at the moment of its inception. The compilation was out of step with events on the mainland not only because it was written by hand;1 even a printed version would no longer have had a market, to judge by the sudden halt in 1521 in the publication of Der Heiligen Leben. Although Icelandic documents attest periodic efforts after the Reformation to rid the country of books, both printed and in manuscript, now deemed useless, the fact remains that much literature from the Catholic period was not only preserved but also read, as Icelandic marginal notes from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in the three great legendaries, Codex Scardensis, Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 2, and Reykjaholabok attest. The marginalia in the legendaries consist of drawings, doodlings including

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various letters of the alphabet, pious ejaculations, and commentary on the text. On folio JOT of Codex Scardensis, for example, which contains the Lives of the Apostles, we find one half of a dialogue, as it were, in a seventeenth-century hand: 'nu er godt blek kiaere vin eigill hagens' ('Now there is good ink, dear friend, Egill Hagens').2 While Sth. 2 fol. contains a number of seventeenth-century devotional utterances, such as 'Gud hialpe mier' (78rb 'God help me') and 'Gud min fader Eg backa bier' (79v 'God, my Father, I thank you'), one also reads there matter of a more literary nature, such as a ditty on folio jgv in slettubond, a verse form that permits the stanza to be read both forwards and backwards while retaining the metre in either direction.3 Although some of the marginal matter in Reykjaholabok is similar to that found in the older legendaries, other notations contain commentary of interest to students of hagiography in that they take a position with respect to the legends themselves. For example, at the top of the leaf on which Gregorius saga biskups (legend of Gregorius peccator) concludes and Gregorius saga pdfa (legend of St Gregory the Great) begins, we find the remark that what can be read here is fiction: 'P>esse saga er lesandi en ecki aullu truandi' (33v 'This tale may be readable but is not to be believed'). Although the comment is at the top of the column in which the vita of Gregory the Great commences, it may in fact refer to the apocryphal legend just concluded, which by any standard is fiction. Nonetheless, on one of the following leaves containing the life of Gregory the Great there is another critical comment, presumably on the legendary as a whole: 'betta er mikel / lygabok' (38r 'this is a big book of lies'). The most damning marginal annotation occurs in the legend of St Sebastian and is worthy of Martin Luther himself: betta eru onytsamlegar baekur fafrodum ad lesa bvi beir finnast marger sem ecki eru djupsetter i Gudz ordi og fremur trua fabulvm og draumum ... og morgum jllum banka enn Heilagri Bibliu. (8yr)4 [These are useless books suitable for reading by the dim-witted, for there are many who are not well grounded in God's Word and who prefer to believe in fables and dreams ... and many wicked ideas rather than the Sacred Bible.]

The marginal annotations in Reykjaholabok attest that the legendary did have readers in Iceland before it reached Sweden sometime in the seventeenth century and was used - and perhaps even owned - by Olaus Verelius (1608?1682), the first professor of antiquities in Uppsala, as one of the sources for his dictionary Index Lingvo Veteris Scytho-Scandicse sive Gothicse, published posthumously in 1701 in Uppsala.5 Reykjaholabok is a multifaceted work that reveals the methods of a talented

8o The Book of Reykjaholar scholar at work, presumed here to be identical with the scribe Bjb'rn Porleifsson. Antiquarian interests most likely compelled him to make copies of some legends that previously had been translated from Latin into Icelandic, and, more remarkably, to render from Low German into a rather idiosyncratic Icelandic most of the legends in the anthology, and at least one of them as a harmonization of diverging redactions. A. The Copyist Ole Widding and Hans Bekker-Nielsen were the first to suggest that four, possibly five of the legends in Reykjaholabok - those of St Stephen protomartyr, St Ambrose, St Augustine, St Lawrence, and perhaps the Seven Sleepers - are not translations from Low German but rather copies of older Icelandic translations of Latin legends. They noted that 'the legends are chiefly based on the older sagas, and nevertheless the compiler has succeeded in writing these legends in a style which agrees with the style found in the other stories of the collection. This achievement is due to the fact that the compiler has rewritten the older sagas, and revised them from the Passionael, from which he also now and then supplements his narrative.'6 The hagiographic research of Widding and BekkerNielsen was seminal, but their published results are frustrating because the theses and conclusions in the two major articles on Reykjaholabok, one in Danish (1960) and the other in English (1962), are not supported or illustrated by textual evidence. The statement just cited is only partially accurate. Whereas Bjorn £>orleifsson did draw on supplementary matter in Low German sources - but not the Passionael, as will be demonstrated — to augment existing texts, that is, to add blocks of narrative such as miracle tales, he did not revise the style of the texts that he copied from older Icelandic translations. The sagas deriving from these Icelandic translations are copies, not revisions of existing Icelandic manuscripts. Where comparative textual material is available, the evidence is incontrovertible that Bjorn, despite incurring common scribal errors through carelessness or oversight, did not change text wilfully. He was a rather careful copyist, whose work not infrequently reveals scribal corruption in older Icelandic redactions and often transmits better texts than those found in older manuscripts. The three texts that are beyond doubt in whole or in part copies of previously existing Icelandic translations of Latin redactions are the legends of Sts Stephen and St Lawrence, both of which also contain interpolated matter translated from Low German sources, and of St Ambrose. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen also named Augustinus saga among the texts copied from older Icelandic redactions. It does not belong in this group, as will be shown below (see section B).

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A comparison of these three texts in Reykjaholabok with the legends edited by C.R. Unger in Heilagra manna s0gur supports the thesis that the legends in Reykjaholabok are copies of earlier Icelandic translations.7 The major difference between the older redactions and the sixteenth-century texts is in orthography, not style. The apparent divergences between the older (//A/5) and younger (Rhb) redactions are to be attributed not to rewriting on Bjorn's part - Widding and Bekker-Nielsen interpreted deviations as stylistic revisions by the compiler - but rather to the deviating text of his exemplar, which transmits a more faithful replica of the original translation than the redactions in Sth. 2 fol. It is our contention here that Bjorn did not arbitrarily change the texts of his sources and that he was a fairly accurate copyist. Although errors generated by carelessness do occur, such as omissions of words or incorrect readings, some of these undoubtedly already existed in the texts he was copying. Nevetheless, all the legends, whether copied or translated, are tinged by Bjorn f>orleifsson's peculiar orthography.8 Agnete Loth has remarked on the scribal errors in the manuscript (Rhb, l:xl), but has also noted that these are often corrected with marginal additions. Time after time, words in the margin preceded by a + mark indicate that the word in question is to be inserted in the text, which similarly contains a + at the appropriate spot. This suggests that even though Bjorn made many mistakes as he copied or translated, he was wont to check what he had written and to make corrections. While the mistakes bespeak haste or carelessness during writing, the corrections indicate a commendable concern for the final text. The three texts that indubitably are copies of older Icelandic redactions transmit copies of the same translations as those preserved in their entirety in the manuscript Sth. 2 fol. (ca. 1425-45) and partially in several fragments. A comparison of Bjorn's texts with those in the older compilation indicates a modernizing, idiosyncratic orthography — which is typical for Icelandic scribes, regardless of the century - but otherwise only the deviations one normally encounters in copies, such as errors occasioned by misreading, omissions caused by the eye skipping a word or a line or two, and shifts in word order generated by the practice of copying phrase by phrase rather than word by word. There is no evidence that Bjom wilfully deviated from or modified the texts of his exemplars - except for deleting matter already found elsewhere, in which case he ordinarily provides a cross-reference (see section B). It is safe to assume that his copies transmit the texts of his exemplars more or less intact. A word-for-word comparison of the legends of Sts Ambrose, Lawrence, and Stephen in Reykjaholabok (Sth. 3 fol.) and Sth. 2 fol., and in turn a comparison of the texts of these two redactions with the Latin texts found in Mombritius's late fifteenth-century edition and in the Legenda aurea, reveals a startling fact: Bjorn f>orleifsson had access to copies of the Icelandic translations of the three

82 The Book of Reykjaholar legends that were in many respects superior to those in Sth. 2. It can be shown that the texts of his exemplar(s) transmitted better redactions of the original Icelandic translations from the Latin than the texts of Sth. 2. The reason becomes apparent in a comparative analysis, which shows that the redactor of Sth. 2 revised the texts of his sources, that is, the Icelandic translations, substantially. The textual disparities between the texts in Sth. 2 and those in Sth. 3 led Widding and Bekker-Nielsen to propose 'that the compiler [of Sth. 3] has rewritten the older sagas, and revised them from the Passionael, from which he also now and then supplements his narrative,'9 but the opposite can be shown. It was not Bjorn £>orleifsson, as copyist and compiler of Reykjaholabok, who revised the older texts, but rather the compiler of Sth. 2, who tended to omit particularizing details, to simplify extended descriptions, and now and then to summarize rather than to transmit every word of a passage, especially if it contained repetitive matter. A few examples should clarify the extent to which the Sth. 2 texts must be considered a reduced redaction of the original translations from Latin.10 The following set of passages from the legend of St Lawrence in Sth. 3, Sth. 2, and Mombritius's Latin Passio is paradigmatic for the relationship of the two Icelandic redactions to the Latin sources and, by inference, to the Icelandic translation the passages transmit more or less successfully. Just before the eponymous saint is to baptize Lucillus in Laurencius saga, he administers to him the ritual Confession of Faith. (The italicized matter in the following passages exists only in the one redaction; underlining signifies discrepancies in the two redactions.) In Reykjaholabok the Confession of Faith takes the following form: efter bat primsignade Lavrencivs Lvcillvm og bad atpangat skylldefiera vatnn og maellte vid hann. Allar synnderpinar mvn af pier pvost j jathningv pinne erpvjatar gvde. en po spyr eg pig at Lvcille Trver pv a gvd almatthogan. hann svarar sannlega trv eg. trver pv at hann var pinndr. grafinn og deyddr. og at hann reis vpp af davda aa pridia deige efter pisl sina. trv eg qvad Lvcillvs. Trver pv og seiger Lavrencivs at hann steig vpp til himna og hann mvne koma at daema lifendr og davda og pa mvn elldr leika vmm alia verolld og hann mvn lysa pier baede avnd og likama pinn. Lvcillvs svarar med grathe og sagdizt pessv ollv trvaa. Sidan skirde Lavrencivs hannj nafnefavdr og sonar og heilags anda. en pegar i stad Ivkvzt vpp avgv bins blinda mannz Lucillvm og kallade med hare ravddv og maellte Blezadr sier pv drotten Jhesvs Cristvs eylifr gvd er mig hefvr leyst fyrer hinn saela Lavrencivm. pviat aavallt hefvr eg adr hingat til verit blinndr. en nv sier eg. (Rhb, 1:258.15-30) [After that Lawrence signed Lucillus with the cross and asked that water be brought to him and he said to him: 'You will be washed of all your sins in your confession when you

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confess your faith in God. And I ask you, Lucillus, do you believe in the almighty God?' He answers: 'I truly believe.' 'Do you believe that he suffered, was buried and died, and that he rose from the dead on the third day after his PassionT 'I believe,' said Lucilllus. 'Do you believe,' says Lawrence, 'that he ascended into heaven and he will come to judge the living and the dead, and then fire will consume the entire world and he will enlighten both your soul and body?' Lucillus answers with tears and said that he believed all of this. Then Lawrence baptized him in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and at once the eyes of the blind man Lucillus were opened up and he called out with a loud voice and said: 'Blessed are you, Lord Jesus Christ, eternal God, who has freed me on account of the blessed Lawrence, because before this I have always been blind, but now I see.'] In Sth. 2 the dialogue in the same scene is presented as one extended question. The content is essentially the same, except for a few discrepancies, and as we shall demonstrate below, both texts have undergone scribal corruption: f»a primsigndi Laurencius Lucillum ok vigdi vatn ok skirdi hann sidan: 'Truer bu, Lucille, a gudfodur almatkan ok a Jesum Krist son hans, pann er pindr var ok grafinn ok reis upp af dauda aa pridia degi ok ste til himens ok sitr nu til hsegri handar gudsfddur, ok mun padan koma at daema lifendr ok dauda, ok hann sialfr mun leysa 6nd bina ok likama?' Lucillus svaradi: 'True ek besso ollu.' t>a lukuz upp aughu hans, ok kalladi hann ok maellti: 'Lofadr se drottinn Jesus Kristr, sa er mer lysti fyrir baen Laurencij, pviat ek se nu, en ek hefi leingi blindr verit.' (HMS, 1:425.35-426.7) [Then Lawrence signed Lucillus with the cross and consecrated water and afterwards he baptized him. 'Do you believe, Lucillus, in God, the almighty Father, and in Jesus Christ, his Son, who suffered and was buried and rose up from the dead on the third day and ascended into heaven and sits now at the right hand of God the Father, and thence he will come to judge the living and the dead, and he himself will free your soul and body?' Lucillus answered: 'I believe all of this.' Then his eyes opened up, and he called out and said: 'Praised be the Lord Jesus Christ, who has enlightened me because of the prayer of Lawrence, because I see now, but I have long been blind.'] Because of the formulaic nature of the matter here - the Confession of Faith is, after all, an established liturgical text - the realization of the scene in Reykjaholabok indubitably transmits more accurately the wording of the original translation, except that it also reveals evidence of corruption, the result of both loss of text and scribal error. Bjorn's exemplar - or Bjorn himself - omitted the reference to Christ as well as the mention in the Creed that he sits at the right hand of the Father. The text of Sth. 2 constitutes a revision of the form of the Confession of

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Faith: from the traditional dialogue with its repetitive affirmation, its content has been reduced to one extended question which elicits only a single expression of belief. The tendency to summary is also reflected in the anticipation of the baptism before Lawrence recites the Creed and the omission of the promise that the Confession of Faith will bring with it a cleansing of sins. Whereas essentially the same content is found in both redactions, the dialogic form that must have characterized the original translation was abandoned by the redactor of Sth. 2. The nature of the revision evident in the passage above is paradigmatic not only for the redactor's work in Laurencius saga, but also for his interventions in the legends of Ambrose and Stephen. A comparison of the two redactions above with the Latin legend confirms that the longer dialogic form of Sth. 3 reflects the text of the older Icelandic translation. In both content and form the passage in Reykjaholabok corresponds to that in the Passio Laurentii edited by Mombritius. The italic type below represents additional text found in either Sth. 2 or Sth. 3; underlining identifies the word(s) corresponding to the variants in Sth. 2 and Sth. 3. Tune beatus Laurentius cathetizauit eum et acepta aqua dixit ad eum : Omnia in confessione lauantur : tu autem me annunciante : responde credo : et benedixit aquam : et cum expoliasset eum : fudit earn super caput eius dicens : credis in deum patrem omnipotentem Lucille? At ille respondit credo : Et in lesum Christum filium eius? At ille respondit credo : Qui passus est sub pontio pilato? At ille respondit credo : Ipse qui mortuus est et sepultus et tertia die resurrexit a mortuis? At ille respondit credo : Et qui ascendit in caelum : unde uenturus est iudicare uiuos et mortuos et sxculum per ignem : Respondit: Credo. Sanctus Laurentius ait: Et is 1 ' te in corpore et in anima illuminet? At ille respondit cumflsetu credo : Et cohoperuit eum linteamine : Tune aperti sunt oculi eius : et coepit clamare dicens : Benedictus dominus lesus Christus : deus aeternus : qui me illuminauit per beatum Laurentium : qui semper caecus fui: et modo uideo. (Mom., 11:92.48-93. 9) [Then the blessed Lawrence instructed him and having taken water said to him: 'All things are cleansed in confession. You are to respond to me, 'I believe.' And he blessed the water, and when he had finished, he poured water over his head, saying: 'Do you believe in God, the Father Almighty, Lucillus?' And he responded, 'I believe.' 'And in Jesus Christ, his Son?' And he responded, 'I believe.' 'Who suffered under Pontius Pilate?' And he responded, 'I believe.' 'Who died and was buried and on the third day rose from the dead?' And he responded, 'I believe.' 'And who ascended into heaven, whence he will come to judge the living and the dead and the world by fir el' He responded, 'I believe.' Lawrence said: 'And who will enlighten you in body and in soul?' And he responded with tears, 'I believe.' And he anointed him with ointment; then his eyes were opened and he began to exclaim, saying: 'Blessed be the Lord Jesus Christ, the

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eternal God, who has enlightened me through the blessed Lawrence, for I have always been blind and now I see.']

These texts show that the Icelandic exemplar copied by Bjorn Porleifsson was a copy of the translation of a text remarkably similar to the one Mombritius published. In addition to replicating the dialogic form of the Confession of Faith, the Reykjaholabok redaction transmits the introductory statement that with the Confession of Faith Lucillus's sins will be washed away. While a comparison of the three texts reveals considerable revision in Sth. 2, it also shows that both redactions have suffered corruption. Whereas some loss of text and especially the change of form in Sth. 2 must be considered the result of judicious editing, the modifications that may already have existed in Bjorn's exemplar most likely were the result of accident, not design. Such is surely the case with the missing references to belief in Christ and his place at the right hand of the Father, references which betray careless copying, possibly the eye skipping over a clause or a line. One set of discrepancies in the two redactions — the transmission of Latin illuminare - must be the result of the correct Icelandic translation of the word (lysa) having been misread on two different occasions and by two different scribes. Curiously enough, the variants show a pattern that becomes evident only when texts are transmitted in more than one manuscript, a phenomenon that may be designated complementary attrition. What at first glance sometimes appear to be irreconcilable variants turn out to be instances where one redaction transmitted a single detail of a doublet in the exemplar, and another redaction the other detail. Taken together, the two redactions thus permit us to infer the full reading of the translation. A variation of this phenomenon occurs in the Confession of Faith in the confusion between the verbs leysa (to free) and lysa (to enlighten). In the Latin text the verb illuminare occurs twice, but oddly enough Sth. 2 and Sth. 3 each transmit only one instance of the reading, though not in the same spot. In the first instance the Latin text reads 'ipse te in corpore et in anima illuminef (Mom., 11:93.6), but Sth. 2 writes 'ok hann sialfr mun leysa dnd bina ok likama' (HMS, 1:426.3-4), and Sth. 3 'og hann mvn lysa bier bsede avnd og likama binn' (Rhb, 1:258.23-4). Shortly thereafter the verb illuminare recurs - 'qui me illuminauit per beatum Laurentium' (Mom., 11:93.8-9) - and this time Sth. 3 has the corrupt variant, 'er mig hefvr leyst fyrer hinn saela Lavrencivm' (Rhb, 1:258.28-9), and Sth. 2 contains the correct, that is, the original, reading, 'sa er mer lysti fyrir baen Laurencij' (HMS, 1:426.6-7). The last clause contains another set of variants. Did the Icelandic translation read fyrir been with a following genitive of the name, or did it write fyrir hinn ssela followed by the accusative? The Latin text suggests that Sth. 3 transmits the original reading. The change from ssel to bxn is not necessarily the conse-

86 The Book of Reykjaholar quence of intentional revision by the redactor of Sth. 2, for it can be explained just as easily as the result of an error in copying, presumably encouraged by a scribe's subconsciously interpreting what occurs in this episode. A similar comparative exercise can be performed throughout Laurencius saga and for both Ambrosius saga and Stefanus saga. The evidence makes a statement not only about Bjom's sources but also about the work of the redactor of Sth. 2. The fortuitously striking textual congruity between Laurencius saga in Sth. 3 and Mombritius's Latin text enables one to observe a redactor - the redactor of the Sth. 2 text - at work step by step. (The same does not apply to Ambrosius saga, however, which is a translation of a different redaction than that found in Mombritius.) At the same time, Bjorn f»orleifsson is exonerated from the accusation of being a poor copyist and an imaginative creator of additional text. What might seem to be interpolated text in Sth. 3 vis-a-vis Sth. 2 turns out to be a fairly good copy of the Icelandic translation, which was, however, considerably modified in the first half of the fifteenth century by the unknown redactor who gave us Sth. 2. One additional example is offered here as evidence that Bjorn's copies of older Icelandic texts are just that - copies. Textual deviations in Sth. 3 from Sth. 2, which tempted Widding and Bekker-Nielsen to characterize the compiler of Reykjaholabok as a revising and amplifying redactor, turn out in the case of the Inventio section of Stefanus saga to transmit a translation of a redaction other than that found in Sth. 2. A major portion of Stefanus saga in Sth. 3, that is, the Passio Stephani, is a faithful copy of an older Icelandic redaction of the legend, the same redaction we find in Sth. 2.12 Ultimately the extant manuscripts of the Icelandic legend of St Stephen derive from the same, presumably twelfth-century translation, which is also transmitted in reduced form in Sth. Perg. 410 nr. 15 (ca. 1200), the so-called Homiliubok (Book of homilies). Whereas both Sth. 3 and Sth. 2 transmit the text of the same redaction of the Passio Stephani, the correspondence of the texts in these two manuscripts breaks down with the Inventio Stephani. Central to the Inventio section of the legend of St Stephen is a dream vision given to a priest named Lucianus, the principal figure responsible for the finding of the saint's body. The narrative proper in Reykjaholabok opens as Lucianus lies down to sleep in a corner of the church after many hours of prayer. An old, bearded man appears to him, touches him with a golden wand, and calls his name three times. He identifies himself as Gamaliel and relates that St Stephen's body had been left unburied outside the city walls after his martyrdom. Gamaliel, who knew of Stephen's sanctity, had his body secretly removed at night to his own town, twenty miles distant from Jerusalem. There he placed the saint's body in a new sarcophagus, which he had intended for himself. In the

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same tomb are now three other persons: in a coffin at the feet of St Stephen lies Nicodemus, and in another sepulchre rest Gamaliel's son and, at his son's side, Gamaliel himself. Lucianus is to ask the bishop of Jerusalem to seek out the remains and to give them an honourable burial. Upon being asked where to look for the bodies, Gamaliel tells Lucianus the name of the place, and disappears. This is the first of three apparitions by Gamaliel. Upon awakening, Lucianus prays to Christ and asks that the vision be repeated as a sign that it was sent from God and that he should trust what he was being told. Consequently, Gamaliel visits Lucianus again, the first time to inquire why Lucianus has not yet acted upon his request, and subsequently to reproach him angrily for still not having taken action. These appearances are accompanied by a vision. Gamaliel shows Lucianus several caskets filled with roses and saffron and tells him that they symbolize the coffins he is to find. The roses-and-saffron vision is transmitted in five manuscripts, in Sth. 15, AM 655 XIV, Sth. 2, AM 661, and Sth. 3. The variants in the account of the vision manifest not only that the text of Sth. 3 is for the most part a faithful copy rather than a revision of an older Icelandic text but also that the Inventio section of the legend derives from a different redaction than that transmitted in the other manuscripts. In the casket vision the several coffins containing the remains of St Stephen and three other individuals are symbolically identified for Lucianus. There is an odd discrepancy, however, between the vision granted Lucianus and the preceding account of the burial of the saints as well as the subsequent discovery of their remains. According to Gamaliel (Rhb, 1:228.6-25), he placed the body of St Stephen in a new stone sarcophagus that he had had fashioned for himself. When Nicodemus died, he had him put in another sarcophagus. Finally, his son Abibas was laid to rest in a third sarcophagus, and next to him, in the same coffin, Gamaliel was placed. At the end of the Inventio account, the actual discovery of the saints is not described, but a dream vision granted to a monk named Migetius (Rhb, 1:231.34-7) intimates that the finding of the remains is in accord with what Gamaliel reported about their burial. The dream vision granted Lucianus is significant for an assessment of the Icelandic redactions of Stefanus saga, since the manuscripts in which it is found manifest a process of reduction and apparent revision; furthermore, there are significant discrepancies and additional matter in the Sth. 3 redaction. The deviations are not to be attributed to the scribe or compiler but rather to the source of Sth. 3, which contained a different redaction of the casket vision. A comparison of the Icelandic texts of the Inventio shows that there are three redactions of the dream, namely, Sth. IS/AM 655 XIV; Sth. 2/AM 661; and Sth. 3. The texts in Sth. I5/AM 655 and Sth. 2/AM 661 derive ultimately from the same source, but Sth. 3 from a different source. The variant dream presumably was incorporated into a

88 The Book of Reykjaholar redaction of the original translation at some point, and this is the redaction that was the source of Sth. 3. To be noted is the fact that the dream in the older manuscripts represents the original version of the Epistola Luciani, the Latin translation of the account of the Inventio sent to Avitus by Lucianus, the priest responsible for the discovery of St Stephen's body in 415, whereas that in Sth. 3 transmits a redaction that was popularized by the Legenda aurea. Here we shall consider the dream only as it is transmitted in Sth. 2, the best of the older redactions, on the one hand, and by Bjorn Porleifsson in Sth. 3 on the other. Lucianus's dream vision in Sth. 2 is as follows: £>a syndi Gamaliel honum pria gullkistla, en hinn fiorda silfrligan fullan ilmandi grasa. P>rir gulligir kistlar voru fullir af rosum, tveir hdfdu hvitar rosor, en hinn pridi raudar sem blod, en hinn fiordi, sa er silfrligr var, var fullr af kroge ilmanda. En er Lucianus spurdi, hvat petta merkti, pa svaradi Gamaliel: 'Petta eru helgir domar vorer. Sa er raudar rosor hefir, pat er vor herra hinn helgi Stephanus, er hvilir til haegri handar i austraett fra haugsdyrum, en annar kistill er Nichodemus, sa er hvilir i gegn dyrum; en hinn silfrligi kistill er Abibas son minn, er hreinlifr andadizt ok er af pvi syndr silfri biartare med godum ilm, en hann hvilir i enni somu steinbro sem ek. (HMS, 11:299.29-300.1) [Then Gamaliel showed him three golden caskets, but the fourth, of silver, was full of fragrant herbs. Three golden caskets were full of roses, two had white roses, and the third roses red as blood; the fourth, however, the one that was of silver, was full of fragrant saffron. And when Lucianus asked what this signified, Gamaliel answered: 'These are our relics. The one with red roses is our lord St Stephen, who rests on the right side east of the entrance to the tomb, and the other casket is Nicodemus, who rests opposite the entrance; but the silver casket is my son Abibas, who died a virgin and for this reason he is signified by bright silver and the good fragrance, and he rests in the same stone sarcophagus as I.]

The dream is bipartite, consisting of the vision and its explication. The two sections are joined by a transitional sentence containing Lucianus's request for an interpretation. There is a puzzling inconsistency in the dream: Lucianus is shown four caskets, but the contents of only three are explained. One of the caskets containing white roses is superfluous, since the four bodies rest in three caskets, and this is in harmony with the account Gamaliel gave Lucianus about the burial. One of the caskets is of bright silver, and this is explained as symbolizing Abibas's virginity. Not only the numbers, since one casket is left unaccounted for, are flawed, however, but also the symbolism, for if Gamaliel, Abibas's father, who is not a virgin, rests next to his son in the silver casket, then silver as representative of virginity is an imperfect metaphor, for it is applicable to only one of the bodies in the coffin.

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Widding concluded that all the manuscripts of Stefanus saga derive from the same translation, but he also stated that the text of Sth. 2 appears to have been corrected on the basis of a Latin source.'3 In discussing the casket dream Widding relied exclusively on the Latin edition by Surius, and implied that the first mention of the fragrant herbs in the silver casket is an anticipatory scribal duplication of the second mention and thus to be ascribed to an Icelandic redactor. Consequently, when the redactor of Sth. 2 compared the text he was copying with a Latin text, according to Widding, he encountered the sentence once again in the description of the golden caskets; he translated it, but in a slightly deviating version. This explanation, while plausible, is incorrect. One of the two Latin redactions (B) of the fifth-century Epistola Luciani ad omnem ecclesiam, which is the ultimate source of the Inventio texts in the medieval legendaries, already contained the double mention of the saffron: Et statim deposuit inde quatuor calathos, tres aureos, et unum argenteum, plenos rosis: et unus ex ipsis plenus erat croco. Unus vero de tribus calathis rubentes valde rosas habebat tamquam sanguinem, quem et ad dexteram meam posuit. Alii vero duo pleni erant rosis albis, in modum lilii, sed rosae erant. Et quartus calathus crocum habebat, cujus odor fragrabat suavissimus.'4 [And at once he placed there four caskets, three golden ones and one silver, full of roses, and one of them was full of saffron. One of the three caskets had roses red as blood, and it was placed to my right. The other two were full of white roses like lilies, but they were roses. And the third casket contained saffron, the fragrance of which was most sweet.]

The suggestion is that the Latin redaction from which the Icelandic translation derives partly resembled the passage above. The structure of the entire scene as it is transmitted in the Sth. 2 redaction appears to derive, however, from a redaction that contained a contamination of the B (above) and A redactions of the Epistola Luciani. The latter is found in the text published by Mombritius: Et statim attulit quattuor calathos tres aureos et unum argenteum . Tres eorum pleni erant rosis duo albas rosas habentes et tertius rubicundas habens quasi sanguineas . Quartus uero argenteus calathus plenus erat croco bene olenti: Et posuit eos ante me : et ego dixi ei: Quae sunt haec domine? Et dixit mihi: lympsana nostra sunt. qui rubicundas habet rosas : ipse est domnus Stephanus : qui a dextris positus est ab oriente ab introitu monumenti. Et secundus calathus domnus Nichodemus est: et positus contra hostium . Vnde uero argenteus Abibon est filius meus de ueteri testamento litteratus in lege : immaculatus ex utero matris suae coniunctus meo calatho id est in loco excelso : ubi iam positi sumus quasi gemini. (Mom., 11:494.40-9)

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[And at once he brought four caskets, three golden and one silver. Three of them were full of roses, two had white roses, but the third roses red as blood. The fourth was a silver casket full of fragrant saffron. And he placed these before me. And I said to him: 'What are they, lord?' And he said to me: 'They are our relics. The one with the red roses, that is the lord Stephen, who has been placed facing the entrance of the tomb. The second casket is lord Nicodemus, placed against the door. The silver casket is my son Abibon, who was learned in the law of the Old Testament, and as pure as he issued from his mother's womb he is with me in the casket in the upper place. We are placed in it like twins.'] It is unlikely that the redactor of the source of Sth. 2 had 'corrected' an existing Icelandic translation, as Widding implies. It is more plausible that Sth. 2 actually represents the translation from a Latin redaction that contained the anticipatory reference to saffron just like the B text of the Epistola. The dream transmitted in Bjorn Porleifsson's Stefanus saga does not accord with that above, however. Here too Widding thought that the Sth. 3 redaction represents a case of revision on the part of the redactor. It is true that the corresponding text below is much longer, but it is not the result of scribal revision. The fuller text already existed in Bjorn's exemplar, which transmitted a longer and deviating redaction of the vision than the original version found in the Epistola Luciani. Sidan synde harm honvm fiorar hirdzlvr edr kistla og vorv brir af beim giorder med bat skirazta gvll. en einn peirra var af silfre. Og ein af peim primvr gvll kistlvnvm er fyr greindizt var fvllvr af ravdvm rosvm. en hiner tveir vorv fvller af hvitvm rosvm. en hinn fiorde var fvllvr af peirre jvrtt er safran heiter og er vel jlmanda krydd. Lvcianvs svarar og seiger at sier lithezt vel aa kistlana en seigezt bo ecki at helldr vitha hverrn kistilen at hverr beirra eigr. Gamaliel svarar. bann kistelin sem fvllr er af ravdvm rosvm. Saa heyrer til heilogvm Stefane. og bydizt baer ravdv rosenar vid hans pislar vaette og sv gvllega korona er hann bar nv SSL sinv havfde. Enn hiner tveir gvll kistlarner sem fvller vorv af hvitvm rosvm beir heyrdv til Nichodemvs felaga minvm og mier. og teiknar vit bav .ij. skir hiorttv er vit hofdvm bader til drottens vors Jesv Christo. en saa hinn fiorde silfvr kistelin er fvllvr var med safran heyrer til syne minvm Abibas og merckis vid hans hreinan og ofleckadan meydom amedan hann lifde og bvi synezt hann silfre biarttare med godvm jlm. (Rhb, 1:229.11-28) [Then he showed him four containers or caskets and three of them were made of the brightest gold, but one of them was of silver. And one of the three aforementioned golden caskets was full of red roses, but the other two were full of white roses, and the

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fourth was full of the herb called saffron and it is a pleasantly fragrant herb. Lucianus answers and says that he can indeed see the caskets but says that he does not know to whom the caskets belong or who owns them. Gamaliel answers: 'The casket full of red roses belongs to St Stephen, and the red roses signify his martyrdom, as does the golden crown that he now wears on his head. And the other two golden caskets that are full of white roses belong to my companion Nicodemus and me, and the white colour signifies the two pure hearts which we both bore for our Lord Jesus Christ. But the fourth silver casket that is full of saffron belongs to my son Abibas and signifies his pure and immaculate virginity during life, and therefore he is represented by bright silver and a pleasant fragrance.]

Like the other redactions, Sth. 3 contains a discrepancy, but here the contradiction exists between what Gamaliel tells Lucianus about the location of the bodies and the content of the dream that is meant to identify the coffins. In the Sth. 2 redaction the dream vision is in harmony with the facts of the burial, except that there is one casket too many and the symbolism of the silver casket is flawed. This flawed version of the dream nevertheless corresponds to the oldest redaction, that found in the Epistola Luciani. The dream in Sth. 3 represents a variant redaction. It is internally consistent and reveals an unusually balanced structure. The very symmetry of content and the internal logic result, however, in a disparity between the dream and the previously reported and subsequently confirmed facts of the burial. From a narrative perspective, the dream in Sth. 3 is superior to that of the other redactions: not only is every casket accounted for, but the symbols are fully elucidated; furthermore, the entire account is characterized by a strictly plotted progression of information. Thus, the gold casket and the red roses fittingly represent St Stephen, who was a martyr and now bears the martyr's gold crown. The gold caskets filled with white roses symbolize two saints who did not endure martyrdom and whom the church classifies as confessors, namely Nicodemus and Gamaliel himself. White here does not represent virginity but rather the purity of their devotion to Christ. Finally, Abibas remained a virgin throughout life, and this is symbolized by the bright silver of the casket and the fragrant saffron. In the dream reported by Lucianus to Avitus there were four caskets but the bodies rested in three coffins because Gamaliel and Abibas shared a coffin. The clause 'ubi ambo positi sumus quasi gemini' occurs in redaction A of the Epistola Luciani (col. 8n). Sth. 2 ultimately derives from a Latin redaction that transmitted the original version of the dream. The fuller, deviating text in Sth. 3 derives from a different redaction. Widding made a similar observation, but certain comments concerning Sth. 3 suggest that he thought the discrepancies in

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Sth. 3 were the work of the Icelandic copyist rather than that they were already present in his source.'5 That is not the case. The explanation for the deviations in Sth. 3 in the Inventio section of Stefanus saga is that this portion of the legend derives not from the common source of the other manuscripts, but from another text that contained a redaction of the dream similar to that found in the Legenda aurea, which reads as follows: Ostenditque ei tres calathos aureos et quartum argenteum, quorum unus erat plenus rosis rubentibus et alii duo rosis albis. Quartum etiam ostendit argenteum plenum croco dixitque Gamaliel: hi calathi nostri sunt loculi et nostrae reliquiae sunt hae rosae. Calathus plenus rubeis rosis est loculus sancti Stephani, qui solus ex nobis martirio meruit coronari, alii duo rosis albis pleni mei et Nicodemi sunt loculi, qui sincero corde in confessione Christi perseveravimus, quartus vero argenteus croco plenus est Abibae filii mei, qui candore virginitatis pollebat et mundus de mundo exivit. (LA, 462-3) [He showed Lucian three gold baskets and a fourth one of silver. One of the first three was filled with red roses, the other two with white roses; the fourth was filled with saffron. 'These baskets are our coffins,' Gamaliel said, 'and the roses are our relics. The one with the red roses is St Stephen's, since he was the only one of us who merited the crown of martyrdom. The baskets filled with white roses are my coffin and Nicodemus's, because we persevered with sincere hearts in confessing Christ. The silver basket filled with saffron belongs to my son Abibas, who shone by his virginity and departed this life pure.' (GL, Il:4i)]16

The passage shows that a redaction of the dream similar to the one in the Legenda aurea is the source of the text in Sth. 3. This variant of the dream derives from a redaction that modified the original vision into a superior narrative, which is indubitably more of a literary construct than Lucianus's original dream. The logic could not be more lucid nor the structure more contrived. The sequence of the symbolism as well as its explication follows the order in which saints are generally classified, that is, martyrs, confessors, virgins; hence, St Stephen, Sts Nicodemus and Gamaliel, St Abibas. Or, to put it another way, the most important and the oldest saint, the protomartyr, and the least known and the youngest, Abibas, bracket the two confessors, Nicodemus and Gamaliel. The enumeration of the contents of the four caskets is followed by their explication. The vision is granted, after all, in order to enable Lucianus to identify the saints, but the meaning of the symbolism is not immediately apparent. Thus, there follows an explication of each symbol. Here it should be noted that redaction B of the Epistola Luciani also contains an expli-

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cation of the casket filled with red roses: 'quia ipse solus ex nobis martyrio meruit coronari' (col. 814). The most striking discrepancy between the two Icelandic versions of the dream relates to the coffins. Presumably a Latin redactor became aware that one coffin too many appeared in the vision, or else realized that Gamaliel should not lie in the silver coffin that represents virginity, and thus decided to place the four bodies in four different coffins. Jacobus de Voragine dealt with the ensuing discrepancy between the dream and the facts of burial by leaving the latter vague. In Gamaliel's account of the burial in the Legenda aurea there is no mention of coffins, only of the fact that the four are entombed in one place. Similarly, when the bodies are recovered at the end of the Inventio narrative, the Legenda aurea mentions only that the four bodies rest in one tomb, and the vision granted the monk Migetius is not included. A comparison of the dream in the Legenda aurea with its counterpart in Sth. 3 shows that this Icelandic version ultimately derives from a redaction similar to Jacobus de Voragine's text, for he provides not only an identification of each saint with the appropriate casket, but also an explication of the symbolism of each. The Sth. 3 and Legenda aurea redactions are also linked in that the sequence of the caskets shown coincides with the sequence of their explication. How did this variant dream vision come to find a place in Reykjaholabokl There is every indication that the Inventio narrative - including the account of the first Translatio - derives from an older Icelandic redaction, and that this was a translation of a text similar to the one on which Jacobus de Voragine's account is based. Since the Passio and Inventio Stephani were commemorated on two different days in the liturgical calendar, the legends attached to these feasts were also transmitted separately. Hence there is nothing unusual about the conjoining of two different redactions in the compilation of a legend consisting of related but originally discrete parts. The same occurs in respect to the Sth. 3 redaction of Laurencius saga, as will be shown below. Indeed, Bjorn's redaction of Stefanus saga is even augmented with a legend he translated from Low German (see section C). Unlike Laurencius saga and Stefanus saga, the Sth. 3 redaction ofAmbrosius saga is a fairly uninteresting text from a comparatist's perspective. Word for word Bjorn's text can be read alongside that in Sth. 2, except that the Reykjaholabok redaction contains some additional matter, a short chapter devoted to Ambrose's ascetic practices (chap. 7; Rhb, 11:65.6-18) and a miracle tale (chap. 30; Rhb, 11:88.5-22), which will be taken up in section C. Both redactions exhibit a fairly normal sample of scribal error and modification. To show what happens in the process of transmission one example should suffice, not only

94 The Book of Reykjaholar because it is exemplary in respect to the problems encountered in working with these two hagiographic compilations - indeed, with medieval manuscripts in general - and their Icelandic and Latin sources but also because it illustrates how a simple scribal misreading or instance of carelessness can generate a text that is both amusing and potentially obfuscating. At the beginning of the legend an incident from Ambrose's infancy is related. One time when he lay in his crib, such a large swarm of bees lighted on his face that they covered it completely. The Sth. 2 redaction writes the following: Pa kom at byflygi sva mart ok settiz i andlit honum, ok fylldi upp munninn ok for ut ok inn i munn bans. (//MS, 1:29.11-13) [Then there came a large number of bees and lighted on his face and filled up his mouth and flew in and out of the mouth.]

Reykjaholabok deviates: not a swarm of bees but a single, very large bee swoops down onto the baby's face: pa kom par flivganda mikil byflvga og settizt nidr aa andlithed aa bamenv. en hvn var so stor at hvn hvlde allt andlithed aa barnenv. (Rhb, 11:58.25-6) [Then there came flying a large bee and it lighted on the child's face. And it was so large that it covered the entire face of the child.]

There are two discrepancies in Reykjaholabok: not many but only one very large bee flies onto the baby, and it is so large that it covers the child's entire face. It turns out that the two redactions exhibit here an instance of the aforementioned phenomenon of complementary attrition; moreover, Reykjaholabok contains a scribal error. In the Vita Sancti Ambrosii published by Mombritius the corresponding passage reads as follows: subito examen apum adueniens faciem eius atque ora compleuit ita ut ingrediendi in os egrediendique frequentarent uices. (Mom., 1:53.33-4) [Suddenly a swarm of bees lighted on his face and covered it completely and they kept flying in and out of his mouth.]

The Sth. 2 redaction transmits the information that the bees flew in and out of the baby's mouth, while Reykjaholabok preserves the fact that this swarm completely covered the baby's face. Despite the scribal misreading of byflygi, a

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neuter collective noun, or, as the case may be, careless copying resulting in byfluga, the feminine singular, it is clear that the Icelandic translation contained the sum of the readings above. The confusion of -flygil-fluga is as easily explained as the discrepancy between mart and mikil, if the word had at some time been abbreviated. Comparison of the Sth. 2 and Sth. 3 redactions bears out Jonna LouisJensen's characterization of Bjorn E»orleifsson as 'en 0vet skriver."7 His sixteenth-century texts of the legends of Ambrose, Lawrence, and Stephen are copies of older Icelandic translations from the Latin in which he shows himself a careful copyist. Albeit not free of error, his copies indicate that he always took care to transmit the text of his exemplar, which in the case of Laurencius saga, as we shall see, turns out to be a better representative of the Icelandic translation than the older text preserved in the compilation Sth. 2. B. The Translator Of the twenty-five legends in Reykjaholabok only three are partial or complete copies of already-existing Icelandic translations from the Latin; in the case of Stefanus saga the translation was produced around 1200. The majority of the legends, however, twenty-two in all, were translated from Low German. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen proposed Dat Passionael, the Low German version of the extremely popular German legendary Der Heiligen Leben, as the source of the translated legends, but their proposition is incorrect, as was demonstrated in chapter 3. They were right, however, in positing a Low German source, for the translated texts are characterized by a relatively high frequency of German loan words and loan translations. The impact of German on Bjorn Porleifsson's Icelandic is further attested by the intermittent use of a non-Icelandic syntax that is clearly imitative of German. Moreover, Bjorn occasionally lets himself be misled by cognates in the two languages to arrive at an incorrect translation. In the legends that Bjorn copied, however, Low German loans are almost non-existent, except for the occasional word that had already been incorporated into Icelandic by the time Bjorn produced the legendary. In the legends relating events occurring at the time of the persecution of the Christians, there are frequent references to the pagan gods or idols. Whereas Bjorn faithfully transmits the word skurdgod (also written skurgod) to designate the idols in the texts he copied from existing Icelandic translations, he regularly borrows the word afgod when he translates from Low German, sometimes switching back and forth between the indigenous word and the loan — as happens, for example, in Georgius saga, where Bjorn writes in one line skurdgod (Rhb, 1:364.11) but in the very next afgod (Rhb, 1:364.12).

96 The Book of Reykjaholar An examination of Reykjaholabok with an eye to German loans reveals that Bjorn succumbed to what Westergard-Nielsen has called fashionable usage ('modeord'), as, for example, in the many verbs containing such prefixes asfor(forpend), bi- (bifald), yfir- (yfirgefa), til- (til hey ra), and tit- (title ggja).1* The occurrence of forms mimicking the vocabulary of Bjorn's Low German sources is too frequent and ordinary to warrant detailed inspection here, especially since this type of word formation was current at the time he wrote. Of particular interest, however, is the conscious introduction of loan words into his text, some of them otherwise unattested in Icelandic, for a reason that is not always clear, since in most instances an Icelandic equivalent existed. Widding and BekkerNielsen first drew attention to the remarkable vocabulary of Reykjaholabok, which time and again recalls its Low German source.'9 One striking example is the literal translation of Low German 'older moder', which means 'grandmother', with 'gamla moder', when the Icelandic word is amma. It is not our intention to provide lists of such words, but rather to show the method by which Bjorn manages to inject and make comprehensible to his readers words otherwise relatively unknown in Icelandic. One of the stylistic characteristics of Bjorn's prose style, one shared by the German prose literature of the same period, is the use of synonyms or doublets. By employing this stylistic device, which has a long history in Icelandic literature - it was favoured by the Norse translators of courtly romances such as Thomas's Tristan and Chretien de Troyes's Yvain in the thirteenth century - Bjorn is able to introduce a foreign word without puzzling the reader. In effect, the semantic collocation serves as a pedagogic device, whether intentional or not. Although the Passionael was not the source of Bjorn's legends, a number of the examples below have corresponding passages in this legendary, and these serve to elucidate the process of translation. At other times the very absence of a corresponding passage — or word — in the Passionael along with the interjection of a strange German loan in Reykjaholabok buttresses the case for both its Low German sources and the existence of Low German texts different from and longer than the ones transmitted in the Passionael. Twice a form of the Low German word for 'lance' or 'lance head', that is, gleve (variants: glave, gelave, gleive, glevie, glevi(n)ge), occurs in Reykjaholabok but is absent in the Passionael and St. Annen Btichlein respectively. In Mariu saga og Onnu we read that a unicorn was killed by being pierced 'med einv glaiele' (Rhb, 11:339.4 'with a glaiel'),20 but in the corresponding passage in the so-called St. Annen Buchlein this is done with a spere (SAB, dii, r). A similar discrepancy occurs in the legend of St Sebastian, where we read in Icelandic that the Christians 'vorv stvngner med glafielvm til davda' (Rhb, 1:159.21 'were pierced to death with glafielvm' [lances]), while the Passionael uses the nearly synonymous sper: 'Do stack me

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se mit speren doet' (Pass., CCCxxxiiii.a 'Then they were pierced to death with spears'). Similarly, in the legend of St Jerome we encounter the verb harpa in a sentence - the pronoun refers to the grateful lion: 'enn begar at mvnckar siaa hann komen enn ecki asnen. pa erv peir samer vid hann og harppa ad honvm jllvm ordvm' (Rhb, 11:217.30-1 'and when the monks see that he has come but not the donkey, they behave towards him just as before and harpa at him with nasty words'). Sigfus Blondal lists harpa in his dictionary in the sense of 'to reproach,' but the context above suggests a constant scolding and nagging, a harping, on the part of the monks.21 One of the loans introduced by Bjorn is speari, or 'spy'. In the legend of Rochus, for example, we read that the saint 'vard handtheken fyrer annann speara og niosnarmann' (Rhb, 1:148.16 'was seized as a speari and a spy'). Here the loan is clarified through the addition of the common Icelandic word for 'spy'. The Low German source must have contained a text similar to that in the Passionael (CCii.d), 'Dar wart sunte Rochus geuanghen vor enen vorsperer,' which corresponds to the Icelandic translation. The word surfaces subsequently in the same legend, this time accompanied by the Icelandic synonym and a related word. In this instance, however, the Passionael offers no comparative material: 'en svmleger savgdv hann vera einn niosnara og vmmhleypinngh so sem anann speara' (Rhb, 1:150.23-4 'and some said that he was a spy and a vagrant just like a speari'}. The process is similar in the legends of Sts George and Dominic, in which the verb biskerma 'to protect' and its nominal form biskermari 'protector' are introduced as one half of a synonymous couplet. In the legend of St George in Dat Passionael we read 'dat georgius de greue van Palestyn de cristen sere beschermet. vnde vormeret' (Pass., vii.d 'that George, the count of Palestine, protects and increases the number of Christians'), and the Icelandic translation, in which the Low German verb is represented by a noun, must have been generated by a similar Low German reading: 'at margreifen af Palestino er Georgivs heiter. sie kristinna manna mikill byskermare og forsvarare22 j ollvm hlvtvm og eykvr beirra trv miog fast allan halt' (Rhb, 1:300.31-3 'that the margrave of Palestine, whose name is George, is the Christians' great biskermari and protector in all things, and he furthers their faith very much in every way'). In the legend of St Dominic, the Virgin Mary appears to the saint one night and identifies herself as follows: 'Eg er Maria gvdz moder og eg er sett af minvm synne til at byskerma og geyma pin orden' (Rhb, 11:296.18-19 'I am Mary, the Mother of God, and I have been charged by my Son to biskerma and protect your order'). The corresponding passage in the Passionael contains the nominal form of the verb: 'Ik byn Maria godes moder. vnde byn van mynem sone dynem orden ene bescherminghe gheworden' (Pass., C.a 'I am

98 The Book of Reykjaholar Mary, the mother of God, and I have been appointed by my son to be the protectress of your order'). In similar wise Bjb'rn Porleifsson introduces into his translations the word kettari, that is, 'heretic', under the influence of his sources. The legend of St Jerome, chapter 20, opens as follows: 'Pat var einn thima at einn kettare eda ville madr dispvtherade openberlega vid einn prest j Jervsalem' (Rhb, 11:235.1-2 'It happened one time that a kettari or a heretic held a public disputation with a priest in Jerusalem'). The sentence is an exact rendering of the corresponding passage in Dot Passionael: 'Id was vp ene tijt eyn ketter de disputerde apenbar to Jherusalem mit eneme prestere' (Pass., CCxiii.c). The same word is introduced in the legend of St Augustine, but here Bjorn employs a slightly different technique. Instead of juxtaposing the loan with an indigenous word, he elucidates the meaning of the German loan with a following explanation that serves to define it. The episode in which Augustine engages in a scholarly disputation with the heretic Fortunatus opens in the Passionael as follows: 'In den tijden was eyn ketter. de heet Fortunatus' (Pass., Cxxxi.a 'In those days there was a heretic named Fortunatus'). In Reykjaholabok the corresponding passage is longer by virtue of the explanatory matter: A pessvmm thima var einn kettare er Fortvnatvs hiet. enn kettare er skilia saa madr er bodar ranngann atrvnad og fer med fiolkynge og dyrkar anndskothan fyrer gvd og hans reglv. (Rhb, II: 111.7-9) [At that time there was a kettari named Fortunatus. By kettari is meant a man who disseminates false beliefs, and practices sorcery and worships the devil instead of God and his commandments.]

In the same legend Bjorn similarly explains the word rhetorica, which albeit not Germanic was nonetheless introduced via the Low German source (the word occurs in the Passionael [Cxxix.d], although not in a corresponding passage). We are told that Augustine conducted 'storan skola. af beirre list er hiethe Rethorikca en bat at skilia malsnilldar jbrott og er hvn ein af beim vij. hofvdlistvm' (Rhb, 11:100.3-5 'a large school in the art called Rhetorica, by which is meant the art of eloquence, and it is one of the seven liberal arts'). When the word recurs subsequently in the text it is not accompanied by an explanation (Rhb, 11:101.25). In the legend of Emperor Henry II and Cunegund, Bjorn introduces the Low German word for sacristan or custodian when he writes: 'Eitt sinne var einn kvsthor. eb er saa sem geymer kirkiv. bessi madr geymde og dom kirkivna til Bamborg og hiet Reybelldvs' (Rhb, 1:68.15-16 'One time there was a kvsthor,

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that is, a man who takes care of the church. This man took care of the cathedral in Bamberg and his name was Reybelldus'). The corresponding passage in the Passionael reads 'To ener tijd was eyn koster in deme dome to Bamberch. vnde heet Reyboldus' (Pass., Ixi.d 'At that time there was a custodian in the cathedral at Bamberg, and his name was Reyboldus'). A final example of Bjorn's method of introducing into his text foreign words accompanied by a definition is taken from the legend of St Dominic. The saint's asceticism took inter alia the form of sleeping either on a board or on the stone floor, 'vp eneme breede. edder vp deme astrake' (Pass., xcix.b). Bjorn transmits the exotic word astrak in his translation: 'aa einhveria fiol eda steinvm beim er astrak heita og lagder erv nidr j golf (Rhb, 11:291.29-30 'on a board or on stones called astrak that are laid down on the floor'). In the legend of St John Chrysostom, which is rife with Low German vocabulary, we encounter a combination loan-plus-synonym and loan-plus-explication in a passage depicting a hunt: f>aa hafde keisaren senth vt j morckina sinajagara edr veida menn thil at faa sier dyr og fvgla til bams avlsenns. og sem beir vorv komner jnn j byckva morckina naer einne milv vegs. ba heyrdv veide menn keisarans at hvndarner sem beir havfdv slept er svmer menn kalla ba styfara. geydv med miklvm akafa. (Rhb, 11:180.14-19) [At that time the emperor had sent into the woods hisjagara or hunters to catch animals and birds for the child's christening, and when they had come about a mile into the thick part of the woods, the emperor's hunters heard the dogs they had let loose, which some men call styfara, barking vehemently.]

Whereas the Passionael contains the word yeger in the corresponding passage (Pass., CCCxlviii.c), the technical term for the hunting dogs is missing. The text translated into Icelandic presumably contained the word stover (MnaW, iv:424; variants: stouer, stoyuer, stoeuer), that is, a hunting dog. A synonymous collocation similar to the one above occurs in the legend of St Anthony, where, however, the text of the Passionael does not match the Icelandic. Just as the disparity between glaiel in Reykjaholabok and sper in the Passionael points to a different Low German source, so also in the legend of St Anthony we read about 'einn jag are eda veide madr sem vanvr var at skiota dyr og fvgla' (Rhb, 11:259.21-2 'a jagare or hunter who was accustomed to shoot animals and birds'), while the Passionael contains a synonym for hunter, namely 'eyn schutte' (Pass., CCCxxviii.a).23 A slightly different type of assistance is granted to the reader when Bjorn directly refers to his own culture or explains aspects of foreign culture. For example, at the beginning of the legend of St George the saint's father is identi-

I oo The Book of Reykjaholar fied by means of both the Latin and the Icelandic forms of his name: 'en nafn nans var Georgivs enn bat er at seigia aa vora thvngv. Jvrienn' (Rhb, 1:297.6-7 'his name was Georgius, that is to say in our language Jvrienn [i.e., Jorgen]'). A similar clarification occurs in the legend of St Christopher. The protagonist is a giant who was named Reprobus before his conversion to Christianity. The narrative commences with the giant's decision to seek out the greatest lord on earth in order to offer him his service. Reprobus enters the service of a king. The Icelandic legend informs us that 'f>aa var j beim garde sem vijda er hiaa storvm og megthogvm herrvm er. at marger spila menn vorv hiaa konginvm hverier at vaer kavllvm leikara' (Rhb, 1:274.12-14). 'At that court, as is widely the case among great and mighty lords, the king kept many spila menn, whom we call actors'). The intrusion of the foreign source is patent. Not only has the translator introduced the loan spilmadur, a transmission of Low German spelman, which was to make its first appearance in print in Oddur Gottskalksson's translation of the New Testament in 154O,24 and presented the Icelandic synonym leikari for it, but he has also made the point that the presence of such minstrels or jongleurs at the courts of powerful lords was common. Bjorn was concerned about the broader issue of explaining foreign customs. The additional matter is necessitated in part because Bjorn insists on translating his sources exactly rather than paraphrasing a passage or modifying a concept in accordance with conditions in Iceland. A noteworthy example of his concern that his translations be properly received is an addition in the legend of St Rochus. We are told in the first chapter that the saint's mother did not employ a wet-nurse. Bjorn explains the custom: Enn po fyrer allt bat at baede fader og moder vorv rik baa villde modvren bo avngva barns fostrv hafa nema sialfa sig. og so veitte hvn bvi alia baa bionvstv er barnsfostrvm thil heyrde bar j londvm. en bat er ein sijdr bar j Francka Rike og so vijdara. at rikar qvinnvr villa ecki latha bavrnen svga sig. og kavpa bar til adrar konvr sem liggia vnder bavrnvnvm. og baer latha bavrnen svga sig. og baer heitha ammvr. aa beirra maal. en betta verck giorde Liberea sialf sinv barne. so at hvn faedde son sinn aa sialfre sier. so leinge sem nathvrlegr thime var thil. (Rhb, 1:134.17-25) [Despite the fact that both his father and his mother were rich, his mother did not wish to have any other nurse for the child but herself. Therefore she herself performed all the duties that wet-nurses carry out in those countries, for it is a custom in France and other places that wealthy women do not themselves wish to nurse their children and hire other women who have given birth for this task and have them nurse their babies. And they are called ammvr in their language. But Liberea herself performed this task and she herself nursed her son as long as it was normal to do so.]

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The source of the passage is evident: Bjorn refers to a French custom but then goes on to tell us that a wet-nurse is called amme, which is of course the word used in the Low German text. In the Passionael we find the laconic remark that the saint's mother herself nursed Rochus 'vnde alle werke ener ammen anghenomen' (Pass., CCi.a 'and performed all the duties of a wet-nurse'). In the legends of Sts Christopher and George a non-Icelandic method of telling the time is used, but Bjorn Porleifsson enables his readers to understand the references by providing an explanation of how the hours might be expressed in Icelandic. In Cristoforus saga we read that Reprobus (= the later Christopher) and a hermit were walking along 'sem klvckan mvndi vera aa millvm .x. xi. en bat er aa vora thavlv naerre hadeige' (Rhb, 1:282.23-4 'when according to the clock it was between ten and eleven, but according to our reckoning that is near noon'). Similarly, in Georgius saga there are two references to the clock striking the hour (Rhb, 1:330.26-7; 338.24-6), and each time Bjorn places the hour within a broader time frame. Thus, he writes,' Vmm morgvnen er klockan hafde slegit atta' (Rhb, 1:338.24 'In the morning when the clock had struck eight'), but then he goes on to explain, 'en bat er aa vorv male jafnnaere badv hadeige og dagmalvm' (Rhb, 1:338.24-5 'but in our language that is halfway between noon and breakfast time').25 There is another explanation of customs in foreign countries in the legend of St Rochus. One time the saint seeks out a Roman cardinal who has been stricken by the plague. We read: Thil bessa kardinalsens hvs geingr Rochvs og beidizt bar herbergis. en kardinalen bidr at latha hann jnn til sin. af bvi at hvar sem einn herra er fyrer baede andleger og so veralldleger j avdrvm londvm. ba leyfezt ongvm ath ganga jn til beirra naaverv. nema beir faa adr orlof til jnngongv. og bvi sende kardinalenn bod vt thil sancte Rochvs og sagdizt villdv adr siaa hann. en hann villde jatha honvm herbergit er hinn bad hann. (Rhb, 1:138.11-18) [Rochus went to the house of this cardinal and asked for lodging, and the cardinal orders him to be let in, because wherever there is a lord, either ecclesiastical or secular, in other countries, no one may enter his presence unless one has first received permission to do so. The cardinal thus sent a message out to St Rochus and said that he first wanted to see him before he would grant him the lodging for which he asked.]

There is no corresponding passage in the Passionael, which transmits an extremely abbreviated version of the episode. The passage above illustrates a common feature of Bjorn's style: not only is his Icelandic riddled with Low German loan words and translations, it also lapses time and again into German syntax, such as in the possessive phrase

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'kardinalsens hvs,' which follows Low German rather than Icelandic prose word order. The translated legends in Reykjaholabok are full of such inversions, especially Mariu saga og Onnu, which often falls into a word-for-word rendering, transmitting both German vocabulary and German syntax. For example, in chapter 32, which contains a survey of the prototypes of Mary in the Old Testament, we read that Mary 'reiknazt og hins mikla og ens blezada kongs Davidz moder og dotter' (Rhb, 11:345.9-10 'is also considered the mother and daughter of the great and blessed King David'), in which the long genitive phrase, italicized here, is preposed in unidiomatic - for Icelandic - fashion. In the legend of St Servatius the saint is granted a vision of Christ and Mary and many saints in which St Peter infaorms him: allt pitt land hefvr forpienat yfer sigh ens hassta kongsens reide og erv peir ecki pess verdoger at fa vaegd og myskvn hins haezta herra. (Rhb, 11:197.33-198.2) [your entire country has brought down upon itself the anger of the highest king and they are not worthy of receiving the clemency and mercy of the highest lord.]

The reading in the Passionael shows that the passage is a word-for-word translation, even of the word order, of the Low German source, the wording of which resembled that found in the Passionael: Dyn gancze lant vnde dyn volk dat heft vordenet des ouersten konninges torne. vnde se ensint nicht werdich to entfangende des ouersten konninges gnade. (Pass., xxvii.d) [Your entire country and your people have deserved the anger of the highest king, and they are not worthy to receive the mercy of the highest king.]

The impact of German on Icelandic is especially noticeable in temporal expressions such as 'once upon a time,' 'at that time,' and 'one time.' Throughout Reykjaholabok Bjorn freely interchanges the standard Icelandic expressions 'einv sinne' (Rhb, 11:293.20) and 'einn thima' (Rhb, 11:306.21) with 'vppa einn thima' (Rhb, 11:290.22) and 'vppa einn thid' (Rhb, 11:158.16), the latter two of which, with the offending double preposition upp a, reflect a direct transferral of the standard Low German expression 'up ene tijd.'26 Bjorn's Low German sources not only influenced his vocabulary and syntax but occasionally caused him to make errors in translation, although these are not always evident unless one has a Low German text for comparison, since the Icelandic makes sense. Sometimes the error is generated by so-called faux amis. This happens in Stefanus saga in the account of the translation of the saint's

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relics to Rome (chapter 13). After the relics of St Stephen have been placed next to those of St Lawrence, Reykjaholabok reports, the emperor's envoys attempt to take away his remains: 'Sidan fara heir til og vilia thaka helgan domen og brifv til serckssins. er beinenn lagv j' (Rhb, 1:241.6-8 'Then they go and want to take the relics and take hold of the shroud in which the bones lay'). If this passage is read by itself, no incongruity is apparent. Reference to the text of the Passionael, however, shows that the phrase til serkssins must be an error generated by a Low German cognate. The Constantinopolitans do not reach for the shirt or shroud containing the body of St Lawrence, but rather for the coffin, as we read in the Passionael: 'vnde tasteden dat sark an' (Pass., xcviii.c 'and touched the coffin'). Although the Icelandic was not translated from this Low German text, its source, like the Passionael, must have contained the word sark, and the translator was led astray by it. Although sark is etymologically related to Icelandic serkr, it can mean only 'coffin' in Middle Low German.27 This very problem also occurs in Georgius saga, where a coffin sark is repeatedly named in the Low German text (Pass., xi.d), but where just as repeatedly Bjorn writes the word serckvr, that is, serkr (Rhb, 1:351.33; 352.19, 21; 353.14; etc.). From the context there is no mistaking the coffin for a shroud, but repeatedly the word serkr occurs instead of kista. Bjom seems to have been similarly disoriented by the metaphorical use of the word arm in Low German to mean 'wretched' or 'miserable'. The phrase 'fataek ambatt' ('poor [i.e., not rich] handmaid') occurs frequently to render a Low German 'arme maget' or 'arme deinst maget'. Where this Low German phrase occurs in the so-called St. Annen Buchlein, which while not the source of Mariu saga og Onnu is related to it, the Icelandic translation reads 'fataek ambatt' or 'fataek bjonustu mey' (Rhb, 11:306.26 = SAB, aiii, r), but the phrase also turns up where there is no corresponding Low German passage (Rhb, 11:314.1; 321.7; 328.3; 328.17) in the St. Annen Buchlein. The suggestion is that the source in these instances contained the phrase 'arme maget' or 'arme deinst maget'. The Icelandic 'fataek ambatt' is an incorrect loan translation that results from a failure to take into account that Low German arm is here employed metaphorically. It is unlikely that the translator would have generated the phrase himself; it represents the Latin ancilla as it is used, for example, in Mary's response to the angel Gabriel in the Gospel of St Luke: 'Ecce ancilla Domini' (Lk.i:38). In Icelandic this is normallly rendered by ambdtt.2S The Icelandic misconstrues the Low German word arm, which expresses unworthiness rather than poverty. The confusion may actually have arisen because of the very existence in Icelandic of the word armur, which could mean both vessel! ('wretched') andfattekur.29 Similarly, in the legend of St Nicholas of Tolentino we read that the saint 'bar og mikit mothlaete j sinv hiartta vegna fathsekra manna og vthlendra og beirra

IO4 The Book of Reykjaholar annara er j navdvm vorv stadder' (Rhb, 11:152.14-15 'also bore great concern in his heart for poor and foreign men and others who were in need'). The passage makes sense, but the corresponding text in the Passionael - 'He hadde ok medelidinghe mit den armen elenden seken minschen' (Pass., Cxlix.a) - reveals the translator's unfamiliarity with a Low German idiom. The adjective elenden, etymologically the same as Icelandic erlendr, or 'foreign', did not refer to poor foreigners who were ill, but was used idiomatically; for when coupled with the word sek, elend referred to those suffering from leprosy (MndW, 1:652). Another instance of word-for-word translation again shows ignorance of a Low German idiom, the euphemism for the word 'privy', namely hemelycheyt. In the Passionael we read that after Sebastian's death the emperor wished to ensure that people would not venerate his body: Darna leden se ene in eyne hemelycheyt dat ene de cristen nicht vor enen hyllighen helden. (Pass., CCCxxxiiii.c). [Afterwards they put him in a privy so that the Christians would not venerate him as a saint.]

In Icelandic the passage is slightly longer, but it is evident that the source text contained the word hemelycheyt: ba thokv beir hans blezada likama og logdv hann j einn heimoglegan stad. og so oheyrelegann sem cristnvm monnvm virdizt sodan stadr helldr meira thil vanvirdv en saemdar. heilagre kristnne. (Rhb, 1:164.8-11) [Then they took his blessed body and put it in a secret place that was so unseemly that Christians would consider such a spot more a disgrace than an honour for holy Christianity.]

The translation shows that the euphemism was not understood: heimoglegan stad translates hemelycheyt literally but not idiomatically. The word also occurs in a miracle tale in Mariu saga og Onnu, but as part of a synonymous collocation: Samaleidis laetvr og hvn leita eigi ad sijdr vnnder priveten. eda j heimoglegvm stavdvm. (Rhb, 0:428.27-8) [At the same time she does not have them search under priveten or in secret places.]

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The word priveten does not occur in Icelandic, and the corresponding passage in the St Annen Biichlein shows that Bjorn simply translated word for word here, even to transmitting the Low German plural ending for privy: 'vnde in priveten effte hemelickheiden' (SAB, mi, v). C. The Editor There is every indication that both in the texts he copied from Icelandic manuscripts and in those he translated from Low German Bjorn went about his work with respect for his sources. He did not revise the Icelandic of the older translations, nor did he translate freely in the sense of summarizing or embellishing the Low German legends. If anything, Bjorn adhered rather slavishly to his sources, as the foregoing discussion of his idiosyncrasies as a translator has revealed. Some of the errors he made were the result of the very insecurity vis-a-vis the foreign idiom, the same fear of not getting the flavour of the original, that leads a modern student of German into translating 'auslandisch' with 'outlandish'. Despite his adherence to the texts of his sources, Bjorn was also a compiler who apparently had a larger context in mind than the legend he happened to be transmitting as a copy or a translation at any given moment. He seemed to be aware not only of the totality of the legendary that has come to be known as Reykjaholabok but also of the totality of his own hagiographic oeuvre. At the same time that he was endeavouring to preserve everything known about a particular saint (see section D), he was also concerned not to duplicate matter. When the same matter presented itself in two different legends, he was willing to edit the one text by removing reiterative matter, but when he did so he informed the reader where to look for the excised text. As was noted earlier, Bjorn Porleifsson presumably also produced a legendary containing the lives of the apostles and possibly other matter from the life of Christ, to judge by the extant fragments in his hand in the manuscript AM 667 v, XI 410. Fragment v consists of six leaves and two small strips containing sections of the legends of the apostles Andrew (fol. i), James the Greater (fols 2, 3 + fragm. xi), Philip (fol. 4), Mark (fol. 5), and the legend of the Cross-Tree (fol. 6). Of these the text of the legend of St James is extended enough that it is possible to determine that the source must have been Low German. The loans byvisade (2ra3i), byfalade (4vb3), and krankleika (4vb2i) occur. The difference between Bjorn's version and the older Icelandic translation from the Latin, which was edited by C.R. Unger in Postola sdgur, is striking. While the older Icelandic text reads,

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Serpu bolvaSr ok allir dagar lifs pins, en nafn Jesu Kristz, pess er Jacobus boSar, se lofat um allar alldir,30 [Be accursed all the days of your life, but may the name of Jesus Christ, whom Jacob professes, be praised for ever,]

Bjorn's fragment introduces the German loans formalediadr (in the phrase 'formalediadr erttv' [v, 3va23]) and, in the following passage, malediadr: pv ertt siallfvr forbanrcadr og malediadr. en« pesse madr Jakob er blezadr. (v, 3va27-8) [You yourself are damned and accursed, but this man Jakob is blessed.]

That Bjorn, in addition to the legend of St James the Greater, produced a legend of St James the Less is suggested by his repeated references to the same in Stefanus saga, most of which is a copy of an already-existing Icelandic translation. Chapters 2 and 3 of Stefanus saga relate how Vespasian, the ruler of Spain, and Tiberius, the Roman emperor, are cured. Vespasian is suffering from a nose disease called vespas, to which, according to the legend, he owed his name. He is healed when he professes belief in Jesus Christ. He subsequently swears an oath to avenge Christ's death, and the narrator's voice, which presumably is identical with Bjorn's, interjects the remark that he kept his promise when he became emperor (Rhb, 1:215.32—216.1) and that Josephus, that is, Josephus Flavius, the first-century Jewish historian, who was in Jerusalem when the events occurred, gives an account of the same. Bjorn tells us where we can read more about this event: og nockvt af pvi greiner j sancte Jacobs savgv ens yngra. og var efter pisl drottens vors Jhesv Christi betta er peir fedgar Thitvs og Vespasianvs komv fyrer stadenn Jervsalem med sinn her .xl. vetvr og einvm betvr. enn svmar baekvr greina tveimvr vetrvm vmm fram .xl. en hvat sannazt er hier vmm bat veit gvd bezt af ollvm. (Rhb, 1:216.1-6) [and something about this is told in the legend of St James the Less, and this occurred forty-one years after the Passion of our Lord Jesus Christ, when Titus and his son Vespasian came to the city of Jerusalem with their army, but some books report that this was forty-two years, but what the truth concerning this matter is God knows best of all.]

The 'interpolation' corresponds partly to a comment, though in variant form, in the legend of James the Less in the Legenda aurea, where we are given yet a third variant for the date:

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Cum autem Judaei nee admonitionibus converterentur nee tantis prodigiis terrerentur, post XL. annum dominus Vespasianum et Titum Jerusalem adduxit, qui ipsam civitatem funditus destruxerunt. (LA, 299) [The Jews were neither converted by admonitions nor frightened by marvels, so after forty years the Lord brought Vespasian and Titus to Jerusalem, and they razed the city to its foundations. (GL, 1:273)]

What follows now in the Legenda aurea, in the legend of James the Less (chap. 67), is the story that Reykjaholabok transmits in Stefanus saga about the healing of Vespasian, a story that Jacobus de Voragine calls 'apocryphal' ('sicut in quadam hystoria invenitur, licet apocrypha' [LA, 299]). The following chapter of Stefanus saga relates how the emperor Tiberius, who is afflicted by a cancerous growth on his cheek, sends a close friend named Albanus to Jerusalem to seek out the miracle worker said to be able to heal by means of a single word. When Albanus learns that Jesus Christ has been crucified, he prepares to return to Rome without having accomplished his mission. At this point in the narrative the narrator/editor intervenes again: og j beirre favr hafde hann med sier eina qvinnv er hiet Veronica, sem med gvdz fvllthinge veitte keisaranvm fvlla hialp til sins meinlzetis. sem seiger j Jacobs savgv minna. og nefnnizt bessi Albanvs sem sendebode keisarans var j svmlegvm bokvm. Volvsianvs. hverr at bans trvr heimoglegr vinr var. (Rhb, 1:217.15-20) [And on this trip he was accompanied by a woman named Veronica, who with God's help brought about the emperor's complete cure from his disease, as is told in the legend of James the Less, and this Albanus, who was the emperor's emissary, is named Volusianus in some books, and he was his trusted confidential friend.]

The legend of Veronica referred to here is lacking in Reykjaholabok but is found in chapter 4 of the Sth. 2 redaction of Stefanus saga (HMS, 11:290.15-291.35). This same legend of Tiberius's healing is also related in the Legenda aurea, but unlike the Vespasian tale, which Jacobus de Voragine tells in the legend of James the Less, the story of Veronica is incorporated into the legend 'De passione domini' (LA, 232-3). In Jacobus's redaction the emperor's friend is named Volusianus, an attestation of the reliability of the reference in Sth. 3 to a variant name in other books. Bjom presumably omitted the legend of Veronica from Stefanus saga because he saw no sense in including the same tale in two different legends. Either he considered the legend of James the Less a more appropriate vehicle for the miracle tale than Stefanus saga or, what is more likely, he

io8 The Book of Reykjaholar had already produced the legend of James the Less, knew that it contained the legend of Veronica, and for that reason decided to excise it from the legend of St Stephen.3' A similar case of deletion occurs in Ambrosius saga, another legend that is copied from the existing Icelandic translation of a Latin text. Just as the lives of the apostles are intertwined and certain legends can be recounted in more than one context - the story of Veronica in that of Christ's Passion or in the legend of St Stephen or in that of St James the Less - so also the lives of contemporary saints intersected (see chapter 5). Matter relating to two or more saints could be related in the one or the other legend, depending upon the hagiographer's perspective. This happens in the case of Sts Ambrose and Augustine, who were contemporaries. Ambrosius saga in Reykjaholabok can be read alongside the Sth. 2 redaction of the legend, but Bjorn does not copy a section that relates how Augustine was converted by Ambrose (this corresponds to HMS, 1:47.3-17), and instead substitutes a summary and cross-reference: Enn heilagr Ambrosivs biskvp skvle hafa snvet honvm fra villvnne og hafe baa bader ortt the devm lavdamvs et cetera og hverrssv at enda lygt vard fyrer beim gvdz astvine Avgvstinvm vmm qvenna malen edr vmm villvna baa finzt bat j hans sialfs historia sem hier naest er efter aa. (Rhb, 11:86.11-15) [The holy bishop Ambrose is supposed to have converted him from the heresy, and they both composed the Te Deum laudamus et cetera, but how things turned out for God's beloved friend Augustine in the matter of women and heresy can be found in his own legend, which follows.]

Indeed, Augustinus saga follows hard upon Ambrosius saga, and the comment here shows that Bjorn was well aware of the content of the legend and saw no reason to anticipate what could be read at length in the next legend. In the Sth. 2 compilation the legend of St Ambrose (i3vb3O-i8) also precedes that of St Augustine (35—4ova), but not directly: the intervening legends are those of Sts Dyonisius, Silvester, and Gregory the Great. Similar cross-references can be found in other sagas.32 There is no certainty, however, that they always indicate that Bjorn exercised the same type of control over his texts as he indubitably did in respect to Ambrosius saga, where the manipulation of text is confirmed by the Sth. 2 redaction. This is a rare occurrence, however, for in most instances we can only postulate what happened, without the luxury of certainty. That Bjorn was engaged in producing another collection of saints' lives is documented by the preserved fragments. The fact that these are all vitae of the apostles permits certain inferences when we

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encounter references to other personages directly associated with Christ. In the opening chapter of Lazarus saga, for example, we are told that the saint had two sisters, Martha and Mary, sem seirna meir j bokinne mvn sagt verda af badvm pessvm systrvm. og mvn eg hier fyrst fra hverfa en thaka bar til sem j fyrstvnne var byriad ... (Rhb, 1:167.13-15) [and later in the book more will be told about both sisters, but I shall leave this for now and pick up at the point where the story started ...]

A second reference in Lazarus saga is more direct. We are told that when Lazarus and his sisters preached the faith, everyone wondered at their eloquence, og bo einkannlega Mariv Magdalenv. sem greinezt j hennar jstoria sialfrar. og samaleidis af systvr hennar sancte Marttha j hennar historia. sem seinna meir j bokine mvn greinth verda. Af beim stormerckivm nockvrvm er drottenn liet verda fyrer beirra verdleik og arnadar ordz er baer bagv af gvde. (Rhb, 1:175.10-15) [but especially Mary Magdalene, as is told in her own legend, and similarly about her sister St Martha in her legend. More will be told later in the book about the great wonders the Lord permitted to happen on account of their worthiness and the intercessory power they were granted by God.]

These passages - in terms of the implicit information they convey about Bjorn's work as editor/compiler - are ambiguous. On the one hand, repetition of the Low German loan historia - although of Latin origin, the word was introduced into Icelandic via German33 - might mean that Bjorn's Low German source already carried the cross-reference. Not all references in Reykjaholabok to other texts are Bjorn's own; their occurrence in corresponding passages in Dot Passionael and in the Legenda aurea suggest that reference to other works was a standard practice of certain compilers, Jacobus de Voragine foremost among them, and that Bjorn sometimes simply transmitted the references from his sources. On the other hand, in the passage above there is the promise of further information 'later in the book.' Consequently, even if the first cross-reference is not Bjorn's own, the second suggests that he had planned to incorporate the legend(s) of Martha and Mary Magdalene, but that, as Loth remarks, 'the plan to include this saga was not carried out' (Rhb, l:xiv). The other possibility is that Bjorn did produce and incorporate the legend(s) in the same legendary as those of the apostles, of which unfortunately only a few fragments remain. Lazarus saga contains, however, one cross-reference which certainly is

no The Book of Reykjaholar Bjorn's own, a reference to the legend he calls Mariu saga og Onnu, which originally must have been the first legend of Reykjaholabok. In the legend of Lazarus we read that the Jews were unwilling to believe both Sacred Scripture and the words of Christ himself - for example, baa er hann var efter j mvsterinv er jvngfrv Maria og Josep savknvdv bans er pav geingv fra Jervsalem. j pria daga sem skrifat stendr fyr j bokinne j Mariv savgv og peirra Avnnv. (Rhb, 1:171.32-4) [when he was left behind in the temple and the Virgin Mary and Joseph missed him for three days when they were leaving Jerusalem, as is written earlier in the book in the legend of Mary and Anne.]

Loth notes that for several reasons folio 135, on the verso of which Mariu saga og Onnu starts, must originally have been the first leaf of the codex (Rhb, l:xii). The recto is blank and Bjorn may have intended to place there a table of contents, to judge by a cross-reference in Mariu saga og Onnu, which advises the reader who wishes further information about the Three Magi to look in their legend: Enn hverr sem vill meira heyra af helgvm primvr kongvm pa leite j peirra historia sialfra aptvr j bokina efter pvi sem bydr j thavlvnne aa fyrsta blade hvat hvert er og mvn par mega nockvt finnazt af peim sialfvm. (Rhb, 11:393.11-14) [But whoever wants to hear more about the three holy kings should look in their own legend farther back in the book as is indicated in the table of contents on the first leaf, which reveals where what is, and one can find something about them there.]

As Loth points out, there is no certainty that the reference here is to the blank recto of folio 135; nonetheless, the remark is further evidence of Bjorn's awareness both of Reykjaholabok as an entity and of the individual texts as part of a larger narrative. In Laurencius saga, which for the most part is a copy of an existing Icelandic translation, Bjorn's awareness of the interrelationship of the activities of the saints and consequently of the textual representation of that interrelationship may have been responsible for the deletion of an anecdote at the end of the legend on the ground that it could already be found elsewhere. Laurencius saga contains two miracle tales that are not found in the older redaction of the legend in the manuscript Sth. 2: the tale of how a farmer, as punishment for ploughing his field on the feast of St Mary Magdalene, is struck by lightning and thereby

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loses a leg, but is cured through the intercession of St Hippolytus in a church dedicated to the Virgin Mary (Rhb, 1:269.9-270.29); and an account of how an avaricious judge named Stefanus, who expropriated property belonging to the churches of St Lawrence and St Agnes, dies and experiences the wrath of St Lawrence, but is saved from the anger of God through the intercession of Mary (see chap. 5). This second anecdote opens by revealing its source in the miracles of Mary (Rhb, 1:270.30), and three redactions of the anecdote can indeed be found in the so-called Mariu saga}4 The reference is not Bjorn's, however, for at the conclusion of the legend of St Lawrence in the Passionael we read the very same statement (Pass., Cx.d); similarly, the miracle story starts with the same words in the Legenda aurea. No source is indicated, however, in Reykjaholabok for the first anecdote about the farmer, but this miracle tale can also be found in Mariu saga35 (Unger also names a third,36 but this version has undergone such modification that it no longer is the story of a farmer ploughing his fields on a holy day out of greed). This is obviously the same anecdote as the one in Laurencius saga, but in Mariu saga the tale is purely a Marian miracle; the point is not the intercessary power of St Hippolytus, who is not mentioned at all. A comparison of the redactions of the two exempla in Mariu saga with the version in Reykjaholabok shows that Bjoin's source was not one of these redactions. The two exempla are also found in the Low German Passionael and the Legenda aurea, where the anecdote about the avaricious judge Stefanus occurs in the legend of St Lawrence (Pass., Cx.d), but the story of the farmer ploughing his fields on the feast of Mary Magdalene at the end of the following legend, that of St Hippolytus (Pass., Cxii.c). The fact that both anecdotes now terminate Laurencius saga in Reykjaholabok suggests that the compiler of Bjorn's source, whether that source was Latin or German — this cannot be ascertained here conceived of the legend of St Lawrence as an entity, not as a sequence of three discrete martyr legends. In Reykjaholabok, Laurencius saga concludes with a cross reference: Eitt annat asfintyr mattv og finna af sancte Lavrencio j historia af keisara Hendrek er heilagr Lavrencivs hialppadi honvm. leitha efter pvi blade er datvm stendr skrifat aa. (Rhb, 1:272.1-3) [You can find another story about St Lawrence in the legend of Emperor Henry, whom St Lawrence helped. Look on the leaf that contains a date.]

The story in question is part of the legend of St Lawrence in the Legenda aurea, but in Reykjaholabok we are instructed to look on folio I2rb, where the vita

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proper of Emperor Henry II concludes with observations on his age at the time of death and the years of his reign: var pa orden fimthogr. hafde hann verit herthogi j .iiij. aar og xx. en keisare j .xij. air. War hann sidan flvttvr til Bamborg pviat hann hafde bar kiorit sinn legstad og var jardadvr med mikille a;rv sem einvm herra til heyrde. (Rhb, 1:60.13-16) [He was then fifty years old and had been duke for twenty-four years but emperor for twelve years. His body was then moved to Bamberg because he had chosen that as his resting place and he was buried with great honour as befits a lord.]

The reason for the rather unorthodox cross-reference is the lack of original foliation in the manuscript. Although the word 'folio' is written on the recto of many leaves, only three - in what was presumably the first text of the collection (Mariu saga og Onnu) - also contain numbering (cf. Rhb, l:xviii-xxi). The foliation presumably was to have been added later. As happens with many other tales involving two or more saints, their position in a particular legend is not stable. The tales can be transmitted as part of the legend of either saint, as with the miracle tale of St Lawrence and Emperor Henry. Since Bjorn had already related the tale as part of Hendreks saga (7va2O-i4rb33), which is a translation of a Low German source, the cross-reference at the end of Laurencius saga could be understood as more than just a cross-reference. It might actually indicate that his exemplar of Laurencius saga, like the legend in the Legenda aurea, had contained this miracle story, but that he omitted it because it was already found elsewhere. Speaking against this, however, is the fact that the Passionael, which does not contain the miracle tale, transmits a rather similar cross-reference to the life of Emperor Henry: Eyn ander exempel van sunte Laurencio. wo he keyser Hinrikes zele to hulpe quam. vindestu hijr voer in der hystorien van sunte keyser Hinrik. in deme .lix. blade. (Pass., Cxi.a) [Another story about how St Lawrence came to the aid of Emperor Henry you can find earlier in the story of the holy Emperor Henry on the 59th leaf.]

Indeed, the miracle tale commences on the verso of leaf 59, as the cross-reference indicates. The word-for-word correspondence with this passage in the conclusion of Laurencius saga, especially the use of the word historia (Rhb, 1:272.2), suggests that Bjorn's source at this point was Low German and that he simply revised the reference to fit his own compilation. Bjom's use of the word saga - instead of historia - in the aforementioned reference to Mariu saga og

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Onnu, which indubitably is Bjorn's own reference, further casts doubt on the originality of the cross-reference in Laurencius saga. Whatever the case may be, the editorial remark is nonetheless typical of Bjorn Porleifsson's method and merely one of many such cross-references in Reykjaholabok. Whether the remark signifies that Bjorn excised a miracle tale from one legend because it already existed in an earlier one in his anthology or that he revised an existing cross-reference in his source to accommodate the different physical layout of his own compilation is of minor consequence. What these examples attest is that Bjom partakes of a long hagiographic tradition the very intertextuality of which contributes, paradoxically, to the textual instability of the genre, as will be discussed more fully in chapter 5. D. The Compiler Closely related to but not quite the same as the task of editing his sources with a view to deleting redundancies and providing cross-references was Bjorn's task as compiler. This task comprises not solely the collection and production of an anthology of texts partly copied from Icelandic exemplars but mostly translated from Low German sources, but more properly the creation of new versions of legends through the combination or addition of texts from different redactions. Recombination is easily discernible when Bjorn mixes Icelandic and Low German sources, as happens in the legends of Sts Stephen and Lawrence, because there is a shift in vocabulary from an Icelandic free of all but Latin loans to an Icelandic under the sway of German vocabulary and syntax. Not as easily discernible is such a combination in legends that derive from Low German sources alone. Throughout Reykjaholabok there is evidence that Bjorn f>orleifsson had access to multiple redactions of some legends. He must have been a well-read man with a good library at hand who used his knowledge and access to variant versions to imbue the redactions in Reykjaholabok with a distinctive character. He did not create legends in the sense that his versions are a kaleidoscopic product consisting of scenes and episodes chosen from hither and yon. The redactions in Reykjaholabok are, rather, the product of an essentially scholarly method of ensuring the transmission of as complete a record of a saint's life and miracles as possible. If Bjorn knew of more than one version of events, he incorporated matter from the variant version while following his main text. To judge by his commentary, he was aware that this method sometimes produced conflicting information. Bjorn chose not to present the authoritative version of a legend but rather the result of centuries of oral and literary tradition. Every once in a while the conflicting nature of the information transmitted was so conspicu-

114 The Book of Reykjaholar ous that he felt constrained to remark on it; figuratively he threw up his hands and exclaimed, But what the truth is in this matter, only God knows. Throughout Reykjaholabok the compiler - either Bjorn or, in some instances, the predecessor(s) who had produced his sources - draws attention to other texts both in support of what is related and to inform the reader that the sources do not agree on a particular point. Not infrequently Bjorn seems to anticipate his reader's curiosity or questions by remarking that more information is not provided by his sources. For example, in the legend of St George we are told that a nobleman by the name of George - the father of the saint - had an illustrious wife descended from an illustrious family of Antioch, but 'hennar nafn er hier ecki greinth' (Rhb, 1:297.9 'but her name is not given here'). Rather than risk being criticized for not supplying sufficient information - one should recall the Icelandic penchant for genealogy - the translator interjects himself into the tale to inform us that the information was not forthcoming in his source. Similarly, St Erasmus is introduced in his legend as having been born and having grown up in Antioch, but then there follows the remark 'Af forelldrvm hans favdr edr modr erv ecki hier greind j pessare historia' (Rhb, 11:129.8-10 'Nothing is told about his parents, about his father or mother, in this legend'). The nature of the cross-references in Reykjaholabok depends upon the character of a legend. As is only to be expected, the New Testament was always at hand. The life of Lazarus, for example, derives much of its detail from Sacred Scripture, and both Bjorn and his source acknowledge that some portions of the legend derive from the gospels. The careful chronicler, who in this case presumably was the Low German redactor, reveals himself at the beginning of chapter 2 when he remarks, 'f»aa efter pvi sem sanctvs Johannes skrifar vt af j elleftta. capit. nockvra clavsv j blannd margra annara. at...' (Rhb, 1:168.32-3 'In accordance with some of the passages St John writes in the eleventh chapter, among them ...'); indeed, most of the remainder of this long chapter in Lazarus saga is a translation of John n. Similarly, at the end of chapter 5 Christ's words are cited. They are followed, however, by an incomplete reference: 'hvertt hann sialfvr sagde j gvdz spiallenv og gvdz spialla madr skrifar vt af' (Rhb, 1:178.16-18 'as he himself said in the gospel and the evangelist writes'). The line indicates a lacuna of six letters; the reference is to Matthew 23:12. The explanation for the space seems to be that Bjorn wished to give the proper attribution to the following text - 'saa sem sig laeger skal vpp hefiazt' (Rhb, 1:178.18 'whoever lowers himself shall be raised up') - but could not remember in which gospel it was to be found. He left a space, intending to fill it in later. Although each of the legends in Reykjaholabok was translated from a primary source, in some instances Bjorn nonetheless either had recourse to other written

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sources or simply knew of details in variant redactions. An example of the simplest type of reference to variants occurs in the legend of the Seven Sleepers, where the narrator informs us that in some books a certain bishop is called 'Marthinvs' but that others refer to him as 'Mavrivs' (Rhb, 1:206.33-207.1). As was pointed out above, this kind of commentary may. already have existed in his Low German source(s). In this particular case neither the Passionael (xlix.d) nor the Legenda aurea (437) reports a variant name. Some legends, however, contain conclusive evidence that Bjorn f»orleifsson was working from more than one written text, as will be shown below. In other cases he may have consulted other works or simply been aware of conflicting information, which he provided for the record as it were. An extraordinary example of the care one redactor, who may be Bjorn himself, takes to indicate sources and give credit where credit is due can be found in the legend of Sts Henry n and Cunegund. Following an account of the many miracles that occurred on the occasion of the Translation of St Cunegund, we read the following commentary: Hverr mvn kvnna at greina seiger saa sem besse historia hefvr saman sett, glogglega ok skyra allar paer jarthekner og vndarlega hlvte er gvd almatthogr hefr lathed sier soma at giora fyrer arnadar ord og heilagleik heilagrar frv sancte Kvnnegvndis. eingen seiger hann og svarar sier sialfvr. (Rhb, 1:68.10-14) ['Who can clearly recount,' says the one who composed this legend, 'and explain all the miracles and wondrous things which almighty God saw fit to let happen on account of the intercession and sanctity of the holy lady St Cunegund? No one,' says he, and gives the answer himself.]

Two voices speak above: the author of the legend and the redactor transmitting the same. Whereas the dialogue may have existed already in Bjorn's source, it is just as likely that he was its originator, to judge by his workmanship at other times. The authorial comment exists in the Passionael, but there only one voice is heard. We kan alle de groten wundertekene vthspreken. de god dorch sunte kunnegundis ghedaen heft, der weren altovele to scriuende. (Pass., Ixi.b) [Who can declare all the wondrous signs that God wrought on account of St Cunegund? There would be all too many to write down.]

Because the source of the rhetorical question, that is, the author of the legend, is

116 The Book of Reykjaholar referred to in the Icelandic legend, and he is clearly not to be identified with the redactor, the latter - whether the translator Bjorn or the redactor of his Low German source - comports himself as an unbiased reporter or historiographer: he does not present unattributed comments because he wishes to avoid misleading his readers into thinking they are his own. This intrusion of a translator's own voice as a means of creating distance from the author's voice is not unique in Icelandic hagiography. In the older Augustinus saga (which is not the source of Bjorn's own redaction, however), extant in the manuscript AM 221 fol. (4vb~5vb), dated circa 1275-130O,37 three voices are repeatedly heard. In addition to the narrator's reporting of events, the author interjects his own comments, and these are identified as such by the translator of the Latin version, the Augustinian monk Runolfr Sigmundarson, who informs us at the head of the legend that he has translated the text.38 Runolfr was consecrated abbot of the Augustinian monastery of t'ykkvabaer in Ver (Skaptafellssysla) in 1264, and he served until his death in 1306 (or 1307). The author of the Latin legend of St Augustine that was translated into Icelandic was self-conscious. His voice is repeatedly heard as he addresses his implied audience. His Icelandic translator is in full agreement with the sentiments expressed in the vita, but he is also scholarly enough to let us know that the T of the text is not his own but that of the author of the Latin vita. For example, the author attests Augustine's intolerance of gossip at table by remarking, 'Ok betta sama profodum vaer aa sialfum oss, er pa satum yfir bordinu' ('we, who sat at the table with him, experienced this ourselves'), but Runolfr quickly adds, 'segir sa er s6guna hefir dictad' (HMS, 1:142.16—18 'says the one who composed the legend'). Similarly, the author claims firsthand knowledge of Augustine's last hours - 'Ok at oss hiaverandum ok siandum ok biSiandum' ('we who were present and looked on and prayed') - but again the translator interjects his voice, 'segir saa er sauguna hefir dictat' (HMS, 1:146.34—147.1 'says he who composed the legend').39 The translator's interjection of his own voice in the older Augustinus saga parallels what happens in the legend of Henry II and Cunegund in Reykjaholabok and suggests that the redactor, whether Bjom or another, approached his task very much as would a scholar concerned about making acknowledgment where it is due. In Osvalds saga, which is a translation of a Low German source, there are several references to variant redactions of the legend. Several of these references existed in Bjorn's source, to judge by their presence in the Passionael redaction. The bulk of Osvalds saga is a bridal-quest tale (see chap. 7), but in the concluding, hagiographic portion of the text we are told that some versions of the life recount that Oswald never knew woman and remained a virgin all his life. This reference to a variant derives from Bjorn's source, since it is also

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found in the Passionael (Ciiii.b), and one can assume that it was a previous redactor who made the comment. Not found in the Low German legendary, however, is the subsequent comment in the saga, that it makes sense to believe that Oswald remained a virgin all his life since there is no record of his having had children (Rhb, 1:91.20—3). Whether the saga here transmits someone else's comment or offers Bjorn's own, the suggestion is that the observation was made by someone who did not know Bede's Historia ecclesiastica, for there one can read that Oswald, who had married the daughter of the converted West Saxon king Cynegils, had a son named Ethelwald. One cannot establish with certainty whether the cross-references above were merely transmitted by Bjorn from the texts he was translating or whether he himself was their originator. If the latter, we can assume that he was well read and that an excellent hagiographical library was available to him. That he had access in some instances to more than one redaction can be established, however, beyond a doubt. In two cases, Laurencius saga and Stefanus saga, he combines the text of an existing Icelandic redaction with additional matter translated from Low German; and in a third, Gregorius saga biskups, the legend of Gregorius peccator, he merges two different Low German redactions containing contrary information to produce a unique two-stranded version of the tale, a consummate example of the compiler's method. Bjorn's use of existing Icelandic texts, which, as was pointed out above, he copied carefully, and their augmentation with matter he translated from Low German may reveal something about both what he was trying to do and what motivated him to undertake the production of the legendary. In both Laurencius saga and Stefanus saga, as we shall see below, the greater part of the legend is a copy of an existing Icelandic translation from the Latin. Bjorn augmented these texts, however, with matter taken from non-Icelandic sources. The fact that he was willing to copy some Icelandic texts but translate others from Low German suggests that he was not interested so much in translating foreign texts as in preserving certain legends in Icelandic. If the text already existed, he simply copied it. His chief concern seems to have been to preserve as full a record of a legend as possible, and presumably for that reason he decided to augment some existing legends with translated matter. Chapter 13 of Stefanus saga (Rhb, 1:238.15-241.24), which Widding and Bekker-Nielsen first noted was an interpolation,40 supports the thesis that Bjorn was concerned about transmitting a complete record. The chapter contains an account of a second Translatio Stephani, from Constantinople to Rome, where the saint's relics came to rest next to those of his fellow martyr St Lawrence. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen thought the matter of a 'few minor corrections' as well as a whole chapter (that is, chap. 13) had been 'taken from the Passionael.'

118 The Book of Reykjaholar This is not the case. While an analysis of the additional chapter in the Sth. 3 redaction of Stefanus saga and a comparison with the corresponding matter in the Passionael show that the chapter is a translation from Low German, the source nonetheless was not the Passionael but a much longer text, one that in some respects resembled the corresponding text of the Legenda aurea. The most striking evidence of the Low German origin of chapter 13 is the previously mentioned mistake in translation that was presumably generated by confusion between Icelandic serkr and Low German sark (see section A). There is a second indication that chapter 13 is a translation from Low German in the occurrence of the loan stad to mean city, when in Icelandic the word should be borg. The voice that is heard when the body of St Stephen is finally laid to rest beside St Lawrence apostrophizes Rome - 'O bv edle stadr Roma' (Rhb, 1:241.20-1 'O you noble city Rome') - and this mimics the wording found in the Passionael: 'O Rome du eddel stat' (Pass., xcviii.c). The hagiographic matter that developed around St Stephen falls into four parts: the Passio, which is the account of his martyrdom; the Inventio, which relates the discovery of his body in the fifth century; the Translatio, which contains two legends recounting the transfer of his relics; and the miracles attributed to the saint. The events that generated the legends were commemorated on two occasions during the liturgical year: St Stephen's martyrdom was celebrated on 26 December, and the discovery of his remains at Kaphar Gamala, near Jerusalem, in the year 415 by a priest named Lucianus4' was commemorated — the feast was abolished in the eighteenth century — on 3 August as the Inventio S. Stephani. To the account of the Inventio, the legends relating the transferral (Translatio) of the relics to Constantinople and subsequently to Rome were conjoined. The Inventio and Translatio were sometimes separate narratives, as in some Latin redactions (cf. Mom., Inventio, 11:493-5; Translatio, 11:480-2). In other instances, as in the Legenda aurea and Dat Passionael, the legends associated with the translation of the relics are told as part of the Inventio.42 In these popular medieval legendaries the account of the martyrdom remained a separate narrative, however, in keeping with the liturgical commemorations, the one in December, the other in August. The older Icelandic redaction of Stefanus saga in Sth. 2 transmits only the legend of the first Translatio. While Bjorn was copying the Icelandic text, however, which ultimately derives from the same translation as the Sth. 2 redaction, he also had available a Low German version containing the second Translatio. Consequently he was aware that the Icelandic redaction he was copying was incomplete, and therefore he translated the text in question and inserted it just before the miracle sequence. A similar situation obtains in respect to Laurencius saga, which resembles the legend of St Stephen in that the 'complete' legend is a combination of origi-

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nally discrete accounts. The matter related in the legend consists of three Passiones — of Sts Sixtus, Lawrence, and Hippolytus — and is distributed over three different feast days in August. Pope Sixtus II (reigned 257-8) died on 6 August 258, together with his deacons Agapitus and Felicissimus, and his feast is celebrated on 7 August. Lawrence, his archdeacon, died soon after, on 14 September 258, and his feast day is 10 August. Finally, the real Hippolytus, an influential author of exegetic, apologetic, and dogmatic works, died circa 235, but in later hagiography his name came to be associated with that of St Lawrence's - presumably apocryphal - prison warden, who is said to have been converted by the saint and subsequently executed, together with his nurse Concordia and other domestics. His feast is celebrated on 13 August.43 Laurencius saga exists in two redactions, the one found in the compilation Sth. 2, the other in Sth. 3, that is, Reykjaholabok. The older Laurencius saga commences with a text that Mombritius entitled 'Passio sanctorum Xisti episcopi Felicissimi et Agapiti martyrum' (Mom., 11:649-51). The Passio Xisti corresponds to the first three chapters of the older saga (//MS, 1:422.3-425.18). This is followed (//MS, chaps. 4-7; 1:425.19-430.14) by text corresponding to 'Sancti Lavrentii levitae et martyris passio' (Mom., 11:92-5); and the conclusion of the saga in chapter 8 (//MS, 1:430.15-432.13) transmits the 'Passio Sancti Hippolyti martyris' (Mom., 11:29-31). Unlike this older Icelandic redaction, which is closely related to the redaction published by Mombritius, Laurencius saga in Reykjaholabok represents a conflation of matter drawn from two different sources. Chapters 1-4 transmit a redaction of the Passio Sixti deviating from that found in the Sth. 2 redaction of the saga. The material in these first four chapters of Reykjaholabok corresponds more or less in content — though not in length, style, or structure - to parts of the legends of Sts Sixtus and Lawrence in both the Legenda aurea and Dat Passionael. From chapter 5 to the end, however, Laurencius saga is a copy of the same Icelandic translation of a Latin redaction as the one from which the Sth. 2 redaction derives. Commencing with chapter 5 in Sth. 3 and in the middle of chapter 2 in Sth. 2 (//MS, 1:423.34 ff.), both Icelandic redactions correspond uncannily to each other — even to clarifying each other's scribal errors - and, with only minor deviations, to the texts of the Passiones Xisti, Laurentii, and Hippolyti edited by Mombritius. A passage at the end of chapter 4 (Rhb, 1:255.18-24) in Reykjaholabok anticipates - or duplicates, as the case may be - corresponding matter in Sth. 2 (//MS, 1:425.4-9) after the two redactions have joined in transmitting the text of the old Icelandic translation from the Latin. Strangely enough, this is not transmitted in Reykjaholabok at the corresponding point (Rhb, 1:257.4-7). The explanation may be that Bjorn tried to harmonize the transition from the one to the other text but was not quite successful in integrating the material in the legend of the martyrdom of Sixtus.

120 The Book of Reykjaholar The opening of Laurencius saga in Sth. 2 is rather strange, as is that of the corresponding Latin Passio Xisti, for it plunges the reader in medias res for a reason that is not at all clear. The narrative leaves the impression of lacking a prologue or first chapter. Unlike this abrupt beginning of the older redaction, the legend transmitted in Reykjaholabok is characterized by introductory matter that focuses on political events. These not only form the backdrop, but also provide part of the motivation for the martyrdom of Sts Sixtus, Lawrence, and Hippolytus. The first two chapters of the legend in Sth. 3 feature double-stranding. While chapter I tells the story of how the Christian emperor Philippus is treacherously murdered by one of his men, Decius (Rhb, 1:247.1-250.20), chapter 2 backtracks to relate how St Sixtus goes to Spain and there meets Lawrence, who subsequently follows him to Rome. When Sixtus is chosen pope, the lives of Sixtus and his archdeacon Lawrence intertwine, and political and ecclesiastical matters merge when the emperor Philippus becomes a Christian (Rhb, 1:250.21251.36). Chapter 3 picks up the narrative strand of chapter i and recounts the events immediately following the assassination of the emperor. His son, also named Philippus, fears for his own life and decides to flee, but entrusts his father's and his own wealth to Pope Sixtus, whom he empowers to distribute the riches to the church and the poor (Rhb, 1:252.1-32). In chapter 4 (Rhb, 1:252.33 ff.) the fates of Sixtus and Lawrence are sealed by Decius's lust for power and wealth and his hatred of the Christians. None of this matter is found in the older Icelandic redaction, Sth. 2, which commences abruptly with the seizure of Pope Sixtus by the emperor Decius and the prefect Valerianus. The existence of the variant Passio Sixti, with its historical-biographical matter, in the Legenda aurea and the Passionael attests that such a redaction was known in both Latin and the vernacular. These two major compilations, however, contain shortened versions of extant legends. While the matter in Reykjaholabok corresponds to that in the Legenda aurea and the Passionael, the discourse does not. Thus the question remains: Was Bjom's source of the Passio Sixti a Latin or a Low German version? Bjorn's vocabulary shows striking discrepancies between the texts that are copies of older Icelandic translations and those deriving from Low German versions. In the legends translated from Low German sources Bjorn ordinarily lets himself be influenced by their vocabulary and regularly resorts to loan words. In Laurencius saga there is a slight but nonetheless noticeable difference in the use of vocabulary between the introductory chapters (1-4) and the following chapters, which demonstrably transmit the text of the older Icelandic translation. The first four chapters of Laurencius saga are characterized by a number of Low German loan words, the most notable discrepancy being the use of the word skurdgod in the text copied from the Icelandic translation but the Low German loan afgud (Rhb, 1:254.13) in the intro-

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ductory matter, a word Bjorn regularly prefers to the indigenous Icelandic term for 'idol' in the texts translated from Low German. From a structural perspective, the legend of St Lawrence had a transmission record similar to that of the legend of St Stephen. What originally constituted three discrete but related legends came to be combined, and the abrupt beginning of the Passio Sixti was fleshed out with historical and biographical matter. To produce Laurencius saga in Reykjaholabok Bjorn copied the text constituting the Passio Laurentii and Passio Hippolyti from the existing Icelandic translation, but he also had available two divergent accounts of the Passio Sixti, the one in the existing Icelandic translation - and transmitted in Sth. 2 - and the other containing historical matter, both of which he used to introduce his copy of the older Icelandic translation. Nonetheless, he did not attempt - or was unable - to harmonize the conflicting structures of these diverging redactions of the Passio Sixti, nor did he delete repetitive matter. Thus, intermittently in chapter 4 his Laurencius saga contains matter from two redactions of the Passio Sixti. The compositional problems Bjorn seems to have experienced in producing a transition from his translation of a Low German Passio Sixti to the Icelandic text he decided to copy also surface in what may be considered, in both structure and content, the strangest text in Reykjaholabok, namely Gregorius saga biskups, the apocryphal tale of Gregorius peccator. The legend about Gregorius the good sinner, as Hartmann von Aue calls him, is the story of a child of brother-sister incest who, like Moses, is set afloat in a little casket by his mother and entrusted to God and the waves. He is found by some monks and raised in a monastery but is unwilling to dedicate his life to God as a monk. He leaves the monastery and, having become a knight, rescues a chatelaine from an unwanted suitor and marries her himself. When he discovers to his horror that his wife is also his mother, Gregorius has himself chained to a rock jutting out from the sea, where he leads a penitential hermit's life for seventeen years. When at the end of this time the pope dies, God makes manifest that his successor is to be the holy sinner Gregorius. Bjorn f»orleifsson had available two Low German versions, the so-called papal redaction, best known from Hartmann von Aue's Gregorius, and an episcopal redaction extant in the 1492, 1493, and 1506 Liibeck imprints of the Plenarium. At first Bjorn translates mainly the text of the better-known papal redaction, but towards the conclusion of the narrative, where the two redactions diverge in that Gregorius becomes pope in one but merely bishop in the other, the compiler employs a form of stranding. He follows now one version, now the other, but always keeps the reader informed that he is transmitting diverging accounts. The result is a story with a two-pronged conclusion, in which the

122 The Book of Reykjaholar reader may decide which ending is to be preferred or believed. The whole is a unique version of the apocryphal tale presumably created out of an impartial compiler's desire to transmit a complete narrative record.44 The conclusion of Gregorius saga biskups is weak in that Bjorn does not quite succeed - structurally and in terms of narrative weight - in harmonizing the discrepancies. The double stranding per se does not disrupt the narrative, although to be sure after we have heard that Gregorius becomes bishop and then travels to Rome, we hear again of the death of a prelate, this time the pope. We are now led to a different conclusion. The weakness of the double-stranding resides in the disparity between the relative abruptness of the first conclusion and the wealth of detail provided in the second. The content of this apocryphal legend is of less interest at this point than the image of the compiler that emerges as he goes about the task of coming to terms with disparate versions of the tale. Once Gregorius has realized that he has married his own mother, he flees and comes to an inn, where he asks the owner to chain him to a rock, but rather than let him die there of starvation to bring him the same offal he gives to his dogs. The man does as Gregorius has asked, and the chapter concludes with the statement: Og j bessare vesavlld var hann j sexttan ar enn j svmvm bokvm seiger xvij aar. (Rhb, 11:24.9-10) [And in this misery he was for sixteen years but according to some books for seventeen years.]

There is a transition to the events that take place while Gregorius is undergoing penance, and the compiler remarks that 'j svmlegvm bokvm greiner so at j Romaborg var pafen j fra fallen' (Rhb, 11:24.13-14 'in some books it is said that the pope in Rome had died'). Then there is a brief account of the ensuing disagreement on who is to become pope and finally of the voice from heaven telling the Romans to look for the man who calls himself 'Gregorius the great sinner' (Rhb, 11:24.23) and who can be found in a kingdom called Aquitaine. Once more the compiler intervenes to report that 'j svmvm rithningvm greiner at bat hafe verit einn biskvp' (Rhb, 11:24.28-9 'in some writings it is reported that it was a bishop') who had died, and that the voice said to look for him at a place four days' journey from the episcopal see. The compiler continues to remark on the contradictory information before him: the texts present two versions - 'verda og rithningarnar tvisaga' (Rhb, 11:25. i) - f°r m one version the mother travels to Rome to tell the new pope her story, while 'j avdrvm bokvm seiger' (Rhb, 11:25.6-7 'in other books it says') that when she heard about the holy bishop she went to see him in

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order to confess her sins to him. After the recognition and reunion of mother and son, the two travel to Rome to seek absolution from the pope. The compiler finally expresses what can be interpreted as frustration in dealing with the two versions of the outcome of the legend, and he exclaims: en hvort at sannara er. paa veith pat gvd beztt nema fra pvi at hvn fieck lavsn sinna giorda. Pa seiger so j ollvm bokvm at hvn hafe pionat gvde allan thid med favstvm og vokvm og idvlegv basna hallde og vard gvdz vinvr miog kaer med bat sidaztha er hvn for af bessvm heime. (Rhb, 11:26.31-27.2) [but which one is the more credible, God knows best. Nonetheless from the time that she was absolved of her sins - all the books agree - she served God all the time in fasting and vigils and frequent prayer and had become God's very dear friend when she finally left this world.]

The compiler continues to intrude (Rhb, 11:27.3-5, !'•> 29-32~3) and then concludes the narrative by remarking that both versions report - 'Enn po greina hvorthvegiv so' (Rhb, 11:30.7 'but nevertheless each of them tells this') - that Gregorius was most exemplary and admirable in every respect, og marga hlvte adra po at peir sie ecki hier jnn setter, pa liet drottenn skie fyrer skvlld pessaa goda hera sins vthvalda vinar heilags Gregorij. (Rhb, 11:30.13-14) [and many other things, although here they are not included, the Lord let happen on account of this good man, his chosen friend St Gregory.]

Thus the historia ends — Bjorn informs us - to the eternal honour and glory of God, 'per omnia secvla secvlorvm. Amen' (Rhb, 11:30.16—17). In whichever role we view Bjorn £>orleifsson - as copyist, translator, editor, or compiler — he appears a remarkable man. As a copyist he approached his task with care and took time to proofread, although his work is not flawless. His command of Low German was good, although on occasion he was led astray by faux amis. The extraordinary number of Low German loans and his lapse into non-Icelandic syntax suggest either that he worked too quickly or, what is more likely, that he was so caught up in the texts he was translating that their vocabulary became his own and thus slipped into his Icelandic. The phenomenon is not unusual among those fluent in two languages. Bjorn emerges as a translator who was very much at home in Low German and for that reason probably was unaware that in the process of translating he was Icelandicizing Low German idioms and Germanizing his native tongue.

124 The Book of Reykjaholar While analysis of the texts he copied and translated permits us to assess Bjorn's abilities as scribe and translator, his deletion of existing matter from some legends but injection of new matter into others also permits certain inferences about his perception of his hagiographic oeuvre as a whole and his methods and motivation for producing Reykjaholabok. He was guided by contrary though not conflicting tendencies to eliminate redundancies on the one hand and to ensure a complete record on the other. The image that Bjorn projects is that of a scholar interested in preserving the past in its myriad, sometimes contradictory manifestations. The concern of the translator/compiler of Reykjaholabok was to transmit an accurate and comprehensible account of a saint's life. Yet this very striving for objectivity and fidelity to the sources resulted in a work of referential complexity in which the voice of the copyist/translator/editor/compiler can be discerned at every turn. Bjorn did not wish to interpolate his own notions into the text he was producing; on the contrary, his voice speaks out in order to reassure the reader that in his role as transmitter of older texts, whether Icelandic or Low German, he is not tampering with the sources. His voice is heard in repeated references to the primary source of a legend and to other available versions, in the many loan words, and in the explication of foreign customs and concepts. Paradoxically, precisely because he wished to make foreign sources accessible to his intended audience, the translator also preserved their alien features. The result of the translator's exegetical intervention is a work that is comprehensible to an Icelandic public and yet retains its foreign character, a work rendered accessible only by virtue of the repeated intrusion of references to other texts.

5 The Communion of Saints

In the production of his legendary Bjorn Porleifsson operated on two levels: at every moment he not only took care in copying or translating the text that was his source but also maintained an awareness of the relationship of the legend at hand both to other legends in Reykjaholabok and to the larger corpus of legends constituting his oeuvre. Accordingly, he deleted some matter in order to avoid redundancy, but also augmented the text of his sources for the sake of a complete record of a saint's life, death, and posthumous intervention in human affairs. As we learned in the preceding chapter, Bjorn Porleifsson understood himself to be more than a copyist and translator. His scholarly approach to the transmission of texts resulted in the rich intertextuality of Reykjaholabok, for at the same time that Bjorn disclosed where further information might be found, he also created a web of relationships among persons and incidents in otherwise discrete texts. The multiple cross-references and authorial comments bear witness that he thought of the anthology not as a collection of unrelated texts, each capable of being read in isolation, but as a group of interdependent narratives which gain in comprehensibility to the degree that they are read in the context of the entire legendary. Indeed, because of a number of references to and anecdotes about saints whose vitae are not included in Reykjaholabok, the legendary embraces more saints' lives than a table of contents alone might suggest. The totality of the legends in Reykjaholabok constitutes a world transcending time and space. Saints belonging to different texts, to different epochs, places, and cultures effortlessly converse and collaborate with each other. By virtue of their distinctive protagonists the sacred legends are incapable of existing in a vacuum or being read and understood without reference to other texts, other saints, and multiple planes of existence. Reykjaholabok attests both the communion of texts and the communion of saints, their marvellous fellowship in

126 The Book of Reykjaholar both this world and the next. Their lives are subject to more than the normal intrusion of the supernatural, both the divine and the demonic. Saints transcend the boundaries of the physical world not only by their calling to participate more fully in the divine, but in many instances also by their preternatural ability to ignore the limitations of time and space. Bilocation, for example, permits them to participate in events occurring in distant places; through apparitions they communicate with humans and fellow saints, and by means of miracles they manifest their concern for those in need. The textual re-creation of the fellowship of saints engenders multiplane narratives distinguished by polyreferentiality. Since the lives of the saints are characterized by transformations and translocations, the narratives relating these lives convey to the reader constantly new and shifting perceptions of reality and of the character or personality of the saintly protagonists. The saints' ability to interact with fellow saints and ordinary mortals across removes of time and space, to ignore the boundaries of this world and the next, has a direct effect on the text recounting a saint's life, for the translation of saints from one plane to another also makes possible the translation of anecdotes from one legend to another, with a consequent modification of text and life. The saints' tendency to interact with their fellow saints is one explanation for the initially unexpected permutability and instability and, by extension, the intertextuality of hagiography. Consequently, the reader's understanding of one sacred legend increases to the degree that it is read against another. Any large legendary is likely to contain the lives of two or more saints who were contemporaries. This is the case in Reykjaholabok, which contains, inter alia, legends associated with the life and death of Christ, that is, legends of Anne and Mary, the Three Kings, and Lazarus, as well as the lives of the three great doctors of the church, Sts Ambrose (7340-97), Augustine (354-430), and Jerome (d. ca. 419). While each of the three last-named saints is the protagonist of his own legend, the existence of the legends as part of a compilation permits the reader eventually to learn more about each saint than what is related in the respective legend alone. The effect is similar to that achieved in the Arthurian romances, for example, or the Sagas of Icelanders. Certain figures, such as Kay in the former or Snorri goSi in the latter genre, reappear in new texts and therefore new contexts, and the reader is gradually able to form an ever more inclusive notion of the universe inhabited by the characters. Anyone reading a legendary in its entirety undergoes a similar experience. Mariu saga og Onnu, the longest legend in Reykjaholabok (extending to 164 printed pages in the edition), approaches the length of a novel. Presumably it was originally the first text in the legendary.1 When in Lazarus saga Bjorn Porleifsson referred to this legend as 'The Saga of Maria and Anna' (Mariu

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saga og Onnu, Rhb, 1:171.34), giving primacy of place in the title to Mary, presumably he did so because a larger portion of the narrative is devoted to the mother of Christ than to the grandmother, although the latter is the protagonist in most of the appended miracle tales.2 While Mary is centre stage in Mariu saga og Onnu, she also appears in other legends in Reykjaholabok. By means of apparitions and miracles she repeatedly intervenes in the lives of both saints and sinners. Her legend is thereby recalled time and again, as it is augmented and enlarged in legends not her own, where Mary mediates in matters both mundane and spiritual. In the legend of St Nicholas of Tolentino, an Augustinian canon, Mary brings relief to the saint, who is constantly visited by illness. On one occasion, while he is ill and sorely tempted by the devil, Nicholas calls upon Mary and St Augustine for help. They appear to him in his sleep and tell him that they have come to heal him. The healing does not take place either immediately or directly, however. Instead, Mary points out to Nicholas a house in which there is a woman baker. She tells him to send for some of the woman's bread and to eat it; if he does as she tells him, he will be cured. He does as Mary has exhorted him, eats the bread after having made the sign of the cross over it, and is cured at once (Rhb, 11:160.14-161.3). One of the more touching stories in the legendary depicts Mary's maternal solicitude for the young St John Chrysostom's academic difficulties. At age seven John is sent to school and quickly learns the alphabet. When he tries to read and write, however, he experiences considerable difficulty and frequently has to endure the scorn of teachers and fellow pupils alike. Although St John ignores the abuse and doggedly applies himself to learning, he is ashamed. Nonetheless, he places all his trust in almighty God and the Virgin Mary, remembering the words of the Gospel: 'Ask and you shall receive, seek and you shall find, knock and it shall be opened unto you.' He is in the habit of going to church and prostrating himself before the altar of Mary to seek her assistance. He calls on her to intercede with her Son, 'the font of wisdom' (Rhb, 11:170.29), to help him learn better. One day, as he is praying in this fashion, Mary appears to him to inform him that the Son of God 'has heard my prayer, which I have presented in his presence on your behalf (Rhb, 11:171.11—13). She concludes by telling him to kiss her: mvnttv ba eige sijdr kvnna at laera og so at skilia bat sem bv les enn hiner er big darvdv og fvndv at vid big med haedne og spotte. (Rhb, 11:171.14-16) [you will then be no less able to learn and to understand what you read than those who derided and berated you with mockery and scorn.]

128 The Book of Reykjaholar When John expresses fear at the prospect of acting with such forwardness, Mary exhorts him to do as she has told him, promising him that he will learn from her lips 'himneskann konst og laerdom,' that is, the heavenly art and knowledge (Rhb, 11:171.23-4). Once he has kissed her, he will be able to explicate the Sacred Scriptures better than other masters. The extraordinary change in St John soon becomes apparent to all, but when he is asked to explain what has happened, he remains silent. Only after his companions have noticed a golden ring around his mouth does he reveal the story of Mary's intervention. In consequence St John receives the cognomen 'Golden Mouth' from those who formerly had derided him, and the narrator comments that from then on he was called and known by this name (Rhb, 11:172.24-5). By means of such stories as the Marian miracle tale in the legend of St John Chrysostom, the person of Mary as depicted in her own legend, Mariu saga og Onnu, is given more precise features. She is presented as a loving mother who furthers both in this life and in the next those devoted to her. She is depicted as an effective intermediary with her Son, and one from whose intervention sinners as well as saints profit. The close relationship between St Dominic and the friars of his order and the Mother of God is established through a series of apparitions recounted in Dominicus saga? The first of these legitimizes the work of the order and shows Mary in an intercessory role with her Son. One time, when Dominic is praying for sinners, he has a vision of Jesus, who in the role of the avenging judge is prepared to hurl three sharp swords at sinners. Mary falls to her knees, however, and pleads for mercy. When Jesus asks her to cease interceding for a sinful world meriting his wrath, Mary manages to soften his anger by reminding him of the work of St Dominic and his companion St Francis: og so enn skvlv bier vitha minn ekskvlege sonvr. at eg hefr einn thrvan capellan j jardRike sem er sancte Dominicvs og stallbroder bans sanctvs Francisscvs hverrer at monnvm boda og med livfvm keninngvm laera syndogth folk hverrnen at beir eigv at fordazt synder og adra lavstv. en at elska og ath heidra big og bitt blezada nafn. (Rhb, 11:294. 9-14) [and you should know, my beloved son, that I have a faithful chaplain on earth, who is St Dominic, and his companion St Francis, each of whom exhorts and with gentle words teaches sinners how they are to avoid sins and other vices and instead to love and honour you and your blessed name.]

Mary's words are effective, and Christ decides to send the two men into the world to preach repentance. Furthermore, he promises to be mild and merciful to sinners if they accept the preaching of the two friars. The vision granted to

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Dominic assures him of divine approbation of his own - and Francis's - preaching. The full import of the vision and of Mary's successful intercession with God is brought home if one recalls that in Servatius saga, which precedes Dominicus saga in Reykjaholabok, a similar incident is recounted in chapter 4 (Rhb, 11:197.9—198.12). The saint, who has been driven out of his bishopric, makes a pilgrimage to Rome, where in the church of Sts Peter and Paul he prays to Mary and the two patron saints for God's mercy on his persecutors. He is finally granted a vision of Jesus Christ, Mary, and the heavenly host. The last are praying for the various bishoprics, but not Servatius's own. When the saint calls upon Sts Peter and Paul to intercede with God for the people of his see, St Peter informs him that they have deserved God's wrath and are not worthy of his mercy. The saints and angels have condemned his countrymen - thus St Peter and God's anger will not be averted. Instead, Servatius is to become bishop of Maastricht. St Dominic's vision, if read against that of St Servatius, reveals the extraordinary concern of Mary for the Order of Preachers. Moreover, the parallels - and therefore also the discrepancies - in the two accounts are striking, for St Dominic's vision of God's wrath and Mary's intervention is preceded by the apparition to him of Sts Peter and Paul in Rome. They present him with a staff and a book and tell him to go and preach, for he has been chosen for this work (Rhb, 11:293.25-6). Consequently, St Dominic disperses the friars into the world, and immediately thereafter he is granted the vision of Christ. Mary's special interest in the Order of Preachers is documented by another vision, this time by Reginald of Orleans, who is very ill. When St Dominic prays for him and asks God not to take such a valuable friar from him, Reginald is visited by Mary in the company of two unidentified maidens. While the vision brings with it a return of Reginald's health, more significantly it bestows Mary's approval on the mendicant friars' habit,4 for gaf hvn honvm ordens klaede er harm skyllde bera jofn at lijtha og pav klaede er med Dominicvs orden erv enn. og enn sagde hvn so. Reginalldvs pesse klaede skalttv bera fyrer mina skylld med avdrvm braedrvm peim sem retta reglv hallda. (Rhb, 11:295.27— 31).

[she gave him the habit of the order which he was always to wear and those garments which the Dominican order still has. And she spoke further: 'Reginald, you as well as the other brethren who live according to this rule are to wear these garments for my sake.']

And the voice of the narrator informs the reader that this is the habit the friars

130 The Book of Reykjaholar wore in former days, and we can add, still wear today. While the two visions, Dominic's and Reginald's, express divine approbation of the order's work and the friars' distinctive habit, a sign of its uniqueness, two subsequent visions confirm Mary's special relationship to St Dominic and his friars. One night Mary, accompanied by Sts Catherine and Cecilia, appears to Dominic. She informs the saint that she has been empowered by her Son to protect him and his order. Whereupon she proceeds to bless the friars - except for one, who has not armed himself with the 'night belt' (Rhb, 11:296.29) - as they are sleeping in their beds.5 Dominic is now transported in ecstasy to heaven and sees the Blessed Trinity, the Virgin Mary, and the heavenly host. When he does not observe any of his own brethren, however, he becomes very sad, and explains to Mary the reason for his distress. Not Mary but the Lord himself reveals the cause of their apparent absence: he asks Mary to open her cloak, and Dominic now glimpses his friars sitting inside the protective folds of her mantle. Analogues of this legend had currency in almost all religious orders, and there are numerous depictions of the incident in art. The legend presumably originated with the Cistercians, and it can be found in Caesarius von Heisterbach's Dialogus miraculorum (Bk vn, chap. 59), where it is headed 'De monacho, qui ordinem Cisterciensium sub eius [i.e., Mariae] pallio vidit in regno caelorum.' The tale, which Leopold Kretzenbacher has called a 'propaganda' legend,6 is widely attested in art. This representation of Mary came to be known as the 'Schutzmantelmadonna' ('The Madonna of the Protective Mantle').7 The earliest representations, dating from the fourteenth century, depict the monks and nuns of the respective religious orders under Mary's mantle.8 Iconographically this legend was also linked to that of the earlier vision enjoyed by St Dominic, in which Mary averts Christ's anger. Indeed, in one manuscript of the Speculum humanae salvationis, dated circa 1400, which contains illustrations produced by a Dominican in the monastery of St Blaise in Regensburg, Mary is represented as the 'Schutzmantelmadonna' whose cloak shelters the friars from Christ, who is aiming an arrow at them. The illustration is headed by the statement 'Maria est mediatrix inter deum et homines.' The role she is given here as mediatrix between God and men ultimately derives from St Bernhard's dictum that Christ is our mediator with God the Father, while Mary is our mediatrix with God the Son.9 A somewhat longer account of St Dominic's vision was already known in Iceland through the so-called Mariu saga, a life of Mary followed by a large collection of her miracle stories, most of which date from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.10 According to the account in Mariu saga, the vision was related by the Franciscans, who reported that St Dominic saw Christ holding three spears as though aiming them at humanity. When Mary asks him what he

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intends to do, Christ replies that the world is filled with the vices of violence, concupiscence, and greed and that he intends to shoot the three spears at sinful humanity. Mary intercedes, however, and manages to assuage Christ's anger by pointing out that St Dominic will conquer the entire world for him and that he will be assisted in this task by St Francis. Dominic, who had not known Francis previously, was able to recognize him in church the day after the vision, and so approached him, embraced him, and said, 'Pu ert minn kumpan, bu skallt renna med mer. St6ndum badir samt, ok mun eingi mega standa i mot ockr'11 ('You are my companion who shall accompany me. Let us stand together and no one will be able to withstand us'). The Marian apparitions in Dominicus saga have a twofold function: while they put the divine stamp of approval on the order, they also convey Mary's particular concern for the mendicant friars and her power to soften the anger of her Son. In other legends it becomes clear that Mary tends to be more understanding than other saints of a sinner's waywardness. Indeed, she not only intercedes for sinners with her Son but also mediates between sinners and the saints whom they may have offended. In Laurencius saga, for example, it becomes clear that there can be disagreement among the saints in respect to sinful humans. The legend of St Lawrence concludes with two miracle stories: the tale of how a farmer, as punishment for ploughing his field on the feast of St Mary Magdalene, is struck by lightning, loses a leg, and is cured through the intercession of St Hippolytus in a church dedicated to the Virgin Mary (Rhb, 1:269.9270.29); and an account of how an avaricious judge named Stephen, who expropriated property belonging to the churches of Sts Lawrence and Agnes, dies and experiences the saints' wrath after death, but is saved from God's anger through the intercession of Mary (Rhb, 1:270.30-271.35). The latter miracle tale is unusual in that it depicts several saints interacting with one another. Both St Lawrence and St Agnes are angry at the unjust judge because of his theft of church lands. When he dies, St Lawrence treats him rather roughly and St Agnes expresses her annoyance through disdain. She is accompanied by a group of virgins, in fact, all of whom turn their backs on the sinner. The Divine Judge grasps the situation and decides to assign Stephen a place with Judas, since he sold justice and expropriated other men's goods. Despite his manifest and manifold sins, however, the greedy judge was particularly devoted to St Projectus, and that saint now attempts to intervene. He informs Sts Lawrence and Agnes that the judge has shown him great honor and that they should therefore be compassionate. The two saints stubbornly refuse to yield, and Projectus turns to Mary to beg for her help in the matter. She extricates the hapless sinner from the angry Lawrence and Agnes and then intercedes with her Son, who relents by adjudicating that Stephen's soul is to return to his

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body for thirty days, during which time he is to make restitution. For her part, Mary commands him to recite each day Psalm 119, 'Beati immaculati.' The penance is to the point. While verse 2 specifically addresses the judge's sin 'Blessed are those who keep his testimonies, who seek him wholeheartedly, who also commit no unrighteousness: they walk in his ways' - verse 121 is an ironic reminder of the judge's failing — 'I have practised justice and righteousness' - and an even more ironic plea for delivery from those who have maligned him. At the end of this extension of his life Stephen dies a second time, and now he is permitted to enter eternal bliss. The story of the unjust judge is told in Reykjaholabok in the context of the legend of St Lawrence, but it was also transmitted in Iceland in the so-called Mariu saga. The narrator's - or compiler's - voice informs the reader of Reykjaholabok that 'in the miracle stories of the Virgin Mary we are told ...' (Rhb, 1:270.30); indeed, three redactions of the account are transmitted in the manuscripts of Mariu saga.12 The reference in Reykjaholabok to the miracles of the Virgin Mary is presumably not Bjorn £>orleifsson's invention, for similar statements are found in the Passionael (Cx.d) and the Legenda aurea (chap. 117; LA, 494-5), both of which also inject the tale into the legend of St Lawrence. A reading of the miracle tale as part of this legend, instead of in the context of the anthology of Marian miracles in Mariu saga, forces a somewhat different interpretation of the narrative on the reader, especially since the redaction transmitted by Bjorn f»orleifsson deviates substantially from the older texts circulating as part of the Marian stories. A comparison of the redactions in Reykjaholabok and Mariu saga reveals discrepancies in the nature of the interaction among the saints involved and between the saints and Mary. The tale of the unjust judge recounted in Laurencius saga portrays Lawrence as a peevish saint who holds grudges.13 His ill temper extends to violence, for he repeatedly squeezes the judge's arm so roughly that the latter experiences great pain. St Agnes, for her part, turns her back on him. Both saints are depicted displaying rather petty human weaknesses. While Lawrence and Agnes have not forgotten that Stephen has wronged them, the martyr Projectus recalls that the unjust judge, despite his sins, has honoured him, and therefore intercedes for the judge. Nonetheless, Projectus fails to mollify Lawrence and Agnes. Only after he has enlisted the aid of Mary do the two martyrs relent, and now they accompany Mary in her search for mercy from Christ for the sinner. The tale departs radically from the more usual type of miracle tale. The saint is depicted not as intercessor or miracle worker but as avenger. When read in the context of the legend of St Lawrence, the story reminds us forcibly of the possible consequences of offending the martyr and reveals the all too human weaknesses - exhibited not on earth but in heaven - of one of the great saints of

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the church. No light is thrown in Reykjaholabok on the mysterious saint Projectus, but the legend of the unjust judge transmitted in Mariu saga offers an explanation for his behaviour: next to St Andrew and the Virgin Mary, Projectus has earned the honorific 'mitissimus sanctorum,' that is, as the narrator interprets, 'most merciful of all saints.'14 Projectus (Praeiectus), who was bishop of Clermont from 666 A.D. and who founded two monasteries, was murdered on 25 January 676 by supporters of Childerich II (d. 675). His founding of a hospital may have been responsible for his reputation for compassion (LTK, vm: 1681-2). Ultimately, the legend in Laurencius saga drives home the point that when all else fails, the one saint who can help is the Virgin Mary, for it becomes clear that Projectus achieves his end through Mary's intervention alone. That a distinct hierarchy of power is suggested in Laurencius saga, with Mary as the sure help of sinners, is confirmed by a reading of the same tale in the Legenda aurea (494-5). There neither Lawrence nor Agnes denies Projectus's appeal, and in fact Christ's mercy is obtained because the two saints, together with Mary, intercede with the Heavenly Judge. The specific character of the miracle tale in Reykjaholabok, like the ones in Dominicus saga, contributes to enlarging the image of Mary projected in the Marian legend proper, Mariu saga og Onnu. Mary is depicted in Laurencius saga as the ultimate intercessor with Christ, the one saint who can be counted on when all else fails, and the guarantor of mercy towards sinners. Immediately preceding the story of the unjust judge occurs the miracle tale of the farmer who violated a holy day, which is also transmitted in the Icelandic Marian anthology Mariu saga, where it is found in two redactions.15 The anecdote is the same as the one in Laurencius saga, but whereas the tale in Mariu saga is indeed a Marian miracle story, the point in Laurencius saga is the intercessary power of St Hippolytus. In the preceding chapter we noted that the legend of St Lawrence as transmitted in Reykjaholabok is a conflation of what originally constituted three distinct accounts of martyrdom, of Sts Sixtus, Lawrence, and Hippolytus. This explains the position of the story of the greedy farmer in the Legenda aurea and the Passionael, in both of which it is appended to the legend of the martyrdom of Hippolytus. The story tells of a farmer who violated the feast of St Mary Magdalene by setting out to plough a field. When the oxen refuse to move, he beats them mercilessly and swears at them. The divine interferes in the form of lightning, which kills the oxen and burns one of the farmer's legs all the way to the bone, so that eventually he loses the leg. Like the tale of the unjust judge, this miracle story concerns in part the dire consequences visited upon the sinner who offends a saint. The story of Mary Magdalene's wrath takes place on this earth, however, and unlike Sts Lawrence and Agnes, who snub the sinner, she herself does not appear in the tale. Both the

134 The Book of Reykjaholar limb and the unfortunate sinner are taken to the church of the Virgin Mary, where the farmer implores her help and mercy. When Mary appears to him, accompanied by St Hippolytus, she tells her saintly companion to fetch the limb and reattach it. The farmer's cries of pain attract the local populace. Although the farmer's leg has now been restored to him, he remains somewhat lame. Mary and Hippolytus appear to him once more, and Mary again exhorts the saint to help the farmer. Hippolytus strokes the lame leg until it is completely cured. The grateful farmer becomes ardently devoted to the Virgin Mary and St Hippolytus, and subsequently he withdraws from the world to a monastery. Depending upon its context, the miracle tale can be read as extolling either Mary's ability to cure or St Hippolytus's, but even if the latter, it is clear that the farmer is indebted for the miracle to Mary, since Hippolytus makes use of his power only at her urging. The miracle tales discussed so far have a double function: while they broaden our knowledge of Mary's heavenly activities, they also emphasize her unique place in the celestial hierarchy. Although her power is also derivative in that it is dependent on the will of God, the tales stress her tremendous influence on the divine will in a given situation. Mary is represented as the mediatrix between God and human beings, or as the banderoles in a 'SchutzmanteF image from the year 1510 in the Church of Our Lady in Munich proclaim, 'Tu quae sola potes aeterni numinis iram flectere.'16 Furthermore, while the miracle tales throw light on the particular saint in whose legend they are found, if read in their entirety they also create a celestial universe in which the various saints partake of a drama affecting the fate of humans. At the pinnacle of the saintly hierarchy we find Mary, whose own legend, Mariu saga og Onnu, is extended and refined with her every appearance in other texts. Although Mary, when portrayed as interacting with the other saints, is depicted as displaying the greatest compassion when confronted by human weakness and the greatest mercy for sinners, those harbouring doubts concerning her pre-eminence, the divine predilection for her and her gifts, are excepted from her favour. Thus the visions recounted in the legend of St Dominic serve as a striking counterpoint to a couple of miracle tales recounted in Mariu saga og Onnu. The 'author' of the Low German source was a firm believer in the Immaculate Conception, that is, the teaching that Mary was conceived without stain of original sin (LTK, x:6j-g). The matter is not raised in the legend of St Dominic, but the miracle tales in Mariu saga reflect the history of Dominican opposition to a belief held by many at the time. Furthermore, they suggest that Mary's special relationship to St Dominic and his order in its infancy was disturbed in succeeding centuries. Two exempla in Mariu saga og Onnu (chaps. 22, 23) recount miracles involving Dominicans who preached against belief in

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the Immaculate Conception. The antagonist of the first is a Viennese Dominican who maintained that Mary was born with original sin just like other humans. On a great feast day, when many thronged to hear him preach and he started to impugn belief in Mary's Immaculate Conception, he suddenly lost the power of speech and became so weak that he had to be carried from the pulpit. For eight days he was confined to bed, and then he died a wretched death. A similar exemplum follows. Although the Dominican preacher in this anecdote manages to complete his sermon denouncing belief in the Immaculate Conception, he too is punished. No sooner has he rejoined his brethren in the choir stalls than the devil in wolf's form charges into the cathedral, seizes the monk by the throat, and holds him until he has killed him. The narrator comments, 'but God knows where the soul went' (Rhb, 11:331.18) - and presumably the reader can surmise its fate as well.17 In both cases Mary's mantle offers no refuge. Indeed, in another tale recounting a miracle that occurs at the Council of Basel, where the Immaculate Conception was discussed in 1439, the narrator warns against disbelief in the doctrine and refers to St Anselm, who said - the narrator informs us — that one cannot hope to receive help from Mary if one maintains that she is conceived in original sin.18 A very similar statement is found on an altarpiece from around 1500, painted by the so-called Frankfurt Master. A series of tablets illustrates the life and miracles of St Anne, and one of these is devoted to Mary's conception. St Anselm is depicted together with other saints, including St Augustine, and a banderole curling around his knees reads 'Non puto verum esse amatorem Virginis, qui celebrare respuit festum suae conceptions.'I9 The miracle tale in Reykjaholabok concludes with a commentary on Anselm's position: og so sem jvngfrv Maria vill hialppa ollvm peim sem verdoglega hallda hennar gethnadar thid og pvi trvaa at hvn sie eigi gethen med gomlv synnd. So pvrfa peir og ecki at bidia sier hialpar eda nadar af henne sem pat seigia og hallda pat at hvn sie geten med gomlv synd. (Rhb, 11:332.30-333.4) [Whereas Mary will help all those who worthily observe the moment of her conception and who believe that she is not born with original sin, those who say and maintain that she is conceived with original sin should not expect to obtain help or mercy from her.]

Mary's manifest anger at disbelievers in her Immaculate Conception even extends to saints. Another miracle tale recounts how a pious Dominican friar, engaged one night in prayer before the Marian altar, was annoyed by what sounded like a fly buzzing above the altar of the Virgin Mary. After his attention had been repeatedly distracted by the noise, he exhorted the source of the

136 The Book of Reykjaholar sound, in the name of Christ, to explain what it was and why it was making the curious sound. A voice identifying itself as belonging to St Bonaventure explained that he had maintained that Mary was born with original sin (Rhb, 11:332.2-3), and had been punished by being forced to circle her altar in the guise of a fly. Now he has atoned for his error, however - the voice concludes the tale - and is going to fly off to the joys of heaven. The tale presumably arose because of Bonaventure's position that the feast of the Immaculate Conception, which was not universally accepted, could be understood as recognizing her sanctification, but that the precise moment of that sanctification was uncertain. Since the moment of her conception was certain, however — thus St Bonaventure - it made sense to celebrate her sanctification on that day too.20 In the legend of St John Chrysostom, as was noted above, Mary's maternal interest in the saint while he was still a schoolboy is depicted, but her relationship to him is rounded out through one of the miracle tales in Mariu saga og Onnu (chap. 83), which focuses on the question of Mary's Assumption into heaven. The story actually concerns St Jerome, who one day preached that the Virgin Mary was taken up into heaven. When a member of the congregation criticizes him after the sermon for not having taken a clearer position as to whether she was assumed body and soul, Jerome tells him to go into the garden and address the same question to the scribe he will find sitting there. The scribe, who informs the man that he is entering the names of the saved in the book of life, answers the question concerning Mary's Assumption by telling the man to go back into the church again, for there he will receive the answer. Having entered the church, the man has a vision of Mary, who tells him that both her body and her soul were truly assumed into heaven. She then cites St John Chrysostom as an authority on the subject: hann seiger so af mier Eg trve ecki pvi at Maria moder gvdz seiger hann sie med einvm partte hier jardRike. en med avdrvm partte sie hvn aa himne. en pat er at skilia. at hennar likamvr sie aa jardRike en salen aa himne. helldr seiger hann trve eg pvi giorsamlega at hvn er vpp hafen med avnd og likama yfer alia ejngla kora. (Rhb, 11:426.1-6). [He says thus of me: 'I do not believe that Mary, the Mother of God,' he says, 'is with one part here on earth, and with the other part in heaven; and this means that her body is on earth but her soul in heaven. Rather,' he says, 'I believe altogether that she has been assumed with body and soul above all the choirs of angels.']

While the same information coming from the mouth of Mary certainly would have convinced the inquirer of the truth of the Assumption, her choosing to rely on the opinion of St John Chrysostom, one of the doctors of the church, serves

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to express her approval of his teachings. The little miracle tale is concerned with the issue of the Assumption, but it also serves to round out the legend of St John Chrysostom. The reader now realizes that when Mary exhorted him to kiss her, she not only prevented one devoted to her from being harassed by his classmates and teachers but also ensured that he would preach the truth about one of her prerogatives as Mother of God. Not only Mary is concerned about her pre-eminence. Other saints similarly are displeased if their sanctity is not recognized, and God intervenes with physical punishment if the faithful do not show the saints the respect that is their due. One of the miracle stories in the legend of St Jerome (chap. 24) concerns a gambler who blamed the saint whenever he lost. His repeated mockery of the saint finally leads the Lord to take drastic measures 'for the sake of his beloved friend St Jerome' (Rhb, 11:241.7-8), and in the presence of many, who have witnessed his blasphemies, the gambler is burned to ashes by a fire descending from heaven. The story of this incident must have spread, for we now learn that three gamblers in another place dare St Jerome to stop them in their evil pursuits. No sooner have they challenged the saint than the earth opens up and swallows them. The next chapter re-enforces the image of St Jerome as the gambler's nemesis. A young man, age twelve, was doing poorly once as he sat at gambling, and challenged St Jerome as had the three aforementioned gamblers (Rhb, 11:241.28-9). As a result of his irreverence the devil appears and, in full view of the boy's father and others, drags the youth away with him. The narrator concludes the story with an admonition: og fyrer pessv og morgv avdrv eigv forelldrar ath finna at sinvm bavrnvm og straffa bav med hirthinngvm liotra og lastsaamlega vercka. (Rhb, 11:242.2-4) [And for this reason and for many others, parents should correct their children and punish them with severe chastisement and onerous tasks.]

In a later chapter (31), Jerome reappears in two miracle stories (Rhb, 11:250.6—251.2) in the antithetic roles of avenger in one case and intercessor in the other. In the first exemplum (Rhb, 11:250.6-15) a Roman cardinal, engaged in conversation with other cardinals, has the temerity to question St Jerome's sanctity. The scoffer speaks so disparagingly about Jerome and dishonours him so greatly with his words that God is outraged and punishes him. The cardinal comes down with a severe case of diarrhoea and has to leave the assemblage to seek a privy. The tale concludes on a dreadful note: all his intestines spilled out there, and he died at once.21 The legend of St Ambrose contains two exempla about the consequences of

138 The Book of Reykjaholar denigrating a saint. In the first tale a priest named Donatus refuses to show the deceased Ambrose the respect he is due; in the other a bishop named Muranus commits a similar act of irreverence. In both cases the scoffer pays with sudden illness followed by death. The legend proper of St Ambrose concludes with the remark that in this way those men who dared to criticize Bishop Ambrose found their end (Rhb, 11:93.4-5). Scoffers can redeem themselves, however, as the legend of Nicholas of Tolentino shows. It concludes with a tale of punishment for disbelief in the saint's sanctity, but the punishment is visited not upon the disbeliever, a woman, but on an innocent victim, her son (Rhb, 11:165.26-166.17). Despite repeated manifestations of Nicholas's sanctity after his death, a woman refuses to believe in his intercessory power and even mocks the saint, saying that Bishop Nicholas works as many miracles as her son. No sooner has she spoken thus than her son is stricken with a dreadful punishment: his eyes fall from their sockets, first rest on his cheeks, and then hang by the thread of their veins all the way down to his chest. The tale turns into a family drama, as the father berates his wife - 'as was right,' the narrator chimes in - for having spoken so horribly and having mocked God's friend so disgracefully. He orders her to ask for the saint's forgiveness, which she does at his grave. She promises that if her son's eyes are restored to him, she and her husband will offer him to a religious order in honour of the saint. The son is healed immediately, and the miracle tale ends with the observation that the parents praised God and St Nicholas and ever after venerated this friend of God. The saints who have gone to their eternal reward do not necessarily demonstrate the same patience and long-suffering towards the wicked that they did while alive. In the legend of Emperor Henry II we learn, for example, that he had a brother named Brun, a bishop, who repeatedly mocked the saintly ruler and tried to incite opposition against him. Although the emperor was aware of his brother's attempts to undermine him, he did not proceed against him, out of 'fear of the Lord and his own goodness' (Rhb, 1:55.20-1). After his death, however, when Brun moves to expropriate the possessions left to the church - Brun resented it, we are told, that monks and priests should control his brother's possessions and inheritance (Rhb, 1:61.33-4) - and sets up a meeting with his sister to effect the expropriation, Henry is not as patient. The evening before the issue is to be settled in court, Cunegund visits Henry's grave and begs him to intervene concerning the wealth he left 'to God for the sake of his soul and in her keeping for the remainder of her life' (Rhb, 1:62.14-15). Unless he supports her now in the afterlife as he supported her in life, she continues, she and her retainers will be expelled. That very night Henry appears to his brother, looking sad and troubled. When Brun inquires as to the cause, Henry points at him and tells him that what he, the emperor, had received from God and had returned to God,

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Brun now wants to take away. This, Henry says, he will not tolerate. The saint repeatedly strikes his brother, and when the brother awakes the next day and recalls what has happened during the night, he realizes that he has become so stiff he can no longer move. He fears that he will die. Subsequently he informs his sister and his retainers that he realizes he has always opposed his brother and that now both God and Henry have avenged themselves on him (Rhb, 1:63.245). He vows never to oppose his brother again, and at once he is cured. Whereas the saints do not hesitate to punish those who malign them or attempt to expropriate what is rightfully theirs, these same saints are quick to assist those devoted to them. The tale of divine wrath in Jeronimus saga recounted earlier is balanced by a tale of reward, once again involving a cardinal (Rhb, 11:250.15-251.2). Unlike his wicked Roman colleague, this cardinal, named Andrew, was devoted to St Jerome and lovingly honoured him. He became ill and died. The pope and his fellow cardinals mourned his passing and held a requiem service in church. While they were singing, the dead man raised himself up as though he had merely been sleeping and began to weep and wail. When the pope inquired as to the cause, the cardinal related that when he appeared before the Divine Judge he had been condemned to eternal punishment for his sins, especially his sybaritic life. St Jerome fell to his knees before the Lord, however, and interceded for the cardinal, so that God relented: he let the cardinal's soul return to its body - for the sake of St Jerome - so that he could expiate his sins. The account ends by noting that henceforth the cardinal diligently served God and St Jerome. St Lawrence is portrayed in Reykjaholabok as one who holds grudges against those who do not properly venerate him, who takes note of those who revere him and those who do not. While he is depicted with a capacity for inflicting pain on someone who does not respect him, as we saw above, conversely he rewards those who have shown special devotion to him. The legend of St Lawrence, in which the tale of the unjust judge Stephen is found, closes with a reference to the legend of Henry and Cunegund (see chap. 4), which contains another tale of intervention by the saint. The reference is to a posthumous miracle tale which illustrates St Lawrence's appreciation of the emperor's devotion to him (Rhb, 1:60.17—61.22). We are told that a group of devils frolic one day in the presence of a saintly hermit, who inquires as to the cause of their merriment. They inform him of the death of the emperor and announce that they intend to go to Merseburg in order to carry off his soul. One of them promises to return to report on the outcome of their mission. Initially things go well for the devils: when Henry's good deeds are placed on a scale, they are outweighed by his having falsely accused his wife Cunegund of adultery and thereby having caused her much suffering. Just as the scales start to descend in favour of evil, 'ba kom

140 The Book of Reykjaholar bar bessi forbrende Lavrencivs' (Rhb, 1:61.11 'then this burned Lawrence appeared there') - as a devil reports - and places a golden chalice onto the scale to tip the balance, thereby permitting the angels to take away Henry's soul. The hermit surmises what chalice this might have been; indeed, so can the reader, for shortly before his death the emperor had a magnificent church built in Merseburg, to which he donated a large golden chalice in honour of St Lawrence. And the narrator comments that this gift was subsequently to be to his advantage, 'as will later be told' (Rhb, 1:58.28-30). The incident that the devils hope will send the emperor to hell was engineered by Satan himself. A major portion of the legend of Henry and Cunegund may be understood as a bridal-quest romance (see chap. 7), albeit one with an unusual twist: while the quest is initially impeded by virtue of a vow made by both Henry and Cunegund to offer their virginity to God, the normal expectations of their subsequent marriage are subverted by the couple's mutual decision to maintain chastity. As in the legend of St John Chrysostom (see chap. 6), the devil actively enters the plot, first attempting to inflame the couple to lust, and then, when that fails, intervening in human form (Rhb, 1:49.20 ff.). During a prolonged absence on the part of the emperor, the devil, in the guise of a young, handsome knight, is repeatedly seen leaving the chambers of the empress. Upon returning to court, Henry is informed of this; he is so convinced of the truth of the rumour that his wife has a lover that he decides to divorce her. Cunegund herself suggests that he permit her to clear her good name by ordeal. Just before she is to walk over the red-hot ploughshares, she prays: heyrdv drottenn minn Jhesvs Cristvs hialppa mier nv so vt af allre minne pessare navd og pinv sem eg er skvllda lavs allt til pessa dags vid keisara Hendrek og alia menn adra j vervlldinne lifs og davda til veralldlegs mvnnadar lifis og holldlegs sambvdar vid mig. (Rhb, 1:54.13-17) [Hear me, my Lord Jesus Christ, help me now in all my need and torment, for I am innocent to this very day of any worldly lust or physical intercourse in respect to either Emperor Henry or any other men in the world of the living or the dead.]

The empress's oath provokes a violent reaction. Henry strikes her so viciously on the neck and then on the mouth and nose that he draws blood, because - the narrator informs us - he does not like being named in the same breath as the others (Rhb, 1:54.20-1). Henry's refusal to believe in his wife's fidelity and his choleric display, which is also noted in the Legenda aurea, presumably are responsible for the emperor's being characterized as a tyrant by some.22 In any case, the devils' hope of obtaining his soul is understandable. Noteworthy in

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this incident as it is recounted in Reykjaholabok is Mary's intervention in the ordeal, for a voice from heaven encourages Cunegund by promising her that 'the Virgin Mary, the most pure maiden, will be with you' (Rhb, 1:54.29-30). In the Legenda aurea Mary's intervention is even more explicit: 'virgo Maria te virginem liberavit' (chap. 117, LA, 495). In Jacobus de Voragine's compilation the story of the ordeal is found in the legend of St Lawrence rather than of Henry II, and it serves to introduce the story of the saint's intervention at Henry's death. The miracle story thus takes precedence in the Legenda aurea, while the account of Cunegund's walking on the red-hot ploughshares is incidental to the point of the tale, which is that Lawrence rewards the emperor's devotion to him. While the rewarding is certainly noted in the Icelandic legend, the fact that we find only a reference to Cunegund's ordeal lays greater emphasis on the struggle for Henry's soul, at the same time that it reflects the very different presentation and function of the chastity test in the Icelandic legendary. In the miracle tale the devils refer to the 'pain and suffering of Queen Cunegund and the false accusation he brought against her, although she was innocent' (Rhb, 1:61.2-3). The reference recalls for the reader the account of the ordeal, which comes as the climax of an extended narrative belonging to the type of the falsely accused wife.23 When the miracle tale involving St Lawrence occurs in the saint's own legend — as happens in the Legenda aurea - attention is drawn to the power of the martyr. Its occurrence in the context of the legend of Henry and Cunegund, however, enables one to read the tale rather differently: Henry's attaining sanctity was not at all assured after his intemperate behaviour towards and lack of faith in his wife. For this reason only a powerful intercessor in heaven, namely St Lawrence, can help him attain a place among the blessed. The stories recounting the miracles the saints are willing to perform for those who venerate them occasionally border on the distasteful. Chapter 25 of Augustinus saga relates the deep devotion to the saint of an 'honest and wealthy man' (Rhb, 11:126.24), who hoped above all to be able to obtain a relic. He left his own country and sought out the monk in charge of the remains of St Augustine and begged him for a relic. The monk could not resist the large sum offered him, but decided to cheat the man. He cut a finger from an unidentified corpse, wrapped it in silk, and gave it to the wealthy man, saying that it was St Augustine's finger. The man wore the finger tied around his neck, often pressed it to his heart, and greatly revered the presumed relic. Word of St Augustine's finger spread, and the relic not only became an object of veneration throughout the country but also produced so many miracles that news of it eventually reached Pavia, where the saint's remains rested. The monk was forced to confess his deception to his fellow monks, and invited them to look at the saint's body to

142 The Book of Reykjaholar ascertain that it was indeed still whole. A miracle had occurred, however, for St Augustine indeed was missing a finger. The narrator himself provides the explanation: gvd leith hans godgiarnlega hiartta og hreina elskv er hann bar thil Avgvstinvm. So at besse fingr er mvnkvrenn hafde snidet avdrvm davdvm marine, vard at sancte Avgvstinvs fingre. (Rhb, 11:127.14-17). [God saw his [the pilgrim's] caring heart and the pure love he bore St Augustine. Therefore the finger, which the monk had cut off another dead person, turned out to be Augustine's finger.]

The story transmits a rather extraordinary expression of divine approval of hagiolatry. The saints' intervention in human affairs, frequently in the form of apparitions, does not commence with their entry into eternal glory. Even before death they assist those who have gone before them but who have yet to atone for their sins. The stories illustrating how the saints on earth can work to release suffering souls from their punishment in purgatory take the form of visions. In chapter 4 of Nikolaus saga, the legend of St Nicholas of Tolentino (Rhb, 11:155.10-18), for example, we are told that the soul of a certain deceased Brother Peregrinus appears to Nicholas one day, just before he is to celebrate high mass, and informs him that he has suffered greatly, but that God has promised him release from his torments if Nicholas says the Mass of the Dead for him that day. Nicholas is the week's hebdomadarian, however, and thus is bound to say the mass called for by the liturgical calendar, so he tells the suffering Peregrinus that he cannot grant his request just now. Peregrinus will not take no for an answer and leads Nicholas into the woods, where the saint sees a lake: en j vathnennv saa hann hvar fiollde folks var og sathv ofann aa einvm fiske. qvinnvr og menn allra handa stettar. enn fiskvren vellthe sier vmm kringh sem annad hiol. og vorv baa stvnndvm nidre vnnder fiskenvm j kafenv. Enn stvndvm ofan aa honvm. en baa beir qvomv vpp vr kafenv baa kdllvdv aller sem med einv hliode er aa fiskenvm vorv. Nicholae bv kaere fader myskvnna bv bier yfer oss med binne salv messv. og bid bv til gvdz fyrer oss. ba verdvm vaer frelstar af vorvm qvolvm og pislvm. (Rhb, II, 155.29-156.5) [and on the water he saw a large crowd of people sitting on top of a fish, women and men of all ranks. The fish kept turning around like a wheel, however, so that at times they were under the fish in the depths, but at times on top of him. And when they came up out of the water's depths, the people who were on the fish called as if with one voice:

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'Nicholas, beloved father, have mercy on us by saying the Mass for the Dead, and intercede for us with God, so that we shall be released from our tortures and pains.']

The episode is rather strange and deviates from the corresponding account in the Passionael, where Nicholas has a vision of men and women on a meadow - ' vp ener wisck' (Pass., Cxlix.c). The unusual realization of the vision with the cartwheeling fish in the Icelandic legend presumably occurred in Bjom's Low German source. The striking variant may have been generated by an orthographic error or a misreading. The Low German word for meadow is wisk, but for fish visk. The extraordinary interpolation transmitted in Reykjaholabok could have resulted from a misreading of visk for wisk and from one redactor's attempt to make at least a little sense of such a strange vision. Since the deceased souls are clearly suffering, it must be because the fish is causing them this suffering. Whoever is responsible for the modification, it suggests familiarity with the medieval notion that a whale's back looks so like a forest that travellers mistake it for an island, drop anchor, and light a fire on it. This fanciful notion was well known throughout Europe and was transmitted to Iceland more than three centuries before the composition of Reykjaholabok through a translation of the Physiologus, the popular medieval bestiary. There one reads: Er hvalr i sae, er heitir aspedo, ok er of bak sem skogr se. En i mi5ju hafi skytr pat upp baki smu, en skipverjar aetla ey vera ok festa skip sitt vi5 par, ok kynda elda si'San. En aspedo kennir hita, ok drekkir ser i sjo ok q>llum skipverjum. [There is a whale in the ocean, who is called 'aspedo,' and its back is like a forest. And in the middle of the ocean it lifts up its back so that the sailors think it is an island and cast anchor there, and then light fires. But 'aspedo' feels the heat, and plunges into the sea together with all the sailors.]

As in Nikolaus saga, the whale in the Physiologus is associated with suffering, and the author concludes: Sva eru ok beir menn sviknir, er hafa von sma undir djgfli ok gleSjask i hans verkum, ok drekkjask i eilifar kvalar me5 fjanda.24 [Thus those humans are betrayed who place their trust in the devil and rejoice in his works, and they shall be drowned in the eternal torments with the devil.]

The whale as island was popularized in the late Middle Ages and early modern times through vernacular versions of the Navigatio Sancti Brandani, which was

144 The Book of Reykjaholar published by Anton Sorg in 1462 (Augsburg) as a chapbook.25 St Brendan and his companions cast anchor at a wooded island, but when one of the monks attempts to hew down a tree, the forest sinks into the water. The narrator comments that if God had not protected them, they would have drowned when the fish made for the deep. The legend of St Brendan was known in the North but is extant solely in a fragment of a thirteenth-century manuscript (NRA 68). In this redaction, after the monks have fled from the shuddering island, St Brendan informs them that they had mistaken the largest fish in the world for an island, and that the fish was turning around looking for its tail, which it wanted to grasp, but that it was unable to do so because it was so large (//A/5,1:275.5-7). The reference to linking the head and tail may be an echo of the MidgardSerpent of Germanic mythology. Be that as it may, the depiction of this creature anticipates the whirling fish in Nikolaus saga.26 The purpose of the story in Nikolaus saga is to illustrate the importance of prayer for the deceased and the intercessory power of the saints. Nicholas is so shaken by his vision that he goes to his prior, explains what has happened, and asks to be released from his normal duties in order to be able to say the Mass of the Dead for the rest of the week, and his request is granted. At the end of the week the deceased Brother Peregrinus appears to him once more, thanks him for his intercession, and informs him that a substantial number of the souls he saw on the fish have been saved. Furthermore, he attests that Nicholas's prayers are highly pleasing to God. In Nikolaus saga the vision of the suffering souls constitutes one of many incidents in the saint's life. In another legend, that of St John Chrysostom, a similar appeal by the deceased for masses to be said is the decisive incident of the frame tale that generates an apocryphal legend, a sacred folk-tale as it were, about St John Chrysostom (see chap. 6). Jons saga gullmunns, the legend of John Golden-Mouth, is a frame narrative in which the tale constituting the frame is intended to demonstrate the efficacy of prayer for the dead. It also provides the motivation for the saint's becoming a priest at a rather young age. An unidentified pope, accompanied by an entourage, is on a journey. One day, when the group stops to rest, the pope withdraws to pray. While he is thus engaged, he hears a sorrowful voice calling out to him three times. He discovers that the voice is that of a suffering soul. When the pope promises to help, since God has given him great power to forgive the sins of men, the soul retorts that the pope is incapable of doing so, that it will not be released from torment until John, the soon-to-be-born son of a couple named Seidmer and Authusa, becomes a priest and has celebrated his sixteenth mass (Rhb, 11:169.1-3). Between this vision and the actual release of the soul from its torments fifteen years intervene, during which time the saint seduces a woman, murders her, and

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then does penance for his crimes. The tormented soul of the frame tale does not reappear until the end of the legend, after John himself, having failed to obtain pardon from the pope for his own sins, does penance and is finally assured of divine forgiveness. Upon learning of the prenatal incident, the saint immediately says a mass a day until the sixteen masses have been said and the soul is redeemed (Rhb, 11:184.28-30). On this note concludes the apocryphal tale of St John Chrysostom, which - as the narrator informs us - some masters do not consider to be true. The miracle tale of the frame illustrates the intercessory power of prayer at the same time that it confirms the ability of saints, while still on earth, to affect the fate of the deceased. The reader of Reykjaholabok is as much impressed by the magnanimity of the saints towards those in need as by the affection and respect they demonstrate for one another both in life and after death. One particularly striking instance involves Sts Lawrence and Stephen. The incident occurs in a miracle tale in Stefanus saga and throws light on both the posthumous interaction of saints and the means by which they manifest their wishes to humans. The legend of St Stephen protomartyr contains an account of the transferral of his relics from Constantinople to Rome, where they came to rest next to those of his fellow martyr St Lawrence (Rhb, 1:238.15-241.27). On one level the legend of St Stephen's translation is a miracle story. Eudoxia, the daughter of Emperor Theodosius, is possessed by the devil, and in order to obtain a cure her father plans to send her to Constantinople to visit the grave of St Stephen, because he has heard that many miracles have occurred there through the saint's intercession. The devil, however, announces through the princess that he will not leave her body until the relics of St Stephen have been brought to Rome, because God's apostles wanted him to come to them (Rhb, 1:239.1). When the emperor asks the Constantinopolitans to cede their relics, he is told that they are willing to give up their saint only in exchange for the relics of St Lawrence, and they have agreed to this exchange with the approval of the pope. The relics of St Stephen are to be placed in the church of St Peter in Chains, but when the bearers arrive there, the body becomes so heavy that it cannot be moved. The devil intervenes again and announces that St Stephen wishes to rest nowhere but at St Lawrence's side. When the remains are borne to the church of St Lawrence (i.e., S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura), a minor miracle attesting the posthumous friendship of the two saints takes place: when St Lawrence's tomb is opened, it becomes clear that there is no room for St Stephen's casket unless the tomb is dug out more. At this point those who stand by the tomb see clearly St Lawrence's casket moving aside to make room for the saint's fellow martyr. The populace praises God for the miracle. When the emperor then bids the Constantinopolitans to remove St Lawrence's relics, those who attempt to move the casket lose consciousness and

146 The Book of Reykjaholar fall to the ground as though dead. They revive after the priests have invoked God for help, but when another attempt is made to remove the relics, the phenomenon repeats itself. The body of St Lawrence is once more placed beside that of St Stephen, and heaven voices its approval: O pv edle stadr Roma. pv hefr nv laest j einne gravf tvo gvdz vine og pislar votta. Lavrencivm af Hispanivm og Stefanvm af Jervsalem. (Rhb, 1:241.20-2) [You, noble city, Rome, have now placed in one grave two friends of God and martyrs, Lawrence of Spain and Stephen of Jerusalem.]

The narrator's voice comments that this event occurred in the year 425. The legend of the translation of St Stephen to Rome can be read on two levels. While there is no explicit criticism of the commerce in relics, the saints' interference in the plan hatched between the secular and the ecclesiastical authorities to exchange the remains of St Lawrence for those of St Stephen suggests not only that they have a strong interest in the place where they are to be revered but also that they are unwilling to become pawns in the dealings of men.27 The legend of St Stephen's translation to Rome attests both the power of the saint to drive off the devil and the strong affinity of some saints for each other. If one reads this tale in light of the story of St Augustine's finger, it becomes clear why the saint was willing to let fiction become fact: although the finger was obtained at great expense, the 'purchase' of it was an act of supreme devotion. In the case of the Roman emperor whose daughter was possessed by the devil, his desire to have St Stephen's relics in Rome has nothing to do with devotion. When the doctors fail to cure his daughter, he tries a last resort in the firm hope that the miracles the saint has wrought elsewhere he will work also in Rome. In this light, one can understand why the saint, although forcing the devil to abandon the princess, refuses to be totally obliging to those he has helped. He interferes with a miracle to manifest where his body is to be laid to rest. While the story of possession by the devil generates the account of the Translation of St Stephen, this legend contains an important subtext, a second legend - that of the friendship between Sts Stephen and Lawrence, manifest in their desire to share a tomb. Mary has primacy of place in Reykjaholabok, not only because her life is recounted in the longest legend in the anthology, Mariu saga og Onnu, but also because she repeatedly intervenes in the lives of saintly human beings in the other legends. The life of her mother, Anne, is interwoven with hers, and Mariu saga og Onnu concludes with miracle tales, among the longest in Reykjaholabok, illustrating the power of St Anne. One of these, the story of a poor couple

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who gain wealth because of their devotion to St Anne, commences with the recognition by one saint, John the Apostle, of the superior and distinctive power of another, St Anne. The tale (Rhb, 11:433.3-438.27) concerns a poor couple intent on getting rich, not out of avarice, as later events show, but because their poverty has resulted in their accumulating great debts, so great that the husband finally despairs - on account both of his debts and of the temptations of the devil, we are told (Rhb, 11:433.15-16) - and decides to drown himself. He is prevented from doing so by an old man, dressed in white garments, who identifies himself as John the Apostle and informs him that the devil would have broken the poor man's neck long ago, had he, John, his patron saint, not protected him. He exhorts him to repentance and tells him to place all his trust in a holy woman capable of helping the entire world in the blink of an eye, if only humans seek her help (Rhb, 11:433.30-431.1). When the man inquires who this might be, John tells him that it is Anne, the grandmother of our Lord Jesus Christ. The apostle informs him that anyone who wants to honour St Anne should commemorate her on Tuesdays, the day on which she was born and on which she died. Christ has sanctified this day and promised that anyone who celebrates it will receive special graces. The tale that follows reveals as much about devotional practices surrounding one of the most important saints of the late Middle Ages as about medieval perceptions of the distinctive prerogatives of St Anne, the mother of Mary and grandmother of Jesus Christ. Anne is depicted as tangibly rewarding devotion to her, for soon after the poor man has had an image fashioned of her, and he and his wife have begun to light three candles every day in honour of Jesus, Mary, and Anne, and they have ordained masses to be said in honour of St Anne every Tuesday, they are rewarded by the saint with such wealth that they become the richest people in the city, so rich they hardly know how much money they possess (Rhb, 11:434.28-30). In gratitude they now have a church built in honour of God and St Anne 'Selbdritt' (Rhb, 0:435.2),28 where on Tuesdays Masses in honour of St Anne continue to be celebrated; in addition, the husband and wife pay tithes and appoint priests. After some years the tithes are increased, and so is the number of masses, to six — three in honour of the three husbands Anne had, and three in honour of Anne and her two daughters Mary Cleophas and Mary Salome.29 Despite their having been married for twenty-eight years, the couple devoted to St Anne are childless, and it comes as no surprise that the saint whose own plea for a child after twenty years of childlessness was heard by God should now turn a gracious ear to another woman in the same plight.30 Her prayer is more than answered, for she gives birth to male triplets, fittingly named after St Anne's three husbands, Joachim, Cleophas, and Salome. At this point one expects the story to end, but not so, for within three years of their birth

148 The Book of Reykjaholar the mother dies. The husband is disconsolate, on account not only of the young children but also of the great love he had for his wife, for so seiger at beirra ast og kaerleg elska vaere so mikil beirra aa mille. at hvort beirra hefde giarnann daet fyrer annat ef hitt sem efter lifde msette at helldr frelsat vera. fra davdanvm. (Rhb, 11:435.28-30) [it is said that their love and affection for each other was so great that each would have preferred to die before the other, if thereby the other could be spared from death.]

The wife is buried, but now the children begin to cry and ask for her. When he can no longer bear their whimpering and sobbing, the father takes them to the church of St Anne, places them on her altar, with its life-size image, and tells them that now they have found the mother for whom they have been crying. The children immediately become quiet, and when their father asks them whether they wish to return home with him or stay there, they turn away from him and towards the statue of St Anne. He falls on his knees and begs the saint to take the poor, helpless children under her protection. At home he falls into a faint and then has a vision of God's glory. He sees St Anne step down from her altar, go to the grave of his wife, lift her up, and tell her to go home, together with her children, to her husband. When he comes to, it has grown quite dark. Suddenly there is a knock on the door, and he is terrified that God might be sending some form of punishment on him for his sins and failings. The knock is repeated, and he now hears a woman's voice asking for admittance. Finally he hears his children calling to him to open up, for they have returned with their mother. When he at last summons his courage to look out, a woman surrounded by his three children identifies herself as his wife, brought back from the dead through the power of St Anne. This miracle tale is one of the most charming in Reykjaholabok, by virtue not only of the subject matter but also of the loving attention to detail lavished by the author. The reader is drawn into the account and can commiserate with the widower, feeling anguish for the welfare of his young children. A parallel but comparatively laconic miracle tale is told in the so-called Mariu saga about a barren woman who repeatedly visits a monastery dedicated to Mary, where she begs the Mother of Mercy to plead with her Son to hear her prayer and give her a child, just as one was granted to the elderly Sarah of the Old Testament.31 The woman becomes pregnant and bears a son, but her joy is short-lived, for the baby dies while still in the cradle. The grief-stricken woman takes the body of her child to church and implores Mary to restore life to her son. She persists in her prayerful vigil the entire night, and gradually life returns to the baby. As

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Francesca Sautman has noted, Anne was a saint of women, and 'in many ways the cult and iconography of Anne repeated those of the Virgin ... Anne and Mary become associated as two faces of divine motherhood, the very young and the very old, both becoming mothers by divine intervention.'32 What makes the miracle story in Reykjaholabok so intriguing and distinguishes it from the account in Mariu saga is the fact that the reader identifies throughout with the husband/father/widower: the story is told almost entirely from his perspective. Moreover, if one recalls the beginning of the tale, it is easy to draw the conclusion that even as illustrious a saint as John the Apostle defers to the greater power of St Anne in what might be considered a hopeless case. The foregoing miracle tale illustrates the power of St Anne in everyday affairs and at the same time implicitly exhorts the reader to respect her sanctity and to call on her for aid. The impetus for devotion to St Anne comes from another saint, John the Apostle, but the effectiveness of such devotion is manifested in the fortunes and misfortunes of the married couple. In another instance a saint himself engages in what might be considered a form of self-advertising. This is in the legend of St Augustine, who has a prominent place in Reykjaholabok, not only by virtue of his being a contemporary of Ambrose and Jerome and therefore appearing also in their legends — the Icelandic legendary, we should remember, contains the legends of the three great doctors of the church but also because of his spiritual legacy in a rule for the religious life.33 While God's punishment is visited on those who do not esteem the saints, as we saw in the story of the cardinal who doubted St Jerome's sanctity, the divine also intervenes in the interest of encouraging devotion to one or another saint. A miracle story in Augustinus saga reveals a form of divine intervention that effectively undermines the popularity of Sts Peter and Paul in order to promote pilgrimages to the shrine of St Augustine (Rhb, 11:124.25-125.31). We read about a group of forty pilgrims, all suffering from one illness or another, who set out from France and Germany in order to travel to Rome to seek help from Sts Peter and Paul. God wished to make known the sanctity of Augustine, however, and therefore not far from Pavia St Augustine appears to the pilgrims to inquire after the purpose of their pilgrimage. When they inform him of their goal, he tells them that they should stop in Pavia and visit the church in the place called Golden Heaven (i.e., S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro), where they will be healed of their infirmities. When they ask him to identify himself, he informs them that he is the same Augustine who was bishop of Hippo, whereupon he disappears. After some consultation they agree to take Augustine's advice, and they go to the church in which the body of the saint rests. The narrator reports that God granted the pilgrims many miracles for the sake of St Augustine. Word of the marvels spreads rapidly, and the church becomes a centre of pilgrimage and a place of many

150 The Book of Reykjaholar miracles. Indeed, those who are healed leave behind so many crutches and staffs and similar appurtenances that these accumulated and had to be burned, we are told, and taken out of the church on account of the crowded conditions (Rhb, 0:125.28-31). While the story of Augustine's apparition to the pilgrims is also recounted by Jacobus de Voragine in the Legenda aurea, his version lacks the distinctive feature that makes the Icelandic tale so fascinating: only in the latter is the reader told that God himself connives with the saint to short-circuit the pilgrimage to Rome, because he wishes Augustine's sanctity to become better known. The reader's interpretation is that God has decided Sts Peter and Paul have received enough business; it is time to let a younger saint show what he can accomplish for those suffering on earth. Not only St Augustine but also the martyr Sebastian brought fame to Pavia. His legend ends with an account of a plague that ravaged Rome and Pavia during the reign of King Gumbertus (Rhb, 1:165.23—166.5) in 680. In both cities an angel was seen moving about, followed by a devil wielding a knife. As often as the angel of death commanded the devil to strike a house with his knife, just as often many dead were carried out of that house. It was revealed to a holy man that the plague would not cease until the Pavians had raised an altar to honour God and St Sebastian. As soon as they had done so, the plague abated. In the story of St Augustine's appearance to the pilgrims, the reader cannot help but be amused that the doctor of the church knows how to deflect some attention from Sts Peter and Paul. Despite their refusal to be merciful to the sinners for whom St Servatius pleads, the two saints are portrayed in another legend as magnanimous intermediaries between an emperor stricken with leprosy and another saint, still on earth, who can cure him. According to Silvesters saga, the emperor Constantine, who had summoned the wisest men in his realm, was promised healing if he bathed in the blood of innocent children. To this end Constantine had as many newborn and their mothers summoned as he could find. When the emperor heard their weeping and wailing, however, his heart was softened, for he realized what great evil it would be to slaughter so many for the sake of one person (Rhb, 1:380.14-16). In consequence of his unselfishness and display of mercy, and, moreover - the narrator now refers to Sacred Scripture - because no good deed shall go unrewarded on Judgment Day and no evil deed unpunished, the emperor has a vision the very night that he releases the children and their mothers. The apostles Peter and Paul appear to him, telling him that because the emperor exercised compassion, the Lord is ready to send him healing in another form, provided he is willing to take their advice. The apostles tell him to send after Silvester, who is in hiding because of the emperor's threat to persecute all those who believe in the one true God; if Constantine is prepared to do what Silvester will bid him, he will be healed of his

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leprosy. When Silvester is brought to the emperor, and the emperor seeks to know the identity of the two gods who appeared to him in his sleep, Silvester corrects the misperception and even has at hand an image of the two saints drawn on a linen cloth (Rhb, 1:382.29-32). Revering the saints is a sure means whereby those on earth can attain sanctity themselves, as the tale about Emperor Henry II and St Lawrence exemplifies. The saints also see to it that the merits of those who imitate their good example are properly recognized by the church. According to the account in Reykjaholabok Henry II himself is responsible for recognition of Cunegund's sanctity by the ecclesiastical authorities. The last chapter of the legend recounts a rather long tale of an appearance by St Henry to Reybelldus, the sexton of the cathedral of Bamberg, many years after Cunegund's death.34 The tale commences when both Reybelldus and his son are visited by a mortal illnes. The sexton has already suffered for nine days when Henry appears to him. The sick man interprets the apparition as a sign of his imminent death, but Henry informs him that this is not the case. Instead, he has come to reveal that his wife Cunegund has found favour with God and has her place among the angels. The sexton is to convey to those charged with the work of the cathedral that she is to be exhumed and properly honoured, lest God visit his vengeance upon them (Rhb, 1:69.11-12). Furthermore, Henry says, great miracles will occur on the feast of St Peter in Chains that will attest how dear Cunegund is to God. Finally, the saint admonishes the sick man to stay away from those who do not believe in his wife's sanctity. There are some, Henry says, who will doubt her sanctity, 'but you are not to forget that she is holy' (Rhb, 1:69.24—5). The prophecies come true, including the dissension foretold between those who believe in the empress's sanctity and those who do not. In the end, however, the sexton swears by the head of the emperor that his account of the saintly apparition is true, and the promised miracles take place. All rejoice, thanking God, the emperor Henry, and St Cunegund. Given the extraordinary attention paid to Henry's gullibility with respect to rumours of Cunegund's infidelity, his cruelty towards his wife, and the humiliating ordeal to which he subjected her, the story of Henry's apparition to the churchwarden may be interpreted as a posthumous attempt by the saint to make up to his wife for the embarrassment and pain he inflicted on her while she was still alive. The purpose of Henry's apparition is to ensure public recognition of his wife's sanctity. In other instances the saints appear to those on earth in order to reveal where their sacred remains may be found. After St Sebastian has been martyred, we are told in his legend, his body is thrown into a privy. That very night the saint appears to St Lucy to tell her what has happened and to ask her to have his body placed at the feet of the holy apostles. This is done, and a beauti-

152 The Book of Reykjaholar ful chapel is built over his relics (Rhb, 1:164.7-22). Similarly, a twofold appearance by St Servatius serves to exhort the bishop of Maastricht that the time has come to exhume his body in order to give it a more fitting resting place. The story of the saint's translation at the same time rounds out the legend of the Virgin Mary, for we learn inter alia that around his neck Servatius wore a cross that had belonged to her. It was made for Mary by St Luke, who said mass for her whenever St John the Apostle was not home (Rhb, 11:205.3-7). St Servatius wore this cross always in memory of Mary's constant awareness of her son's Passion. In the legend of St Stephen a related but much longer account of a nocturnal vision has a similar objective, that is, to bring about the exhumation of the forgotten relics of a saint and to ensure their translation to a fitting place of veneration. The dream vision granted to Lucianus, the principal figure responsible for finding the saint's body, is the roses-and-saffron dream (Rhb, 1:229.11-28), the various redactions of which were discussed at length in chapter 4. Although the purpose of the dream is to make possible the discovery of the relics of St Stephen, three other saints are involved, and it is noteworthy that one of them, Nicodemus, himself appears to Lucianus to charge him with going to the authorities to have the remains exhumed. A variant of the story of a saint's expressing a strong interest in the place where his remains are laid to rest occurs in chapter 16 (Rhb, 11:227.21-228.13) of the legend of St Jerome. Like the legend of the Translation of St Stephen, this tale combines the working of a miracle, in this case resurrection from the dead, with the saint's making his own wishes known about his place of rest. In the story a man's only son becomes ill and dies three days before St Jerome. Both are buried, but the saint is to be exhumed and placed in a precious sarcophagus. When the disconsolate father hears of the miracles that St Jerome works, he digs up his son's body and drags it to the saint's grave, which he opens up in order to place his son next to the saint. He then calls upon God and St Jerome to bring his son back to life, and the miracle occurs. A few days later St Jerome is taken from the grave and placed in the sarcophagus, which is now ready. The following day, however, to everyone's surprise, St Jerome has returned to his grave. The mystery is cleared up the next night, when the saint appears to Bishop Cyrillus to explain that he wants to rest in the grave until Jerusalem is once again laid waste by heathens, after which his body is to be translated to Rome. Those recognized by the church as having attained heavenly glory through their sanctity are frequently depicted as intercessors for those yet on earth. While they themselves are still alive, however, the saints often recognize kindred spirits among their contemporaries and are permitted to communicate with them by preternatural means. The result is that saints who do not have a legend

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of their own are drawn into others' legends in Reykjaholabok, or their own legends are expanded through accounts of posthumous apparitions. For example, the reader is apprised of an incident at the funeral of St Martin of Tours through an extraordinary incident in St Ambrose's life. We are told in chapter 27 of Ambrosius saga (Rhb, 11:85.9-86.4) that one day he officiated at mass but seemed to have fallen asleep by the time he was to bless the deacon prior to the reading of the epistle. Since everyone was afraid of incurring Ambrose's wrath, no one dared to wake him. The silence lasted approximately one and a half hours, and the emperor, who was present, finally got so annoyed at the delay that he himself roused Ambrose and told him that the congregation was tired of waiting for him to wake up. Ambrose reported, however, that his brother Martin had died; that he, Ambrose, had officiated at the funeral service; and that because the emperor had awakened him prematurely, a prayer had been left unsaid. Subsequently it is confirmed that Martin's funeral had taken place while Ambrose slept, and that the citizens of Tours had seen a bishop-like (Rhb, 11:86.1 'biskvplegann') and worthy man leading the procession, but that he had disappeared during the funeral. A somewhat different story is told in Augustinus saga about St Jerome's death. In chapter 18 (Rhb, 11:118.17-120.35) we learn that St Augustine was asked by a certain Severus, a disciple of St Martin, to write for him something about God's incomprehensible mercy, and the happiness and joy that await Christian souls in heaven. Augustine had difficulty responding to the request and realized that the only one on earth capable of providing a satisfactory explanation was Jerome. He therefore decided to write to him, but as soon as he had formulated the salutation, his study was illumined by a great light and suffused with a marvellous fragrance. A voice issued from the radiance, and inquired: hvort aethlar bv at thaka allan sioenn og latha hann j eitth lithed ker eda fath. eda hvgsar bv aa bat at bv villt thaka alia jordena og fela hana j hende bier, eda bith avga mege bat siaa sem ecki neitth mannz avga hefvr maath adr siaa ... (Rhb, II: 119.11-14) [Do you think that you would be able to take the entire ocean and pour it into a little container or vessel, or do you think that you are going to take the entire earth and hide it in your hand, or that your eye can see what no one else's eye has previously been able to see ...]

The voice continues in this vein and informs Augustine that he will not be able to comprehend these mysteries until he has died and entered beatitude. The tale recalls for the reader the saint's encounter by the seashore with a child who asked him a very similar question in order to drive home to him the impossibil-

154 The Book of Reykjaholar ity of comprehending the mystery of the Trinity (cf. chap. 4). The voice finally identifies itself as that of Jerome, to whom Augustine was about to write: In the meantime he has died and entered eternal bliss. Augustine cries tears of joy and begs St Jerome to look after him in this life and intercede for him in heaven so that he too can join the saints. Augustine has an important question for his friend, whether the saints ever ask God for something that he does not grant them. To this Jerome replies that that is not possible, since the saints are so steadfast in God that his will and their own are indistinguishable. The vision granted Augustine in his study throws light on the intellectual and spiritual relationship between the two saints, and on Augustine's deference in theological matters to the older man. His respect for Jerome generates another vision, recounted in chapter 19 (Rhb, 11:121.1-122.8), but this time there are two celestial guests. St Augustine has decided to write something about Jerome's great sanctity, but while he is immersed in thought he falls asleep. He sees a host of angels and in their midst two men whose radiance is extraordinary. One is wearing two gem-incrusted golden wreaths on his head, and the other, three wreaths. The latter identifies his companion as St Jerome and remarks that despite the disparity in the number of wreaths on their heads, the two saints were alike in their holiness while alive and are now equals in God's sight. Before the speaker identifies himself as St John the Baptist, he interprets the significance of the wreaths: one signifies their teaching, their profession of the faith, the second their purity. The third wreath worn by St John identifies him as a martyr; nonetheless, he is quick to point out that this distinction rests on the physical reality of his death. Even though St Jerome did not die a martyr's death, baa hefvr hann bo haft og bolad jafn michit arbeide. pinvr og margt avdmivklega anad vmm lidit aa gvdz vegna sem bat at hann einnfalldlega hefde pisl aa sier thekit. (Rhb, 11:121.22-5) [he has humbly borne and endured much work and suffering, and has endured much else for the sake of God in such a manner as though he had undergone martyrdom.]

John the Baptist adds that the martyr's crown was not bestowed on St Jerome for the sole reason that the latter's witness to the faith did not consist in the actual spilling of his blood. The purpose of this apparition is to testify to the sanctity, honour, and worth of St Jerome. John the Baptist concludes with a remarkable analogy: so sem hverr og einn gledia sig af |)vi hier aa jardRike. at adrer erv beim vnndergefnner.

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So gledia sig hverr og einn heilagvr j himeRike. af beirre aerv og verdogheit sem hiner adrer helger menn hafa og eykzth med bvi aethid beirra dyrd og favgnnvdr og so lika bess er til beirra samlags koma. (Rhb, II: 122.1-6) [Whereas everyone on earth rejoices that others are subject to them, each and every saint in heaven rejoices at the honour and glory that other saints possess, and thus their own glory and joy ever increases, as does that of those joining their fellowship.]

The vision is remarkable in that St Jerome not once opens his mouth; John the Baptist bears witness to the sanctity of his fellow saint. While the vision in its entirety also attests the two saints' friendship, John's concluding words explicitly give voice to the cameraderie of the heavenly fellowship. The vision is especially striking if read in the context of the aforementioned cardinal's mockery of Jerome, for which God saw fit to punish him with a horrible death (Rhb, 11:250.6-15). The two preceding visions of Jerome are told in Augustinus saga, but St Jerome's own legend, understandably, also contains visions attesting his sanctity. At the moment of Jerome's death Bishop Cyrillus of Alexandria is witness to two processions of angels, one leaving St Jerome's monastery and the other approaching it. In their hands the angels bear candles brighter than the sun. As Cyrillus ponders what this might mean, he sees a soul, more radiant than any of the angels, accompanied by God himself, entering his room. The soul identifies itself to Cyrillus as Jerome, and asks the bishop to tell his brethren not to mourn for him, but rather to rejoice at his joy (Rhb, 11:222.3-7).35 The message of this vision is reinforced by a similar vision granted to Bishop Severus and three monks; whereas Cyrillus's vision is dominated by light, sound prevails in the latter, the sound of the human voice, the organ, and stringed instruments. This time not Jerome but an unidentified heavenly voice conveys the news that just as on earth he had lived better and more purely than most other men, so now the saints and angels rejoice and are glad at his coming (Rhb, 11:223.6-8). The voice continues by enumerating the other citizens of heaven who rejoice at Jerome's arrival, the prophets and patriarchs, the apostles and evangelists, the Virgin Mary with her company of virgins, nuns, widows, and married women. In the section relating the various visions experienced at St Jerome's death there occurs not only a cross-reference to the visions depicted in Augustinus saga (Rhb, 11:222.19-21), but another version of the apparition by Sts John the Baptist and Jerome. Although the content of this vision reiterates that experienced by St Augustine in his own legend, in Jeronimus saga the intimate relationship between John the Baptist and Jerome is even more pronounced. In fact, the former can be understood as a precursor or type of the latter, or Jerome's life

156 The Book of Reykjaholar can be understood as exemplifying an alternative to the martyr's path to heaven. The vision is anticipated in chapter 2, where the narrator comments on Jerome's sanctity: ba reiknazth hann at heilagleik jafnt vid hinn helgaztha herra og einsethv mann sancte Johannes baptista ... hvat sannlega at sanctvs Johannes sialfvr ber og vitne vmm bans heilagleik og seirna meir j bessare historia greiner. (Rhb, 11:213.11-17) [he is comparable in sanctity to the most holy man and hermit St John the Baptist... truly John himself also bears witness concerning his sanctity, about which more will be told later in this legend.]

There follows a list of the hardships borne by Jerome during his sojourn in the wilderness: he endured hunger and thirst; for fifteen years he drank neither beer nor wine, nor ate fish, meat, or any cooked food; he wore a hair shirt, and his clothes were so threadbare that his skin became as black as a black man's. This description of Jerome in the wilderness on the one hand confirms John the Baptist's earlier testimony in Augustinus saga that Jerome suffered physical torment not unlike that of the martyrs, and on the other hand anticipates the subsequent appearance of John the Baptist to Cyrillus. The occasion for the vision, an extraordinarily long one, is the vigil of the feast of St John the Baptist, a year after Jerome has left this world, as Cyrillus, praying at the altar of the martyr, falls asleep. He sees a procession of angels approaching the altar of John the Baptist, where they genuflect and honour him with hymns. The saint himself, accompanied by St Jerome, enters, and all the angels and saints assembled in church stand up and bow before them. The two saints show their respect for each other, sit down, and then discuss which of them should address the assemblage first. Those present concur that Jerome should commence, and that he should pay tribute to John, since it is his feast day. Jerome does so, and then John takes his turn. The greater part of the vision consists of testimony by one saint, John the Baptist, to the greatness of the other, St Jerome. While the latter's words of praise for his companion are summarized in one sentence of indirect discourse (Rhb, 11:225.1-3), St John's tribute to his fellow saint is extensive and takes the form of a eulogy. He calls Jerome 'the light of holy Christendom' (Rhb, 11:225.11-12) that has suppressed error with true wisdom; 'a clear fountain' (Rhb, 11:225.15) that slakes the thirst of sinners with wholesome teachings; 'a noble tree' (Rhb, 11:225.19), reaching to heaven, the fruit of which, divine teaching, nourishes humanity. With the words 'he is also my companion and like me' (Rhb, 11:225.23), John's testimony becomes a mannjafnadr as it were, albeit subverted, a type of verbal duelling

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frequently depicted in Old Icelandic literature.3 Like him, Jerome was a hermit, and like him he endured hunger and thirst. While Jerome did not, like John, end his days as a martyr, he nevertheless endured great hardship to overcome heresy and apostasy. While John was the precursor who proclaimed the truth to heathens and Jews, Jerome was the defender of the faith. While John touched the Lord Jesus Christ one time by the Jordan, Jerome often touched the Lord during mass. John the Baptist concludes by noting that for these reasons he and Jerome are equals in glory before the Lord (Rhb, 11:226.11-13). Visions such as these are an effective means not only of paying tribute to the greatness of individual saints but also of conveying some sense of their blessed fellowship in heaven. The lives of the saints extend beyond their earthly sojourn, as we learn through miracles and visions about both their continued efforts on behalf of mortals and the life they now lead in heaven. The legends in Reykjaholabok tend to favour the depiction of dramatic encounters in anecdotes and exempla - rather than authorial commentary and learned references — to portray the saints' earthly and heavenly existence. This technique directly affects the nature of the discourse and the vividness of the narrative, as can be demonstrated by two different Icelandic translations of the legend of St Augustine. The life of St Augustine is extant in an Icelandic translation of a Latin legend and in the version found in Reykjaholabok, a translation from an unknown Low German version. The former may be considered a 'learned' version of St Augustine's life, while Bjorn Porleifsson's Augustinus saga is characterized by popularizing tendencies and is quite different from the older legend (see chap. 3). Bjb'rn's version makes use of a technique different from learned citation but having the same result. St Bernhard is drawn into the legend by means of a short anecdote (Rhb, n: 125.32—126.9). One time, when he was listening at Matins to a lesson sung about St Augustine, he drifted into sleep and saw an extraordinarily handsome young man standing before him. So much water ran from him that it nearly filled the church. At this point Bernhard awoke and realized that the young man could not have been anyone else but the great doctor St Augustine, whose holy and useful teaching had spread to all Christians for the salvation of their souls. Whereas St Augustine's apparition to St Bernhard occurs on earth during the recitation of the Divine Office, in the following anecdote (Rhb, 11:126.10-23) a saintly brother is taken up into heaven to experience a vision of the saints in 'unspeakable glory and happiness.' He is disappointed not to find St Augustine there, and when one of the heavenly denizens inquires why he keeps looking around, he admits that he is looking for St Augustine. Whereupon he is told to look higher, to the region where the praises of Jesus Christ and the Holy Trinity

158 The Book of Reykjaholar are sung - 'there you shall see him in perfect wisdom praising and adoring Almighty God without end.' At this the monk awakes and thanks God for the mercy he has shown him and St Augustine. This anecdote recalls for the reader the similar tale, mentioned earlier, about St Dominic, and invites comparison. Both tales concern the fate of those who have gone to their eternal reward. In St Dominic's case the vision reveals the saint's own anxiety about the future of the friars following in his footsteps at the same time that it clarifies the relationship of Mary to the Dominican order. In Augustinus saga, however, the purpose of the visions enjoyed by both St Bernhard and the 'holy brother,' presumably an Augustinian although not so identified, is to attest the great church father's contributions to the church and his high place in heaven. Although the older Augustinus saga more or less achieves that purpose by quoting learned statements about St Augustine, Bjorn's Augustinus saga additionally permits the citizens of this world to interact with those of heaven. Indeed, the legend concludes with a tale documenting the saint's concern for those devoted to him, in this case a monk who prayed that he would die on the feast of St Augustine. Two weeks before the commemoration he becomes sick, and on the vigil of the feast another monk, who is praying in church, suddenly sees a group of young men in snow-white garb enter the church accompanied by a bishop. When he inquires who they are and what they are seeking, one of them points to the bishop and informs him that he is St Augustine, come to visit the sick monk, who has served him so well and faithfully. St Augustine will now reward him for this devotion and take his soul to heaven with him (Rhb, 11:128.12-35). Not unexpectedly, the primary antagonist throughout Reykjaholabok is the devil. In the apocryphal legends, or parts thereof, about Gregorius peccator (Gregorius saga biskups), John Chrysostom (Jons saga gullmunns), Christopher (Cristoforus saga), and Henry and Cunegund (Hendreks saga og Kunegundis), the devil is either the agent generating the very plot of the legend or an important figure furthering the plot, as we shall see (chaps. 6 and 7). In most of the other legends, however, the devil appears in vignettes, in exempla and miracle tales, illustrating the saint's ability to withstand temptation or to assist others to do the same. In Reykjaholabok, as in medieval hagiography in general, the devil appears 'as the challenger and opponent of the saints and the chief of all evil forces, the power behind all sins, vices, and worldly concerns.'37 After their death, the saints interact not only with the faithful but also with the forces of hell: witness the story of the battle for Emperor Henry's soul, described above. The tale of the encounter of the hermit with the devils suggests that in Henry's case he was able to attain sanctity only because of St Lawrence's active intervention on his behalf. The legend of St Jerome con-

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eludes (Rhb, 11:252.11-28) with a tale that shows a more direct encounter between a saint and the devil. A hermit is granted a vision in which a deceased soul's judgment is depicted more or less as a trial, with the devil playing the role of prosecutor and St Jerome that of defence attorney. A Roman lord named Theodonius is dragged by the devils before the Divine Judge, to whom they bring charges against him for his many sins. When this has been going on for some time, St Jerome appears, bright as the sun, and exhorts the devil to cease his fierce prosecution, for the Judge should also hear from other individuals. Whereupon Jerome turns to the Lord to tell him that Theodonius has always been his, the saint's, devoted servant. He asks God to show his mercy by permitting the sinner to undergo the fires of purgatory, so as to be able eventually to enjoy eternal happiness with God's friends in heaven. St Jerome wins out, and the devils depart chagrined. The various tales reporting encounters with the devil reveal a world in need of constant vigilance against the wiles of the Evil One. Time and again the saints win out on their own or others' behalf. Their sharp-witted reactions to the devil permit them to outsmart him and use him for their own purposes, as happens, for example, in Dominicus saga, where the devil in the form of a female ape plagues the eponymous protagonist one night as he is trying to write (Rhb, 11:297.20-298.2). The ape, 'the symbol of Satan's mockery of God,'38 keeps pestering the saint in the hope of getting him to make a mistake in his writing, but Dominic realizes the identity of the annoying visitor and orders him, in the name of the Living God, to hold the candle for him so that he can finish his task. Eventually, the candle burns down so far that the monkey asks to be relieved of its task, since the candle, it claims, burns hotter than the fires of hell. Dominic is pitiless, however, and forces the monkey to remain until nothing is left of the candle. The devil rushes off, the tale concludes, terribly angry. In a second tale of an encounter with the devil St Dominic learns the extent of his power over men (Rhb, 11:299.22-300.20). The devil is seen moving from place to place in the monastery, and the saint forces him to reveal the scope of his activity there: he is active when the friars go to bed so late that they sleep through Matins, or do not even appear for the Divine Office or mass; when they break silence in the choir, leave early, or remain there rather annoyed; when they eat more than necessary in the refectory, or engage in frivolous speech in the recreation room. Finally, St Dominic takes the devil into the chapter room, where the friars come to confess their failings to each other, and he finally capitulates, remarking that this is the one place in the monastery where he is powerless, since this is where the friars confess their failings, are disciplined, and atone for their sins. At this the devil runs off, howling and crying. A tale relating an encounter similar to St Dominic's with the ape occurs in

160 The Book of Reykjaholar Augustinus saga, where the saint outwits the devil, who is dragging around a big book (Rhb, 11:114.18-115.2). Augustine manages to talk the devil into letting him look into the book, which carries the names of sinners and their failings. Among them Augustine finds his own name, and discovers that 'out of forgetfulness' (Rhb, n: 114.24) he has neglected to say Vespers. The devil does not realize what Augustine intends to do when he asks him to wait for him while he runs a little errand. This gives the saint the opportunity to say not only Vespers but a few additional prayers. The upshot of the incident is that when Augustine returns and asks the devil to open the book once more to the page he showed him earlier, it is bare. The devil is understandably angry and remarks that Augustine's prayers must be very precious to God if they can obliterate even the devil's own writing. The miracle tale of the farmer who ploughed a field on the feast of St Mary Magdalene, discussed earlier, has an aftermath involving the devil. After the farmer has been healed through the ministry of St Hippolytus, the cured man withdraws from the world and enters a monastery (Rhb, 1:270.14-15). This displeases the devil so inordinately that he takes to appearing before the monk in the form of a woman. The more vehemently the monk resists, the more beautiful the devil-as-woman appears on subsequent occasions. The series of visitations ends when the monk becomes so exasperated that he winds a priest's stole around the 'woman's' neck. The narrator does not report whether the 'woman' is actually strangled, but the devil disappears, leaving nothing behind but a 'foul body emitting a great stench, so that there was no doubt that the fiend had adorned himself with an impure body.' The narrator concludes, 'and God save us from the like' (Rhb, 1:270.27-9). A tale of saintly vengeance for having been maligned similar to that told about St Jerome occurs in the legend of Gregory the Great, where punishment is visited on a devil who is plaguing a human being by attacking indirectly the church's traditions concerning the life of the great saint. Chapter 18 relates that John the Deacon undertook to write down the life of St Gregory (Rhb, 11:55.356.21 ).39 One night as he is engaged in this task, an individual clad as a priest appears to him. He seems to be a saintly intruder, for his clothes shine as if suffused by a bright light. The longer John looks at the nightly guest, the closer the latter comes to the light of his candle. Finally he starts to laugh, and when John inquires as to the cause of his mirth, the visitor taunts him for trying to write the life of someone whom he has never seen. John retorts that he is writing down what he has read about St Gregory. The intruder now extinguishes the candle so that John sits in total darkness, rather afraid. Nonetheless, he can see that the devil is standing before him with raised sword, intent on killing him. At this Sts Gregory and Nicholas appear and seat themselves on either side of the fearful

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scribe, while Peter the Deacon stands before them with a brightly burning torch. When the devil attempts to escape, the saints set the torch to him so that his radiant clothes burst into flame and he becomes as black as coal. Before they depart, the saints leave behind their torch, thereby enabling John to complete the life of Gregory. While the tale of the satanic and saintly apparitions sheds light on the composition of the life of St Gregory, it also reveals - as in the case of the legend of St Jerome - the considerable interest the saints have in the remembrance of their deeds and their reputation among mortals. In the anecdotes depicting encounters between the saints and the devil, the former turn out to be not only cleverer than their hellish antagonist but on occasion so angry that they physically abuse the devil. A very long and graphic story of violence is recounted in chapter 23 of the legend of St Jerome (Rhb, 11:237.19-240.29), depicting the saint's resorting to force to protect from the devil someone who is devoted to him. The miracle tale focuses on the devil's displeasure at the piety of a beautiful young nun who is especially devoted to St Jerome. He vents his annoyance by inciting a young man to such lust for the maiden that he employs the services of a sorcerer to achieve his ends. The sorcerer is to conjure up a devil who will similarly arouse the maiden's lust. The devil expresses his willingness to help, but he is stymied at every turn. When he attempts to enter the young nun's cell, he is hindered by an image of St Jerome painted on the door. The narrator comments that this devil did what other devils do when they see St Jerome's image - they flee (Rhb, 11:238.15-16). When the devil returns to his master, the sorcerer, and reports that he was unable to enter the room because of the image of St Jerome, the sorcerer conjures up a more powerful devil, but he too is unsuccessful. This time St Jerome actively intervenes on the maiden's behalf by binding the devil with heavy, fiery iron chains (Rhb, 11:239.2-3). The devil wails and moans and carries on so noisily that the entire convent is roused. The nuns adjure the devil to tell them what his business is; he begs them to intercede with St Jerome for him, which they do. They implore God and St Jerome to let the devil go in exchange for his promising never to bother them again. The released devil in turn maltreats the sorcerer so severely that he is converted and pleads with St Jerome to intercede for him. The upshot of the tale is that the erstwhile sorcerer burns all his books, gives his possessions to the poor, and then emulates St Jerome by spending the rest of his life as a hermit in the wilderness. That the battle between the saints and the devil for a soul can take physical dimensions is also strikingly evident in a miracle tale involving St Anne in Mariu saga og Onnu. Owing to a missing folio, the narrative in Reykjaholabok (11:441.24-447.17) thrusts us in medias res, but the beginning of the story is known from the St. Annen Buchlein. The narrative tells of a young man who

162 The Book of Reykjaholar agreed to serve the devil; in Reykjaholabok the tale commences when he is asked by Satan one day, after he has served him for seven years, whether he realizes how long he has been in Satan's employ. The youth knows only that he has been serving a mighty lord, and Satan now decides to reveal to him who he really is. He informs the young man that if he wishes to continue attending him, he will enjoy a long life, but in return he will have to abjure Jesus, Mary, and Anne. When he has done so, he will be like the devils in every way. At this the young man begins to tremble, and Satan wonders why this should be, since heretofore he has received nothing but good from their association. Satan promises to make him a mighty man, wealthier and more powerful than Anne, 'whom you would serve only with grief, poverty, and great sorrow, for her kingdom is not of this world' (Rhb, 11:442.19-20). The young man persists in wishing to serve the devil, but after the devil has pointed out that one cannot serve two masters, and has repeated his initial demand, the young man realizes what is at stake. He backs out, saying he would rather repent of his sins and undergo penance than be dragged into the depths of hell. At this the devil becomes furious, flies with him up into the air, and threatens to fling him into the sea and take him away to hell. In desperation the young man begs for a fourday delay so that he can bid farewell to his friends and relatives. The devil agrees to this, flies with him into the air, and sets him down in his home town. When the young man encounters his friends, who ask him where he has been for seven years, he is unable to answer and can only cry. It makes no difference, he says, since he shall have to return to the place from where he came. His friends and relatives are downcast but also suspicious about what is going on. This state of affairs continues for three days: the young man keeps weeping and 'wished good night' (Rhb, 11:443.34), that is, bids farewell, to all he meets. On the fourth day, however, when it is time to keep his promise to the devil, he realizes that he has not yet visited his loyal friend St Anne, in whom he has always trusted. He goes to her church, but falls to his knees in front of the door, not daring to enter on account of his great sins. He prays and begs Jesus for mercy and confesses that he has forgotten his 'sweet mother, St Anne, and stopped serving her as he had promised.' Not Jesus but Anne responds to his desperate prayer. She tells him to go into the church and confess his sins, which he does. She then appears once more and tells him that if he should ever need her, ba thakttv styrklega thil likneskivnar med binvm hondvm og lath ecki lavst hvat sem aa hnnyr. eda fyrer bin avgvn kann bera. bviat at sinne mattv ecki leingr med binvm likamlegvm avgvm mig siaa. Enn bo skalttv vijst vitha at min krapt og megth mvntrv faa at reyna hveria hialp og hiastavdv er eg vil bier veitha j binne navd. (Rhb, 11:445.7-12)

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[then grip my statue firmly and do not let go, no matter what happens or should occur before your eyes. Even if you cannot see me at the time with your bodily eyes, you should nevertheless know that you will experience my might and power in the help and assistance I shall grant you in your need.]

Anne's promise anticipates the denouement of the tale. The story of this young man has two plots. On the surface the legend depicts how someone who has sold his soul to the devil nevertheless manages to extricate himself and attain eternal salvation. In the context of the posthumous workings of the saints, however, the miracle tale depicts the struggle for superiority between the devil and a saint. Moreover, the story broadens our knowledge of St Anne: her power not only extends over earthly riches and even life, as we saw in the aforementioned tale of the widower, but reaches throughout the spiritual realm, as she literally wrests a human being from the devil. As soon as Anne has promised her assistance to the young man, the devil enters the church and seizes him by his clothes, intending to drag him out of the church with his 'devilish power and might.' The poor man takes hold of Anne's image, however, and starts screaming as loudly as he can for help. While this is taking place, the church bells start ringing of their own accord and the people stream to the church to see what is afoot. The struggle between Anne and the devil - with the young man caught in the middle - becomes extraordinarily vivid. As the young man seeks purchase on the folds of Anne's garment, they become as soft as cloth. The young man is afraid that he cannot withstand the devil, however, and cries out to St Anne for help. At this the statue takes action. St Anne's arm reaches out to seize the devil by the neck, but he turns himself into a dog, thinking he can escape that way. His stratagem is useless, however, and he too begins to scream, as loudly as the young man. A priest named Arnoldus leads the young man into the choir, where he is able to confess his sins. Meanwhile, St Anne holds on to the devil so that he cannot get away. When the young man has been shriven, the priest leads him back to St Anne, who is still holding on to the devil, and tells the devil to take the young man, that is, whatever part of the young man still belongs to him. The devil admits defeat; he asks the young man to pray to St Anne to let him go free, and in return to consider the young man's debt to him as settled. As soon as the young man has ended his prayer, St Anne withdraws her arm and the devil disappears in the form of a dark shadow. Reykjaholabok is prefaced by a table of contents, drawn up not by its author Bjorn Porleifsson, but rather by Olaus Verelius (i6o8?-i682), the Swedish professor of antiquities at the University of Uppsala, who either owned or used the manuscript for a time (Rhb, l:xliii-xlvi). His list of titles - which more or less

164 The Book of Reykjaholar corresponds to those a modern editor would supply in an edition - suggests that the reader is about to be introduced to twenty-five lives, twenty-five stories. But because of the unusual character of the individuals, real or fabulous, whose biographies are transmitted in the legendary, their lives are anything but linear. The story or legend of a saint, real or apocryphal, does not exist. Instead, the reader of Reykjaholabok is introduced to an ever more extended life, physically, textually, and spatially. The text that is the life of St Lawrence does not conclude with his death but continues in the life and afterlife of Emperor Henry. Similarly, St Ambrose's earthly existence is not limited to Milan and his acquaintances there, but extends to Tours, where he officiates at the funeral of St Martin. Centuries after their deaths as martyrs, at different times and in different places, Sts Stephen and Lawrence meet up in Rome and decide to share a tomb. Although removed from this world and secular time by death, the two saints as well as other members of the fellowship of saints continue to intervene in the here and now of individuals in need, often the hapless victims of the devil. To read the Icelandic legendary is to enter a world in which the boundaries of time and space are dissolved, in which no life is final, in which each legend provides entry to a new text, which in turn is extended and refined by its interlegendary context.

6

'God alone knows whether this legend is true'

An anonymous fourteenth-century author gratuitously observed in the prefatory matter of Flores saga konungs ok sona hans, an indigenous Icelandic romance, that most people do not consider saints' lives very entertaining.1 Whether one agrees or disagrees with this observation depends upon the legends one has read; the pronouncement is applicable to some but not other legends in Reykjaholabok. Several marginalia in the Icelandic legendary (see chap. 4) reveal that occasionally texts were received by their readers as nothing but fantastic tales. Presumably those readers expected factual or edifying matter and were disappointed to encounter fables. For the literary historian, however, not the more or less biographical vitae in the Icelandic legendary but rather the folktales and sacred romances are of greatest interest. The collection of legends known as Reykjaholabok is an omnium-gatherum, containing stories about saints, both historical and apocryphal, that range from what may be considered models of classic hagiography to fiction, both folktales and romances. Stefanus saga, for example, conforms to a standard paradigm consisting of the saint's Passio, Inventio, Translatio, and miracles,2 while Laurencius saga is a compilation of three Passiones, of the martyrs Sixtus, Lawrence, and Hippolytus, to which miracle tales are appended.3 Some legends inject into a saint's vita narratives imported from secular literature, as is the case in the legends of Christopher and George. These incorporate narratives closely linked to traditional or folk-tales, in the former the tale of the search for the highest king, in the latter the encounter with a fire-spewing dragon. The legend of St Jerome is a tripartite construct, consisting of his vita, the folk-tale of the grateful lion, and a series of some twenty miracle tales, while that of his fellow church father St John Chrysostom is transmitted in two different types of narrative, a fantastic folk-tale followed by a more or less biographical account.4 The traditional tales in the Icelandic legendary that came to be associated with

166 The Book of Reykjaholar Sts Christopher, George, Jerome, and John Chrysostom are jewels of narrative art, transmitting otherwise unattested Low German narratives. More than half of the relatively long Cristoforus saga (Rhb, 1:273-96) is devoted to the Christ-bearer legend, or the tale of the search for the highest king. The story of how a pagan Canaanite came to be a Christian, with its folkloristic features,5 is conjoined to the account of the saint's martyrdom. St Christopher was venerated in both the East and the West as a martyr and was one of the fourteen so-called Holy Helpers,6 but neither the time nor the place of his martyrdom is known. His legend gained popularity primarily through the Legenda aurea, in which the saint's Passio is preceded by the entertaining Christbearer legend, a tale the origin and meaning of which have repeatedly provoked scholarly attention.7 Nearly all later redactions derive either directly or indirectly from this version, except in the German-language area, where several redactions independent of Jacobus de Voragine's were also transmitted.8 In brief, the tale recounts how a pagan, a giant of a man, named Reprobus in some legends such as the Legenda aurea, but Offerus in other, German texts, wishes to serve the mightiest king. He first joins the court of a powerful ruler, reputed to be the mightiest on earth; then, when he realizes that the king is afraid of the devil, he enters Satan's employ. He discovers, however, that even the devil knows fear, namely the fear of the cross, and finally, after having carried the Christ child on his shoulders across a mighty water, Reprobus becomes Christopher. As Jacobus de Voragine tells it, the tale is both edifying and amusing, but it lacks the vivid detail and extensive dialogue that distinguish the Icelandic version.9 The relatively short exchange in both the Legenda aurea and the Passionael between Christopher and the devil, for example, when the latter attempts to avoid passing a crucifix, is greatly expanded in Reykjaholabok.10 The author of this version reveals himself to be interested in the interaction of persons, the motivation of their behaviour, and their speech. Instead of reporting merely the facts of the episode, he permits the narrative to unroll in a manner designed to create suspense. Although the author of Cristoforus saga announces in the first sentence that he is going to tell the story of the martyr St Christopher (Rhb, 1:273.1-2), that name does not recur until the end of the Christ-bearer tale, when the Christ child baptizes the saint and says, 'Adr hingat til enn bv fantt mig. baa hiet bv Reprobvs. enn nv hiedan j fra ockrvm fvnde skalttv heita. Cristoforvs' (Rhb, 1:285.28-30 'Before you found me, you were called Reprobus, but as of our meeting you shall be named Christopher'). A striking difference between the Icelandic version and accounts in both the Latin and the Low German legendaries is that despite the introductory announcement declaring the subject of the legend to be the martyr Christopher, the author of Cristoforus saga consistently

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refers to the protagonist as Reprobus until his baptism. As a result the reader imperceptibly slips out of the realm of hagiography and enters that of a folktale, characterized by a tripartite, gradually escalating plot, each section of which is marked by repetitive matter underscoring the incidents recounted. The story of the giant Reprobus is a true quest tale, the protagonist of which sets out 'to find the mightiest lord, subject to no one for tribute, and afraid of no one' (Rhb, 1:273.19-21). He travels to many lands, and wherever he inquires about the lord he is seeking, he adds that he will not quit his search until he has found the most powerful ruler. He finally learns about a king reputed to be the mightiest, and offers him his service. All goes well for several years, until one day a jongleur performs before the king, and Reprobus notices that every time the singer mentions 'the devil' or 'the enemy of all mankind,' the king makes the sign of the cross. This mystifies him, and he inquires what those two movements of the hand mean. The king does not answer the question, and Reprobus has to repeat it, adding that if he does not receive an answer, he will quit the king's service. At this the king responds by explaining that he makes the sign of the cross so that the devil will not have any power over him. Reprobus expresses surprise at the king's fear and informs him: Enn vpp fra pessv at bv ottazth pennann pinn ovin. og hans kraptvr er so mikill at hann yfer vinnvr pig. pa vil eg og ecki leingr piona pier, pvi eg hefr lofat at piona peim einvm herra. sem ongvan hraedizt. og skal eg fyrer vist pennan herann vpp leita og ecki fyr vit linna en eg hefr hann vpp fvndit. hier med skal eg honvm mina pionnvstv seigia ef hann vill bigia hana pviat hann er at avllv megthogre enn bv. (Rhb, 1:275.11-17) [Because you fear this enemy of yours, and his power is so great that he overcomes you, I do not want to serve you any longer, for I have vowed to serve only the lord who fears no one. And I shall certainly look for this lord and not cease until I have found him. I shall then offer him my service if he wants it because he is in every way mightier than you.]

The stage is thus set for Reprobus's encounter with the devil. Everywhere he travels, he inquires after the lord called Satan or the devil, but no one knows his whereabouts. Finally, one day he meets up with a large group of knights, and in their midst is one 'blacker than pitch.' When he identifies himself as the devil and offers to make Reprobus a mighty man, the latter agrees to serve him. After he has been in the devil's service for some time, however, Reprobus discovers that the devil too knows fear. The story of this discovery is related in an amusing and expansive manner, as the devil takes a roundabout route to avoid riding past a wayside cross (Rhb, 1:276.23-278.30). When Reprobus inquires as to the reason for his shunning the cross, the devil, like the king before him, at first will

168 The Book of Reykjaholar not answer. Again Reprobus inquires, and once more the devil refuses to answer. Finally, Reprobus threatens to quit the devil's service if he does not answer the question. Again the devil seeks to circumvent the question, but Reprobus will not be put off. The devil finally tells him the truth, with the result that Reprobus laughs derisively at him: the devil has led him to understand that he was almighty and afraid of no one, yet he fears a mere tree signifying the power of another, namely Jesus Christ. Clearly that person must have extraordinary power if he is able to cow the devil in such fashion. Reprobus concludes by serving notice, and he announces his intention of seeking out this worthy lord and mighty chieftain. Once again Reprobus travels, inquiring where he might find Jesus Christ, but without success until he is sent to a hermit, who takes him in for the night and instructs him at length on the meaning of Christ and service to him. If Reprobus wishes to serve Christ, he is to fast, be vigilant, and pray. The giant demurs: ' I cannot pray; I cannot endure vigils, and even less fasting' (Rhb, 1:281.23-4). When the hermit insists that he must do so, Reprobus reiterates that he does not know how to pray and that the hermit must find for him some other way of serving the Lord. The hermit finally gives in and tells Reprobus that he can serve the Lord by serving others, by carrying travellers across a large body of water that is not spanned by a bridge yet is not deep enough to permit passage by ship. If Reprobus is willing to carry travellers across the water whenever his service is required, by day or by night, then the Lord will reward him in a manner unknown to worldly lords. The way is prepared for Reprobus's encounter with the child, and his baptism. The Christ-bearer tale is an invention of the high Middle Ages, combining two motifs, the one deriving from the Julianus Hospitator legend," the other, the 'service motif,' familiar from both traditional tales and courtly romance. As Josef Szoverffy has noted, no versions exist prior to the thirteenth century, when the legend was included in the Legenda aurea. The threefold repetition of a single motif, the 'service motif ('Dienstmotif'), contributes to the legend's unusual position in the corpus of religious narratives. Szoverffy considers the motif of service an atypical trait, and attempts to derive it from the feudal world of the courtly romance, in which the principle of service to God, to one's lady, and to one's lord prevails. In his view, the Christ-bearer legend may be read as expressing a 'Verhofischung' of the legend, an injection of the.courtly world of romance into hagiography.12 Be that as it may, the legend, with its multiple associations with international folklore, was enormously popular in the Middle Ages and furthered the cult of the saint.'3 German literature knows three vernacular metrical redactions of the legend, related to one another and deriving from the Latin prototype, in addition to the prose version in Der Heiligen

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Leben I Dat Passionael, which derives from the Legenda aurea. ' 4 The Icelandic legend is a translation of a much-expanded Low German redaction, to judge by the laconic account found in Dat Passionael. A comparison of Cristoforus saga with either the Legenda aurea version or the one in Der Heiligen Leben / Dat Passionael reveals that their relationship is comparable to that between a skeletal retelling (in the Latin and German redactions) and a fully realized narrative (in the Icelandic legend). Two episodes serve to illustrate the character of the discourse in Cristoforus saga, the confrontation between Christopher and the devil at the wayside cross, and the giant's encounter with the Christ child. In the Legenda aurea we read that when the devil saw the cross at the roadside, territus fugit et viam deserens per asperam solitudinem Christophorum duxit et postmodum ipsum ad viam reduxit. Quod videns Christophorus et admirans interrogavit ilium, cur in tantum timens viam planam reliquerit et tantum devians per tam asperam solitudinem ierit. Quod cum ille nullatenus indicare vellet, dixit Christophorus: nisi mihi hoc indicaveris, statim a te discedam. (L4, 431) [he was terror-stricken, left the road, and led Christopher over a wild and desolate tract before returning to the road. Christopher was surprised at this, and asked the devil what made him so afraid that he left the highroad and took another way through a rough wilderness. The devil refused to state his reason, and Christopher said: 'Unless you tell me what this is about, I shall leave you immediately!' (GL, II:11)]

The devil capitulates and explains to Christopher the meaning of the cross. With the exception of Christopher's threat at the end, the third-person narrator controls events. In the saga, however, the episode develops into a verbal sparring between the two principals, in which the devil is revealed as an utter coward, and in which the tripartite structure of the legend itself is mirrored in the tripartite interrogation of the devil by Reprobus. Dialogue characterizes the episode in the Icelandic legend (Rhb, 1:276.23277.35); it commences when the devil and Reprobus come upon a cross in the middle of a road. The devil tells Reprobus to continue on the road alone, for he intends to ride up into the woods for a little bit. Reprobus responds that there are only the two of them, and he would like to accompany the devil, but the latter tells Reprobus he cannot go along, since he himself has a little secret business in the woods. He promises, however, to meet up with Reprobus as soon as he is finished. At this point, and on several later occasions, the narrator chimes in to explain the devil's behaviour. The reader learns that the devil is motivated by fear, that he does not dare to ride by a cross (Rhb, 1:277.4-6). The two compan-

170 The Book of Reykjaholar ions part, but the moment Reprobus has passed the cross, the devil rejoins him. Reprobus thinks it rather strange that he has already concluded his business, and asks the first of three questions. He wishes to know the nature of such a quickly conducted errand, and why the devil chose to take a detour rather than the straight path ahead. The devil does not respond, and the narrator again interjects his voice to reveal the devil's motivation: he does not wish to bring into the light what he was hiding in the poisonous darkness and his foolish mind (Rhb, 1:277.16-18). Reprobus insists on getting an answer out of the devil and nows asks the meaning of the tree standing on the road, and why it is constructed in such a peculiar fashion. Once more the devil greets the question with silence, and again the narrator comments that he does not want to reveal this any more than before, because Reprobus might understand what is going on, and, the narrator adds, the devil suspects what would follow then (Rhb, 1:277.22-4). Reprobus now expresses annoyance. Since the devil has not deigned to respond when asked politely, Reprobus now insists that he be told the full truth or else he will cease serving him. The devil tries a final time to avoid revealing the truth, by pointing out that the matter does not really concern Reprobus and that therefore there is no point in telling him, but the latter persists in demanding an answer. At this the devil at last gives in and tells him in rather detailed fashion about the death and Resurrection of Christ (Rhb, 1:278.1-12). He concludes by saying that Christians Og marga hlvte adra seigia peir j fra honvm peir sem otrvanleger erv og eg kann ecki med at farm, fyrer pvi at eg trve pvi ecki. Enn af trenv pessv sem vid raeddvm vmm pa er bat bier sannazt at seigia at mier er ecki vmm bat fyrer pvi hvat naer sem eg lijtvr petta treid baa hraedvnzt eg bat miog. af bvi at bat hefvr so mikin krapt med sier at eg verd fyrer pvi at flyia og jafn vel fra ollvm peim er betta marck giorer fyrer sier retthelega. (Rhb, 1:278.12-19) [tell many other things about him, all of which are unbelievable, and I cannot concur because I do not believe it. Concerning this tree we are talking about, however, I can tell you for sure that I do not like it, because whenever I see the tree, I am very much afraid of it, since it is so powerful that I must flee from it and from all those who mark themselves with this sign properly.]

The devil's confession of fear suffices for Reprobus to inform him that he will not serve him even one day longer and that he intends to start looking for the lord whose very symbol, the tree, is so mighty. A type of expansion vis-a-vis the Legenda aurea account similar to the one

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above occurs when Reprobus meets up with the Christ child. Jacobus de Voragine reports straightforwardly: Evolutis multis diebus cum in domuncula sua quiesceret, audivit vocem cujusdam pueri se vocantis et dicentis: Christophore, veni foras et me ipsum traducas. Concitus Christophorus exsiliit, sed neminem reperit, rediensque in domunculam suam praedictam iterum vocem se acclamantis audivit. Qui rursus foras cucurrit et neminem invenit. Tertia vice ab eodem ut prius vocatus exiit et puerum quendam juxta ripam fluminis invenit, qui Christophorum, ut se traduceret, obnixe rogavit. (LA, 432) [Many days later he was resting in his shelter when he heard a child's voice calling him: 'Christopher, come out and carry me across!' He jumped to his feet and went out, but found no one. He went indoors and again heard the same voice calling him, but ran out and again saw no one. The third time he responded to the same call and found a child standing on the riverbank. The child begged him to carry him across the river. (GL, II: 12)]

This fairly laconic account becomes a rather different narrative in the Icelandic version, which reveals a fondness and an eye for detail (Rhb, 1:283.20284.28). Once, when Reprobus is quite exhausted as a result of his hard labour and has fallen asleep, he hears a child's voice calling out loudly, 'Get up, Reprobus, carry me over the water, for the sake of God, for the sake of Jesus' name' (Rhb, 1:283.24—5). At this the giant is amazed, since he hears his own name called and the voice asks for transport in a manner unlike that of other people. Reprobus gets up and crosses the water, thinking the child will be sitting on the ground where he will come ashore. When he finds no one there, however, he returns to his hut and lies down once more. As soon as he is asleep, he hears the child's voice calling out to him once more, 'Reprobus, Reprobus, carry me across the water for the sake of God' (Rhb, 1:284.1-2). This time Reprobus thinks the child must be standing outside his door. He gets up, goes outside, and looks around for a while, but again finds no one. He returns to bed, but the phenomenon repeats itself; now the child seems to have come to the door and knocked on it, saying, 'Wake up, Reprobus, and get up, and carry me over the water for God's sake' (Rhb, 1:284.8—9). This time, when he goes outside, he sees a little child sitting there. Reprobus approaches it and inquires whether it has called him before, to which the child responds that he has called twice before, but that no one has come. Reprobus maintains, however, that he indeed answered the call, but found no one there, 'and if that was you who called, then there is something stranger about you than I can imagine' (Rhb, 1:284.18-19). The difference in discourse between the account in the Legenda aurea - and

172 The Book of Reykjaholar Dot Passionael — and that in Reykjaholabok is clear: third-person narrative on the one hand, but an episode based on dialogue on the other; the reporting of only the most basic actions - going out, seeing no one, returning - in the Latin redaction, but the depiction of every detail of movement, including the representation of thought, in the Icelandic. The contrast between the two versions can be likened to that between a series of woodcuts - Christopher lying in bed, standing before the house, lying in bed again, and so on - and an animated film showing Reprobus's every step as well as his puzzlement at not finding anyone. The difference becomes clear in the depiction of the transfer of the child over the water. Jacobus de Voragine writes simply: Christophorus igitur puerum sibi in humeris elevans et baculum suum accipiens flumen transiturus intravit. Et ecce aqua fluminis paulatim intumescebat et puer instar plumbi gravissime ponderabat, quantoque magis procedebat, tanto amplius unda crescebat et puer magis ac magis Christophori humeros pondere intolerabili deprimebat, adeo ut Christophorus in angustia multa positus esset et se periclitari formidaret. (LA, 432) [Christopher lifted him to his shoulders, grasped his great staff, and strode into the water. But little by little the water grew rougher, and the child became as heavy as lead: the farther he went, the higher rose the waves, and the weight of the child pressed down upon his shoulders so crushingly that he was in dire distress. He feared that he was about to founder. (GL, 11.12)]

The type of deviation evident between the Latin and the Icelandic versions of the scene with the devil is observable here. In the Legenda aurea the reader is left to imagine the specifics of the scene, whereas the Icelandic redaction fills in the details at the same time that the events are filtered partly through Reprobus's perspective. Not the narrator but Reprobus himself compares the weight of the child to that of lead: baa vox vatnet so at pat thok honvm alltt vnder hendr. pa maellte Reprobvs. betta vathn hefr eg alldre enn hingat til vadit jafn divpt sem nv er pat. en bo byke mier annat vndarlegra. at bv jafn lithell virdizt mier vera so bvngvr. sem eg baere jafn mikit bly eda hvat byngra ef so mastic vera. (Rhb, 1:284.31-285.1) [Then the water rose so much that it reached all the way under his arms. Reprobus then said: 'I have never forded through this water when it was as deep as it is now, and I think it is even stranger that you, as little as you are, seem to me to be as heavy as if I were carrying an equal amount of lead or something even heavier if such exists.']

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The scene continues with an exact report of the height of the ever-rising water and of Reprobus's reaction to the danger. When Christopher has carried the child to shore in the Legenda aurea, the child informs him that he has carried 'Christ, your king' through the water. He is told to take his staff and plant it next to his hut, where it will bloom the next morning and carry fruit, as a sign of the truth of these words. The child then disappears. In the Icelandic version, however, Reprobus never reaches the other side. As he keeps wading, first the water reaches to his chin, while the child gets even heavier; then it rises higher still, so that it nearly runs into his mouth, causing Reprobus to fear he will drown. At this point — and not when Christopher has set the child down on the shore, as in the Legenda aurea - Reprobus compares the weight of the child to that of the world. The child now identifies itself as saa enn same og hinn sanne Jhesvs Cristvs. sannr gvd og madr. pinn gvd og skapare. og so pinn kongr og herra er bv arbeidar fyrer. efter einsetv mannzins rade. og pessi pin pionvsta hefr mier hardla vel likat. og jafn snartt sem drotten vor hafde vt skyrrtt fyrer Reprobvs pessa hans spvrninngh sem nv matte heyra. pa dyfde hann hofdinv aa Reprobvs vnnder vathnet so at hann var baa allvr j kafe og maellte til hans. Eg skire pig j nafnne favdvr og sonar og heilax anda. og enn sagde hann. Adr hingat til enn pv fantt mig. paa hiet pv Reprobvs. enn nv hiedan j fra ockrvm fvnde skalttv heita. Cristoforvs. Af pvi at pv hefr bionat aa minna vegna. (Rhb, 1:285.21-31) ['the same as Jesus Christ Himself, true God and man, your God and creator as well as your king and lord, for whom you are working as the hermit bid you, and your service has pleased me.' And as soon as our Lord had explained this to Reprobus in answer to his question, as you could now hear, he dunked Reprobus's head under the water, so that he was completely submerged, and said to him: 'I baptize you in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit.' And he spoke further: 'Before you met me, you were called Reprobus, but henceforth you shall be called Christopher, because you have served on my account.']' 5

As in the Legenda aurea, the child now tells him to plant his staff. The narrative character of the two episodes in Cristoforus saga discussed above is paradigmatic for the discourse characterizing a group of legends - or narratives within legends - in Reykjaholabok. As presented by Jacobus de Voragine, the protagonists in the episodes by the wayside cross and at the river lack individuality. They are mere instruments of action, permitting the plot to advance; what we know about these characters is almost entirely dependent on

174 The Book of Reykjaholar the narrator, who controls their actions and reactions but reveals little about their motivation. This is not the case in the Icelandic legendary, where the reader may be said to be the third member of the text, taking sides with Reprobus against the devil in the one case, and experiencing with Reprobus his sense of wonder at the Christ child in the other. And while dialogue and the interpolation of motivation lend individuality to the characters, descriptive detail confers specificity in the setting. The process of individuation that the legends as known from the Legenda aurea and Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael underwent in the Low Germanlanguage area before being transmitted in the Icelandic legendary is also evident in two well-known narratives incorporated into Georgius saga and Jeronimus saga. The former contains the story of St George's slaying of the dragon, and the latter attracted to itself the traditional story of the grateful lion. Each of these accounts is self-contained and, if removed from the Icelandic legendary, capable of taking on a life of its own as an amusing and well-told narrative. Like Christopher, St George is one of the Holy Helpers, and like Christopher's, his popularity was furthered markedly by the literarization of his legend in the Legenda aurea, and - in the German-language area - in Der Heiligen Leben / Dat Passionael.16 Doubts about the historicity of his legend had already been voiced, according to Jacobus de Voragine, by the Council of Nicea in 325. In the introduction to the legend in the Legenda aurea, Jacobus writes: 'Ejus legenda inter scripturas apocryphas in Nicaeno concilio connumeratur ex eo, quod ejus martirium certain relationem non habet' (LA, 260 'At the council of Nicaea his legend was included among the apocryphal writings because there is no sure record of his martyrdom' [GL, 1:238]). Both the Latin (Legenda aurea) and the German legendaries (Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael} contain the story of St George's rescue of a princess from a dragon, a popular fairy-tale motif.'7 Georgius saga, which follows Cristoforus saga in Reykjaholabok, is one of the longest legends, extending to nearly eighty pages in print.'8 The narrative is extraordinarily detailed, so that an allusion functioning merely to advance the plot in the Passionael - for example, 'they set out and arrived the next day at their brother George's' - becomes in Reykjaholabok a journey lasting eleven days and replete with details reminiscent of those in the Baedeker guides for travellers (Rhb, 1:304.14-28).'9 As is the case in the legend of St Christopher, the author of the legend of St George that was translated by Bjorn t>orleifsson had a dramatic flair. In the story of the princess and the dragon, for instance, the saga makes use of a narrative mode and perspective quite different from those in the Passionael - or, for that matter, the Legenda aurea. The plot can be summarized quickly: A dragon has brought under siege the town of Silena. At first the citizens manage to stave

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off its advances by feeding it lambs every day, but when the supply runs low, they decide to offer it a human being in addition to a lamb, the human to be chosen by lot. This procedure is followed until the lot falls on the king's only daughter. The citizens will brook no exception to the king's own rule, and the princess is sent to the lake to await the dragon. At this St George appears, promises to help, and wounds the dragon, whom the princess then leads by her belt into the town. When the townsmen start to flee in terror, the saint informs them that he will kill the dragon if they believe in Jesus Christ and are baptized, and that is what happens. As the story is told in the Latin and German redactions, the plot progresses rather matter-of-factly. In the Passionael, George comes riding to the edge of the lake where the princess is sitting, and when he sees that she is crying, do stech he van deme perde. vnde ghink to er. Do he ere schonheit vnde rykheit sach do waert he drouich. vnde vraghede worumme se bedrouet were. Do sprak se. Here sittet drade vp iuwe pert vnde vleet edder gy steruen mil my. Do sprak sunte Georgius to er. Eddele iuncfrouwe. segget my wat iuw schadet. Do sprak se. Here yk moet hijr steruen. wente men heft my deme draken ghegheuen. de kumpt hijr drade vth deme watere. so vorsluket he iuw. darumme vleet van my. Do sprak sunte Georgius: Hebbet guden troest to my. wente yk wil iuw helpen in deme namen godes. (Pass., xii.b) [he got off his horse and went to her. When he saw her beauty and noble bearing he became sad and asked her why she was so distressed. She said: 'Sir, get back on your horse and flee, else you will die with me. Then St George said to her: 'Noble maiden, tell me what is the matter.' Then she said: 'Sir, I have to die here, because they have given me to the dragon, which will soon come out of the water. He will swallow you; therefore flee from me.' St George then said: 'Trust in me, for I shall help you in the name of God.']

The passage is a combination of third-person report and dialogue. When George learns the cause of the maiden's distress, he reassures her and takes action. In the Icelandic version, the encounter is not as bland, for not only does the narrative rely on shifts of perspective, but through the dialogue we become acquainted with the princess, who is not quite as malleable as her counterpart in the Passionael. The conversation between George and the Icelandic princess has a more antagonistic character, in part because the author has her reacting both as a woman confronting a stranger and as the pagan she is. The initial encounter is related from the princess's perspective, not the narrator's. We see through her eyes - 'Enn j pessv fieck hvn at litha' ('At this moment she saw') -as

176 The Book of Reykjaholar einn madr kom ridande hardla miog akaflega sem hestvren matte fara pessi madr var i avllvm herklaedvm og allan annan ridarlegan bvningh sem einvm herra heyrde at hafa. eina mikla bvrtt stavngg med favgrv mercke hafde hann j hendine. (Rhb, 1:361.2-5) [a man came riding as rapidly as his horse would carry him. This man was wearing full battle dress and all the chivalric attire befitting a lord. In his hand he was carrying a large tilting lance with a beautiful coat of arms.]

At this, the perspective shifts to the narrator, as he reports that the knight rode up to the princess, where she sits crying and with a lamb at her side, and inquires gently what all this is supposed to mean. Her reply is dismissive: hvat skal mier bat gode herra ydr at seija. bar sem eg er ydvr at ollv okennd baede at aett og at nafne. og so hvort at bier mvnet mier nockvra hialp mega veitha eda eigi. og vil eg helldr at bier ridit sem fyrst j bvrttv aftvr ydra erinda so at bier fact ongvan vansa af minvm volldvm bvi eg vil ydvam skada ongvan. (Rhb, 1:361.11-15) [What good will it do me to tell you, good sir, since I am completely unknown to you in respect to both my family and my name, and since I do not know whether you can be of help to me or not? I would rather you ride off as quickly as possible on your errand so that you do not get into trouble because of me, for I do not wish you harm.]

George replies that he will not leave until he gets an answer to his question. Again she refuses to answer immediately, and instead replies with another question - 'what is your name and do you intend to stay here long?' - before adding that his dallying there will not be long, since a fierce dragon is expected to arrive at any moment to get its food, and begging him to hurry off if he does not wish to lose his life. George reiterates that he will not flee before he finds out what is wrong with her. He continues: En bar sem bier badvt mig at greina ydr mitt heithe og so hverrtt at mitth erinde vasre leingra. baa vil eg bat giora efter ydrvm vilia. Nafn mitt er Jvrien eda Georgivs og er eg sendvr hingat af himneskre drothningvnne jvngfrv Mariv og hennar synne Jhesv Christo bier til frelsis og hialppar vid favdr pinn og avllv hans Rike. ef bv villtt sethia pitt avrvgt travst og sanna trv thil beira at bav mvnv mega frelsa pig og eg aa beirra vegna. (Rhb, 1:361.26-32) [But since you have asked me to give my name and state the length of my mission, I will do as you wish. My name is Jurien20 or George, and I am sent here by the heavenly queen, the Virgin Mary, and her son Jesus Christ to rescue you and to help your father

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and his entire kingdom, provided you put your sure trust in them and truly believe that they will save you, and I on their behalf.]

The answer is not very informative, as far as the princess is concerned, since, as she says, she knows nothing of the people he is talking about. Nonetheless, she adds, 'I shall do everything possible in order to save myself and my father from the terrible scourge afflicting our country.' Only now does she volunteer that she is waiting there to be devoured by the dragon. Whereas the Passionael is characterized by a laconic give-and-take, the saga presents a dramatic dialogue in which tension prevails because the princess does not wish to impart much information without knowing who the stranger is. The story of St George the dragon-slayer was originally Greek and was introduced into Latin and therefore Western literature by Jacobus de Voragine.21 While in the Legenda aurea the legend of St George commences with the story of the dragon-slaying, in the Icelandic legendary it constitutes chapters 21 and 22, with the bulk of the legend preceding this tale. In consequence, there is a significant difference in the reader's reaction to the account. In the Latin legend the dragon-slayer tale follows Jacobus de Voragine's usual introductory etymological discussion of the name, and it begins by informing us that George came one day into the city of Silena, which was near a lake in which a poisonous dragon dwelt. The entire story is presented from a perspective that takes belief in Jesus Christ for granted. Not until the very end of the tale does it become clear that the realm over which the rescued maiden's father rules is pagan, for George announces that he has been sent by God and demands that everyone believe in Christ and receive baptism before he will slay the dragon. The Icelandic dragon-slayer tale reads quite differently. Since it follows accounts of one miracle after another wrought by George, the reader expects much the same when chapter 21 opens: 'Close to the same time as the foregoing events were related, it is told that in the land called Silena there had come a great plague ...' (Rhb, 1:357.27). The story that follows is recounted, however, without any reference to the saint until he introduces himself to the weeping princess. The reader nevertheless knows that the inhabitants of the country are pagan, for the narrator has earlier commented on sacrifices to idols (Rhb, 1:358.18-19) to avert the plague, and has furthermore remarked, somewhat slyly it seems, that God did not oppose this, for the populace could be rewarded by those to whom it offered sacrifice. When the galloping knight approaches the princess, the reader - but not the princess - can guess who her rescuer is, so dramatic irony prevails. Since the dragon-slayer tale is not introduced as a miracle tale in the Icelandic legendary, the fiction of the pagan country harassed by a frightful dragon and the utter hopelessness of the situation is maintained

178 The Book of Reykjaholar throughout. Thus, when the maiden pleads ignorance of the Virgin Mary and Jesus Christ, the ground has been prepared for her statement by the tale's being presented from the perspective of the citizens of Silena rather than the perspective of an omniscient narrator. The horror the dragon inspires as well as the populace's rather democratic way of dealing with the danger posed by the monster is manifest in their near revolt at the king's offer to pay the citizens off with gold and silver, provided his daughter be spared (Rhb, 1:359.26-360.5). They insist on the sacrifice of either the princess or the king himself. Their proposition inspires a moving conversation between the princess and her father, with the former claiming that she should die rather than he, and the king lamenting the loss of her life but finally giving in when he learns that the fate of being sacrificed to the dragon affects her no worse than his tears. His daughter's words, accompanied by the demands of the crowd in the background, finally persuade him to release her, after telling her she is to put on her best clothes. Throughout the dragon-slayer tale the reader identifies with the characters, since the narrator mediates but little, and since the success of George's intervention — he is not identified as St George until he charges at the dragon — is not a given and his words do not inspire absolute trust. After the saint has pierced the dragon's jaws and neck with his lance, leaving the monster stretched out as though dead, he tells the princess that she has nothing to fear any longer and must do as he asks. When she agrees, he tells her to bind her belt around the neck of the dragon, for the animal will obey. She demurs, however, and says that she does not dare to approach the dragon. Only after the knight has repeated the request, telling her that the dragon will not harm her, does she finally do as she has been told. The narrator interposes to note that God granted a wonderful sign, for the dragon became as gentle as a lamb. And when the princess leads the animal back to town, the dragon 'runs after her by itself as though it were a dog' (/Mife, 1:363.1-2). The princess's triumphant return to town, leading the dragon behind her, evokes general hysteria, for the inhabitants are terrified and urge one another to flee rather than be killed by the monster. St George attempts to calm them and assures them that nothing will happen if they follow his advice, for he has come as an emissary. The king is informed that his daughter has returned, leading the dragon behind her, and that a man has come 'sem baettezt mega deyda ormen ef hann villde og villdvm vaer giora at hans radvm' (Rhb, 1:363.13-14 'who is thought to be able to kill the dragon if he wants to, and we want to do what he commands us'). When the king learns from his daughter that she has been rescued by the knight, he inquires as to his mission, and St George repeats what he told the princess earlier by the lake, and then adds that everyone must believe in

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the Virgin Mary and her son Jesus Christ and likewise abjure pagan beliefs and gods. He concludes by saying: Og gioret bier so sem eg hefvr sagt baa vil eg deyda ormenn so at bier skvlvt mega pat siaa. Enn ef frier vilet ecki petta giora baa mvn eg latha hann fara lavsann aftvr. (Rhb, 1:363.27-30) [And if you do as I have said, I shall kill the dragon while you look on. But if you do not want to do this, I shall set him free again.]

This threatening incentive to conversion, which does not occur in the Legenda aurea, exists in the Greek and Serbian versions, which, like the Icelandic legendary when compared to Jacobus de Voragine's concise redaction, also transmit a more dramatic form.22 A tendency to dramatization similar to that found in the Icelandic version of the dragon-slayer legend is evident inJeronimus saga (Rhb, II: 211-53), the legend of the great doctor and father of the church, St Jerome (d. 420). The legend consists of three distinct narrative types: biography (chaps. 1-4; 8-9); folk-tale (chaps. 5-7); and miracle tale (chaps. 10-33). The story of the grateful lion in chapters 5-7, a variant of the folk-tale of Androcles and the lion,23 is comparable to the dragon-slayer tale in its artful use of narrative perspective and its dramatization of incidents. The tale is also incorporated into the life of St Jerome in the Legenda aurea, and goes as follows: While St Jerome is sitting one evening among his monks listening to Sacred Scripture, a lame lion appears in the monastery. When the monks see the animal, they flee, but Jerome welcomes the lion, which shows him its wounded foot. The monks are called together to wash the lion's foot, and discover that the wound has been caused by a thorn. They nurse the lion back to health, and the lion lives among them as would a domestic animal. St Jerome realizes that the lion was sent to them not only because it was in need of their assistance but also because God wanted to help the monks, and therefore on the advice of the monks the lion is set to guarding the donkey that carries firewood for the monastery. One day, however, while the lion is asleep, some merchants steal the donkey. When the lion wakes up and fails to locate the animal it is to guard, it returns sadly to the monastery but is too ashamed to enter. The monks suspect the lion of having devoured their donkey, and they search for remains of the animal but are unsuccessful. St Jerome suggests that the lion carry out the tasks formerly assigned to the donkey, and, engaged in this task, the lion one day chances upon some merchants whose camels are being led by the monastery's donkey. The faithful animal frightens the merchants off and drives the donkey and the camels to the monastery. St Jerome realizes at once

180 The Book of Reykjaholar what has happened. When the merchants subsequently appear at the monastery, they ask for pardon and promise henceforth to supply the monks with oil. Redactions of the Latin tale in the Legenda aurea quickly appeared in vernacular legendaries. In the German-language area the tale of St Jerome and the lion, or reminiscences of it, were incorporated into such collections as the Vdterbuch (lines 27,181 ff.),24 the Elsdssische Legenda aurea,25 and Hermann von Fritslar's Heiligenleben.26 Not only a relatively high number of manuscripts, but also the many imprints of the High German Der Heiligen Leben and the Low German Dat Passionael attest that the tale circulated widely.27 Iconographically, St Jerome came to be represented in his study with the lion at his side.28 The hagiographic folk-tale of St Jerome and the grateful lion found in Reykjaholabok consists of four parts: the lion's appearance at the monastery and its healing; the theft of one of the donkeys the lion is supposed to be watching; the return of the donkey by the lion; and the encounter between the merchants and the monks.29 As transmitted in Reykjaholabok the tale is a narrative in which every actor receives his due, including the lion, who takes on anthropomorphic features. The discourse in the Icelandic tale differs radically from that in the Latin and Low German redactions found respectively in the Legenda aurea and Dat Passionael. In Jeronimus saga the narrator divulges what motivates the figures — including the personable lion — while the human actors reveal their personalities through dialogue. Moreover, the narrator's role shifts from that of the fairly neutral observer of the Passionael to that of a mediator, as it were, who transmits the story of the lost and regained donkey as the drama of the unwelcome and therefore mistrusted outsider in an intolerant community willing to believe the worst. The tale begins when the lion leaves the woods one day and heads towards the monastery, walking on three legs because of the pain in its fourth. The monks, afraid, flee and hide themselves, but not St Jerome, who welcomes the animal, which lies down in front of him and stretches out its sore paw 'as though asking for help' (Rhb, 11:216.23—4). The narrator comments that 'God's friend' understood what the animal had in mind. The saint not only washes the animal's wound, thereby presumably dislodging the thorn, but massages the paw until it is better. The treatment concludes with Jerome calling for a bandage, for the sake of cleanliness, to prevent infection. Needless to say, the beast is grateful and becomes as tame, the narrator informs us, as though it had lived among dogs for a long time. The behaviour of the lion suggests that he - the masculine instead of the neuter pronoun is used advisedly, as will become evident - wants to become integrated into the community. The narrator remarks that the lion 'did not ever want to leave,' but the monks are less inclined to keep him; in fact, the

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narrator observes, they could very well get along without him. St Jerome realizes that his companions care little for the beast, and he subsequently becomes the mediator between the unusual guest and the antagonistic monks. Jacobus de Voragine's account of the treatment the lion receives in the monastery differs substantially from that in Reykjaholabok. The monks flee also in the Legenda aurea, but when Jerome calls them back, they are the ones who minister to the lion and nurse the animal back to health. St Jerome realizes that God has sent them the animal not only for healing but also for its usefulness to the monastery, and with the advice of the monks the animal is assigned a task. Only three times in the story of the grateful lion does Jacobus de Voragine break out of third-person discourse to transmit the actual words spoken, once by the monks and twice by St Jerome. As a result, the Latin account lacks the liveliness of the Icelandic. Moreover, the position taken by the monks in the saga vis-a-vis the lion is antagonistic, from the animal's first appearance until the safe return of the donkey. St Jerome realizes that the monks dislike the animal and handles the situation with psychological finesse: betta fieck Jeronimvs at skilia. at fielogvm bans var lithid til dyrsenns og sagde til beirra. braedr miner. Ecki hefvr gvd sennth oss at eins dyr betta til bess at graeda bat. bvi bat hefr hann sialfvr vel giortt ef hann hefde so viliat vera latha. helldr hefr hann giefet oss dyr betta til styrcks og thravstz til vorra navdzynia. og skvlvm vaer skipa honvm vt af eith hverrtt embaette bat sem hann skal giora. Pa svorvdu braedrner at bat maette vel bvi hann vaere baede sterckvr og fliorvr aa sier og maa hann bvi vel geyma asna vora. vth j morckinne. so at hann reke baa heim er vaer vilivm. en baa j bvrttv. er honvm er bat skipat. sanctvs Jeronimvs seiger at betta mege so vel vera. enn dyret skilde bat sem bvi var skipat og giorde bat af ollvm lettha. so at hann skildizt varla vid asna sina. en rak ba heim j hverrt sinn er honvm var til sagt og lika j bvrttv aftvr. (Rhb, 11:216.33-217.9) [Jerome realized that his companions cared litle for the animal, and said to them: 'My brothers, God has not sent us this animal only to be healed, for he could very well have done so himself if he had wanted to; rather he has given us this animal to support and assist us in our needs, and we should assign it some task or other to carry out.' The brethren responded that this could be done, since it was both strong and swift, 'and for this reason the lion can take care of our donkeys in the woods. It can drive them back to the monastery when we want this, and out again when it is told to do so.' St Jerome says that this is a good idea. And the animal understood what had been decided and did so quite readily, and took good care of his donkeys, and drove them home each time it was told to do so and likewise out again.]

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In what must be considered a diplomatic move given his realization of the monks' intense dislike of the lion, St Jerome has them decide how the lion can be put to use for the common good. To be noted is that the monks are permitted to assert their authority over the beast, as they insist that the lion's work be performed when 'we want' this and 'when it is ordered to do so,' and the episode concludes with the observation that the lion drove the donkeys out to pasture and back home 'each time it was told to do so.' Striking is the fact that the lion takes a proprietary, even personal interest in the donkeys, for the animals to which the monks refer as 'our' donkeys, quickly become, from the lion's perspective, 'his' donkeys. The story of St Jerome and the lion in Reykjaholabok deviates from the redactions in the Legenda aurea and the Passionael by virtue not only of its greater length but also of the inclusion of vocabulary denoting the emotional and intellectual realms. The lion is unable to 'endure' stepping on its hurt foot and 'understands' St Jerome's benevolence, while the saint 'understands' or 'perceives' what the animal wants and subsequently 'realizes' the monks' aversion to the unwelcome guest. They 'cared little' for the animal and could very well do without it. The lion, however, 'did not ever want to leave' the monastery again (Rhb, 11:216.31-3). When St Jerome accepts the monks' suggestion regarding the task to be assigned to the lion, the latter 'understands' the nature of the task and accepts the assignment 'quite readily.' The anthropomorphic qualities the animal displays upon arriving at the monastery become more pronounced in the course of the narrative. After the lion has been assigned his task - it should be noted that in the Passionael and the Legenda aurea the lion has to watch only one donkey, whereas in Reykjaholabok he becomes keeper of an entire herd — he goes to work readily; presumably he is relieved that he may stay in the monastery. The narrator constructs a situation in which the lion is implicitly listening to the discussion, wondering what his fate is to be. Once he has heard the decision, therefore, he takes good care of 'his' donkeys, bringing them out to pasture and home again each day. The relationship established between the monks and the lion is understood as a contract: the lion is fed in return for bringing the donkeys safely to the monastery each evening. All goes well until one day the lion literally sleeps on the job and some passing merchants abduct one of the donkeys. Once again St Jerome has to intervene. More so than in the first episode, the language of the emotions comes to the fore. Upon awakening and discovering the loss of one of the donkeys, the lion behaves like a madman. He 'laments' the loss (Rhb, 11:217.17) and runs every which way. Unable to find the donkey, he at last returns to the monastery in an 'extremely dejected' state (Rhb, 11:217.19). The monks refuse to give him

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food, however, since they think he has killed the donkey, and tell him to go back to the fields and finish consuming the carcass. Despite their groundless accusations, the lion exhibits humility. The narrator remarks that the noblest and fiercest of animals demonstrated his 'obedience' and 'great gentleness' (Rhb, 11:217.26); 'dejected' rather than 'angry,' he left the monastery (Rhb, 11:217.27) in order to look for the lost donkey once more. Although the narrator chooses not to comment on the deportment of the monks, the implicitly positive assessment of the lion's behaviour suggests that the narrator aligns himself with the beast, and he thereby influences the reader to do the same. The references to the lion's virtues in the face of persecution implicate the narrator and the reader in a shared set of values. The behaviour of the lion stands in contrast to that of the monks. They berate the lion (Rhb, 11:217.21-2) and refuse to give him food; they tell him to go and finish off the donkey he has killed. Despite the scolding received from the monks, the lion leaves the monastery with a downcast - yet not fierce - countenance (Rhb, 11:217.27), and the narrator remarks that the search for 'his' donkey went the same as the day before. No matter where he looked, the lion could not find the missing animal. When he returns to the monastery, the scene from the previous evening is repeated, and the monks harp at him with vile words (Rhb, 11:217.31). Once more the lion does not fight back; instead, he slinks away, abashed but peaceably wagging his tail. The episode between the lion and the monks is curious. While the original exemplary intent is conveyed through the opposition established between the lion's superiority and ferocity among animals on the one hand, and his obedience and gentleness in the face of reprimands on the other, the author does not capitalize on the lesson to be learned: long-suffering and humility in adversity. The didactic element is only implicit, and therefore the reader is not edified, originally the purpose of the adapted folk-tale, but rather outraged. Whereas the lion may in fact be faulted for his failure as herdsman, the reader sympathizes with the animal because of the prejudice and unkindness displayed by the monks. The dramatic irony of the situation, the knowledge of what actually occurred, forces an audience to assume vis-a-vis the monks the adversarial position that the lion has chosen not to take. Of course there is a lesson to be drawn, but the narrator remains silent, and the tension produced by the conflict between appearance and reality, in addition to the unjustified and unmitigated nastiness of the monks, places the reader's sympathies squarely on the side of the lion. The reader is not encouraged to go out and do likewise, that is, to show meekness like the lion; rather the episode provokes indignation and causes suspense as to the outcome of the conflict. The exemplary value of the narrative has been suppressed in favour of the entertaining.

184 The Book of Reykjaholar As during the first confrontation between the lion and the monks, St Jerome intervenes once more. He orders the lion himself to carry out the task that had been the donkey's, that is, to fetch firewood for the monastery, and the narrator observes that the lion did not 'want' to forget to keep a lookout for 'his' donkey - but he does not have much luck (Rhb, 11:218.7-8). The remark once more recalls the human dimensions of the animal, especially since the lion is consistently depicted as thinking of the donkey as 'his' donkey. Moreover, in the episode that follows, the point of view shifts entirely to the animal, as the events leading up to his reunion with the donkey are depicted solely from the lion's perspective. The episode commences by particularizing the foregoing: 'One time, when the lion was searching in the woods, as was his wont, he heard men speaking loudly' (Rhb, 11:218.9—10). Subsequently the lion's behaviour mimics that of a human being. He runs in the direction from which he hears the noise, but then veers off the road to hide in the woods. The scene depicted is the scene witnessed by the lion. Many merchants come into view with a large group of donkeys bearing goods, and then the lion espies 'his' donkey (Rhb, 11:218.14) among them. The courageous lion now demonstrates his might and fury; he jumps at the donkeys and drives them all to the monastery. At this display of ferocity the terrified merchants run into the woods. The reunion of the lion with 'his' donkey is followed by the reunion of the monks with 'their' donkey. Their reaction contrasts with their earlier behaviour, for they now admit to having done wrong, thereby attesting the injustice of their earlier accusations. They confess: Jlla hofvm vaer giortt vid pessa skepnv ath honvm hefvr verith giefen oretth savk. Enn hann hefvr oss betvr polad og so boret sina oskvlld ollv framar enn va;r hofvm forbienat. og hefr hann fasrtt oss heim aptvr asna vom er vaer hvgdvm davdan og longv faren. (Rhb, 11:218.20-3) [We have treated this beast poorly in accusing him unjustly, and he has put up with us better and demonstrated his innocence far more than we have deserved. For he has brought back to us our donkey whom we thought dead and long gone.]

In response, the lion demonstrates the same affectionate behaviour that he showed in adversity: he jumps up at them with joy and rubs against them. The monks' admission of their unworthy behaviour and the narrator's earlier approval of the meek bearing of the lion in the face of false accusations suggests that the tale of the grateful lion can be read as an exemplum. Indeed, that is how the author of the Low German catechetical work Der grofie Seelentrost uses it,

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recounting the story of the grateful lion as one of eleven exempla illustrating the eighth commandment. The tale concludes on a hortatory note: Kynt leue, du schalt truwe kumpan wesen, wan du bist in der pelegrimatese. Bistu vntruwe, du vorlusest al din arbeit.30 [Dear child, be a faithful companion, for you are on a pilgrimage. If you are unfaithful, all your efforts will be for naught.]

Whereas the paratactic thirty-one line exemplum proceeds inexorably to the applied lesson, the Icelandic legend forces the potentially edifying message of the story into the background. The reader is drawn by the discourse into the plot and compelled to side with the personable lion - commiserating with him at the loss of 'his' donkey; resenting, on his behalf though unlike him, the behaviour of the monks; and finally, rejoicing with him when he is reunited with 'his' donkey. The vivid characterization, dramatic encounters, and intrinsic suspense of the tale as told in Reykjaholabok guaranteed its being received by the readers as more than just a lesson in virtue. Arguably the most fantastic of the apocryphal tales in Reykjaholabok is Jons saga gullmunns, the legend of 'John Golden Mouth' that was the object of Martin Luther's scorn and derisive commentary in 1537 (see chap. i). The Icelandic legendary, like the Passionael, actually contains two legends about St John Chrysostom (344/54-407), the great doctor of the church: the apocryphal legend (Rhb, 11:167-184.31) and his vita (Rhb, 11:185.4-191.23). The latter is separated - as it is in the Passionael - from the fantastic tale by the comment that not everyone believes in the veracity of the historia and by a reference to the church of San Giovanni Crisostomo in Venice (Rhb, 11:184.31-185.3). In Reykjaholabok there is no attempt, however, as there is in the Passionael, to authenticate the apocryphal tale by referring to its iconographic representation. The narrative concludes with the remark 'but what the truth is in this matter, God knows best' (Rhb, 11:185.2-3). It should be noted that the Legenda aurea does not contain the apocryphal legend, only the vita. Comparison of the texts in the Passionael and Reykjaholabok reveals a remarkable discrepancy in the relationship of the apocryphal to the biographical legend in the two compilations. In the Passionael the apocryphal tale is approximately one-third again as long as the following vita, but in Reykjaholabok the ratio of the apocryphal to the biographical account is almost 3:1. The greater length of the Icelandic apocryphal legend derives from its narrative properties. Whereas the Low German text transmits a laconic third-person account, the Icelandic tale is realized in a narrative that favours dramatic confrontations, exten-

186 The Book of Reykjaholar sive dialogue and monologue, and the inclusion of motivation for the behaviour of the protagonists.3' The apocryphal legend of John Chrysostom is a frame narrative, in which the tale constituting the frame is intended to demonstrate the efficacy of prayer for the deceased and to provide the motivation for the saint's ordination as a priest at a tender age. The tale is as follows: An unidentified pope, engaged in prayer one day, hears a sorrowful voice calling out to him. A suffering soul informs him that it will not be released from its torments until the soon-to-be-born son of a couple named Seidmer and Authusa32 becomes a priest and has celebrated his sixteenth mass. When the child is born, the pope himself baptizes the baby and adopts it as his spiritual son. At the appropriate time he is sent to school, where he is granted a vision of Mary (see chap. 5). Informed of John's scholastic mastery and edifying way of life, the pope, concerned about freeing the soul from purgatory, has him ordained a priest when he is merely sixteen years old. The frame story, reminiscent of the vision granted Nicholas of Tolentino (see chap. 5), resurfaces near the end of the legend when, fifteen years later, St John learns of the prenatal incident and immediately celebrates a mass a day. At the end of his sixteenth mass, the soul is freed from its suffering. This miracle tale, illustrating the intercessory power of prayer, encloses a narrative replete with fantastic and miraculous events. On the day of his ordination St John decides to renounce the world. He withdraws to an isolated spot and embarks on a life of penance. The fantastic intrudes in the form of a princess who has been carried off by a whirlwind and deposited near his cave. St John reluctantly takes her in, but his attempt to live a life of penance with the maiden comes to naught. He seduces her, is contrite, but fears that he will again succumb to passion. He solves his dilemma by throwing the maiden off a cliff. Remorseful, he travels to Rome to seek absolution from the pope. When the latter refuses to absolve him, John returns to the wilderness and vows never again to raise his head as a human being but instead to crawl on all fours. For fifteen years he undergoes this penance, at last resembling a wild animal, and then the miraculous intervenes. The parents of the princess have another child, who refuses to be baptized by anyone other than the holy man John who resides in the wilderness. A search is fruitless, but one day the emperor's hunters bag a marvellous animal, which is presented to the emperor and his wife. Suddenly the baby addresses the creature as his spiritual father John, asks to be baptized, and informs him that his sins have been forgiven. The saint is restored to his former beauty. A final miracle rounds off the tale. The emperor wishes to bury his daughter, but when St John leads him to the place of his heinous deed, the princess is found safe and sound. This life of the anchorite who seduces a woman, murders her, undergoes a

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long and extraordinary penance, and finally is forgiven is generated by the frame story that calls for the release of a suffering soul. Moreover, the unusual behaviour of the saint in the wilderness, his detour, as it were, on the path to sanctity, should also be read as a manifestation of divine providence. For when the pope ordains the sixteen-year-old John in order to help the suffering soul, the narrator steps in to remark: en bo at heilagr fader pafen villde at so yrde sem nv var greint. Pa verdr bo eingin hlvtvr fyrr enn gvd vill at sie og sannazt ordz qvidren j J>essv. er so vikvr at. Veith hvat vill. enn eigi hvat verda kann. bviat leynder erv domat gvdz og so var nv vmm betta efne sem bratt maa heyra. (Rhb, 11:173.6-11) [Now even though the Holy Father, the pope, wanted things to turn out just as has been told, nevertheless nothing happens before God wills it, as attests the proverb, which goes 'Know what you will, but not what will happen, for the counsels of God are hidden,' and that was the case here, as will soon be heard.]

While the frame narrative demonstrates the power of sacred acts to affect the fate of the deceased, the embedded story, that is, the narrative proper, can be read as an exemplum of extraordinary sin but of God's willingness to forgive provided the sinner is contrite and undergoes penance. The exemplary character of the tale, despite its fantastic incidents, is quite clear. In many respects the apocryphal legend of seduction and murder that came to be associated with the historical St John Chrysostom preaches the same lesson as the tale of the apocryphal Gregorius peccator (see chap. 7), which was also incorporated into the vernacular German legendaries and is similarly transmitted in Reykjaholabok: No matter how great the sin or the sinner, God's mercy is even greater. Or, as the narrator in Jons saga gullmunns puts it, 'baa var enn fyrer honvm sem fyrer othavlvlegvm morgvm skier, at myskvn gvdz er naere thil hialppar en menn aethla edr forpienan er thiP (Rhb, 11:178.24-6 'it then happened to him as to innumerable others, that the mercy of God is nearer at hand than men either think or deserve'). And John himself voices the same belief after the pope has refused to grant him absolution: 't»a skal eg bo ecki mistreysta vmm myskvn gvdz af bvi at eg sannlega veit at hvn er meire og mathogre en allar minar synnder erv' (Rhb, 11:179.10-12 'I shall nevertheless not despair of the mercy of God, for I truly know that it is greater and more powerful than all my sins'). Notwithstanding these instructive sentiments, the events that precede and follow the expressions of belief in God's mercy are woven by a consummate storyteller into an entertaining story.

188 The Book of Reykjaholar At the outset of the narrative John's hermitage is depicted, a cave in a large rock in the wilderness, with a brook nearby. We learn that the forest in which he lives is located near a city in which a nameless emperor rules. The action commences as the emperor's only daughter is walking one fine summer day in the woods together with her maidens, collecting flowers and fruit. Suddenly a whirlwind lifts her into the air and disappears with her, and according to his written source - the word skriptin is used (Rhb, 11:175.4) - me narrator informs us, God's will does not permit the wind to set her down any other place but in front of John's cave. Although what follows is still conveyed through the voice of the omniscient narrator, the events are depicted entirely from the princess's perspective. og pa sem hvn var nidr komen paa visse hvn ecki hverrt j fra at hvn atte snvazth sier thil biargar og leith aa badar sijdr. og pa sem hvn hafde snvezt nockvra hrid. Pa fieck hvn at litha beinnt nidr hia steinenvm beim er hvn stod aa hvar ein jardhola var og vmm hana var so bvit sem hvrd maette vera fyrer pott bat villde. I>a stie hvn ofan af steinenvm og leith jn j holvna og sa at bar laa einn madr aa baen sinne a grvfv nidre aa hnianvm og laa so hofvdit aa honvm aa jordvnne. Pa vard hvn hraedd og skodade aa badar hlidar hvorth at nockvr madr annar mvnde vera j nander at sia sigh. So at hvn maette hlavpa bangat sier thil hialpar. enn er hvn skilde bat med jblestre ens helga anda. at hvn mvnde vera horfen fra ollvm monnvm Pa veik hvn sier aftvr at jard holvnne er hvn saa fyre og kallade med harre ravddv aa bann sem jnne fyrer var. So seigiande. Heyr migh gode herra. veit mier fathaekre leyfi at eg mege ganga jnn thil pin. (Rhb, 0:175.8-22) [And when she had been set down, she did not know where to turn for protection, and she looked to the right and the left. And when she had looked around for a while, she saw straight down from the stone on which she was standing a cave, and around it something that looked as though it might function as a gate. She stepped down from the rock, and looked into the cave, and she saw that there was a man down on the ground, at prayer on his knees, and his head was lowered all the way, touching the ground. Then she became frightened and looked on both sides of the cave to see whether there might be anyone else in the vicinity to whom she could run for help. But when she realized, inspired by the Holy Spirit, that she was far from all other human beings, she went back to the cave she had seen before and called with a loud voice to the man who was inside, saying: 'Hear me, good sir, give me, poor woman, permission to come in.']

The scene exemplifies the manner in which the author of Jons saga gullmunns — that is, the author of the Low German version that Bjorn Porleifsson translated presents the plot. While the hermit is presented to the reader through the princess's reactions and by means of what is essentially a form of teichoscopic

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reportage, John's reaction to her call for help, as we shall see, is depicted entirely from his perspective. The tale of the princess abducted by a whirlwind commences like a folk-tale: there once was an emperor and he had a queen and they had a daughter, identified merely as keisarans dottir, the emperor's daughter. The characters are devoid of distinguishing features. When John stands up, however, the perspective shifts from the princess to the hermit, so that the reader sees the princess through his eyes: she is a maiden dressed in splendid apparel and wearing a golden crown on her head. The hermit is slow to react - the narrator comments that he stands there contemplating what this is supposed to mean - apparently struck dumb at the sight, for she has to repeat her call for help. The third time she tells him that he, as a Christian, ought to help her in order to prevent her from dying in front of his very door. Furthermore, if he can help her but does not, and she were to die of hunger or become the victim of ferocious animals, he will be held accountable for her on Judgment Day (Rhb, 11:175.33-176.2). This last speech finally moves John to let her in. Although he admits that she is right and that he will be held accountable for her, he recognizes at the same time the possibility that she might be an evil spirit. He places his trust in God, however, and decides to see whether she will prove to be a temptation for him. John's realization that the princess might be a temptress, while anticipating subsequent events, ironically does not prepare him for them. To be sure, he takes precautions. Comparison with the version in the Passionael is instructive. There he draws a line through the middle of the cave and says curtly, ' wes du in deme enen dele, yk wyl in deme anderen dele wezen. vnde kum nict to my. vnde bede mit vlyte' (Pass., CCCxlviii.a 'you are to stay on your side, and I will stay on mine, and do not come to me, and be diligent in prayer'). Jons saga gullmunns, however, depicts a saint with a rigorous ascetic program in mind for the maiden. After he has drawn a line across the floor with his staff, he informs her: Nv vil eg at bv hallder bat bod sem eg byd bier, enn bat er fyrst at bv skallt vera j avdrvm armenvm bvrtv fra beim reithnvm er bv sier hier aa golfinv. Enn eg skal vera j avdrvm armenvm og skal hvorcke ganga til annars yfer thakmarckith bar med skallttv af legia bann glyslega bvningenn sem bv ber aa bier, og gvde godfvslega skalltta biona med hardlife. med favstvm og vokvm og gvdlegvm basnvm. (Rhb, 11:176.17-23) [Now I want you to do as I tell you. First of all, you are to stay in that corner away from the line that you see here on the floor. And I shall be in this corner, and neither of us is to go over the marker. In addition you are to remove the splendid clothing you are wearing, and you are to serve God piously through an ascetic life, with fasting, and vigils, and pious prayers.]

190 The Book of Reykjaholar The princess willingly takes John's tuition, and henceforth their existence together is one of abnegation. Despite the hermit's premonition that the princess might be the devil in disguise, his awareness that she might pose a temptation for him, and his effort to avoid being tempted by segregating her in one corner of the cave, he is incapable of withstanding the wiles of the devil himself. Unlike other saints in Reykjaholabok, who recognize the devil for what he is, John seems to be taken completely by surprise. In the Passionael the seduction episode is recounted in the same terse style that characterizes not only this legend but the legendary as a whole; the paratactic syntax and matter-of-fact tone defy the narrative's dramatic potential. We read: De dogede hatede de bozeghest vnde hatede se beyde. vnde reed en byden enen bozen raet vnde schykkede dat sunte Johannes auer den stock gink to der iuncfrouwen in ere deel vnde vmmefenck se leefliken. vnde krech grote leue to eei. vnde he makede dat de yuncfrouwe in grote sunde vyl vmme sinen willen. (Pass., CCCxlviii.b) [The devil hated the good works and he hated both of them, and gave them both bad advice, and caused St John to go over the dividing line to the maiden, and he embraced her lovingly, and great love for her arose in him, and he caused the maiden to fall into great sin on account of him.]

In the Icelandic version, however, St John's yielding to temptation is presented somewhat differently. As in the earlier scenes, in which the author depicted incidents from the perspective of the characters, in this scene too the action unfolds as the author plays off the devil against a narrator sympathetic to his victims, thereby dramatizing the motivation for the seduction: !>esse dygdarverck bolde andskothen ecki so at hann giorde ecki eitt hvat til og bio sin bavlvodv skeythe thil ef hann maette spillaa. bessvm savdvm gvdz og koma |>eim af rettvm vegh og aa rangan stigh med savrlegv hvgskothe til lostagirndar beirra aa mille. og lavst sanctvs Johannes med einne bessare eitvrfvllre avr j bans hiartta til at girnazt at stiga yfer bat marcket er hann sialfvr hafde setth beim badvm thil lavgvamar. og jok blidlaethe vid hana. So hann thok hana j fadm sier livflega med annare beirre blidv er hann veithe henne af sier thil So at hvn fiell af hans volldvm j stora synnd. (Rhb, 11:177.7-16) [The devil could not stand their virtuous life and so he set about doing something about it. He prepared his accursed arrow in order to spoil things for these lambs of God so that they would leave the right path and set out on the crooked path because of lustful

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thoughts and passion for each other. And he struck St John in the heart with one of these poisonous arrows so that he yearned to cross the boundary that he himself had set for their protection. And his desire for her increased, so that he embraced her lovingly, and as a result of the caresses she received she fell into great sin on account of him.]

The passage is controlled by the narrator, who takes a very clear position vis-avis both the devil and each of his two victims. The shift from the paratactic style in the Passionael to a hypotactic style in the Icelandic version results in the presentation of the seduction as a series of causes and effects: because the devil cannot tolerate the couple's blameless existence, he intends to do something about it; because he attacks St John, the hermit desires to cross the dividing line; because of his extraordinary yearning, he embraces the princess — with the result that she falls into sin. The devil's weapons are adjudged 'accursed' and 'poisonous' and he is set on 'spoiling' their chaste cohabitation, while the two ascetics are characterized as 'lambs,' the simile suggesting their purity as well as their helplessness in the face of the devil's machinations.33 In the Passionael the devil merely plants the temptation in John's mind, but in the Icelandic legendary the temptation is represented as a poisonous wound, so that the subsequent yearning for the princess can be likened to an infection. For her part the princess becomes victim to both the devil and St John. Woman as temptress of holy men is a common theme in hagiography, but attempts at seduction usually fail because the holy man sees through the ruse and takes proper precautions. An episode similar to that experienced by St John Chrysostom occurs in the life of the desert father St Anthony, but it is transmitted neither in the Passionael nor in the Icelandic legendary. It exists in Der Heiligen Leben, however, in the Augsburg imprint of 1513 by Johann Otmar.34 As happens in the seduction episode in Jons saga gullmunns, the devil participates actively, not as an individual distinct from the woman, however, but in the form of a woman. In the legend of St Anthony too the saint is asked for shelter by a woman who is lost and tells him he would be responsible if the wild beasts should tear her apart. God gives him to understand, however, that the woman is actually the devil. As a result, when she asks to lie at his side, St Anthony lies down on the grate over the fire and invites her to join him. The upshot of the intended seduction is that the devil begins to scream that Anthony has wounded him and then disappears.35 Der grofie Seelentrost includes an exemplum under the sixth commandment that similarly tells about the attempted seduction of a hermit. As in the legend of St John Chrysostom, the woman is not the devil in disguise, but unlike the princess she has indeed been sent to the hermit to tempt him. In contrast to St John, the hermit resists temptation by locking himself into a room for the night and

192 The Book of Reykjaholar burning all his fingers as a means of overcoming the desire he feels. The next morning the woman is found dead. No explanation is given, but presumably a preacher would have interpreted her death as punishment from God for attempting to seduce a holy man.36 A similar seduction scene occurs in another legend included in Reykjaholabok, namely Barla hams saga og Josaphats, in which Josaphat's temptress is an eloquent young woman. She promises to become converted if Josaphat agrees to take her to wife. She points out that in the days of old the patriarchs and prophets, and even St Peter, had a wife, and therefore he should do the same. When Josaphat objects that some men have vowed chastity and therefore are not at liberty to marry, she replies with her own version of sin and forgiveness: Nv seigit bier sialfer so. Sem kristner erv. bo at madrin giorer syndina og vill baetha og af at latha baa fyrer giefazt honvm begar sinar synder og af bans yferboth fagna allvr himneskvr herskapvr. bar fyrer so liggdv nv hia mier eina nott og fvllkomna med mier eins mannz fyzt og min villa so vil eg aa morgunn vera kristenn og mattv pa giora mig goda med bier og forpienar ba mikil lavn af gvde. fyrer pitt erfide. (Rhb, 1:122.8-14) [You say yourselves, you who are Christians, that if a man commits sin and wants to do penance and to resist further sinning, he is forgiven and the heavenly host rejoices at his penitence. Therefore, sleep with me for one night and satisfy my desire and will, and I shall become a Christian tomorrow, and you can then make me a good person and you will deserve a great reward from God for your effort.]37

She reasons that he can sin, since he has a way of being forgiven. The narrator remarks that by such reasoning and more he came to entertain sinful thoughts and experienced a strong desire for intercourse with her. But when he realized that he would be betrayed because of her cunning and perseverance, he wept in sorrow and begged God to forgive him. In this case Josaphat's sin consists in thought rather than deed, in entertaining unlawful desires; the physical longing is not translated into sexual consummation as with John Chrysostom and the princess. After the seduction both John and the princess are deeply contrite. One day it occurs to the saint, however - thus the Passionael - that 'bleue de vrouwe lenck by my. yk worde meer sundigen. vnde stotte de vrouwe van dem stene' (Pass., CCCxlviii.b 'if the woman remains with me for a long time, I shall sin again, and he threw the woman off the cliff). Whereas the saint's unwillingness to have the princess stay with him any longer is understandable, his resorting to murder is not. His behaviour is poorly motivated in the Low German legend and consequently narratively weak. The Icelandic version deviates strikingly in that

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St John's second sin, the murder, is engineered, like the seduction, by the devil. When John and the princess cry in sorrow over what they have done, not only the reader becomes privy to their remorse, but also the devil, who intervenes once more: Nv sem anndskoten saa og skilde peirra vppsathvr at pav villdv jdrazt peirra synnd og baetha at myskvnnar dome gvdz almathogs. pa villde hann og ecki latha dvina sina jllzkv peim j gegnn. og heriade enn aa hvg og hiartta Johannes med peim jblasstre. ef so vaere at pesse qvensvipth vsere par leingr naere honvm. at paa mvnde hann optar enn synndgazt med henne. og sier vaere pat betvr at koma henne med einhverivm haette j bvrttv fra sier. og pvi ver at pessv orade fylgde hann er hinn onde ande skavth j hvgen aa honvm. og kallade sidan aa hana at hvn skyllde ganga vt vr jardhvsenv er pav vorv j. og so giorde hvn. en pegar at hvn var komen vt aa steinenn. er hvset peirra var aa. paa hratt hann henne vt af steinnenvm. og gieck jn aptvr j celle sin jafnt og ecki neitth hafde j giorzth. (Rhb, 1:177.28-178.6) [Now when the devil saw and realized that they intended to repent of their sin and do penance to seek merciful judgment from Almighty God, he did not want to cease his machinations against them. And once again he harried the mind and heart of St John with the thought that if this woman were to stay any longer with him, he would again sin with her on other occcasions, and that it would be better if he could get rid of her in some way. Even worse, he followed the evil advice that the evil spirit shot into his mind. He therefore called her and told her to leave the cave in which they were. And she did so. And as soon as she had come out on the cliff on which their dwelling was, he pushed her off the cliff, and then returned to his cell as though nothing had happened.]

As with the first temptation the devil's work is depicted in martial terms: the devil attacks, harries the mind, and shoots the idea into John's mind. The two temptations are thus linked by the same vivid image of the devil as archer. The effect of the devil's work is immediate and involves cold-blooded murder. John's nonchalance does not last long, for when he returns to his cave and attempts to resume a life of prayer, the enormity of his deed hits him with full force. In a relatively long monologue (Rhb, 11:178.11-17) he acknowledges that he wrongly blamed an innocent victim, the princess, for a sin of which he alone was guilty. He believes God will punish him for his sins for all eternity, and decides not to serve him any longer, because 'God must have forgotten him' (Rhb, 11:178.21). Nonetheless, God is merciful, and John is inspired to go to Rome to seek forgiveness from the pope himself. The pope, who does not recognize his spiritual son, refuses to grant him absolution. In consequence John returns to the wilderness, and in the firm belief that God's mercy

194 The Book of Reykjaholar is greater and mightier than his sins he decides to undergo a drastic form of penance: drottenn sagde hann big bv bessa both mina er eg vil vilivglega sialfr sethia og vnder ganga mier thil hialpar og lavsnar af minvm syndvm og bv drotten minn veizt at eg hefvr fyrer binvm vmmbodz manne j liose lathed. Og er bat fyrst at fra bessvm deige medan eg life, skal eg alldreige minv hofde rettv vpp hallda thil himmens. nema helldr ganga aa hondvm og fothvm sem avnvr fer faett skepna. bangat til at eg fas nockvra sanna vithneskiv af binne blezadre og eigenlegre nad og myskvnn at minar synnder Sie baettar og fyrer giefnar j binv avglithe. (Rhb, 11:179.18-24) ['Lord,' he said, 'accept my penance, which I freely take upon myself and shall carry out for my salvation and for the release from my sins, which you, my Lord, know I have revealed to your representative. First of all, from this day and as long as I live, I shall never raise my head to heaven again, but rather walk on my hands and feet just like other four-footed animals, until I receive some sign of your blessed and real pity and mercy that my sins have been atoned and forgiven in your sight.']

In effect, through his pilgrimage for forgiveness from the pope and in this prayer, St John acknowledges his sins, confesses them to another, and displays a firm purpose of amendment and a willingness to atone for them. The passage is an object lesson on the sacrament of penance. In his study of the Tannhauser tale, Dietz-Riidiger Moser also discusses the legend of St John Chrysostom and points out that by refusing to forgive John the pope prefers to have the sinner himself find the most satisfactory course of penance. Furthermore, he notes that the plot 'legt die kirchliche Rechtsauffassung und Morallehre in aller Strenge dar. Schwerste Siinden sollten nicht durch den einfachen Gnadenakt aufhebbar erscheinen.' Moser's observation is based on the text found in Der Heiligen Leben. The fuller Icelandic version buttresses his interpretation all the more and suggests that, at least in this longer form, the legend, despite its fantastic and entertaining character, can be read, and presumably was understood, in the context of the 'offiziellen BuGsakramentenlehre der Kirche' — and was therefore appropriate for catechesis.38 The saint's existence for fifteen years as a four-footed animal is given short shrift in the legend. We learn only that even if he had wanted to stand upright, after a time St John would have been unable to do so; his clothes fell off him, and he became a completely shaggy being. The author does not have the narrator dwell on the visual aspects of John's extended existence on all fours and his deprivation of human comforts. Instead, as he has done before, he permits the phenomenon to be registered through the eyes of others. The denouement com-

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mences when the plot shifts from the wilderness to the princess's parents. The queen has given birth to another child, a son, who is taken to the pope to be baptized, but the baby refuses to receive the sacrament, insisting that he be baptized by no other than the holy man, St John, who lives in the wilderness. The scene shifts to the hunters who have been sent to the woods to catch game for the christening feast. By means of the dogs' reaction to a wild beast they have cornered and through the hunters' eyes the reader is now introduced to the hermit. They glimpse a 'large' and 'strange' animal (Rhb, 11:180.27) that inspires fear in them, and they do not know how to proceed. They are afraid that if in their attempt to shoot it they merely wound the beast, it might become so ferocious that it will kill them all, for 'it was frightful to look upon' (Rhb, 11:180.32). The general reaction is to go home and pretend that they have not found anything. One of the hunters senses, however, that the animal is 'calm and intelligent' (Rhb, II: 181.1), and decides to see whether it will attack him if he approaches it. The beast does not move, and then lies down. In a touching gesture the hunter removes his cloak and places it over the animal, whose 'hands' and 'feet' he binds, and then by means of his belt he attaches it to the saddle of his horse, quite pleased at the wondrous animal he will be able to bring the king. This and the following scene recall the meek dragon in the legend of St George, but even more so a very similar bagging of a wondrous animal that turns out to be a human being - namely, the werewolf in Marie de France's Bisclavret. The Breton story of a knight who is forced to live as a beast in the forest because of the evil machinations of his wife and her lover was translated in the thirteenth century and is found among other lais in the Old Norse collection known as Strengleikar. Like the hermit, Bisclaret, as he is known in Old Norse, is bagged by the king's hunters, and like the hermit the beast becomes very shy when offered the opportunity to become a human being again. He is finally given his clothes and privacy in which to put them on, and as a result is transformed once more into the handsome knight he formerly was.39 In Jons saga gullmunns the animal is no werewolf, and accordingly the return to the saint's human appearance is not the result of his putting on garments but rather a miracle. Like Bisclaret, however, St John is most shy. When people flock to look at the strange animal, he is ashamed (Rhb, 11:181.13) and creeps into the shadows under a bench, intending to hide there. Everone wants to see the beast, but it refuses to crawl out. A man then pokes at it with a long pole, but the 'animal' runs back into the shadows. The man prods it again, and once more the 'animal' retreats into the shadows. Yet a third time the fellow manages to provoke the animal to come out into the open. This time it stands still, and the baby, which is resting in the arms of its nursemaid, speaks out: 'See here, John,

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my dear lord, I am to be baptized by you.' He, supposed to be an animal as the narrator puts it, says: Er pat vile gvdz at so sie og eige at vera. baa seigh pv pat enn eitt sinne. Pa svarar en barnet og sagde so. Minn kaere andlegr fader Johannes, af pier a eg fyrer vijst at faa skirn og hennar beidvnzt eg af pier. (Rhb, 11:181.27-30) ['If it is God's will, that this be so and is to be, then say this once more.' Then the child answered and said: 'My dear spiritual father John, I most certainly am to be baptized by you and I ask this of you.']

While those assembled wonder at the scene, St John asks God to reveal through the child that his sins are forgiven; the revelation is made, and the child adds that as a sign of God's forgiveness the saint will be restored to full health. The child asks John to stand up to baptize it, and at this moment the miracle occurs: the moment he stands erect, all his hair and the accumulated dirt fall off him, and once dressed he is in every way a most noble lord. St John now recounts what has transpired (Rhb, 11:182.23-183.3), and finally, at the emperor's request, he returns with the hunters who found him to the spot where he pushed the princess of the cliff. She turns out to be quite alive, and when he asks her to tell him what happened, once more we see the princess through his eyes, as 'so beautiful in appearance and also her garments, which looked as though they were new,' and St John wonders at this. The apocryphal legend of St John Chrysostom was transmitted not only through the High and Low German legendaries. A Latin version of the legend, albeit quite laconic, is found in a compilation known as Viaticum narrationum, presumably composed in the early fifteenth century, and this redaction was included in Hermann Korner's Cronica novella (i435).4° The fourth edition of this pseudo-historiographical work served Korner as the basis for his own translation into Low German, which he explicitly presented to his readers 'to tiidvordrive und kortewyle' ('for pleasure and entertainment').4' In German the apocryphal legend exists in two versions, the one widely transmitted by the redaction found in Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael,42 the other extant only in a late fifteenth-century Meisterlied. The latter presumably inspired several depictions of the legend in copper engravings. The iconographic representation is primarily a northern phenomenon. Dat Passionael and earlier imprints of Der Heiligen Leben contain variants of the scene depicting the saint in the wilderness. The Gunther Zainer imprint of 1471 shows the naked saint crawling on all fours. Eleven years later Schonsperger's Augsburg edition again depicts the saint on all fours but now completely covered with hair and in the company of a

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hunter and dog. The conclusion of the apocryphal legend in the Liibeck Passionael of 1492 anticipated - textually as well as iconographically - possible criticism, for the fantastic tale is followed not only by a kind of disclaimer but also by a vita, a biographically accurate but hardly entertaining account of the saint's life (= redaction I).43 Each of these disparate texts is accompanied by a woodcut. The one at the head of the fantastic tale depicts a man kneeling near the opening of a cave. He is completely covered with hair and his hands are stretched out to a crucifix. To the side and behind him stands a woman, presumably the contrite princess, dressed like a nun, who holds in her hands what may be construed as a rosary. Interjected between the apocryphal tale and the biographical legend of the saint we find a second woodcut, this one depicting the historical St John as patriarch of Constantinople. A fifteenth-century Italian painting on a hope chest, found today in the Galleria Estense of Modena, depicts three scenes of the fantastic legend: the princess in a well (not at the bottom of a ravine); the hunters coming upon the fourfooted saint; and the baby in its nurse's arms with the hirsute hermit crouching on the floor. The representation of the legend on the Italian hope chest attests the wide currency of the tale in the century it was incorporated into the saint's life.44 That the legend was chosen to decorate a hope chest may be explained by the fact that St John was considered a patron of expectant mothers. His association with motherhood is also expressed in the other German redaction, which became the more famous of the two by virtue of its having inspired Albrecht Diirer and Lucas Cranach the Elder to depict a conflated version of the legend in copper engravings. Diirer's engraving of 1497 focuses on a nude princess, who is nursing a child, while the saint is depicted as a small figure in the background, hairless as in the Zainer imprint but crawling on all fours. Lucas Cranach depicted a similar scene around 1500, but in his engraving a somewhat larger sleeping child is resting against the mother's thigh.45 Finally, in the engraving by Barthel and Hans Sebald Beham the nude mother is seen from the rear, resting on her side, and a little boy is standing by her side. These engravings featuring a princess who has given birth to a child presumably were inspired by the version transmitted in a fifteenth-century metrical redaction of thirty-seven stanzas, in which the princess is discovered alive and in the company of a son.46 Jons saga gullmunns demonstrably derives from a Low German redaction that diverges from the legend in the Passionael with respect to both length and narrative discourse. Although scholars have been able to identify many of the immediate sources of Der Heiligen Leben I Dot Passionael, this is not the case for the legend of St John Chrysostom. Ultimately, however, the legend derives from the Italian 'Istoria di San Giovanni Boccadoro,' the protagonist of which,

198 The Book of Reykjaholar despite the story's title, is a nobleman who decides to withdraw into the wilderness.47 That the tale of seduction and murder came to be associated with St John Chrysostom is astounding and ironic, in light of his outspoken opposition to syneisaktism, 'the chaste cohabitation of two ascetics of opposite sexes.'48 The tale was probably transmitted into the German-language area by Dominicans, who, according to Williams-Krapp, presumably produced Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael.49 While remnants of couplets in the German prose legend suggest that its source was a German metrical version,50 the Icelandic legend furthermore attests that there existed a Low German redaction which was not only longer than the legend in the Passionael but also narratively superior to it. At the conclusion of the apocryphal Jons saga gullmunns the narrator admits that there are some who do not believe the story is true, because it is not clearly written in Latin like other historiar (Rhb, n: 184.31-3) - historia here presumably refers to the sacred legends - but the narrator refuses to take a position in the matter. He bows to a higher authority: 'but what is true in this matter, God knows best' (Rhb, H: 185.2-3). Although the narrator defers to God on two other occasions in Reykjaholabok, at issue is the veracity not of an entire legend, but rather of a deviating detail. Thus, in the legend of the Three Magi, Helgir brir kongar, God is to decide whether the emperor Constantine's mother, Helen, really bartered away the body of St Thomas for that of the Magus Jasper (Rhb, 1:30.4-7), and in the legend of Gregorius peccator, Gregorius saga biskups, only God knows whether Gregorius's mother travelled alone to Rome to seek forgiveness from the pope, her son, or whether she did so in the company of her son, the bishop (Rhb, 11:26.31-2). At issue in Jons saga gullmunns, however, is the existence of a historia quite different from the vita, and the decision of an author/compiler to transmit both, irrespective of the fantastic character of the former. Unlike Martin Luther, who took the story seriously enough to use it as a polemical weapon against Rome's practice of venerating the saints, the author of the Icelandic, and therefore of an earlier Low German, version is more realistic. The legend exists and is worth retelling — and indeed, from Bjorn Porleifsson's perspective, worth translating into Icelandic - but it is not presented as absolute truth. Neither are the folkloristic tales about Sts Christopher, George, and Jerome.

7

Sacred Romances

The legends discussed in the previous chapter are based on motifs familiar not only from folk-tales but also from longer narrative forms, such as romance. The motif of the grateful lion, for instance, who plays such an important role in Jeronimus saga, originated in the ancient tale of Androcles and the lion, and became known in the Middle Ages through Chretien de Troyes's Arthurian romance Yvain and its translations and adaptations in other languages.1 The twelfth-century French romance was translated into Old Norse in the second half of the thirteenth century, and this translation, Ivens saga, inspired the composition of a group of Icelandic romances containing the grateful-lion motif.2 Whereas legend and romance share the motif of the grateful lion, both the reason for the lion's gratitude and the manner in which the lion demonstrates its thankfulness differ in the two text types. In the legend, as in the folk-tale, the need for assistance is rather pedestrian: a thorn has become lodged in the lion's paw, and the beast therefore has difficulty walking. In romance, however, the need for assistance takes on heroic proportions: the king of beasts is engaged in a life-and-death struggle with a dragon, symbolic of ungodly forces. The diverging type of assistance rendered to the lion is balanced by the lion's diverging ways of manifesting gratitude. In Jerome's monastery the lion serves the monks by guarding their donkey, but as companion to the Arthurian knight Yvain and his chivalric brothers in other romances, the lion assists in various dangerous encounters in the search for avanture. The dragon-slayer motif in the legend of St George is similarly known from courtly romance, where it found its most illustrious expression in the Tristan legend. The so-called courtly version of Thomas de Bretagne, produced in the twelfth century but extant only in fragmentary form, was translated, like Yvain, into Old Norse. Tristrams saga, which is presumed to have been produced in 1226 by a certain Brother Robert, alone transmits the entire courtly version of

2OO The Book of Reykjaholar the Tristan legend, albeit in prose form. Tristrams saga became quite popular in Iceland, to judge by the many motifs borrowed from the romance and incorporated into indigenous compositions.3 Someone cognizant of the Tristan legend, and in Iceland there were many, would have been brought up short by the expression of the dragon-slayer motif in Georgius saga. One would expect the king, whose country is terrorized by a poison-spewing dragon, to issue an edict promising his daughter in marriage to the man who would rid the land of the monster. The motif is put to rather different use, however, in the legend of St George: while the hero arrives in the nick of time to rescue the princess, the reward he requests is not her hand in marriage but the conversion of the populace to Christianity. Furthermore, behaving rather unchivalrously, he threatens to loose the dragon on the inhabitants once more should they refuse to become Christians. The courtly elements in the legend of St Christopher have been repeatedly noted, especially by Szoverffy. He argues that the threefold motif of service ('Dienstmotif') derives from the realm not of folk-tale but of Arthurian romance, specifically from the story of Perceval/Parzival, as known through Chretien de Troyes's and Wolfram von Eschenbach's versions.4 This derivation may be debatable, but the affinity of the pagan adventurer Reprobus to the Christian knights who seek service at the court of a great king, foremost among them Arthur, cannot be denied. In the legend of Christopher, however, as in those of Jerome and George, we confront the use of a motif in a narrative type not limited to exploring the events and confrontations of this life. Christopher's search for a great master does not take him to a succession of powerful kings on earth, but rather involves an escalating sequence consisting of the secular, the demonic, and the divine. The inclusion of the latter two, culminating in the saint's encounter with the Christ child, removes the story from the realms of folk-tale and romance and places it squarely in the tradition of sacred legend. The nature of the motifs dominating the aforementioned legends is such that they permit an author to emphasize the religious and other-worldly or the temporal and earthly. As Felix Karlinger has noted, there exist motifs, 'die so beschaffen sind, da6 sie dem Erzahler die Freiheit lassen, ihren religiosen Bezug zu betonen (Legende), zu desakralisieren (Marchen) oder in Bezug zu Wirklichkeit und unheimlich-unerklarlichen Wirkungen (Sage) zu setzen.'5 Indeed, certain adaptable motifs appear also in such long narrative forms as the romance, which according to Northrop Frye takes two forms, 'a secular form dealing with chivalry and knight-errantry, and a religious form devoted to legends of the saints,' with both forms leaning 'heavily on miraculous violations of natural law for their interest as stories.'6 In its use of the motif of the extraordinary sin and an equally if not more

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extraordinary penance, the fourth legend discussed in the previous chapter, Jons saga gullmunns, bears a remarkable similarity to another apocryphal text in Reykjaholabok, Gregorius saga biskups. Both narratives depict a startling fall from grace and just as startling a penance and rehabilitation. The major difference between the two texts is the focused, because relatively short, treatment of the fall, penance, and absolution in the legend of St John Chrysostom, but the inclusion of the same theme in a structurally and narratively much more complex narrative in the sacred romance — Delehaye's roman hagiographique — of Gregorius peccator.7 Gregorius saga biskups, 'The Saga of Bishop Gregory,' as the Icelandic legend is called, is a tripartite work consisting of i) an anticipatory story of sibling incest; 2) the story of the liberation of a maiden ruler from the aggressions of a rejected suitor, which story culminates in a second, albeit unwitting incest, that of mother and son; and 3) the story of the extraordinary penance of the eponymous protagonist and his elevation to the papacy, or episcopacy, as a sign that his sins are forgiven, which story concludes with the mother's forgiveness. The three parts are linked in that the sinner and the fruit of the sin in the first part play the role of victim and liberator in the second part, only to become partners in the second incest, and that in the final act both sinners achieve the promise of salvation. The story of Gregorius peccator has been transmitted in various forms and languages from the twelfth through the twentieth centuries; in our own time it was re-created by Thomas Mann in the novel Der Erwdhlte (1951). In brief, the tale concerns two cases of incest, one of them unwitting: in the anticipatory forestory, that of a brother and sister; in the main story, that of a mother (the sister of the forestory) and son (the fruit of the first incest). The first and anticipatory tale of incest concludes when the brother leaves for the Holy Land, and the baby is sent out to sea in a little vessel, accompanied by a note asking that whoever finds the child should baptize it, see to the boy's schooling, and inform him of his noble ancestry when he reaches majority. The boy is raised by a fisherman and his wife and educated in a monastery, which he leaves to become a knight. He rescues a maiden ruler besieged by an unwanted suitor, and marries her, not knowing that she is his mother. Upon discovering the truth, Gregorius decides to expiate the sin by having himself chained to a rock in the sea, and is determined not to be released until he has received a sure sign from God that he has been forgiven. There he remains for seventeen years, until, upon the death of the pope, he is miraculously designated as the successor. This is the plot of the tale that was produced in twelfth-century France, known as the Vie du pape Gregoire, and that was translated and adapted in Hartmann von Aue's Middle High German version from around 1190. From the latter romance the redaction in Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael derives.8

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The Gregorius peccator tale follows a structural model favoured in medieval literature, that of the double-tiered romance in which the fate of the protagonist is anticipated by that of his parents. The outstanding example of this type is the story of Tristan, which is dominated by the theme of irresistible love and the motif of the love triangle. The double-tiered Gregorius peccator tale, however, is based on the incest motif and the implicit as well as explicit theme of God's mercy. Like the legend of John Chrysostom, the story of Gregorius peccator, called by Hartmann von Aue 'der guote siindaere' ('the good sinner'), may be read as an exemplum. Indeed, at the two turning points in the legend belief in the mercy of God is expressed by the protagonists. After Gregorius's mother (except for Gregorius, the characters are anonymous) has revealed to her brother that she is pregnant, he laments their disgrace so immoderately that he becomes unconscious and falls to the ground. We are told in Gregorius saga biskups that she wishes to cheer him up and says to him, 'Haf big vel broder og treystvm aa myskvn almathogs gvdz. sem ongvan vill fyrer litha beir sem aa hans myskvn threysta og til hans flyia' (Rhb, 11:3.20-2 'Control yourself, brother, and let us trust in the mercy of Almighty God, who does not despise anyone who trusts in his mercy and takes refuge in him'). The brother, upon reviving, expresses the conviction that God will show them his mercy. The scene is reenacted years later, after their son, Gregorius, has learned that he has unwittingly married his own mother; he too falls to the ground, but maintains consciousness as he beats his breast. Upon arising, he becomes the consoler of his wife and mother, as he says: eg hefvr lesit pat j heilagre rithningv at gvd thekvr both og betran fyrer allar synnder hverrssv miklar sem pzer erv. ef madrenn laetvr pat af ollv hiartta at honvm sie bat leith at hann hefvr giortt aa mothe sinvm skapara gvde almatthogvm. (Rhb, 11:21.15-19) [I have read in Sacred Scripture that God accepts contrition and amendment for all sins, no matter how great they are, if a person shows with his whole heart that he is sorry that he has sinned against his creator, God Almighty.]

The events that follow, culminating in his divine election as pope — or bishop — prove him right. The Icelandic legend is a curious text. It is unique among the Gregorius peccator redactions, including Hartmann's metrical romance, in that it blends features found in both the older, papal redaction and a younger but still medieval episcopal redaction.9 In the former Gregorius is chosen to succeed the deceased pope, whereas in the latter he becomes bishop. Although the Icelandic legend concludes in a hagiographic spirit similar to that in the Heiligen Leben redac-

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tions, the narrative thus terminated lacks the notable features typical of the texts in the legendary, namely third-person narration, terse presentation, and paratactic syntax. The several redactions of 'Gregorius auf dem Stein,' as the legend is called in Der Heiligen Leben, conclude with an invocation of St Gregory, asking him to intercede with God,10 but the Icelandic legend ends with a reference to a recurrent miracle - when Gregory ate, the food on his plate was never diminished, and as much was left over after eating as there had been before (Rhb, 11:30.9-12) - and the remark that God permitted many other miracles to happen for the sake of his chosen friend St Gregory, although they are not recounted here: 'And thus ends this historia for now. Honour and glory be to God, incessantly without end, per omnia saecula saeculorum. Amen.' Gregorius saga biskups is an amalgam of two redactions that occasionally deviate strikingly from each other. Until the denouement, when Gregorius is to be released from his ascetic life on the rock in order to become pope or bishop respectively, the merging of the diverging textual traditions is seamless. Once Gregorius is recalled to the world, however, the narrator's recurring first to one strand and then to the other, only to take up the first again, somewhat impedes the previously effortless flow of the narrative (see chap. 4). Gregorius saga biskups is related both to the redaction in the Passionael and to an exemplum entitled 'Gregorius de grote sunder,' transmitted in the 1492, 1493, and 1506 Liibeck imprints of the Plenarium.'' In terms of discourse, however, despite its prose the Icelandic legend resembles Hartmann's metrical romance more than it does the laconic prose exemplum and legend, the latter justifiably characterized by Plate, in the introduction to his edition of Gregorius auf dem Stein, as follows: 'Es gibt keine Rhetorisierung, keine Pathosformeln, keine psychologisierenden und moralisierenden Elemente. Die reflektorische Hohe eines Hartmann von Aue - und dies bedingt in seiner literarisch-sozialen Rolle - wird nicht imitiert. Die Prosa ist frei von jeder literarischen Attitude. Sie vermeidet rhetorische amplificationes und damit den Stil, den zuweilen die Neulateiner des 15. Jh. umgekehrt an "schlichter" vulgaris cantio ausprobierten."2 As is the case in the legends discussed in the previous chapter, the author of Gregorius saga biskups favoured dialogue over third-person narrative and generously used the figure of the narrator to provide a glimpse into a character's psyche and motivation. The Icelandic legend is unique in that the first incest, while instigated by the devil, is depicted as occurring with the consent of the sister. In contrast to Hartmann's narrator, who lists the brother's love (minne), his youth, the sister's beauty, and the devil's incitement (Greg., 323-31) as reasons for the seduction, the prose legend laconically reports that 'the devil brought it about that he slept with his sister."3 Hartmann depicts the process of seduction in detail (Greg.,

2O4 The Book of Reykjaholar 353-99); he relates how the brother steals from his own bed into his sister's, who does not awaken until he starts to caress her. Although she protests at first, she decides not to raise the alarm, fearful of public disgrace, albeit aware that the alternative is to become her 'brother's bride' (Greg., 387). The subsequent intercourse may nonetheless be interpreted as rape, since the narrator informs us that 'he was strong, and she was too weak' (Greg., 393 'er was stare und si ze kranc'), thereby suggesting a struggle on her part and an inability to resist him. That night she becomes pregnant. Despite the sister's initial resistance, the trysts repeat themselves, until she eventually returns his love (Greg., 402—3). Gregorius saga biskups deviates from all the medieval German versions in depicting the brother as an articulate seducer and in providing an answer to a question put only rhetorically by Hartmann von Aue's narrator. After having listed the several causes of the seduction, Hartmann's narrator exclaims, 'Why does God permit the devil to bring down such great disgrace over the work of his hands, which he created in his own image?"4 In the Icelandic saga the rhetorical question is answered by the narrator, although not necessarily to the reader's satisfaction. The seduction occurs because of the brother's 'evil and despicable lust,' the fact that 'God did not want to stand in the way,' and the brother's repeated pleading (Rhb, 11:2.35—3.1'enn hann er bvi fastaekare og akafare thil sinnar jllzkv og liothlegrar girnndar. og med bvi at gvd villde ecki bessv fyrer standa og so af hans optlegre efter leithan'). The sister gives in, but not because he is stronger than she is and she fears for her honour should she cry out, as Hartmann has it, but rather on account of the brother's persistence and the devil's enticement (Rhb, 11:3.1—3). In the Icelandic legend the battle is won not in bed, as Hartmann's version has it, but outside the bed, as a result of the persuasive force of the brother's words: Min allra kaeraztta. hvat mikin harm og elldlegh trege sker mitth hiartta fyrer skvlld binnar prydelegrar fegvrdar er binn lystvgh aasiona ber fram yfer allar jvngfrvr og kvrtheisar qvinnvr. so at eg nalega fae hvorcke rov edr hvilld naetvr nie so daga. bar til at eg mege naa at avdlazt binnar elskvlegrar blidv sem eg brennvr fyrer. og sanlega eg veit at bat er minn davde ef eg misse hennar leinge. (Rhb, 11:2.26-32) [My dearest, what great distress and fiery suffering pierce my heart on account of your noble beauty, for your lovely appearance is superior to that of all maidens and noble women, and therefore I shall hardly find peace or rest either by night or by day until I succeed in obtaining your lovable affection, for which I am burning. I know for sure that it will be my death if I go without it much longer.]

Unlike the siblings in Hartmann's romance, however, who continue their sexual

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relationship until she becomes aware of her pregnancy, the couple in the Icelandic version have only one sexual encounter. Not long after the seduction, she becomes aware that she is pregnant. In the introduction to his edition of Gregorius aufdem Stein, Plate points out that the reduction of text in the prose redaction clarifies a structural model inherent, though not as easily discernible, in the metrical romance, namely that of positions assumed on Lady Fortune's wheel: regno - regnavi - sum sine regno — regnabo.*5 A fourfold structural pattern — setting out, descent, nadir, ascent - recurs three times in Gregorius's life. Although other structural patterns have been, and might be, suggested,'6 the scheme makes sense and can even be extended to the mother's life, which, however, may also be understood as a frame narrative for the entire work. She proceeds from a position of honour, descends into incest, reaches the nadir with the pregnancy, and begins the ascent after her brother has left on pilgrimage and she vows to love God alone. But in the context of the entire narrative, a broader picture emerges: the descent occurs at the first incest, so that the nadir is not reached until the mother's second incest, this time with her own son. Her ascent commences towards the end of the narrative with her penance and pilgrimage to the pope, or bishop, to seek and obtain forgiveness. With the brother's departure - and his death soon thereafter — and the baby's being set afloat on the sea and entrusted to God, the plot of Gregorius saga biskups adopts a bridal-quest pattern, but with the quest depicted entirely from the perspective of the unwilling bride. The sister becomes ruler of her kingdom, and word spreads that she is not only the sole heiress but also beautiful and courtly, noble and honourable, gentle and meek towards all, rich and poor alike (Rhb, 11:6.32-5). As a result she is overwhelmed with letters and missions from numerous suitors, all wishing to marry her. She refuses all wooers since she does not want to marry but to love God alone. One powerful suitor is not pleased at being rejected and continues to besiege her realm until she has lost everything but her own residence. At this point the plot becomes two-stranded, as the narrative doubles back to the baby's departure and his discovery by some fishermen employed by a monastery. The abbot gives the child his own name in baptism, Gregorius, and has him raised by one of the fishermen. The boy receives schooling in the monastery and becomes an outstanding scholar. At age fifteen, however, he discovers that he is not only a foundling but also a child of incest, and decides that he cannot stay in the monastery any longer. He finally persuades the abbot to have him dubbed a knight, and he sets out into the world asking 'God to accompany him and permit him to find his friends and relatives.' The narrator remarks, 'and God granted him that, as will be heard later' (Rhb, 11:14.13-16).

206 The Book of Reykjaholar A crux for understanding Hartmann von Aue's Gregorius is the discussion that ensues between the abbot and Gregorius when the latter, upon learning that he is not the child of fishermen, wishes to leave the monastery to become a knight.'7 If one reads Gregorius saga biskups without reference to Hartmann's romance - and to the varying and often contradictory scholarly positions taken on Gregorius's guilt or innocence in leaving the monastery - one realizes that the discussion between the abbot and his pupil is lucid. This is not the case in the prose version of Der Heiligen Leben, where the drastic reduction of text has led to a commensurate loss in the sense and progression of the argument.'8 In the Icelandic legend, Gregorius maintains that if he is not the fisherman's child, then he wants to set out for a distant place, 'as would a foundling or other wretch in order to help myself as well as I can with God's mercy' (Rhb, 11:11.11-13). He continues that he does not want to have his honour diminished by the gossip of the woman he had presumed to be his mother and thereby become a laughingstock. When the abbot reminds him that God has given him the intelligence to choose a life that is either useful or disgraceful, and that he has been brought up among clerics and should therefore stay in the monastery, Gregorius replies that he has placed his trust in God and thinks that he can make the best possible decision for himself. The abbot objects, however, that hverr sem giefvr sig til kenemannzskapar fyrst en thekvr eftera sigh j bvrttv fra J>eirre stett og thil annarar. ba fer bat ecki vel bvi madrenn spiller bar med baede lif og saalv. So er og vmm binn hag at eg hefvr vt valet big til kenne mannz og ef bv villt hallda bat og giora bar efter baa er mier bat mikil. en annars er mier mikil hrygd. (Rhb, 11:12.22-7) [if anyone dedicates himself to the clerical estate but then withdraws from the same to seek a different way of life, things will not turn out well for him, for a man loses thereby both his life and his soul. Moreover, as far as you are concerned, I have chosen you for the priesthood, and if you will pursue this path and live accordingly, it will mean much to me, but otherwise I shall be very sorry.]

Gregorius's response shows that he has not understood his life as a preparation for the priesthood. He considers the life of a monk and the life of a knight equally valid options. In his case, when he reached the age of reason, he chose knighthood. He replies to the abbot that he should not be offended, pviat eg er einn vngvr mann en at so komnv. og vil eg nv laera riddara skap nockvrra stvnnd. fyrer bvi vil eg seigia ydr satt. At sidan fyrst eg kvnne skilia gott og jilt baa hefr min aastvndan ae verit aa riddara skap. en bo eige so at skilia at mig angrar bat at eg hefr

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nockvt annat gott laertt nema eg villda bo enn giarnan eiga at laera meira. og so vita fleira. (Rhb,tt: 12.28-34) [for I am a young man and the situation is now such that I want to become acquainted with knighthood for a time, and I will tell you why. From the moment that I knew the difference between good and evil, I have wanted to become a knight. That does not mean that I am sorry to have learned something else that is good, but I nevertheless would like to learn more and come to know more.]

Gregorius's position is that his schooling in the monastery was one type of education, but that now he is ready for more. He goes on to reveal that during his studies he was always daydreaming: a book he imagined to be a shield, the pen a tilting lance. The abbot gives in, and finally informs Gregorius of his background when he realizes that he cannot keep him at the monastery any longer. At his departure, accompanied by two pages the abbot has provided for him, Gregorius expresses the hope, as cited above, that God will let him find friends and relatives. At the start of his new life Gregorius is fifteen years old. As a mercenary soldier he enters the service of the King of Naples, enriching himself in the process. When he is twenty, he is ready to move on and asks for leave. At this point news reaches him of the heiress whose country has been ravaged by a rejected suitor. He considers it an illustrious deed for anyone to free her and her realm from the hostilities brought upon them solely because she does not wish to marry. He rides to her country, enters her service — to be rewarded as befits such a lord, as she says (Rhb, 11:15.20) - and defeats her rejected suitor and aggressor. Her councillors take the position that her kingdom is still defenceless, despite the victory, unless she marries. The plot conforms to the type of bridal-quest narrative in which the wooed is an unmarried ruler whose only failing is the lack of a marriage partner. The motif is to recur in the legends of Henry and Cunegund as well as Oswald, as we shall see, except that in those instances the ruler needs to have a wife in order to produce heirs. In the case of a maiden ruler a husband is necessary to ensure the defence of the country. Unlike the councillors in Hartmann's romance and the German prose legends, their counterparts in the Icelandic version do not mention heirs, and the maiden ruler herself insists that she be allowed to choose her husband. She prefers Gregorius, for she reasons that if she is to submit her person and her possessions to any man, it should be to the one who had liberated her and her kingdom from the attacks of enemies (Rhb, 11:18.9-11). Her councillors concur, yet point to an obstacle: no one knows who he is. One time, when they inquire directly, he tells them 'whatever comes to mind' (Rhb, 11:18.14-15).

208 The Book of Reykjaholar The question of guilt for the mother-son incest has loomed large in interpretations of Hartmann von Aue's Gregorius. The clothes Gregorius wears when he is introduced to his mother are a key to his identity. Hartmann's narrator informs us that when the baby was set afloat in the casket, it took away with it not only a tablet explaining its ancestry but also money for its education and rich silk cloth (Greg., 710-65). Out of this same cloth the abbot subsequently has garments fashioned for Gregorius (Greg., 1641-3), and when he finally meets his mother, she recognizes the silk and thinks it must be either the silk she laid in the casket or some produced by the same person (Greg., 1939-54). She does not pursue the matter. In Gregorius saga biskups, however, the silk and the clothes Gregorius wears play no role in the unfolding of the plot. Although the child is wrapped in silk when it is set out, the clothes fashioned for Gregorius for his second expedition are not of the same cloth. His garments thus do not play a role in determining the mother's guilt in the second incest. From an Icelandic perspective it is notable that the councillors actually ask Gregorius 'whose son he is' (Rhb, 11:18.14), a question normally eliciting the name of the father. What might have struck an Icelandic audience, familiar with indigenous romance, as odd is not the mother's failure to recognize her own son — recall that twenty years have elapsed — but the fact that a maiden ruler would be willing to marry a man, no matter how great his prowess, without knowing the details of his ancestry. The legend departs significantly from the pattern evident in all the so-called maidenking romances, in which the woman does not wish to marry because she considers the suitors beneath her in respect to both wealth and rank.'9 In the secular romances the identity and ancestry of the suitor are determining factors. The other issue in establishing the guilt - or innocence - of mother and son for the incest is the injunction on the tablet that he atone for the sin of his parents. In Hartmann's version, the tablet that Gregorius is to receive informs him that he is a child of incest. The argument for giving him knowledge of his background is that if he learned of it, so iiberhiiebe er sich niht, unde wtirde er also guot daz er ze gote sinen muot wenden begunde, so buozte er zaller stunde durch siner triuwen rat sines vater missetat, und daz er ouch der gedaehte diu in zer werlde braehte.

(Greg., 752-60)

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[he would not become arrogant; and if he were to become so pious as to turn all his striving towards God, he would out of a sense of fidelity atone at all times for his father's misdeed, and also think of her who brought him into the world.] How one understands the meaning of this passage has a direct effect on one's interpretation of the mother-son incest. The Icelandic legend is not ambiguous in the matter, however, for twice the message on the tablet expresses the hope that Gregorius will pray for his parents. He is to be sent to school 'so that he would leam Sacred Scripture and pray for his parents and for all others who did this boy some good (Rhb, 11:6.4-5); furthermore, those who are with him, or who found him, are to give him the tablet when he reaches maturity, 'so that he will be reminded to pray for his father and mother' (Rhb, 11:6.5-9). The author who conceived the text that Bjorn Porleifsson translated, produced a work without the ambiguities and complexities of Hartmann's romance. The question of guilt is clear in both instances in the Icelandic version: the sister shares her brother's guilt for the first incest, while neither Gregorius nor his mother can be held accountable for the second. Gregorius was not exhorted to do penance for his parents, nor did he set out from the monastery in order to do penance.20 The mother-son incest is consequently a case of objective but not subjective guilt. In other words Gregorius and his mother are guiltlessly guilty. Her implicit refusal to inquire further into the background of the heroic young knight before marrying him may be seen - in the light of the pattern of Icelandic romance - as inept politics and as potentially hazardous for the kingdom, but it has no personal moral dimension. The behaviour of the protagonists just prior to the discovery that Gregorius has married his own mother deviates substantially from that in all versions of the legend except the exemplum transmitted in the Plenarium for the seventeenth Sunday after Trinity.21 Gregorius faithfully carries out the injunction to pray for his parents. He observes the ritual by repeatedly reading the text of the wax tablet, weeping, and praying that God 'grant his father and mother his mercy and the forgiveness of their sins which they have committed against him' (Rhb, 11:19.2-4). While the events leading to the mother's discovery of the wax tablet are told in the Icelandic legend in the same manner as in other versions, her reaction to the discovery that her husband is her son diverges considerably. When Gregorius comes upon her in considerable distress, she refuses to tell him what is troubling her but asks instead that he reveal his ancestry to her. As he has done once before, when asked about his parentage before the wedding, he responds carelessly, merely informing her that it is of little consequence. She persists, however, in her desire to know and adds that it

21 o The Book of Reykjaholar does not matter whether his parents were poor; it is not a question of wealth but of their personal identity. Gregorius gives in, tells her that he is a foundling who was raised by an abbot, and shows her the 'precious objects' the abbot gave him before they parted. The word used is the loan word (from Low German) klenodia (Rhb, n:2O.i2), that is, precious objects. In the context of what follows the word does not refer to the tablet - which would have forced the mother to identify herself at once - but rather to the silken cloth in which the baby was swaddled. Upon seeing the klenodia, Gregorius's mother cries but refuses to tell him what is the matter. Instead, for two or three nights - the narrator is not sure - she avoids her husband's bed. He in turn thinks that she despises him for being both poor and a foundling, and is sorry that he has told her the truth (Rhb, 11:20.24-6). He decides that for better or worse he will make her tell him what is wrong and why she is avoiding him. The following morning he calls her away privately og slaer aftvr j las hvsinv at beim. Sidan brifvr hann sith sverd og dregr vt vr balenv. enn setvr klothed fyrer briosted aa sier sem hann vile renna hana j gegnvm. og sagde. Seigh nv avrm pvta hvar bv hefr legit bessar naetvr er bv hefr thekit big j bvrttv wr minne naverv. hvn svarar. Minn gode herra sagde hvn gior bv fyrer gvdz nafns skylld og spill hvorcke aa mier synndogre qvinnv binar hendr nie so heidr. bviat sakalavs er eg af ollvm monnvm nema af bier og beim sem eg mvn big ecki dylia. Og ef so er at bier sievt saa en same sem spiolldinn seigia til er bier geymet. baa er eg fathaek qvinna bin holldleg moder en bv baede madr minn og sonvr. sem gvd hann fyrer giefe ockvr badvm. (Rhb, 11:20.3021.7) [and locks the door of the room behind them. Then he draws his sword, pulling it out of the sheath. He places the hilt against his chest as though intending to run her through with it, and says: 'Tell me, you wretched whore, where you have slept these nights when you have left my presence.' She answers: 'My good lord,' she says, 'for the sake of God's name do not besmirch on me, a sinful woman, either your hands or your honour. For I am innocent in respect to everyone except you and the one whom I shall not conceal from you. If it is true that you are the same one who is mentioned on the wax tablet that you are concealing, then I, wretched woman, am your bodily mother and you both my husband and son. For which God forgive us both.']

In consequence of the revelation, Gregorius decides to undergo penance in order to atone for the guilt of both of them. His mother is not to tell anyone what has happened; furthermore, she is not to let anyone see that anything is wrong, and is to stay in her realm, presumably as ruler. This is quite different from what

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transpires in the German versions, where the mother too is to embark on a life of penance.22 For his part, Gregorius will do as God counsels him. When he later meets up with the fisherman who is to chain him to a rock, he informs him that 'he is truly such a reprehensible sinner that he considers himself unworthy of remaining in the presence of other human beings' (Rhb, 11:22.29-31). He has the fisherman chain him to a rock, lock the chain, and throw the key into the sea, not to be found, Gregorius adds, unless God shows him his mercy. The episode with the fisherman concludes with Gregorius begging him not to let him starve but to give him such alms as he would give in God's name and such food as his dogs would receive. The narrator informs us that despite the fisherman's promises to look after him, he frequently forgot to do so, for which reason Gregorius was often at mortal risk from hunger, floods, and cold. He remained in this miserable state 'for sixteen years, but in some books it says seventeen' (Rhb, 11:24.10). The two-pronged denouement commences here (see chap. 4). The story of Gregorius peccator was one of the best-known works of the Middle Ages, judging by its inclusion in both the Gesta Romanorum and Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael. In the abridged versions the pseudo-hagiographic and exemplary features of the narrative are offered at the expense of a fascinating, spellbinding story. The author of the text Bjorn t»orleifsson translated, retained, however - or reinserted - many of the narrative features that have contributed to the lasting appeal of Hartmann's romance. Just as in the apocryphal legend of Jons saga gullmunns, for example, the characters in Gregorius saga biskups become vivid figures because they themselves are permitted to speak and act. Persuasive speech rather than a show of force on the part of Gregorius's father in the seduction scene contrasts sharply with the anger so clearly but so offensively enunciated and acted upon by his son when he abuses his wife before she reveals their biological relationship. When the narrator does take over in Gregorius saga biskups, he does so not primarily as speaker for the protagonists - as in the German prose legends — but rather as interpreter of their behaviour. The story of double incest in the Gregorius peccator tale contains abbreviated and aborted bridal-quest and marital romances, aborted because the focus is more on the illicit nature of the sexual relationship and its repercussions than on the goal and difficulties of establishing and maintaining a marital union.23 Two other legends in Reykjaholabok successfully employ and adapt the bridal-quest pattern, however, a pattern that on first glance seems more appropriate to secular than to sacred literature. In both instances, Hendreks saga og Kunegundis and Osvalds saga, the motif of the misogamous bride/bridegroom familiar from secular romance and folk-tale is skilfully subverted in favour of the hagiographic intent.24 Unlike Gregorius peccator, the eponymous protagonists of

212 The Book of Reykjaholar these legends are historical figures; nonetheless, the narrative matter attracted to the lives of the German emperor and empress and especially to that of the Northumbrian saint is fictional and intimately linked to secular romance. In 1511 Nonnosius Stettfelder, a priest in Bamberg, published, according to Helga Schiippert, the last independent legendary text about Henry n (1002—24) and his wife Cunegund (d. 1033) prior to the Reformation.25 His version was based on the legend in Der Heiligen Leben. The Icelandic saga suggests, however, that at the same time and perhaps even later a rather long legend was circulating in the Low German-language area, characterized by the incongruent juxtaposition of historical and fictional matter, and that this legend was translated by Bjorn f>orleifsson. Into the historically attested material about Henry's reign a full-fledged bridal-quest narrative has been interpolated, followed by a marital romance. At the begining of the twelfth century Henry's childless marriage was already being interpreted as a decision by Henry and Cunegund to lead a virginal marriage, a so-called 'Josephsehe.'26 Indeed, in the third Nocturne of Matins for the feast of St Henry, the liturgist has made the virginal marriage as well as Cunegund's subsequent ordeal the subject of one of the responses: 2. Eterna tactus et tractus sapientia rex beatus, castitatis emulus, matrimoniale ius despexit, sed consortem thalami adulterii suspicio maculat, cui locum euadendi iudicium principum decreta tollebat. v. Constans regina de obiectis numeroso candentis ferri uomere deducitur, ab illatis iniuriis expurgata.27 [The blessed king, touched by eternity and drawn to wisdom, desirous of chastity, refused the right of the first night, but he violated his wife by suspecting her of adultery in the marital bed, leaving which he set up a court of princes to pronounce judgment. The faithful queen is led onto an iron ploughshare consisting of numerous bright objects; she is vindicated of the alleged crimes.]

Cunegund's anonymous vita, which was composed to further her canonization but is of slight value as a historical source,28 developed and was expanded. The legend started to reach a larger audience when in the early thirteenth century, presumably around 1220, Ebernand von Erfurt rendered it in a metrical version.29 As Heinrich Giinter has remarked, by the middle of the thirteenth century the legend of Henry and Cunegund had grown into a 'Klosterroman,'30 a novel for the monastery. The sacred romance exploited the motif of the falsely accused wife as well as her vindication by ordeal, a familiar literary conceit, ironically evoking the Tristan legend. Ebernand's metrical legend attests a con-

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scious literarization of hagiographic narrative in the thirteenth century.3' The Icelandic redaction bears witness to an ever-increasing fictionalization in the course of the next three centuries. While Ebernand's metrical legend underwent a reduction and revision of the text at the end of the fourteenth century for inclusion in Der Heiligen Leben, the same thirteenth-century narrative was rendered in a prose version that expanded rather than reduced the source. This version was the Low German text that was translated in Hendreks saga og Kunegundis. Of particular interest from a literary perspective are the bridal-quest story and the tale of Cunegund's accusation and trial by ordeal (Rhb, 1:42.16-55.13), which constitute one half of Henry's vita (Rhb, 1:35-60.16). The life of the emperor is supplemented by several miracles and visions (Rhb, 1:60.17-63.32), including the story of St Lawrence and the devils (see chap. 5), and followed by an account of Cunegund's life subsequent to Henry's death (Rhb, 1:64.1-70.35). That the bridal-quest and marital narratives are to be understood as forming more properly a part of the emperor's vita than Cunegund's is supported by the inclusion of St Lawrence's encounter with the devils at the end of Henry's legend. Despite the emperor's magnificent furtherance of Christianity, his problematic relationship to his wife, expressed through distrust and violence - as the apocryphal part of the legend has it would have voided all his good deeds had St Lawrence not intervened. As one of the devils relates, they put on one scale Cunegund's sufferings on account of the false accusation, and on the other scale Henry's good works, and Cunegund's anguish outweighed the latter (Rhb., 1:61.5). The apocryphal romance of Henry and Cundegund begins as any number of bridal-quest narratives - both continental and Icelandic - begin. Through his many victories Henry has won the respect of friends and enemies alike. Having been crowned emperor, he convenes his court at a magnificent feast. After the foreign guests have departed, some of his most powerful lords approach him to remind him that one thing is wanting to him, a wife, without whom he will remain without heirs to the detriment of the realm. A bridal-quest narrative follows, the typical pattern of which includes the following: the making of inquiry as to a suitable match; the sending of emissaries to woo the maiden settled upon; the celebration of the marriage, although only after one or more obstacles - rival wooers, antagonistic family members, or the desired bride herself - have been overcome. With the wedding a bridal-quest tale normally comes to a close. In Hendreks saga og Kunegundis, however, the impediment that threatened the realization of the marriage is not resolved until the wedding night, and this very impediment becomes the basis of the ensuing conflict that threatens the couple's marital happiness. Commencing with the council episode, the bridal-quest tale of Hendreks saga

214 The Book of Reykjaholar og Kunegundis rejects the terse discourse of the Passionael version in favour of the leisurely narrative of Ebernand's sacred romance without, however, being identical with it. A comparison of the Low German and Icelandic versions of events strikingly illustrates the difference between the laconic and flat twodimensional approach to narration characteristic of the short form, as expressed in an exemplum or a sacred legend, and the fulsome, dramatic three-dimensionality of the long narrative form of romance. The discrepancy devolves from a paratactic realization of style, characterization, and structure in the former, but a hypotactic approach in the latter. Characterization and the structure of the episodes in the Low German redaction are as flat as its discourse. The courtiers' suggestion that the emperor marry, his emotional conflict concerning a proposed marriage, the nobles' threatened displeasure if he refuses to marry, and his acquiescence in the matter are quickly told in the Passionael'. vnde beden den keiser dat he ene vrouwen neme. dar vmme leghen se em an. Dat was em swar. wente he hadde vnsen heren Jhesum cristuz vterkoren to eneme eruen. dat wisten se nicht. vnde spreken ouer to deme keyset. Dat enbethemet deme ryke nicht. vnde is nycht wontlyk dat gy dat allene hebben. vnde do gy des nicht. so mote gy vnsen vnwillen hebben Do trostede sik de keyser godes. deme he syne kusckheyt hadde gelauet beth in synen doet vnde sprak to den heren. dat se em gheuen ene vrouwen. de em vnde deme ryke bequeme were. Do worden de heren alle vro. (Pass., Iviii.c) [And they asked the emperor to take a wife, and urged him to do so. That was hard for him, since he had chosen our Lord Jesus Christ as his heir. They did not know this and said once more to the emperor: 'It is not fitting for the empire and is not customary that you should rule alone. And if you do not marry, you will earn our displeasure.' Then the emperor entrusted himself to God, to whom he had vowed virginity until death, and said to the lords that they should find him a wife acceptable to him and the empire. Then all the lords rejoiced.]

As related here, the conflict between the wishes of the courtiers and Henry's vow of virginity is resolved rather easily. Because of the terse discourse, the courtiers' threat appears to have an immediate effect. What was a difficult choice for Henry before the threat is voiced is now quickly decided, as he leaves the matter in God's hands and yields to the judgment of his retainers. The version of events transmitted in the Icelandic legend is much longer not only because of its greater elaboration in general and the extended dialogue between Henry and his courtiers, but also because the reader is permitted to follow the workings of the emperor's mind. The single scene above is transformed into an episode consisting of four scenes, the account of which reaches eighty

Sacred Romances 215 lines in print. In the first scene the lords approach Henry with their request, but he asks for time to consider their proposal. He does so in the second scene: Henry recalls his vow of chastity and expresses the fear that God will be angry if he reneges on his promise. In the third scene, the courtiers approach the emperor once more; Henry tells them that he has considered their proposal but does not think he can give them the answer they want, since he has made a vow of chastity. Thereupon one of the courtiers reiterates at length the political arguments for choosing marriage, and once these have been put forth, the emperor acquiesces and tells his lords to look for a wife for him. Finally, in the last scene the lords reconvene and inform the emperor that they have heard of a maiden with whom he could make an acceptable match. The arguments brought before Henry in favour of marriage are weighty. His retainers point out that he has won many victories, that his empire is well established, and that accordingly, with his permission, they would like to bring before him a matter they have seriously considered: it is not fitting for him not to have a queen, and consequently no heirs; and they would prefer being subject to his descendants, especially since they are aware that God looks favourably upon him (Rhb, 1:42.24-32). In other words, God is on Henry's side, and if he has heirs, the empire will presumably fare well under God's protection. Henry's response that he is unprepared for their proposal and needs time to consider the matter must be understood as implying that his virginity has been a given for him and that therefore the need for marriage has simply not occurred to him previously. Subsequently, Henry repeatedly ponders the conflict between the lords' request on the one hand and his vow to God on the other. The nature of his deliberations slips almost imperceptibly from third-person authorial narrative into a third-person monologue, that is, 'erlebte Rede': Af bessv hvorvtveggiv var keisaren hardla miog hvgsivkr hvat hann skyllde af rada. og vaere bat so at hann giptezt ecki sem beir villdv. baa vaere bat jafn vist at svndr bycke mvnde mikit verda j Rikenv. bviat beir sem megthoger vasre og af storvm aettvm komner mvndv thaka sig vpp hverr j mothe avdrvm begar at bans miste vid. en bo vist og ovijst hvort bat bide so leinge og vaere bat baa mikil abyrgd fyrer sig vid gvd ef bat baere til af bans vdlldvm. at saa hefde sizth er hellzt aette. J annan stad setvr hann og j sinn hvg ef hann verdr beim sambyckvr j bessv. at baa mvnde hann styggia miog gvd er hann ryfr sitt heit er hann hefer lofat. nema hann gaete bvi so af stad komet at til beirrar lofvnar yrde helldr tveir en einn. Og med bat seinaztha thekr hann bat vpp at eiga allt sitt maal vnder gvde almathogvm. (Rhb, 1:43.9-22) [Because of these [conflicting demands] the emperor was quite sick at heart wondering what he should do. And if he did not marry - as they wished - then it would be quite

216 The Book of Reykjaholar certain that the empire would be greatly torn apart, since those who were mighty and came from great families would rise up against each other as soon as he was gone. And it was also most uncertain whether that would be long in coming, and he would be held accountable before God if it happened because of him, that the one who least deserved the empire were to get it. On the other hand, he realizes that if he agrees to their request, he will make God very angry by breaking the vow that he has made, unless he could get around it in such a way that two rather than one made this vow. And finally he decides to leave this entire matter up to God Almighty.]

In his deliberations Henry anticipates the way out of the dilemma. The reference above to a joint vow is unique; it does not occur in Ebernand's metrical legend, where Henry trusts that God will see to it that 'I can maintain my chastity until death.'32 In effect, in the Icelandic legend Henry seems to suggest to God the course that events might take. When the lords reconvene, however, and ask whether he has made a decision, Henry seems not to have made much progress. He thanks the courtiers for their thoughtfulness and remarks that their request is well taken, but he cannot comply because he has vowed virginity for life. The courtiers had not known about this vow, and Henry thinks that now the matter will be laid to rest, but he is wrong. One of the lords speaks up and argues quite convincingly for the necessity of producing an heir if the empire is not to be riven asunder by both domestic and foreign dissension and demands. Furthermore, the good of the empire is intimately linked to the welfare of Christianity. He concludes his speech by noting that it has not been the custom of Roman emperors to remain virgins (Rhb, 1:44.16 'hreinlifis menn'); neither is it fitting for the emperor to rule alone, without considering the need for heirs. The emperor capitulates as he recalls his earlier deliberations and a possible way out. Subsequent events are understood by the reader - but not by the other characters — in the light of Henry's idea that a wife might actually join him in a chaste marriage. This hope is not enunciated, however, and consequently the woman herself turns out to be the primary obstacle to the proposed marriage. Her unwillingness to marry recalls the misogamy of the Icelandic maiden kings in the secular romances. Their stubbornness is governed mostly, however, by disdain of all wooers, whom they consider beneath them,33 whereas Cunegund's resistance to marriage has the same source Henry's had. The emissaries are apprised of the state of affairs by her parents (Rhb, 1:45.20-1), who inform them that Cunegund is staying with relatives. They decide to seek her out in the hope of negotiating with her guardians. When Cunegund is subsequently drawn into the deliberations, the drama that unfolds focuses on the powerlessness of a woman to make her own decisions. While her relatives impress on her the

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wealth and might that will accrue to her as empress, Cunegund's answer reflects the real issue: 'ef eg maa sialfrad vera. pa aethla eg mier ecki annann brvdgvma at eiga en pann eg hefer valet mier adr' (Rhb, 1:46.3-5 'If I am permitted to make my own decision, I shall have no other bridegroom than the one I have already chosen'). Her reply turns on an important issue, sjalfrdd, the power to take one's own counsel, that is, self-determination, and in matrimonial affairs the notion of consent in marriage.34 When Cunegund scorns her relatives' reference to the great wealth she will acquire, they become furious and note pointedly that 'they are the ones who are to make decisions for her, not she' (Rhb, 1:46.9—10). The result is that Cunegund is betrothed to the emperor 'against her will' (Rhb, 1:46.19). The question of consent arises once more when Cunegund at last faces the emperor. The lords ask him to carry out his promise, but Henry first turns to Cunegund and inquires vort petta vasre henne til villa. Hvn svarar. verdvgi herra med ydrv orlofi. hingat til hefer eg alldreige verit pessv sambyck og eigi helldr jayrdi thil gefit pviat eg hafde valit mier annann vnnaztha ef eg hefdi sialfrada verit. Enn nv kaerazthe herra sidann at eg er hier komen baa legg eg mig og mitt maal aa ydvart valid. (Rhb, 1:46.31-47.3) [whether this is in accordance with her will. She answers: 'Noble lord, with your permission, heretofore I have never been in agreement and even less have I consented, because I would have chosen another lover if I had been able to decide for myself. But now, dear lord, since I have come here, I shall place myself and my affairs in your hands.']

The emperor is delighted with her response, while the reader is left to wonder whether that is because rumour had already reached him that Cunegund wished to remain a virgin, or whether Henry interprets her decision to leave her fate up to him as giving him the power to enforce a chaste marriage on her.35 The actual matter is not settled until the wedding night, the account of which is fairly protracted (Rhb, 1:47.8-48.11), when Henry inquires whom she would have chosen as her lover. Her confession elicits his own, and he concludes, 'og ef so er kaere jvngfrv at bin vile er sem minn. Paa vilivm vid baede lofa gvde og hallda hreinlife alia ockara daga medann vid lifvm' (Rhb, 1:47.30-2 'if matters are thus, dear maiden, that your will is as mine, then we will both praise God and remain chaste for as long as we live'). Hendreks saga og Kunegundis is the second text in Reykjaholabok as it is preserved today; the legend of the imperial couple follows that of the Three Magi. There are compelling reasons for assuming, however, that originally the legendary commenced with Mariu saga og Onnu.36 That means that certain events in the legend of Henry and Cunegund, specifically their virginal mar-

218 The Book of Reykjaholar riage, can be read and interpreted in the light of events in the lives of those associated with Christ. Cunegund and Henry can be understood as emulating Mary and Joseph's relationship. Cunegund's vow to remain a virgin is reminiscent of Mary's reply to the priests when they tell her the time has come for her to marry: og sagdezt hafa. lofat almatthogvm gvde sinn jvngfrvdom og fyrer pann skvlld matte hvn ecki neitt sambycke giefa thil hivskapar banndz. at eiga nockvrn veralldlegann mann bvi hvn sagdizt sinn hreinleika og jvngfrv villa geyma alia sina daga. (Rhb, 11:360.26-30). [She said that she had promised Almighty God her virginity and for that reason she could not consent to matrimony, to marry any earthly man, for she said that she wished to preserve her purity and virginity to the end of her life.]

Consequently, when after the miracle of the blossoming staff Joseph agrees to take Mary to wife, he promises a virginal marriage. Just as he has preserved his own virginity for the sake of God, Joseph states, so also will he keep Mary as long as he lives (Rhb, 11:362.28-30). If the bridal-quest story of Henry and Cunegund is read from the perspective of Mariu saga og Onnu, the inclusion of the virginal marriage of the royal couple can be understood as an attempt to have their lives reflect those of the New Testament prototypes. Henry and Cunegund's life together is characterized by generosity towards the church but also, and especially, by their deep affection for each other. If the emperor is away on business, no three days pass, without his sending a letter or message to his wife, and once he returns, each constantly seeks out the company of the other. Their harmonious existence is soon disturbed, however, by the appearance of an antagonist, the devil. Unlike John Chrysostom, who succumbed to temptation, neither Henry nor Cunegund yields to the fierce temptations to which the devil subjects them in his effort to destroy their 'angelic love predicated on chastity' (Rhb, 1:49.22-3). Finding it impossible to prevail against the couple's chaste commerce, he decides to play a more active role and undermine the emperor's trust in his wife - 'if he is able and God does not oppose this' (Rhb, 1:49.32-3) - by having her accused of adultery. God's permissive will thus plays a similar role with respect to the machinations of the devil as it does in the Icelandic legend of Gregorius peccator, as we saw above. The story that now unfolds in the legend of Henry and Cunegund belongs to the type of the falsely accused queen, a widespread literary motif familiar from folk-tales, legends, and exempla.37 A story of this type was familiar to Icelanders through one of the narratives in the compilation known as Karlamagnus saga, a thirteenth-century translation of a group of chansons de geste, which also included

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one romance, the story of Olif and Landres, supposedly a translation not from the French like the others in the collection, but from English.38 In this narrative Queen Olif is falsely accused of having sexual relations with a black man (bldmadr), who had been placed in her bed as vengeance for her refusal to be seduced by a lascivious knight during her husband's absence. In Hendreks saga og Kunegundis the motif appears in a variation, as the devil takes on the form of a handsome youth who is seen leaving the empress's apartments on three occasions, each time later in the morning so that ever more individuals become aware of him. The narrator tells the story quite effectively and from the devil's perspective. The first morning a handsome knight comes out of Cunegund's chambers, 'looking as though he had lain there all night, and he darts into a corner so that no one would see him,' and the narrator comments that 'he did this out of wiliness' (Rhb, 1:50.4-6). The next morning he appears again, but now 'he runs quickly as though wanting to hide, and he thinks that matters are going well since he has now gotten many to slander the queen and to subject her to reproaches and unkind thoughts' (Rhb, 1:50.10-12). Finally, he comes out a third time, 'and now removes all doubt, for now he does not care about hiding any longer and now walks around in the bright daylight so that all who wish can see him as he leaves the bedchambers of the queen, looking as though he had just gotten up' (Rhb, 1:50.15-19). The gradation evident in the three appearances of the devil-as-handsome-knight corresponds to a similar phenomenon in the depiction of the reactions of onlookers. Those who think they have seen a young man leaving the empress's chambers at first pretend they have seen nothing. The next time there are more witnesses, who now whisper among themselves but do not dare to say anything aloud. On the third occasion, however, everyone who sees the stranger thinks he is a well-known knight. The news quickly spreads all over the town. Cunegund is maligned by many, and the report reaches even her ears. The climax of the tale occurs at the ordeal, suggested by Cunegund herself, in which she walks barefoot over twelve red-hot swords. Henry's initial reaction to the rumours after his return was disbelief, but the multitude of witnesses convinces him of Cunegund's guilt. The story of the falsely accused empress and her vindication by ordeal is a fascinating commentary on appearance and reality, especially when compared with the better-known story of the trial by ordeal of Isolt.39 Both in the German-language area and in Iceland the story of Tristan and Isolt was transmitted in more than one redaction, and the story of Cunegund's walking unscathed over the red-hot swords must have evoked comparison with Isolt's similar ordeal. The irony of a similar outcome in both cases could not have been lost on a reader. In either case the audience in the narrative

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is confronted with the problem of appearance and reality. While Isolt is guilty of adultery, her oath that she has not lain with any man other than her husband and of course the pilgrim whose clumsy fall with her has been witnessed by all - is true, for the pilgrim is Tristan in disguise.40 Isolt too walks off the iron unscathed, but of course in her case only the appearance of innocence is vindicated. In the case of Cunegund, however, appearance belies reality: a man did issue from her quarters on three occasions. What constitutes Henry's guilt in the false accusation of his wife is his inability to believe in her integrity, even when she swears to it, in the face of reports of her infidelity. When Henry assembles the lords in judgment, he states outright that 'hvn hefer elskad annann mann og brothed sina trv vid oss' (Rhb, 1:52.14-15 'she has loved another man and broken her troth'), and in her presence he charges Cunegund with 'glaep er hvn hefer giortt j mothe oss' (Rhb, 1:52.21-2 'a crime that she has committed against us'). The lords insist that Cunegund be allowed to answer the charges, but she can only weep. As a result, they refuse to pass judgment and suggest that the emperor find others to take on the task. Cunegund saves the situation by thanking the lords; to prevent Henry's continuing anger and suspicion she decides to pass self-judgment. When she reveals that she plans to walk over twelve red-hot swords, some of the retainers start to sob and call out that she is surely innocent (Rhb, 1:53.15-16). Two bishops lead Cunegund to the place of the ordeal; upon seeing the swords, she raises her voice in prayer to Jesus Christ, protesting her innocence. Henry's reaction is noteworthy: Nv sem keisaren heyrer ord drottningar og sier hverrssv grimlega at sverdinn erv giord gloanda. baa hrygdizt hann vid bat og aethlade at hvn mvnde brenna aa beim til bana. og sagdizt vilia helldr veitha henne likn og giefa henne vpp pessa ogvrlega pinv er pottezt vitha at hvn mvnde pola. og sagde til hennar pessvm ordvm. Sie pv qvinna. eg vil giefa pier pessa mina savk til pviat eg vil ecki sodan pinv latha fram fara vid pig sem nv til horfer. (Rhb, 1:53.30-54.5) [Now when the emperor heard the queen's words and saw how fiercely glowing the swords had been made, he regretted this and thought that she would burn to death on them. He said that he would rather grant her forgiveness than subject her to the terrible torture he presumed she would have to endure. And he spoke these words to her: 'Look, woman, I shall withdraw my accusation because I do not want to have you subjected to such torture as you will now experience.']

Henry is portrayed in a bad light. Despite hearing his wife call on Jesus Christ as witness of her innocence, he refuses to believe her testimony. He wishes to call off the ordeal not because he is willing to take her at her word, but because

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he believes she is guilty and therefore will burn to death during the ordeal. The sight of the red-hot swords brings home to Henry the consequences of his belief in her transgression. The emperor's profound anger at his wife and inability to control his wrath are displayed upon his hearing her oath: eg er skvllda lavs allt til bessa dags vid keisara Hendrek og alia menn adra j vervlldinne lifs og davda til veralldlegs mvnnadar lifis og holldlegs sambvdar vid mig. (Rhb, 1:54.15-17) [I am innocent to this day of having had carnal lust for and sexual relations with either Emperor Henry or any other man living or dead.]

Henry becomes so furious that she 'included him in the oath like all the others' (Rhb, 1:54.20-1) that he strikes her first on the neck and then on the mouth and nose so that the blood runs freely. His great remorse shortly thereafter comes too late, as a voice from heaven bids Cunegund to rejoice in her virginity, for Mary, the most pure maiden, will be with her. The emperor's violent reaction to Cunegund's choice of words is reprehensible, and the explanation given throws little light on the source of his displeasure. The only interpretation that suggests itself is based on the vow the couple made on their wedding night. The narrator informs us that they had decided no one should know of their decision to live chastely (Rhb, 1:48.7), and the making public of their relations may be the source of Henry's anger. In the light of his whole portrayal, however, Henry's violence towards his wife is simply the most extreme expression of an aspect of his character that surfaces quite late in the legend. He wants to divorce her and decides to deprive her of all the honour and affection he has previously shown her (Rhb, 1:51.7-8). When she seeks him out to inquire why he treats her as he does, she falls to her knees before him, but he neither greets her nor stands - as he has been wont to do, the narrator comments — nor does he answer her. In reply to her question as to what she has done, he merely responds that she herself should know. When she suggests that he call together the lords of the land to sit in judgment, he makes no response and abruptly walks away. His firm belief in her guilt has been mentioned; now, both in the scene in which Cunegund seeks to learn her fault and subsequently, Henry is portrayed as lacking not only all social graces but also any sense of moderation when he believes himself wronged. With the conclusion of the ordeal, when Cunegund is vindicated and Henry seeks her pardon (see chap. 3), the story of marital tribulation ends; the falsely accused empress is reinstated with all honour, and henceforth she is respected

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and revered as a virgin, as Henry 'himself was to bear witness later' (Rhb, 1:55.13-14). The reference is to the scene at his deathbed, when he calls Cunegund to his side and announces to the assembled lords: Sie hierna kaervzthv viner. f>essa mina brvde er bier fiengvt mier j hendr ospillta. So afgreide eg nv gvde og ydr hana aptvr hreina og ospillta j allan matha. (Rhb, 1:59.28-30) [See here, most beloved friends, this bride of mine, whom you delivered into my hands inviolate, I now return to God and to you pure and inviolate in every respect.]

The story of Henry's relationship to his wife is an integral part of his legend, determining also the nature of two of the miracle tales that circulated about him. St Lawrence's intervention at the emperor's death was necessitated solely because of Henry's belief in Cunegund's guilt, while the story of his posthumous apparition to a churchwarden can be interpreted in the light of his own doubts concerning the empress. Popular opinion subsequent to Cunegund's death is divided on the issue of her sanctity, as it was divided when she was accused of adultery, and Henry now reassures the churchwarden that she is indeed a saint, even though there are some who do not want to believe so (Rhb, 1:69.22-5). The apocryphal legend of Henry and Cunegund is a combination of bridalquest and marital narrative. The two narrative patterns, either singly or together, were familiar to a German audience at the time the legend evolved, and most certainly to Icelandic readers by the time the Low German version was translated in the early sixteenth century. The legend demonstrates the adaptability of secular narrative paradigms to the sacred text. The story of Henry's quest for a bride, along with the attendant obstacles, takes its peculiar character from the imposition of a hagiographic motif, the vow of chastity, on a secular narrative construct. Because of its context, this sacred motif transforms a type of episode well known in secular narrative into a poignant commentary on the character of a saint. The ordeal episode reveals more about the problematic sanctity of Henry than about the heroic virtue of Cunegund, whose vindication is a foregone conclusion for the reader. The bridal-quest narrative in Hendreks saga og Kunegundis occurs in combination with the story of the ordeal, but this apocryphal narrative is part of a larger legend containing matter of a primarily biographical-historiographical nature. The relationship not only of the biographical-historiographical to the hagiographic, but also of the secular to the sacred, narrative is different in Osvalds saga, a bridal-quest romance in which the secular, the fantastic, and the entertaining dominate the text at the expense of the sacred. The legend of St

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Oswald as transmitted in Reykjaholabok is far removed from the life of the historical king of Northumbria (reigned 634-42).41 Folklore, the depiction of the Northumbrian king and martyr in art, and his celebration in the liturgy had made Oswald one of the most popular saints in the German-language area by the end of the Middle Ages.42 A bridal-quest romance, albeit sacred, about St Oswald was produced, according to one scholar as a reaction to the secularizing tendencies of Middle High German literature in the twelfth century: secular narrative patterns were superimposed on hagiographic types and integrated into a sacred vita.43 Several German redactions of the Oswald romance/legend exist, the oldest of which, according to Michael Curschmann, is the so-called Munchener Oswald of the second half of the twelfth century, a work with a balanced but complicated combination of the genres 'sacred legend' and 'bridal-quest tale.'44 The Icelandic version, while related in story and structure - though not discourse - to the Low German Passionael version, is more like the Munchener Oswald in the expansiveness of the narrative, despite the fact that the latter is in verse.45 Osvalds saga, like many a romance, is shot through with the fantastic, albeit here in the service of religious rather than secular purposes. Unlike the apocryphal legend of Henry and Cunegund, which is only one, though a significant, element in a larger hagiographic context, the story of Oswald's bridal quest (Rhb, 1:71-88.2) dominates the Icelandic legend, although this quest is ordained by God and undertaken in the interests of conversion. The story of Oswald's bridal quest is followed by an account of his good deeds, his death as a martyr, and the obligatory miracles (Rhb, 1:88.2-95.24). The repetition of the bridalquest pattern in the legend of Oswald, which follows Hendreks saga og Kunegundis in Reykjaholabok, not only invites comparison between the two instances but also affects one's reading of the text. While the story of Henry's life is dominated initially by his military exploits, Oswald's legend commences abruptly with his flight, prompted by a sense of unworthiness, when the English nobles elect him their king. He acquiesces when chrism for his consecration materializes through the embassy of a talking raven, conversant in Latin no less.46 The bird informs the assemblage that the chrism, blessed by St Peter himself, has been sent from heaven. Oswald is crowned and becomes a model ruler: og jnan farra aara vard hann so mecthogr. at herar og hofdingiar. biskvpar og abothar stodv fyrer bans bordvm og bionvdv bar dags daglega. Af pessare megt og storre herlegheit vpp hof hann sig ecki thil neins methnadar. eda drambseme nema at helldr var hann pvi lithelatare og godgiarnare j ollv og hafde gvd jafnan fyrer avgvm sier. og pionade honvm med allre aastvd baede nastvr og daga og gvd var aethid med honvm. (Rhb, 1:72.32-73.5)

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[Within a few years he became so powerful that lords and chieftains, bishops and abbots stood before his tables and served there day after day. This might and great magnificence did not, however, lead to any pride or arrogance on his part; rather he was all the more humble and benevolent in everything, and always kept sight of God and served him most lovingly, both night and day, and God was ever with him.]

A pious sentiment of this sort is to be expected in a sacred romance, yet it is not unlike that expressed about another British, albeit fictional, king - Arthur, in Erex saga, the Icelandic version of Chretien de Troyes's Arthurian romance Erec et Enide: Nil er komit til Artus kongs hyrdar mikit stormennj, ok mikit fiolmenne er vida umm heiminn hafdi til safnast, ok er kongur lytur yfvir betta figlmennj, ok bykir mi'kit megn slikt ok valid er miikill hlute heimsins skal undir hann liita, ok sva margir hgfdi'nggiar ok agiaetir herrar, glediast miok i si'nu hiarta ok backa Gude betta sitt haleita Ian enn mikla ecki bui helldur i sinu hiarta af begna vallde.47 [Now many great men arrived at King Arthur's court, as well as a great many people who had gathered from far and wide throughout the world. And when the king looked over this assemblage, his power and might seemed great to him, since a large part of the world was subject to him as well as so many chieftains and illustrious lords. He rejoiced greatly in his heart and thanked God for this lofty lien but did not pride himself on his power over his liegemen.]

At the height of Arthur's magnificence the obligatory avanture materializes; at the zenith of Oswald's prestige his retainers hold a meeting and decide that the king must marry so as to produce heirs. The narrative shifts into the bridal-quest mode. Osvalds saga attracted the attention of scholars in the nineteenth century; the text was published in 1854 by Jon SigurSsson, together with a Danish translation.48 With one exception the Icelandic legend was more or less ignored by scholars of Old Norse-Icelandic, but it appeared repeatedly in the stemmata proposed by Germanists intent on reconstructing the German prototype of the romance - traditionally, though but not quite accurately, referred to as a Spielmannsepos, or 'minstrel epic' — and tracing its reception. According to these scholars Osvalds saga belongs to the third of the four major redactions of the legend/romance: i) Munchener Oswald; 2) Wiener Oswald; 3) Oswald-Prosa (the redaction in the Passionaef); 4) Oswald-Prosa B (a manuscript from ca. I5OO).49 In 1876 Anton Edzardi proposed that the Icelandic legend derives from the version known from Der Heiligen Leben, the High German predecessor of

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Dat Passionael, but also noted that many deviations and apparent interpolations in Osvalds saga coincide with text known from German redactions of the tale that are older than the widely disseminated legend. He concluded that the primary source was an older and more complete redaction of the legend.50 The discussion was taken up by Oskar Klockhoff, who proposed, contrary to Edzardi, that the source of the Icelandic legend was the version in the Low German Passionael, and that any deviations from that text were to be considered the translator's own, deliberate additions.5' This is not the place to repeat the argument; suffice it to say that now, more than a century after Edzardi and Klockhoff engaged in their scholarly dispute, the former can be adjudged to have been right, for we know that Bjorn t>orleifsson's sources were not the laconic legends of the Passionael?2 In effect, Osvalds saga is a fifth major redaction of the Oswald tradition, related to the Passionael version in its plot but unlike it by virtue of its additional matter and a diverging discourse. One of the episodes adduced by Edzardi for arguing that Osvalds saga actually represents an older and longer version of the legend than the Passionael redaction is the council scene, in which Oswald's men urge him to marry. Edzardi argued that parallels to the scene in Osvalds saga occur in the metrical redaction known as the Wiener Oswald.^ Klockhoff dismissed the evidence as the result of chance, and proposed instead that the council scene in Osvalds saga was inspired by and modelled after that in Hendreks saga og Kunegundis, which precedes it in Reykjaholabok. This is most unlikely, not only because Bjorn t»orleifsson did not rewrite his sources, but also because Osvalds saga as a whole - and not only the council scene - deviates from the Passionael redaction and bears all the earmarks of the long narrative form, of sacred romance, rather than of the laconic and bland third-person narrative of the Low German account. The striking similarities of the council scenes in the legends of Henry and Cunegund and of Oswald obtain not because matter in the latter is borrowed from the former, but because both narratives eschew third-person narrative in favour of dialogue. Furthermore, certain shared details are stock elements of such scenes in bridal-quest romance. And despite striking similarities between them, the nature of the impediment to the marriage and the character of the bridal quest are different in the two narratives. Even more so than in the Low German legend of Henry and Cunegund, the council scene in 'Van Sunte Oswaldo deme konninghe' in the Passionael transmits what may be construed as a telegraphic version of what transpires. The messenger who suddenly appears to tell Oswald that he is to marry a maiden named Pia, steps onto a stage, as it were, without distinguishing features. We learn nothing about Oswald or the preceding deliberations, merely that

226 The Book of Reykjaholar Do he nu so doghentlyken vnde salichliken leuede to gode vnde den minschen. do meneden de heren he scolde ene iuncfrouwe nemen. wente storue he ane erue. so scolde eyn ander syn gued vnde syn rike besitten. deme yd nee sure were gheworden. (Pass., Cii.d) [as he was now living so virtuously and happily before God and men, the lords thought that he should marry a maiden, for if he were to die without heirs, someone not entitled to it would inherit his wealth and his kingdom.]

In a sharply contrasting treatment, the incident is depicted in Osvalds saga in a series of scenes revealing the author's awareness of the interaction of temporal and spatial detail. The council episode is dramatically presented; it is multidimensional and poly scenic, accommodating the demands of both time and space (Rhb, 1:73.11-74-7): 1 The courtiers assemble and decide that they should advise the king to marry, to ensure heirs 2 Some days pass 3 The lords reconvene, seek out King Oswald, and ask for an audience 4 One of the councillors, speaking on behalf of the group, tells the king that only one thing is wanting 5 Oswald inquires what that might be, and says that he will accede to their wishes if possible 6 The courtiers thank him and say that he needs a queen to rule with him; they do not wish to be subjects of a lord who has not acquired a kingdom through rightful succession 7 The king replies that he will consider the matter; he reveals that he actually wished to abstain from marriage in order to maintain chastity 8 The lords intend to depart 9 There is a knock on the door, and a visitor says he has a matter to bring before the king 10 Oswald tells the porter to open the door, and his courtiers to remain behind in order to hear what will transpire The appearance of the unforeseen visitor - who identifies himself as a prophet sent by God - and his message predictably guarantee that the ensuing bridalquest narrative, while retaining features common to the type, will be quite different from the narrative pattern transmitted in Hendreks saga og Kunegundis. The prophet eases Oswald's conscience by telling him publicly not only that God wants him to marry but also whom he is to marry. In consequence Osvalds saga dispenses with the emphasis on the emotions — so ably conveyed in

Sacred Romances 227 Henry's soul-searching monologue and the bridal couple's wedding-night conversation - in favour of action. While the initial source of conflict, and the ultimate source of their marital conflict, in the legend of Henry and Cunegund is the vow each has made to remain a virgin, Osvalds saga is dominated by a quest made dangerous by the animosity of the desired bride's father. The bridal quest is unusual, however, since it is undertaken with a view to the conversion of the heathens. The prophet tells Oswald: at bv skalt thaka bier til drotthningar eina jvngfrv. og er eins heidins konvngs dotter og heiter hann Gavdonvs en bessi jvngfrven dotter bans heiter Pia og er hardla miog vaen og hygginn. og gvd bydr trier at bv skalt hallda mikit avrldg fyrer hennar skvlld og koma henne til heilagrar trvar og gvd drottenn hefer hana vt valit til bessa. (Rhb, 1:74.19-24) [you shall take as your queen a maiden who is the daughter of a heathen king, and his name is Gaudon. And this maiden, his daughter, is called Pia and she is very beautiful and intelligent. And God bids you to engage in much warfare for her sake and to convert her to the holy faith, for God has chosen her for this.]

Oswald's bridal quest has a twofold objective: to obtain a queen and to convert her, and implicitly her people too, as we shall see. In response Oswald raises what might appear to be a lame concern. He objects that he has no messenger capable of undertaking the quest (Rhb, 1:74.27-9), that is, no proxy wooer. The prophet's response suggests that Oswald's objection is well taken, for he remarks that even if Oswald were to send sixty emissaries, they would all be killed because the father, following pagan tradition, has sworn three oaths on the head of his daughter that he will not marry her to any man who does not win her on the field of battle. The father's virulent a priori animosity towards all suitors, coupled with his otherness as a pagan, makes Oswald's quest not merely difficult but also dangerous in the extreme. There is no question of Oswald's undertaking the bridal quest himself, and the pilgrim's naming of the emissary not only places the legend squarely in the tradition of romance but also links it with folk-tale and myth: the surrogate wooer is to be a raven, a bird recognized in folklore and elsewhere for its prophetic and counselling abilities.54 By virtue of its gift of speech and its designation by God as royal emissary, the raven dominates the plot of Osvalds saga more than does the lion in the legend of St Jerome, for while the latter is an indispensable player in the story of the lost and found donkey, he nonetheless remains a dumb animal, capable of communicating solely through gestures. The raven, however, is raised to the level of humans by its power of speech at the same time as it is a superior emissary because of its ability to fly. Throughout,

228 The Book of Reykjaholar both the narrator and the characters behave towards the raven as they would towards another human being; and the raven takes on the manners and speech patterns of the nobility. With the arrival of the raven at the council meeting, the prophet vanishes. Oswald courteously inquires whether the raven would be willing to undertake the mission to King Gaudon to ask for his daughter in marriage, and the raven answers that he would. In keeping with his mission to convert the princess, Oswald entrusts the raven with a letter containing the twelve articles of the faith; but the raven is also to take a gold ring to her (Rhb, 1:75.21-4), a symbol of the verbal message the raven is to convey, that harm hefde hana vtvalet fyrer allar meyiar j heimenvm sier thil vnnvzthv og hvn vaere sier kaerre en nockvr avnnr j vervlldine sidan hann heyrde hennar gieted. (Rhb, 1:75.25-7) [he had chosen her as his beloved from among all maidens in the world and she has been dearer to him than any other woman in the world from the moment he heard of her.]

In both the divine mission entrusted to Oswald and the errand on which the king sends his proxy wooer the raven, secular and religious concerns are interwoven. The conversion of the heathens is to be accomplished by the winning of a bride for Oswald. Unlike the Passionael, which has the raven land on the pagan king's table out of the blue as it were, Osvalds saga carefully orchestrates the arrival of the raven: the king has just come to table, and the windows of the castle stand wide open, for light and to catch any breezes the better to remove bad odours, and also on account of the sun's heat, which, the narrator informs us, is greater in those countries than in others (Rhb, 1:75.36-76.2). The raven notices the open windows, flies in, and alights on the table before the king, the queen, and their daughter Pia, and bows before them, asking the king for permission to speak. The raven extends similar courtesies to the princess later on, when he is alone with her, addressing her as 'noble maiden' when he transmits Oswald's message together with the letter and ring. Before the princess has a chance to read the letter, however, the raven informs her that Oswald loves her more than any other woman in the world. Her response is not noted at this point. Instead she reads Oswald's letter, which effects her immediate conversion. In it she finds confirmation of what the raven has already told her, and in addition the assurance at hvn skyllde frialsazt fra eylifre pinv og davda ef hvn villde snvazt fra heidne og villv. en trva aa sannan gvd og hallda bessa .xij. partta heilagrar trvar. Enn pegar at hvn hafde vt

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lesit brefit. baa af myskvn heilags anda vpp qveikizt hennar hiartta med beirre logande ast til gvdz so at hvn sagdizt giarnan avllv bvi trva er hann villde sier til beirra hlvta kenna og lypptte sinvm avgvm vpp til himna sama leidis sinvm hondvm so maelannde. fader aa himnvm pier gior eg packer fyrer pina millde er bv mier virdizt at veitha. og fiell aa sinn hne. med tarvm og laa so nockra stvnd. (Rhb, 1:77.16-25) [that she would be freed from eternal punishment and death if she turned away from heathendom and heresy and believed in the true God and kept these twelve articles of the holy faith. And as soon as she had finished reading the letter, the mercy of the Holy Spirit caused her heart to become inflamed with a burning love for God, so that she said she would gladly believe everything he would teach her in this respect. And she lifted her eyes up to heaven and likewise her hands, saying: 'Father in heaven, I thank you for the mercy that you have vouchsafed to grant me.' And she fell on her knees in tears and remained so for a while.]

Although the princess's first reaction to Oswald's message is submission to the Christian faith, Oswald's declaration of love is not lost on her, for at the raven's departure she charges him with telling Oswald that she loves no man as much as she loves him (Rhb, 1:77.31-3). The rest of the plot contains elements - in addition to the surrogate wooer that are standard features of certain types of bridal-quest narrative, primarily the motifs of the desired bride as adviser and the suitor in disguise. The latter motif is common in the Icelandic maiden-king romances but not unique to them; it is familiar in fairy tales and occurs also in the Thousand and One Nights.55 The story of Oswald's bridal quest is extraordinary, for while the ostensible reason for the quest and marriage is the conversion of the pagan princess - and to this end God enables the talking raven to act as go-between - the specific details as to how Oswald is to achieve his end are not revealed to him, nor is the undertaking facilitated by God. Instead, the princess takes charge. Every detail of Oswald's own mission into enemy territory, once the groundwork has been laid through the good services of the raven, is planned by the astute and shrewd maiden. The prophet had proclaimed that Oswald was to marry a heathen princess and that he was to convert her. For this reason the message Oswald entrusts to the raven is twofold: in the letter, which the raven is to give the princess, Oswald instructs her in the twelve articles of the faith, but verbally the raven is to transmit a declaration of love. When the raven appears before King Gaudon, however, he oversteps his mission somewhat in that he not only asks for the maiden in marriage on behalf of his lord but also adds, 'because that is God's will and that of his blessed mother, the Virgin Mary; and if you do this, you will be dear

230 The Book of Reykjaholar and praiseworthy before God' (Rhb, 1:76.19-22). The diverging reactions of the king and princess to these words show that each hears something different: the king, at mention of God and Mary, orders the raven to be seized and killed at once, while the princess, upon hearing 'the message Oswald has sent her, is seized by great love for him' (Rhb, 1:76.26-8). The princess, appealing to the king's honour - after all, she reminds him, he had promised safety to the messenger no matter what the message - has the raven released into her keeping, and thus she is able both to hear more about Oswald and to give instructions as to how he is to proceed. The raven continues to play the role of go-between; indeed, his company is of the essence, for the princess warns that if the bird does not accompany Oswald, it will be impossible to abduct her. The princess's instructions are to procure a fleet of seventy-two ships carrying a thousand men each, as well as provisions to last for three years. Despite her careful strategy the princess fears that the rescue operation will take longer than anticipated; not unreasonably she notes, however, that 'if the God who rules heaven wanted it, it would happen immediately' (Rhb, 1:78.9-10). When the raven finally returns to Oswald - his return flight is hampered by a severe storm in which the letter and ring end up in the belly of a fish but are miraculously retrieved - he can report that the princess has said she loved no one more than Oswald and that he should ask God to let them be joined as quickly as possible. The raven repeats the princess's warning that if Oswald does not take him along, he will never be able to obtain her. Oswald has ships built and provisioned, but the narrator comments that it happened just as the princess had suspected: matters dragged out longer than anticipated, for the ships were not ready when looked for (Rhb, 1:79.31-4). Eventually they set sail, however, equipped for war, but when they arrive in King Gaudon's country after eighteen weeks at sea - not the nine days it took the raven to get there — they discover that the raven has been left behind. Once more, divine intervention is necessary. After Oswald has implored both God and the Virgin Mary to bring his raven to him, God sends an angel to fetch the bird. The bird is essential in the narrative strategy of the tale: where earlier only he was a suitable proxy wooer, so now only he is capable of successfully carrying messages — and orders — to and from the princess. The success of the bridal quest hinges on subterfuge, cleverness, and the heathen king's craving for beautiful objects. Adhering to the princess's instructions as transmitted by the raven, Oswald travels to Gaudon's place of residence, accompanied by twelve goldsmiths, and having been granted permission by the king to do so, he sets up tents with precious wares, introducing himself as a merchant. When the king comes to inspect the objects, however, he grows furious on seeing crosses embroidered on the strangers' garments. Oswald protects

Sacred Romances 231 himself and his men by repeating exactly what the princess instructed him to say, namely that he had heard that Gaudon's daughter was as good as married to a powerful king, and that they have come for the express purpose of showing them some jewels the princess might like; the goldsmiths can even produce some on the spot. But if their wares or services are not desired, then they would like to be able to depart in peace. Just as the king did not kill the raven when reminded of his promise of safe conduct, so now he decides to let the merchants stay because he has promised their safety. The king's undoing, when he visits Oswald's tent, is his avarice. He sees a magnificent hart running past Oswald's tent. According to some books, the narrator informs us, this hart was an angel (Rhb, 1:83.6). Og pegar Gavdon kongr litvr hiortten. dynvr pegar agirndar avgv j briost konginvm so at hann seigizt ecki annat mega en eignazt dyrit. (Rhb, 1:83.21-2) [And when King Gaudon sees the hart, the eyes of avarice light up in the king's breast, and he says that he wants nothing else but to own the animal.]

Commencing with this striking metaphor, the Icelandic account of the subsequent hunt, during which the princess escapes to join Oswald, contrasts strikingly with the terse report in the Passionael, which dispenses with imagery to report quite simply: Dat herte ansach de konnink vnde alle syn volk. vnde beuiel en gans wol. vnde sach id gherne. Do boet de konnink alle synem volke. dat se em dat herte hulpen vangen. vnde yaghede em na mit alle synen denren. vnde yd berde vnderwilen yft yd syk wolde laten vangen. vnde stunt stylle. vnde leep denne wedder drade. vnde alzo yagheden se dem herten na beth in den wolt. (Pass., Ciii.d) [The king and all his people saw the hart, and they liked it and were pleased with it. The king then ordered his people to help him catch the hart, and he pursued it with all his servants. And sometimes it behaved as though it wanted to be caught, and stood still, and then it quickly ran off again. And so they pursued the hart into the woods.]

In Osvalds saga, however, the episode stretches over several days and places of action and is dominated by dialogue. The king inquires whether Oswald has brought the animal with him, and when the latter acknowledges that he has, Gaudon declares outright that he must have the beautiful animal. Oswald merely replies that the hart is rather shy and has frequently escaped before. As they speak, the hart runs to and fro before them tantalizingly, so that Gaudon is

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even more enchanted and orders his horse and weapons to be brought. When the pagan king and his men set out after the animal, there begins a game of hideand-seek that continues for several days, and the narrator comments that even though they interrupt the hunt for the night, the next morning the animal appears again. The narrative becomes two-stranded as the author now interjects into the story of the protracted and unsuccessful hunt an account of the princess's actions. Indeed, the narrator backtracks to inform the reader that prior to his departure on the hunt the king had had her chambers secured with strong iron locks so that no one could enter and she could not get out. As soon as she knows that her father has left, the princess climbs to the ramparts with four maids-inwaiting, and from there they observe the antics of the hart. The scene between the two kings - this time without dialogue - is as it were teichoscopically replayed, as the women observe the hart's teasing movements. The princess decides that they should observe the scene up close. What follows is somewhat puzzling, but is presumably to be understood in the context of an unspoken agreement, or an understanding on the part of the handmaidens, that the princess is about to undertake a forbidden and dangerous manoeuvre. They promise to do whatever she bids, and ask her not to let them be parted, come what may. This statement - as well as the report of Gaudon's having imprisoned her serves as an anticipatory device that is all the more striking when one compares the Icelandic version with the Passionael, which does not contain this matter. The escape of the small group commences with their dressing in male garments, after which the princess commands them to take along the crown she received from her father, as well as all the clothes and precious items they can carry. When they reach the doors, however, 'everything is different from what they had anticipated' (Rhb, 1:84.33-4). They realize they have been locked in. The role of the suitor in Osvalds saga is somewhat unusual for a bridal-quest romance. Instructed by the princess as to the military forces he is to bring along, Oswald does not attempt to reach or abduct her by either force or stealth - the latter strategy is suggested by his disguise as a merchant. While the heathen king pursues the marvellous hart, Oswald takes no action to ensure the success of his own quest. Just as his expedition to King Gaudon's country was orchestrated by the princess, so now he plays a passive role, presumably waiting to see what will happen next. When the resourceful princess discovers that the doors are locked, she resorts to a prayer that reminds the reader of the chief reason for Oswald's bridal quest: Pv gvd allra gvda sem kristner trva aa og skapat hefvr himen og jord. syn pv mier nv pina myskvn og gief mier og minvm systrvm er hier standa at vaer maettvm faa heilaga skirn j

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pinv nafne og at eg ohindrut mege komazt aa valid Osvalldz kongs pins bienara og mins vnaztha. (Rhb, 1:85.2-6) [You God of all gods, in whom the Christians believe and who has created heaven and earth, show me now your mercy and permit me and my sisters, who stand here, to receive holy baptism in your name, and let me reach King Oswald, your servant and my beloved, without obstacles.]

With a blow of her hand - and God's might - the doors spring open and the locks are sundered. Without any further hindrances, the princess and her maidens walk all the way to King Oswald's tents. The king rejoices and after a while announces to his men that if they wish they can now depart, 'for I have now obtained what I had travelled to this country for' (Rhb, 1:85.18-19). His statement is supported by the earlier words of the prophet: God wills that he marry a heathen princess and convert her. His apparently easy escape suggests, however, that one part of the prophecy - that his quest was to be associated with warfare - will remain unfulfilled. The narrator once more directs attention to King Gaudon and his chase after the elusive hart. Finally the king becomes so angry at his inability to bag the animal that he returns home. When he discovers that his daughter is gone, he nearly loses his mind, the narrator comments, and having summoned his retainers he sets out in pursuit. Gaudon and Oswald meet up on an island where Oswald has dropped anchor. Only when the pagan king finally confronts Oswald does the narrative shift to what is primarily a hagiographic mode. In response to Gaudon's allegation that he has abducted the princess by means of deceit and cunning and will therefore have to die, Oswald changes tactics. Instead of responding to the charges, Oswald reacts to the threat of death, declaring: ef ecki aa betre efne verda ba er mier bat ecki aa mothe bo at lathe lif mitt fyrer min skapara og heilagaa trv skylld og er pier pat ed beztha rad Gavdon at bv thaker heilaga trv og trver aa sannann gvd. (Rhb, 1:86.10-14) [If there is no better choice, then I have nothing against giving my life for the sake of my Creator and my holy faith, and it would be most advisable for you, Gaudon, to accept the holy faith and believe in the true God.]

Oswald's statement comes as a surprise, especially since his reply to a similar, but more succinctly put charge in the Passionael - 'I want to fight with you about this' (Pass., Ciiii.a) - suggests that the ensuing battle is for the sake of the

234 The Book of Reykjaholar princess. In Osvalds saga, however, a battle for the faith commences, at the conclusion of which three miracles are wrought, intended to convince Gaudon of the superior power of the Christian God. Nonetheless, despite the interruption of the story with the account of the pagan king's conversion, the bridal-quest romance concludes in the conventional manner: Enn Avsvalldr kongr siglde heim j Eingland aptvr med favgrvm sigre. og hiellt pegar sitt brvdlavp er harm var heim komen. og stod jafnt j .xl. daga med allre vegsemd og heimsens blidv. og lifdv vel gvdraekilega og hreinlega og vpp fyllttv sina lifdaga med gvdz kaerleika. (Rhb, 1:87.32-88.2) [King Oswald sailed back to England after this splendid victory, and when he arrived at home he at once celebrated his wedding. It lasted for forty days with all the pomp and pleasures of the world. And they lived righteously and chastely, ending their days in the love of God.]

The word hreinlega in the last sentence brings up a matter that played no role in the plot. Although Oswald had initially stated his desire to remain a virgin, chastity ceased to be an issue once the prophet announced that Oswald was to marry Princess Pia. One can of course argue that the reference to living hreinlega is to be interpreted as meaning chastely (as I have chosen to translate the word) - possible for a married couple even in the context of sexual intercourse56 — but the matter surfaces once more, and now unequivocally, at the conclusion of Oswald's life, where we read: So finzt og j sumlegvm historivm af sancte Osvalldo at hafe alldreigi bydzt neina qvinnv vtan halldith hreinlife alia sina daga. og kemvr petta ba og vel thil saman bviat hvergi finnzt bat at hann hafe att nockvt barn. (Rhb, 1:91.20-3) [In some legends about St Oswald it says that he never knew woman, but that he remained a virgin all his life. And this makes sense, for nowhere do we read that he ever had children.]

The reference to other legends undoubtedly was transmitted by Bjorn Porleifsson from his source, for a similar remark occurs in the Passionael, but with a striking discrepancy. One finds there no reference to his childlessness, but the simple remark: Ok vint men in etliken hystorien van sunte Oswalde. dat he nee ene vrouwe hadde. men he leuede kuscklyken de daghe synes leuendes. (Pass., Ciiii.d)

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[One reads in some stories about St Oswald that he did not have a wife, but lived chastely his entire life.]

In effect, with this one remark the bridal-quest narrative in 'some legends' is consigned to oblivion, for Oswald did not marry. The other extreme is found in a late fifteenth-century East Swabian redaction, which Curschmann considered the most consistent modernization of the tale, which concludes with the statement that 'King Oswald had children and heirs by his dear wife.' 57 The bridal-quest portion of Osvalds saga, while an entertaining story in its own right, is nevertheless an intrinsic part of a conversion and martyr legend. As fantastic a creature as the talking raven may be, he plays an essential role in the introductory portion of Osvalds saga, which is in effect a coronation legend, and in the large central section, that is, the combined bridal-quest and conversion narrative. The crown of martyrdom, which Oswald would gladly have earned in King Gaudon's country, is not bestowed until he subsequently engages in battle with three pagan kings, a battle for the faith during which Oswald is commanded to renounce the Christian God in favour of idols (Rhb, 1:88.33-89.27) and before which he hears a voice from heaven addressing him as 'God's martyr and noble knight' and promising him eternal glory on the morrow: Eyia bv pislavottvr gvdz og aerlegvr riddare Avsvallde. verttv ecki hryggr helldr gled big. bviat begar aa morgvn skallttv vera baede sitthiande og rikiande med gvde og hans vthvolldvm j himeRike og bo eigi bv einn at eins nema lika aller biner fylgiarar. (Rhb, 1:89-35-90.3) [Lo, God's martyr and noble knight Oswald! Do not be anxious but rather rejoice, for tomorrow you will be sitting and ruling with God and his elect in the kingdom of heaven, and not you alone but also all your companions.]

In the context of his ultimate death for the faith, the apocryphal bridal-quest tale exemplifies Oswald's activity as a missionary. An analysis of the content and structure of Osvalds saga shows that it transmits, albeit in greatly extended form, the legend as first recounted by Bede.58 In his Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum the details of Oswald's life, death, and miracles are scattered, but the salient features are the same as those of Osvalds saga - to wit, Oswald's elevation as king; the baptism of the heathen king Cynegils, who becomes Oswald's godson; Oswald's marriage to his daughter; Oswald's death in a battle against the heathen forces of King Penda on 5 August 642; and the ensuing miracles.59

236 The Book of Reykjaholar When the three texts discussed in this chapter were incorporated into the Passionael, an earlier discourse resembling that transmitted in the Icelandic legendary was levelled to the calm and austere discourse of the German legendary. Its function as edifying lecture determined its style, a primarily thirdperson narrative with the impartial tone of historiography. The anonymous author of the essay on the benefits of printing, found in the Liibeck Plenarium of 1492 (see chap, i), encouraged the reading of, among other works, 'dat passionael van alien hilghen,' that is, the legendary containing the narratives discussed above and elsewhere. The essay unambiguously considers these products of the art of printing as exemplary, and implicitly exhorts to go and do likewise. It is doubtful that the Low German legends of Gregorius peccator, Henry and Cunegund, and Oswald that were translated by Bjorn Porleifsson would have elicited the same approval by the author of the aforementioned essay that he granted their succinct redactions in the great Low German legendary. Whereas the Passionael clearly reflects a late medieval tendency to reduce narratives to their bare skeletons in the service of edification, the Icelandic renditions reveal that longer versions, more closely related to the older metrical romances, were still circulating. It should be remembered that the story of Gregorius peccator in Hartmann von Aue's metrical version was conceived for and read by a secular audience, the intrusion of religious elements notwithstanding. In the case of the legend of Henry and Cunegund, while it initially served propagandistic purposes and the cause of the imperial couple's canonization, its originally reliable biographical matter soon became a mere backdrop for the more engaging story of the bridal quest and Cunegund's ordeal. While scholars disagree as to the character of the original German legend of Oswald, one may safely assume that in its original form the hagiographic features known from Bede predominated, especially if one considers the antiquity of the saint's cult in the German-language area.60 The Icelandic legend derives from a German version that knew how to combine the sacred with the secular. Like the legend of Henry and Cunegund, which gradually introduced ever more fictional features into originally historical matter, becoming at last what has been called a 'monastic novel,' the legend of Oswald as first recounted by Bede gradually came to incorporate ever more fantastic features. Nevertheless, the version from which Osvalds saga derives retained important features of the conversion and martyr legend. The translation of these narratives by Bjorn f»orleifsson bears witness to the fact that at least in the Low German-language area saints' lives, both real and apocryphal, were still being transmitted in the long narrative form of romance. Reykjaholabok may therefore properly be considered to contribute to our

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knowledge of literature in the late Middle Ages beyond Iceland. While the legendary attests the importation of Low German narratives to Iceland, that is, the dissemination of German texts across the Atlantic, it also broadens our understanding of the nature and development of hagiography and pseudohagiography in the Low German-language area.

8 Bjorn Porleifsson: Collector of Myths

And here ends his legend, in praise of God and the saint, and for the delight of those who have listened. May it not increase the sins of the one who scribbled it down and may God reward the one who read it aloud. To all, however, eternal rest with God and all his saints in the kingdom of heaven without end. Amen.'

Thus concludes the legend of St Nicholas of Tolentino, the Augustinian friar and most recent saint — he was canonized in 1446 - in Reykjaholabok. The invocation of God and all the saints, and not infrequently of the particular saint whose legend has just been related, is a hagiographic topos both in Latin and in the vernacular. Only two legends in Bjorn t»orleifsson's anthology, Mariu saga og Onnu and Dominicus saga, do not contain such a formulaic ending. The legend of Mary and Anne is an incomplete text (six leaves are missing), and the conclusion has not been transmitted; the life of St Dominic finishes with an extended metaphor in which the saint figures as a radiant and fragrant rose among the thorns of this world (Rhb, 11:303.23—304.14). Even the apocryphal texts end with a prayer — including the sacred romance of the fictional Gregorius peccator, which refers to God's elect friend St Gregory and then offers praise and glory to God 'per omnia saecula saeculorum. Amen' (Rhb, 11:30.1417). Nikolaus saga is unusual, however, in that information concerning the production of the text is incorporated into the formulaic peroration. The legend — the word used here is historia, a loan into Icelandic from Low German — was produced, says the narrator, for both the praise of God and the saint and the delight of the listeners. The narrator expresses the hope that the writing of the text has not added to the sins of the writer, and that God will reward the person who read the text aloud. Only one other legend in Reykjaholabok contains a conclusion which, like that of Nikolaus saga, refers to the writer and reader of the work as well as to its

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listeners, namely Ambrosius saga. The legend of St Ambrose, like Stefanus saga and Laurencius saga, is not a translation from Low German but rather a copy of an older Icelandic translation from Latin, the oldest extant manuscript of which (AM 655 4to) dates from the second half of the thirteenth century. The conclusion of Ambrosius saga in Reykjaholabok transmits from its source (cf. HMS, 1:51.32-4) mention of the writer, reader, and listeners: And the legend will end here in the prayerful hope that the one who wrote this legend, and the one who told it, and everyone who listened to it will be granted St Ambrose's intercession and the help of his prayers for the forgiveness of sins and eternal happiness2

The passage is a cliche of a type not limited to saints' lives. A fourteenth-century chivalric romance, Remundar saga keisarasonar, concludes in a not dissimilar manner: Hafi sa pokk, er las, ok sa, er skrifa5i, ok allir peir, er til hlyQa. Geymi var nu allra gu5 f himimiki. Amen.3 [Thanks be to the one who read aloud, and the one who wrote this, and all who listened to it. May God in heaven preserve us all. Amen.]

The formulaic ending of Nikolaus saga diverges from the one above in the choice of word to designate the act of writing and in declaring how the text is to be received. The 'author' of the passage, through the voice of the narrator, informs us that the legend was produced for both the honour of God and St Nicholas and the 'delight' (til gamans) of the listeners. The production itself of the text is characterized somewhat disparagingly by the unusual - for the time verb krabba, to scratch or scribble. To call the act of writing the vita of a saint scribbling suggests a somewhat cavalier attitude towards the task or an honest opinion of one's own scribal skills. The word also occurs in the other great codex of saints' lives, Sth. 2 fol., and in a manuscript from around 1500 containing Grettis saga.4 The saga about the Icelandic outlaw Grettir concludes in a manner reminiscent, in fact anticipatory, of Nikolaus saga: Hafi peir bgkk, er hlyddu, en sa litla, sem krabbat hefir sgguna. Er her verksins endir, en ver sem allir gu5i sendir, amen.5 [Thanks to those who listened, and to the unworthy one who scribbled the saga. Here the work ends, while we all are the ones God sends, Amen.]

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In the light of the use of krabba in Grettis saga, Bjorn's choice of the word in Nikolaus saga may be seen as signalling his use of a type of humility formula or as a possibly ironic self-deprecatory assessment of his work. In the Sth. 2 legendary the word krabba most likely denotes doodling rather than writing. At the bottom of one of the leaves containing Augustinus saga (36r) one finds a picture of a flying dragon accompanied by the legend 'uel er krabad' ('this is nicely doodled').6 Augustinus saga was witten by Bjorn f>orleifsson's great uncle Ormur Loptsson (see below), and the dragon (ormur in Icelandic) may actually be meant as his ideograph,7 while the remark presumably is a comment not on his writing but on his skill in drawing. The association of the word with doodling in Sth. 2 makes Bjorn's use of the word to refer to the process of writing a saint's life all the more remarkable,8 since he had a very neat and clear hand. It is impossible to ascertain whether the specific character of the invocation already existed in the Low German source - in any case, the legend of St Nicholas in the Passionael does not contain a corresponding text or whether in this instance we can detect the voice of the Icelandic translator, Bjorn f>orleifsson. That he himself composed the passage is suggested, however, not only by the similar formulation in Grettis saga - which attests the use of the phrase a couple of decades before Bjorn wrote Reykjaholabok — but also by the only marginalium in Reykjaholabok in Bjorn's hand. At the bottom of one of the folios containing Barlahams saga og Josaphats (iQra) Bjorn has written the following couplet: Liot er letur mitt ef lytur a Jjat mey hvit. [If a fair maiden sees my writing, she will consider it ugly.]

The sentiment expressed is not original; the same lines can be found on two late fifteenth-century documents.9 The repetition at the end of Nikolaus saga of a negative assessment of the handwriting similar to that in the marginal couplet suggests that the implicitly self-derogatory remark in the peroration is indeed Bjorn's own, and by extension that his too is the reference to gaman, which may thus also shed some light on his motivation for translating and writing the legend, indeed the entire legendary. Nikolaus saga is the only text in Reykjaholabok in which the word gaman occurs in connection with a text's reception. Icelandic gaman and the more or less synonymous skemmtan range in meaning from the intellectual to the physical, from entertainment and amusement through enjoyment and pastime of any kind to sexual pleasure, depending upon context. The word 'delight' was chosen

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to render gaman in the peroration of Nikolaus saga because of its fairly neutral tone, which also permits one to understand the word as embracing spiritual joy and delight. The specific connotation of the word cannot be ascertained. Sverrir Tomasson speculated that the etymons gaman and skemmtan referred in the older lives of the saints to the legends' usefulness, and that the occurrence of either word in the vitae, be they translated or original, denoted not entertainment or the pleasure of a good story but rather spiritual delight and edification. The emphasis, according to Sverrir Tomasson, was on utilitas rather than delectatio, especially if skemmtan occurs in a broader lexical context of vocabulary referring to edification, such asfrodleikr (learning) or nytsemd (usefulness).10 While this is the case in some older Icelandic legends, there is no evidence in Reykjaholabok that Bjorn entertained didactic intentions. Some of the other, younger marginalia in Reykjaholabok attest that the work was read and that some readers reacted critically to the legends (see chap. 4). While a notation in Latin (in the left margin of fol. loor) in Augustinus saga, a quotation of St Paul's Epistle to the Hebrews (1:1-2) - 'extremis diebus hisce locutus est nobis' - may express one learned reader's belief that God speaks to us through the legends, or at least through the saints, other remarks indicate that the texts were considered neither instructive nor edifying. One reader equates Reykjaholabok with a lygabok, a book of fiction; another remarks that the texts are onytsamlegar, 'useless,' that is, not edifying, and furthermore compares them to fables (cf. Rhb, l:xli). The tone of the comments implies that the readers expected edification but were disappointed. The only identifiable comment of this sort comes from the seventeenth-century non-Icelander Olaus Verelius, the first professor of antiquities in Uppsala, who owned or in any case used the manuscript. Verelius produced a table of contents for Reykjaholabok that is quite straightforward, except in respect to the legend of Stephen protomartyr. He writes, 'St Stephen, in whose legend you can see as in others the most shameful and impudent lies of the monks, about miracles occurring at his relics and sepulchres, which far surpass the miracles of Christ and the apostles.'" Verelius's remark suggests an attitude similar to that expressed by Martin Luther in his edition of the Liigend of St John Chrysostom. Reykjaholabok provides no textual internal evidence that permits us to infer how Bjorn £>orleifsson understood the word gaman. There is no reason to think, however, that even a text originally conceived to be edifying cannot also have been written (copied or translated) or received as amusing and entertaining, especially if one considers the influx of matter from folklore and romance into hagiography in the high and late Middle Ages. Recall that Hermann Korner's Low German Cronica, which inter alia contains sacred legends, purported to provide 'pastime and amusement' (see chap. i). Similarly, the Franciscan

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preacher Johannes Pauli's monumental Schimpfund Ernst (published in 1522), a collection of exempla, among them miracle stories, including three Marian tales also found in Dat Passionael and in Reykjaholabok (see chap. 5), suggests by its very title that the edifying does not necessarily exclude the amusing, and conversely that the entertaining can be instructive. The apologia in the preface to his collection addresses the issue. He explains that he has entitled the work Schimpf und Ernst, that is, 'In Jest and Earnest,' because 'it contains many amusing, pleasant, and funny exempla, so that the spiritual children in the cloistered monasteries have something to read that will enable them from time to time to entertain and rest their minds, since one can not always maintain seriousness; similarly, so that those residing in palaces and on mountains, who are pleasure-loving, may encounter some frightening and serious things, by means of which they will amend their lives ..."2 A tradition of reading saints' lives, like the exempla, for entertainment existed outside Iceland, and there is no reason not to understand Bjorn's desire that the audience derive gaman from Nikolaus saga as expressing the intention of providing pleasure through a story well told. Not once in Bjorn's legendary does one find a reference, either explicitly or implicitly, to the usefulness or didactic purpose of the texts. Especially the legends discussed in the previous two chapters are by virtue of their dramatic discourse and attention to detail quite entertaining. The concluding prayer in Nikolaus saga is therefore noteworthy because it implies that texts a modern reader perceives as amusing were also, at least according to this one remark concerning the reception of the legend, intended to be entertaining in the early sixteenth century. Furthermore, if one compares the concluding remarks in the legend of St Nicholas with those in similar texts or collections of texts, one discovers a difference. Absent is any indication that the Icelandic legend has an exemplary function, that listening to the saint's life is to lead to the moral improvement of the audience. The omission suggests a departure from the clearly didactic use of hagiography as expressed, for example, in the essay on the art of printing found in the 1492 Plenarium of Liibeck (see chap, i), where the author singles out the reading of saints' lives as a means of perceiving the will of God ('dar du den willen gades vth lezen vnde leren machst'), and notes that even if one cannot read, one can have someone else read aloud from such books as Dat Passionael ('efte dat passionael van alien hilghen.' For want of any authorial commentary in Reykjaholabok concerning the intended reception of the legendary or comments in other documents by either Bjorn himself or his contemporaries about his extensive oeuvre of sacred texts (we call to mind the existence of fragments of his translation of the Book of Revelation and some lives of apostles), one can only hazard a guess as to the forces in his life that led him to invest so much time and energy in producing the exceptional legendary.

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Just as there is no evidence that Bjorn's saints' lives were meant to instruct or edify, so there is no indication that the preservation of saints' lives at the very end of the Catholic period was an act of piety on Bjorn's part. Nonetheless, there was a sufficient foundation in the faith, or piety, in Bjorn's family for one of his sons, Porleifur, to become a priest (//£, V: 174-5). That a wealthy landowner would invest valuable time in copying existing hagiographic texts, translating Low German legends, and compiling a large anthology is not unusual in an Icelandic context. As Sigur5ur Nordal observed several decades ago, two factors contributed significantly to the creation in Iceland of an environment that made possible the production of an unusually large number of manuscripts in the Middle Ages and even in the modern period: time and calfskin.'3 No matter how poor, Icelandic farmers enjoyed a way of life that owing to the climate included long periods of leisure. They had their cows and sheep, and during the long months of an extended winter they could, if they were so inclined, devote themselves to producing vellum and writing manuscripts - and to judge by the extant manuscripts, which represent only a fraction of the actual output, many farmers did pursue such activities. Bjorn f>orleifsson himself came from a distinguished family, several generations of which had an impact on the country's literary production (see chap. 2). Ormur Loptsson, a brother of his paternal grandmother, was a famous chieftain and lawman, who is recorded as being the governor (hirdstjori) of northern and western Iceland in 1436. He was the owner of the estate at SkarS in western Iceland and is presumed to have commissioned the writing of Codex Scardensis, a large manuscript containing the lives of the apostles. In any case, he is the first recorded owner of the manuscript, which he bequeathed to the church at SkarS in I4OI.' 4 This same Ormur was interested enough in having sacred legends recorded that he himself worked as a scribe. He wrote down most of the texts in the other great codex of saints' lives, Sth. 2 fol.;'5 subsequently, another large compilation of saints' lives, today transmitted only in fragments (in the leaves of AM 238 vm fol.), 'was written in whole or in part by Ormur Loptsson after Stockholm 2 was finished."6 Thus, given that in addition to Reykjaholabok Bjorn f>orleifsson wrote a legendary containing lives of the apostles, he and his great-uncle produced Iceland's two largest extant collections of saints' lives as well as two similar compilations that have unfortunately been preserved merely as fragments. There is no lack of evidence that laymen in Iceland both commissioned the writing of manuscripts and were themselves engaged in writing them; the secular and regular clergy were not alone in undertaking such activity. Like Bjorn, his father E»orleifur Bjornsson seems to have had literary interests. It is likely that he had purchased Flateyjarbok (The book of Flatey), a massive late fourteenthcentury collection of biographies of the Norwegian kings and the largest Icelan-

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die manuscript in vellum, and he either owned or himself wrote a medical miscellany (see chap. 2).'7 In general, the objective in production of such large manuscripts was to collect not only related texts, for example, Sagas of Icelanders, biographies of Norwegian kings, learned tracts, or, in the case of Reykjaholabok, lives of the saints, but, in some instances, also disparate textual types - a library in one volume as it were; and these bear witness to the diverse interests of those who commissioned or owned the manuscripts.'8 The question remains why Bjorn Porleifsson concentrated his literary activity on the production of sacred texts so obviously connected with the Roman church at a time when the teachings of the Reformation were beginning to take effect in Iceland. Two legends in Reykjaholabok may offer at least a clue as to a possible source of material, namely Augustinus saga and Nikolaus saga. Augustinus saga is noteworthy in that it is not a copy of an older Icelandic translation from the Latin - Bjorn could very well have copied the text in the Sth. 2 codex (35~4ova) produced by his greatuncle Ormur - but rather a translation from Low German of a different narrative type tending towards the folkloristic through the inclusion of popular late medieval miracle stories. The acquisition of the Low German legend of St Augustine in Iceland, when his legend was already known through Runolfr Sigmundarson's translation, can be explained as born of a desire not so much for novelty as for further information concerning one of the most important teachers of the church and the author of the rule according to which most monasteries in Iceland were governed. Iceland's proto-saint, I^orlakr (1133—93), founded the Augustinian house at Pykkvabaer (i 168) and presided as its first abbot and prior. The Augustinians may have been responsible for the importation not only of the second, that is, the Low German, legend of St Augustine but also of a Low German version of the life of the relatively unknown Nicholas of Tolentino, who died in 1305 and was the most recent member of the order to be canonized. He was proclaimed a saint in 1446, less than a century before his vita was translated into Icelandic by Bjorn t»orleifsson. Whereas the extraordinary popularity of St Anne at the end of the Middle Ages explains why her legend should have reached Iceland in two different Low German versions (see chap. 3), St Nicholas's renown was quite restricted, but the importation of his legend in Iceland is understandable from an Augustinian perspective. The transmission of a new version of the life of St Augustine and a fairly recently composed legend of the 'modern' Augustinian friar St Nicholas may reflect the impact of the Augustinian monasteries in Iceland, one of them, Helgafell, close to Reykjaholar by sea, another, ViSey, more distant but indirectly linked to Bjorn I>orleifsson through his dealings with Ogmundur Palsson, prior of the monastery before his consecration as bishop of Skalholt.

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While Bjorn f»orleifsson may have obtained some of his Low German texts from one or the other Augustinian monastery or from the episcopal see at either Holar or Skalholt - we should recall that inventories of both bishoprics reveal the existence of Low German materials (see chap. 2) — our limited knowledge prevents the identification of sources. In the last analysis, we have no certain evidence other than the texts themselves. Any tenable conclusions concerning Bjorn's motivation for or objective in producing Reykjaholabok derive from the legendary itself. As we have noted, the production of a hagiographic codex outside a monastic environment was not unusual in Iceland, nor was such literary activity as copying or compiling texts uncommon among Icelandic laymen. Why, however, did Bjorn Porleifsson, if he had literary ambitions and interests, copy and translate saints' lives, when he might have produced secular texts, as did his half-brother f»orsteinn Porleifsson (see chap. 2)? One can infer something about his objectives in producing the anthology and about his personality from the texts themselves. He may justifiably be characterized as possessing a scholarly bent, to judge by his method as an editor and compiler. His texts do not derive from a single source: three are copies of existing legends, twenty-two are translations from Low German. It is impossible to ascertain whether his German sources were imprints or manuscripts, but they do not seem to represent a unified collection. Their sequence in Reykjaholabok reflects no recognizable grouping, either according to the church year or by type or age of saint. They range from the earliest martyrs to the great teachers of the church, from members of religious orders to apocryphal figures. The content of the legends represents the hagiographic as well as the folkloristic and novelistic. Notable is the inclusion of saints — and types of legends — that may be considered 'modern' from a medieval perspective, such as Sts Henry and Cunegund, Dominic, Rochus, and Nicholas of Tolentino. In other words, in the West Fjords of Iceland one was aware of hagiographic developments on the Continent through the importation of literature. Bjorn t»orleifsson did not copy or translate for the sake of the activity itself. As we saw in chap. 4, he avoided duplicating matter that he knew to be available elsewhere, presumably in his own oeuvre, and he intervened in texts he was copying to inform the reader when he was deleting matter and to indicate that it could be found in another legend. Conversely, he was concerned about transmitting a complete hagiographic tradition. For this reason he translated a second Translatio of St Stephen from a Low German version and intercalated it into the Icelandic text he had before him. A somewhat different - and more difficult - approach, but informed by the same desire for completeness, was taken in the legend of Gregorius peccator, where Bjom had access to deviating Low German versions. While he translated the totality of one text, he also repeatedly

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interpolated matter from a diverging redaction, all the time informing the reader of his textual interventions. His decision to translate a new Augustinus saga despite the availability of an older Icelandic version may have been similarly generated by a desire to record the entire hagiographic tradition about the church father. Although Bjom made mistakes in copying and translating and was occasionally careless, he has left evidence that he proofread what he had written, and this practice suggests a scholarly concern for the accuracy of his work. Bjorn's other interventions in the texts - for example, when he explains the meaning of a word or a foreign concept or when he anticipates criticism by remarking that some information was not available to him - have the character of learned notes. They bespeak an awareness of the needs of his Icelandic readers and a preoccupation with the reception of the text. Bjorn could have copied and translated other types of texts, but he chose to transmit saints' lives. As noted above, there is no evidence that he was motivated by devotion to the saints or that he expressed opposition to the efforts of the Reformers by transmitting the lives of both old and modern saints. His method as editor and compiler bespeaks a scholarly temperament, however, and the choice of saints' lives may be the expression of a historian's regard for the past and a collector's search for the unfamiliar and rare, to wit, Low German narratives as yet unknown in Iceland. Three other Icelandic collections of texts come to mind, one anonymous and the other two produced by men who manifest a similar urge to collect and preserve texts. The fame of the one, Haukr Erlendsson, is restricted to Iceland and to scholars of its literature; the other, Snorri Sturluson, is an international personality. One of the more unusual of Icelandic manuscripts is a codex known as Hauksbok (Hauk's book), after Haukr Erlendsson (d. 1334), an Icelander by birth who spent the last three decades of his life as a lawman in Norway, and who not only commissioned the work but also wrote and edited considerable portions of it. Unlike Reykjaholabok, Hauksbok is an omnium-gatherum containing both translations from the Latin and indigenous Icelandic literature; historical and semi-historical works; mathematical treatises and philosophicaltheological dialogues; geographical and geological tracts; and Sagas of Icelanders. Hauksbok has been characterized as 'an entire private library, which Haukr, with assistance, wrote for himself."9 Like Reykjaholabok, Haukr's compilation was produced with a view to collecting in one volume a rather large anthology of texts; unlike Bjorn's collection, however, it has disparate contents, and texts not all of which were produced by the collector himself. Given the nature of the subject matter, Bjorn Porleifsson's anthology invites comparison with one of the best-known works of Icelandic literature, the Prose (or Younger) Edda by the Icelandic historian and man of letters Snorri Sturlu-

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son (i 178/9-1241). This work may be considered the first history of Germanic religion.20 Primarily in the part known as Gylfaginning, which contains the fullest and most systematic account of Norse mythology transmitted to us, Snorri retold the pagan Germanic myths at a time when Christianity had been the law of the land for over two centuries.21 He preserved the pagan legends not because he believed in them but because they represented a part of his culture and enabled his contemporaries - and succeeding generations - to understand better ancient texts, especially skaldic poetry.22 In the Edda we glimpse not only Snorri the scholar but also Snorri the consummate storyteller. The tale of f>6r's voyage to the realm of UtgarSa-Loki, for example, is such a narrative masterpiece that some scholars consider it a mythic novella, a product of Snorri's own imagination.23 Be that as it may, Snorri preserved for us tales that presumably were considered entertaining in the Middle Ages and are still considered so today. As a collector and historian with a scholar's regard for sources he wanted to preserve in writing the learning and oral traditions that existed in the past and were still known in his time. The primary source of his work were the lays collectively known as the Older or Poetic Edda. The poetry of this other so-called Edda is preserved in a manuscript from around 1270 known as the Codex regius. This manuscript is a copy of another, no longer extant codex, written between 1200 and 1240. While the composition of Snorri's Edda can be ascribed to a historian's desire to record the past, we know nothing about the person responsible for committing the mythological and heroic lays to vellum. It is therefore somewhat more difficult to surmise the creative impulse that led to the preservation of this anthology of pagan matter two centuries after Iceland had officially adopted Christianity. The lays were presumably written down by men of learning who considered the myths entertaining, but, as one scholar has noted, one is hard put to understand what prompted Christians to devote themselves to poetry about the heathen gods.24 It seems safe to say, however, that we owe our knowledge of Germanic mythology not to belief in the pagan gods but rather to an interest in the past and delight in a good story. It is impossible to determine whether Bjorn Porleifsson believed all the Christian myths he was copying and translating three centuries later, but such is unlikely. In any case, marginalia in Reykjaholabok attest that some Icelandic readers received the sacred legends as fiction. The 'author' of Reykjaholabok presumably was as amused by some of the legends he was translating as we are today. Given the entertaining character of some of the narratives, it is not unlikely that Bjorn translated the Low German texts because they were such good stories. Like Snorri, Bjorn maintained a scholarly reserve, however, vis-avis the sources he copied and translated. When faced by contradictions or

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diverging accounts, he chose to distance himself by transmitting deviating details or accounts. He let the reader know rather good-humouredly that in case of dispute God is to be the final arbiter. And thus Bjorn f»orleifsson, collector and translator of Christian myths, is remembered for an extraordinary literary achievement — the production of the last of the great medieval legendaries.

Notes

Chapter i 1 Die Lugend von S. Johanne Chrysostomo, an die Heiligen Veterjnn dem vermeinten Concilia zu Mantua, durch D. Marti. Luther gesand. WA 50. Subsequent references are to WA 50. 2 Rudolf Schenda, 'Hieronymus Rauscher und die protestantisch-katholische Legendenpolemik,' in Volkserzdhlung und Reformation. Ein Handbuch zur Tradierung und Funktion von Erzdhlstoffen und Erzdhlliteratur im Protestantismus, ed. Wolfgang Bruckner (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1974), p. 187 n. 19. 3 'desperate lies and idolatry,' 'real lie-gends, stinking, festering, devilish lies' (WA 50, 53)4 Werner Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederldndischen Legendare des Mittelalters. Studien zu ihrer Uberlieferungs-, Text- und Wirkungsgeschichte, Texte und Textgeschichte, Wiirzburger Forschungen, 20 (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1986), p. 188. 5 Werner Williams-Krapp, 'German and Dutch Legendaries of the Middle Ages: A Survey,' in Hagiography and Medieval Literature: A Symposium (Odense: Odense University Press, 1981), p. 73. 6 Werner Williams-Krapp, 'German and Dutch Translations of the Legenda aurea,' in Brenda Dunn-Lardeau, ed., Legenda aurea: Sept siecles de diffusion, Actes du colloque international sur la Legenda aurea: texte latin et branches vernaculaires a 1'Universite du Quebec a Montreal 11-12 mai 1983 (Montreal: Editions Bellarmin, 1986), p. 229. Williams-Krapp remarks that Sebastian Brant's 1502 Strassburg edition was published in 1,000 copies, 'a remarkably large edition for the time' (p. 229). 7 Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederldndischen Legendare, pp. 237-8. 8 'Das gleubt ja der Bapst nicht, ob ers gleich wueste' (WA 50, 56). 9 'Je, das mus ja war sein, wer kundts erdencken' (WA 50, 57).

250

Notes to pages 4-5

10 'Und Gott lob, das die luegend ein ende hie hat. 1st doch eine luege an der andern gelogen. Aber man hats muessen gleuben' (WA 50, 61). 11 See Schenda, 'Hieronymus Rauscher und die protestantisch-katholische Legendenpolemik,' p. 187 n. 18; Sherry L. Reames, The Legenda aurea: A Reexamination of Its Paradoxical History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 39-41. 12 The text is taken from the 1492 Liibeck imprint ofDat Passionael (CCCxlix.b), which was published by Steffan Arndes. I used the copy found in the Royal Library in Copenhagen. Andre Schnyder cites a fragmentary High German translation of the above in his article 'Legendenpolemik und Legendenkritik in der Reformation: Die Liigend von St. Johanne Chrysostomo bei Luther und Cochlaus. Ein Beitrag zur Rezeption des Legendars Der Heiligen Leben,' Archivftir Reformationsgeschichte 70 (1979), 136. His text is taken from Severin Riittgers, ed., Der Heiligen Leben und Leiden anders genannt das Passional, vol. 2, Sommerteil (Leipzig: Insel Verlag, 1913), p. 500. Schnyder omits, however, the statement 'wo deme nu sy is gode bekant,' by which comment the narrator leaves open the question of the apocryphal tale's veracity. 13 See 'Johannes, Chrysostomus,' in Wolfgang Braunfels, ed., Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie (Rome: Herder, 1974), vol. 7, pp. 99-100. There is also a fourteenthcentury mosaic of the saint in the church of San Marco (vol. 7, p. 95). 14 See ibid., vol. 7, p. 101; Federico Patetta, Di una tavola della R. Galleria Estense con rappresentazioni tolte dalla leggenda di S. Giovanni Boccadoro, Memorie della R. Accademia di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti in Modena, ser. 3, vol. 7 (Sezione Art! ) (Modena, 1907); Paul Schubring, 'Die Chrysostomus-Legende,' Zeitschrift fur Bildende Kunst N.F. 24 (1913), 109-12. 15 See Hans-Peter Ecker, Die Legende. Kulturanthropologische Anndherung an eine literarische Gattung (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1993), p. 241 n. 890. 16 '... und wenn jm der tinten zeran, so schreib er aus seinem munde, So wurden es eitel guelden buchstaben, darumb so heisst man jn Johannes mit dem guelden mund' (WA 50, 61). Severin Riittgers published the text of Der Heiligen Leben found in the Augsburg imprint of 1513, and in some instances augmented it with additional material from the Low German imprints of Cologne 1485 and Liibeck 1492, and the Dutch imprint of 1490. In the case of the legend of St John Chrysostom, Riittgers published the High German redaction of Augsburg 1513, but in a note on the legend he provides the narrator's commentary - which we cite above - found in the Liibeck 1492 Passionael (see Der Heiligen Leben und Leiden, vol. 2, p. 500). The legend of St John Chrysostom occurs as 'Von Sankt Johannes Guldenmund' in vol. I, Winterteil, pp. 322-30. 17 In 1559, for example, Caspar Goltwurm denounced legends as fiction and lies, and some years later (1573) Andreas Hondorff identified the Historia Lombardica, that is, the Legenda aurea, as the major vehicle of creative writing. See Schenda,

Notes to pages 6-8

18

19 20 21 22 23

251

'Hieronymus Rauscher und die protestantisch-katholische Legendenpolemik,' p. 187 n. 18. As Schenda observes, a distinction obtained between the pre-Reformation theological criticism of hagiolatry, which was sober and based on rational argumentation, and Reformation criticism of the sacred vitae, which assumed the character of polemic (p. 188). Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 188. The figures given by Reames, The Legenda aurea: A Reexamination (p. 223 n. 4) can be revised on the basis of Williams-Krapp. Before 1500, 21 High German and 5 Low German editions were published, while 12 High German and 3 Low German imprints are attested after 1500. Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 273. Ibid., p. 272; see also Achim Masser, Bibel- und Legendenepik des deutschen Mittelalters (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1976), pp. 154, 157. Werner Williams-Krapp, 'Ordensreform und Literatur im 15. Jahrhundert,' Jahrbuch der Oswald von Wolkenstein Gesellschaft 4 (1986-7), 45. Ulla Williams and Werner Williams-Krapp, eds, Die 'Elsdssische Legenda Aurea', vol. i, Das Normalcorpus (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1980), p. 13. See B. Fleith, 'Le classement des quelque i ooo manuscrits de la Legenda aurea latine en vue de 1'etablissement d'une histoire de la tradition,' in Brenda DunnLardeau, ed., Legenda aurea: Sept siecles de diffusion (see n. 6, above), pp. 19-24; Reames, The Legenda aurea: A Reexamination, pp. 3-5, 197-209; Brigitte Derendorf, 'Die mittelniederdeutschen Bearbeitungen der Legenda aurea,' Niederdeutsches Jahrbuch. Jahrbuch des Vereinsfur niederdeutsche Sprachforschung 107

(I984X724 See Emst Voullieme, Der Buchdruck Kolns bis zum Ende des fiinfzehnten Jahrhunderts (Bonn: Hermann Behrendt, 1903), nos. 618-26. 25 Ferdinand Geldner, Inkunabelkunde. Eine Einfuhrung in die Welt desfriihesten Buchdrucks, Elemente des Buch- und Bibliothekswesens, 5 (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 1978), p. 207; Rudolf Hirsch, Printing, Selling, and Reading, 1450/Jjo, 2nd printing with a supplemental annotated bibliographical introduction (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1974), pp. 65-72. 26 Reinhard Wittmann, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels. Ein Oberblick (Miinchen: C.H. Beck, 1991), p. 41. For similar opinions on the use of hagiography as entertainment see Geldner, Inkunabelkunde, p. 208: 'Ob man manche von ihnen mehr zu den Unterhaltungs- als zu den religiosen Erbauungsbiichern zahlen soil... kann nicht eindeutig entschieden werden. Haufig dienten sie wohl beiden Zwecken.' 27 Maria Hobing, Legendarische Erzdhlformen des Wenzelpassionals, diss., Westfalische Wilhelms-Universitat zu Munster i. W. (Oelde i. Westf.: E. Holterdorf, I935),P- 1728 Richard Benz, trans., Die Legenda aurea des Jacobus de Voragine (Gerlingen: Ver-

252

Notes to pages 8-1 o

lag Lambert Schneider, 1955; I ith ed. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1993), p. xxxii: 'Alle deutsch iiberlieferte Legende 1st hier aufs gliicklichste mit dem allgemein und international Giltigen der Legenda aurea vereinigt in einem wahrhaften geistlichen Marchenbuch, das ebenbiirtig, ja iiberragend den weltlichen Volksbiichern jener Zeit zur Seite steht.' 29 Riittgers, Der Heiligen Leben und Leiden, vol. 2, pp. 459, 469. 30 See Werner Williams-Krapp, 'Studien zu "Der Heiligen Leben",' Zeitschriftfur deutsches Altertum unddeutsche Literatur 105 (1976), 294. Williams-Krapp refers to the contents of Staatsbibl. Preuss. Kulturbesitz, mgq 478, I5th century, and Heidelberg, Univ. Bibl., Cpg 119, I5th century. 31 Felix Karlinger, Legendenforschung. Aufgaben und Ergebnisse (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1986), p. 37. 32 See Charles Allyn Williams, The German Legends of the Hairy Anchorite, Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, 18 (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1935), p. 28. The text can be found on pp. 49-65. See also Dietz-Riidiger Moser, 'Chrysostomus,' DIM, 1:1270, and his Die Tannhduser Legende. Eine Studie fiber Intentionalitdt und Rezeption katechetischer Volkserzdhlungen zum BuJ3-Sakrament, Fabula, Zeitschrift fur Erzahlforschung, Reihe B: Untersuchungen, 4 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1977), pp. 89-91. 33 See Williams, The German Legends of the Hairy Anchorite, pp. 44-5; also Braunfels, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, vol. 7, pp. 100-1. 34 For a table illustrating the transmission of the Gregorius peccator tale through the centuries, see Bernward Plate, ed., Gregorius aufdem Stein. Friihneuhochdeutsche Prosa (15. Jh.) nach dem mittelhochdeutschen Versepos Hartmanns von Aue. Die Legende (Innsbruck UB Cod. 631), der Text aus dem 'Heiligen Leben' und die sogenannte Redaktion, Texte zur Forschung, 39 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1983), pp. 2-3. See also Masser, Bibel- und Legendenepik, pp. 168-71; Marianne E. Kalinke, '"Gregorius saga biskups"' and '"Gregorius aufdem Stein",' Beitrdge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 113 (1991), 67-88. 35 The tale may also exist in other editions of the Plenarium, but only the 1492 and 1493 editions were accessible to me. The exemplum (as found in the 1492 imprint) was published by Olaf Schwencke, 'Gregorius de grote sunder. Eine erbaulichparanetische Prosaversion der Gregorius-Legende im zweiten Liibecker MohnkopfPlenarium,' Niederdeutsches Jahrbuch 90 (1967), 63-88. 36 Geldner,Inkunabelkunde, p. 208. 37 Winfried Kampfer, Studien zu den gedruckten mittelniederdeutschen Plenarien. Ein Beitrag zur Entstehungsgeschichte spdtmittelalterlicher Erbauungsliteratur, Niederdeutsche Studien, 2 (Koln and Graz: Bohlau Verlag, 1954), p. 84. 38 Ibid., pp. 3, 7. 39 For the complete text, see ibid., pp. 239-40.

Notes to pages 10-12

253

40 'wan se horedew eyn wort des hyl I ghe« ewartgelij. dat se salich mochte make/i I dat prentede« se in eer herte' (ibid., p. 239). 41 Hirsch, Printing, Selling, and Reading, 1450-1550, p. 150. 42 'Uele lude seyn, de lesen wertlike boke vnde horen dar na vnde vorlesen al ere arbeyt, wente se ne vinden dar nicht der selen trost. Ichteswelke lude leset boke van Persevalen vnde van Tristram vnde van hern Didericke van den beme vnde van den olden hunen, de der werlde denden vnde nicht gode. Vnde in den boken en ys neyn nut, wente men en vint dar nicht der sele trost' (Margarete Schmitt, ed., Der grosse Seelentrost. Ein niederdeutsches Erbauungsbuch des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, Niederdeutsche Studien, 5 [Koln and Graz: Bohlau Verlag, 1959], p.i). 43 According to Ferdinand Geldner, Amdes was a court clerk and thus must have been fairly well educated (Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker. Ein Handbuch der deutschen Buchdrucker des XV. Jahrhunderts nach Druckorten, Vol. I, Das deutsche Sprachgebiet [Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1968], p. 214). 44 See Timothy Sodmann, 'Die Druckerei mil den drei Mohnkopfen,' in FrancoSaxonica. Miinstersche Studien zur niederlandischen und niederdeutschen Philologie. Jan Goossens zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Robert Damme, Lock Geeraedts, Gunter Miiller, and Robert Peters (Neumiinster: Karl Wachholtz Verlag, 1990), pp. 343-60, especially 355-7, 360. 45 Geldner, Die deutschen Inkunabeldrucker, pp. 212-14. 46 Hirsch, Printing, Selling, and Reading, 1450-1550, p. 72. 47 Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 188. 48 Ibid., pp. 315-31. 49 Ibid., p. 334. 50 Williams-Krapp, ibid., p. 314, writes: 'Fur die Wirkungsgeschichte des H[eiligen] L[ebenjs sind drei Verwertungsarten zu konstatieren: i) ganze Legenden, groBere Teile oder gar das gesamte Legendar werden in Werke hagiographischer Ausrichtung ubernommen; 2) Exzerpte aus dem H[eiligen] L[eben] - vor allem Mirakel - werden entsprechenden Legenden angehangt oder in sie integriert; 3) Legenden des H[eiligen] L[eben]s werden als Stoffquellen verwendet.' 51 Ibid., p. 314. 52 Williams-Krapp, 'German and Dutch Translations of the Legenda aurea,' pp. 227-8. 53 Masser, Bibel- und Legendenepik, pp. 187-9. 54 Hellmut Rosenfeld, Legende, 4th rev. and augmented ed. (Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1982), p. 63. 55 Ibid., p. 64; Masser, Bibel- und Legendenepik, p. 190. See also Konrad Kunze, 'Die Hauptquelle des Marterbuches,' Zeitschriftfur deutsche Philologie 88 (1969), 45-57; and 'Das Marterbuch. Grundlinien einer Interpretation,' Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie 90 (1971), 429-49.

254

Notes to pages 12-14

56 'Das Heiligenleben von Hermann von Fritslar,' in Franz Pfeiffer, ed., Hermann von Fritslar, Nicolaus von Strassburg, David von Augsburg, Deutsche Mystiker des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, I (Leipzig: G.J. Goschen'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1845), p. 6. Cf. Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 17. References below are to Pfeiffer, Hermann von Fritslar, pp. 4; 15-17 (St Nicholas); 117-22 (St George); 60-3 (St Anthony); and 174-7 (St Lawrence). 57 Rosenfeld, Legende, p. 64. 58 Cf. Wilfried Werner and K. Ruh, 'Hermann von Fritzlar,' DIM, 111:1055-9. 59 NBG, 120: '... eyn spegel der sammittycheyt. in der beschouwynghe des leuendes der hillighen ...' See Hermann Jellinghaus, Geschichte der mittelniederdeutschen Literatur, 3rd rev. ed., Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, 7 (Berlin and Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 1925), p. 49. The work was reprinted in 1507 in Rostock (NBG,

425)60 Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 35. The legendary is the only one that has been edited in modem times, by Williams and WilliamsKrapp, vol. I, Das Normalcorpus; and by Konrad Kunze, Die 'Elsdssische Legenda aurea,' vol. 2, Das Sondergut (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1983). 61 Derendorf, 'Die mittelniederdeutschen Bearbeitungen der Legenda aurea,' pp. 8-16. 62 Ibid., p. 9. 63 Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 53; Derendorf, 'Die mittelniederdeutschen Bearbeitungen der Legenda aurea,' pp. 8, 16-22. 64 Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 275. 65 Ute Obhof, ed., Das Leben Augustins im 'Niederrheinischen Augustinusbuch' des 75. Jahrhunderts. Uberlieferungs- und Textgeschichte. Teiledition (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1991), p. 60. 66 The legends were edited by Oskar Schade in Geistliche Gedichte des xrv. und xv. Jahrhunderts vom Niderrhein (Hannover: Carl Riimpler, 1854; repr. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1968): St Barbara, pp. 31-69; St Catherine, pp. 101-60; St Dorothy, pp. i29; St Margaret, pp. 71-99; St Ursula, pp. 161-202. 67 Geldner, Inkunabelkunde, p. 208. 68 See Jellinghaus, Geschichte der mittelniederdeutschen Literatur, p. 45. 69 On the expression of the cult of St Anne in art and literature in the late Middle Ages, see Kathleen Ashley and Pamela Sheingorn, eds, Interpreting Cultural Symbols: Saint Anne in Late Medieval Society (Athens and London: University of Georgia Press, 1990). See also Beda Kleinschmidt, OFM, Die heilige Anna. Ihre Verehrung in Geschichte, Kunst und Volkstum (Diisseldorf: L. Schwann, 1930). 70 Angelika Dorfler-Dierken, Die Verehrung der heiligen Anna in Spdtmittelalter und fruher Neuzeit, Forschungen zur Kirchen- und Dogmengeschichte, 50 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992), pp. 141-2. 71 Ibid., pp. 145, 281-2.

Notes to pages 14-16

255

72 See A. Ampe, 'Philips van Meron en Jan van Denemarken,' Ons Geestelijk Erf53 (1979), 267. On the St. Annen Biichlein in general, see pp. 268-78. 73 Ton Brandenbarg, Heilig Familieleven. Verspreiding en waardering van de Historic van Sint-Anna in de stedelijke cultuur in de Nederlanden en net Rijnland aan net begin van de moderne tijd (i$de/i6de eeuw), diss., Univ. Amsterdam (Nijmegen: SUN, 1990), pp. 287 and 302. Cf. GKW, 1994. 74 Ton Brandenbarg, 'St Anne and Her Family,' in Saints and She-Devils: Images of Women in the 15th and i6th Centuries, ed. Lene Dresen-Coenders (London: Rubicon, 1987), p. 105. 75 Brandenbarg, Heilig Familieleven, pp. 287-91. 76 Ibid., pp. 279-81, 286. 77 In his Die Druckkunst im Dienste der Kirche, zundchst in Deutschland, bis zum Jahre 1520, Gorres-Gesellschaft zur Pflege der Wissenschaft im katholischen Deutschland, Zweite Vereinsschrift, 1879 (Cologne, 1879; repr. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1969), Franz Falk lists 31510 Augsburg imprint of this work (p. 87). 78 There were subsequent editions of this work in 1493, 1496, and (two) 1497. 79 Brandenbarg, Heilig Familieleven, pp. 299-301. 80 Albert Schramm, Der Bilderschmuck der Friihdrucke, vol. 13, Die Drucker in Leipzig und Erfurt (Leipzig: Karl W. Hiersemann, 1930), p. 4, lists 'Anna S., Historia' s.a. as having been published by Martin Landsberg in Leipzig. I am unable to ascertain which version of the legend this imprint represents. 81 Falk, Die Druckkunst im Dienste der Kirche, pp. 86-97. 82 Hirsch, Printing, Selling, and Reading, 7450-7550, p. 65. 83 See NBC, 309, 327, 344. 84 Rosenfeld, Legende, p. 68. 85 Falk, Die Druckkunst im Dienste der Kirche, p. 93 n.; GKW, 9251. 86 Hans Vollmer, ed., Die Neue Ee, eine Neutestamentliche Historienbibel, Materialien zur Bibelgeschichte und religiosen Volkskunde des Mittelalters, 4 (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1929), p. Ixii. 87 Cf. Christoph Gerhardt, '"Historienbibeln"' (deutsche),' DLM, IV:6-J--J5. 88 Vollmer, Die Neue Ee, p. xii: 'Sie [Die Neue Ee] ist in der Tat ein religioses Volksbuch, in dem teilweise uraltes Uberlieferungsgut auf den verschiedensten Wegen zusammengeflossen, seine deutsche SchluBredaktion erhielt. Kaiser Oktavian, Alexander, Vom trojanischen Krieg, Herzog Ernst, Griseldis, die schone Magelone, Melusine, die vier Haimonskinder, Vom gehornten Siegfried und ahnliche Erzahlungen, wie sie Goethe wahrend seiner Knabenzeit zu Frankfurt aus wohlfeilen Drucken verschlang, sind wirklich die nur etwas weltlicheren Geschwister unserer '"Neuen Ee", ihr ahnlich zum Teil auch in der AuBerlichkeit, daB ihr prosaisches Gewand aus einem gereimten umgeschneidert wurde.' 89 Ibid., pp. xxv-xxvi. According to Vollmer, the work is extant in two manuscripts and

256 Notes to pages 16-17

90 91

92

93 94

95 96

97

98

99

100 101

seven incunabula, Augsburg 1476, 1481, 1482, 1491, and 1494 and Liibeck 1478 and 1482. The editions known to Vollmer (p. xvi) can be augmented with additional imprints listed in the GKW, 9248-54. Havich der Kellner, Sankt Stephans Leben, ed. Reginald J. McClean (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1930), p. v. C. Borchling, 'Mittelniederdeutsche Handschriften in Wolfenbiittel und in einigen benachbarten Bibliotheken. (Dritter Reisebericht),' in Nachrichten von der Konigl. Gesellschaft der W is sense haften zu Gottingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, 1902 (Beiheft) (Gottingen, 1902), p. 55. C. Borchling, 'Mittelniederdeutsche Handschriften in Skandinavien, SchleswigHolstein, Mecklenburg und Vorpommem. Zweiter Reisebericht,' in Nachrichten von der Konigl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen, Philologischhistorische Klasse, 1900 (Beiheft) (Gottingen, 1900), p. 164. Borchling, 'Mittelniederdeutsche Handschriften in Wolfenbiittel,' pp. 254-61. See Michael Curschmann, ed., Der Mu'nchner Oswald. Mil einem Anhang: Die ostschwdbische Prosabearbeitung des 15. Jahrhunderts, Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 76 (Tiibingen: Max Niemeyer, 1974), pp. 189-92. Ampe, 'Philips van Meron en Jan van Denemarken,' p. 268. A. Bachmann and S. Singer, ed., Deutsche Volksbucher. Aus einer Zurcher Handschrift desfunfzehnten Jahrhunderts, Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, 185 (Tubingen: Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1889), p. vii. 'Das Buch vom heiligen Georg' is found on pp. 259-328, and 'Das Evangelium Nicodemi' on pp. 345-62. Albrecht von Eyb, Ob einem manne sey zunemen ein eelichs weyb oder nicht, ed. Helmut Weinacht, 2nd ed. (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1990), pp. 80-1 ('Daz lob der Ee'), 62-70 ('Das man frawen ...'), 108-18 ('Das kein ...'). Weinacht writes, 'Ganz und gar unorganisch angefiigt erscheint der AbschluB,' but the tale gives Eyb the opportunity 'etwas anzufiihren, das in seiner '"weltlichen"' Schrift bisher umgangen wurde, die gottliche Gnade' (ibid., pp. xiii-xiv). Ibid., p. xviii n. 47; xxiii. See also Philipp Strauch, 'Deutsche Prosanovellen des 15. Jahrhunderts,' Zeitschriftfur deutsches Alterthum und deutsche Litteratur 29 (N.F. 17) (1885), 436. Jellinghaus, Geschichte der mittelniederdeutschen Literatur, p. 54. 'Libellus iste collectus est de diuersis libris: De bybblia, de passionali, de hysteria scolastica, de hystoria ecclesiastica, de speculo hystoriali, de decretis et decretalibus, de koronicis diuersis, de uita patrum, de collationibus patrum, de summa hinrici, de summa uiciorum et uirtutum et de omnibus libris quoscumque legere potero et audire' (Schmitt, Der grosse Seelentrost, pp. i, 140*; also 58-61 [St Christopher], 61-3 [St George], 236-7 [St Jerome]).

Notes to pages 18-19 257 102 Margarete Andersson-Schmitt, 'Uber die Verwandtschaft der Alexandersagen im Seelentrost und in der ersten niederlandischen Historienbibel,' in Felix Wortmann, Reinhold Moller, Margarete Andersson-Schmitt, William Foerste, and Lotte Foerste, eds, Mtinstersche Beitrdge zur niederdeutschen Philologie, Niederdeutsche Studien, 6 (Koln and Graz: Bohlau Verlag, 1960), p. 93. 103 Cf. Schmitt, Der grosse Seelentrost. pp. 32*-33*. 104 Niels Nielsen, ed., Sjxlens Tr0st ('Sidla Tr0st') (Copenhagen: UniversitetsJubilaeets Danske Samfund, 1937); G.E. Klemming, ed., Sjdlens Trost. Efter en gammal handskrift (Stockholm, 1871-3); S. Henning, ed., Siselinna Thr0st. Kritisk upplaga, Samlingar utgivna av Svenska Fornskrift-Sallskapet, 209, 211, 217 (Uppsala, 1954-7). 105 See Ecker's discussion of 'Die Liigend von St. Johanne Chrysostomo,' in Die Legende, pp. 238-43. 106 'Wiewol nu inn disem buechlein von der meB / walfarten / ablaB / anrueffung der lieben heyligen steet / So will ich doch in kein zweyffel stellen / ein jeder der zuo zimlichem verstand gotes wort kommen ist / werd sich darein wol der massen richten das er sein seligkeyt in bemelter stuck keinem / sonder allein vnd einig in gots lautern gnad vnnd barmhertzigkeit vnd im glauben an Jesum Christ suoche ...' (Jan Dirk-Miiller, ed., Romane des I j. und 16. Jahrhunderts. Nach den Erstdrucken mit samtlichen Holzschnitten, Bibliothek der friihen Neuzeit, I [Frankfurt am Main: Deutscher Klassiker Verlag, 1990], p. 590). 107 See Bodo Gotzkowsky, 'Volksbiicher'. Prosaromane, Renaissancenovellen, Versdichtungen und Schwankbiicher. Bibliographic der deutschen Drucke. Teil I: Drucke des 75. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Baden-Baden: Verlag Valentin Koemer, 1991), pp. 204-19, especially the imprints Strassburg 1520 , 1538, 1540, 1554; Niirnberg 1522; Zurich ca. 1545. 108 Ibid., pp. 281-3. 109 Ibid., p. 290: 'lustig vnd II nutzlich wider der weiber vntrew II zuolesen.' 110 Augsburg, Heinrich Steiner, 1540: 'nit mynders II nutzlich dann kurtzweylig zuolesen / Darnach ein yetweder / II gliicks abfal vnd zuofal erkennen mag' (ibid., p. 189). 111 'Wann guote main han ich dar inn / Jugent zeuebent vnd ir synn / Lieb zehaben alt geschicht / Dar jnn man fint der wiBhait dicht / Och annder ler exempel guot' (Hans-Dieter Kreuder, ed., Appolonius von Tyrus I Griseldis I Lucidarius, Deutsche Volksbiicher in Faksimiledrucken, A, 2 [Hildesheim, 1975]). 112 'Welche aber menschen sich disz buechlisz gebruchen woellen nach sitte der binen die von bluomen das beste Jnen tuegig vnd bekomlich zuo Jrem wercke samelnt vnd hinweg tragent / vnd das arg fiirgende still ligen lavssen / den selben hoff ich das nit minder komen zuo guotem nvitze dann zuo ergetzlichkait Jrs gemuetes' (Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini [Pius II] and Niklas von Wyle, The Tale of Two Lovers: Eurialus und Lucretia, ed., with introduction, notes, and glossary, by Eric John Morrall,

258

113 114 115

116

117

118

119 120 121 122

123

124 125

Notes to pages 19-22 Amsterdamer Publikationen zur Sprache und Literatur, 77 [Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988], pp. 66-7). See Strauch, 'Deutsche Prosanovellen des 15. Jahrhunderts,' p. 432 n. 2. Schmitt, Der grosse Seelentrost, pp. 229-33. Barbara Weinmayer, Studien zur Gebrauchssituationfruher deutscher Druckprosa. Literarische Offentlichkeit in Vorreden zu Augsburger Fruhdrucken (Miinchen: Artemis Verlag, 1982), p. 217. Walter Pabst, Novellentheorie und Novellendichtung. Zur Geschichte ihrer Antinomie in den romanischen Literaturen (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitatsverlag, 1967), p. I I . 'Nullus cultus gratior Mariae, quam si Mariae humilitatem imiteris. Nulla religio sanctis acceptior magisque propria, quam si virtutem illorum exprimere labores' (cited in Dorfler-Dierken, Die Verehrung der heiligen Anna, p. 204). Annemarie and Wolfgang Bruckner, 'Zeugen des Glaubens und ihre Literatur. Altvaterbeispiele, Kalenderheilige, protestantische Martyrer und evangelische Lebenszeugnisse,' in Volkserzdhlung und Reformation, ed. Bruckner (see n. 2, above), p. 522. Katharina Colberg, 'Korner (Corner, Koerner), Hermann OP,' DIM, V:3i9. Schnyder, 'Legendenpolemik und Legendenkritik in der Reformation,' p. 131. Schenda, 'Hieronymus Rauscher und die protestantisch-katholische Legendenpolemik,' pp. 189-90. Ibid., p. 200. Schenda writes: 'Das sichtbare Ergebnis waren jedenfalls Sammlungen, die nicht mehr didaktisch, sondern unterhaltsam waren. Die Exempel, aus ihrem Kontext gelost, illustrierten nun nicht mehr einen lehrhaften Gedanken und muBten also ohne den erklarenden Rahmen doppelt kurios und iiberraschend erscheinen. Die Protestanten warmten zudem Geschichten auf, die keineswegs mehr iiberall im Schwange waren, zumal sich die Kirche mehrfach gegen das WitzeErzahlen auf der Kanzel ausgesprochen hatte. So haben die Polemiker das eigentiimliche Verdienst, eine zum Teil bereits zu ihrer Zeit vergessene Literatur bewahrt und verbreitet und damit eine Reihe von anderswo nicht oder selten belegten Exempeln tradiert zu haben' ibid., p. 203). See also pp. 256—8. Siegfried Ringler, 'Zur Gattung Legende: Versuch einer Strukturbestimmung der christlichen Heiligenlegende des Mittelalters,' in Wurzburger Prosastudien II. Untersuchungen zur Literatur und Sprache des Mittelalters. Kurt Ruh zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Peter Kesting, Medium Aevum. Philologische Studien, 31 (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1975), pp. 264-5. Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederldndischen Legendare, pp. 295-300. Evelyn Birge Vitz, 'From the Oral to the Written in Medieval and Renaissance Saints' Lives,' in Images of Sainthood in Medieval Europe, ed. Renate BlumenfeldKosinski and Timea Szell (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1991), p. 99.

Notes to pages 22-5 259 126 'compositum ad utilitatem delectationemqve mendacium' (Soliloquia, 11, 9, 16; ed. J.-P. Migne, Patrologia Latino, vol. 32, col. 892). 127 Glending Olson, Literature as Recreation in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1982), p. 114. 128 Obhof, Das Leben Augustins, p. 107. See Derendorf, pp. 7-31. Chapter 2 1 Jon Sigur5sson, ed., 'Biskupa-annalar Jons Egilssonar, med formala, athugagreinum og fylgiskjolum,' in Safn til sdgu Islands og islenzkra bokmenta adfornu og nyju (Copenhagen: Hi5 islenzka bokmentafelag, 1856), vol. i, p. 75. 2 Cf. Jonas Gislason, 'Urn sira Jon Einarsson, prest i Odda,' in Soguslodir. Afmxlisrit helgad Olafi Hanssyni sjotugum 18. September 1979 (Reykjavik: Sogufelag, 1979), pp. 282-3. 3 Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir sidskiptaaldarinnar d Islandi, vol. I, Jon Arason (Reykjavik: Gu5m. Gamalielsson, 1919), p. 210. 4 Ibid., pp. 210-11. Pall Eggert Olason suggests these dates, because it is known that during this period there was animosity between Jon and Ogmundur. 5 According to the life of Jon Arason written by Magnus Bjornsson, his grandson, Ogmundur Palsson was opposed to the choice of Jon Arason as bishop of Holar and 'preferred to choose for the position a priest from the Skalholt diocese, whose name was Jon Einarsson, because he hoped that he would be subservient to him' ('heldur vildi hann kjosa par til einn prest ur Skalholts stikti, sem het sira Jon Einarsson, pvf hann vonaSi, a5 hann mundi ser undirdanugur' ('Urn biskup Jon Arason a6 Holum,' in Biskupa sogur [Copenhagen: Hi5 islenzka bokmentafelag, 1878], vol. 2, p. 327). Cf. Jon Helgason, Kristnisaga Islands frd ondverdu til vorra tima, vol. 2, Kristnihald pjodar vorrar eftir sidaskifti (Reykjavik: Felagsprentsmi5jan, 1927), pp. 3-5. In general, see chap. I, 'Evangeliskt kristnihald hefst,' pp. 6-84. 6 Cf. Jon Helgason, Kristnisaga Islands, vol. 2, p. 5. Jonas Gislason reached the conclusion that Jon Egilsson cannot be considered a reliable source and that the story about the Candlemas sermon is to be rejected (cf. 'Um sira Jon Einarsson, prest i Odda,' pp. 290-1). 7 The chronicle of Skalholt, written in 1593, relates the incident as follows: 'En a hvitasunnu-morgun fyrir solu ... anno 1540 [the correct date should be 1539] toku beir Didrich ser bat i Laugarnesi, attaering, og ryru til eyjarinnar xiiij saman, me5 einum islenzkum, sem var 6lafur Ingimundarson, hestamaSur peirra - var abotinn i landi \ sfnum fardogum e5ur utvegum - raktu beir burt folkiS, slou og borSu ok hroktu mennina ... en beir Donsku toku a5 ser Vi5ey og allar hennar eignir ... ru6u beir allt pa5 i kirkjunni var, en brutu hana ni5ur sjalfa; var5 ba margur oskapa arfur kirkjufjanna' ('Sogu-pattur um Skalholts biskupa fyrir og um siSaskiptin,' in

260 Notes to pages 25-9

8 9

10

11 12

13 14

15 16 17 18 19

20

Biskupa sogur [see n. 5, above], vol. 2, pp. 241-2. The same account appears in the chronicle of Jon Gizurarson, the grand nephew of Gizur Einarsson, written after 1643. Cf. Jon SigurSsson, ed., 'Ritgjorft Jons Gizurarsonar urn siSaskipta timana,' in Safn til sogu Islands og islenzkra bokmenta adfornu og nyju (see n. I, above), vol. i, pp. 661-2. Cf. also Bjorn Thorsteinsson, Island, trans. Preben Meulengracht S0rensen (Copenhagen: Politikens Forlag, 1985), p. 145. Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. I, p. 215. Cf. Bjorn Thorsteinsson, Island, p. 144; Chr. Westergard-Nielsen, Ldneordene i det 16. drhundredes trykte islandske litteratur, BA, 6 (Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1946), p. xxxvii. D7, XVI:457. See also Angelika Dorfler-Dierken, Vorreformatorische Bruderschaften der hi. Anna, Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 1992, 3. Abhandlung (Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitatsverlag, 1992), pp. 56-7. Westergard-Nielsen, Ldneordene, p. xxxvii. The Skalholt chronicle reports:'... hofSu bessir brfr veri6 i Skalholti nokkur an Gizur Einarsson, Gisli Jonsson og Oddur Gottskalksson; hofSu beir fengiS allir utanlands smekk af rettum evangelii laerdomi, en bordu ekki lata biskup Ogmund vita' ('Sogubattur um Skalholts biskupa fyrir og um siSaskiptin,' p. 242. Cf. Jon SigurSsson, ed., Ritgerd Jons Gizurarsonar um sidaskipti timana (Reykjavik: Jolabok Isafoldar, 1970). See also Jon Helgason, Almenn Kristnisaga, vol. 3, Lok midalda og sidbotatiminn (Reykjavik: Bokaverzlun Sigf. Eymundssonar, 1917), p. 367. Jon Helgason, Almenn Kristnisaga, vol. 3, p. 368. 'Sira Gizur hafSi gengiS til skola ut[an]lands, og var vel kunnandi, bar me5 var hann rett evangeliskur maSur, og framfylgdi gu5s or6a rettum og klarum ceremonium eptir Danmerkur rikis ordinantiu svo lengi sem hann Iif5i' ('Pattur um Ogmund biskup i Skalholti,' in Biskupa sogur [see n. 5, above], vol. 2, p. 269. 'Sogu-battur um Skalholts biskupa fyrir og um si6askiptin,' p. 249. See Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. I, 88-94, PP- 188-91. See Rhb, l:ix. The edition of the manuscript, in two volumes, reaches 872 pages in print. Ibid., I:xxix. Mariane Overgaard describes the fragments in her edition The History of the CrossTree Down to Christ's Passion: Icelandic Legend Versions, EA, B, 26 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1968), pp. xcix-cv. The fragment has been edited by Agnete Loth in 'Et islandsk fragment fra reformationstiden. AM 667, x, 4°,' Opuscula 4, BA, 30 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1970), pp. 25-30. The edited fragment is juxtaposed with Oddur Gottskalksson's corresponding text in the translation of the New Testament of 1540. See the facsimile edition, SigurSur Nordal, ed., Hid Nyja Testament 1540: Oddur Gottskalksson''s Translation

Notes to pages 29-31

21 22 23

24 25 26 27

261

of the New Testament (Roskilde, Hans Earth, 1540), Monumenta Typographica Islandica, i (Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard, 1933). Bjorn's text is characterized by some deviations vis-a-vis Oddur Gottskalksson's translation into Icelandic of 1540, for example in the modified order of the four figures of the evangelists. Where Oddur's text has the standard sequence of lion, ox, man, and eagle in chapter 4:7, Bjorn's text reverses the last two (lines 4-6). Nonetheless, Agnete Loth considers it quite certain ('helt sikkert') that Oddur Gottskalksson's translation was the basis of Bjorn's text (p. 29). Although Loth points out some significant discrepancies between the two texts, she explains them away by referring to Bjorn's tendency to be inaccurate ('Bjorn Porleifssons ogsa andre steder fra kendte un0jagtighed' [p. 29]). The statement is both ambiguous and misleading. Overgaard, The History of the Cross-Tree, p. cv. Ibid., pp. cx-cxvi. See Di, vii:769~7i; Rhb, I:xxxix-xl. Loth offers only a few examples of the strange forms in the Bergen document, but suggests that they are the first indications of the more extreme manifestations in Reykjaholabok (I:xl). The document in question is dated 30 May 1505 (cf. DI, VII:769-7l). In it Bjorn t»orleifsson puts property in Iceland in pawn with Hans Kruckow and his wife for a period of three years in exchange for 600 Bergenesque guilders. The orthography of the document is not only irregular but also highly eccentric. Departing from his practice in other documents, Bjorn here substitutes th for b, and ct or ckt for gt; doubles consonants; and writes d, g, and t as dh, gh, and th. Forms such as the following occur: komandha, thidh, sendhasth; thath (=pat); egh/eegh (=ek), ligghur, megha,fylgher, erffinghia,a k kvnneckth;fframasth, selltth. In addition, he uses several Low German loan words: xrlighre, klaghan, byplicthar, bytala (bythala, bijthalazth, bythalasth), kvith. Overgaard, The History of the Cross-Tree, also remarks on Bjorn's idiosyncratic Icelandic orthography and syntax, as well as the preponderance of German loan words (pp. cix-cx). To be noted, for example, are the words reikninghskap, opthnefndvm, peningh, verdoghs,fvllmecthogvm, ogh, allth, and qvithan. Stefan Karlsson, 'Ritun ReykjarfjarSarbokar. Excursus: BokagerS baenda,' Opuscula 4, BA, 30 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1970), pp. 137-40. Jonna Louis-Jensen, 'Den yngre del af Flateyjarbok,' in Afmselisrit Jons Helgasonar. 3O.junf 7969 (Reykjavik: Heimskringla, 1969), p. 244. 'Here commences the medical book of f»orleifur Bjomsson' (Henning Larsen, ed., An Old Icelandic Medical Miscellany: MS Royal Irish Academy 23 D 43, with Supplement from MS Trinity College (Dublin) L-2-2? [Oslo: Jacob Dybwad, 1931], pp. 21, 115). See also Henning Larsen, 'An Old Icelandic Medical Manuscript,' Annals of Medical History 9 (1927), 61. In her article 'Den yngre del af Flateyjarbok,' LouisJensen remarks that the Lxknabok must be a copy of a manuscript that Porleifur had either owned or written (p. 249).

262

Notes to pages 31-3

28 In their article 'Fyrirlat mer jungfruin hreina. Et norsk religi0st dikt fra senmiddelalderen,' in Eyvindarbok. Festskrift til Eyvind Fjeld Halvorsen 4. mai 1992, ed. Finn H0dneb0, Jon Gunnar J0rgensen, Else Mundal, Magnus Rindal, and Vesteinn Olason (Oslo: University of Oslo, 1992), Jon Gunnar J0rgensen and Vesteinn Olason suggest that the late medieval Marian poem 'Fyrirlat mer jungfruin hreina' may have been brought to Iceland from Norway by Bjorn Porleifsson, and that he may be responsible for the poem's Norwego-Icelandic language. 29 Arnor Sigurjonsson, Vestfirdingasaga 1390-1540 (Reykjavik: PrentsmiSjan Leiftur HF, 1975), pp. 359-60. 30 Rhb, I:xxx: 'Om hans opvaext og uddannelse vides intet.' 31 DI, vi:3i 1-12, no. 294: 'Wy syster Elsebe Egerdzdotter abbatissa brodher Ketil Beintzson confessor generalis ok alle syster ok brcedher i Munkalifs kloster. vidherkennas oss in Christo Jesu med thesso waaro naeruarandis brefue. ath wi upp a gudz troest. hans milde nad ok store miskun hafwom anamat aerlighin man Thorleiff Biomsson j fulkompelight broedralagh med oss j gudh.' See also Arnor Sigurjonsson, Vestfirdingasaga, pp. 211-12. 32 Louis-Jensen, 'Den yngre del af Flateyjarbok,' p. 246. 33 The library of the Birgittine motherhouse of Vadstena is said to have had 1,400 volumes in the Middle Ages (GuSbrandur Jonsson, 'Islenzk bokasofn fyrir siSabyltinguna,' Landsbokasafn islands. Arbok 1946-1947 [Reykjavik, 1948], 68). 34 See 'Hans Teiste,' in Norsk Biografisk Leksikon, ed. Edv. Bull and Einar Jansen (Oslo: H. Aschehoug & Co., 1931), vol. 5, p. 356. 35 Amor Sigurjonsson, Vestfirdingasaga, p. 395. 36 The letter, no. 129, is printed in DN, II: 111-12. 37 Letter no. 138, DW, 11:118-19. 38 Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, Ogmundur Pdlsson. Gizur Einarsson og samherjar hans (Reykjavik: GuSm. Gamalielsson, 1922), p. 85. 39 Ibid., p. 87. 40 Ibid., pp. 118-19. 41 Letter no. 210, DI, IX: 237: 'at wera oss og formonnum heilagrar skalholltzkirkiu til gagns og goda j pui honum waeri mdguligt'; cf. Rhb, I:xxxiii; Arnor Sigurjonsson, Vestfirdingasaga, p. 464. See also Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, P- 175Letter no. 269, DI, IX: 446-7. LTK, 1:1084-8; 111:478-9; vii:999. For a short time (1344-52) the monks at ViSey followed the Rule of St Benedict. On Icelandic monasteries in general, see Janus Jonsson, 'Urn klaustrin a Islandi,' Timarit hins islenzka bokmenntafjelagsins 8 (1887), 174-265. 46 Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, p. 128. According to Icelandic annals, ViSey monastery was established with five canons. In ViSey, as in all Augustinian

42 43 44 45

Notes to pages 34-5 263

47

48 49 50 51 52

53

54 55 56 57 58 59

monasteries, a prior governed the monastery; nonetheless here, and also in the monastery of MoSruvellir, the actual governing authority was the bishop of the see in which the monastery was located. Therefore, although Ogmundur resigned as abbot when he was chosen bishop of Skalholt, presumably he still fulfilled the kinds of functions that are ordinarily the domain of the prior. Cf. DI, 1:485-9, for the early history of ViSey. D/, IV: 110-11. GuSbrandur Jonsson, 'Islenzk bokasofn fyrir siSabyltinguna,' p. 76. For a popular history of the monastery see Ami Ola, Videyjarklaustur. Drag ad sogu Videyjarfram ad sidaskiptum (Akureyri: Kvoldvokuutgafan, 1969). HorSur Agustsson, 'Baekur,' in Kristjan Eldjarn and HorSur Agustsson, Skalholt. Skrudi og ahold ([Reykjavik:] Hi6 islenska bokmenntafelag, 1992), p. 292. Ibid., p. 294. See ibid., p. 299. 'Johannis Januensis historia Lombardica, brjii exemplaria' (ibid., p. 299). AM 227 8vo, 8ov: '3. Joannis Januensis Historia Lombardica sev Legenda aurea, Noriberge 1482. lacera ubivis et mutilata. 4. Joannis Januensis Historia Lombardica. 1482.... 5. Joannis Januensis Historia Lombardica, mutila in fine.' (HorSur Agustsson, 'Baekur,' pp. 303-4. Sancti Vincentii Sermones Sacri, de tempore & de Sanctis, Lugduni 1518 (AM 227 8vo, 8iv). The library also possessed an earlier imprint of the same, the Strassburg edition of 1488. See HorSur Agustsson, 'Baekur,' p. 304. In 1525 the northern bishopric of Holar possessed works by both Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus, as well as the Sermons of Jacobus de Voragine (DI, IX:298). Cf. Sverrir Tomasson, Formdlar islenskra sagnaritara a midoldum. Rannsokn bokmenntahefdar (Reykjavik: Stofnun Arna Magniissonar, 1988), p. 31. HorSur Agustsson, 'Baekur,' p. 304. See Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederldndischen Legendare, p. 84. See ibid., pp. 53-5. See ibid., pp. 312-13. HorSur Agustsson, 'Baekur,' p. 304; no. 60, pp. 320-1. Medieval Icelandic inventories occasionally list a 'plenarius,' but the term most likely refers to a missal containing all the parts of the mass in one book. In the early Middle Ages the term 'plenarium' or 'liber plenarius' designated the missal, but in the later Middle Ages it came to be used for the High and Low German translations of the epistles and gospels from the missal. Therefore it is not always easy to determine what the word was meant to designate in the Icelandic inventories (see LTK, vni:559-6o). An inventory of Laurentius church in Grund distinguishes between 'messubaekur per Annum ad song og lesi,' which presumably would not have contained other parts of the proper of the mass, such as the prayers, and a 'plenarius' (DI, 111:523). The reference to a 'plenarium' in the inventory of circa 1185 from Mariu

264

60

61 62

63 64

65 66

67 68

Notes to pages 36-7

kirkja at Hraun most certainly is to a missal (D/, 1:278), as are the 'ij. plenaria' in the inventory of SkinnastaSir in 1318 (D/, 11:427). 'The book of prophecies, epistles, and the holy gospel for the whole year, interspersed with many glosses and exempla, and completed [in the year] 1493 after the birth of our Lord.' See HorSur Agustsson, 'Baekur,' pp. 294, 298. In 1961 Ole Widding identified miracle no. 194 in Mariu saga as corresponding to an exemplum included in the 1492 Liibeck imprint of the Plenarium. He came to the conclusion that the 'Icelandic anecdote is a direct translation from the Liibeck print of 1492' (Ole Widding, 'A Preliminary Note on an Anecdote in the Mariu Saga,' Opuscula 2, I, BA, 25, I [Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1961], p. 92). He did not realize, however, that the exemplum, entitled 'Van der yuncfrouwen marien. Eyn exempel,' is also found in an edition of the Plenarium published by Steffan Arndes the following year (1493) in Liibeck. The imprints of 1492 and 1493 are different in the material incorporated for illustrative and didactic purposes, yet each of them contains the same two exempla that also found their way into Icelandic literature, the Marian miracle tale and the story of Gregorius peccator. While neither the Gregorius nor the Marian narrative agrees in every detail with the corresponding Icelandic versions, and while it therefore does not seem quite as 'safe,' as Widding writes, to conclude that the Marian exemplum is a 'direct translation' of the 1492 imprint - or of the 1493 imprint, which he did not know of- it is nonetheless plausible that the miracle tale reached Iceland via an edition of the Plenarium. Sagas of Icelandic Bishops: Fragments of Eight Manuscripts, ed. Stefan Karlsson, EIMF, 7 (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1967), p. 57. 'Islenzk bokasofn fyrir siSabyltinguna,' pp. 76-7. In the same article, GuSbrandur Jonsson also accounts for the holdings of monasteries. One of the most illustrious was the Augustinian monastery at MoSruvellir, of which we possess an inventory from 1461. Cf. Einkur PormoSsson, 'Bokaeign MoSruvallaklausturs 1461,' Mimir 12 (1968), 18-20. Among its Latin books were 'Vite et passiones plurimorum sanctorum,' and its Old Norse holdings included both legendaries and individual saints' lives as well as a book of Marian miracles ('miraculum bok vorar frv,' p. 19). 'Jacobus a Voragine,'DLM, IV:452. Jacobus de Voragine produced four collections of homilies, the aforementioned sermons for Quadragesima and for the saints as well as 'Sermones de omnibus evangeliis dominicalibus' and the 'Liber Marialis,' the latter a collection of Marian sermons. Cf. DLM, IV:45O-i. Halldor Hermannsson, Jon Gudmundsson and His Natural History of Iceland, Islandica, 15 (Ithaca: Cornell University Library, 1924), p. xvi. See Olafur Halldorsson, Helgafellsbsekurfornar, Studia Islandica, 24 (Reykjavik: Heimspekideild Haskola Islands and Bokautgafa menningarsjoSs, 1966), pp. 45-7.

Notes to pages 37-40

265

69 Jonas Kristjansson, Eddas and Sagas: Iceland's Medieval Literature, trans. Peter Foote (Reykjavik: Hi5 islenska bokmenntafelag, 1988), pp. 135, 148-9. 70 For a survey, see Hans Bekker-Nielsen, 'Legender - Helgensagaer' and 'Islandsk senmiddelalder,' in Non~0nfortcellekunst. Kapitler af den norsk-islandske middelalderlitteraturs historic, ed. Hans Bekker-Nielsen, Thorkil Damsgaard Olsen, and Ole Widding ([Copenhagen:] Akademisk forlag, 1965), pp. 118-43. The wealth of Icelandic hagiography is revealed in Ole Widding, Hans Bekker-Nielsen, and L.K. Shook, CSB, 'The Lives of the Saints in Old Norse Prose: A Handlist,' Mediaeval Studies 25 (1963), 294-337. 71 Sverrir Tomasson, 'Kristnar truarbokmenntir f obundnu mali,' in Islensk bokmenntasaga, ed. Vesteinn Olason (Reykjavik: Mai og Menning, 1992), vol. I, p. 425. 72 See Gabriel Turville-Petre, Origins of Icelandic Literature (Oxford: Clarendon, 1953), pp. 115-22; Theodor Wisen, ed., Homiliu-B6k. Isldndska homilier efter en handskrift frdn tolfte drhundradet (Lund: C.W.K. Gleerups Forlag, 1872), pp. 175.25-176.31; 201.3-207.36. 73 Turville-Petre, Origins of Icelandic Literature, p. 134. 74 See Olafur Halldorsson, Helgafellsbsekurfornar, pp. 16-24. 75 For the following remarks 1 am indebted to Sverrir Tomasson, 'Truarbokmenntir i lausu mali a si'6mi561d,' in Islensk bokmenntasaga, ed. Vesteinn Olason (see n. 71, above), vol. 2, pp. 249-68. 76 'a5 snara lifssogu hins saela Nicholai erkibiskups helldr fullari en a5ur finnst skrifuS f fornum bokum' (HMS, 11:49). 77 Olafur Halldorsson ed., Sd'gur ur Skardsbok (Reykjavik: Almenna bokafelagiS, 1967), p. 27. See also Sverrir Tomasson, 'Kristnar truarbokmenntir f obundnu mali,' P-44778 Dfesmond] Slay, ed., Codex Scardensis, EIMF, 2 (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1960), p. 13. 79 Peter Foote, ed., Lives of Saints: Perg. fol. nr. 2 in the Royal Library, Stockholm, EIMF, 4 (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde and Bagger, 1962), p. 18. 80 Ibid., p. 8. 81 HMS, l:iii; Foote, Lives of Saints, pp. 14-15, 18. 82 See John Lindow, 'Mythology and Mythography,' in Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Critical Guide, ed. Carol J. Clover and John Lindow, Islandica, 45 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1985), pp. 21-67. 83 For a discussion of the following, see Marianne E. Kalinke, 'Norse Romance (Riddarasogur),' in Old Norse-Icelandic Literature: A Critical Guide, ed. Carol J. Clover and John Lindow (see n. 82, above), pp. 316-63. 84 Ibid., p. 322. The four lais are Gurun, Strandar strengleikr ('Lai of the Beach'), Ricar hinn gamli ('Richard the Old'), and Tveggja elskanda strengleikr ('Lai of Two Lovers').

266

Notes to pages 40-1

85 Finn H0dneb0, 'De la Gardie 4-7 folio,' in Festskrift til Alfred Jakobsen, ed. Jan Ragnar Hagland, Jan Terje Faarlund, and Jarle R0nhovd ([Trondheim:] Tapir, 1987), pp. 96, 99, 101, 103. Paul Bibire thinks that 'at least some of the earliest translators were in all probability Icelanders,' and also notes that Icelanders worked for Norwegian patrons ('From Riddarasaga to Lygisaga: The Norse Response to Romance,' in Les sagas de chevaliers (riddarasogur). Actes de la Ve Conference Internationale sur les Sagas, ed. Regis Boyer [Paris: Presses de 1'Universite de Paris-Sorbonne, 1985], p. 61). 86 Alfred Jakobsen, 'Var oversetteren av Erex saga islending?' in Festskrift til Finn H0dneb0 29. desember 1989, ed. Bj0rn Eithun, Eyvind Fjeld Halvorsen, Magnus Rindal, and Erik Simensen (Oslo: Novus Forlag, 1989), pp. 130-41. 87 Stefan Karlsson, 'Islandsk bogeksport til Norge i middelalderen,' Maal og Minne (1979), 8-9. 88 R. M. Wilson, The Lost Literature of Medieval England, 2nd rev. ed. (London: Methuen, 1970), p. 110; Jonna Louis-Jensen, 'Om Olif og Landres, vers og prosa samt kvinder og poeter,' in Eyvindarbok. Festskrift til Eyvind Fjeld Halvorsen 4. mai 1992, ed. Finn H0dneb0, Jon Gunnar J0rgensen, Else Mundal, Magnus Rindal, and Vesteinn Olason (see n. 28, above), pp. 217-30; Povl Skarup, 'Er Bevers saga og Olif & Landres oversat fra engelsk?' Gripla 4 (1980), 65-75. 89 Marianne E. Kalinke, Bridal-Quest Romance in Medieval Iceland, Islandica, 46 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990), pp. 67-9. 90 On Latin literature in Iceland, see Paul Lehmann, Skandinaviens Anteil an der lateinischen Literatur und Wissenschaft des Mittelalters, i.—2. Stuck, Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Abteilung, 1936, Heft 2; 1937, Heft 7 (Munich: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1936-7), especially 2. Stuck, pp. 15-22; 42-5. 91 For example, a couple of Aelfric's homilies are found in the monumental compilation named Hauksbok after its compilator, Haukr Erlendsson (d. 1334), who was also the scribe of some of the texts. Cf. Jon Helgason, ed., Hauksbok: The Arna-Magnsean Manuscripts 371, 410, 544, 410, and 575, 410, Manuscripta Islandica, 5 (Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard, 1960), pp. vi-vii, xiii. There exists a collection of translations of Middle English exempla, presumably undertaken in the fifteenth century, when the English presence in Iceland was strong, and for a time the Englishman Jon Vilhjalmsson Craxton was bishop of Holar (1426-37). For the edition of exempla see Einar G. Petursson, ed., Midaldasevintyri pydd ur ensku, Stofnun Arna Magnussonar a Islandi, 11 (Reykjavik: Stofnun Arna Magnussonar a Islandi, 1976). 92 See Hubert Seelow, Die isldndischen Ubersetzungen der deutschen Volksbucher. Handschriftenkunde zur Rezeption und Uberlieferung ausldndischer unterhaltender Literatur in Island in der Zeit zwischen Reformation und Aufkldrung, Stofnun Arna Magnussonar a Islandi, 35 (Reykjavik: Stofnun Arna Magnussonar, 1989). See also

Notes to pages 41-3 267

93 94

95

96 97 98

99 100

101

102

103

104

105

Halldor Hermannsson, ed., The Story ofGriselda in Iceland, Islandica, 7 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Library, 1914). Jon SigurSsson, 'RitgjorS Jons Gizurarsonar,' pp. 675-6. See also Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, pp. 280-1. NBG, 1182. It should be noted, however, that a Low German translation of the Bible had been published in 1484 in Lubeck (Jellinghaus, Geschichte der mittelniederdeutschen Literatur, p. 37). Given Gizur's Protestant leanings, however, presumably he acquired the later Low German version of Luther's translation. DI, XI:152: 'psallterium Bugenhagij cum commentario.' Cf. Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, pp. 297, 396. Gizur may have come to know Bugenhagen personally, possibly in Wittenberg. See Menn og menntir, vol. 2, pp. 282-4. P^ll Eggert Olason thinks that Gizur may have read Bugenhagen's Low German translation of the New Testament (p. 284). Magdeburg: Michael Lotter (NBG, 1221) DI, XI: 191; Magdeburg: Hans Walther (NBG, 1242). DI, X:487; Xl:467. On sixteenth-century books published in Iceland and their sources see Halldor Hermannsson, Icelandic Books of the Sixteenth Century (15341600), Islandica, 9 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Library, 1916), to which I am indebted for the information above. Dl, X:683. DI, XI: 150. An Icelandic translation of Spangenberg's Margarita theologica was published in Copenhagen in 1558 (see Halldor Hermannsson, Icelandic Books of the Sixteenth Century, pp. 13-14). Stefan Karlsson, 'Brot ur barnapredikunum i pySingu Odds Gottskalkssonar,' Landsbokasafn Islands. Arbok 1989 15 (1991), 47. On Gizur's books in general, see Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, pp. 396-400. Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, p. 299. This may be the first book ever published in Icelandic, although Bishop Jon Arason is said to have had a translation printed at his press. The work is not extant and scholars do not know whether it antedated Oddur's translation (Menn og menntir, vol. 2, p. 300). '... var mjog vel lasrSur a latinu, pyzku og donsku ... Hann var baeSi i tyzkalandi og Danmork' (Jon SigurSsson, 'Biskupa-annalar Jons Egilssonar,' pp. 76-7). See Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, p 295. '... og pa hafSi hann ansaS bvf: a5 Jesus lausnarinn hef5i verift lagdur i einn asnastall, en nu taeki hann til a5 utleggja i moSurmal ad snua hans or5i i einu fjosi...' (Jon SigurSsson, 'Biskupa-annalar Jons Egilssonar,' p. 77). On the circumstances surrounding the translation, see Pall Eggert Olason, Menn og menntir, vol. 2, pp. 296-7. See Halldor Hermannsson, Icelandic Books of the Sixteenth Century, pp. 2-4; Jon Helgason, Mdlid i Nyja Testamenti Odds Gottskalkssonar, pp. 176-87; also Nyja

268

106 107 108

109 no

Notes to pages 43-5 Testamenti Odds Gottskdlkssonar, ed. Sigurbjorn Einarsson et al. (Reykjavik: Logberg, Sverrir Kristinsson, 1988), pp. xxii-xxv. Jon Helgason, Mdlid (Nyja Testamenti Odds Gottskdlkssonar, pp. 179-80. DI, XI:6i8: 'Item j biskupsstofu Ix baekur vtlendskar med latinu og bydsku.' Kirsten Wolf is editing the two manuscripts of this Onnu saga (the edition will also contain the text of the St. Annen Biichleiri). I am grateful to her for having given me access to her work prior to publication. See A. Ampe, 'Philips van Meron en Jan van Denemarken,' p. 267. On the SAB in general see pp. 268-78. Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederldndischen Legendare des Mittelalters, pp. 304-13.

Chapter 3 1 In the introduction to her edition of Reykjaholabok Loth traces the history of references to and comments about Sth. 3 fol. I am indebted to her observations for the following. For a fuller accounting of older scholarship and the history of the manuscript, see Rhb I:xlii-lii. 2 The text was edited (with a facing translation into Danish) in 1854 by Jon SigurSsson: 'Saga Osvalds konungs hins helga,' Udgiven efter en islandsk Oldbog, med Inledning af Jon Sigurdsson; og med tilfoiet dansk Oversaettelse af Thorleif Gudm. Repp, in Annalerfor nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie (Copenhagen: Det kongelige nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab), pp. 3—91. References below are to pp. 17— 193 Through the Historia regum Britanniae of Geoffrey of Monmouth, the Northumbrian king entered Scandinavian literature. In chapter 49 of Breta sogur, a translation of Geoffrey's Historia, we read a short account of Oswald's life and death (Breta sogur, in Hauksbok udgiven efter de Arnamagnseanske Hdndskrifter No. 371, 544 og 675, 4° samt forskellige Papirhdndskrifter [Copenhagen: Det kongelige nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, 1892-6], chap. 49, 'Af Osvalldi konvnge,' pp. 298-9). He was known as a man of peace and generosity to the poor. At the age of thirty-eight he was killed in battle by the heathen King Penda. Breta sogur but not its source, Geoffrey's Historia - also recounts the first miracle attributed to Oswald: after the battle in which Oswald is killed, an old man, whose arm has been wounded, dips it into Oswald's blood and is healed. The narrator comments that God performed many miracles and great deeds on account of his merits, but these are not written down here (p. 299, lines 9-10). The author of Breta sogur, like other learned folk, presumably was familiar with numerous stories of miracles attributed to St Oswald through Bede's Historia ecclesiastica - in any case, a variant of the miracle of the healed arm is known from Bede. After the appear-

Notes to pages 45-9

4 5 6 7

8

9 10

11

12 13

14 15 16

17

269

ance of the saint in Breta sogur there was a hiatus of nearly three centuries before a full account of Oswald's life was written down in Icelandic. References to deviating texts, not only in Osvalds saga but also in other legends, will be taken up in the next chapter. Ignaz von Zingerle, Die Oswaldlegende und ihre Beziehung zur deutschen Mythologie (Stuttgart and Miinchen, 1856), p. 87 n. Anton Edzardi, Untersuchungen fiber das Gedicht von St. Oswald (Hannover: Carl Riimpler, 1876), pp. 3-4. References below are to pp. 5-8. The German metrical Oswald is extant in two versions, the one edited by Curschmann, Der Miinchener Oswald, and another edited by Georg Baesecke, Wiener Oswald (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1912). 'daB die hauptquelle des sagaschreibers eine dltere vollstdndigere recension der legende war' (Edzardi, Untersuchungen iiber das Gedicht von St Oswald, p. 8; the emphasis is Edzardi's). HMS, I:ii n. Oskar Klockhoff, 'Om Osvalds saga,' in Smd Bidrag till nordiska Literaturhistorien under Medeltiden (Upsala, 1880), p. 17: 'art den islandska Osvaldssagan icke haft nagon annan kalla an det lagtyska passionalet, och att afvikelserna darifran aro ofversattarens egna, godtyckliga tillagg.' Ole Widding and Hans Bekker-Nielsen, 'En senmiddelalderlig legendesamling,' Maal og Minne (1960), 105-28; 'Low German Influence on Late Icelandic Hagiography,' Germanic Review 37 (1962), 237-62. Overgaard, The History of the Cross-Tree Down to Christ's Passion. See pp. xciv— cxi. Loth erred in respect to the legend of St Augustine. It is not a copy of an alreadyexisting Icelandic translation, but rather a translation of a Low German source. S.ee Marianne E. Kalinke, 'Augustinus saga: A Learned and a Popular Version,' in Samtidarsogur: The Contemporary Sagas, ed. Sverrir Tomasson et al., Nfunda albjoSlega fornsagnapingiS (The Ninth International Saga Conference) Akureyri, 31.7-6.8. 1994 ([Reykjavik]: Oddi h.f., 1994), vol. 2, pp. 435-49. Loth, 'Et islandsk fragment fra reformationstiden. AM 667, X, 4°,' p. 29: 'Bjom torleifssons ogsa andre steder fra kendte un0jagtighed.' Widding and Bekker-Nielsen, 'Low German Influence on Late Icelandic Hagiography,'pp. 247-51. There are twenty-five legends in Reykjaholabok, twenty of which Widding and Bekker-Nielsen derive from the Passionael, but the legend of St Anne (here called Mariu saga og Onnu) they derive from the so-called St. Annen Biichlein, while four other legends - those of Sts Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory, and Lawrence - they consider copies of older Icelandic translations form the Latin. The notion that Der Heiligen Leben and Dat Passionael are respectively High

270

18 19 20

21

22

23 24

25

26 27

Notes to pages 49-60

and Low German translations of the Legenda aurea is widespread. Robert Francis Seybolt listed their imprints in his 'Fifteenth-Century Editions of the Legenda aurea,' Speculum 21 (1946), 327-38, and more recently, following his lead, Reames referred to the two legendaries as 'vernacular translations and adaptations of the Legenda' (The Legenda aurea: A Reexamination, pp. 28 and 223 n. 4). See Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 278. Ibid., p. 273. Ibid., pp. 279-92. Williams-Krapp in turn drew on the work of Roland Soder in his dissertation Marterbuch und Prosapassional. Untersuchungen zur Legendenuberlieferung im dreizehnten und vierzehnten Jahrhundert, diss., Julius-MaximiliansUniversitat, Wiirzburg, 1972 ([Wiirzburg:] Dissertationsdruck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1972). Among the legends Soder singles out that are also transmitted in the Icelandic legendary are the Seven Sleepers (p. 70), Gregory the Great (p. 99), Sebastian (p. 139), Servatius (p. 149), Oswald (p. 156), Augustine (p. 159), Jerome (p. 162), and Silvester (p. 177). Not all the imprints of Der Heiligen Leben and Dot Passionael transmit the same corpus of legends, however. Over the fifty years during which the two legendaries were repeatedly published, the legends of some saints were dropped and of others added. This is the case with a second, historically accurate legend of St John Chrysostom, for example, which follows the apocryphal legend in some imprints, and which is also found in Reykjaholabok. Volker Mertens, 'Verslegende und Prosalegendar. Zur Prosafassung von Legendenromanen in "Der Heiligen Leben",' in Poesie und Gebrauchsliteratur im deutschen Mittelalter. Wurzburger Colloquium 1978, ed. Volker Honemann, Kurt Ruh, Bernhard Schnell, and Werner Wegstein (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1979), pp. 265-89 passim. Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederlandischen Legendare, p. 367. Because he used the cognate vili for Low German wille, presumably the result of carelessness, Bjorn Porleifsson produced what resembles the idiom at hafa hennar vilja, which means 'to have his way with her.' Cf. Fritzner, under v/7/. Reinhold Bechstein, ed., Heinrich und Kunegunde von Ebernand von Erfurt, Bibliothek der gesamten deutschen National Literatur, 39 (Quedlinburg and Leipzig: Gottfr. Basse, 1860). My translation of skriftthen j sinv ordthake interprets the phrase as a reference to the Latin proverb. Obhof, Das Leben Augustins. It is not clear when the tale entered the prose legendaries. Soder's comment, 'Der Gesamtinhalt und selbst die Anordnung der einzelnen Episoden stimmen in V[ers] Pfassional] und P[rosa] P[assional] genau iiberein' (Marterbuch und Prosapassional, p. 159), suggests that the episode relating St

Notes to pages 60-75

2

7:

Augustine's meeting with the child by the seashore did not exist in Koberger's 1488 imprint, which Soder used as the basis of his investigation. 28 See Obhof, Das Leben Augustins, p. 107 and passim. 29 Ibid., pp. 191-3. 30 The text is corrupt here, and I follow the suggestion of the editor in adding the word giorth to make sense of the passage. 31 See chapter 2, note 108. 32 Hans Bekker-Nielsen, 'St. Anna i islandsk senmiddelalder,' Frodskaparrit 13 (1964), 208. 33 'hovedvaerk i senmiddelalderlig islandsk litteratur' (ibid., p. 206). 34 Widding and Bekker-Nielsen, 'En senmiddelalderlig legendesamling,' pp. 124-5. 35 Widding and Bekker-Nielsen, 'Low German Influence on Late Icelandic Hagiography,' p. 253. 36 Ibid., p. 253. 37 The Passionael (1492) concludes as follows: 'Hyr endighet sik dat passionael efte der hyllighen leuendt mit velen nyen merckliken schonen historien: Als Bonauenture ... Rochi des marschalkes auer de pestilencie ... Johannis crisostimi... myt velen anderen nyen historien (de heth heer to den mynschen vorborghen vnbekent vnde begrauen sint ghewest) vnde nu gode vnde synem hyllighen to laue in dat lycht vth deme latine in dat dudesck ghebracht vnde ghedrukket. dorch dat beueel vnde kunst Steffani arndes. inwaner vnde borgher der keyserliken stat Lubeck. Int yar vnses heren M. cccc. xcij. vp dem dach sunte Elizabeth' (CCCCxviii.b). 38 Widding and Bekker-Nielsen, 'Low German Influence on Late Icelandic Hagiography,' p. 246. 39 Bekker-Nielsen, 'St. Anna i islandsk senmiddelalder,' p. 206. 40 The differences between the Icelandic and the Low German legends are discussed in detail in Marianne E. Kalinke, 'Marfu saga og Onnu,' Arkivfor nordisk filologi 109 (1994), 1-57. 41 See Ton Brandenbarg, Heilig Familieleven, pp. 86-93, especially 88. 42 C. Benziger, ed., Eine illustrierte Marienlegende aus dem XV. Jahrhundert (Kodex Mss. Hist. Helv. X. 50, Stadtbibliothek Bern) (Strassburg: Heitz, 1913), pp. 22-3. 43 Das 'Marienleben' des Heinrich von St. Gallen. Text und Untersuchung. Mit einem Verzeichnis deutschsprachiger Prosamarienleben bis etwa 1520, ed. Hardo Hilg, MTU, 75 (Munich: Artemis, 1981), p. 131. 44 In the Icelandic text there occurs a phenomenon found at other times: Bjorn incorporates the loan word, in this case a proper name, but with the postposed article, ported, here the incorrect neuter form instead of the feminine demanded by the Latin porta (cf. chap. 4). 45 The legend of Mary's conception was also realized in art. It should be noted that the sequence of events as told in Reykjaholabok corresponds to Giotto's series of

272

46

47

48 49

Notes to pages 75-81

frescoes (1304-6) in the Capella degli Scrovegni in Padua. The legend is depicted there in six frescoes: the expulsion of Joachim from the temple; Joachim's return to the sheepfold; the angel's annunciation of Mary's birth to Anne; Joachim's sacrifice in the fields; the angel's appearance to Joachim in a dream; the kiss at the Golden Gate. Brandenbarg, Heilig Familieleven, p. 59. Cf. 'Pseudo-Matthaei Evangelium,' chapters 1-3 in Constantinus de Tischendorf, ed., Evangelia apocrypha adhibitis plurimis codicibus graecis et latinis maximam partem nunc primum consultis atque ineditorum copia insignibus, 2nd ed. (Leipzig: Hermann Mendelssohn, 1876), pp. 55-61. The account of Anne's meeting with Joachim in this apocryphal text presumably generated the notion that Anne remained a virgin. Although the angel quite clearly tells Joachim that 'ex semine tuo concepisse filiam' (p. 58), when Anne and Joachim subsequently meet at the Golden Gate we are informed: 'Anna suspendit se in collo eius, gratias agens deo et dicens: "Vidua eram, et ecce iam non sum; sterilis eram, et ecce iam concepi"' (pp. 60-1). Priester Wernher, Maria. Bruchstiicke und Umarbeitungen, ed. Carl Wesle, 2nd ed. Hans Fromm, Altdeutsche Textbibliothek, 26 (Tubingen: Max Niemeyer, 1969), p. xiv. Tischendorf, ed., Evangelia apocrypha, p. 60 n. 5. See Kalinke, 'Mariu saga og Onnu,' pp. 62-71.

Chapter 4 1 One might mention the so-called Ambraser Heldenbuch, however, a splendid vellum manuscript, consisting of over 200 leaves, produced for Emperor Maximilian by Hans Ried and completed by him just before he died in 1516. The manuscript contains a collection of heroic and courtly narratives primarily from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and is expressive of both a historical awareness and antiquarian interests. See Johannes Janota, 'Ambraser Heldenbuch,' DLM, 1:323-7. 2 Cf. Slay, Codex Scardensis, p. 12. 3 Cf. Foote, Lives of Saints, pp. 9-10. 4 See the introduction to Rhb, l:xl-xliv, for other marginal notations. The dots in the text here indicate three illegible letters. 5 Cf. Rhb, I:xlii-xlvi. 6 Widding and Bekker-Nielsen, 'Low German Influence on Late Icelandic Hagiography,' p. 251. 7 HMS: Ambrosias saga byskups, 1:28-54; Augustinus saga, 1:122-52; Laurentius saga, 1:422-32; Stephanus saga, 11:287-309. 8 See Rhb, l:xxxix-xl; also Overgaard, The History of the Cross-Tree Down to Christ's Passion, pp. cix-cx.

Notes to pages 82-95

2

73

9 Widding and Bekker-Nielsen, 'Low German Influence on Late Icelandic Hagiography,'p. 251. 10 For a detailed discussion of Laurencius saga and Stefanus saga in Sth. 2 and Sth. 3 see Marianne E. Kalinke, 'Stefanus saga in Reykjaholabok,' Gripla 9 (1995), 133— 87, and '"Par kom par bessi forbrende Lavrencivs": Two versions of Laurencius saga,' Maal og Minne (1994), 113-34. 11 The text in the following italic type, 'per ignem : Respondit: Credo. Sanctus Laurentius aiit: Et is,' was omitted by Mombritius. The editors have noted this and suggest the reading as an emendation on the basis of Surius's editon of 1579 (cf. Mom., 11:674). 12 The legend of St Stephen protomartyr is extant in seven Icelandic manuscripts. The oldest extant redaction is found in Sth. Perg. 410 nr. 15 (ca. 1200), the socalled Homiliubok, which transmits both the Inventio S. Stephani, that is, the legend relating how St Stephen's relics were discovered in the early fifth century, and the miracle sequence at the end of the legend. Three thirteenth-century manuscript fragments similarly contain matter from the Inventio: one leaf, the fragment XIV of AM 655 410 (1250-75) and two (unedited) leaves, the fragments XXII of AM 655 410 (1250-1300). Among the fragments designated NRA 676 (Riksarkiv, Oslo), dating from the early fourteenth century (1300-25), are three very small clippings of one leaf containing text (averaging only three to four words on each of fifty lines) from the Translatio legend, which relates how St Stephen's body came to be moved to Constantinople. The younger manuscript Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 2 (1425-45) contains a complete text, while the closely related manuscript AM 661 4to (1500-50) lacks the concluding remarks of the legend. Sth. 2 is the basis of the edition of Stefanus saga in Heilagra manna s0gur (//MS, 0:287-309). The longest and most extended version of the legend of St Stephen is found in Reykjaholabok. 13 Edited by Ole Widding in 'Et Fragment af Stephanus saga (AM 655, 40 XIV B), Tekst og Kommentar,' Acta Philologica Scandinavica 21 (1952), 171. Reference below is top. 155. 14 'Epistola Luciani ad omnem ecclesiam, de revelatione corporis Stephani martyris primi et aliorum,' in Sancti Aurelii Augustini, Hipponensis Episcopi, Opera Omnia, Patrologia Latina, 41, cols 812, 814. Subsequent references to the Epistola Luciani are to this edition. 15 Widding, 'Et Fragment af Stephanus saga,' pp. 151, 155. 16 Throughout I cite William Granger Ryan's translation of the Legenda aurea. He translates calathus with 'basket,' but in discussing the texts I have chosen to refer to the containers as caskets, that is, small chests or boxes, since this is how the Low German and Icelandic texts understand the Latin. 17 Louis-Jensen, 'Den yngre del af Flateyjarbok,' pp. 235-50. She writes (pp. 243-4):

274

18 19 20

21 22

23

24 25

26

27 28

29 30

Notes to pages 96-106

'Bjorn f»orleifsson var en 0vet skriver, med hvis karakteristiske hand der foreligger dels et meget stort antal diplomer, dels det store legendehandskrift Perg. fol. nr. 3 i Stockholm (fragmenter af endnu et legendehandskrift med hans hand er bevaret i AM 667 410).' See Westergard-Nielsen, Ldneordene, pp. Ixxviii-lxxix. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen, 'En senmiddelalderlig legendesamling,' p. 110; 'Low German Influence on Late Icelandic Hagiography,' pp. 258-9. Loth has suggested (Rhb, 11:339 n. 4) that the reading should be gladiele, thus deriving the word ultimately from Latin gladiolus, but it is more likely that the immediate loan is from Low German, since the word also occurs, correctly spelled, in the legend of St Sebastian (Rhb, 1:159.21). Sigfus Blondal, Islensk-donsk ordabok (Reykjavik, 1920-4; repr. Islensk-danskur Or6aboksj65ur, 1980), vol. i,p. 303. forsvarari is also a Low German loan, but it seems to have been fairly widely known, judging by the entry for its verbal counterpart forsvara in Westergard-Nielsen, Ldneordene pp. 123-4. Similar tautologies in translation, that is, the use of a loan word with a synonymous indigenous word or phrase, can also be found in translations from the Danish. See Stefan Karlsson, 'Brudstykker af Christiern Pedersens Jaertegnspostil i islandsk oversaettelse,' Opuscula 4, BA, A, 30 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1970), especially pp. 227-8. Westergard-Nielsen, Ldneordene, pp. 319-20. The word dagmdl ordinarily conveys the time of rising and connoted the time corresponding to the third hour according to the Roman reckoning, which would place it around 9 a.m. This cannot be the case here, to judge by what Bjorn wrote. The explanation may be that he was thinking of summer, when the sun rises very early shortly after 3 a.m. at the end of June, for example - and hence in his mind dagmdl may have been somewhere around 5 a.m. Jon Helgason notes the use of the preposition upp a (instead of simply a) in Oddur Gottskalksson's translation of the New Testament, but to judge by the citations, Oddur does not use it in expressions of time. Cf. Mdlid d Nyja Testamenti Odds Gottskdlkssonar, p. 173. Cf. serkur in Asgeir Blondal Magnusson, Islensk ordsifjabok ([Reykjavik:] OrSabok Haskolans, 1989), p. 806. In late fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century editions of the Low German Bible the word ancilla in Luke 1:38 is transmitted as either derne or maget. See Gerhard Ising, ed., Die niederdeutschen Bibelfruhdrucke, Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, 54 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1976), vol. 6, p. 272. See Sigfus Blondal, Islensk-donsk ordabok, vol. I, p. 42. C.R. Unger, ed., Postola sogur. Legendariskefortxllinger om apostlernes liv, deres

Notes to pages Io8-16

31

32

33 34

35 36 37

275

kampfor kristendommens udbredelse samt deres martyrd0d (Christiania: B.M. Bentzen, 1874). p. 519, lines 13-14. It should be noted that the tales of Vespasian and Veronica are also found in Gydinga saga, a history of the Jews deriving partly from Petrus Comestor's Historia scholastica and translated, most likely in the period 1257-63, by Brandr Jonsson, bishop of Holar in the years 1263-4. On the relationship of this saga to Stefanus saga see Jon Helgason, 'GySinga saga i Trondheim,' Opuscula 5 BA, 31 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1975), pp. 343-76, especially 370-1. Jon Helgason believed that the source of the Vespasian and Tiberius narratives (Pilate legend) in Stefanus saga was an older and more complete redaction of Gydinga saga. He did not think it likely that there had existed an independent legend of Pilate on which both Gydinga saga and Stefanus saga drew. He failed to consider another possibility, however - that the Vespasian and Tiberius narratives in Gydinga saga derive from a redaction of Stefanus saga. See Kirsten Wolf's overview of the non-Icelandic and Icelandic traditions of the legend of Pilate, 'The Sources of Gydinga saga,' Arkiv for nordiskfllologi 105 (1990), 140-55; on the Vespasian and Tiberius narratives, pp. 150-3. In the legend of St Jerome, for example, the story of a vision granted by Jerome to the bishop of Alexandria is recounted in chapter 10 (Rhb, 11:221.5-222.19). The chapter concludes with the statement that one can find the story of two other visions of Jerome in the legend of St Augustine (Rhb, 11:222.19-21). The reference is to chapters 18 and 19 of Augustinus saga. For a discussion of the visions, see chapter 5. Cf. Westerg&rd-Nielsen, Ldneordene, p. Ixxi. C.R. Unger, ed., Mariu Saga. Legender om Jomfru Maria og hendes Jertegn efter gamle Haandskrifter (Christiania: Brogger & Christie, 1871), 102-104.15; 940.15945-22. Ibid., 104.18-105.4; 951.13-34. No. 21, ibid., 1070.4-30. Stefan Karlsson dates it 'at the end of the thirteenth century or about 1300' (Sagas of Icelandic Bishops, p. 56). Stefan considers the manuscript Icelandic with certain Norwegian peculiarities, 'the result of the general influence of Norwegian scribal practices' (p. 57). Stefan suggests that 221 'was written in Skalholt, given the circumstances that the translator of Augustinus saga had close contact with the episcopal seat there and that 234, which belonged to the cathedral, was copied from it' (p. 57). Stefan furthermore thinks that perhaps 234 might be identical with the 'Helgra manna Historia i islenzku upp a kalfskinn,' mentioned in Bishop Oddur Einarsson's list of books belonging to the cathedral church in 1604 (p. 57). Facsimiles of AM 221 fol. 4vb-5vb are on pp. 82-4 of the edition. A year after the publication of the facsimile edition Mattias Tveitane published his study of the Norse version of the Lives of the Fathers, in which he reached a different conclusion, namely that Augustinus saga in AM 221 fol. should be considered 'en norsk avskrift av en (if01ge sitt forord)

276

38 39 40 41

42

43 44

Notes to pages 116-30

islandsk helgensaga' (Den Iterde stil. Oversetterprosa i den norr0ne versjonen av VitsePatrum, Arbok for universitetet i Bergen, Humanistisk serie, 1967, 2 [Bergen and Oslo: Norwegian Universities Press, 1968], p. 27; cf. pp. 33-4). Cf. 'Augustinus saga,' HMS, 1:149. Cf. other such remarks by the translator: HMS, 1:131.20-1; 138.20; 142.22-4; 144.245; 147.19-20; 147.30-1. Widding and Bekker-Nielsen, 'En senmiddelalderlig legendesamling,' p. 116; 'Low German Influence on Late Icelandic Hagiography,' p. 251. Cf. H. Leclercq, 'Etienne (Martyre et sepulture de saint),' in Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie, ed. Fernand Cabrol (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1907-53). vol. 5, p. 632. LA: 'De sancto Stephano,' pp. 49-56; 'De inventione sancti Stephani protomartiris,' pp. 461-5; Pass.: 'Van Sunte Steffen als he ghefunden wart,' xcvii.b-xcviii.c; 'Van Sunte Steffen deme ersten merteler,' CCCvii.c-CCCviii.a. Otto Wimmer and Hartmann Metzger, Lexikon der Namen und Heiligen, 5th rev. ed. (Vienna: Tyrolia-Verlag, 1984). For a discussion of sources see Kalinke, '"Gregorius saga biskups" and "Gregorius auf dem Stein."'

Chapter 5 1 See Rhb, I:xii-xiii. 2 See Kalinke, 'Mariu saga og Onnu,' pp. 1-57. The manuscript lacks an uncertain number of leaves at the beginning and end, and has several lacunae of one leaf to one or more quires. See Rhb, I:ix. 3 For a discussion of Mary's relationship to the Dominican order, see Stephan Beissel, Geschichte der Verehrung Marias in Deutschland wdhrend des Mittelalters. Ein Beitrag zur Religionsgeschichte und Kunstgeschichte (Freiburg i. Br.: Herder, 1909; repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1972), pp. 214-28. 4 See William A. Hinnebusch, OP, The History of the Dominican Order, vol. I, Origins and Growth to 1500 (Staten Island, NY: Alba House, 1966), pp. 342-3. The vision occurred in 1218, and according to contemporary writers it 'clinched his [Reginald's] determination to become a Friar Preacher' (p. 343). 5 The reference is to a rough cord worn by the friars day and night around the waist and next to the skin as a penitential instrument. See ibid., p. 341. 6 Leopold Kretzenbacher, Schutz- und Bittgebdrden der Gottesmutter. Zu Vorbedingungen, Auftreten undNachleben mittelalterlicher Furbitte-Gesten zwischen Hochkunst, Legende und Volksglauben, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Sitzungsberichte, Jahrgang 1981, Heft 3 (Miinchen: Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1981), p. 15.

Notes to pages 130-5

277

7 Cf. Karl Kolb, 'Typologie der Gnadenbilder' (5.4. 'Die Schutzmantelmadonna'), in Handbuch der Marienkunde, ed. Wolfgang Beinert and Heinrich Petri (Regensburg: Pustet, 1984), pp. 868-9. F°r a study of this iconographic theme and a large number of plates, see Paul Perdrizet, La Vierge de Misericorde. Etude d'un theme iconographique (Paris: Ancienne Librairie Thorin et Fils, 1908). 8 Beissel, Geschichte der Verehrung Marias in Deutschland wahrend des Mittelalters, P- 3549 Ibid., pp. 358-9; on the image of Mary as 'Schutzmantelmadonna' in general, see pp. 352-62. For illustrations, see Kretzenbacher, Schutz- undBittgebdrden,p. 69 and tables 1-5, 14. 10 linger, Mariu saga, pp. 811-12; see also Wilhelm Heizmann, 'Mariu saga,' in Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia, ed. Phillip Pulsiano and Kirsten Wolf (New York and London: Garland, 1993), pp. 407-8. 11 Unger, Mariu saga, 812.26-7. 12 Cf. Ibid., 102-104.15; 940.15-942.29; 942.31-945.22. 13 On the peevishness of saints, see Aron Gurevich, Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception, trans. Janos M. Bak and Paul A. Hollingsworth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 46-50. 14 Unger, Mariu saga, 943.32-3. 15 Ibid., 104.18-105.4; 951.13-34. Unger also names a third, no. 21, p. 1070, lines 430, but this last version has undergone such modification that it no longer corresponds to our story of a greedy farmer ploughing his fields on a holy day. 16 Beissel, Geschichte der Verehrung Marias in Deutschland wahrend des Mittelalters, P- 356. 17 The two exempla were well known in the Middle Ages. Shorter versions of the stories told in chapters 22 and 23 enjoyed wide circulation through Johannes Pauli's Schimpf und Ernst (1522) and were also found in the Passionael (CCxcix.c). See Johannes Pauli, Schimpf und Ernst, ed. Johannes Bolte (Berlin: 1924; repr. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1972), vol. i, pp. 315-16; vol. 2, pp. 379-80. 18 The point in the story about the Council of Basel - erroneously dated 1339 instead of 1439 in Reykjaholabok (11:332.11) - is that, with the promulgation of the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception, the plague that had been ravaging the city abated. The exemplum, however, confuses the Immaculate Conception with the belief by some that Mary was born of a virginal Anne. See Kalinke, 'Mariu saga og Onnu,' pp. 30-2. 19 Stephan Beissel, Geschichte der Verehrung Marias im 16. und ij. Jahrhundert. Ein Beitrag zur Religionswissenschaft und Kunstgeschichte (Freiburg i. Br.: Herder, 1910), pp. 49-50. The same quotation occurs in a hymn dating from around 1500 that contains expressions of belief in the Immaculate Conception by various saints and teachers of the church (ibid., pp. 231-2). A pamphlet printed in 1509, 'Von der unbefleckten Entfengnis Mariae,' contains a German version of the same (p. 235).

278

Notes to pages 136-47

20 Ibid., p. 223: 'Potest esse, quod ilia solemnitas potius referatur ad diem sanctificationis, quam conceptionis. Et quoniam dies conceptionis fuit certa, et dies sanctificationis incerta, ideo non irrationabiliter solemnitas diei sanctificationis statui potuit in die conceptionis.' See Beissel's discussion of the issue of the Immaculate Conception in general, pp. 217-41. 21 The Legenda aurea tells of a similar punishment in the legend of St Hilary, in which the offender is the heretical Pope Leo, who refuses to recognize the saint's right to participate in a church council. See LA, 99. 22 Dyan Elliott, Spiritual Marriage: Sexual Abstinence in Medieval Wedlock (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 129-30. 23 See Margaret Schlauch, Chaucer's Constance and Accused Queens (New York: New York University Press, 1927). Although Schlauch briefly discusses the motif in pious tales (pp. 106-8), such as the story of Genevieve of Brabant, she does not mention Cunegund. 24 Halldor Hermannsson, ed., The Icelandic Physiologus: Facsimile Edition with an Introduction, Islandica, 27 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1938), p. 19. 25 See also C. Bayerschmidt and C. Selmer, 'An Unpublished Low German Version of the Navigatio Sancti Brendani,' Germanic Review 30 (1955), 83-91. 26 The image of the cartwheeling fish is also reminiscent of one of the horrors of purgatory seen by Lazarus: 'So og saa hann hvar eitt hiol hliop vmm kringh so at pat stavdvadizt alldre. og j hverrtt sinne at einne lithille stvndv snerezt bat vel pvsvnd sinnvm. og hverssv oppt og fliott at diofvllen snere pvi. paa pinndvzt vnder pvi j hverre reissv bat minnztta pvsvnd saaler' (Rhb, 1:173.4—8 'And he also saw a wheel turning so that it never stopped, and repeatedly it turned some thousand times in a short while. And as often and as quickly as the devil turned it, at least a thousand souls were tormented with each turn'). 27 See Gurevich, Medieval Popular Culture, pp. 46—7. 28 The reference to 'Avnnv sialf pridiv' is a literal translation of the German 'Anna Selbdritt,' the title for images of St Anne, the Virgin, and the Child, 'often arranged so that a small figure of the Virgin holding her infant son sits upon the lap of the enthroned Saint Anne' (Pamela Sheingorn, 'Appropriating the Holy Kinship: Gender and Family History,' in Kathleen Ashley and Pamela Sheingorn, eds, Interpreting Cultural Symbols: Saint Anne in Late Medieval Society [see chap. I, no. 69], p. 175. Cf. Beissel, Geschichte der Verehrung Marias in Deutschland wdhrend des Mittelalters, pp. 578-82. 29 On the convoluted familial relationships and their origins, see Kathleen Ashley and Pamela Sheingorn, 'Introduction,' in Ashley and Sheingorn, Interpreting Cultural Symbols (see chap. I, n. 69), pp. I i-i 2. 30 On the events prior to and at the time of the birth of Mary, see Kalinke, 'Mariu saga og Onnu,' pp. 30-7.

Notes to pages 148-65

279

31 linger, Mariu saga, pp. 977-9. 32 Francesca Sautman, 'Saint Anne in Folk Tradition: Late Medieval France,' in Ashley and Sheingorn, Interpreting Cultural Symbols (see chap, i, n. 69), p. 84. 33 According to his legend, he founded a monastery for his many priests and other scholars and 'gave them that rule which the Lord himself has given his disciples,' namely, that 'each should show brotherly love for the other and no one should call anything his own' (Rhb, II: 111.1-4). By virtue of this rule St Augustine directly affects the lives of two saints, Nicholas of Tolentino and Dominic. When the latter asks the pope for permission to found an order, he is told that he should 'choose for himself a rule that was perfect and that would be most pleasing to God' (Rhb, 11:293.3-4). Dominic and his brethren call upon the Holy Spirit for guidance and are inspired to choose the Rule of St Augustine. A salient feature of this rule is alluded to just as in the saint's own legend: the brethren did not want to own anything, that is, they would take a vow of poverty. While St Dominic chose the Rule of St Augustine for the order that was to become known as the Order of Preachers, St Nicholas of Tolentino became an Augustinian canon, and in the aforementioned vision Mary introduces Augustine as 'bins ordens reglv meistare' (Rhb, 11:160.25 'the master of your order's rule'). 34 Cunegund was canonized by Innocent III in 1200. Cf. Elliott, Spiritual Marriage, p. 128. 35 Two similar visions occur in Dominicus saga. In the first, a Dominican prior sees St Dominic ascending a ladder to heaven, where he meets Christ and Mary; in the other, a Dominican friar sees St Dominic leaving Bologna, dressed in snow-white garments and wearing a golden crown on his head, and followed by a company of angels. Both visions occur when the saint dies (Rhb, 11:302.7-303.3). 36 A mannjafnadr is a verbal duel 'in which two or more contenders by boasts and insults, imputations and rebukes, or other degrading devices try to injure each other's honor, or encroach upon each other's social prestige' (Marcel M.H. Bax and Tineke Padmos, 'Senna - MannjafnaSr,' in Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia [see n. 10, above], p. 571). 37 Jeffrey Burton Russell, Lucifer: The Devil in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984), p. 213. 38 Ibid., p. 67 n. 10. 39 The tale is also told in the Legenda aurea; cf. chapter 19 of 'De sancto Gregorio' (LA, 201-2). Chapter 6 I 'Eru peir po fleiri menn, er litil skemtun pykkir at heilagra manna sggum' (Ake Lagerholm, ed., Drei Lygisogur: Egils saga einhenda ok Asmundar berserkjabana.

280 Notes to pages 165-74 Alaflekks saga, Flores saga konungs ok sona hans, Altnordische Saga-Bibliothek, 17 [Halle: M. Niemeyer, 1927], pp. 121-2). 2 See Kalinke, 'Stefanus saga in Reykjaholabok.' 3 See Kalinke, 't>a kom bar bessi forbrende Lavrencivs. 4 On the relationship between sacred legends and folk-tales, see Lutz Rohrich, Marchen und Wirklichkeit, 3rd ed. (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1974), pp. 36435 Rohrich points out that the Christ-bearer motif is incorporated into the Grimms' tale KHM 165, the story of the griffin (Vogel Greif) (Marchen und Wirklichkeit, p. 39). 6 Cf. 'Nothelfer,'/TAT, Vii: 1050-1. 7 For a survey see 'Beitrage zur Christophorus-Frage,' in Josef Szoverffy, Germanistische Abhandlungen. Mittelalter, Barock und Aufkldrung. Gesammelte Schriften (Brookline, MA, and Leyden: Classical Folia Editions, 1977), pp. 48-51. 8 Hans-Friedrich Rosenfeld, Der HI. Christophorus. Seine Verehrung und seine Legende. Eine Untersuchung zur Kultgeographie und Legendenbildung des Mittelalters, Acta Academia Aboensis, Humaniora, 10:3 (Helsingfors: Abo Akademi,

1937), P-4739 There also exists an early sixteenth-century metrical Icelandic version of the legend of St Christopher. There is no evidence, however, of any relationship to Bjorn's prose legend. The metrical version, 'Christeforusvisur,' has been edited by Jon Helgason in Islenzk midaldakvsedi. Islandske digtefra senmiddelalderen (Copenhagen: Kommissionen for Det Arnamagnaeanske Legal, 1938), vol. 2, pp. 349-5910 See Marianne E. Kalinke, 'Reykjaholabok: A Legendary on the Eve of the Reformation,' Skdldskaparmdl 2 (1992), 259-60. 11 Hans-Friedrich Rosenfeld, 'Christophorus,' DLM, 1:1230. See Werner WilliamsKrapp, 'Elternmorder,' EM, 111:1372-9; also Dieter von der Nahmer, Die lateinische Heiligenvita. Eine Einfiihrung in die lateinische Hagiographie (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1994), pp. 128-30. 12 Josef Szoverffy, 'Die Verhofischung der mittelalterlichen Legende: Ein Beitrag zur Christophorus-Frage,' Zeitschriftfur deutsche Philologie 91 (1972), 24-6. 13 Cf. Matthias Zender, 'Christophorus,' EM, 11:1405-11. 14 Rosenfeld, 'Christophorus,' DLM, 1:1230-1. 15 Szoverffy notes the absence of the baptism in the Legenda aurea version, but points out that a miraculous baptism was already present in the ancient gnostic Passio ('Beitrage zur Christophorus-Frage,' pp. 57-8). 16 Cf. Helmut Fischer, 'Georg, HI.,' EM, v:iO3O-9. 17 See Lutz Rohrich, 'Drache, Drachenkampf, Drachentoter,' EM 111:787-820, especially 798-802. 18 A German legend of St George, 'Das Buch vom heiligen Georg,' representing a

Notes to pages 174-91

281

different redaction of the legend, is similarly long. See Bachmann and Singer's edition (see chap, i, n. 96). 19 See Kalinke, 'Reykjaholabok,' pp. 260-3. 20 Jurien is the Low German form of the name, and here, as in other instances, Bjorn Porleifsson has considered the audience and included the - more familiar? - Latin form. 21 Joh. B. Aufhauser, Das Drachenwunder des heiligen Georg in der griechischen und laleinischen Uberlieferung, Byzantinisches Archiv, 5 (Leipzig: B.C. Teubner, 1911), P- 19522 Cf. ibid., pp. 159, 211; Ferdinand Vetter, ed., Der heilige Georg des Reinbot von Durne. Mit einer Einleitung uber die Legende und das Gedicht. (Halle a.S.: Max Niemeyer, 1896), p. Ixxxvii. 23 See Kurt Ranke, 'Androklus und der Lowe,' EM, 1:501-7; The Types of the Folktale: A Classification and Bibliography: Antti Aarne's Verzeichnis der Mdrchentypen (FF Communications No. 3), trans, and enlarged by Stith Thompson, 2nd rev. ed., FF Communications, 184 (Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica, 1973), no. 156: 'Thorn Removed from Lion's Paw (Androcles and the Lion).' 24 Das Vdterbuch aus der Leipziger, Hildesheimer und Straftburger Handschrift, ed. Karl Reissenberger, Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters, 22 (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1914). 25 Williams and Williams-Krapp, Die 'Elsdssische Legenda Aurea', vol. I, pp. 658 ff. 26 Pfeiffer, Hermann von Fritslar, Nicolaus von Strassburg, David von Augsburg, p. 211. 27 Cf. Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederldndischen Legendare, pp. 188-238. 28 See 'Hieronymus,' in Braunfels, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, vol. 6, p. 521. 29 I have discussed this tale in 'The Cowherd and the Saint: The Grateful Lion in Icelandic Folklore and Legend,' Scandinavian Studies 66 (1994), 1-22. In the article I cover some of the same ground as here, but also discuss other occurrences of the grateful lion in Icelandic literature. 30 Schmitt, Der grosse Seelentrost, 237.24-5. 31 I have previously discussed the legend in 'The Icelandic Legend of the Hairy Anchorite,' in Sagnaping helgad Jonasi Kristjdnssyni sjotugum 10. april 1994 (Reykjavik: Hi6 islenska bokmenntafelag, 1994), vol. 2, pp. 485-96. 32 According to Jacobus de Voragine, the parents are named Secundus and Anthura (LA, 611). 33 The devil as archer also figures in the Vitae patrum; cf. Tubach, no. 346. Russell remarks: 'The image of the Devil as a hunter with souls as his game was a popular metaphor of the medieval encyclopedists' (Lucifer: The Devil in the Middle Ages, p. 69).

282

Notes to pages 191-9

34 See Riittgers, Der Heiligen Leben undLeiden, vol. I, pp. 266-74. 35 Ibid., pp. 271-2. On the devil's assumption of a male or female form to tempt a member of the opposite sex, see Russell, Lucifer: The Devil in the Middle Ages, pp. 72-3. Russell notes, 'These stories have a certain sexist bias, for the men are usually more successful in repelling temptation than the women.' 36 See 'Die Versuchung eines Einsiedlers,' in Schmitt, Der grosse Seelentrost, pp. 198937 The legend of Barlaam and Josaphat also exists in a mid-thirteenth-century Old Norse version, not related to the text in Reykjaholabok. A much longer and more edifying version of the story of temptation is told there. See Magnus Rindal, ed., Barlaams ok Josaphats saga, Norr0ne Tekster, 4 (Oslo: Norsk Historisk KjeldeskriftInstitutt, 1981), pp. 145-50. 38 Moser, Die Tannhduser-Legende, pp. 14,91. 39 See Mattias Tveitane and Robert Cooke, eds, Strengleikar: An Old Norse Translation of Twenty-one Old French Lais, Edited from the Manuscript Uppsala De la Gardie 47 -AM 666 b 4°(Oslo: Norsk Historisk Kjeldeskrift-Institutt, 1979), pp. 96-7. 40 Williams, The German Legends of the Hairy Anchorite, p. 47. Williams publishes both redactions in an appendix to his study (pp. 75-9). 41 Colberg, 'Korner (Corner, Koerner), Hermann OP,' DIM, V:3I9. 42 The Heiligen Leben / Passionael version also exists in metrical form in a sixteenthcentury ballad. Cf. Moser, 'Chrysostomus,' DIM, 1:1270. 43 Cf. Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederldndischen Legendare, p. 309. 44 See 'Johannes Chrysostomus,' in Braunfels, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, vol. 7, p. 101; Patetta, Di una tavola della R. Galleria Estense; Schubring, 'Die Chrysostomus-Legende.' 45 For a reproduction of the two engravings see Schubring, 'Die ChrysostomusLegende,' p. no. 46 Frieder Schanze, 'Chrysostomus,' DIM, 1:1270-1. The text of this redaction is found in Williams, The German Legends of the Hairy Anchorite, pp. 49-65. 47 Moser, Die Tannhduser Legende, p. 84. 48 Elliott, Spiritual Marriage, pp. 12, 34-6. 49 Williams-Krapp, Die deutschen und niederldndischen Legendare, pp. 295-300. 50 Williams, The German Legends of the Hairy Anchorite, pp. 38-9.

Chapter 7 1 See Arthur Gilchrist Brodeur, 'The Grateful Lion: A Study in the Development of Mediaeval Narrative,' PMLA 39 (1924), 519 and passim. 2 See Marianne E. Kalinke, King Arthur, North-by-Northwest. The matiere de Bretagne in Old Norse-Icelandic Romances, BA, 37 (Copenhagen: Reitzel, 1981),

Notes to pages 200-9

3

4 5 6 7

8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

17

18 19 20

283

pp. 228-36; Heinrich Beck, 'Hit oarga dyr und die mittelalterliche Tiersignificatio,' in Saga og Sprdk: Studies in Language and Literature [Festschrift Lee M. Hollander], ed. John M. Weinstock (Austin, TX: Jenkins, 1972), pp. 97-111; Richard L. Harris, 'The Lion-Knight Legend in Iceland and the ValbjofsstaSir Door,' Viator i (1970), 125-45. See Paul Schach, 'Some Observations on the Influence of Tristrams saga ok Isondar on Old Icelandic Literature,' in Old Norse Literature and Mythology: A Symposium, ed. Edgar C. Polome (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1969), pp. 81-129. Josef Szoverffy, 'Beitrage zur Christophorus-Frage,' sec. I, 'Zur ChristophorusLegende,' pp. 53-4. Karlinger, Legendenforschung: Aufgaben und Ergebnisse, p. 27. Northrop Frye, Anatomy of Criticism: Four Essays (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957; repr. 1971), p. 34. See Hippolyte Delehaye, Les Legendes hagiographiques, 4th augmented ed., Subsidia Hagiographica, 18 (Brussels: Societe des Bollandistes, 1955; repr. 1968), pp. 4, 58-61. For a diagram of the interrelationship of the various versions/redactions of the Gregorius peccator narrative, see Plate, Gregorius aufdem Stein, pp. 2-3. Plate did not know of the existence of Gregorius saga biskups. For the relationship of the Icelandic text to German and Latin redactions, see Kalinke, '"Gregorius saga biskups" and "Gregorius aufdem Stein".' See Kalinke, '"Gregorius saga biskups" and "Gregorius aufdem Stein",' pp. 72-9. See Plate, Gregorius aufdem Stein, pp. 24-5. Schwencke, 'Gregorius de grote sunder,' pp. 63-88. Plate, Gregorius aufdem Stein, p. 10. Ibid., p. 47. 'warumbe verhenget im des got / daz er so manegen grozen spot / vrumet iiber sin hantgetat / die er nach im gebildet hat?' (Greg., 335-8). Plate, Gregorius aufdem Stein, p. 6. See Elfriede Neubuhr, Bibliographic zu Hartmann von Aue, Bibliographien zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, 5 (Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 1977), for the many scholarly attempts at interpreting this work. See W.H. Jackson's recent analysis, from the perspective of chivalry, of Gregorius's debate with the abbot in Chivalry in Twelfth-Century Germany: The Works of Hartmann von Aue, Arthurian Studies, 34 (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1994), pp. 149-58. See Plate, Gregorius aufdem Stein, pp. 82-92. See Kalinke, 'The Misogamous Maiden Kings,' in Bridal-Quest Romance in Medieval Iceland, pp. 66-108. Walter Haug discusses the relationship of the German legend, as found in the Gesta Romanorum, to Hartmann's version. The conclusions he draws regarding the charac-

284

Notes to pages 209-17

ter of the legend do not apply to the Icelandic version. See his Literaturtheorie im deutschen Mittelalter. Von den Anfangen bis zum Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts. Eine Einfuhrung (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985), pp. 142-5. 21 See Kalinke, "'Gregorius saga biskups" and "Gregorius auf dem Stein",' pp. 74-8. 22 See Plate, Gregorius auf dem Stein, pp. 126-7. 23 The term 'marital romance' designates a narrative that deals 'not with the problem of acquiring a bride but with the problem of preserving the marital state' (Theodore M. Andersson, A Preface to the Nibelungenlied [Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1987], p. 68). 24 The most comprehensive treatment of bridal-quest narratives may be found in Friedmar Geissler, Brautwerbung in der Weltliteratur (Halle: Niemeyer, 1955). 25 Helga Schiippert, 'Ebernand von Erfurt,' DIM, 11:293.I nave not had access to Stettfelder's version. 26 Heinrich Giinter, Kaiser Heinrich //., der Heilige (Kempten and Munich: Jos. Kosel'sche Buchhandlung, 1904), p. 80. Cf. 'Kunigunde. I. K.,' in LMA, V: 1570-1; alsoLTK, Vl:68i. 27 Robert Folz, 'La legende liturgique de saint Henri II empereur et confesseur,' in Clio et son regard. Melanges d'histoire de I'art et d'archeologie offerts a Jacques Stiennon a I'occasion de ses vingt-cinq ans d'enseignement a I'Universite de Liege, ed. Rita Lejeune and Joseph Deckers (Liege: Pierre Mardaga, 1982), p. 253. 28 LMA, V:1571. 29 See Schiippert, 'Ebernand von Erfurt,' DIM, 11:291. 30 Giinter, Kaiser Heinrich II., der Heilige, p. 81. See also Robert Folz, Le saints rois du MoyenAge en Occident (VIe-XIIIe siecles), Subsidia Hagiographica, 68 (Brussels: Societe des Bollandistes, 1984), pp. 87-9; and his Les saintes reines du MoyenAge en Occident (VIe—XIIIe siecles), Subsidia Hagiographica, 76 (Brussels: Societe des Bollandistes, 1992), pp. 82-7. 31 Schiippert, 'Ebernand von Erfurt,' DIM, II: 292: 'Literarisierung.' 32 'daz ich mil kuscheit vollenvarn / hin biz an min ende' (lines 792-3). Reference is to Bechstein, Heinrich und Kunegunde von Ebernand von Erfurt. 33 See Kalinke, Bridal-Quest Romance in Medieval Iceland, pp. 66-108. 34 This issue also arises in secular Icelandic romance, most notably in one of the late medieval Sagas of Icelanders, Viglundar saga, in which the notion of self-determination (sjdlfrdd) takes on the character of a leitmotif. See Marianne E. Kalinke, 'Viglundar saga: An Icelandic Bridal-Quest Romance,' Skdldskaparmdl 3 (1994), 123-47. 35 Her willingness to let Henry decide for her prevents the marriage from appearing to be in violation of canon law, which required the consent of both partners. Cf. 'Ehe' in LMA, 111:1623. 36 Rhb, I:xii-xiii.

Notes to pages 218-23 285 37 See K2112 in Stith Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature, FF Communications, 109 (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, Academia Scientiarum Fennica, 1934), vol. 4, pp. 481-2. 38 Bjarni Vilhjalmsson, ed., 'Af fru Olff og Landres syni hennar,' in Karlamagnus saga ([n.p.:] Islendingasagnautgafan, Haukadalsutgafan, [1950], vol. I, pp. 99-157. Cf. Wilson, The Lost Literature of Medieval England, p. no. 39 Cf. Hans Grochenig, 'Gottesurteil,' EM, vi:24-31. It should be noted that trial by ordeal was a subject of dispute within the church in the ninth century and was finally forbidden by the Lateran Council of 1215. 40 In Tristrams saga Isond says: 'Never was man born of woman who came close to me naked except you, king, and that poor pilgrim who carried me from the boat and fell upon me in the sight of all of you' (The Saga of Tristram and Isond, trans. Paul Schach [Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1973], p. 93). The word 'naked' also applies to the pilgrim, that is, Tristram, for just before he falls on her, she raises her dress. 41 Cf. D.W. Rollason, 'Oswald,' mLMA, VI: 1549-50. 42 Robert Folz writes, 'A la fin du Moyen Age le folklore, 1'art et la liturgie feront de saint Oswald 1'un des saints les plus populaires dans les pays allemands' (Les saints rois, p. 48). 43 Cf. A. Otterbein, 'Oswald,' in LMA, Vi:i552. 44 Michael Curschmann, Der Munchener Oswald und die deutsche spielmdnnische Epik. Mir einem Exkurs zur Kultgeschichte und Dichtungstradition, MTU, 6 (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1964), pp. 72-3: '... vollige Gleichwertigkeit der Gattungen Legende und Brautwerbungserzahlung in der stofflichen Zusammensetzung des Werkes und ein bei engster Verschmelzung auBerst kompliziertes Verhaltnis der beiden zueinander.' See also Joachim Bahr and Michael Curschmann, 'Spielmannsdichtung,' in Reallexikon der deutschen Literaturgeschichte, ed. Klaus Kanzog and Achim Masser 2nd ed. (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1984), vol. 4, pp. 105-22. 45 Chapter 49 of Breta sdgur, a thirteenth-century translation of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia regum Britanniae, preserved in Icelandic manuscripts, contains a short account of Oswald's life and death. Nothing else is heard of the saint in Iceland until his legend is translated in Reykjaholabok. See Breta sdgur (see chap. 3, n. 3), chapter 49, 'Af Osvalldi konvnge,' pp. 298-300. 46 Here the function of the raven corresponds to that of the dove in the legend of St Remigius. The incident in that legend involves the baptism of Clovis and his subsequent anointing as king by Bishop Remigius. To the dismay of the bishop there is no chrism, but a dove from heaven arrives with a supply. In German the legend of St Remigius is transmitted in both the Vers-Passional (VPass., 95:14-38) and Der Heiligen Leben (ed. Riittgers, vol. I, p. 21).

286

Notes to pages 224-35

47 Foster W. Blaisdell, ed., Erex saga Artuskappa, EA, B, 19 (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1965), 27.18-28.15. 48 Jon SigurSsson, 'Saga Osvalds konungs bins helga.' 49 See Curschmann, Der Munchener Oswald und die deutsche spielmdnnische Epik, pp. 2-3. 50 Edzardi, Untersuchungen fiber das Gedicht von St. Oswald, p. 8. 51 Oskar Klockhoff, 'Om Osvalds saga,' p. 17. Georg Baesecke, who edited the German Oswald, noted approvingly: 'Auch ich halte fur wahrscheinlich, daB n [= Osvalds saga] eine Ubersetzung aus dem niederdeutschen Passional ist... Edzardi ist durch Klockhoff widerlegt' (Der Munchener Oswald. Text und Abhandlung, Germanistische Abhandlungen, 28 [Breslau: M. & H. Marcus, 1907], p. 221 n.2). 52 For a discussion of the topic see Marianne E. Kalinke, 'Osvalds saga konungs,' in The Eighth International Saga Conference: The Audience of the Sagas, 11-17 August 1991, Gothenburg University ([Goteborg], 1991), vol. I, pp. 268-77. 53 Edzardi, Untersuchungen iiber das Gedicht von St. Oswald, pp. 5-6; Baesecke, ed., Wiener Oswald. 54 See 'Rabe,' in HDA, vii:427~57. The raven is of course also closely associated with OSinn in Norse mythology, but 'in St. Oswald mil dem R[abe]n Wodan sehen zu wollen, ist wohl verfehlt; es diirfte ein Marchen zugrunde liegen' (col. 435). See also 'Oswald, hi.,' in 'Nachtrage,' HDA, ix:54-6. 55 See Kalinke, Bridal-Quest Romance in Medieval Iceland, pp. 98-108. 56 See 'Keuschheit,' LTK, VI: 133-6. In the context here, the word hreinlega can mean either 'free from sin' or 'free from sexual intercourse.' 57 Curschmann, Der Munchener Oswald und die deutsche spielmdnnische Epik, p. 192; the quotation is from p. 212. 58 Cf. Bedae Opera Historica, trans. I.E. King, vol. I, Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation (London: William Heinemann; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1954). 59 Given that Osvalds saga, like the other translated legends in Reykjaholabok, does not derive from the reduced legends in Dat Passionael but rather from much longer and presumably older German legends, which may have been the sources of those in Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael but in any case were closely related to them, Curschmann's position that the introductory coronation narrative in the prose version of the Oswald story (that is, Der Heiligen Leben I Dat Passionael and Osvalds saga) is 'eine ganz neue Einleitung' is debatable. Most likely this material was part of the original legend that was transmitted in the German-language area. In all probability the German source of Osvalds saga predates the two extant German verse legends. There is no scholarly consensus regarding the dating of the German legends, espe-

Notes to pages 236-41 287 cially the Mtinchner Oswald, and a study that takes Osvalds saga into consideration is a desideratum. 60 See Josef Diinninger, 'St. Oswald und Regensburg. Zur Datierung des Miinchener Oswald,' Geddchtnisschrift fur Adalbert Hdmel, ed. Romanisches Institut der Universitat Erlangen (Wiirzburg: Konrad Triltsch Verlag, 1953), pp. 17-26, especially pp. 20-2. Chapter 8 1 'og enndezt hier nv hans historia gvde thil lof og honvm en beim thil gamans er hlytt hafa. og peim ecki til syndar avka sem krabbat hefvr. So og beim lavn af gvde sem lesith hefr. Enn ollvm eylifa hvild med gvde og ollvm hans helgvm j himeRike vthann enda. Amenn' (Rhb, 11,166.17-21). 2 'Mvn og hier vera ender gior aa bessare savgv med beim formalaa at saa er bessa savgv rithade og saa er sagde og so hverr er hlydde hafe arnann og baena fvllthing af helgvm Ambrosio sier thil synda lavsnar og eylifs fagnadar' (Rhb, 11:93.5-9). The Rhb text departs slightly from that of the older translation in that it distinguishes between the writer and the one reading the text aloud. The older text suggests, however, that the one who wrote it down was identical with the reader: 'at sa, er ritadi ok sagdi' (HMS, 1:51.33), that is, 'the one who wrote and read it.' 3 Remundar saga keisarasonar, in Bjarni Vilhjalmsson, ed., Riddarasogur (n.p.: Islendingasagnaiitgafan, Haukadalsutgafan, 1951), vol. 5, p. 339. 4 The manuscript, AM 5513 410, was written, according to Stefan Karlsson, by I>orbj6rn Jonsson i Kalfanesi in the West Fjords. See Stefan Karlsson, Sagas of Icelandic Bishops, p. 39. 5 Grettis saga Asmundarsonar. Bandamanna saga. Odds pdttr Ofeigssonar, ed. GuSni Jonsson (Reykjavik: Hi5 islenzka fornritafelag, 1936), p. 290. 6 Foote, Lives of Saints, p. 9 and fol. 36r. 7 There is no discernible feature that would distinguish the hand of the marginalium from that of the text above, which is Ormur Loptsson's. 8 The earliest attestation of the word krabba in Icelandic, according to WestergardNielsen, appears to be 1595, and, in his etymological dictionary, Asgeir Blondal Magmisson suggests that the word, with the meaning 'to write poorly,' did not have currency in Icelandic until the seventeenth century. See Westergard-Nielsen, Ldneordene; Asgeir Blondal Magmisson, Islensk ordsifjabok. 9 See Rhb, I:xli. 10 Cf. Sverrir Tomasson, Formdlar islenskra sagnaritara a midoldum, pp. 130-2; 311— 12. See also Bjarni GuSnason's criticism in 'Urn formala islenskra sagnaritara,' Gripla 8 (1994), 148-9. In his review of the book, Anthony Faulkes notes: 'It is clear

288 Notes to pages 241-7 that medieval Icelandic writers took for granted the usual European formulation of the purpose of writing as edification with entertainment... Skemmtun means something to make the time seem short, and if it is good it is effective and not tedious, and also presumably healthy, but not necessarily edificatory' (Saga-Book [Notes and Reviews] 22:7 [1989], 485-6. 11 'St. Stephanus. in cuius legenda videas uti et in aliis putidissima et impudentissima mendacia monachorum, de miraculis factis ad ossa et sepulcrum eius quae Christi et apostolorum miracula longe superant' (Rbh, I:xlv). 12 Johannes Pauli, Schimpf undErnst, vol. I, p. 3: 'Wan vil schimpfflicher, kurtzweiliger und lecherlicher Exempel darin sein, damit die geistlichen Kinder in den beschloBnen Kloestern etwa zuo lesen haben, darin sie zuo Zeiten iren Geist moegen erluestigen und ruowen, wan man nit alwegen in einer Strenckeit bleiben mag, und auch die uff den Schloessern und Bergen wonen und geil sein, erschrockenliche und ernstliche Ding finden, davon sie gebessert werden.' 13 SigurSur Nordal, 'Tid och kalvskinn. Nagra anmarkningar om de ekonomiska fb'rutsattningarna for den fornislandska litteraturen,' Scripta Islandica 5 (1954), 16. 14 Slay, Codex Scardensis, p. 13. 15 See Foote, Lives of Saints, pp. 11-15; Stefan Karlsson, 'Ritun ReykjarfjarSarbokar,' P- 13716 Foote, Lives of Saints, p. 18. 17 Louis-Jensen, 'Den yngre del af Flateyjarbdk,' p. 249. 18 Cf. 6lafur Halldorsson, 'SkrifaSar baekur,' in Islenskpjodmenning, vol. 6, Munnmentir og bokmenning, ed. Frosti F. Johannesson (Reykjavik: Bokautgafan PjoSsaga, 1989) pp. 87-8. 19 See Gunnar HarSarson and Stefan Karlsson, 'Hauksbok,' in Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia (see chap. 5, no. 10), pp. 271-2. 20 Margaret Clunies Ross: 'Snorri Sturluson's Edda is our first Germanic Religionsgeschichte' ('"Quellen zur germanischen Religionsgeschichte": Snorri's Edda as Medieval Religionsgeschichte,' in Germanische Religionsgeschichte: Quellen und Quellenprobleme, ed. Heinrich Beck, Detlev Ellmers, and Kurt Schier, Erganzungsbande zum Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, 5 [Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1992], p. 633). 21 See Anthony Faulkes, 'Snorra Edda,' in Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia (see chap. 5, n. 10), pp. 600-2. For an English translation see Faulkes, Snorri Sturluson: Edda (London and Melbourne: Dent, 1987). 22 It should be noted, however, that some scholars have seen in Snorri a latent pagan, and still others a Christian who produced the Edda in order to expose the pagan gods as manifestations of Satan. See Heinrich Beck, 'Snorri Sturlusons Sicht der paganen Vorzeit,' Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, I. Philologisch-historische Klasse, I (1994), 1-60, especially 6-8.

Notes to page 247

289

23 For a survey of scholarly opinion, see Gottfried Lorenz, Snorri Sturluson. Gylfaginning. Texte, Ubersetzung, Kommentar (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1984), pp. 527-8. 24 Islensk bokmenntasaga, ed.Vesteinn 6lason (see chap. 2, n. 71), vol. i, p. 78: 'en almennt tala6 er bagt a5 sja hva6 hefbi geta5 komiS kristnum monnum til a5 helga sig skaldskap um heiSin god.'

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Index

Abibas (Abibon), St, 87-8, 90-2 Abibon (Abibas), St, 89-90 ActaPilati, 16 adultery, 139, 212, 220, 222 Aelfric, 266 n. 91 'Af Fru Olif ok Landres syni hennar,' 40, 219 Agapitus, St, 119 Agnes, St, 111, 131-3 Albertus Magnus, 263 n. 53 Albrecht von Eyb, 17, 256 n. 98 Alexander IV, Pope, 33 Alexander legend, 20, 255 n. 88 Ambraser Heldenbuch, 272 n. I Ambrose, St, 28, 39, 47, 56, 80, 84, 93-5, 108, 126, 138, 149, 153, 164, 239, 269 n. 16 Ambrosius saga, 86, 93, 108, 153, 239 Ambrosius saga byskups, 272 n. 7 Amicus and Amelius, 20 Andrew, St (apostle), 29, 105 Androcles and the lion, folk-tale of, 54, 179, 199, 281 n. 23 'Anna S., Historia,' 255 n. 80 'Anna Selbdritt,' 278 n. 28 Anne, St, 14-15, 26, 28, 46, 67-70, 72, 74-6, 135, 146-9, 161-3, 244,

254 n. 69, 272 n. 45, 277 n. 18, 278 n. 28 Anne and Mary, Sts, 50, 126 Anne 'Selbdritt,' St, 147, 278 n. 28 Anselm, St, 135 Anthony, St, 10, 12, 28, 50, 191 anti-Legenda aurea, 4 Apollonius (Heinrich von Steinhowel), 19, 20 Apostles', Lives of the, 79 Apostles' Creed, 84 Arndes, Steffan, 4, 9, 11-12, 35, 68, 250 n. 12, 253 n. 43, 264 n. 62 Arngrfmr Brandsson, 38 Arni Laurentiusson, 38 Ami Magnusson, 34-5 Arnold of Liibeck, 9 Arnor Sigurjonsson, 32 Arthur, King, 224 Arthurian romances, 126, 200 Asgeir Blondal Magnusson, 287 n. 8 Assumption of Mary, 68, 136-7 Augustine, St, 22, 28, 33, 39,47,50, 57-9, 62-7,80,98, 108, 116, 126-7, ! 35> 141, 149, 150, 154-5, 157-8, 160, 244, 269 n. 16, 270 n. 20, 271 n. 27, 279 n. 33

3io Index Augustine, St, life of, 22, 34 Augustinian order, 28, 33-4, 38, 57, 116, 127, 238, 244, 262 n. 46, 264 n. 64, 279 n-33 Augustinus saga, 34, 56-7, 60, 64-7, 69, 80,108,116,141,149,153,155-8,160, 240-1, 244, 246, 272 n. 7, 275 n. 32 Auserlesenes History-Buck (Martin von Cochem), 9 Auserwahlte papistische Ltigen (Hieronymus Rauscher), 21 Avitus, 88,91 Bachmann, A., 16 Baesecke, Georg, 269 n. 7, 286 n. 51 Bamler, Johann, 14 Barlaam and Josaphat, Sts, 9, 28, 50 Barlahams saga og Josaphats, 192, 240 Basel, Council of, 135, 277 n. 18 Bede, Venerable, 45, 117, 235-6, 268 n. 3 Beham, Barthel and Hans Sebald, 8, 197 Bekker-Nielsen, Hans, 29, 39,46-51, 53, 56, 67-8, 77, 80-2, 86, 95-6, 117, 269 n. 16 Benedictine order, 38 Benz, Richard, 8 Bergr Sokkason, 38 Bernhard, St, 130, 157 BHL 979, 50 BHL 2580, 50 Bibire, Paul, 266 n. 85 Biblie vth der vthlegginge Doctoris Martini Luthers,De, 41 'Bijbelvertaler van 1360,' 13, 35 Birgittine order, 31 Bisclaret, 195 Bisclavret, 195 Bjarni GuSnason, 287 n. 10 Bjom l>orleifsson , 6, 27-34, 39> 43> 45~7> 49, 5«, 54> 56-60' 65~7, 69, 78, 80-3,

85-6, 88, 90, 93, 95-102, 105-6,1089,112-16,118-19,121-6,132, 143, 157-8, 163, 174, 188, 198, 209, 21112, 225, 234, 236, 238, 240-8, 261 n. 23, 270 n. 24, 271 n. 44, 274 n. 25, 280 n. 9,281 n. 20 Black Death, 72 Boccaccio, 17 Bonaventure, St, 136,271 n. 37 Bor, Wouter, 14-15 Borchling, Conrad, 15, 16 Brandr Jonsson, 275 n. 31 Brant, Sebastian, 249 n. 6 Brendan, St, 144 Breta sogur, 45, 268 n. 3, 285 n. 45 bridal-quest narrative, 23, 116,140, 205, 207, 211, 213, 218, 222-4, 229, 234-6, 284 n. 24 'Broderschupp genannt sunte Annen der Iszlandesfarer' (St Anne Fraternity of Iceland Farers), 26 Brothers of the Common Life, 10 Buck der Mdrtyrer (Mdrterbuch), 12 'Buch vom heiligen Georg, Das,' 256 n. 96, 280 n. 18 'Buch vom heiligen Karl,' 17 'Buch vom heiligen Wilhelm, Das,' 17 Bugenhagen, Johann, 42, 267 n. 95 Bungart, Hermann, 15 'Buoch von Hester der kunigin, Das,' 17 Caesarius von Heisterbach, 130 Capella degli Scrovegni, 272 n. 45 Catechismus pro pueris et iuuentute (Justus Jonas), 42 Catherine of Alexandria, St, 9,130, 254 n. 66 Cato (German), 16 Cecilia, St, 130 Chanson de Roland, 41

Index chaste marriage, 212, 216-18 Childerich II, 133 Chretien de Troyes, 40-1, 96, 199-200, 224 Christ child, 166, 169, 171, 174, 200, 278 n. 28 Christ-bearer, legend of the, 166, 168 Christ-bearer, motif of the, 280 n. 5 Christeforusvisur, 280 n. 9 Christian III (king of Denmark), 25,41 Christopher, St, 166, 198 Cistercian order, 130 Cleophas, 147 Clovis, 285 n. 46 Clunies Ross, Margaret, 288 n. 20 Cochem, Martin von, 9 Codex regius, 247 Codex Scardensis (Skardsbok), 38, 78-9, 243 conception of Mary, virginal, 73, 135 Concordia, St, 119 Confession of Faith, 82-4 Constantine, Emperor, 150, 198 conversion legend, 227-8, 234-5 coronation legend, 235 Corvinus, Antonius, 42 Cranach, Lucas, the Elder, 8, 197 Cristoforus saga, 101, 158, 166-74 Cronica novella (Hermann Korner), 2O, 196, 241 Cunegund, St, 28, 51-2, 115-16, 138-41, 151, 212-13, 216-22, 236, 278 n. 23, 279 n. 34 Curschmann, Michael, 223, 235, 269 n. 7 Cynegils, 117, 235

Danish Church Ordinance of 1537, 25 De Gregorio Papa (Pietro Paolo Vergerio), 21 Delehaye, Hippolyte, 201

311

Derendorf, Brigitte, 22 devil, 135, 139-40, 143, 145-6, 158-63, 166-70, 172, 174, 190-1, 193, 203-4, 213, 218-19, 281 n. 33, 282 n. 35. See also Satan Dialogues ofSt Gregory, 21 Dialogus miraculorum (Caesarius von Heisterbach), 130 Didrich van Minden, 25 'Dienstmotif,' 168, 200 Dietrich of Berne, tale of, 11 Dietz, Ludowich, 41 Dis ist ein hupsche legende von der heiligenfrawen sant Anna (Dysz ist eyn seltzemme und gute legende), 14 Dominic, St, 6, 21, 28, 33, 50, 97,128-31, 134,158-9,238,245,279^33 Dominican order, 4, 22, 33, 129-30, 1345, 158, 198, 276 n. 3,279 n. 33 Dominicus saga, 128-9, 131, 133, 159, 238, 279 n. 35 Dorn, Hans, 14, 67 dragon-slayer, motif of the, 199, 200 dragon-slayer, tale of the, 174, 177-9 Duchess von Rosenfeld, 12 Diirer, Albrecht, 8, 197 Das duytsche passionail, 7 Dyonisius, St, 108 Dysz ist eyn seltzemme und gute legende von Sant Annan und von irem gantzen geslecht (Dis ist ein hupsche legende), 14

Ebemand von Erfurt, 7,49, 51-3, 212-14, 216 Edzardi, Anton, 46, 224-5, 286 n. 51 Ehebuchlein (Albrecht von Eyb), 17 Elsdssische Legenda aurea, 13, 180 Elsebet Egersdotter, 31 Enchiridion (Erasmus), 20

312 Index Epistle to the Hebrews, 241 Epistola Luciani, 88-92, 273 n. 14 Erasmus, Desiderius, 20, 43 Erasmus, St, 28, 50, 114 Erec et Enide (Chretien de Troyes), 40, 224 Erex saga, 40, 224 Erwahlte, Der (Thomas Mann), 9, 201 Ethelwald, 117 Eurialus undLucretia (Niklas von Wyle), 19 Evangelium Nicodemi (Heinrich von Hesler), 16, 17, 256 n. 96 'Expositio Regule Augustini cum instruccione noviciorum,' 34

Falk, Franz, 15, 255 n. 77 falsely accused queens, 218-20 Fathers, Lives of the, 12, 275 n. 37 Faulkes, Anthony, 287 n. 10 Faustus (heretic), 64 Felicissimus, St, 119 Ferdinand I, 21 Flatey, 33 'Flore und Blanscheflur,' 17 Flores saga konungs ok sona hans, 165 Flovents saga, 40 Foote, Peter, 38-9 Fortunatus (heretic), 64, 98 Francis, St, 128-9, I3 1 Franciscan order, 130 Frankfurt Master, 135 Frye, Northrop, 200 Fiirst-Georgs-Bibliothek (Dessau), 16 Gabriel, Archangel, 70, 72, 103 Galleria Estense (Modena), 5, 197 Gamaliel, St, 86-8, 91-3 Geldner, Ferdinand, 14, 251 n. 26, 253 n. 43

Genevieve of Brabant, St, 278 n. 23 Geoffrey of Monmouth, 45, 268 n. 3, 285

n-45 Geoffrey of Viterbo, 19 Georg (Reinbot von Durne), 50-1 George, St, 8, 12, 28, 50, 97, 165-6, 1748,198, 200 Georgius saga, 95, 100-1, 103, 174-9, 200 'gesellschop der Jslandesfarer' (Society of Iceland Farers), 26 Gesta Romanorum, 9, 17, 19, 211, 283 n. 20 Ghotan, 14 Giotto, 271 n. 45 Gisli Jonsson, 26, 260 n. 12 Gizur Einarsson (bishop of Skalholt), 257,41-3, 260 nn. 12, 14, 267 n. 94 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang, 255 n. 88 Golden Gate, 71-4 'Golden Legend' (Legenda aurea), 7 Goltwurm, Caspar, 250 n. 17 Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, 16, 75-6 Gospel of St Luke, 103 Gospel of St Matthew, 43 Gottfried von StraBburg, 39-40 Granger Ryan, William, 273 n. 16 grateful lion, folk-tale of the, 165, 174, 179,181 grateful lion, motif of the, 199 Gregorius (Hartmann von Aue), 7, 9, 501, 121 Gregorius aufdem Stein, 203, 205 'Gregorius de grote sunder' (Plenariuni), 35, 203 Gregorius peccator, 8-9, 17, 19, 23, 28, 50,79, 117, 121-3,158,187,201-3, 205-11, 236, 238, 264 n. 62, 283 n. 8 Gregorius saga biskups, 28, 79, 117, 121— 2, 158, 2 O I - I I

Index Gregorius saga pdfa, 79 Gregory the Great, St, 28, 39, 50, 108, 160, 203, 269 n. 16, 270 n. 20 Gregory the Great, St, life of, 161 Grettis saga, 31, 239-40 Grimm brothers, 280 n. 5 Griseldis (Heinrich Steinhowel), 16-17, 41, 255 n. 88 Der grofle Seelentrost, IO-H, 17-18, 2O, 184, 191 Gruninger, Johann, 11 GuSbrandur Jonsson, 36, 264 n. 64 'Guiscardo and Ghismonda' (Boccaccio),

I? Gumbertus, King, 150 Giinter, Heinrich, 212 Gurun, 265 n. 84 Gylfaginning, 247 Hakon Hakonarson (king of Norway), 3940 Hanseatic League, 40 Hartmann von Aue, 7, 9, 17, 50-1, 121, 201-4, 206-9, 2 H , 236, 283 n. 20 Haug, Walter, 283 n. 20 Haukr Erlendsson, 246, 266 n. 91 Hauksbok, 246, 266 n. 91 Heilagra manna s0gur, 47, 81, 273 n. 12 Heiligen Leben, Der, 3, 5-9, 11-13, T 9> 21-3, 28,44-7, 49, 50-3, 59, 60,67, 78, 95, 168-9, J74' '80, 191, 194, 196-8, 201-3,2°6, 211-13, 224, 250 n. 16, 269 n. 17, 270 n. 21, 282 n. 42, 285 n. 46, 286 n. 59 Heiligen Leben 'Redaktion,' I I Heiligenleben (Hermann von Fritslar), 12, 180 Heinrich und Kunegunde (Ebernand von Erfurt), 7, 49, 51-3 Heinrich von Hesler, 16

313

Heinrich von Neuss, 14-15 Heinrich von St Gallen, 71 Helen, St, 198 Helgafell, 33, 37-8, 244 Helgir prir kongar, 198 'Helgra manna Historia,' 34 Hendreks saga og Kunegundis, 112, 158, 211-23, 225-6 Henry II, St, 28, 51, 112, 116, 138-41, 151, 158, 164, 212-22, 227, 245, 284 n.

35 Hermann von Fritslar, 12, 180 Herzog Ernst, 255 n. 88 Hippolytus (church father, d. ca. 235), 119 Hippolytus, St, i n , 119-20,131, 133-4, 160, 165 Hirsch, Rudolf, 10-11, 15 Historia Apollonii regis Tyri, 19 Historia de duobus amantibus (Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini), 19 Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, 117, 235, 268 n. 3 Historia Lombardica (Legenda aurea), j, 34, 36, 250 n. 17 Historia nova, pulchra, devota, et autentica de sancta Anna, 14 Historia regum Britanniae (Geoffrey of Monmouth), 45, 268 n. 3, 285 n. 45 Historia scholastica, 16, 275 n. 31 Die historic, die ghetiden ende die exempelen van der heyligher vrouwen sint Annen, 75 Die historic van die heilige moeder santa anna ... ende mirakelen mitten exempelen, 14 Historien der heiligher drie coninghen, 15 Historienbibel, 16 De historige van der hilligen moder Sunte Annen, 67 Die history und das leben der heyligerfra-

314

Index

wen sant Annen ... myt vyl schonen miracelen und exemplen, 15 H0dneb0, Finn, 40 Holar (bishopric), 24-5, 36-7, 245, 259 n. 5, 263 n. 53, 266 n. 91, 275 n. 31 Holy Helpers, 28,166, 174 Holy Trinity, 63, 130, 154, 157 Homiliubok (Sth. Perg. 410 nr. 15), 37, 86, 273 n. 12 Hondorff, Andreas, 250 n. 17 Honorius III, Pope, 33 Huberinus, Caspar, 42 Immaculate Conception, 70-3,134-6,277 n. 19 Inc. 3306 (Royal Library, Copenhagen),

35 incest, 201-3, 205, 208-9 Index Lingvx Veteris Scytho-Scandicse sive Gothicx (Olaus Verelius), 79 Innocent III, Pope, 279 n. 34 Inventio S. Stephani, 37, 86, 88-9, 92-3, 118, 165, 273 n. 12 Isidore of Seville, 65 'Istoria di San Giovanni Boccadoro,' 197 Ivens saga, 40, 199 Iwein (Hartmann von Aue), 17 Jacobus de Voragine, 7-8, 37,44,66, 75, 93,107,109,141,150,166,171-4,177, 179, 181, 263 n. 53, 264 n. 66, 281 n. 32 James the Greater, St (apostle), 105 James the Less, St (apostle), 108 Jan van Denemarken, 14 Jasper (Magus), 198 Jellinghaus, Hermann, 17 Jerome, St, 12, 17, 28, 50, 55-6, 59, 65, 126, 136-7,139,149,152-7, 159-60, 166, 179, 180-2,184,198, 200, 270 n. 20

Jeronimus saga, 139, 155, 174, 179-85, 199 Joachim, St, 14, 69, 71-5, 147, 272 n.

45 John Chrysostom, St, 3-6, 8, 23, 28, 50, 127-8, 136, 144-5.158,165-6, 18598, 218, 271 n. 37 John Chrysostom, St, in art, 196-7 John 'Golden Mouth,' St (St John Chrysostom), 5, 128 John the Apostle, St, 13, 114, 147, 149 John the Baptist, St, 13, 154-7 John the Deacon, 160-1,188-90 Jon Arason (bishop of Holar), 25, 27, 33, 37, 259 nn. 4, 5 Jon Egilsson, 24-5, 42, 259 n. 6 Jon Einarsson, 24-5, 34, 259 n. 5 Jon Gizurarson, 41, 260 n. 7 Jon Gu6mundsson, 37 Jon Helgason (b. 1866), 24-5 Jon Helgason (b. 1899), 274 n. 26, 275 n. 31 Jon SigurSsson, 45, 224 Jon Vilhjalmsson Craxton, 266 n. 91 Jon Porkelsson Vidalin (bishop), 34 Jonas, Justus, 42 Jonas Gislason, 259 n. 6 Jons saga gullmunns, 144, 158, 185-98, 201, 2 1 1

J0rgensen, Jon Gunnar, 262 n. 28 Josaphat, 192 Joseph, St, no, 218 'Josephsehe,' 212 Josephus Flavius, 106 Judas, 131 'Kaiser Oktavian,' 255 n. 88 Kampfer, Winfried, 9 Karlamagnus saga, 40, 218 Karlinger, Felix, 8, 200 Kay, 126

Index Keisir unde keiserin, 52 Ketil Beinktsson, 31 Kldri saga, 40 Klockhoff, Oskar, 46, 225, 286 n. 51 Koch, Simon, 14 Konrad von Ammenhausen, 17 Konrad von Heimesfurt, 16 Korner, Hermann, 20, 196, 241 Korte Uthlegginge der Evangelien (Antonius Corvinus), 42 Kretzenbacher, Leopold, 130 Kruckow, Hans, 261 n. 23 Kurtze Auslegung der Euangelien, 42 Lceknabok (Lcekningabok), 31, 261 n. 27 'Lai of the Beach,' 265 n. 84 'Lai of Two Lovers,' 265 n. 84 Landsberg, Martin, 255 n. 80 Lateran Council of 1215, 285 n. 39 Laurencius saga, 82, 84, 86, 93, 95, 11013, 117-21, 131-3, 165, 239, 273 n. 10 Laurentius saga, 272 n. 7 Lawrence, St, 12, 28, 39,47, 56, 80-5, 95, 103, 111-13, 117-20, 131-3, 139-41, 145-6, 151, 158, 164-5, 213, 222' 269 n. 16 Lazarus, St, 13, 28, 50, 109, 114, 126, 278 n. 26 Lazarus saga, 109, 114, 126 Leeu, Gerard, 15 Legenda aurea, 6, 8, 13-14, 16-17, 22, 28, 34-6,44-5,49-50, 58,60,65-6, 75, 81, 88, 92-3, 106-7, 109, 111-12, 115, 118-20, 132-3, 140-1, 150, 166, 16874, 177, 179-82, 185, 250 n. 17, 263 n. 52, 270 n. 17, 273 n. 16, 278 n. 21 Legenda sanctae Annae, 14 Legenda sanctae Emerencianae et sanctae Annae, 14 Legenda sanctorum in uno volumine compilavit (Legenda aurea}, 7

315

legends: - Albanus, 17 - Barlaam and Josaphat, 28, 50, 282 n. 37 - Circumcision of Christ, 68 - Cross Tree, 29, 47, 105 - Gregorius peccator, 8-9, 17, 23, 28, 50, 117,121,158,198,201-2, 211, 218, 236, 245, 252 n. 34 - John Golden-Mouth (St John Chrysostom), 144, 185 - Julianus Hospitator, 168 - Lazarus, 28, no - Nativity of Mary, 75 - Seven Sleepers, 28, 50, 80, 115 - St Alexius, 16 - St Ambrose, 28, 47, 56, 63, 80-1, 95, 108, 126, 137-8 - St Andrew, 38 - St Anne, 14, 28, 68-70, 269 n. 16 - St Anthony, 28,49, 50, 99 - St Augustine, 13, 22, 28, 34, 47, 50, 567, 60, 80, 98, 116, 126, 146, 149, 157, 244, 269 n. 13, 275 n. 32 - St Barbara, 14, 254 n. 66 - St Bartholomew, 37-8 - St Benedict, 16, 30 - St Brendan, 144 - St Catherine of Alexandria, 14 - St Christopher, 14, 17, 28, 50, 100-1, 158, 165-6, 169, 172-4, 198, 200, 280 n. 9 - St Dominic, 6, 28, 50, 97, 99, 134 - St Dorothy, 14, 254 n. 66 - StDyonisius, 108 - St Erasmus, 28, 50,114 - St George, 8, 16-17, 28, 50, 97, 99, 101, 114, 174, 177, 195,198-200, 280 n. 18 - St Gregory the Great, 16, 28, 50, 79, 108, 160-1 - St Hilary, 278 n. 21

316 index -

-

-

-

St Jacob, 37 St James the Greater, 105-6 St James the Less, 106-8 St Jerome, 14, 17, 28, 50, 54-5, 59, 978, 126, 137,152, 158,161, 165, 180, 182, 198, 227, 275 n. 32 St John Chrysostom, 3-6, 8, 18, 20-1, 23, 28, 50, 99, 136-7, 140, 144-5, 158, 185-6, 191,194, 196-7, 201-2, 241, 250 n. 16, 270 n. 21 St John the Evangelist, 13 St Lawrence, 28, 47, 56, 63, 80, 82, 95, i l l , 113, 121, 131-3, 139, 141 St Lazarus, 13, 28, 50, 114 St Margaret, 14-15, 254 n. 66 St Martha, 13 St Mary Magdalene, 13-14 St Nicholas of Bari, 31 St Nicholas of Tolentino, 28, 50, 103, 127, 138, 142, 238, 240, 242 St Oswald, 8, 16, 23, 28, 45, 50, 207, 223, 236 StPaul, 38, 149, 150 St Peter (apostle), 37 St Remigius, 285 n. 46 St Rochus, 28, 50, 97,100-1 St Sebastian, 28, 50, 79, 96, 274 n. 20 St Servatius, 28, 50, 102 St Silvester, 28, 50, 108 St Stephen protomartyr, 16, 28, 47, 56, 63, 80, 86, 95, 108, 113, 118, 121,145, 152, 241, 273 n. 12 St Ursula and her 11,000 virgins, 14, 254 n. 66 Sts Anne and Mary, 50, 64, 67, no, 126,238 Sts Henry and Cunegund, 28, 49, 51, 56,59, 98, i n , 115-16, 138-41, 158, 2O7, 212, 2I7-I8, 222-3, 225, 227, 236

- Three Kings (Magi), 15-16, 28, 49, 126,198 - Translation of St Stephen (Translatio S. Stephani), 146, 152 - Veronica, 107, 108 - Virgin Mary, 14, 28, 152 - Visitation of Mary, 68 Leo, Pope, 278 n. 21 Liber de ortu beatae Mariae et infantia salvatoris (Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew), 76 'Liber Marialis,' 264 n. 66 Life and Passion of Christ, 15 Liutprand, 65-6 Lives of the Apostles, 79 Lives of the Fathers, 12, 275 n. 37 'Daz lob der Ee' (Albrecht von Eyb), 17 Loptur Guttormsson, 30-1 Loth, Agnete, 29-31, 45-8, 81, 109-10, 260 n. 20, 268 n. i, 269 n. 13, 274 n. 20 Louis-Jensen, Jonna, 31, 95, 261 n. 27 Lucianus, 86-8, 91, 92, 118, 152 Lucillus, 82-5 Lucy, 81,151 Ltigend von S. Johanne Chrysostomo, Die, 3, 257 n. 105 Luke, St, 152 Luther, Martin, 3-5, 8, 18, 20-1, 25, 27, 4i-3>79> 185, 198, 241 Lutheranism, 25, 26 'Madonna of the Protective Mantle, The' 130 Magelone (Veit Warbeck), 16, 18, 22, 41, 255 n. 88 Magnus Bjornsson, 259 n. 5 maiden-king romances, 40, 207-8 Mann, Thomas, 9, 201 mannjafnadr, 156, 279 n. 36

Index manuscripts: - AM 82 8vo, 44, 67-8 - AM 152 fol., 31

- AM 221 fol., 116, 275 n. 37 - AM 238 III fol., 44, 67-8 - AM 238 VIII fol., 243

- AM 5513 410, 287 n. 4 - AM 645 4tO, 38

-

AM 655 XIV 410, 87, 273 n. 12 AM 655 XXII 410, 273 n. 12 AM 661 410, 87, 273 n. 12 AM 667 4to, 28-9, 47 AM 667 V, XI 410, 29, 105

- AM 667 X 4tO, 29

- Berlin mgf 1278, 16 - C. 28 (Cantonal Library of Zurich), 16 - Cod. Guelf. 317 Helmst (Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbuttel), 13 - De la Gardie 4-7, 40 - Heidelberg, Univ. Bibl., Cpg 119, 252 n. 30 - Helmst. 1245 (Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbuttel), 16 - Ms. theol. germ. 19 (Stadtbibliothek Liibeck), 14, 44 - Msc. Hist. 152 (Staatsbibliothek Bamberg), 13 - Msc. Hist. 153 (Staatsbibliothek Bamberg), 13 - Msc. Hist. 159 (Staatsbibliothek Bamberg), 13 - NRA 676 (Riksarkiv, Oslo), 273 n. 12 - Royal Irish Academy 23 D 43, 31 - Staatsbibl. PreuB. Kulturbesitz, mgq 478, 252 n. 30 - Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 2, 30, 38-9, 57, 78, 81-7, 89-91, 93-5, 107-8, 110, 11820, 239-40, 243, 273 nn. 10, 12 - Sth. Perg. fol. nr. 3, 27-9, 31, 39, 46,

317

67-8, 78, 82, 84-8, 90-3, 95, 107, 118, 268 n. I, 273 n. 10 - Sth. Perg. 410 nr. 1,38 - Sth. Perg. 410 nr. 15 (Homiliubok), 37, 86, 273 n. 12 - Sth. Perg. 410 nr. 16, 31 Margarita theologica (Johann Spangenberg), 42, 267 n. 100 Marie de France, 39, 195 Marienleben (Heinrich von St Gallen), 71 marital romance, 211,213, 222, 284 n. 23 Mariu saga, 34, i n , 130, 132-4, 148-9, 264 n. 62 Mariu saga og Onnu, 44, 68—71, 73-6, 96, 102-4, I I Q > 112-13, 126-8, 133-4, 136, 146, 161, 217-18, 238, 269 n. 16, 277 n. 18 'Mariusaga,' 34 Mariv savgv og beirra Avnnv, 67 Mark, St (apostle), 29, 105 Mdrterbuch (Buch der Martyrer), 6, 12, 49-50 Martha, St, 13, 109 Martin of Tours, St, 153, 164 martyr legend, 235 Mary Cleophas, 147 Mary Magdalene, St, 13-4, 109-11, 131, 133,160 Mary Salome, 147 Mass of the Dead, 142, 144 Matthew, St, 38, 114 Maximilian, Emperor, 272 n. i Mechthild, Countess Palatine, 19 Meisterlied (of St John Chrysostom), 8, 196 Melusine, 16, 18, 255 n. 88 Mertens, Volker, 51-2 Michaels saga, 38 Migetius, 87, 93 'miracula Sanctae marias,' 34

318

Index

Mittelniederdeutsche Legenda aurea, 13 MoSruvellir, 30, 33, 38, 263 n. 46, 264 n. 64 Mohnkopf group of printers, 11 Mombritius, 81, 82, 84-6,89,94, 119 Moser, Dietz-Riidiger, 194 Munchener Oswald, 50, 223-4, 2^9 n. 7 Munka-f»vera, 38 Munkalif, 31 Navigatio Sancti Brandani, 143 NeueEe,Die, 16, 225 n. 88 New Testament, 26, 42, 43, 46, 100, 114 Nicea, Council of, 174 Nicholas of Bari, St, 12, 31,160 Nicholas of Tolentino, St, 28, 33, 50, 138, 143-4, 186, 239, 244-5, 279 n. 33 Nicodemus, St, 87, 88-92,152 Nicolaus Symonis, 15 Niederrheinisches Augustinusbuch, 13, 60-3 Niklas von Wyle, 19, 257 n. 112 Nikolaus saga (St Nicholas of Bari), 38 Nikolaus saga (St Nicholas of Tolentino), 142-4, 238-42, 244 Nova legenda (Legenda aurea), 7 De nye Ee vnde dot Passionael, 15 Ob einem marine sey zunemen ein eelichs weyb oder nlcht (Albrecht von Eyb), 17 Oddur Einarsson, 275 n. 37 Oddur Gottskalksson, 26,29,32,42-3,46, 100, 260 nn. 12, 20, 274 n. 26 65inn, 286 n. 54 Offerus (St Christopher), 166 Ogmundur Palsson (bishop of Skalholt), 24-7,32-4,41,43,244,259 n. 4,260 n. 12,2630.46 Olaf, St, 26 Olaf Endridsson, 32

Olafur Halldorsson, 37 6lafur Loptsson, 30 6lof Loptsdottir, 31 Onnu saga ('Emmerencia, Anna og Maria'), 268 n. 108 ordeal, trial by, 140,212-13,219-21,236, 285 n. 39 Order of Preachers: see Dominican order Order of Teutonic Knights, 12 Ordo Eremitarum Sancti Augustini: see Augustinian order Ordo Predicatorum: see Dominican order Ormur Loptsson, 30, 240, 243, 287 n. 7 Ormur Snorrason, 38 Osvalds saga, 28,45-6, 116, 211, 222-8, 231-2, 234-6, 269 n. 4, 286 nn. 51, 59 Oswald, St, 8, 16, 23, 28,45, 50, 116-17, 223-36, 268 n. 3, 270 n. 20, 285 n. 45, 286 n. 54 Oswald-Prosa, 224 Oswald-Prosa B, 224 Otmar, Johann, 5, 191 Overgaard, Mariane, 29, 46, 260 n. 19, 261 n. 23 Pabst, Walter, 20 Pall Eggert 6lason, 259 n. 4, 267 n. 95 Pantheon (Geoffrey of Viterbo), 19 Parceval, tale of, 11 Parzival (Wolfram von Eschenbach), 200 'Passio Hippolyti,' 119,121,165 ' Passio Laurentii,' 82, 84, 119, 121, 133, 165 'Passio Sancti Hippolyti martyris,' 119 'Passio sanctorum Xisti episcopi Felicissimi et Agapiti martyrum,' 119 'Passio Sixti' (Xisti), 119-21, 133, 165 Passio Stephani, 86, 93, 118, 165 Passionael, Dot, 4, 8-9,11-12, 21, 23, 29, 35, 44-55, 57-6o, 62-9, 72-3, 76-8,

Index 80, 82, 96-9, 101-4, IO 9> ni-12, 11520, 132-3, 143, 166, 169, 172, 174-5, 177, 180, 182, 185, 189-92, 196-8, 2OI, 2O3, 211, 214, 223-5, 228, 231-4,

236, 240, 242, 250 n. 12, 269 n. 17, 270 n. 21, 271 n. 37, 277 n. 17, 282 n. 42, 286 n. 59 Passionael, ofte der hylligen leuent, dath winterdeel, Basel 1517, 35 Passionael, ofte Gulden Legende, Zwolle M90, 35 Passional, 3, 12, 16-17, 29 Paul, St, 66, 129, 150 Pauli, Johannes, 242, 277 n. 17 Penda, King, 235, 268 n. 3 Perceval (Chretien de Troyes), 200 Peter, St (apostle), 66, 102, 129, 149-50, 192, 223 Peter the Deacon, 161 Peter van Os, 14, 35, 37 Petrarch, 18 Petri, Adam, 35-6 Petrus Comestor, 275 n. 31 Philip, St (apostle), 29, 105 Philippus, Emperor, 120 Physiologus, 143 Piccolomini, Aeneas Silvius (Pope Pius II), 19, 257 n. 112 Pilate legend, 275 n. 31 Plate, Bernward, 203, 205 Plenarium, 9-11, 35-6, 121, 203, 209, 236, 242, 252 n. 35, 263 n. 59, 264 n. 62 Poetic (Older) Edda, 247 Pontius Pilate, 84 'Porta aurea,' 72 Postilla, 36, 42 Postola sogur, 34, 105 Priester Wernher, 75-6 Projectus (Praeiectus), St, 131-3 Prosapassional, 12, 270 n. 27

319

Prose (Younger) Edda, 39, 246-7, 288 n. 20 Prosper of Aquitaine, St, 65 proxy wooer, 227-8 Pseudo-Matthew, 16, 76 Rachel, 70 Rauscher, Hieronymus, 21 raven, talking, 223, 227-31, 286 n. 54 Raymond of Capua, 22 Reames, Sherry L., 251 n. 18, 270 n. 17 Reformation, 25, 35-7, 41, 45 Reger, Johann, 15 Reginald of Orleans, 129-30, 276 n. 4 Reinbot von Durne, 7, 50-1 Remigius, St, 285 n. 46 Remundar saga keisarasonar, 239 Reprobus (St Christopher), 100-1, 166-8, 170-4, 200 Revelation of St John, 29, 47, 242 Revelations of St Birgitta, I I Ricar hinn gamli, 265 n. 84 'Richard the Old,' 265 n. 84 Ried, Hans, 272 n. i Ringler, Siegfried, 21 Robert, Brother, 199 Rochus, St, 28, 50, 97, 101, 245, 271 n. 37 roman hagiographique, 201 Rosenfeld, Duchess von, 12 Royal Library (Copenhagen), 35, 250 n. 12 Royal Library (Stockholm), 27 Rule of St Augustine, 33-4 Rule of St Benedict, 262 n. 44 Runolfr Sigmundarson, 34, 57, 60, 64-7, 116, 244 Russell, Jeffrey Burton, 282 n. 35 Riittgers, Severin, 8, 250 n. 16 S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura, 145

32O

Index

S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, 149 Sagas of Icelanders, 126 Salome, 147 Samson, 70 Samuel, 70 San Giovanni Crisostomo, church of, 5, 185 'Sancti Lavrentii levitae et martyris passio,' 119 Sarah, 70, 148 Satan, 162, 166-7, 288 n. 22. See also devil Sautman, Francesca, 149 Schachzabelbuch, 17 Schenda, Rudolf, 21, 251 n. 17 Schimpf und Ernst (Johannes Pauli), 242, 277 n. 17 Schlauch, Margaret, 278 n. 23 Schmitt, Margarete, 17 Schnyder, Andre, 20, 250 n. 12 Schonsperger, Johann, 11,196 Schiippert, Helga, 212 'Schutzmantelmadonna,' 130, 134, 277 n. 9 search for the highest king, tale of the, 166 Sebastian, St, 28, 50, 104, 150-1, 270 n. 20 Sebastiano da Piombo, 5 Sermones (St Vincent Ferrer), 35 'Sermones de omnibus evangeliis dominicalibus' (Jacobus de Voragine), 37, 264 n. 66 'Sermones de omnibus evangeliis quae in singulis feriis in quadragesima leguntur' (Jacobus de Voragine), 37 'Sermones de omnibus sanctis' (Jacobus de Voragine), 37 Servatius, St, 28, 50, 129,150, 152, 270 n. 20 Servatius saga, 129

Seven Sages, 41 Seven Sleepers, 28, 50, 80, 270 n. 20 Seybolt, Robert Francis, 270 n. 17 Die sieben weisen Meister, 18, 20, 22 Sigfiis Blondal, 97 SigurSur Nordal, 243 Silvester, St, 28, 39, 50, 108,150-1, 270 n. 20 Silvesters saga, 150 Simrock, Karl, 9 Singer, S., 16 Sixtus II, Pope, 119-20, 133, 165 Skalholt (bishopric), 24-7, 32-6, 41, 445, 244-5, 259 n. l, 263 n. 46, 275 n. 37 SkarS, 38, 243 Skardsbok (Codex Scardensis), 37-8 slettubond, 79 SnorrigoSi, 126 Snorri Sturluson, 39, 246-7, 288 n. 20 Society of Iceland Farers ('gesellschop der Jslandesfarer'), 26 Soder, Roland, 270 n. 20 Sorg, Anton, 144 Spalatin, Georg, 18 Spangenberg, Johann, 42, 267 n. 100 Speculum exemplorum, 21 Speculum historiale (Vincent of Beauvais), 6, 49 Speculum humanae salvationis, 130 Spegel der Conscientien (Spegel der Sammitticheyt), 12 Spegel der Sammitticheyt (Spegel der Conscientien), 12 Speygel der dogede, 36, 44 Spielmannsepos, 224 St Anne Fraternity of Iceland Farers ('Broderschup genannt sunte Annen der Iszlandesfarer'), 26 St. Annen Buchlein, 14, 16, 44, 49, 64, 67-

Index 9, 71, 73-6,96, 103, 105, 161, 255 n. 72, 268 n. 108, 269 n. 16 St Georg (Reinbot von Durne), 7 St Peter in Chains, church of, 145 St Peter in Chains, feast of, 151 Stefan Jonsson, (bishop of Skalholt), 24, 32 Stefan Karlsson, 30, 36, 275 n. 37, 287 n. 4 Stefanus saga, 86-7, 89, 90, 92-3, 95, 102, 106-7, 117-18, 145, 165, 239, 273 n. 12, 275 n. 31 Steiner, Georg, 18 Steiner, Heinrich, 257 n. 110 Steinhowel, Heinrich, 17-20 Stephanus saga, 272 n. 7 Stephen, St, 28, 39, 47, 56, 80-1, 84, 868, 90-2, 95, 103, 113, 118, 145-6, 152, 164, 241, 273 n. 12 Stettfelder, Nonnosius, 212 Strandar strengleikr, 265 n. 84 Strengleikar, 40, 195 Sudmittelniederldndische Legenda aurea ('Bijbelvertalervan 1360'), 13, 35 Surius, 89 Sverrir Tomasson, 241, 265 n. 75 syneisaktism, 198 Szoverffy, Josef, 168, 200

Tannhauser tale, 194 Teiste, Hans, Bishop, 31-2 Thekenborg, Johan, 32 Thomas, St (apostle), 198 Thomas Aquinas, St, 263 n. 53 Thomas de Bretagne, 39, 41, 96, 199 Thorlak, St, 26 Thousand and One Nights, 229 Three Kings (Wise Men, Magi), 28, 49, 110, 126, 217 Tiberius, Emperor, 106, 107, 275 n. 31

321

Translation of St Augustine, 65-6 Translation of St Cunegund, 115 Translation of St Stephen (Translatio S. Stephani), 93, 117-18, 145, 152, 165, 245, 273 n. 12 Trinubium Annae, 14 Tristan (Thomas de Bretagne), 39, 41, 96 Tristan legend, 11, 199-200, 202, 212, 219-20 Tristrams saga, 39, 199-200, 285 n. 40 Turville-Petre, Gabriel, 37 Tveggja elskanda strengleikr, 265 n. 84 Tveitane, Mattias, 275 n. 37 Unger, C.R., 46, 81, 105, m Urstende (Konrad von Heimesfurt), 16 Utgar5a-Loki, 247 Uthlegginge der Evangelien (Martin Luther), 42 Uthlegginge der Evangelien an den vornemesten Festen geprediget (Martin Luther), 42 Uthlegginge der Evangelien unde Epistelen (Martin Luther), 42 Vam Torn unde der Giidicheit Gades (Caspar Huberinus), 42 'Van Sunte Oswaldo deme konninghe,' 225 Vdterbuch, 12, 180 Verelius, Olaus, 79, 163, 241 Vergerio, Pietro Paolo, 21 Veronica, St, 275 n. 31 Vers-Passional, 6-7, 12, 49, 50, 55, 56, 59, 60, 66-7, 270 n. 27, 285 n. 46 Vespasian, 106-7, 275 n - 31 Vesteinn (Mason, 262 n. 28 Viaticum narrationum, 196 Videy, 25, 33, 34, 262 n. 44 Vie du pape Gregoire, 201

322

Index

'Die vier Haimonskinder,' 255 n. 88 Viglundar saga, 284 n. 34 Vincent Ferrer, St, 35 Vincent of Beauvais, 6, 49 Virgin Birth, 70, 72, 74 Virgin Mary, 20, 26, 28, 69, 70-5, 97-8, 102-3, 109-11, 127-37, 141,146-9, 152, 155, 158, 162, 176, 178-9, 186, 218, 221, 229-30, 271 n. 45, 276 n. 3, 277 nn. 9,18, 278 n. 28, 279 n. 35 virginity, vow of, 214-16, 217-18, 221-2, 227, 234 Vita Sancti Ambrosii, 94 Vitae patrum, 7, 12, 34, 49, 281 n. 33 'Vitae sanctorum,' 34 Vitz, Evelyn Birge, 22 Volksbiicher (chapbooks), 9, 18, 22, 41 Vollmer, Hans, 16, 255 n. 89 Volusianus, 107 'Vom gehornten Siegfried,' 255 n. 88 'Vom trojanischen Krieg,' 255 n. 88 Vom Zornn vnd der Gutte Gottes (Caspar Huberinus), 42 Von dem ganzen Geschlecht S. Anna, von der S. Anna-Bruderschaft und von etlichen Wunderzeichen, 15 Warbeck, Veit, 18

Weinacht, Helmut, 256 n. 98 Weinmayer, Barbara, 20 Westergard-Nielsen, Chr., 96, 287 n. 8 whale as island, motif of the, 143 Widding, Ole, 29, 39,46-51,53, 56,67-8, 76, 80, 81, 82, 86, 89-91, 95-6, 117, 264 n. 62, 269 n. 16 Wiener Oswald, 224, 225, 269 n. 7 Williams-Krapp, Werner, 6-7,11,13, 21, 44,49, 55, 198, 249 n. 6, 251 n. 18, 252 n. 30, 253 n. 50, 270 n. 20 Wittmann, Reinhard, 7 Wolf, Kirsten, 268 n. 108, 275 n. 31 Wolfram von Eschenbach, 200 Yvain (Chretien de Troyes), 40, 96, 199 Zainer, Giinther, 3, 196-7 Zingerle, Ignaz von, 46 'Mttur um Ogmund biskup f Skalholti,' 26 Pingeyrar, 38 t>6r, 247 Porbjorn Jonsson f Kalfanesi, 287 n. 4 Porleifur Bjornsson, 27, 31, 243, 261 n. 27 f>orsteinn P»orleifsson, 31, 245 t»ykkvabaer, 33, 34, 57, 116, 244